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Dr Selvy. Thiruchandran's account of the long ter IIn and contemporary ill position of patriarchal gender ideglogies on the women of Tamil Nadu is indeed a unique one. Firstly, being a native' of the Tamil society in |affirmai, Sri Lauka, she kry ws what it Illea is to S Liffer from political discrimination, Secondly, being a woman herself, is aware of the larger issues facing the Tamil Women in չՀ.։ու:ral,
The book reveals through detailed interviews that despite socio-cultural and economic differences, and in the face of inter-cast conflicts ther' is a common theme of gender suffering that tragically permeates the lives of women. Forms of gender suffering which existed ill different guises through a long historical ruit in Tamil Nadu, exaceated by the historically continuing encroachment of Brahmanic values are successfully brought to light.
The analysis of modem Tamil cinema and its role in Teplicating stereotypic Views of women is extremely important and fruitful, since cinema, a powerful popular 11e di Lull Produces dLialis 111s like the virgil, a Tid the where and
Ytters.
As far as South India is incred this
scholars wil|| certainly devel op the

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Ideology, Caste, C

lass and Gender

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Ideology, Caste,
sELvY THIR

Class and Gender
RUCHANDRAN

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Copyright©Selvy Thiruchandran
First Published, 1997 Second Published, 2006
ISBN: 955-9261-50-9
All rights reserved. No part of this pu without the prior written
Printed by: Karunaratne & Sons Ltd. 67, UDA Industrial Estate, Katuwana Road, Homagama.

blication may be reproduced . permission of the publishers.

Page 9
Tb The
My P

Memory
f
(1re 72 ts

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Page 11
Cont
Preface
Foreuword Acknowledgements Transliteration
Part 1 Theory a
Ideology, Class and Caste: a Gende Gender Ideology
Class and Gender
Caste and Gender
Methodology
Interactive Dialogue Selection of Women Film Medium: Selection and Analysis
Part 2 The Constructic in the Tamil S.
. The Early Period
Mother Goddess and Woman Priests Late Sangam Period and Evidence of T Semantic Growth in the Signification a Heroic Motherhood The Householder and the Housewife Feminine Evil and Hegemonic Pat Renunciation, Feminine Evil and Art Hegemonic Brahmanisation and the L Devadasi: Paradox Par Excellence The Seductive Feminine Evil and the C ... Liberal Reforms, Feminist Conscic
Models, An Overall Ambivalence, Consciousness of Conviction Feminism of the Dravidian Movement

tents
ind Methodology
r Specific Analysis
m of Gender Hierarchy ocial Formation
aboos and Controls fChastity
iarchy
orms ittle Tradition
reative Femininity usness and National The Colonial Period
24
33
46

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viii
10.
"Femininity is Great and Holy" Cultural/National Models Versus Gender Shifting Constructions of Patriarchy
Part3 Gender and Its Ide
Across Caste
Brahmin Women within the Idiom of Widowhood, Seclusion and Divorce Female Child and Mother of Sons Restrictive Social Behaviour and Symbolic Women as Victims of Deformity, Sickness Marital Conflicts, Incompatibility and Su Douny and Property Rights Rituals for Chastity Caste Specific Codes of Restraint Middle Range Castes, A Shift in Stru Widowhood and Divorce Attitude to Female Children Matrilocal Residence and Mothers of Son, Individual Experiences versus the Structu Marital Conflicts and Self-Perceptions Dowry, Property, Rights and the System o Limitations to Patriarchal Consciousness Rejection of Gender Norms and Protests Adidrivida Women at Cross Roads Widow Remarriage, Seclusion and Divor Widowhood Rituals and Girl Child Education and Gender Disparity Marital Violence, Separation and Desert Mothers of sons
Marriage and Dowry Episodes of Oppression Church and the Family
Conclusions Ideological Persistence and Protests
Part 4 Women in the Cell Reconstruction an
Film Industry in Tamil Nadu, the H The Politics of the Film Industry The Intellectual Apathy and the Devade The Impact of Classical Models

Contents
dentity
logical Significations nd Class
Caste 77
Violence nd Old Age rvival
Te 09
፲ይ
f Marriage
and Nonpu
128
: 4. uloid Image, Ideological d Representation
istorical Growth 147
isi legacy

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Contents
1.
12.
3.
4.
Films as Politics Formulae, Industry and the Gender Equa Aesthetics, Culture and Industry Gender Specific Distress, Not a Myth, Not a Fiction Film Analysis from a Feminist Appro Dominant Values, Reinforcement and C. Film Theory and Semiology Audience Response Coded Messages and Connotations i and their Implications at the Levelo Mutal Vasantam-The First Spring Samayapuratale Satchie - The Goddess o Samyapurathal is the Only Witness Uyire Unakkaka-Life itself is for You Mauna Ragam-The Silent Ragam (M Amman Kovil Kilakale--East of Amma Umai Vilikal-Dumb Eyes Vasanta Ragam-Spring Time Melody Pu Onru Puyalamatu-—A flouver That Turned into a Whirlwind Sinnapuve Melappesu-Talk Softly Litt Samsaram Atu Minsaram-Family life that is (like) Electricity Oru Tayin Sabatam-The Vow of a Mo, Puvili Vasal-Flower like Eyes Sirai Paravai-The Jail Bird Tirumaty Oru Vekumaty-Tirumaty (name of a woman) is a Gift Teertakaraiyinile-On the Banks of the Netikku Tantanai-The Penalty for Jus Restructured Gender Ideology The Dominant Value System Social reality, Containment and Signs Persuasive Images and Internalisation Caste and Class Differences Gender Ideological Assumptions Persisting Patriarchy
Glossary
Bibliography
Index

tion
ach 62
pntainment
n the Tamil Films
f Gender 168
f
Blody)
n Temple
le Flouver
ther
River
tice
215
224 233 239
259

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Page 15
Pre
his book argues that women, des among them at individual levels,
subordination by common culturally de restrictions. These restrictions are rei. ideology. I use the concept of ideolo Ideology is present as conceptions of economic activities and in all practical The answer as to why this subordinatio social formation acts as a power network
Ideology sustains this regime, re-end power regime allocates women a partic nature of this ideology is obviously an a to transform oppressive practice. An an the core theme of my research.
This research ties into contemp post-Enlightenment universalism in a differences. What emerged from my re gender regime in their culture in ways experience. With this in mind I focus or South Indian social formation and exp daily lives of women.
This underscores the need to estab that they can engage in feminist practice gender regime. In order to explore contemporary lives it is necessary to hierarchy in South India and the trans different historical junctures. Before explaining the arguments of the researc I want to briefly discuss the reasons w topic. Coming from the multi-ethnic, p of the incipient women’s movement, multi-faceted. A cross-cultural investigal

face
ite caste and class differences that exist can be identified as also subjected to fined and culturally enforced patterns of nforced and transmitted by a common gy in the Gramscian sense of the term. the world and it is manifest in art, laws, activities of individual and collective life. n exists relates to the fact that the Tamil which has its own gender regime. iorcing the subordination ofwomen. This ular position in the social formation. The rea of key importance for those who wish alysis of the nature and role of ideology is
orary debates about the relevance of 'ontext where women are asserting their search was that women are subject to the which transcend the multiplicity of their the prevalence of gender ideology in the lore how gender ideology influences the
lish common ground between women so : to overcome the oppressive aspects of the : the influence of gender ideology in
explore the construction of a gender formations that occur in this hierarchy at presenting the research questions and h, I would like to make a personal detour. nich motivated me to select this research lural society of Sri Lanka and being a part I realised that gender subordination was ion within Sri Lanka had brought to light

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xiii
the ambivalent mixture of egalitaria dominance in the general pattern of the groups. The ambivalence is structurally my research. The same kind of contradi Sri Lanka and South India are comp culturally, the Tamils of these two coul some of the overtly oppressive and disc found among the Jaffna Tamils. Sat prohibition of widow remarriage, and which affected the Tamil women of Sol the women of Jaffna.
The differences between the two absence of a Brahmanical dominance i life of the Jaffna Tamils. Both in politics non-Brahmanical Vellala hegemony. " subordinated to the socio-political (Perinbanayagam 1982:20). For this reas and institutions did not penetrate into the "implications of the Brahmanic val more the groups are sanskritised tow greater their oppression and frustra historical reality has connections to cast a special emphasis on gender differenti will also be undertaken as an extension Whilst gender is a central contradiction contradictions such as class and caste.
Ideology also, understood as a sys explains existing relations is usually ex process of being determined and at research is confined mainly to the deter conducted by investigating two aspects c 1) The daily life patterns of womer 2) Major trends and themes in Tai The daily life patterns of women social institutions, rituals and gender analysed, with the realization of the i especially in the context of Tamil Nadu impact on socio-political development. . L. Rudolph and S. Rudolph on comr cinema is the biggest attracting medi (Karat Prakash 1980:30). The number c significant implications. The Tamil fil.

APreface
n customary laws and persisting male social life of the Sinhala and Tamil ethnic contradictory. This was the entry point for tions are visible, when the Tamils living in ared. Ethnically, and for the most part tries belong to the same stock. However, riminatory South Indian practices are not i (self immolation), female infanticide, prohibition of property rights for women, uth India in the past had no influence on
:thnic groups could be attributed to the n the socio-political and the socio-cultural and in social life, Jaffna was subjected to a The ritual power of the Brahmins was
power of the Vellala high caste on most of the overtly oppressive practices Sri Lanka. Obeyesekere, while discussing ues for the female role," argues that, the ards a Brahmanical scale of values, the tion (Obeyesekere 1987:427.440). This eas well as to the concept of ideology with ation. The examination of the class factor h of the argument on the same principle. 1 in social life it is in interplay with other
tem of beliefs (views) which justifies and amined in its dual role, in the dialectical the same as determining. However, my mining aspect of ideology. The research is f social life where ideology plays a role. l, and nil films. ure studied by focusing on a selection of specific concepts. The Tamil films are nportance of this media in general, and where the film industry has made a major According to a sample survey conducted by unication exposure in Madras state, the m for both the rural and urban sectors fTamil films produced in Tamil Nadu has hs were specially chosen to ascertain the

Page 17
Areface
important role of ideology. This is specif women portrayed in films. In order to made to discover its relevance to social re The research raises a few questions finding linkages from a historical decon social formation. The questions, exami situation, are placed within a historical p fourteen chapters. The early chapters i discuss the relevance of such theories to employed to gather the two types of di patterns of women.
The second part deals with the his construction of the gender hierarchy in how the concept of "otherness" for w limited number of such constructions w be analysed in more detail. Concepts suc such as widow seclusion are explained t socio-religious experiences of women dichotomous image of women as r development of another dichotomy be notion of rationality are traced in hist had its beginnings in the institution of p evil, this continues to this day in the im dichotomy of femininity versus rational gender lines. An ideology was projec concepts such as home life/life outsic strong, nurture/income generation, priv The colonial period saw the em persuasion for women from social re glorified nationalistic image, a nobl modernists encouraged the rise of inci ambivalence is reflected in the image existence in the family is a question understand the comprehensive patte concepts, and institutions that are discu manifestations of gender ideology. T privileges and pains of being a particu variable. They are picked from history a in the social context and in the film ima Having traced the institutions, ritua the gender ideology within them, th practised and used in the daily lives of

xiii
ically done by an analysis of the images of link theory with practice, an attempt is ality.
and makes an attempt to analyse them struction of gender ideology in the Tamil ned in the context of the contemporary erspective. The book is organised around nvestigate the theoretical concepts used, my research and outline the methodology ata, i.e. from the films and the daily life
oricity. This identifies the process of the the Tamil social formation and explains omen was created as a consequence, A hich contributed to gender hierarchy will has chastity and its relation to institutions o show their linkages to the contemporary and to the film images of women. The nother/whore, Goddess/witch and the :tween the notion of femininity and the orical developments. The first dichotomy prostitution, linked to the idea of feminine age of women projected in the films. The lity has led to a series of dichotomies on ted through the following dichotomous le home, emotional/instrumental, weak/ vate/public.
hergence of a contradictory ideological 'formers. Cultural nationalism posited a e Oriental against the Occidental. Yet pient feminist consciousness. How far this of women in the film and in their social that is also raised. This is an attempt to in of ideology relating to women. The ssed, it has to be emphasised are treated as his will show that the definition of the lar gender are historically contingent and ind shown as continuing to the present day ge. als and concepts historically and identified he manner in which they are followed, the women will be identified through the

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χιν
interviews conducted with more than a determines the quantitative and qualita gender ideology. The caste and class val of inquiry which examines the differen any.
In effect this part of the book exam the family. Discrimination against won class division. Ideology is here inves selection includes widow remarriage, w syndrome and the rituals in which wo argues that rituals should be treated culture' which communicate social info as communicators of social informat primarily to show how an ideology was are connected in one way or other to th The selected number of socio-relig studied in order to identify gender s related to and compared with message institutions studied and the messages ic of a common gender ideology. The ir situations are analysed from both the women. This is done specifically to diffel The castes are broadly divided in castes and "lower" castes, called the "de of an upper class, middle class, and compared across caste and class. Histol behave in a particular manner, and ar hundred and twenty women are include The second and third sections pi investigation which is in relation to the investigates the construction of womal culture: films. An analysis of these film resolutions is presented. The impact assessed by a series of systematic discuss from Madras. The first part of this sect which is followed by a discussion of n individually, identifying the messages i with whom the films were discussed a linkages between the viewer and the co By this process an attempt is made to and the messages to social reality. The

Areface
hundred women. This part examines and ive levels and manners of the continuity of tables are introduced as an additional area ial patterns of caste and class behaviour if
nes the working of gender ideology within en is explored on a three-tier, caste and igated in terms of social practice. The dow seclusion, divorce, the mother-in-law men participate. Mary Douglas (1970:21) as speech forms and as "transmitters of rmation. Institutions can also be classified ion. The selection of topics was done transmitted through them and how they : ideologypertaining to women. ious institutions pertaining to women are pecific messages. The messages are then 's given to women in the films. Both the ientified are considered as manifestations 1stitutions when related to contemporary attitudinal and the experiential aspects of rentiate structure from ideology. o "high" caste Brahmin, "middle range" pressed castes". The class structure is that low class. Variations and similarities are y is used to explain how and why women e made to conform to such behaviour. A d in the sample survey. ovide the base for the second arena of Tamil films. The section on Tamil films hood in the institution of South Indian in terms of characters, themes and their f these films on the audience was then ons with the a number of selected women om gives a short history of the Tamil film, edia theories. Sixteen films are analysed the films. The responses of the women e treated as indicators of the ideological ntent (both the image and the messages). scertain the relevance of both the image argument that connects these sections is

Page 19
Areface
the role the various ideologies presented and control of women.
The research is concluded with a s both secondary and primary sources are given separately under references. Expl of book along with the numbers indicate

and represented, play in the domination
ummary of the findings. In this research used. The primary sources in Tamil are anatory notes are given serially at the end d in the text.

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Page 21
Fore
I is a pleasure to introduce the read pioneering work on the long term an gender ideologies on the women of Ta are many: she is a "native" of the Tamil what it means to suffer from political d the lives of Jaffna women, a microcosm general; she is a trained social scientist past she knows well and whose lifeforms above all she can give her Gramscian immediacy that mostoutsider scholarsfi
As far as South India is concerned bound to develop the issues that Dr.T most radical feature about this work ethnographic field work conducted in a relations embracing a multiplicity of cas how can we speak meaningfully discriminations among groups that, on differences, ranging from Brahmin won and Dalits (the so-called lower and empathy with the women, Thiruchan interviews, that, in spite of socio-cultur, the face of inter-caste conflicts, there is "gender suffering" that tragically perm needless to say, does not pertain to ind the logical sense of "class"), in this case also not simply "discriminations but discriminations in the life trajectory of that these forms of gender suffering ar through a long historical run in Tam continuing encroachment of Brahmani Though she had important things Thiruchandran's strength lies in the a

word
er to Selvy Thiruchandran's original and .d contemporary imposition of patriarchal mil Nadu. Dr. Thiruchandranʼs strengths society of Jaffna in Sri Lanka and knows iscrimination; she has seen for herself, in of the larger issues facing Tamil women in working among people whose historical she is familiar and sympathetic with; and based theoretical approach a sense of nd difficult to do. this is a pioneer work; many scholars are hiruchandran has raised. In my view, the is its movement away from conventional single caste or village to the larger field of tes. The latter strategy has its own pitfalls: about the gender relationships and the face of it, show considerable cultural hen to middle level castes to Adi Dravidias untouchable groups)? Yet, owing to her dran can demonstrate through detailed al and economic differences, and even in a common theme of what one might call eates these varied lives. Gender suffering, ividual women but to a class of people (in women belonging to different castes. It is he subjective or existential meanings of women. Thiruchandran's research shows e not new: they existed in different guises hil Nadu, exacerbated by the historically : values.
to say about that history, I believe that rea she knows best, namely, in the present

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xviii
existential situation of Tamil women. S based on complex historical and cultu pervasive influence of caste duties or di hegemonic influence of Brahmanic va Brahmin women. But this influence is woman from an upper caste can move t are poor cannot. On the other hand th older forms of cross-cousin marriage 1 ameliorate possible gender suffering b form, one does not marry into an alie freedom is counterbalanced nowadays brutalised by husbands; and poverty for seek whatever recourse is available in t goes on to show that the conditions differential sufferings and on the fre difficult existential situations. These co the colonial heritage that have influent hand that modernity has not embraced indication that caste has given way to cl women's Weltanschauung is concerned. What is striking in the existential si is that it is not as hopeless as it may fir own historical situation, there is little of Nadu, neither is female infanticide consciousness, though nowadays amnioc female foetuses. But in my thinking dharmdic preferences for the male se economic issues such as dowry provisic males to get jobs. Even more hopefull cinema extremely important and fruitfu replicates those stereotypic views of wo Tamil Nadu and beyond. Cinema reprC such dualisms as the virgin and the who injunctions and the bad one violat Thiruchandran asked women across ca. they often came with trenchant and responses to the films themselves. Th dualisms and possess Brahmanic ideolc with it as far as women are concernet emerge in Tamil Nadu, as elsewhere in (and men who can empathise with ther

/Foreword
she shows clearly that gender suffering is ral conditions. For example, there is the harma; this is to be expected owing to the ulues that continue to affect many nonnot uniform either: a wealthy professional owards a greater freedom while those who ose Adi Dravidas who continue to practice may have greater kin support that might because, in the context of that marriage n household. Yet this structural source of by economic want, so that women can be ces some to put up with them rather than heory from cross-relatives. Thiruchandran of our time also impinge on women's dom that women can pluck from their nditions in turn cannot be divorced from ced Tamil Nadu modernity. On the other women in one regard at least: there is no ass values in any significant sense as far as
tuation that Tamil women find themselves st seem. For one thing, as a result of their sati and its twisted modern forms in Tamil a problem in Tamil Nadu history and centesis has resulted in women terminating this choice might not exclusively reflect x, instead it might reflect unarticulated on for females and the better chances for y, I find Thiruchandran's analysis on the til. It is the case that modern Tamil cinema men that have had a long historical run in duces in a powerful and popular medium re; or the good woman following dharmaic ing them. Yet here's the hope: when ste lines to respond to their life situations, powerful criticisms, and these included Lus while the films reinforce conventional gical underpinning, they cannot get away i. If so, it seems to me, there must soon this part of the world, women film makers h) who will produce movies that will depict

Page 23
Aforeword
gender suffering in a manner that migh regarding the existential situation of wo hope that hope is not another fantasy.

it well change the collective consciousness omen. At least that is my hope. I can only
GANANATH OBEYSEKERE Professor of Anthropology Princeton University.

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Page 25
Acknowle
lacing on record my gratitude and me in this study is a pleasant task i them who have in whatever capacity he levels. The order in which I mention th appreciation of my gratitude.
Zaaier Foundation and Mia Berden « me at a time when I was totally depende Mia Berden of the Zaaier Foundation Wa and she played a very active role in seeir is invaluable and I want to place on reco As I have done in my thesis I wi contemporary situations. At a point of ti thesis I cannot help resurrect my men pursuit had one important factor, i.e. se "how" and "what for". This was the guid throughout my research. In many ways t grips with challenging situations in my memory of my late parents.
Amrita Chhachhi's invisible contrib As my supervisor for my M.A. thesis background information to raise the ma she contributed immensely towards awal responsible for guiding me into the app was always willing to part with her m innumerable questions that were raised not make use of her wisdom as I wished This publication is a revision of my of my thesis had the intense involve: J.W. Schoorl, Professor G. Lycklama Ni wery interested in my research and gave were accepted by me. They gave me t which there were many constructive crit

‘dgements
remembering all those who have helped indeed. I remember with gratitude all of lped me at various times and at various em is certainly no indication of a graded
came to my rescue by providing a grant to nt on a grant to undertake this research. s a continuous source of inspiration to me ng the completion of this thesis. Her help rd her contribution.
sh always to seek historical linkages to me when I have finished writing my Ph.D hories of my late father. His intellectual eking answers for questions such as "why" ing principle that stood me in good stead his inquiring spirit helped me to come to research. I dedicate this research to the
utions to my research cannot be ignored. which in fact provided me with the jor research question in the present study, kening my research potentialities. She was ropriate arena of research on women. She aterial and books and also discuss those by me. Since distance separated us I could in my Ph.D thesis.
Ph.D thesis. The process and development ment of the three promoters, Professor eholt and Dr. D. Kooiman. They were all me guidance and direction, most of which he freedom to develop my arguments to icisms. Indeed it was a pleasant experience

Page 26
of four long years. However, Dr. Dick Kc helped me to get through many insti deserves special thanks.
To the list of collaborators I hav Sivathamby's comments on ancient Ta. include aspects that I have overlooked. reading resulted in further enrichm improvements pointing out areas whic interpretations. Dr. Ms. Niloufer De M Yolanda Foster also read parts of the m offered a few suggestions. I thank then thankful, To Mr Reggie Siriwardene manuscript very patiently.
Mr & Dr Mrs Sivananthan, Mr Sha Madras and who looked after me whe difficult tasks. I am choosy with my diet hospitality and care. My friends Jikke a my stay in the Netherlands in diverse v friendship provided me with a mental time when my country was going throug I will be failing in my duty if I do no and the staff of the Women's Education And the members of my family, C daughter) who were constantly depriv field research and my trips to the inspiration. Their encouragement is tes concern for the fulfillment of a task th proud of her mother all along.
Finally, let me emphasise that for t book, I alone am responsible.

Acknowledgements
oiman, who monitored me constantly and (utional hurdles of the Dutch University
e to add a few more names. Professor mil history were an eye opener to me to Professor Gananath Obeyesekere's patient ent. He has in many ways suggested h can be subjected to fresh analyses and Mel, Professor Siromi Fernando and Ms. nuscript and gave editorial assistance and all for their valuable contribution. I am
and Mr Ambalavanar who edited the
nmugam and Yoga with whom I stayed in n I fell ill, have often performed equally and a bad patient. I thank them for their ind Auke Hofman helped me throughout ways offering the hand of friendship. This stability that was very much in need at a h a spate ofviolent political upheavals. tacknowledge the support of the directors and Research Centre, Colombo. handran, and Madhuri (my husband and 2d of my company during periods of the Netherlands were all along a source of timony to their feminist consciousness and at I have undertaken. Mudhuri was visibly
he errors and inadequacies if any, in this

Page 27
Note on Tr:
amil terms are transliterated accord
the University of Madras. Other Ir established conventions in the literatul given only in glossary and not in the te have followed the transcription us Kalyanasundaram. In the case of persc there are no written records, the most chosen. For reasons of clarity the Anglic e.g. Madras instead of Mataras in Tam and deities are capitalised. The names are transliterated either from Tamil or ! Devadasi, Vedas and Mahabhdrata, th maintained in view of the fact that they as common usages. However, it has to terms have different transliteration commentaries. The glossary gives variou and should be consulted during the rea
Vowels
அ 2 ●。 ஆ - a ସ୍ଥି - ! ا-- F:
Te is o
DS vao t C 6t ep e п. 6 - e. fAj e ai ஞ 9 Ο 6 e - O s ஒளி - al

ansliteration
ling to the "Tamil Lexicon" system used by ndic terms are transliterated according to re. However, the transliterated forms are kt. In the case of personal proper nouns I sed by the persons concerned, e.g. ons for the transcription of whose names commonly used literal transcriptions are ised versions are used for the place names, il. Names of castes, ethnic groups, places of gods such as Shiva, Vishnu and Shakti from Sanskrit. In the case of words such as Le original Sanskrit transliterations are have wide currency in the Tamil tradition be stated that some Tamil and Sanskrit
and spellings in different texts and s meanings of frequently used Indic terms, ding of the text.
CoNsoNANTs

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Page 29
P Theory and

Art II Methodology

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Page 31
Cha
Ideology, Cla A Gender Sp
Ideology fwe peracive the Tamil social formati as one of the structuring trajectorie certain power relations. Class, caste and gender relations, they are also in in theoretical discussion in this chapter, t class and ideology separately with a vi emphasised that class, caste and ideolog relations. In fact they influence each different ways to the broader phenomer inquiry into ideology and more specific that the thrust of my research centres r the relevance of the "role of ideas" (H world”, (Gramsci 197l:328) in the sub« treated as two categories within which The concept of subordination includ oppression and exploitation.
The concept of ideology has a c controversies and widening disputes fr and Foucault, the concept has met ma. arena of social inquiry cutting across humanities. The concept initially had a and distorted and inverted perception metaphor for ideology (Marx and Enge stages of Marx's intellectual developme also to contest and criticize the spec process, the distorted element in ideolo During the second stage Marx co mistaken but the social contradictions

pter 1
'ss and Caste : ecific Analysis
and Gender
on as a social cube we can look at ideology s of the social cube. Ideology will shape ideology interact at very pertinent levels in terplay shaping social relations. In the hough I deal with the concepts of caste, ew to clarify specific issues, it has to be y interact at very pertinent levels in gender other. Ideology, caste and class relate in non of gender. However, by beginning my ally with gender ideology I want to restate pund the ideological implications i.e. with all 1983:10) and the "conceptions of the ordination of women. Caste and class are ideological implications are investigated. es the various facets of discrimination,
omplex and long history. With growing om the time of Hegel to Marx, Althusser ny challenges. It has become a significant various disciplines in social sciences and negative meaning as "false consciousness", s. "Camera obscura" was Marx's original ls 1959:288). This was because at the early nt, he used it as a critique of religion and ulative mysteries of Hegelianism. In this gy was predominant in his thinking.
nceded that ideas are not in themselves are, and the ideas are their consequence.

Page 32
The second phase of the development expressed in the following sentences,
"Ideas, thoughts, concepts determine conditions and real life. It is not the coi being but on the contrary, their social b (Marx and Engels 1951:363).
After Marx's death two schools of ideology as the totality of all forms of signified the political ideas connected wit two views of ideology are not at varian three different theses of ideology evolve conditions and reflect those conditior ideology is dependent on the determini production and that transformations in in the former, as corresponding change ideas that attain the status of "ruling idea
It is, however, necessary at this st; examine women's subordination in an ic here (by me) as the mental framewc representations which find expression which are disseminated through various specific institutions. Ideology explains persons and groups, of the institutions ar
The Debate
The main debate on the con correspondence theory, which argues fo base in the superstructure. This theory the superstructure in "terms of simila functions of the economic base with consensus among the Marxists and N ideology to the economic factor. This vi gender relations. The fact that women ; ideology under different modes of p questions any theoretical model which mode of production. An understandin ideology as reflections of the economi gender ideology. Working class exploi different from gender oppression of the mode of production on the production
Althusser, (1969:238) sees ideolog determined by the economic base o

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
in the conceptualization of ideology was
and dominate men, their material sciousness of men that determines their being that determines the consciousness"
thought emerged. The first understood social consciousness, while the second h the interests of a particular class. These ce with each other. Eventually however, d. First that ideas develop from material ls from which they arise. Second that ng economic base, which is the mode of the latter will show up as transformations s. Third that the ruling class has a set of s".
age to have a definition of ideology to leological perspective. Ideology is defined ork, thoughts, concepts and systems of in law, in religion and philosophy, and channels like the mass media, books and , justifies, and legitimises positions of ld customs, of the social order in general.
cept of ideology centres round the r the reflection and reproduction of the explains the relationship of the base and rities in position, structure, value and the superstructure. There is now some eo-Marxists that this is reductionism of ew gains further validity when we analyse are subjected to oppressive socio-religious roduction is a significant factor which sees ideology as totally determined by the g of ideology, which sees all varieties of c base does not explain the creation of ation is conceptually and fundamentally female sex. However the influence of the of ideology cannot be denied altogether. y as relatively autonomous, seeing it as hly in the last instance. He slides into

Page 33
Ideology, Class and Caste: A Gender Specific.
functionalism, when he insists that ideo according to the requirements of the sys the illusionary representations of ideas that have arisen as opposing ideas to d history. However, Althusser's concept "internalisation" gave meaningful lever have shown how oppressive ideas have b men and women and how they have co, (Eisenstein 1979:29, Mitchel 1975: 143). contested when he poses ideology as a given complete autonomy without any sc by itself above or apart from the soc conditions determine its discovery, use a neutral. An ideology is considered neg through the process of its operation ideological use and misuse made of st contemporary life. The use of science in (amniocentesis) is a case in point where of female worthlessness in a social cont this respect.
Althusser's view compares unfavour "ideas organise human masses and crea consciousness of the position struggle et room for oppositional ideology, which, with positive results. Gramsci mak understanding of ideology. From Gram understand the operationalisation of sustained. He dismisses the claims that i is merely a system of ideas. He treats i. manifest in art, law, in economic activ and collective life" (1971:328). He col possess efficacy (1971:24). Hence, ideo! are organized by ideology. However conceptions. The higher level of abstr level is called by Gramsci "common s expressions of a social bloc. Common ideologies, which organise the human n Gramsci further argues that, ideolo institutional base. The organic ideolo intellectuals who effect "moral and in reforms become hegemonic. Hegemon force but extension beyond its narrow

Analysis 5
logy reproduces capitalist social relations tem. Moreover, Althusser emphasizes only and loses sight of the counter-ideologies ominant ideologies from time to time in of the ideological state apparatuses and ge for the debate on ideology. Feminists ecome internalised in the consciousness of me to accept them as "given" and normal
On the other hand, Althusser has to be n absolute opposite of science. Science is acial determinants. Science does not stand
io-economic conditions. Socio-economic
und misuse and in that sense it is not value gative or positive by its use or misuse or |alisation and not by itself alone. The cience are too much in evidence in our
h India to abort the unborn female foetus science is not value neutral. The ideology text has determined the use of science in
ably with Gramsci who is of the view that te a terrain on which men move, acquire c.," (1971:377). In this contention, there is in some cases has shaped human history es a significant contribution to the sci's theory one can draw a few insights to ideology and how it is accepted and deology is "false consciousness" and that it deology as "conceptions of the world that ity and in all manifestations of individual insiders them as operating realities which logy is present in all activities, and actions , ideology is not one uniform set of action is called philosophy, and the lower ense". They are in effect the communal sense and philosophy are both organic hasses (1971:376). gical practices have a material base and an ogies are elaborated and spread by the ntellectual reforms" (1971:61) and these y then, is the domination of a class not by i corporative interests, thereby creating a

Page 34
moral and intellectual leadership inter. ideology is spread through a hegemoni the media, which are referred to as th class (1971:12).
Hegemony, the institutional natur leadership and ideological structure a analyse the ideological implications of factor, mentioned here as that of domi women's subordination is not class spe Mouffe (1979:189) offers an explanatic Gramsci’s views. He argues that accordi or reducible to class interests. The intel the hegemonic class on its allies is effect an imposition from above by force (Gral The articulating process of the h principle. The hegemonic principle transformations occur. The transform system and through a struggle between t This discussion could be summed ul will form the basis of my analysis in t expressed through a variety of channe contains a wide range of cultural practi of production. Ideology is partially autc the base does not solely determin correspondence theory, but the base creation or construction of certain speci In my view ideology contributes eff and is in that sense an operating reali ideology operates in a power network. It power works since the power is diffuse. F knowledge have had a profound impac power. Foucault identifies a non-econo to epistemic concerns and subjectivity:
"Power must be analysed as something which only functions in the form of a never in anybody's hands, never appro Power is embodied and exercised throu individuals circulate through its thr simultaneously undergoing and exercis or consenting target; they are always als words, individuals are the vehicles of po

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
cting with a number of allies. Hegemonic apparatus, such as the schools, churches, "ideological structure" of the dominant
of ideology, the moral and intellectual e useful concepts which will be used to gender subordination. However, the class nant class, still creates some ambiguity, as ific, but cuts across all classes of women. in on this, which is valid. He emphasises ng to Gramsci ideas are not class specific, lectual and moral leadership exercised by ed through "a pedagogic process". It is not msci 1971:350). egemonic class is called the hegemonic sustains the ideology till such time as tions take place by another hegemonic wo hegemonic principles. p drawing the following conclusions which his research. Ideology as a belief system ls from religion to the media and which res, is not determined totally by the mode bnomous from the base, in the sense that e the ideology as is argued in the can certainly have its influence on the fic ideologies. :ctively to and helps determine all actions ty. It is also important to recognize that is difficult to discern the locus of how the oucault's studies of the regimes of power/ t on the way theorists have come to view nic form of power which is closely related
which circulates, or rather as something chain. It is never localised here or there, riated as a commodity or piece of wealth. h a net-like organization. And not only do ads: they are always in a position of ng this power. They are not only its inert ) the elements of its articulation. In other ver, not its point of application (1980:98)

Page 35
Adeology, Class and Caste. A Gender Specific .
The ideology of a gender regime is an in helps us to understand that ideologie hegemony of a class (or caste) through spread and sustain the ideology through is not necessarily imposed by others b through a pedagogic process through c intellectuals. Moreover, as the indivic exercise of power can occur through a
power is implicated in the mechanisms
itself. Gender ideology is a form of powe
Gender Ideology
The concept of ideology for feminis that male dominance is justified and family, church and the state. Feminis ideology to patriarchy. The concept of debated by feminists (Rowbotham 1981 has led to a specificity in its use. I use p social arrangements. In the sense of a ru organisations it implies various kinds women. The dominance and control C many devices such as patrilineal des sexuality, ownership and inheritance of and religious participation. Some fem History (Leacock 1981, Lerner 1986, 1974:67-88, MacCormack 1980:1-24) ha culturally and trans-historically. In tryin and subordinated and how the mechan others have formulated various theories.
Zillah Eisenstein (1979:29) refers difference between the real situation Ideologically women are defined as mot while women forming a substantial secti as workers. They may be defined as "w mothers. The social definition of a wom lower wages because of her "defined sc patriarchy" which has defined women t Woman's activity is defined by the social The ideology of patriarchy defines it, p. (1975:29) recourse to psychoanalysis to to come up with the idea of an inevita ideological analysis should not be subje spheres have become mingled, succes

Analysis 7
portant node of this power network. This
s are not necessarily class specific. The
moral and intellectual leadership helps to the hegemonic principle. The hegemony
y force, but may be effected peacefully
onsent and by the organisational role of
lual is constituted through power, the
process of self-discipline. The exercise of
and procedures for producing knowledge
f:
t discourse is relevant considering the fact legitimised through institutions like the m itself is an ideology, an oppositional patriarchy and its use has been extensively :72-79, Barrett 1980, Beechy 1987). This atriarchy to mean male supremacy in the Ile denoting male supremacy in the social of dominance and control by men on f the males are operationalised through cent, patrilocality, control of women's property, denial of educational, political inists working within the disciplines of Riley 1988) and Anthropology (Ortner ve argued for universal patriarchy crossg to find out why women are oppressed isms of such oppression are constructed,
to patriarchy as an ideology and sees a of women and patriarchal ideology. hers in terms of their being mothers only, on of the labour force are still not defined orking mothers"-the emphasis being on an as a mother enables her to be hired at xual inferiority". Hence the "ideology of hus legitimises lower wages for women. A relations of the society at a given moment. otects it and maintains it. Juliet Mitchell's understand male dominance has led her ble “cultural revolution”. She argues that :ted to economic analysis. Though the two depends not on "amalgamation but on

Page 36
specification". The two are autonomou. the ideological mode of patriarchy) emphasising the ideological constructic the ideology of their roles as mothers psychology of femininity that women b human society" (Mitchell 1975:30). Sc capitalist economy, in itself, would no ideology which has a certain amount of end of patriarchy, so what is needed is a change. Hence Juliet Mitchel is al distinguishing it from a patriarchal org patriarchy as a kinship system has been
The patriarchal system as such has functions ofmale dominance in a struct meanings of it are extended to other so other than the family, it ceases to be on of an ideology. (Structure here mean according to the nature of the relation from the ideology of patriarchy to discr assign them low skilled repetitive wo femininity equals less labour power and and Pearson 1981:87-95).
The mode of production it could b corresponding relevance on the produ in most cases is a social construction However, socio-economic conditions ha reconstructing or modifying some spec essentially they are pre-determined ideology in this process is not given con As much as gender ascribed quali and inferior, as powerful and weak, as a of rationality. As long as they are follo these assumptions are accepted and philosophy, they become realities in th and religion have their force of legiti levels and at different times. The com itself in the form of folk stories and pr the philosophy. In the Tamil society a quoted often by unlettered peasants a (or secondary) is one such proverb, fathers and brothers often use these philosophy of the Tamils Hindu the ol

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
areas (economic mode of capitalism and and need to be recognised as such. In in of femininity she says, "It is not only in and procreators but above all in the very 2ar witness to the patriarchal definition of , she is emphatic that the overthrow of t lead to a transformation of patriarchal autonomy. A socialist economy is not the cultural revolution-a general ideological so arguing for a patriarchal ideology (anisation. In this process the meaning of 2xtended to patriarchy as an ideology. not been seen by the feminists only in its ure of relations. The moment the symbolic cio-political and socio-economic structures ly a system, but acquires the characteristics s the way parts of a system are ordered s among these parts). The capitalists draw iminate women in respect of wages and to k. This is done on the assumption that l women's wages are supplementary (Elson
be argued has no direct, overt, or a strictly ction of gender ideology. Gender ideology based on the biological sex differences. ave an influence as determinants in either ific gender ideological operations though biologically. The super-structural gender plete autonomy from the base. ties are perceived as different, as superior ctive and passive, they are false, due to lack ved in day-to-day real lives and as much as used as part of common sense, law and eir effects. Common sense, philosophy, law misation for different people at different non sense gender ideology has manifested overbs. Parallels to this can also be seen in series of proverbs can be cited which are nd others. "A woman's intellect is inferior" ("pen puti pin puti"). Men as husbands, to ridicule women. In Saiva Siddhanta mnipotent, omnipresent, omniscient god is

Page 37
Ideology, Class and Caste. A Gender Specific
called pati (lord) who is a male. The bonded souls are called pasu (animals metaphor of husband-wife relationship. lover is the pati and the wife's devotion divine connotation similar to the piety o an inexhaustible theme in common sen such as short stories and novels and film example to show how gender ideology i Social formation. Hence the concept of the otherness created for women throug based on the biological sex differenc mentioned above as appropriate gendel gender ideology.
Class an The concept of class is central to b theory. Class is generally explained w explains class as composed of stratas inequalities are based on these social The hierarchies correspond to the accCe: capable of achieving. This approach als partially this group belonging could co. identities and attitudes (Goldthorp Blossfed, l990). The second view, whil assumes that class development deper belonging to a certain class is determine degree to which that class excersises con manner in which class is defined and c contemporary social thought in variou many of the traditional assumptions wh (Gardiner 1977: 155-163, Garnsey 197, 1989: 565-587). W
Incorrect Assumptions in Class Analysis
Both the Marxist and Weberian so ideological assumptions in the social pro The first problem is that the class p on a male household breadwinner. This class position of women. The second p analysis for a married woman and ev woman's class position is analysed, the system of social relations of production :

Analysis 9
ignorant illusive, (merged in illusion) ). Their relationship is always within a In the social relationship the husband/ and fidelity are called the bhakti with a f the mortal soul to the lord. Pati bhakti is se conversations and in the literary forms ns (Lakshmi 1984: 164). This is merely an s part of a general ideology in the Tamil gender ideology is used here to denote h a series of social constructions which are es. The dichotomous social definitions behaviour patterns are but examples of
di Gender
oth Marxist and non-Marxist sociological lithin two major approaches. The first which are clearly identifiable and social antities which manifests into hierarchies. s to unequal life chances that one group is so holds that though not completely but ntribute to the development of common e and Marshall, 1992, Mayor and e not denying the above position also nds on occupational structure and that 'd by the occupational placement and the trol over others' work (Wright,1985). The onceptualised has led to many debates in s disciplines. Feminists have challenged ich form the basis of such class theories 3:223-43, Delphy 1984: 29-40, Crompton
cial scientists have succumbed to gender cess when dealing with class analysis.
osition of women is defined as dependent criterion is quite often used to analyse the roblem is to take the family as a unit of in for a spinster and a widow. When a criteria of the place they occupy in the hift to their position vis-a-vis husband and

Page 38
10
family. Many other contradictions origin in the system of socio-economic stratifica socio-economic stratification level of the of the head of the family who is usually the wife and the adult woman also belon husband. The unequal position of the irrelevant in the structure of stratificatic identified the family as basis of wome gender inequality is at its worst, shou identification should be made. It is inde theoreticians have succumbed to ideolog ignored the fact that the family is the im The family is taken as a homogenec employment. Access to assets within the the family are not the same for a husban have the same amount of power to cont use it for the family expenses with or wit be part of the decision making process the control of the family wealth.
The main inconsistencies are as follows:
- A woman is classified on the (spinster, widow). When she is consideration and she is classifié - For a man, whether married or
his class position. - After marriage occupation of position of the husband, a comp This is more than a methodologica woman on a man is not only used but a on certain assumptions. Moreover, her even when occupation is used as an ir criteria are used to determine her clas her husband's occupation if married absurdity of this kind of analysis. A ma occupation and who earns a higher sala husband's salary which is lower. This status by virtue of having more access t an unemployed woman or lower salari her husband's wealth, or of her own sa salary than the wife in the former case v analysis. A woman's higher social posit

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
ate from these two major factors of error tion. It has always been assumed that the family is solely determined by the income aken to be a male. It is also assumed that g to the same socio-economic status as the wife in the family is usually considered on. It is ironical that when feminists have h's oppression, that the family in which ld be treated as a unit on which class 'ed a case in point where researchers and ical constructions. By doing this they have portant site of gender inequality.
ius unit even when the wife is not in paid family and usage of the resources within d and wife. In most cases the wife does not rol the husband's wealth, though she can hout his consent. The wife may or may not within the family, either on the use or om
basis of her occupation if she is single married her occupation is not taken into ld on her husband's occupation.
widower, his occupation alone determines
a woman is replaced by the economic letely different criterion. l error. The ideology of dependence of a lso validated further by the social scientists occupation is not taken into consideration dex of analysis. Hence, for a woman two s: her own occupation, if not married, or An example will further elucidate the |rried woman, who has a reasonably good ry than her husband, will be classed on her woman may have higher socio-economic o use and control of her finances, whereas ed woman who has little or no control of ary, but has a husband who earns a higher vill be placed on a higher status in the class om is denied to her, and the other woman

Page 39
Ideology, Class and Caste. A Gender Specific
is ascribed an erroneous higher class p through marriage" (Delphy 1984:36) use It has also to be added that under th a full time housewife is treated on par w sick. The problem of defining house labour" has its related problems of whi argued by feminists, that housewives fall indirectly exploited by capital (Seaco incurred by the capitalists by contributi Placed in the category of “domestic moc are seen as exploited by their husba Terminological classifications such as th the problem. Wright (1985:129) placed location because they exploit and dom relations of production, while they them of production. This is one way of underst The radical feminists' (Redstockin women per se into one class in patria vision of a social totality which is com small in number, do own productive assi seen from a Marxist point of view wome oppress men and women of the working capitalists, collaborate with their husba directly and indirectly. However, they ar dominance and oppression by their hu Even under patriarchal relations the le exploitation, are mot uniform for all won position. The fact that a capitalist woma exempt her from her exploitative natur working class. Combining patriarchal ri necessarily lead to understanding either
However, what radical feminists hav that class is the only form of oppression a illusions. Theirs is an attempt to place th hiberation practice (with a radical ti inadequately conscientized. However, kevels though, women per se cannot be c
could be proved when the caste dimensi relations.
The Comparative Material Inequality
Since my sample included only the

Analysis 11
osition. The criterion of "an association i on women will yield unscientific results. 2 category of being economically inactive, ith the child, the infirm, the old and the work which is referred to as "domestic re to locate the housewife. It has been into the working class because they are mbe 1974: 3-24). They lower the cost ng to the subsistence of their husbands. le of production" (Delphy 1984:17), they inds within a subsidiary class relation. 2 above have not helped much in solving the husbands within a contradictory class hinate their wives within the household selves are exploited by capitalist relations anding the problem. gs' Manifesto, 1970) attempt to reduce chal societies represents again a partial plex and contradictory. Women, though ets in varying degrees as their own. Then in as capitalists do exploit, dominate and class. Women as wives and daughters of inds and fathers in exploitative relations e simultaneously subjected to patriarchal sbands and fathers in familial relations. Ivels of social oppression and economic hen to assign to all of them the same class n is oppressed by her husband does not e as a capitalist in her relations with the lations and capitalist relations does not Df them. e done is to challenge the Marxist vision nd that others are transitional ideological e patriarchal oppression on the agenda of neory), to which many Marxists were lespite their subordination, at different ategorized as belonging to one class. This on is brought into the research on gender
omen in Madras city, the unit of analysis

Page 40
12
was not the household. While basing their class position was determined on However in the joint family system w daughters and married sons and dau, purse. The class position of the unem daughter-in-law may be the same. Patri the mother-in-law and daughter-in-la relationship both the mother-in-law a deprived of accessibility to financial res. of some comforts and the benefits of wealth. In such cases they are both place In nuclear families too son's and c Where the children are young, the wo joint income of both husband and wife working, the class position was determir the only index to determine her class this manner the women were analysed c and lower class. In conclusion one has to
"that difficulties in the treatment of gen approach have revealed weaknesses i operationalise class, which suggest amo
What has been kept within the fram of relations is the factor of material ine
ίEYIYλS.
Caste a
The caste system, commonly acknc sub-continent, continued to have its i political relations for centuries. Th phenomenon, variant systems of caste i religious codes have been found. Budc their own caste systems. What is signi absence of the religious sanction give aspect-Brahmanical Hinduism-which Hence the debate whether the ca phenomenon. That the caste system significant factor, in that it acts as an ag subordination of women are constructe However, the institution did not r did it meet with major structural cha within it had led some social scientists (Barnet 1976:l49). The changes have

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
he research merely on the respondents, lines of comparison with other women. hich is common in Madras, unmarried ghters-in-law contribute to the common ployed mother-in-law and the employed archal social relations have conferred om w a same class position. Within this ind the daughter-in-law may have been ources without necessarily depriving them their husbands' and sons' income and d in the same class position. laughter's earn an income that is shared. man's class position is determined on the put together. Wherever the wives were not ned on their husbands' income as that was position in terms of the material status. In on a three tier class system: upper, middle,
agree with Crompton (1989:567).
der and class within a single framework or in some existing theoretical attempts to reflexible approach is required".
nework of my analysis amidst the structures quality among the women on comparative
hd Gender
owledged as a Hindu phenomenon of the mpact on the socio-economic and sociohough it is pan-Indian and a Hindu n countries which profess more egalitarian thist Sinhalese and Islamic Pakistanis have icantly different in these countries is the n to the system. In fact it is the religious gives it legitimacy and realisation in India. Iste system is a cultural or structural has a religious sanction in India is a ent through which the mechanisms for the d. amain static throughout centuries. Neither inges. The changes that had taken place to call it an ideology rather than a system. been analysed to construct various theories

Page 41
Ideology, Class and Caste: A Gender Specific
of the caste system. Another focus in the impact on the patriarchal relations (Srin 1985:14-20). The first two sociological an social aspects that have been taken into The last one has attempted to analyse ger
Caste Factors
The caste system has the following 1970, Srinivas 1962, Ghurye 1952):
- A hierarchical grading with the E - Integration of division of labc eventually leading to fixed traditi - Ideas of purity and pollution, t liable to be polluted by the low and sex. - Caste determined by birth but or - Caste is endogamous. - Restrictions on commensality be - Association of caste with particul - Application of sanctions within c - Interdependence of one caste
spiritual needs. - The labour division which min creates a sense of solidarity betw - The religious foundation of t
scriptures laid down the caste support the reason for some bei Bougle (quoted in Dumont 1970:43) as being significant in the caste system vis
- Hierarchy which ranks the grou
other. - Division of labour-each grou profession and the interdepende - Separation in matters of marria;
(food). Dumont (1970:41-43) argues that th hierarchical coexistence of two oppo fundamental principle-i.e. opposition this as the operating concept which sep Both Bougle and Dumont have tried to structure of relationship and the latter i the process overlooked significant detai

Analysis 13
2 analysis of the caste system has been its Livas 1962:46, Yalman l963:25-58, Ganesh alyses have identified the gender specific consideration in the caste arrangements. nder within the structure of caste.
Factors in its operationalisation (Dumont
Brahmins at the top (not the royalty). our in hierarchical service relationship ional occupation. he high caste who are ritually pure are caste by means of contact through food
he can be rejected from one's caste.
tween members of different castes. ar geographical locations. astes to maintain the caste customs. on the other for economic, social and
timises competition in one caste group, een members of a caste. he caste system: whereas the religious rules, theories from karma are drawn to ng born high and some low.
identifies only three factors among them -a-vis: ps as relatively superior or inferior to each
p having in theory or by tradition a 'nce which results from it. ge and contact whether director indirect
le whole is founded on the necessary and )sites and reduces the whole to one of the pure and impure. He emphasises parates the castes in a hierarchical order. reduce the caste factors, the former into a nto a coherent ideology, but both have in ls ofits operation in the socio-economic

Page 42
14
spheres. However, the fundamental p identified by Dumont becomes the ope gender relations are concerned. This as
Varna and Jäti
Mention must be made of the two s caste in India. Varma means colour. B: people into four major caste groups a Sudra differentiated and isolated from According to the varna system Brahmin the warriors and kings, Vaisyas the merc servants. The lowest in the ladder are t Dravidas or Harijans (after Mahatma G Hari, God). They are outside the var varna system, it is claimed, is legitimi Sanskrit verse during the early cen Dharmasastras, and owes its origin to the section of the vedas). The Dharmashdistra sanction. Foremost among them, th Manusmriti is a book on Hindu law subsequent law givers gives legitimacy view that the purusha sukta is a later in who were the authors may have scriptu three called the "twice born," are the The Brahmins and the Kshatriyas h superiority which were finally decided ritual purity. The Vaisyas are again se group as against the Vaisyas. The Sidra the first three.
The varna system textually consist speak of the different Jatis, the innu individual group identity is maintained The varna scheme is a broad categor effective units (Srinivas l962:65). In Jatis with a further division of 3,000 (Ghurye 1952:28). The Südra categor who may wield economic and social p consist of merchants. Hence the varna working of the caste system. The varn signify the actual status (Thapar 1982:3 However, one caste in the varna same prestigious status with an enha

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
inciple of the pure and the impure as rating concept as far as the caste specific pect will be discussed later.
ystems which are commonly designated as lsed on this the varna system divides the Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, Sidras, the the rest on the basis of the dark skin. are the priests and scholars, the Kshatriyas hants, and the Sidras are the peasants and he untouchables, now called variously Adi andhi who opted to call them children of na system and are called the awarna. The sed in the socio-legal codes compiled in turies of the Christian era, called the purusha sukta in the Brahmanas (the third is, the classical legal manuals have religious he Manudharma Shastra also called the and treated as an authority on law by to the caste system. Max Muller was of the terpolation (1867:297-356). The Brahmins rally legitimised their ascendancy. The first privileged castes in prestigious professions. ad ambiguous and conflicting claims to in favour of the Brahmins on the basis of parated from the first two, who form one is are the service castes and are opposed to
s of these four caste groups, but does not merable sub-castes. In both these systems among the groups with marked separation. y of the society but does not include the ach linguistic region there are about 200 smaller sub-castes which are endogamous of the varna system includes land owners wers. The Vaisya caste does not necessarily system, which is textual, ignores the actual a system signifies a ritual status, while Jatis 99).
system i.e. the Brahmins remained in the nced ritual status even in the Jati system.

Page 43
Ideology, Class and Caste. A Gender Specific
Whether it is the broad four-fold divisio local caste groups (Jaitis), they are bo hierarchy, as was identified by Marx ar restated by Tom Bottomore (1983:68)
"In the earlier epochs of history, w arrangement of society into various orde
The Debate on Caste versus Class
The debate on the issue of cast theoretical persuasions. A few Marxists f identified caste with its claims to religic of a feudal society. It is seen as a divisi struggle. The assumption behind this socialist society or with the full develop Upadhaya 1980). Other scholars have but not as a mere reflection of the base, shaped the economic base (Djurfeldt an manifestations of caste conflicts in Ind caste and class struggles are equated. Ca class relations are associated with capital and class struggle. However, this model Omvedt (1988:5-14), one could not ide the real sense of the term, as wholly t against an exploiting enemy. It would class controversy here.
The caste system is not maintained: With the break up of feudalism and w system of democracy and as a result oft Indian society, some of the barriers of Occupations are no longer dependent professionalism have broken the cas marriages across caste are taking pla number, some caste groups are expand groups (Barnet 1976:155). Due to reasc castes intermix in buses and trains. Ind and restaurants.
Dumont sees the caste system as prevailing socio-political order (1970:l; operates contains a "minimum reject traditional and modern features co-exi hybrid nature of ambiguous orientation identified by Milton Singer (1968:438-4

Analysis 15
n of the varnas or the innumerable small th in the same structure, a structure of d Engels in the Communist Manifesto and
: found almost everywhere complicated rs, a manifold gradation of social rank".
e is based on diverse ideological cum rom a dogmatic Marxist point of view have Ius sanctions as part of the superstructure ve force in the working class and peasant theory is that caste will wither away in a ment of capitalism (Omvedt 1982; Ashok seen the caste system as a superstructure, It is seen rather as having influenced and d Lindberg 1975). Due to the many recent ia, the theory was revised. In one model ste is seen as the residual of feudalism and ism. Hence, there is simultaneously a caste lacks historical authenticity. As argued by ntify caste struggle in pre-British India in he struggle of an exploited single group be fruitful to link the debate on the caste
any longer with such rigidity as in the past. ith the introduction of the parliamentary he modernising and westernising trends in separation and purity have broken down. on caste ranking. New specialisations and e monopoly of the occupations. Interce (Beteille 1966:220). Though few in ing as political organisations or as interest ns beyond their control, people of various ividuals eat out and eat together in hotels
neither challenging mor maintaining the 2). The manner in which the caste system ion" of the system, a mixture in which st. It is also a combination which forms a by uniting both. Similar trends have been 39). Singer identifies the phenomenon of

Page 44
16
adaptiveness of Hinduism and caste to compartmentalisation and vicarious ritu caste is anyhow maintained. Women, traditions and rituals and within the pu and pujas are relegated to women. The make this process easy. High caste men g longer vegetarians, whereas the wome vegetarianism and purity.
It is sometimes claimed that ther identified a shift from caste to class anc Tanjore community. The change of a seen as an example of the caste factor groups (Gough 1960:44,38-59). It is intel has lent itself to various interpretations, groups are seen to be acting against sim fact disobeying the caste principle ( disagreement with these two views. He welfare society is one among many symp circumstances (Yalman 1963:87-106).
The loosening of the caste structure economic criteria, whereas others concl of the Indian social consciousness. Ca Inter-marriages take place on the basis o arranged with families outside one's ca: maintained and they are followed mor other high castes who are not the losers Citing the example of caste labour caste hierarchy is moving towards sec economy, that was introduced by the l conclusions are specific to different reg unions are in fact working class group idiom, due to convergence of certain periods. The convergence of factors at class as the dominant factor of identity. the other are indeed determined by the The Dravidian movement in Soul and with its appeal to rationality and j against the domination of the Brahm political levels. The identity of the antagonism to Brahmins felt by a numb was very much present in the movem ruling class at that point of time in hist

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
modernisation, calling it the "process of ualisation". The purity level of the high home and family are kept within the rity limits. The religious rituals of fasting general patriarchal patterns of behaviour enerally eat out and some of them are no in are strictly within the caste code of
e is a shift from caste to class. Gough i supported her view from a study of the caste group into a political association is being negated towards formation of new resting to note that the same development
Leach is of the view that whenever caste ilar groups of different castes, they are in Leach 1960:7). Yalman, however, is in maintains that the formation of a caste toms of caste resilience in changing social
has led some to locate social formation in ude that caste is still an important feature ste rules are both broken and followed. f free choice. Yet marriages are usually not ste. Wherever possible, caste rules are still e meticulously among the Brahmins and but the beneficiaries of the system. unions, Beteille (1966:65,191) argues that ularisation and westernisation. The cash 3ritish, has enabled these changes. These gions in India. However, the estate labour s in caste idioms or caste groups in class socio-economic factors in specific historic the structural level displays either caste or The forces that converge to make it one or nature of the exploitation. h India with all its political connotations ustice could be seen as a caste movement in caste at the socio-economic and socioDravidian movement was based on the er of non-Brahmin groups. The class factor ent. The Brahmins were the hegemonic ory and clearly the exploiting group at the

Page 45
Ideology, Class and Caste. A Gender Specific .
economic level. One cannot entirely di forces of Tamilness, as against an alien thrust of the movement's ideology was a hierarchy, occupation and ritual purity. both at work (Dumont 1970: 122).
Patriarchy and the Structure of Caste
The purity-pollution concept is c Dumont central to the caste system anc governs women's decorum. Purity is ens in the birth-ascribed status. There ar purification. Entry points for pollutio intercourse. Caste councils decide on th are violated. Purity is embodied in cleanliness (daily bath). Purity has to b internally (blood). Internal purity has to of impure blood. Semen is ultimately considered blood.
Hence to maintain the purity of controlled. Contact with low caste me women. Paternity has to be strictly ascer caste. Hence it becomes a high caste women. Polygamy was allowed for men conduct for high caste women.
A high value is placed on women's purity concept for women. Purity-tui chastity. "She is chaste” and "she is pui language. Pre-puberty marriages, pro seclusion (by limiting her movement behaviour, manner of dress and diet) v caste practices with a prestigious value the theme of purity. The higher one control of women. Low caste women, remarry, are labelled as sexually permiss considered a symbol of their being o women within the kin group was advan widow remarriage. To confine and restr Since widows are not allowed remarria question of conserving property does r caste did not own their separate prope been the other reasons, the whole s constructed on the principle of purity.

Analysis 17
smiss the ethnic factor, an alignment of Sanskritic cultural domination. The main gainst casteism-to negate caste ascribed It is in fact "a mixture and combination"
ardinal to Hinduism and according to by extension to the value system which ured through endogamous marriage and e elaborate rules for de-pollution and in are by touching, eating and sexual e ritual purification needed, if caste rules vegetarianism, teetotalism and physical pe maintained externally (by touch) and be maintained by preventing the mixing equated with blood. Breast milk is also
the caste, women's sexuality has to be n contaminates the blood of high caste tained as that of high caste or of an equal norm to curtail the sexual freedom of but monogamy became a strict code of
chastity. Chastity is an elaboration of the mail-in Tamil is synonymously used for re" have the same meaning in the Tamil phibition of widow remarriage, widow with severe strictures placed on her with codes akin to renunciation, are high attached to them. They are variations on goes in the hierarchy, the stronger the who enjoy the freedom to divorce and ive. The liberal code of marriage rules was flow caste. Conserving the property of ced as one reason for the prohibition of ict widows, widow seclusion was instituted. ge even within their own kin groups, the lot arise. Moreover, most women of high ty during this period. Whatever may have :t of norms for high caste women was

Page 46
18
Purity and pollution are clearly def Chandala (a prototype of the untoucha woman who had just given birth and ar analogy between the low caste and wi woman is a field (kset) and a man's seed The field in which the seed is nourish the Bhagavadgita“ speaks of the evils of
ΥΝΟΙΩΩ3I) :
"We know what fate falls on fal The rites are forgotten, vice ro Defiling the women, and from Came mixing of castes, the cul Degrade the victims, and dam
Though caste is determined and i sexuality was equally important to en visible.
If pre-puberty marriages don't take great sin. It is important to know that caste Panchayat (caste government), in - Offenses against commensal tal - Offenses against sex or breache – Widow remarriage in the cas
remarriage. By caste law, women of some low allowed to wear clothes above their loi By a strange irony this custom was also as well. Here it was symptomatic of the the body is progressively neutralized.
Hierarchy of Castes and Hierarchy of V
Women's seclusion and exclusion : control became prestigious. So were ti These were imitated by the lower cas gaining acceptance. The imitation pro way of life. This process described by rather general process except in the practice initially, was taken over by Bral
Sanskritisation has been interprete force or violence. Srinivas gives three power is rated high. This ritual powe Rituals are connected with piety, spiri

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
ined in the laws of Manu (V85 III. 239): a ble) a menstruating woman, an outcast, a eunuch are sources of impurity. Note the omen who can be temporarily impure. A is received and nourished (Mies 1980:42). ed should be pure. The following verse in caste intermix and relates it to the defiled
milies broken:
ts the remnant,
this corruption,
se of confusion
ns the destroyers.”
(Verse 4l from Chapter: Arjuna Vishatayoga)
nherited through the male line, women's sure purity. The Brahmanical interest is
place, the Brahmin parents are guilty of a the offenses, which were punished by the cluded the following:
DOOS,
's of the marriage rules of caste; e of castes which do not permit widow
castes such as Tiyan and Parayar were not ns. This is seen as a sign of subordination. followed by the high caste Brahmin widows
cult of renunciation where the feeling for
alues as symptoms of purity and evidence of selfhe habits of teetotalism and vegetarianism. tes with a view to raising their status and :ess included customs, rituals, ideology and Srinivas (1966:6) as "sanskritisation" was a case of sati. Sati, exclusively a Kshatriya hmins first and by the other castes later. :d as a process of a mere imitation without reasons for sanskritisation. In India ritual r is in turn based on the ideas of purity. tuality and merit, in short with the sacred.

Page 47
Adeology, Class and Caste. A Gender Specific
Srinivas argues that even after getting are not always rated high. Hence "san legitimise their claims. Women's seclus among others, such as teetotalism and v and social behaviour are also acquired i later stage, due to modernisation and w changed patterns of social behaviour, te by men progressively. Restrictive behavi prestigious value attached to women's c caste and high class situations. The sanskritisation was the appeal to righte karma. Right karma (deeds) in this bir gains in the next incarnations. Within vegetarianism. Teetotalism and vegetari system on a principle of self control a based on the sacredness of all living cre value attached to the above practices.
The first and the third reason are i gender aspect in the process of sanskriti be rightly placed within righteousnessreason). Oppressive practices which spe women such as sati, child marriage an been placed within the "righteousness" It is interesting to realise how this kin rather unconsciously by Srinivas too.
The Brahmanical hegemony has hegemonic ideology based on the conc and women. This has affected the won which had matrilineal social customs.
Post-puberty marriages, Widow rema the non-brahmin caste were progressive and oppressive social habits were adopt Pallis (feminine gender of Pallans), a become vegetarians and they prohibit w Ambattans (also called Navidans), tl relationship to the twice born, claiming become vegetarians and teetotallers. W among this caste. So is the case wit mythology claim descent from a Brahn taboos for them. Widow remarriage is ta

Analysis
political and economic power the groups skritisation" occurred sooner or later to ion is one aspect of the imitation model *getarianism. Modes of dress, mannerisms n the process. It could be added that at a sternisation, where men had to live up to 2totalism and vegetarianism were given up our for women, however, continued. The lecorum and purity remained in the high
second reason given by Srinivas for ousness, which is related to the theory of th leads to comfortable life and material right karma are included teetotalism and anism are placed on a high moral value nd ahimsa, the doctrine of non-violence, atures. The third reason is the prestigious
nterconnected and have relevance to the sation. Teetotalism and vegetarianism can (appeal to righteousness being the second lt control and seclusion for the high caste d prohibition of widow remarriage, have by the aspiring low caste men and women. ld of hegemonic ideas are also accepted
entrenched women's seclusion also as a ept of purity in the consciousness of men hen of the lower castes and other groups
arriage and a relatively liberal sex code of ly given up and more patriarchal, seclusive ed by the lower caste women. Some of the variety of the untouchable caste, have dow remarriage (Pillai:1977). Some of the he barber caste who are in a service descent from Vaisyas and Brahmins, have idow remarriage for women is prohibited h Nadars who according to their caste hain woman. Beefeating and alcohol are boo for their women.

Page 48
20
The Maravars and Kallars, the two process of Sanskritisation. Physically ar. Brahmins and least affected by their inf place before puberty and widow remarri
The process of sanskritisation show of hegemony, Ideologically hegemoni However, hegemony involves both cons adopted prestigious and ritually high pr Though they adopted teetotalism anc course of time. In return they gained h hierarchy. The upper caste Brahmins Wherever caste rules were violated, v. sanctions was used by them through remained within the caste dharma. The on maintaining their caste dharma on t The process of imitation by others cou they did was to adopt an indifferent at imitation process signified an acceptan value system. This is in fact the role of th
The pedagogic process was mot consistently spoken highly of the bra decorum (Maņudharma shastra, Mahāb, was also not altogether absent. Amor demanded a particular type of behaviol concepts were demanded from them r through symbolic violence. The overtly the process was made easy by the broa despite matrilineal structures being pre were under the effective control of the violence and overt violence could be us manner of behaviour. This is not a p concerned.
Marriage Arrangements by Caste Hierar
The Dharmashástras speak of eig simultaneously. The more patriarchal daughters accompanied by religious rit Brahmins. They are called the brahma divine connotations. The giving of dov gift of the virgin" accompanies the dov forms of marriages though grouped to the associated prestations. The brahma

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
low caste groups are peripheral to the d culturally they are separated from the uence. Among them marriages rarely take age is permitted (Pillai 1977:18). s a close resemblance to Gramsci’s theory : principles acquire a prestigious status. ent and coercion. The lower castes (men) actices voluntarily without losing anything. vegetarianism, these were given up in igher status and acceptance into a higher have mot used violence in this respect. olence in the form of punishment and the caste panchayat so that everyone Brahmin high caste prerogative depended he principle of separation and opposition. ld not be prevented by the Brahmins. All titude. As far as they were concerned, the ce and a legitimisation of their high caste he hegemonic principle. altogether absent, as Sanskrit texts have ahmanical codes including the woman's harata, Ramayana. The element of force ng the non-Brahmins it is the men who ur from their women. Seclusion and purity lot necessarily through overt violence but oppressive customs were introduced and der patriarchal system that was the norm valent in some cases. Wives and daughters husband and fathers. Hence, both symbolic 2d on their women to insist on a particular assive process as far as the women were
chy ht types of marriages as having existed marriages arranged by fathers for their als were reserved for the highest caste, the , daiva, prajapatha and arsha-words with ry was the norm in these marriages. "The try in these four forms of marriage. These gether, have a few differences in terms of and daiva marriages insisted on dowry in

Page 49
Ideology, Class and Caste. A Gender Specific
valuables with costly garments and orn gift of a cow and a bull. In the prajapa material transfer (Tambiah 1973:69).
Marriage by mutual consent and b marriage and was (free romantic u aristocracy (Kshatriya). This and the abduction) and bereft of religious rites w Paisasa and asura, meaning non-hu base were reserved for the Sudras, the lo religious rites or abduction. These eigh ranked as appropriate for different cas patriarchal ones gained acceptance and system i.e. arranged marriages with do (Tambiah 1973:69).
The pratiloma and anuloma marri patriarchal bias. In the violation of the ei man marrying a low caste woman was sort of acceptance. A high caste wom pratiloma (hypogamy). The offsprings ( In these violations of purity, pratiloma are ranked lower than the anuloma offs high caste had entitled the descendant descendant of a union of a Sudra male status similar to an untouchable on the s caste woman is involved, because of a lowliest and compared to incest (G. implication that a Brahmin woman's vi severely. Hence the reason for the obses woman and the need to control her se: the purity concept is more evident her blood by carrying the child of the lowe caste woman is raised to a high caste sta high caste man.
While concluding this section of ca emphasised. The discussion of the cas should not create the impression that th male dominance on patriarchal lines capitalism did not create patriarchy, patriarchy. There is a general subordin; different forms at different times in h patriarchal set up to its advantage in ma reasons and property claims are not al

4nalysis 21
ments. The arsha marriage specifies the tha marriage there is no mention of any
y one's own choice was called gandarva nion) considered appropriate for the rakshasa marriage by capture (forcible 'ere also allowed for the Kshatriya caste.
man or demonic, considered lowly and west caste. This was co-habitation with no t forms coexisted and were hierarchically tes (Karve 1953:132). However the more dominance and became the most popular wry and accompanied by religious rites
lages in the caste arrangement betray a ndogamous principle of caste, a high caste called anuloma (hypergamy) signifying a lan marrying a low caste man is called of these unions formed various subcastes. marriage and the offsprings of the union prings. The fact that the male was from a s to a high caste status. A Chandala, the and Brahmin woman, was designated a ame rationale. Despite the fact that a high
Sudra male the union is cast off as the anesh 1985:15). This is a warning by olation of caste purity is punished more ision with the sexual purity of a high caste xuality more vigorously. The argument of 2. The high caste woman gets polluted in caste man, whereas by anuloma, the low tus by receiving the semen (blood) of the
ste analysis, the following facts have to be te factor in the subordination of women e caste system was instrumental in creating within the Hindu society. As much as he caste system in India did not create tion for women in many cultures. It takes story. The caste system appropriated the king new claims and new rules, Economic .ogether missing in maintaining the male

Page 50
22
line as more significant. The concept opposition are very strongly present in passive, a man is active (opposition). A childbirth) and a man is pure (purity-im woman is subordinated (hierarchy). A (separation). These gender ideological at the caste system. Women, it should be even within their own sub-castes on the p extended across castes by preventing inte
It has, however, to be added that a load of patriarchal ideology infiltrated c altogether the more egalitarian systems concermed.
Equally significant is the place of ge India in which caste was rejected, g accepted. Tantrism', Buddhism and Ji accepted gender equality. The cult of rites and confers a primacy on the female and Buddhism accepted women as nu deliberation (Thapar 1984:48). Brahm women to become renouncers (sanyasin However, there are a few women as exce who defied caste rules and became S. 1993:56-82).
The conclusions of this section can of ideas, thoughts and representations, e and philosophy, is not determined by th extent, maintained its similarities in its e centuries under different modes of pro and function took various forms and di region to region. This phenomenon sho which treats all ideologies as directly production. While rejecting this kind of of production on ideology is not denie autonomy of ideology from the mod hegemonic principle through the ped: Gramsci helps to spread and sustain the process effected not by violence or force The class theories of both Marxis challenged by feminists. The contradicti not been resolved. Women as wives hav and fathers in order to ascertain their

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
s of purity, hierarchy, separation and many patriarchal cultures. A woman is woman is impure (by menstruation and purity). A man is the head of the family, a man is rational, a woman is emotional sumptions are used and reconstructed in amphasised, are not allowed remarriage, rinciple of purity. The same principle was r-caste marriages.
Brahmanical scale of values with a heavy lown the line and diffused and changed of the other castes as far as gender was
nder in the non-Brahmanical religions in ender egalitarianism was ideologically inism rejected caste and on principle Tantra centers around orgiastic mystical energy as worthy of worship and honour 1ns in their order, though after much anical Hinduism rejected the right of s). This right was conceded to men only. ption to the rule in the Hindu tradition, aints and renouncers ( Thiruchandran
be summed up thus. Ideology, as a system xpressed through common sense wisdom e base alone. Gender ideology, to a large ffects, and operationalization throughout duction, though its development, growth ffered from culture to culture and from uld invalidate the correspondence theory and totally influenced by the mode of reductionism the influence of the mode i. This leads me to argue for the partial e of production. The function of the gogic process in my view as argued by ideological conversion which is a peaceful but through consent.
Ls and Weberian sociologists have been ons thus evolved out of their analyses have e to be de-linked from men as husbands class position is the feminist argument.

Page 51
Adeology, Class and Caste. A Gender Specific
However, to determine their class positi economic resources they share and enjo among women has to be taken as a se basis if that can be done within the pers It was however easy to assess the class p were spinsters, widows or unmarried income with the rest of the family m contradictions that evolve in the tradit radical feminist class theory should sugg by Crompton (1989:567).
The caste system despite its various its pivotal or central factor in its operatic analysis is on gender relations. Wol controlled and governed by many socioof maintaining, sustaining and continui case in point where the caste system is both in ideology and in the structure.
The gender specific discussion on certain assumptions and has made an both in theory and in the system which the definitions and redefinitions of th discussions should be treated as a prelu interacting process of ideology at the lev

Analysis 23
on, independent of the men whose sociois difficult. Material inequality that exists arate entity of analysis on a comparative onal relations that exist within the family. osition of the single women whether they working girls though they shared their embers. The above difficulties and the ional mainstream class theories and the est a more flexible approach as suggested
determinants has the concept of purity as in alization specially when the emphasis of men's sexuality is directed, supervised, religious institutions with the main motive ng the purity of blood and body. This is a actively co-opted into the gender system
ideology, class and caste has identified attempt to decipher the patriarchal bias these theories try to legitimise. However, le concepts that are given in the above ide to the wider research in terms of the el of gender across caste and class.

Page 52
Cha
Meth
Interactive Dialogue
he behaviour of women in their cu socio-religious practices, and in interactive dialogue. I make a distin dialogue. I am not using the concept of sees knowledge as a construct and wh where there is free play and experir (Bernstein, 1983). An interview basic; matter, facts or statement. Interview is ideas and opinions may be restricted or the dialogue there is space for interactic women and me. The dialogue is not r there were women who happened to be in-law, daughter-in-law, mother, daugh temple in one instance, they were a interview as a research methodology ha interviewee and the interviewer, a hiel come to study others and make judgem of equality between and among thos methodology of open interviews an consciously to facilitate a two-way discu discussion of a schedule of topics in whi time, paying attention to the moods oft The discussion eventually drew out on specific issues. Some of the women The dialogue took place sometimes wh when they fed their children and som were too small to accommodate me, wh their meals or having a siesta.

pter 2
Ddology
ltural environment, which includes norms, stitutions was studied by a process of ction between interviews and interactive dialogue in the non-positivist sense which ich insists on open-ended dialogic works nentation in the accounts of social life ally means a formal discussion of some strictly between two people. Exchange of may not take place within the interview. In on and discussion between and among the ecessarily between two people. Wherever together either in the household (motherhter, sisters-in-law, two sisters) or in the l included in the dialogue. Besides, an Ls implications of a hierarchy between the archy of an all knowing person who has ents. The concept of dialogue has a sense e who are in the dialogue. Hence, the d questionnaire responses was avoided ssion. The dialogue was carried out with a chever order was deemed necessary at that he women concerned.
likes and dislikes, opinions and attitudes related their life stories to prove a point. en they worked in the kitchen, sometimes etimes in by-lanes. Some of their houses en others in the family were either having

Page 53
AMethodology
That the purpose of my interaction create any kind of fear or inhibitions in ti the need to tape our conversation. The reveal something or failed to open up. F meanings contextually. On such occasior avoid probing on my part, and to reduce the dialogue easy for them. Often the s; context either openly or tacitly with diff their language, its idioms and proverbs v comprehend their mode of speaking, w mode of expression, the linguistic variati and nouns to impolite usage of the s physical mode of relating to specific ey shaking their heads, sometimes in a sometimes expressing feelings of disgust) rapport established was smooth and enco
I did not have the dilemma of a 's ethical question of snooping into the pe taken on a task of 'politicizing the per towards changing the oppressed person gave them the feeling afterwards that in say, though they denied such an experi me that they do often discuss their pe much I fitted into their definition o comprehend, though they appeared to b
On my part, the feeling of snooping by being sympathetic to their feelings an (Mies 1979:10). At times they laughed, times they were silent. There were also r so-called "ignorance and innocence" to Some of their experiences were appalling times to a different class and spoke thei easily identified me as non-Indian or identity had an ambivalent political conn I had to tell a few of them that I was liberation movement, when they questic Lankan Tamil refugees at that time hac Tamil Nadu. This initial problem was o the research started and I felt they accep
What came out eventually was the e feelings and understanding of their prol of them had started to question the ir

25
was in fact a research project did not nem. This made it easy to explain to them re were instances where they could not owever, their silence also revealed some is, the conversational topic was shifted to the intensity of their distress and to make ame subject was retold under a different arent phrases and words. Familiarity with was a great asset to understand them and hich differed from caste to caste. Their ons sometimes from polite usage of verbs ame when their moods changed, their periences (sighing, throwing up hands, pproval, sometimes disapproving, and helped me to capture deep feelings. The uraging from the beginning. nooper' syndrome (Huizer 1973:3). The rsonal was not relevant for me, as I have sonal' with a commitment to contribute al' of the women. Whether my dialogue fact I had been a snooper is difficult to 2nce when I asked them. They even told sonal problems with their friends. How f friends was also difficult for me to e rather friendly. intruder was avoided as much as possible d not treating them as "research objects" at times they cried and sobbed, and at noments when they laughed at me, at my the harsh and hard realities of their lives. g. I belonged to a different country and at r language with a different accent, which more precisely as a Jaffna Tamil, whose otation at that time. I have to confess that not a gun-toting "tigress' fighting for the ned me about this. The middle class, Sri caused some irritation to the Tamils in ercome on the first meeting itself before ted me at the level of consciousness. Kperience of the dialogue and the shared blems. I had the positive feeling that a few ationality of their subordination, though

Page 54
26
many of them were aware of the v, subordination.
However, the identification, em developed in the research process cann the objectivity of the research. Although these women, I have made the utmost ed and presenting the data factually. In qua distorted or changed by being in sym potential of the research findings. Such findings which can be used as data structures that particularly affect the w guiding principle, though the motivation not necessarily led to presenting biased (
Selection of the Women
Before selecting the women, the sit This depended on the presence of the c A few social scientists in the University Development Studies were consulte Mandaveli areas were suggested as suit found that the Adi Dravida caste was not entry into an adjacent area convinced r task of including class caste representat women anonymous with a view not to di is not mentioned. Reaching out to the w The first step was to meet members was done through my friends in Madras, the site and the people and their soci; research assistant from the same area. the requirements. The third candidate task. Initial entry into the field was a research assistant agreed to take me to receive a complete stranger. The first í received us and talked to us. There wa shown.
Meanwhile word had got around a that the neighbours were in fact expec actual research was started. We went b most of the hurdles had been removed enthusiasm when they were told that I in The respondents then introduced us

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
arious reasons and the facets of their
pathy, and solidarity (Huizer 1973:6) lot be considered to have interfered with I was emotionally involved in the lives of fort to be objective in selecting, analysing alitative research such as this, data are not pathy with or recognising the liberating solidarity does not invalidate the research towards the removal of such oppressive omen. The scientific quest has been the h may be different in this case, but that has or incorrect conclusions.
e of the field research had to be decided. aste and class groups in the same location. of Madras and in the Madras Institute of :d. Mylapore, Mandavelippakkam and able for my research. On investigation I represented sufficiently in these areas. My me that it was a better choice as far as my ions was concerned. However to keep the sclose their identity, the name of the place omen was done in three phases.
of the women's groups and activists. This They gave me valuable information about al habits. The next stage was recruiting a The first two applicants did not meet with was found to be the one most suited to my haphazard process. On my request the some women whom she thought would few days were spent meeting women, who as neither harsh refusal nor keen interest
hd I was informed by my research assistant ting us to visit them. On the fifth day the back to the first house and I realised that by this time. They showed a great deal of ntend discussing a few films also with them. to their friends and neighbours among

Page 55
AMethodology
whom a selection according to caste a played an effective role in this process.
The hundred and twenty women w The caste grouping was on a broad divi the non-Brahmin middle range castes : the Adi Drāvidas, Harijans and the Schec into the non-Brahmin middle range concerned they can be graded into two
The class division is the normal thr division was not based solely on the ot placed in a class grouping on a compa individual levels of material benefits ir present income of their husbands and kinds of dowry items (such as kitchen conferred on the women and their hus analysis the material resources available access, determined their class position. of the wives, if they were employed, and in the form of furniture and house were class position to the women. The class-ca the depressed caste where ninety per Among the Brahmin women an equal r high, middle and low classes. The class fall into equal numbers. So was the case The Brahmin women totalling up t caste and class behaviour, and so were whose number was fifty seven. Thirty v Caste.
As an explorative exercise in studyin made to include a three class and thre irregularity in the number of women in cover the three-class representation. Th which is neither urban nor rural. Excep not live in clusters. Hence a selection ha or road. Caste was easy to identify as t revealing their caste names. Class howev allocated a minimum of one day for the The meetings usually started at t depending on how much time was take children returning home, or the wome We met in the evenings when the won Employed women were met either on

27
nd class was made. My research assistant
're divided on the basis of caste and class. ion of three castes, namely the Brahmins, and the depressed castes, called variously luled Castes. A cluster of castes is grouped castes. As far as their social position is broad hierarchical groups. e tier upper, middle and lower class. The ccupation of the husbands. Women were rative basis, taking into consideration the the family structure. In many cases the the amount of the dowry in cash and the utensils, television sets, and refrigerators) bands the same class position. In the final in the family, to which the women had The income of the husbands, the income the material benefits the women enjoyed taken into consideration when assigning a aste convergence was very much evident in cent of them belonged to the low class. number of women were selected from the division of the middle range caste did not with the Adi Drdivida women. o thirty three were studied both for their : the middle range non-Brahmin women women were selected from the depressed
g the caste-class differences; attempts were e caste sample. Hence the reason for the each group. The number was increased to y were all selected in one area, in Madras, t for the depressed castes, other castes do d to be made among the families in a lane ne women did not have any inhibition in er had to be determined. Each woman was discussion/dialogue. en a.m. and lasted till five or six p.m. n by the interruption of casual visitors, or 1 collecting milk from the adjoining shop. hen said they were busy in the mornings. Saturdays or Sundays. On a few occasions

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28
several women were met together if the them. Wherever necessary notes were tal entire dialogue was tape-recorded with I had initially explained to them the natu the conversations for accuracy. I felt tha films better than the discussion of their had transcribed the dialogue of the day, areas of research.
The Film Medium : Selection and Analys
Deciphering the film image was an talked, danced, cried and suffered, allo watched on video and the feelings wer white for others to read or discussed thi hundred and twenty women were engag them were able to identify themselves wi The film medium can be consideret suited the present task in more than on that needs attention in all developing c population more than it does the n connections with the levels of litera compared to the male literacy level o Nadu, A Profile 1986:9).
Moreover, the sex ratio in literacy areas. The majority of the population l areas have restricted accessibility to b libraries. These considerations preven stories in my study. To avoid a gender b medium was selected. Films in Tamil : entertainment by men and women o medium was selected as the most approl
To get a wider representation and to take two consecutive years of film p. year. Since it was decided that the film: films of the recent past were selected. June. Hence the years 1986 and 1987 number of films produced was a hund number of films produced was a hundre The most popular films which wer were selected. The film industry in Ma over a hundred consecutive days are pre

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
y had no objection to others listening to ken down with their consent. However the their consent. They had no objections, for are of my visits and that I wanted to record t the women enjoyed the discussion of the life stories. The same day in the evenings I to analyse the findings under appropriate
experience in solitude. The screen image wing me to form my opinion. Films were 'e unshared, till I put them in black and em with the women much later. The same ged in the discussion of the films. Many of th some of the heroines in the films. d as the most effective within the media. It e respect. Literacy is still the primary issue :ountries. The lack of it affects the female hale population. Levels of poverty have cy. The female literacy level is at 35.0 f 58.3 in Tamil Nadu (Women in Tamil
varies significantly from rural to urban iving in conditions of poverty in the rural ooks. Neither are they motivated to use ted me from including novels and short ias, a class bias and an urban bias, the film Nadu are well patronised as the cheapest f all classes and castes. Hence the film priate for my task. to include more historicity, it was decided roduction, rather than selecting from one s had to be discussed with the women, the The interviews were scheduled for 1989 were selected. In the year 1986 the total red and fifty and in the year 1987 the total 2d and forty four'. e viewed by the highest number of viewers dras has a system by which films shown for esented with a kind of merit award.

Page 57
Methodology
Hence the selection was an easy p study were shown for two hundred and ten days. Out of the nineteen such awa the year 1986 and out of the twenty-t make a total of sixteen. Two films have films were selected on two criteria after
- Those that were shown for the l - From the rest, selecting thos gender-specific practices, cust subordination. This process el: relevance to gender ideology. Tamilfilms can becategorised und a) religious, b) historical, c) films episodes or full stories derived from anc nor historical, nor contemporaneously the category c) with one religious film selected can be termed "feminist".
All the films were first watched ath halls in Madras for the second time watching the films at home, partic conversations were tape-recorded. A fel one after the other from two or three watching the films. The scenes and sor recorded were later used in workshops, The major thrust of the film analysi and to identify the messages given out fact an attempt in its secondary phase overtly visible messages. This process h the implied messages and the messages women. In effect the films were analys gender ideology, the construct of dich differential social behaviour for mer transmitted both through the image constructed in the theme, narration a related to the concepts and institutic history to ascertain the levels of the col related to the social reality that was r dialogue that was carried out with the v

29
rocess. Some of the films selected for the forty days, and some for two hundred and ird winning films eight were selected from hree in 1987 eight films were selected to overlapped from 1986 to 1987. The sixteen viewing all forty-two films (19+23). highest number of days. e that are most relevant for identifying oms and institutions that sustain gender iminated some of the films which had no
er four major groups,
that deal with contemporary social life, d) ient literature. These are neither religious, social. The films selected would fall under h. Interestingly, one film among the ones
ome. Five films were watched at the cinema to capture the audience reaction. While cular scenes were replayed, songs and w scenes were compared by watching them films. Very often notes were taken while gs, conversations and sequences that were seminars and feminist discussion groups. s was to decipher the total image of women to men and women. This exercise was in to decode the signs and symbols and the owever, led finally to detect the covert and implied through the image, particularly to ed in the last resort, in its components of tomous social definitions which prescribes and women. These it would seem are and the messages. The meanings thus nd presentation of the film stories will be ons that were analysed on the section on htinuity of gender ideology. These are then evealed through the process of interactive
VOII1611.

Page 58


Page 59
P The Construction om i Tamil Soci

art 2 Gender Hierarchy in the ial Formation

Page 60


Page 61
Cha
The Eam
knowledge of the historical process gender hierarchy within gender r formation if not in its entirety, but in it is indeed necessary to understand cor precisely that delineation. Such an exer of the gender ideology in addition to social relationships.
One problem faced by social anthro of historical sources. "India", bemoa historical records worth the name." Hoy megalomaniac names and imposing relations within the socio-economic reconstructed from the available source: later period, there is inscriptional evider The earliest literature that has bee the Sangam literature'. Secular in char and third centuries of the Christian era Though there are different phases C referred to as the Sangam period. The p to here as the pre-Sangam period or the Sangan period is called the post-Sanga beginnings of the restrictive ethos for w. period. From the bulk of the Sangam, identify three phases of development:
- Memories of a pre-historic m matriarchy) with the cult of the women enjoying an enhanced s - A stage where patriarchal a acceptance. One sees a fusion process of selectivity towards m

pter 3
ly Period
which contributed to the construction of slations in the south Indian Tamil social s major structural and ideological content temporary situations. This chapter does cise should implicitly illustrate the impact
identifying gender-specific meanings in
pologists and historians of India is the lack ms Kosambi (1970:9), “has virtually no wever, history is not only the succession of battles (Kosambi 1970:10). The gender and socio-political structures can be s of literature for the early period. For the nce as well. n preserved in the Tamil region is called Lcter this literature belongs to the second (AD 100-300) (Nilakanta Sastri 1966:ll 7). f development, this period is generally eriod before the Sangam period is referred pre-historical period. The period after the n period. The late Sangam period saw the men which crystallized in the post-Sangam und the post-Sangam evidence, one could
tri-pedestal society (often confused with : mother goddess, and women priests and ocial position. ttitudes and institutions achieve social
between these and earlier forms and a re rigidity.

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34
- A period of total acceptance of which there is no turning back in These phases of development corre late Sangam period and the post-Sang trends in gender relations, it has to interpreted to mean that they follow dismissing any such claims, it has to be m relations were moving to more patriarch status became part of the dominant valu Within the early socio-economic str tendencies between men and women scholars have made an attempt to dra Tamil matriarchy (Samy 1975:91, Sut Debiprasad Chattopadhayaya (1959) a matriarchy in the Indus Valley civiliz communism in India. Matrilineal clan ( and the importance attached to a mate treated as the residuals of matriarchy in the matriarchate theory of the early a Morgan (1877) and others such as En visions of women's power, to the notic subscribe. However, evidence for the conceptualised as women controlling the socio-political relations and enjoying : found in the Sangam literature. Matrili pattern, matrilineal descent, evidence C discrimination and oppression have b matriarchy. Yet women's exclusive abili identity factor for the children have led
Mother Goddess and Woman Priests
The cult of the mother goddess is t venerated femininity. This mother godd given birth to all and one. Big breasts ar. to the phenemenon of having given b these characteristics attributed to moth period. Sangam literature bears testin femininity. Phrases such as perunkattu ke (Kalitokai 89) and Kanamar cheluy, the vi are often used to refer to mother godde when civilization shifted to areas away f the agricultural stage. She is also referr

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
a rigid code of conduct for women from n the history of Tamil women till now. spond roughly to the Sangam period, the am period. While identifying the major pe emphasised that they should not be
linear patterns of development. While |aintained that the major trends in gender al lines and by reason of their hegemonic
system. ucture of the Sangam period, egalitarian could be observed. Linguists and Tamil W conclusions from such evidence for a oramaniyam 1982:26). Ehrenfels (1941) hd Sharad Patil (1982) have argued for tion and during the time of primitive of the Kerala Naiars, Matrilocal residence rnal uncle in social kinship relations are
India. This however is a restructuring of nthropologists such as Bachofen (1861), gels (1884). These are however, utopian ons of which even some of the feminists
existence of a prehistoric matriarchy, : means of production, socio-religious and an independant power base, cannot be ny which only meant female inheritance if a socially equal status, absence of overt een used as arguments for pre-historic ly to conceive and the mother being the io conceptualising mothers as powerful.
reated as an indication of a society which ess was conceived as a virgin, one who has a symbolic of fertility and are always linked irth to all human beings. The origins of er goddess can be traced to the Sangam hony to this phenomenon of power in rri, the goddess Korri from the deep forest rgin who resides in the forest (Akam 345), ss. This is obviously a reference to the time om the forests, from the hunting stage to 2d to as the "Olden or Oldest'. Very often

Page 63
7he Early Period
the suffix "oldest" (palayol, Akam 20, attached as an adjective to the motherg the survival of the oldest mother godd and infinitely old is maintained in these
Significantly, the mother goddess h chely, katu kelu chelvy, Akam 370). Virgi cheluy. The image of her sexual purity i motherhood. The paradox is clear and sexual purity was elaborated and inter marital fidelity, and motherhood came women. However, at this stage the mo and nurturing in the positive sense and
The role of women in the different agriculture) and the early rituals both ir important factors which determined w Sangam age.
There is evidence for an institution Sargam literature. The kura maka (th dances called the veriyattu (Tirumuruka conducting the Korzavai worship in Cil figure-head symbol, but suggest an activ rituals (Kailasapathy l968:94-134). In th the role of Korrauai (mother goddess) 1982:19). During the Sangam age, wo Hence rituals relating to rain, harvest, female priests. The rites were related keen observers of nature, they could indicate an on-coming rainfall. The (Akananuru). The reference in Akanan rain was performed by old women tes women-centered.
Mother goddesses and female pr women were held in respect. The orig which is derived from the word tai m system (Singaravelu 1966:199). These enjoyed social power and religiou independence, but these are howev matriarchy- the dominance of women Women enjoyed freedom, and rest have been minimal. From the Akam poe was free and of one's own choice. The c or with their parents. Romantic love

35
), (mutiyol, mutu kotai, Manimekalai) is oddess. Hence in terms of time and space ss whose memory as living in the forests epithets. as been referred to as a virgin (Kanamar hity is connoted repeatedly by the epithet s maintained. Sexuality is separated from it has many implications. At a later stage, preted as pre-marital virginity and postto be part of the gender expectation for ther goddess cult implied power, fertility as a symbolic power basis. modes of production (food gathering and the magic rituals and religious rituals are omen's position in the social life of the
of women priests known as tevaratti in the 2 Veddah woman) performing the ritual trupatai) and Calini (name of a woman), apatikaram are not merely indicators of a 2 and consistent participation of women in e ritual drama of the early Sangam period,
was played by a woman (Subramaniam men played a major role in production. and crops were mainly dominated by the o magical formulas chanted by them. As predict the future in general and could se female priests are called katuvicci uru (Akam 201) that the ritual relating to tifies to the cult which is prehistoric and
iests were indicators of a society where inal term for property in Tamil as tayyam eaning mother, indicates the matrilineal factors signify a system where women ascendancy, and perhaps economic er not to be confused with signs of
OV62)" (IACI). rictions on their social behaviour seem to ms one could conclude that mate selection ouple either eloped and lived on their own and clandestine love relationships called

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36
kalavu were treated with dignity. Conce females acquiring knowledge. Twenty identified as women. Outstanding amo. fifty eight verses in four of the major San The assumption that women are s find parallels in the Sangam period. economically active women. Women in protecting the crops day and night (Ma by wild animals when the men were aw (Kurinci 40-44). Agricultural women horticulture were referred to as Ey cultivation) (Singaravelu 1966:27,36). V instrument to collect the soft rice gra (Perumpāmarruppatai 91-94) by Singara bartering milk for other products in reg the economic activities of women inter who watched the crops, agricultural daughters of fisherman (paratavar) wh literature testify to the economic acti hunting and women in all other activitic
Scholars of Tamil literature Subramaniyam 1982:23) have identifi women with dance and music. The ri with various musical instruments (men of the women (Kurinci 192-194).
Another interesting phenomenon literature is that women specialists in a The bards had a troupe in which the music of panans. The pananis were the remained single and enjoyed an enhan testified to by Sangam literature (Subrar
Late Sangam Period and Evidence of Ta
Treating menstruating women as : areas in the house or outside the house have been referred to in the late Sange were also put in the same category for a days. This is called puniru. The reason that the flow of blood is connected to 1975:96-97). Assertions by Hart that wi dangerous power and had to be con literature.The concept of anangu iden

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
ptually, there is no indication of taboo on six authors of Sangam literature were ng them is Avvaiyar who has to her credit igam works. ocially inefficient and incapable does not Sangam literature provides evidence of l groups were found to be watching and laipatukatam 328-329) from being attacked 'ay from their homes on hunting missions who were engaged in minor forms of irriyar (agricultural women engaged in Women digging the ground with a hoe-like ins from grass-roots were also identified velu. Women milking cows (aycciyar) and ;ions where cows were not reared, speak of -regionally (Kurinci 221). Kuratiyar women women planting seeds (Eyirriyar) and o dried the fish referred to in the Sangam vities of women (Men were engaged in es except hunting).
(Vithiananthan 1954:264, 290, 292; ed factors which connected the lives of tual dances and the accompanying music tioned by name) were the near monopoly
which can be deciphered from Sangam rt are mentioned by names, such as virali. female dancers called viralis dance to the e female musicians. That the viralis always ced social status among the other artists is maniyam 1982:91).
boos and Controls
inauspicious and isolating them in special and excluding them from all religious rites m literature. Women who have given birth period of time from thirty days to forty-five for this is not stated. One could speculate ideas of pollution because of fear (Hart omen during this period possess a sacredly rolled cannot be supported from Sangam tified as a sacred power of women has been

Page 65
The Early Period
connected to women's chastity by Har Sangam literature. Hart’s interpretation (1986:257). It connotes nothing but the take note of at this stage is the deteriora of the Sangam period to sources of pollu During the latter stage of the Sang politically. This was motivated by design such political alliances was an easy way war. However, if the kings refused t followed. Kingdoms were subjugated, ki marriage. Sañgam literature documen conceptual definition and a name for for the sake of women) (Puram 336-354. they become the possession of fathers developed later in the Tamil litera derogatorily as the "cause of war" can be
Semantic Growth in the Signification of The meaning of chastity (karpu in TI the same time and from person to pe theory behind it and a broader concept it as “conjugal fidelity” and “life of a hou his choice had been ratified by mari Tolkapiyar, (the author of Tolkapiyamic bride to the bridegroom by those entitle However, chastity in the Sangam age virginity was disregarded at a time in his in premarital clandestine love relations mother goddess remained a virgin, virgi Virginity as part of the meaning of ch date. The "gift of the virgin" (kanya da castes which was elaborated in the laws ( period along with the Brahmanical meaning of chastity now included the way immodest (Puram 196). Qualities harshness in speech have become attri Chastity not only meant a state of ph behaviour implying that a violation of former.
The talaivan/talaivi (hero/heroin husband and wife now changes into a h master:slave. The husband is elevated

37
t. Again there is no evidence for this in of anangu" has been questioned by Rajam
sexuality of women. What is important to tion of the position of women from priests tion in the late Sangam period. m period, marriage alliances were sought s of acquiring power and prestige. Seeking
to annex kingdoms and regions without ) give their daughters in marriage, war ngs captured and daughters taken over for its such episodes and in fact gives a such episodes namely, makatpatkanci (war ). Women here symbolise state-power, and and kings. Linkages to an ideology which try tradition which considered women
seen here.
Chastity amil) has varied from time to time, within rson so that it now has a comprehensive ual framework. The Tamil lexicon explains seholder" after his union with the bride of iage ceremonies (Sivathamby 1966:330). lefines karpu as the act of giving away the d. : connoted marital fidelity only. Premarital tory, when men and women were engaged hips. The paradox is interesting. While the nity was not an expected virtue for women. astity for maidens was included at a later inam) as part of the marriage of the high of Manu was introduced in the post Sangam marriage rites. However, the extended estraining of all impulses that were in any of patience, soft words, and avoidance of butes of a chaste woman (Hart 1975:97). ysical purity but also included a code of he latter was equal to the violation of the
2) relationship of social equality of the ierarchical relationship of God:mortal and to a god (teivam) and lord (paty). This

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38
process is well documented in Tirukural the Tamil language and is referred to a most quoted books for all types of dis consists of three thousand couplets no spectacular expressions of moral and re society can be seen by the fact that in th the Tamil Hindus in Tamil Nadu, Tiru oaths.
It is even mentioned that chal worshipping their husbands can cause them (Tirukural couplet 55, chapter 6 concept from the late Sangam literatu godliness by calling it "godly" (kadavu Akam 1984).
The meaning of chastity is extend concept from a state of physical purity To guard her mind and not to fancy an of a woman's chastity at this stage. It According to Tirukural protecting won safeguard their physical chastity is of n (Tirukural couplet 57, chapter 6). This now led poets and grammarians to de The godly karpu is immortalised in t Cilapatikaram and its heroine Kannaki. destroy a kingdom. She came to be ve teivam). Temples were erected for her i become connected with chastity during deemed a power of inward bliss, resu Kannaki, the epic heroine, and Nallath development of power in the conce Madurai to punish its king for miscarri husband), and Nallathankal could mak to her powerful chastity. The reference the power of destruction and the powe Tolkapiyar, the author of Tolkapi chastity. He lists a few qualities suc repulsion at the touch of a man other as essential for women (Tolkapiyam 1 more important than one's life and c! (1059). He classifies chaste women in tapatanilai). The chastity of the hig instantaneously with the husband but

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
Tirukuralis one of the important works in s the bible of the Tamils. It is one of the courses, political, literary and cultural. It !ed for its brevity and clarity and for the ligious truths. Its acceptance by the Tamil le absence of a uniform religious code for kural is used in the courts of law to take
ite women not worshipping God but the rains to fall by merely commanding 1. This is however, a development of the ure where karpu was already elevated to l sandra karpu, Puram 198; kadavul karpu,
ed further. The semantic shifting of the to a state of mental purity is now evident. other man becomes part of the definition is emphasised in the post Sangam texts. hen merely within the walls of prisons to ) use if they cannot guard their minds too extreme demand of chastity on women has vote entire chapters on defining chastity. he post-Sangam period through the epic Her steadfast chastity gave her powers to nerated as the goddess of chastity (pattini h India and Sri Lanka. Extra-mortal powers the post Sangam period. It is glorified and ulting from self-control and steadfastness. unkal of the folk tradition are typical of the pt of chastity. Kannaki was able to burn age of justice (for beheading her innocent 2 wet fire-wood burn by her command due to fire here is no accident. It signifies both of usefulness. yam, gives the highest order of merit to as bashfulness, ignorance, a feeling of than her husband, fearfulness and chastity 04.5). The author considers bashfulness as hastity as more important than bashfulness to three types (mutanantam, purankatu and hest order falls on a woman who dies voluntarily, either on hearing or realising

Page 67
The Baray Period
that her husband had died (mutan (purankatu), self immolation at the c practising widow-penance (tapatani contemporaneous or later than Tolkapi of chastity. The wife of the Pandyan kin passed away.
The etymology of the word karpu root of the word as kal merely means to famous commentator of Sangam litera rather unconventionally. He defines instructed, and that is as follows:
- the woman is instructed that the - the woman is instructed by
Brahmins, elders, honourable p - the woman is instructed thro witnesses (Brahmanical marria husband and that she has to wai The second instruction indicates thi a reality in the Tamil regions in the late literary field as well.
Significantly the terms which we taputaranilai (Puram 256), the rite perf the death of his wife, and talaipeyalnilai in the company of his children left beh disuse since then. There is no evidence ever used in subsequent periods.
The customs of widow seclusion an pyre of their husbands, were directly col Widowhood has come to be recogni practices spelled out in detail. The ornaments, giving up foods rich in spic and sleeping on stone beds (Puram 25, alien to a culture that allowed widow ri still followed by low caste Tamils, other Lankan Tamils. The above verse reveals om women who lost their husbands. So Create a religious patriarchy. The fact th by the Brahmin caste could testify to the brought to the Tamil regions by the Br of Sangam literature have Sanskritic na They are evidence of the Brahmanical nd into the Tamil literature (Velupill nfluence.

39
antam). The second is committing sati metry. The third is to remain a widow ai). The epic silapatikäram, either am, provides the example for the first type g died when she realised her husband had
s somewhat unclear and perplexing. The learn. This is a far cry from chastity but the ture, Naccininarkiniyar, bridges the gap karpu as that on which the woman is
re is no greater god than her husband. her husband/lover how to behave with eople, and ascetics. ugh rites in which gods participate as ge rites) that she will be protected by her t on and serve the husband. 2 Brahmanical hegemony that had become r Sangam period, and how it crept into the
re in use in the Sangam age such as ormed by a lonely husband who mourned (Puram 258), the mourning of the widower ind by his deceased wife, have fallen into ! of these terminologies or concepts being
d sati, the burning of wives on the funeral nnected to the concept of chastity. sed as a social institution with customs and practices included tonsure, giving up ls and aroma, caking their heads with mud 52, 224, 246,253,261). These practices are 2-marriage, as is evident from the customs tribal societies in South India, and the Sri that ascetic widowhood was insisted upon cial patriarchy conflates with asceticism to at these customs were commonly practised : fact that these are Brahminical influences ahmins. Interestingly, some of the authors nes such as “Van mehi” and “Gotamanar”. penetration both into the Tamil regions ai 1985:32). However, this is not the only

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40
The impact of Buddhism was anol commonly known as kainai nonpu asceticism. The extreme asceticism exp the ascetic codes of Buddhism and J. restricting food habits, giving up lu abstinence, (self-denial in general) are Jaina monks. The word nonpu is etym penance. Brahmanical Hinduism pick good for their widowed women. Amon top garments. This mode of dress rese concept of chastity was now modified a women whose husbands are no longer a process of the Buddhist code of ren whole ideology is directed at controllin by way of food are to curb her sexual a dressing and ornaments are to dimi sexuality had become the exclusive p patterns of widowhood which symbolis of worldly pleasures, which became hig history had its beginnings in the Purana The habitual tonsuring of widows sexuality. Hair in various cultures ha virility, vigour and, vitality in men, amo femininity, both implicitly connected t the removal of it ritually or otherwise 1 and should lead to renunciation of it f primarily the process of these achieve attention to the symbolic cultural re practices among the Hindus and Bu symbolic meanings of the matted hai shaven hair may suggest the princi renunciation and chastity( 1981:33-34 the principle of restraint and bounda royal women also implying an upper ca
What then was the reason for this Women who owned property when t with them. The husband's brothers co the woman was married again. If she rights on her property.
What has been discussed above is codes for women. While chastity fo institution of extramarital relationsh

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
her significant factor. There are customs
hich means widow penance or widow
ected of widowed women has parallels in
inism. Shaving the head, wearing robes,
xuries and material things, and sexual
part of a code of conduct for Buddhist and
ologically linked to the idea of Buddhist 2d up these ideas and instituted them as
g some castes widows had to remove their
mbles the robes of Buddhist monks. The
nd made inclusive of a self-denial code for
enjoying the pleasures of life. Hence this is
unciation being imposed on women. The
g the sexuality of women. The deprivations ppetite and the deprivation in the mode of nish her sexual attractiveness. Women's possession of the husband. The ritualised ed negation of sexuality and renunciation
h caste norms during the latter periods of
፴ጌጊዜ?ኸዜ VerSe.
has further implications with relation to s symbolic connotations signifying power, ng women it meant an additional charm to o human sexuality. Hence absence of hair, means absence of sex, negation of sexuality or asceticism and the codes of restraints are ments. Obeyesekere (1981) has drawn our presentations of hair in the religio-social idhists. While differentiating between the r and the shaven hair he argues that the ple of castration but it is connected to . It may be noted that both are related to ies. This custom was later practised by the ste behaviour patterm. patriarchal institution? One could speculate. hey remarry, would take away the property uld no longer have access to her property if remained single they could exercise their
an ideology of morals which has differential women was defined and explained, the p for men was approved. Men were also

Page 69
7he Atary Aeriod
allowed to have more than one wife. Th by referring to her as manaiyal, one w Kanakilati, one who is for pleasure (in other category of women referred to payment), porut pentir (woman who (courtesans), potumakalir (common wo etc. Interestingly, within the paratayar, ( ill parattai (parattai for the house), is on regular basis but of a lesser status than lives in the outskirts or slums to whom extramarital relationships was not only necessary for men, who are exempted children are tabooed for these women ( During the post-Sangam period, Tirukural in a chapter of ten couplets morals, of ville and unchaste habits. T scholarship and gifted with a deep unde of the visible male bias in his formulati He is indifferent to the role of men i doesn't seem to question this, while he man's wife (piran ill vilaiyama). He morality.
That these women are referred to v, lived in the outskirts which are called t their social marginalisation. Sañgam li Pirivu. This section on the romantic e maintained as a component in the nar incidents appear as a rule rather th separation from the wife, for a peri prostitute. There is indeed an assun separation is necessary for the enhance of love within the family.
Heroic Motherhood
Another significant arena of inquir component of gender ideology. Duri female priests, women's role in society their only identity, mor was it the ultim they were engaged in. In one instar categorisation and division of the d nurturing are my duties while making mother (Puram 312). The dominant im

41
e main wife was distinguished from others to belongs to the house and the other as he section on chastity in Tolkapiyam). The are parattai and vilai mātu (women for is paid materially in return), kanikayar men), varaivin makalir (immoral women), plural form) there are two categories. The the level of a concubine maintained on a the wife. The seriparattai is someone who men pay occasional visits. This system of accepted but also thought to be socially from chastity. Family life and begetting Inkurunuru, Verse no.4)
prostitution becomes institutionalised. refers to these women as women of low iruvalluvar, the author renowned for his rstanding of society, has failed to take note on of these derogatory terms of reference. n making such women what they are. He advises men mot to fall in love with another is silent about the double standards of
ariously by derogatory names and that they he (prostitutes) seri of the slums speaks of terature has one section called Parattayil pisodes of the Akam division is constantly ration of the story. The references to such an an exception. It literally means the bd by the husband, who is away with a ption in the Akam literature that such ment and intensification of the experience
is the ideology of motherhood, which is a ng the period of mother goddesses and was multifaceted. Being a mother was not ate identity as seen in the various activities ce, a mother is seen on the basis of a uties of the parents. "Giving birth and him great is his father's vocation," said a age of a mother is not, however, within the

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42
mould of nurturing. In keeping wil (Kailasapathy 1966:47) the dominant : produces valiant sons. The mothers wer the children or the family, but were exp Having vanquished the enemy, the sor many a mother's wish. The mothers of glorified in Sangam literature.
A mother was happy and proud that with his enemies, with wounds on his ch meant he was a coward running away fr 184). The mother's womb was metaphol In fact a mother was found to be lamen die in the battlefield (Puram 286).
The Householder and the Housewife
During the Sangam age, trends wh matri-pedestal tribal stage were found to non-tribal stage. Society was now moving reasons could be hypothesised. State fo more organised, the penetration of In the hegemony of the Brahmins, incre ideology of renunciation of non-Brah conduct of Buddhism and Jainism the regions, all had a share in worsening t agricultural society of the Sangam perio and commerce had become active and witnessed in the post-Sangam literatur truth, justice, non-stealing, not encroa the injunction against adultery point property and denote a rigid concept of bears witness to similar transformation State formation had resulted in the fa institution in social organisation. The p as wives have been unambiguously a Chapter ten couplets). A strict code of moral treatises for which this period is period called the Patinenkil Kanaku phenomenon.
It is important to note that many o of the post-Sangam period and the e Brahmin authors and non-Buddhist a the Buddhist and Jain philosophy. Th

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
th the demands of the "heroic age" image of a mother is that of one who e not expected to sacrifice themselves for ected to sacrifice their heroic sons in War. should emerge victorious in death was such sons deserved praise, and they were
her son was killed in direct confrontation est and not on his back, as that would have om the battlefield (Ramanujam 1985:182ically referred to as the "lairs of a tigress". ting that her son did not get a chance to
ich were symptomatic of the matrilineal, be in a state of fusion with the patrilineal, ; towards a rigid patriarchal pattern. A few Irmation, within which society was getting do-European patriarchal culture through asing rigidity of the caste system and the manic religions with the rigid codes of it were making their way into the Tamil he status of women. The pastoral and the i was in a process of transformation. Trade a cult of individualism was developing as 2 such as Tirukural Kosambi argues that ching upon the possessions of others and to a new concept of private individual the family (Kosambi 1956: 158). Tirukural s in the Tamil region (chapters 6, 8 10). mily unit acquiring the status of a central lace of women in the family and their role nd illustratively spelt out (Tirukural 6th conduct has been enshrined for her in the famous. The collection of literature of this
Nalkal bears ample testimony to this
f the authors of the collection of literature pics were either Buddhists or Jains. The hd non-Jain authors became adherents of : family, treated as a socially indispensable

Page 71
The Early Period
institution, was now presented as the " Brahmins, om the other hand, whose ir claimed originally that the only Acrama (Thapar 1981:275), had to assert their cla Hence we find that both trends are n This is well represented in Tirukural. T compromise. The second part of Tiruk Illaram placing household dharma on an of the Buddhist philosophy which he de "dharma of household" (Illaram), elevati and includes "hospitality" as part of Illara the renouncer who by his code of condu The author glorifies the householder in t The duties of the householder, sucl religious duty of feeding the renouncer become the entire dharma on which th these duties, the role of the housewife re. who belongs to the house/home) gets p of dharma (religious duty). The sexual di wife is more or less detached from ecc confinement to the house becomes com which should have been placed in the s author to the section that deals with relig the first chapter, the author compares fa the former the better in terms of the fun playing his role and maintaining the dh household into the concept of dharma co household and family. The author deals the third section and calls it the "sectic continuation of the Sangam love theme u Ideologically, a conceptual division C removal of sex from the household/f extent the need of the men to seek it ol manaiyal (one who belongs to the hous Kanakilati (the women for erotic pleasur sexual love), the wife's sexual needs are of the female within the family and withi to be upheld as passivity against the a functional, and directed only to beget he women had to suppress their needs and linked to the need to elevate the Bud renunciation was expected from both me

43
other' of the cult of renunciation. The eligion belonged to this world and who was that of the gruhasta (householder) uims to hegemony. ow competing for a hegemonic principle. The author who is a Buddhist strikes a ural has been given the section title of equal status with the renunciatory goals als with in the first section. He calls it a ng it in Buddhist/Jaina idiom (dharma) : dharma. This hospitality includes feeding ict cannot make money or cook his food. wenty chapters. h as begetting offspring, performing the and hospitality extended to visitors, now e author claims the world rests. Within ferred to variously as manaivior Illal (one riority. Her duties are raised to the status vision of labour becomes more rigid. The nomic activities outside the house. Her plete. The chapter on household duties, section on sexual love, is elevated by the iom or dharma. In many of the couplets in mily life with renunciation, and considers ictions a householder accomplishes while arma of the family. The inclusion of the. onceptually removed sexual love from the with sexual love, with its varied themes in on on sexual love (kammatupal).This is a sed with the same symbols and ideas. of ethics evolved out of it. The theoretical amily legitimised ideologically, to some utside the home/family. In the system of se, with a feminine gender ending) and re, women from whom the husband seeks ignored and denied. The de-eroticisation n the dharma of the household continued |ctive male principle. Sexuality becomes irs. This led to a social expectation where desire for sex. This however, cannot be dhistJaina principle of renunciation, as n and women. From this period onwards,

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44
Tamil literature maintains this ideolog presenting conflicting models and creati: have been glorified in Tamil literature, ; associated it with sin or guilt. This becom love is turned into spiritual. The symbol as the yearnings of a distressed lover to bhakti tradition. This tradition includ ambivalence and the mixing of tw compromise. Later, during the 18th ce. again brought into the middle class Christianity.
However, the glorification of the ho "housewifisation” (Mies 1982:l80) for titled the "merits of the partner in life" in ten couplets the qualities, duties ar central to family life. The whole ensemb qualities required for a home. Patienc hospitality, unquestioning obedience to The word ill which means home is synon When the dharma of the househc progressively withdrawn from other activities, and the social role she played enjoying life, taking part in games and reference has been made in the Sangam one with the home and the man she is now owned by her husband as his pos thing" (piran porula) (Tirukural:l (Tirukural:l47) and one who is within varayal) (Tirukural 150).
This ensemble of ideology collective separate identity of the woman with t female principle is subdued and supp throughout later history. The aspects c the man, taking on his likes and dislike are glorified.
The struggle for patriliny over ma Murukan, referred to as the son of Kor the son of Siva. The significant role of til children, is now reversed. The indepen married to Shiva, and the mother becor This is also the stage where the S. and Parwaty, is blended with the ancier

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
y in a veiled manner, in the sense of ng situations of ambivalence. Sex and love and Hindu sects have not despised sex or hes clear in the next period where human and idioms of erotic love are transferred wards union with God in the devotional 2d women. This is an example of the theoretically conflicting ethos in a ntury, the image of a sexless woman was
culture, due to the puritan ideology of
usehold in this period led to a process of women. The sixth chapter in Tirukural, (Valkaitunai Nalam), systematically lists out nd obligations of a good wife which are le is summed up as manai matci, the noble e, few words, soft words, chastity, thrif
the husband, go to make a wife perfect ymously used for wife in Tamil.
blder is emphasised, the woman/wife is activities such as education, economic earlier as poetess, consultant to the kings, sports, in dance and recreation (to which period). In this process, the wife becomes married to. Reduced to an object, she is session. She is now referred to as "one's 41) one's possession, (piran iyala) the limits of another (i.e. a man) (piran
ly called manai-matci and the fusing of the hat of the man, that oneness where the ressed, continues to have its ascendancy of having manai matci, becoming one with 's, fulfilling his desires and sacrificing hers
triliny is ideologically documented. Lord avai (Korrauai Ciruva) is now referred to as he mother, who was the reference point for ient mother goddess who was single is now nes a non-entity in the process of creation.
inskritic god Subramanya, the son of Siva it Murukan who was till then treated as the

Page 73
The Aarly Period
son of mother goddess. The cult of Pa goddess, and a patrilineal kinship patte has completely taken over the mother goddess is now pushed into the "little tra
The ritualistic dance, connected wit than the Sangam literature. Connecte vatavalli it was a ritual dance performed been explained by Naccinarkiniyar, as a uncivilized" (Tolkapiyam, Chapter 5, (Aku
The above discussion could be su stripped of their powers and identity. T activities. They were confined into the h of conduct and duties. The concept of c of other codes and now became a com goddess and the fertility cult which symb were degraded both socially and religio rituals are now categorised as "lowly and

45
iruaty now is assimilated into the mother 'rn of the Sanskritic (Brahmanic) models goddess's separate identity. The mother dition". h the primitive mode of worship was older d with fertility rites and referred to as by women (Perumpanarupatai: 370). It has dance form seen only by "the low and the atinai Iyal) Verse 60). immed thus: Women were progressively hey were withdrawn from their economic ousehold with elaborately laid down codes chastity had been widened to include a set prehensive code of restraint. The mother polised women's socio-religious ascendancy usly into the "little tradition". The related
uncivilised”.

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Cha
Feminine Evil and F
Renunciation, Feminine Evil and Art For he other phenomenon which is development of an ideology offen venerated for their powers of fertility feminine evil. Renunciation, as propou. on renouncing home, kinship relations desirelessness was expected to be obser renouncing sexuality was the most d traditions as to how the penances of ard by enticing damsels. Women symbolisec All these, related to the sexuality of wo of renunciation. The fact that the Budd had a liberal attitude to women and a nunnery did not prevent such sentim sexuality. As long as women entered the Outside the confines of renunciation, threat.
Branded as impure, vicious, malic considered the root cause of destruct organs were condemned as causes for principle was condemned as treachero contaminating sexuality (Kakar l981:93 the fear of and inability to encounter fel Early Brahminical literature testific (Olivelle 1992: ll-l2) The cult of ren Buddhism and Jainism. Though Brahm the last stage of purushartha, the ideolc in mainstream Hinduism. Purushdirta r the man in fulfilling his earthly mission used their scholarship to influence the

pter 4
Hegemonic Patriarchy
S peculiar to the early period was the ninine evil. Women of the Sangam period are now couched within an ideology of nded by the Buddhists and Jains, insisted , and all passions. To achieve this, sexual ved as a rigid code. For many renouncers, ifficult. Legends abound in the Hindu ent and dispassionate seers were disturbed family ties, sexual urges and worldliness. men, came under severe attack in the cult ha and Mahavira (the founder of Jainism) lowed them as lay disciples and into the ents from being directed against female field of renunciation they were no threat. they remained both an obstacle and a
ious, illusive and ghostly, femaleness was ion of the human ethos. Female sexual
distraction and seduction. The feminine us, lustful and rampant with an insatiable ). At the bottom of these expressions was male sexuality.
es to the existence of many ascetic codes lunciation was equally significant both in amical Hinduism codified renunciation as gy of renunciation was deeply entrenched efers to the four objectives designated for in stages. Buddhist and Jain Tamil scholars Tamil regions with their philosophy. The

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Aeminine Evil and Hegemonic Patriarchy
post-Sangam literature (the moral treatis time. Together they depict a society that fatalistic. The realisation of the imperm poverty and its accompanying misery hav of the authors. The constant warfare a reduced the country to a state of pov philosophy offered people answers to community was the dominant group at til to carry on their business. Peace could b accepted Buddhism.
It was during these periods that the philosophy and ridiculed the extreme theological battle with Buddhism finall Tamil region.
Women now have become the su heroines but on par with such emotions principle of impermanence, transitorin to be destructive and the cause of all th 54, 60; Acarakouai 51, 65, 82, 99). Wome dirty, men were advised to avoid womei give as they are impermanent (Sirupanc "common woman”. Degrading termin nannerisms, behaviour and their livelihc Sex and the sexual urge as bodily cr this craving is believed to have been trig one category are blamed and condemne was patronised during this period by the A few more examples would elu compared to death, and men are advisec 82). Liquor, falsehood, murder and rob sex. Sex in general is equated to anc (Manimēkalai 3056 - 9). The following ve feminine evil.
If the wife is confronting (or questionir If she does not enter the kitchen early ir she is (like) an incurable disease.
If she doesn't cook for the husband, she These three are in fact killer weapons to
One should take note of the ide disease, and ghosts. Women in Budd symbolise decay like a disease.

47
e and the two epics) is a reflection of the has lost its innovative will and has become anence of youth, of wealth and life, and e contributed to the philosophic attitudes nd the internal rivalry of the kings have rty. At this juncture, Buddhism with its their worldly problems. The merchant hat point in history and they wanted peace 2 achieved through Buddhism and so they
Brahmins became antagonistic to the new : views of Buddhism and Jainism. The y succeeded in driving it away from the
bject matter in moral treatises, not as as anger, sex, lust, avariciousness and the ass, suffering and decay. Sex was thought he worldly chaos and sufferings (Nalatiyar in's bodies being regarded as impure and and the pleasures of the body that they amulan 4). Men are warned to avoid the ologies are used to refer to women's pod (Cirupancamulam 60). aving are an obstacle to detachment, and gered by women. Hence women per se as d in the Tamil-Buddhist literature, which Tamils. icidate the point further. Women are l to handle them carefully (Nanmatikatikai: bing one of his possessions are equated to identified with the feminine principle rse in Nalatiyar is typical of the ideology of
g the husband), she is death itself.
the morning,
is (like) a ghost in the house. the husbands,
(Nālatiyar 363)
ology implied in similies such as death, hist thought have become carnal. They

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48
The same process was extended to visible even in the Buddhist epic, Mar agreed to accept women as capable of ac of the epic saying, "Since you are you dharma to you" (Manimekalai 26, 68-69 concluding sceptically "can women advi nature" (425 - 428), are indeed the unfavourably with the age of women period who advised kings.
The general attitude of this period seral in Tirukural which warns of the p women or act according to their wish demeaned and disgraced, he warns. To avoided, he advises. In conclusion to th question-of Leacock (1981:28), "When symbolic of positive fertility to "female development of the concepts and th formation should give an idea of the ti source material used in this section othe referred to in Tamil tradition as the Pal are found in one book as a collection of The period following the Sangam e. of the people, and women's exclusion f a post-Sangam phenomenon for which this period.
The cult of renunciation had direc forms during this period. Dance, mu merry-making were treated as impedim a retarding influence towards the reali believed to be creating passions and se emotions, they posed as the opposite which is illusory, transitory and imperm Jain—found linkages to women's sexu practising and performing artists wa dancing to the rhythm and beat of connotations. Art of every form was co. to that of liquor and women's pleas parallel argument was to reject artistic'
“Patronise not v do not go to the women take pal if you think it o

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
women's intellect. The impact of this is imakalai, though the Buddha had finally quiring religious knowledge. The heroine g and a woman they will not reveal the ) and her friend advising the prince and e you on knowledge, politics, and human reflection of the age. These compare priests and women poets of the Sangan
is reflected in the chapter called Pen vali light of men and husbands who listen to les (Tirukural 901-902). They would be serve the wife is disgraceful and should be is section, we could also repeat the same does the shift take place from "female' as :' as temptation to evil" ? The historical 2 institutions traced in the Tamil social ansformation from one to the other. The rthan the epic Manimékalaiare commonly inenkil Kanaku Nülkaland except Tirukural the moral treaties.
a saw a general decline in the cultural life om all kinds of art became a reality. This is here is ample evidence in the literature of
t bearing on the decline of the various art sic and social gatherings connected with 2nts connected with worldly life which have sation of truth and knowledge. They were nsuality in human beings. Connected with of rationality. They form the part of life anent. This whole ideology-Buddhist and ality. The fact that women were the main an important factor. The female body he music is interpreted as having sexual npared to an intoxicating influence similar re. By way of rejecting art and music, a vomen per se.
omen's music,
dramas, in which t with keenness,
'er,

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Aeminine Evil and Aegemonic Patriarchy
enmity, harsh wo and death would if thou visit these
It was reiterated that “mem of lette kinds of festivals"
This onslaught on women dance consequences. It led to a twin process in specialists in music and dance who in fa forms and classical music in its refined social ostracism from higher echelons talented vocations with the socially degra These women artists mostly remain life. However, the renunciatory goals women did not hold sway for a long ti music. But dance and music had beco and was pushed into a enclave where m fine arts called by various derogatory na looked down upon and treated as causi men in such situations. This is one proce The segregation of the women of th (the women for a price) formed a very regions allocated to them. The termin caste placement, comparatively of a h decorum were beginning to be treated a behaviour.
Connected to this is yet another pr the earliest dance forms of ritual dar referred to variously as kuravai and tuna artistic terms as inferior and non-refine they became the dance of the "low and participants of kuravai and tunankai co remained under the limited custody of dance and sing in public. They were not less restrictions in their mannerisms, be also socially degraded as women with women of low caste behaviour. Socia became high caste codes of behaviour were made.
Terminologically degraded, danci commotative of their association with lov to the "little tradition". The ideology of these women as well, the reason being t

49
ds, false accusations, be your fate, places". (Elati 25)
is would avoid the dance, drama and all
(Ēlati 35) irs and musicians had very disastrous the history of art in the Tamil region. The :t started to monopolise the various dance form, formed a caste (kanikayar). Despite of the society, they continued with their ded caste name. 2d single and outside the tenets of family of shunning art and artistically talented me. Men continued to enjoy dance and me socially isolated from mainstream life en visited these women. These women in mes, in moralistic terms, have always been ng chaos in society, excluding the role of ss of the marginalisation. Le family (kula makal) from the vilai makal strict division. The latter lived in special ology kula, it should be noted connotes igh gradation. Women's behaviour and sparameters for caste groupings and caste
ocess of marginalisation. The category of ce and dance of social entertainments, nkai also became marginalised. Graded in l, tending towards spontaneous outbursts, he uncivilised" rustic people. The women ntinued to remain within the family and their husbands, but had the freedom to socially secluded, had more freedom and haviour and modes of speech. They were less or no self control and branded as l restrictions, seclusion and self-control n terms of which these value judgements
2 forms such as kutu and attam are 7 caste people. Sociologically, they belong permissive women came to be applied to he spontaneous participation in the dance

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50
and music. Women, who do not exerc today despised as indulging in attam marginalisation, which affected women which divided women.
The third category of women, conf segregated with a strict code of condu incorporated into it, a manner of spe already insisted upon physical purity. A a strict value system with taboos of remai Women conforming to this discipline to model of values with a strict code of co hegemonic. The social aspirations of c model. It became the pattern of imitati cadre. A rise in their class position due their educational level, sooner or later, these women in caste categories as (prostitutes), as high and low has implicati women in the contemporary situation.
Women have now come to be di talented artistic women of refined arts dance and music, the low caste women tradition" freely without restraints and women as wives of men who remained w of art in these categories is not merely sy
This period in fact is important multifaceted ideology relating to women
1) The majority of women were
home to the exclusion of their ( and artistic. The family, hom religious level by theological i becomes religious to women. 2) The total exclusion of women
women of fine arts were pushe into social isolation and were noble housewife. Chastity codes and child marriage were thema 3) The feminine principle was f
considered a destructive force. 4) Women's intellect and capac standard and it was assumed tha a man. "Listen not to wome originated during the period.

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
se restraint in social behaviour are even . Apart fron these process of cultural adversely there is another development
ined to the home and family are socially ct governed by chastity rules which were ech and mental state together with the high degree of self-control and obedience, riage have all become part of this culture. p the list in the social hierarchy, and this nduct which is highly patriarchal became other women were directed towards this on by those who were not socially in this :O the economic status or improvement in led them to aspire to this model. Placing Kula makal, as kanikayar and vilai makal ons for the study of caste behaviour of the
ivided into three categories, the highly who were kept by men who enjoyed their who indulge in the art forms of the "little who imply permissiveness, and the chaste lithin the idiom of house/home. The role mbolic.
in the sense that a comprehensive and
developed which:
progressively drawn into the family and other activities, economic, sports, religious e, and household were elevated to the dioms and hence the domestic vocation
of the home from art, and a minority of d into an enclave. These women later fell socially degraded as the opposite of the such as widow remarriage, widow penance jor dividing lines in these divisions.
irst devalued in derogatory terms, then
ties were concluded to be of a lesser it she needed to be directed and guided by n” (“Tāiyal coll kelēs”) is a proverb that

Page 79
AFeminine Evil and Hegemonic Patriarchy
The literary evidence of this period p The women had been progressively stri they enjoyed because some of the egal conferred on them such rights and privi was noted, were drawn into a more p controls. At the beginning there was ev. for flexible gender relations. The increas done with a view to control their sexualit
The evidence so far points to a sign and a hunting stage of society to a more society. The concept of private property from the emergence of the institution of However, it remains very difficult to drav the mode of production and the wo transformation was accompanied by a Brahminical culture with its rigid code example, to draw correspondence betwe
Hegemonic Brahmanisation and the Littl The next phase in the gender rel developments and they had an interactin - The operationalisation of the
Brahmanical scale of values anc women as passive, docile and si chastity. - The ideological expansion of institutionalisation of Devadasi v of the other woman (the whore) The hegemony of the Brahmins, th and the adoption of the Sanskritic Ved serious implications for the spread of claims to greatness made by the kings administered the country according to by them as an authority on kingsh 1988:ll 16). One explanation for the eas high caste religious and social norm functioning of the hegemonic principle power (kings and Brahmins). While hegemonic principle functioned effect process helped the assimilation of high
Patriarchal and patrilineal relations the Vellalas but not totally and not by

51
points to a worsening situation for women. oped of some of the rights and privileges itarian socio-economic institutions which leges were done away with. The women it atriarchal ethos and subjected to more idence for multiple roles for women and sing restraint that was placed on them was y.
ificant social transformation from a tribal settled and politically organised, agrarian was increasingly gaining ground as seen the family (as evidenced from Tirukural). w a line of direct correspondence between rsening situation of women, since this continuous penetration of a patriarchal of conduct for women. It is difficult for em the mode of production and misogyny.
le Tradition ations was characterised by three major ng influence towads gender ideology.
hegemonic principle in spreading the the development of a literary model for ubservient, converging on the concept of
the concept of feminine evil and the which led to the emergence of the mould
e hegemonic ideology of Vedic Hinduism ic literature and the Dharma shastras had patriarchal ideology. One of the special of the Chola period was that of having the Manusmrti which was highly esteemed ip and customary laws (Pathmanathan y accessibility of the Brahmanical and the s to those of the other castes was the exercised both by the royal and the ritual at the political and religious arenas the vely at the social level the sanskritisation caste values.
of the Brahmins came to be accepted by the entire population. Women's right to

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52
inherit and own property was not with widowhood penance and pre-puberty Vellalas. This accounts for the ambiv, accounts for the differential norms prac basis and on a regional basis. The regio administrative capitals have been leastal Different forms of literature such a meters, art forms, word borrowing etc., period. Secular Sanskritic literature was here is meant to separate philosophic a call the rest of the literature secular in a poems have invariably a religious theme models and ideology which were sust patriarchal ideology was newly introduc of this chapter the development of chas different in the sense that the ideol characters in the epics and Puranas, destroyers of peace and tranquillity. Th Ramayana) and the wives of sages and which the concepts were fitted. They ideology. The process of selection to overlooked. The Sanskrit language wa privilege to learn and use the language. An example in the exercise of development of the image of Sita in traditions in the Ramayana. The "Core simple story bereft of the ideas of fidelit twins etc. In the Jain tradition, toward. twins, Rama requests her to come back feels humiliated. She renounces Rama : bhikshuni. A folk version of the Sita leg norm. She decides to give up the pa rejecting the father right and gives the with the sage that she would not go bat to enter the fire to prove her chast instrumental in causing her so much mi The Sita of Valmiki, the author of Brahmanical version, submissive and pa when a secular legend was changed int. treated as the reincarnation of Vishnu Chola king Kamban opted for the V hegemonic status the Sanskrit languag

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
t
drawn. Prohibition of widow remarriage, marriages were accepted by most of the alence in attitudes and customs. It also tised by women of Tamil Nadu on a caste ons in Tamil Nadu that were far from the fected by this cultural synchronisation.
the epics, grammatical treatises, poetical all came in a sequence during the Chola either translated or adapted. The secular nd religious literature. It is a misnomer to strict sense as the epics and long classical This brought into the mainstream certain ained thereafter. It is wrong to say that ed as we have already seen in the first part tity and "housewifisation". This period was ogy and concepts were now fitted into as heroines and villains, as makers and queens and princesses (Mahabharata and saints (Puranas) became the models on became the personifications of gender wards the patriarchal system cannot be s widely taught and it was considered a
the hegemony of the Brahmins is the the epic Ramayana. There are different Ramayana" (Chakravarti 1983: 70-74) is a y, fire ordeal and rejection of Sita with the the end when Rana meets Sita with the ifter a fire ordeal to prove her chastity. Sita and the two children and becomes a Jaina end is a total rejection of the patriarchal trilineal heritage of the children, totally hildren a matrilineal heritage. She argues ck to Rama who humiliated her, asked her ty, sent her out of the palace and was sery (Chakravarti 1983:72).
the Sanskrit Ramayana is a new version, a ssive. The transformation of ethos resulted o a sacred text in which Rama and Sita are und Lakshmi. The Tamil court poet of the almiki Ramayana version because of the e of the Brahmins enjoyed in the king's

Page 81
Aeminine Evil and Hegemonic Patriarchy
court at this time. The codes of rest hegemonic status in social life. While Kamban even improved the chastity exaggerated glory of the image in poetic What is more pertinent in this proc the marginalisation of the cult of Kan, which Kannaki was celebrated, there wa She emerged rather violently and fough of the polity. She argued with the kin brought convincing evidence and convil The king and court, astonished though not redemption for Kannaki whose hus destroys the kingdom. She was a parago celebrated in Sri Lanka in the pattini region in India, the Kannaki image was Emerging as a goddess of chastity from was spread across to Sri Lanka by the Ironically she is now considered a goc Pallava/Chola period the pattini worsh and other puranic and chaste wom ambivalence is startling, as the chastity ideology, of Brahmanism and of the Sangam periods. The explanation for til fact that the concept being part of the of it through a non-Brahmanical deit tradition". The epic Silapatikaram was a was considered a Jaina woman. The ritu "little tradition" followed the same p through the hegemonic principle. The struggle projected the image of the pu the Indian model for women was a c passive image of Sita becoming hegen between Kannaki and Sita was a str submissive and passive traits, a struggle gender relations. The code of chastity that of Kannaki and Sita.
In Tamil culture from the earliest are found within the system. There is a ended in the more patriarchal patten ambivalence persisted side by side in s patriarchal patterns gave credibility to

53
raint for women had also acquired the : adopting this version, the Tamil poet model of Sita at certain points in the al embellishments. cess of marginalising matrilineal images is naki. Apart from the chastity element for s the factor of militancy in her behaviour. t for her judicial rights as an active citizen g in the court, conducted her own case, nced the king of the miscarriage of justice. they were, had to accept guilt. But that was band was beheaded. She goes further and n of justice and it was this image which was cult among the Sinhalese. In the Tamil s very popular in the post Sangam period. the epic Silapataikaram, Kannaki worship efforts of the Tamil king of that period. ldess of the "little tradition". During the ip was overshadowed by the image of Sita en such as Savithri, Aruntati etc. The concept as such was part of the dominant Tamil tradition of the Sangam and posthis process however is simple. Despite the dominant ideology, the operationalisation y was enough to push it into the "little uthored by a Tamil Jaina poet and Kannaki als and the artforms that accompanied the rocess-a shift from high to low status fact that Gandhi during the independence re and submissive Sita as the mational and ontributory factor in the evolution of the monic again. The struggle for hegemony uggle for militant sense of justice and 2 for militancy against non-violence in the was however, common for these images,
times, trends in opposition to one another process of selectivity and this almost always ns being selected for women. Often the ocial relations, but textual selection of the them as against the practising norms which

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54
were a minority behaviour. The funct instances cannot be overlooked.
The caste system had been consolid not only in the social sense, but also in gender expectations differed according had been made more rigid. The three categories in the earlier epoch on the b and on the ideology of family and on forms under the caste system. Sati beca woman. Widow penance and child marr seclusion and a restricted code of bel range castes. Sexual service for men b associated with fine arts. Lower caste wc little or no restrictions came to be stigm associated with their castes as a Caste b gender relations, which later became m shape. By a process of sanskritisation commoners. Eelevansur inscription spea widowhood (Inscript.6, 1906). The cus instance was accepted by the Vellala wor
Devadaisi: Paradox Par Excellence
The 'other woman' syndrome independent women of aesthetics and a connected to the rituals of the period. despised and ostracized with a caste nam of women to the religious rituals such a (the name of the woman mentioned cumulatively led to a tradition of artist Dance and music became their mc Silapatikaram saw the refinement and so Matavi was a dancer. Silapatikiram give years and the development of a more s and sophistication (Govindasamy 19 elements in it. Her debut was presentec medal.
In the next period with the cultura art and artistic development centered The bhakti emotion needed music. Tem centered round the temple. The religi the age of the imperial Cholas that the the tevaratiyar. They were again reco

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
ion of the hegemonic principle in these
ated so well that it had become functional, the political and economic structures. The to the caste a woman belonged to, and 2 kinds of women identified under three basis of their different artistic involvements varied codes of restraint take more rigid me a gender specific dharma of a Kshatrya iage became a Brahmanical code. General haviour became the norm of the middleecame the caste profession of the women omen with their autonomous life-style with atised as "permissive', and this has become ehaviour. The beginnings of caste specific andatory caste practices had begun to take sati of the royalty was imitated by the ks of a woman who committed sati fearing stom of widow penance as we see in this men to legitimise their upper caste claims.
underwent a historical evolution. As rt during the Sangam period they were also During the late Sangam period they were (ne. We have also seen the close connection us the role played by kura makal and Calini in the Sangam period). This connection ic skills being developed by such women. onopoly. The next period of the epic phistication in the art form. The courtesan s details of her rigorous training for seven cientific art with the necessary refinement 90:20-38) One cannot miss the bardic in the kings court and she received a gold
l revival during the Pallava Pandya period,
round a Tamil Sanskrit synchronisation. ple worship was the beginning of a culture Dus hymns were also set to music. It was in re is evidence for the institutionalisation of gnised and their culture was revived and

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AFeminine Evil and Hegemonic Patriarchy
associated with the temple and were in the temples. They had a matrilineal inl as the only women who were allowe (Srinivasan 1988:188). Their non-dom which they were given sanctions, were t The association of tevaratiyar with both the social and cultural conventi history. This history has been built up the honoured status of the family, an process, though love and sex were not regulated within the boundaries of leg woman became an image of chaos and out the paradox of the status of Deva sanctity of the temples during the Chol Women within the definition of H years of growth, schisms, cults, scriptu characterised by paradoxes. An ambiva of concepts that surround women's b caste in terms of opposites and dichotic auspicious (sumankali) and polluted. S but is herself polluted during the time godly as a mother. As a young womans in a married form she is harmless anc excellence. A Devadasi is a nitya suma for ever. Under normal circumstanc women who are married and whose hu mark on the forehead called pottu are of sumankali is dependent on the husb woman. It is strictly a condition within symbols are removed and the widow is away from events such as weddings. A and its significance for the ritual statu: conferred on a married woman is al adhere to. Chastity here is dedicated husband both in the mental and phy woman because she is following strict the Devadasi she is not within the fal relationships with many men, and she codes of restraint. But she is considere In short, we witness here a proces, and a professional artist, now being ceremony and with high rituals, o

55
stitutionalised by a process of dedication to eritance pattern and enjoyed special rights i to adopt a child under the Hindu law stic role and the matri-centered culture, to he extraordinary features of the system. the temples is a significant variation from ons that had been built up long in Tamil with ideas of morality, purity, chastity and il these were equalled to godliness. In this :onsidered a sin and condemned, they were itimacy of marriage for women. The other frailty and was socially out-cast. This brings tlasi. She was taken right into the place of a period. induism which covers nearly two thousand res, commentaries and interpretations are lence has risen structurally in the meaning ehaviour and decorum. Women are often omies. She is shakti and a weaker sex. She is he is the maker and destroyer. She creates of creation. She is the evil force but she is he is sexually dangerous and vulnerable but l passive. A Dëvadâsi is also a paradox par ikali (Kersenboom 1987:xv), i.e., auspicious es the state of sumamkali is bestowed on sbands are alive. Tali, flowers, gold and the the symbols of being a sumankali. The state and and is conferred by the husband on a the family. When the husband dies, all the ritually pronounced inauspicious and kept l this would explain the role of a husband ; of a woman. Moreover, the auspiciousness so due to the chastity she is expected to service and devotion to one man i.e. the sical states, auspiciousness decends on the codes of restraint. However, in the case of nily, is never married to a man, does have is not governed by the rules of chastity and i perpetually a sumankali.
of the much despised dasi, a social outcast brought into the temple with pomp and 1 par with a sumankali and married to

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56
immortality. As a secondary process he refined cultural heritage was also accepte
However their ritual as well as their part of the Chola period when the en happened they simply became seductive long as the Devadasi system was in v monopoly. Its association with the Devac participating in it. The divide between I to the artistic vocation too.
Since the Devadâsi system compris independent and privileged socio-econo significant and rare phenomenon in t status, independence, artistic skills and into domesticity and exclusive child car They owned property and their daug (Srinivasan 1987:187). Those who oppo ground, the degeneration of the syste system was viewed on a par with sati, fem regarded as a retrogressive Indian system Its abolition had other consequence the dance and the music tradition was b forms was discovered by the theosophite renamed Bharata Natyam and the classic honourable and divine. The ideological arts and domestic women is no longer vi another sphere, the Tamil cinema. The t first women who entered the film world almost all from these groups. This has e be referred to as a socially degrading in Natyam and sing classical music are ho spirituality, whereas women who act in the dēvadāsis. This image has of late continue to maintain an ambivalent i availability. The history of the women a construction of gender ideology. Wh belonging to the family were the chief rejection of the artistic women even tl various modes of production.
The Seductive Feminine Evil and the Cri In the post-Sangam age women wer Pallava period they were an obstacle to t

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
r artistic accomplishments as part of a d.
social status diminished during the latter npire started to disintegrate. When that women and lost their former status. As ogue, music and dance remained their lasi prevented other women from actively Devadasi and non-Devadasi was extended
:ed women who had a ritual status, an mic position, its abolition did away with a he history of women. They had power, accomplishments. They were not pushed e activities that led to social deprivation. hters enjoyed the right of inheritance sed the system had done so only on one m into mere prostitution. The Devadasi hale infanticide and widow seclusion, and
s as well. The monopoly Devadasis had on roken. The oriental character of these art s who revived them. Since then the dance
al music entered the housewife's home as dividing line that separated women of fine sible in the Indian context. But it entered radition continued for long years, and the as actresses, dancers and musicians were ven led to the film industry as a whole to stitution. Those who perform the Bharata nourable women, close to religiosity and the films had a devalued social status like improved slightly, but the film actresses mage as idols and as women of cheap tists is an interesting phenomenon in the ile codes of chastity and restraint and
determinants for the social acceptance/ nese codes were constantly shifted under
2ative Femininity e an obstacle to renunciation. During the he union, the oneness of the soul with the

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feminine Evil and Aegemonic Aatriarchy
paty, the lord. To Manickavasagar who bhakti and the captivating linguistic p. problem, and their sexuality had becom symbol of indulgence in worldly pleasu the saint falls a prey. He is begging and appears to be helpless against the wome agents. Certain sections from his poem: Ațaikala Pattu and Aputa Pațu are que consists of small sections with sub-titles l Tiruvasakam.
To the black eyed women, the sweet I become a victim, Get me out of the
I am falling a prey to the white teeth whose breasts are like mountains.
I have been made to fall into the tra I am in a sea of desires and the croco of women whose mouths are red, are Save me oh lord.
I have got caught in a conspiracy of forgotten the glory of you.
I am attacked by the black haired wc whose breasts are smeared with the s
His choice of words such as snar conspiracy, attack (Tiruvasakam line : seductive qualities of women in the w; crocodile signifies destruction. The det bodies clearly implies sexuality of w women's sexuality is posed as the oppo versus the profane.
Manickavasagar’s Tiruvāsakam is ver of lord Siva) and recited om all occasio the other sections of the 'hymns' often curriculum and are taught by teacher literature.
Tradition has it that there lived so left behind a dissenting system of thoug

57
e hymns are renowned for the pathos of eciseness, women had indeed become a ea threatening source of sensuality and a es. They are an enticing power to which beseeching lord Shiva to redeem him. He n whose parts of the body act as seductive in Tiruvasakam such as Netal Vinnappam, pted as examples. (His work Tiruvaisakam but the work is titled after his major poem
tongued women ir snare.
(Nētal Viņņappam 2&3) ed women
(Nētal Viņņappam, 26) p of women. bdiles : biting me.
(Nētal Viņņappam 27)
women and
(Ațaikala Pattu 2 8c 3) re andalwood paste.
(Ariputa Pațțu 4 & 2)
, trap, victim, current (Arputa pattu 1), 6) is symptomatic of the enticing and y he perceived them. The simile of the ailed description of the parts of women's men which he finds threatening. The site, the divine versus the worldly, sacred
popular among the Saivites (worshippers is in the temples and at homes. This and are part of the syllabus today in the school as lessons both in Hinduism and Tamil
he renouncers called the Sittars who had it. On the whole, the totality of the system,

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58
the rituals, dogmas, institutions, the cast system of worship, the asceticism of r ridiculed in a forceful language. Ofte. suggest the irrationality and the illogi society. Most of the cittars argued for priest and against the ritualistic system v to reach godhood/salvation.
However, gender inequality had n Kalakan philosophy (see note 3, chapt. took note of gender inequality and its surfaced in sittar verses was the ideolog history that this aspect had surfaced, but Feminine evil is again related to f projected as having an insatiable sexu whore of a woman" had been condem obstructing the path to salvation. Th maintained by most of the cittars, Pattin Pampati Sittar had in ten verses col lips, breasts and yoni (vulva) as thing authors who wasted their time describi of fauna and flora while in reality they w
The nountain-like breasts sink
Women consist of flesh and bl
Pattinatar's verses are analyzed he against women. He advises other me! women's bodies and waste their time reality they are all "dirty", "smelling" an
The bodies are vessels that contain The "yoni" is a wound.
Avoid these and stop praising the p and worship the Lord.
The woman's breasts erect and bux but they shrink, the suffering woma compare them to a half blown "mu to them I say, "Avoid women of ple
In the section called Kacitirua condemned women in reproachful an the parts of the female anatomy, he c

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
e hierarchy, the Brahmanical mantras, the ion-Vedic religions were challenged and n a satirical phraseology is employed to cal thinking behind the ordering of the a state beyond the human mediator of a which is seen as mere humbug pretending
1ot merited their attention. The Dravida l) though similar to some of sittar's ideas, related institutions. Contrarily what had y of feminine evil. It was the third time in
with much more vigour. emale sexuality. The image of woman is Lal appetite. The "enticing and seductive ned as the cause of human misery and as ough the same ideology was repeatedly atar was the most powerful exponent. ndemned the woman, describing her eyes, s to be avoided. He ridiculed poets and ng women through similes and metaphors rere impermanent illusions.
down to the skin.
(Pampati Sittar verse No. 52)
ood and sinew,
(Pampati Sittar verses 50-59)
re to show the extreme hatred expressed n very strongly not to fall a prey to the describing their bodily parts, whereas in d“fleshy".
urine and excreta.
leasures of women,
(Kacitirulahaval, 4:ll 06-107).
Om,
nisers
Lari flower"
asure".
(Kacitiruahaval, 4, 19-23:106)
haval in nineteen lines Pattinatar has d extremely repugnant language. Naming ills them the "snare", the "wound" and the

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Aeminine Avil and Aegemonic Patriarchy
entry point of lustful men who are led He advised men to avoid them and seek
Women cannot be trusted. They are deceitful and unfaithful.
Women with eyes like sword, are enticing me. Is my body for the fox, (cunning) or for the vultures, (devouring) or is it for the fierce dog? Am I, oh God, to become a prey? (f
Showing the ears, eyes and nose in front of me comes the woman, the illusory maya. I have forgotten you oh God (why). The illusive ghost of a woman, has caught me, frightened me with (its) eyes. enticed me with its breasts, pushed me in the hole of a wound f to pluck away my lot from me.
"The woman is enticing, unfaithful, are temporary, but she uses them to e prey. They are obstacles on the path to s powerful. Oh God help me, and diri repeated over and over. Full justice can original text which has a powerful me intense hatred for the woman's threaten
These factors indicate the expansio of a matrilineal system. It signals a cc process of selectivity towards patriarc completed with the decline of the mat and growth of the concept of femini strong sentiments expressed by male history. But behind the harshness and process of the power relations and the relations in society as Kakar would ha history these sentiments were generally power and who were poets, saints and

59
into the path of "decay and destruction". the grace of lord Shiva.
(Tirucambamālai 3)
or the women)
(Tirucambamālai lill:2:l09)
orcibly (vagina),
(Tirucambamālai 23:ll 10)
lustful and illusive. Her grace and beauty ntice men. Men like me become an easy alvation. I am helpless as they are wickedly ect me, to your glory”. This message is lot be done through the translation of the ssage which is repugnant and full of an ing sexuality.
of the patriarchal system and the decline mplete change in gender relations. The nial institutions has more or less been ilineal devadasi system. The development e evil by themselves are very harsh and poets and saints at different periods in lack of logic and reason we decipher the inverted and twisted forms of patriarchal ve us understand (Kakar 1981:90-92). In not challenged either by men who had the eers mainly, or by women whose numbers

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as poets and saints were few. However, th symbolically challenged the various h gender in its agenda.
A feature which is peculiar to this pe Siva worshippers, whose presence was no Tiruvorriyur and Melpadi in inscriptiona referred to as Pasupatas and Kapalikas ar worshipped the principle feminine cre practices were similar to those of the T identifies a reversal of values in th renunciation, they celebrate the femal (Hindu, Buddhist and Jaina) had man bhoga (pleasure) which includes sex, v sought through bhoga. That women are dominant in Tantrism (Dumont l960. energy par excellence (shakti) and that female form. As much as Siva and Vish Vaishanavite cults, within Saivism, Shakti giving energy. This cult falls generally rigid formalism, Brahmanical orthodo institutions, dogmatic scriptural rituals, the non-Vedic religions (such as Jainism
The bhakti cult has been seen as a p bridge of communication between thi (Yogendrasingh 1973:42). The Pasupata against the great tradition. The bh reformulation and reinterpretation (Yogendrasingh 1973:42-44), but this s retained the symbols of Siva's destructi skull (kapala).
These sects together with the Tantri they should form a separate field of re with the authority of the high caste and and treated the propagators as de Consequently they went into peaceful ( system. Their literature is scarce, most of The next chapter is devoted to the an overall ambivalence.

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
nere were some protest movements which egemonic systems which also included
riod is the rise of non-traditional sects of oticed in religious centers such as Kanchi al evidence and literature. The sects were ld Kalamukas. The followers of these sects 2ative energy called shakti. Their ritual antric cult (note no.7 chapt. 1), and one em. While rejecting the principle of e principle. The rejection of asceticism ifested itself in the reverse principle of vine, and non-vegetarianism. Salvation is inferior in life is denied and they become :54). Women are celebrated as creative element is worshipped as goddess in the nu are given primacy in the Shaivite and is separated from Siva as the primary life into a dissenting system working against xy and some of its related exploitative and the principle of total renunciation of and Buddhism). rotest, but a protest of devotion and as a e "great tradition" and "little tradition" /Kapalika protest is a militant one, totally akti tradition implicitly argued for a of the basic tenets of Hinduism ect rejected the whole of Hinduism but ve principle and the mendicant with the
c cult need to be further investigated, and esearch. The hegemonic “great tradition” the state have pushed them underground viants who needed to be wiped out. lecay unable to withstand the hegemonic fit destroyed.
colonial period which is characterised by

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Cha
Liberal Reforms, Fem National Models, An O Colomia
he latter part of the nineteenth ce India can be called the dawn ( developments came in quick succession, had implications for gender relations. contradictions with an ambivalence whi century. The liberal ideology of the Brit practices. This was welcomed by the loca imperialistic vision of backwardness a resented by the natives. They also re themselves to civilize the natives. Desp carried through. Sati was abolished in l 1870. Lifting the prohibition on widow child marriage in 1929 were significan overtly oppressive socio-religious custo were at least annulled legally.
The second factor which was equal The conversion to liberalism at the polit Christianity at the religious level. The th the local intelligentsia to a radical cons opened internationalist vistas. The En liberty, equality and fraternity, in short t revolutions. The Tamil revolutionary po Russian Revolution through his poem " and writing on women's liberation i. Bharatiar 1986:88) are typical of these tr liberation had to be sought within these

pter 5
inist Consciousness and veral Ambivalence, The Ll Period
ntury and the early twentieth century in of the modern era. The socio-political . The convergence of these developments The convergence also led to a series of ch was to continue later in the twentieth ish led to many reforms in socio-religious l intelligentsia. However the casting of an nd primitiveness on Indian culture was 'sented the role the British took upon pite these conflicts certain reforms were 829, female infanticide was prohibited in remarriage in 1856, and the abolition of t pieces of legislation. Some of the most ms from the point of female oppression
ly important was the missionary activities. ical level was followed by the conversion to ird important factor was the awakening of sciousness via the English language which glish language brought with it ideas of he ideology of the French and the Russian let Subramaniya Bharatiyar welcoming the The new Russia” and “The fall of the Czar” n South Africa (Bharatiar 1981:311-312, ends. Linkages to the ideology of women's general trends.

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While extending their support to th the arena of women's rights, some of the question. This section will deal with consciousness that emerged during thi time pinpoint the ambivalence which conflicting ideologies on women's is substantially to the construction of the productions. The social reality of the wo perspective. Strangeky, in the Tamil regi feminist writings. Starting chronological will be focused on their writings. Mos pamphlets articles and speeches, consid available in the form of published litera for a long time. They were collected an from the most recent publications wl writings.
Consciousness of Conviction
Subramaniya Bhāratiar (1882-1921) In his extensive writing both in prose women to have equal socio-economic ri and to choose their husbands (Bharati; marriages he advocated remarriage a women. He compares Indian women v isolated, secluded and treated like sla South Africa the enemy is a foreigner; h uncles and grandfathers, husbands and women to start the struggle within their
"Refuse to be slaves, say to men we ref Say it loud, I am equal to you in everyth with you. If not I will not cook. This ho out."
The virtue of chastity which has extensively with questioning the stand. concept. He compares the arrogance British are forcing the Indians to be l women and expecting them to be faith forcing faithfulness on women by oppr language he uses is convincing and bet The use of logic to put across the mes from the chastity concept the Tamil

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
e constitutional and legal amendments in Tamil intellectuals wrote on the women's their contributions and the resultant s period. This discussion will at the same finally led to contradictory visions and sues. These cleavages have contributed image of women both in literary and film men should also merit attention from this ons in India it was the men who pioneered ly from Subramaniya Bharatiyar, attention t of what they said were in the form of ered seditious at that time. They were not cure for the public in their complete forms d published later. I have collected my data nich contain more or less the complete
extended his support to women's groups. and verse he emphasised the need for ghts and the personal freedom to divorce ar 1981:241). While criticising pre-puberty ind the granting of property rights for with South African black people, who are ves. But the difference he says is that in here the enemies are our brothers, fathers, lovers, and hence the dilemma. He urges homes.
ise to live with you, start it today and now. ning, if you recognise my equality I will live use belongs to me and hence I will not go
(Bhāratiar 1981: 251-259)
a long history is another topic he deals ards of double morality embedded in the of men to British imperialism. Just as the oyal to them, so are the men imprisoning ful. He questions the ignorance of men in essing them (Bharatiar 1981:243-244). The rays his sense of commitment to the cause. age is a regular feature of his style. Apart radition celebrated a four-fold quality of

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Aiberal fieforms, Feminist Consciousness and 1
femininity, fear, grace, shame and igno puts asunder that claim and equals the s emphasises that what is virtue for a wom
Subramaniya Bharatiyar's nationalis arrested and accused by the British of him an apologist defending Indian ambivalence that characterised many In did not surface in his ideology.
Feminism of the Dravidian Movement
E.V. Rāmaswamy's (1879-1972) libe ideology. The feminist ideology as proje as "Periyar" (the great, with an honorific Dravidian movement which was to a gi Periyar was in many respects a respo bourgeois leadership of the freedom in social issues mentioned here include historians have seem Periyar as a ratic activist, an atheist, but the feminist Peri are radical in its content. His femini atheism, an attack om social customs and superstitious. This was also a part of thi the Tamil culture. In this process institutions to which Tamil women w prohibition of widow remarriage, wi connected these customs with high cas purity, which these customs were suppo Periyar's virulent anti-Brahmin stan major role of domination that the Br. socio-religious life of the people. From moved to monopolise the secular areas professors of universities and colleges social equality and against caste do orientation (Ram l979:379). As much for the infiltration by an Aryan cultur irrational and mythical character of Hir Manudharma Shastras, Puranas and the t (see notes nos. 5, 6, chapt. l and 13, 14 1959: III-IV). He condemned them as fundamental premise of his inquiry process which reduces humanity to fol myths to be real and taking their chi

Vational Models VO.)
rance, as befitting a woman of virtue. He tate of such a woman to that of a dog. He an is to have knowledge and freedom.
t vision, for which he was celebrated and writing seditious literature did not make customs or the Indian heritage. The dian nationalists on the women's question
ration was also part of a general liberation cted by E.V. Ramaswamy, popularly known suffix "ar") was broader and deeper. The eat extent given its content and form by Inse to the compromising policy of the movement on social and class issues. The women's liberation as well. The social onalist, as a nationalist, an anti-Brahmin yar was always glossed over. Periyar's views st vision was part of his rationality and I religious demands, which are archaic and e attack on the so called "Aryanisation" of he identified the particular oppressive vere subject, namely: female infanticide, dow seclusion, and child marriage. He te Brahmins and with the notion of caste sed to uphold for the Brahmins. d has to be understood in the light of the ahmin played in the socio-economic and their traditional religious roles they had of the professions and state machinery, as and as administrators. Any movement for mination had to have an anti-Brahmin as Periyar held the Brahmins responsible e, he also held them responsible for the duism with its variant scriptures: the Vedas, wo great epics, Rämäyana and Mahābhärata chapt. 4), (Periyar 1974: 6-48, 1987a: 4-10, irrational, primitive and superstitious. The was the irrationality and the legitimising low a particular line of thinking, believing aracters as models to be imitated. In this

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64
attempt his feminist perspective was not publications he questioned the status meted out to them in the name of religio
Two short separate publications, Adimaianal (Why did woman become a rational approach to the women’s qui sufferings of women who are particular by recurrent births. He explains how the expectations of motherhood deprive he general oppression of a woman to ther 19).
On the more general aspects of wo categorical and precise. The absence of attempts at deciphering the process of v his stand on contemporary issues. He pl of rationality that they imply the serious of rationality he attacks the concept of made into a wifely virtue and how men h on the irrationality of the concept of Sanskrit authors who dwelt on it extens He takes as an example the chapter om is defined and the worshiping virtue command rain by being a chaste wom called paty vrata (the penance to the lo ideal relationship expected between a lord-servant. The fact that there are connote male chastity, he says, is due to 1987:16-25). This kind of male bias, he i sexual objects and enslaves them. Since even a neutral word such as karpu w genders is now made into a gender spec by men to their advantage. He ends t author, write such verses and express Shastra and Tirukural? Here he echoes men having taken over control of the lit biased sentiments and totally omitted because they control the finances and power). They do this because they are p fact the ruffians (morkar). Because of ph exempted themselves from chastity and While discussing the purdah (cov general seclusion of Women and issu

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
wayward or capricious. Among his various of women and the inhuman treatment bn and culture.
On Family Planning (1980) and Pen En slave?) (1987) bring out vividly Periyar's stion. He lays special emphasis on the y affected by unplanned parenthood and y affect the health of the women, and how r of other vocations in life. He links the ole she plays as a mother (Periyar 1980:9-
men's subordination, few have been more an ambivalent stand is noteworthy in his vomen's subordination historically, and in its across his messages with a strong sense ness and the urgency. From the principle Tamil chastity karpu and how it has been lave been exempted from it. He elaborates chastity and criticises those Tamil and ively (Manudharma Shastra and Tirukural). Tirukural (Valkaitunainalam) where Karpu of a wife is extolled and how she could an. To this he adds the Sanskrit concept ird, the husband) and concludes that the husband and wife is that of master-slave, no words in our languages (Indian) to the patriarchal (anatikam) system (Periyar insists, encourages women to be treated as there is no equality between the genders, nich ordinarily should include both the ific concept to exclude men. This is done his section with a query would a woman such sentiments as in the Manudharma the contemporary feminist thinking that erary production have written such gender he women's points of view. Men did this they are gainfully employed (economic hysically stronger than women. They are in ysical power and econmic power they have made laws beneficial to them. ring the head and face) system and the es such as monogamy for women, and

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Auberal Ae/orms, feminist Consciousness and
polygamy for men and prohibition of di is emphatic that law and religion are ni The acceptance and justification that v systems help to strengthen and legit psychology of the lower castes who ac accept their treatment by the high ca service) on an assumption that they are themselves think that they belong to n men, because they are conditioned to a are here directed towards the concept feminist strategy. He concludes this sec not tolerate the beastly acts of husbands oppression should be destroyed (Periyar
"There is no freedom, no love, no chast powerful group against a powerless grou
He points out the hypocrisy and the of conventions and taboos which affect contradiction that while love is hailed a "as unions of mind", in real life men a contract on the basis of arranged marr desires and, in the case of women, to do While arguing for the right to ann the marriage system prevailing in the reality the marriage rites performed are But it is hailed as a divine arrangement deceived (Periyar 1987:38-4l).
Property rights for women, and th attention (Periyar 1987:62). The act of Government to prohibit child marriage He charged them as opportunists and b.
Periyar's feminist vision borders feminists (Firestone l970), when he e women's ability to conceive, is the root should be rid of that problem totally. "C but I don't see any other alternative, nuisance to achieve their liberation" ( counter argument that if women refuse has another question. "If humanity peris Periyar is known for his active remarriages where he dispensed with t

Vational Models 65
vorce and remarriage for women, Periyar pt the only causes for this state of affairs. fomen in the Tamil society give to such imise them. He compares this to the cept their subservience and slavery and ste (obedience, seclusion, isolation and indeed unequal human beings. Women hen and should be under the control of ccept social habits blindly. His arguments of "consciousness raising", the modern tion by advising women that they should for the sake of chastity. This kind of social 1987:14-15).
ty unless those laws which are written by a pare done away with.
(Periyar 1987:16)
: contradiction in the social constructions t only one gender. He elaborates on the is divine in Tamil literature and glorified nd women are brought into matrimonial iage to beget children, to regulate sexual domestic service.
al an unhappy marriage, Periyar says that Tamil region is the most oppressive. In meant to make a woman a slave to a man. in glorifying terms. In this way a woman is
e right to abortion have also merited his Sarada which was submitted to the British was obstructed by the elitist nationalists. Ackward (Periyar 1987:72). on the vision of contemporary radical mphasises that the biological factor, i.e. :ause of her subordination. Hence women thers may think it is a foolish proposition other then for women to get rid of this Periyar 1987:82). To those who raise the to bear children humanity will perish, he hes, how does that affect women"?
campaign and programmes of widow he enslaving Sanskritic marriage rites. He

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66
had a comprehensive theory which ac feminist theories and which challenge cultural system. He argued for autonor programme of action which makes his vi
“Femininity is Great and Holy”
A somewhat different approach V. Kalyanasundaram. His two main conc national liberation, were women and w these two issues. However, his ideolog Bharatiyar and Periyar. An attempt will within Kalyanasundaram's writings. The within a conceptual framework comp ideology,
On the main question of the liberat his general approach was different a identified certain qualities in women. women and indeed he thought they w cultivated, and in fact extended to men. for sacrifice, peaceful nature, passivity, softness of words, are qualities of a weakness but from greatness and are ne 24). He called them pennin perumai" ( book with that title. Women are humbl maturity and recognition of others' 1971:121-122). He thought women we musicians and painters have feminine q to flower into artists. Men have demor divine qualities of women" (Kalyan sentiments of cultural feminism, a tren celebrating femininity against aggressi tagged as machismo and are regarded a His stand on oppressive institution remarriage was the same as that of Periy for the abolition of the devadasi system mainstream life, as wives of men. He society. He equalled the devadasi syste creation of a prostitute caste and cha them (Kalyanasundaram 1937:45). He v and differed from Gandhi on his sta devadāsi married. He was organising til them to live independently out of the

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
lommodated many of the contemporary i many of the core values of the Tamil nous women's groups, and had a radical sion a complete one.
to the women's question comes from erns, apart from his active participation in orkers. Being a politician, he politicised y is conceptually different from that of be made first to identify the major trends y will then be classified and summed up aring them with contemporary feminist
ion of women he did agree with them, but nd he perceived women differently. He He considered them to be peculiar to tere great and should be celebrated and Those qualities such as patience, capacity nurture, motherliness, quiet mannerisms, cultured mind. They emanate not from ar to godliness (Kalyanasundaram 1953:4- the greatness of women) and authored a e not out of fear or inadequacy but out of talents and feelings. (Kalyanasundaram re close to culture: "many of the poets, ualities and because of this, they were able lic qualities and they should cultivate the asundaram 1982:305). He echoes the d within radical feminism, which insists on veness, violence and strength, which are s men's qualities. is such as child marriage, sati and widow 'ar and Bharatiyar. He actively campaigned and tried hard to bring the devadasis into blames men entirely for their position in m to committing murder, condemned the rged the Brahmin priests with exploiting was deeply involved in the issue of devadasi nd. Gandhi was not in favour of getting hem to be trained in spinning and urging money they earned and reno ince married

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Liberal feforms, Feminist Consciousness and
life and sex. Kalyanasundaram was more men to accept them as wives and give other women. He was appealing to me come forward and accept them as wive could be considered more practical an Gandhi's, who told them to give up t sanyasinis (female ascetics). On the iss from Gandhi. Gandhi preferred ascetic requested the widows to follow a pat Kalyanasundaram however was more pro for all young widows, but he wanted the wished. However, he affirmed that they s should have the right to decide (Kalyana Kalyanasundaram compared the st suffered by the working class undel 1935:60). Men think women are createc vision (Kalyanasundaram 1935;61). He variations in the position of women an child marriage and widow seclusion 1919:183). He also compared men to th man as the head of the family contro financial control, women have to serve 1935:78). The above similes and explan the lines of contemporary socialist femir He condemns those saints and seer "feminine evil" and those women-haters liberation of the soul (Kalyanasundarar national liberation struggle in the Tami it did have in north India. He blamed t men not to subjugate their women but the nation (Kalyanasundaram 1919:261) Having listed some of the inhuma seclusion, the oppression of widows, marriage of women, prostitution and th women not to depend on the laws w reform movement (Kalyanasundaram satisfactory. Women should come forw own. However, he insisted on a co contravening the "dharma of the count While a progressive note runs thr action oriented programme, there is no now and then. Mamy times he seems 1

Wational Models 67
objective in his approach. He wanted the them a social status equal to that of the in to have the courage and conviction to s (Kalyanasundaram 1982:600). His views ld even more radical when compared to heir "unworthy" profession and become ue of widow remarriage too he differed ism and a sexless life for the widows. He h of voluntary enlightened widowhood. ogressive. He advocated widow remarriage widows with children to remain so if they should decide for themselves and that they sundaram 1953:301). atus of women to that of the oppression a capitalist system (Kalyanasundaram l to do service for men. This is a demonic 2 also rightly identified the caste based d he related the oppressive institutions of to the caste ideology (Kalyanasundaram e bourgeoisie and women to the poor. The ls the resources whereas, duc to lack of and behave like slaves (Kalyanasundaram ations reveal his socialist vision as well, on ism. s who saw women as sexual objects and as who thought women are obstacles to the n 1971:46). Women's participation in the l regions did not have the same impact as his on the Tamil men and appealed to the to allow them to do their part of service to
in social customs in India such as widow child widows, female infanticide, forced le dowry system, Kalyanasundaram advised hich were being initiated in the general 1937:42). They would not be totally ard to eradicate the restrictions on their ndition here. They should agitate, not y” (Kalyanasundaram 1919:198-199). ough Kalyanasundaram's ideology and his doubt that an ambivalent attitude is struck o sacrifice women's issues to the cultural

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68
heritage of India. In this he differs fron Gandhi.
Kalyanasundaram was more concer than with the women's question. In an three groups. The first are those who v customs. They want to give up the tradi shame, ignorance and grace". They see They take part in public affairs like me good from the West, but would not gi would not want to go to the legisla themselves with affairs in which they a public activities. The third group of totally. These are the women who are t groups he rates the second category as They safeguard the honour of the coul first group of women and perceives th themselves and others too (Kalyanasunc
This love and respect for the desad be understood as part of the nation psychology of nationalism was a reactiv imperialism which viewed everything needing to be civilized. Women becam culture. The desa dharma ideology undermined gender equality holding w tradition.
Cultural/National Models Versus Gend When this kind of liberation ideo women of the colonial and post-coloni shades of gender ideology. One such Indian counter-ideology attempted to as collective representations of the sup socio-religious traditions as against we rational. Gandhi was one such prop. national liberation, the ahimsa doctri well. He became a convert to this p. effectiveness of the passive non-violent his wife and his mother when they disa in passivity and humbleness, the femi their aggressiveness and violence and f the epics and Puranas-Sita, Draupad: models for Indian women is for all

Aaeology, Caste, Class and Gender
n Periyar and Bharatiyar but he is close to
ned with the question of "Indian dharma" other context he categorises women into want to accept the western women's social tional fourfold feminine qualities of "fear, : no difference between mem and women. n. The second category selects whatever is e up their own customs and habits. They tive assemblies. They would not involve re not conversant. They help the men in women, follow their traditional life-style reated like servants by men. Of these three the best and as the most suitable for India. ntry, they are like gods. He condemns the nem as a destructive force. They will ruin daram 1919:208). harma or the dharma of the country has to al liberation ideology of the time. This e response to the negative vision of British indian as "uncivilized and backward" and e part of the exercise of the reassertion of was indeed a negative reaction which omen within the parameters of culture and
er Identity logy for women was presented by men to al period, women had to confront various is within the confines of nationalism. The project women and their feminine qualities eriority and the inviolability of indigenous astern civilization, which was soulless and gator. He extended the ideology of the he (nonviolence) to women's liberation as hilosophy when he was convinced of the non-cooperation that was thrown at him by greed with him. He saw a moral excellence nine qualities, and wanted men to give up eminise them. His admiration for women of i and Damayanthi--who were projected as times. He constantly reiterated that the

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Aliberal fieforms, Feminist Consciousness and .
strength of women lies in the purity c inseparable. The highest virtue for a violated (Gandhi 1958:338).
Gandhi's model of Sita, held up to I followed, further legitimised such 1987:2226). Gandhi was also keen to r could not envisage any fundamental c national liberation struggle (Kishwar 19
Religion as centrally determining very regressive role towards women. The nationalist movements had a conservati indeed a strange phenomenon that na sanction for changing or abolishing th such as sati and for the prohibition of th in Madras and Vidyasagar in Bengal, v that they would not introduce a meas (Panikkar 1987:2ll6). The reaction to which raised the age of consent forman Tilak the foremost nationalist wrote in N
"We are very sensitive and feel noth character. That the Age of Consent Act of the Indian nation in the blackest let certificate of bad character remains ol (quoted in Yogendra Singh 1973:74).
This kind of nationalism and a ple the reality of the situation, where in 188 age of ten in Bengal and 10 per cent in either married or widowed. He oppose should not be allowed to interfere in Int
While the national liberation ideo caste and gender lines, nationalists rer the issue of personal or family laws. tendered their co-operation, perhaps w. non-familial, and non-personal), that Indians to their advantage in terms of the All Indian Women's Conference to marriage, divorce and inheritance was patriarchal control in the family and do so that gender equality could be real, th kind of liberal ideology of equal right vote, nationalist male support was for used patriotic and nationalist argume

Vational Models 69
f mind and chastity. For him both were voman is to kill herself if her chastity is
ndian womanhood as exemplary and to be a "feminisation ideology" (Srinivasan naintain the traditional gender roles and hange, though he drew women into the 36:56). ethno-linguistic nationalism has played a cultural identity phenomenon within the ve and backward effect on women. It was tionalist intellectuals had to seek shastric he overtly oppressive institutions in India he ban on widow remarriage. Viresalingam ho were involved in the debates, argued ure that did not have religious approval the Age of Consent Bill in India in 1891, iage of girls, was typical of this trend. Even Aahratta (April 12 1891):
ing so much as attack on our national will write in the statute book the character teTS ..... is our grievance.... So long as this n the statute book we can enjoy no rest"
a for cultural identity is expressed against 31 14 per cent of all Hindu girls within the Bombay and 4.5 per cent in Madras were d the bill because he felt that the British dian culture. ogy took note of overt discrimination on mained uncompromisingly chauvinistic on On the issue of women's suffrage they th the additional reason (besides its being this would tilt the political power of the their national aspirations. The demand of change the Hindu Code in the areas of opposed by nationalist men. Wherever the mestic situation needed to be undermined ose demands met with opposition. But to a s in employment, education and right to hcoming. It was not surprising that they nts to support patriarchal control. They

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70
argued that the sponsors of the propo (by implication imperialist) instead of had become unpatriotic!
The feminist consciousness that however, was the beginnings of a subsequently lead to many legal change towards gender equality by law.
Some of the legal changes that worked t a. Special Marriage Act (1954) pro divorce by mutual consent. Mi under this Act a Hindu ma independent of the joint famil the Indian Succession Act. b. Hindu Marriage Act (1955) stip
and inter-caste marriage. c. Hindu Succession Act (1955) p. daughter, mother and som, in th have absolute right of owners condition that male successors property of which the female su d. Hindu Minority and Guardian under 3 years of age to the mot first the father and second the r e. Hindu Adoptions and Mainten; of daughters, and allows women f. Suppression of Prostitution anc
Dowry Act 1961*. To what extent these reforms lead unfinished inquiry up to this date.
One unique feature of this perioc involvement of men in the project offe be, why did not the women also contrib period of time?
Time and place had an important then considered by British to be primit customs such as sati and female infanti masters has pricked the conscience of alerted to re-look at the injustice of th
* (See Jana Matson Everett (1981) Won Heritage, pp. 187-8, and Sushila Mehta, Rev. * (See Sushila Mehta, Revolution, pp. 115, 1

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
als were influenced by western education Hinduism (which was Indian) and thereby
developed during the colonial period process of gender sensitiveness. This s which systematically attempted a process
owards equality by law are:
vided for civil marriage for all Indians and nimum age of 18 for women. If married n would be automatically regarded as y, and inheritance would be governed by
ulates monogamy and provides for divorce
rovides equal shares of property for widow, he case of non-testamentary deaths, women hip and disposal over property with the have a presumptive right to acquire any ccessors wish to dispose. ship Act (1956) gives custody of a child her, and the natural guardian thereafter is nother. ance Act (1956) provides for the adoption
as well as men". Immoral Traffic Act 1958, Prohibition of
zo changes in gender ideology remains an
and which raises other questions is the minism. The obvious question then would ute towards this feminist awakening at this
role to play in this awakening. India was ve, uncivilized and backward with archaic ide. Such a view of "Mother India' by the the local intellectuals who were suddenly system. This lead them to a campaign of
en and Social Change in India. New Delhi lution, Ch. 7). l). -

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Aliberal Aeforms, feminist Consciousness and .
cleansing India of its oppressive institu local population the British considered upset the apple cart of their power anc they put on the role of "civilizing the col men got involved in feminist issues. W Women even at this stage continued nationalist movement there was also a Indian and of the past. Women still rem the national image of Sīta. The wome and took part in passive resistence a cooperation againt the British with ti challenging their subordination had perpetuating the image passivity co Subramaniya Bharatiar, Kalyanasundara: question Gandhi's stance on many social
Shifting Constructions of Patriarchy
In concluding this section of won gender inequality, the following factors ideological dimensions of patriarchy whi - An early period in Tamil histor in egalitarian terms, the conce restrictions while men were exe a heroic son was the dominant i. - A period with more rigid pattel increasing marginalization of accompanied with a "housewifi. was accompanied by the emerg its connection to renunciation artistic accomplishments. - The re-emergence of an ideolog - The ritual status of the de
convergence of "feminine evil" - Emergence of feminist though counterpoised by a nationalist v mixed with a Victorian moralisti - The image of motherhood in na - Shades of a particular Victo
ideology, thereby creating new The degeneration that had set in, i system, and the disappearance of th gender equality are factors symptomati

Vational Models 71
tions. Once the initiative came from the lending their support as long as it did not | authority by facing revolts. At this point onies". This is how and why the nationalist hy did not the women also contribute ? o be recipients of messages. Within the n ambivalent glorification of all that was ained within the idiom of national, within participated in the freedom movement nd in the non-violent struggle of nonheir men. But independant recourse to
not started then. Gandhi's role in uld not be questioned. Men such as m and Periyar had to overtly and implicitly
issues.
hen in history and the various facets of have been identified. They point to the ch was in a constant process of shifting.
where, though the woman was perceived pt of chastity had heaped on her social mpt from such restrictions. The mother of Image of motherhood. "ns of gender relation developing towards women where the role of a wife sation” ideology became hegemonic. This ence of the "feminine evil" ideology with and the exclusion of the housewife from
y of feminine evil in religious thought. radasi, its decline and the cumulative ium devadasi ideology. ts, paradoxically from revolutionary men lew of women by Gandhi and his followers, c view.
tionalist idiom. ian ideology mixing with local gender nodels for women. h the devadasi system, the abolition of the dissenting ideology which propagated : of the hegemonic status of patriarchy in

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72
the social arrangements. The same was radical views of Periyar and Bharathiar stages. While Bharatiar's songs were us cast, Periyar's ideas of widow remarri women. However this factor remained Gandhian national image of women con image. This is testified to by Jerome Bru
"In the mythologically instructed com models that provide the pattern to wh metaphoric identity."
This range, "in the case of the Hind in one model and she is Sīta” (Kaka through Ramayana and Mahabharata is in
This section on history has brough development of the gender ideology. TI sacred power of women and its relation women. This in fact is the beginning of patriarchal need subsequently to contro literary and grammatical definitions incorporated ideas of subservience an bodily purity. The physical purity that w her sexuality and limiting it to the appropriated this patriarchal idea intc purity through women's sexuality. Fror the institutions of widowhood penance women to be chaste and pure elevated religious idioms. Chastity was called renunciation and called “penance” (nõi renounce food, comforts, good looks a were legitimised as religious codes. E literary production of the early period bear witness to the pedagogic process.
This section has also shown the motherhood ideology and the process the "other" to art and artistic pursuits. which led to the ideology of women as were both pushed into the "little tradit the art and whose artistic pursuits were again but in a different form as the "ot was strictly separated from the hous restraint and observe paty bhakti rit feminine evil was the second phase in

Jaeology, Caste, Class and Gender
rue of the post-colonial period. The more were used in the film medium in its early ed extensively to fit women in a modern ge were used as liberation ideology for i as an alternative media message. The tinued to enjoy the status of the dominant ner (1959:357) who remarks:
munity there is a corpus of images and ich the individual may aspire, a range of
u woman," Kakar concludes, "is condensed r, 1981:64). The mythological instruction n fact one aspect of the pedagogic process.
t out the various stages in the growth and he concept of ananku identified with the to chastity is nothing but the sexuality of the obsession with female sexuality and its lit. Its link to women's chastity has led to of chastity which, when it was defined, d obedience in addition to mental and as needed in the woman led to controlling use of one man. The caste system also its arena to sustain and maintain caste in the concept of sexual purity developed and sati. The patriarchal need imposed on the chastity concepts and widowhood to "godly" and widowhood was equated to pu). The demands made on the widow to nd sexual needs have became rituals. They xtensive treatment of this subject in the post-Sañgam commentators and Tirukural)
variations in the development of the of "housewifisation". Women have become Her self and intellect have been devalued inferior. Mother goddess and women's art ion". The women who were expelled from pushed into the "little tradition" emerged her" of the noble housewife. The devadasi wife who had to maintain chastity and als. The imposition of the ideology of the devadasi phenomenon. This is in fact

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Liberal/eforms, Feminist Consciousness and
the continuation of the immoral won renunciatory goals of the Buddhist asc the sexuality of women as threatening ideology of the feminine evil then foun of devadasi. The culminating process of The early twentieth century femini. gender ideology by its incorporation indigenous patterns of social behavi contains various facets of traditional de The desa dharma gender ideology was fo charismatic personalities like Mahati Bharatiyar and Periyar challenged thei only as alternative messages. In short til the cumulative patterns of the deve manifested through the concepts and ir comprehensive ideology reflected in ti class and caste and to what extent are th

Valtioma/ AModels 73
han concept of the Sangam period. The etics first and then the Hindus have seen and have labelled it as an evil force. This d linkages for exposition in the institution this was found in Pattinatar's verses. st ideology maintained a continuity of the of the concept of desa dharma (codes of our), a comprehensive ideology which mands made on women based on chastity. orcefully advocated on an all-India basis by na Gandhi within nationalistic idioms. r hegemony but their messages remained he section on history has brought to light lopment of gender ideology which has nstitutions discussed. To what extent is this he social behaviour of the women across ey guided by them is examined next.

Page 102


Page 103
P Gender and Its Ideolog Caste a
his part of the research attempts ideology (as part of the more gen and its impact on the daily lives of wom the impact of gender ideology it will ideology as the dichotomous social de social norms and expectations, has leg helped to perpetuate the oppressive ascertained through a selection of soci
ΝΟΙΩΘΙΩ.
The schedule of topics covered in such as widow seclusion, prohibition of some experiences of women, whic operationalisation of ideology. In c. oppressive structures were found ou consciousness. This task made it impe: dowry system as it functions today. A structure and the ideology of patria selecting the above themes. In short, selected number of institutions are implications across caste and class. In ti to assess the attitudinal expressions. T phrases and words used, sometimes ambivalent and contradictory, offered of analysing the moods and expressi rejection and protests by women. Th imposed socially on the women was no their protests and rejection through val

urt53 ical Significations Across nd Class s
to examine the operative levels of gender veral ideology) in the social arrangements en across caste and class. While examining
be further ascertained whether, gender finition and as a construct of differential
itimised the subordination of women and experiences for them. The two tasks are o-religious norms, and the experiences of
the discussion includes certain institutions widow remarriage, home based rituals, and h are relevant for the study of the rtain cases their attitudes towards the
it in order to ascertain their levels of
rative to include marital conflicts and the \scertaining the importance of both the rchy has been primarily the reason for the life-styles, life-stories, attitudes and a analysed to study gender ideological his exercise the most difficult task has been he mode of expression, their silences, the slow, sometimes snappy and at times a great deal of data for study. This process ons have lead to identifying a process of e acceptance of the ideology which was it totally a passive process. They did lodge ious expressions and articulations.

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76
Since the discussion took the form the sense of questions and answers, the out at random betrayed their deep inv which have become part of their consci system of the historical periods which wa hegemonic system, the pockets of dissen hidden but surfaced in private discussic sentences. This was most evident wil stories.The field research findings per discussed. Secondly, attempts will be m class level within the same caste. The c discussion next, and whether women whether in fact there is a caste behavic question will be discussed from a class there was a class ideology and class beha
As stated in the methodology, th comparative material status of the wom on the husband's wealth. The access of resultant status in terms of enjoying determined the class position of the won
The last part will give the conclu situation compared with the histori ideological underpinnings. However, du made to highlight the specific experien how they are affected in their life pro names of the women are not divulge referred to by name.

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
of dialogues and not direct interviews in words, phraseologies and proverbs thrown olvement in a set of norms and traditions pusness. Like the non-Brahmanical dissent is pushed underground by the mainstream ht and the questioning attitudes remained ins, often brought out in carefully worded hen many of them narrated their life taining to a particular caste will be first ade to point out the differences if any, at uste differences if any will be taken up, for were acting within a caste ideology and ur will be ascertained. Fourthly the same perspective across castes to show whether viour. e caste divisions are determined on the en within the sample and not necessarily the women to material resources and their those resources on comparative levels, nenin my sample. sions of the study of the contemporary cal periods with special emphasis on ring the entire discussion, attempts will be ces of women, as different from men, and cess. For purposes of anonymity, the real d, pseudonyms are used when they are

Page 105
Cha
Brahmin Women wit
he number of women studied in t
number thirty three included ele eleven low class women. Women of diff women and a divorced woman formed women, twenty one women were mar woman, who was married for eighteen The institutions and attitudes are not f categorisations but in the manner in w ideological underpinnings. Prohibition widow seclusion are connected to the years ago. Dowry demands made on w. devalued womanhood. The attitudes perspective. They are then related to t this respect wherever relevant, life storie
Widowhood, Seclusion and Divorce
On the question of widow remarri; women of the thirty three, did not ap eleven women were widows. The main
in caste terms. The unanimous view was from marriage was argued as a privile caste. That it was "against our custom conveyed to me with authority as if reve to some one who was ignorant of these that as part of Brahmanic rites the bri husband dies Shiva takes over her anc anyone. Religious demands and traditic cast away due to somone's need for ple view of chastity that a woman can have further and said that even the science (

pter 6
hin the Idiom of Caste
he Brahmin category is thirty three. The ven high class, eleven middle class and erent age groups, married and unmarried part of the sample. Out of the thirty three ried for five years or more except one months. Three women were not married. ollowed in a sequence according to their hich one is connected to the other in its of widow remarriage and divorce, and Tamil concept of chastity defined many omen are connected to the ideology of a are analysed first from an ideological he women's actual experiences in life. In s are interrelated.
age attitudes were sharply divided. Eleven prove of widow remarriage. Eight of the reason for their disapproval was expressed s that it was against caste rules. Abstention ge and an exclusive practice of the high is and shastras" (religious scriptures) was aling an ethnic and religious requirement good habits. It was argued by one woman de is first married to Shiva and when the as Siva's wife she cannot be married to onal ethos, she reiterated cannot simply be asure. It was also argued from the point of only one man in her life. One woman went of medicine recommends relationship only

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78
with one man. The eight widows reconc of their karma, though one woman rebe as worse than instant death on the fu. eleven women of this group, four belor belonged to the middle class and fourt remarriage though connected with Sha point of companionship and the need ( friendship care and attention. Implicitl sexual needs and those needs to be curb their arguments. Sexual purity and ch woman. Connected with ideas of penan single is treated as a womanly virtue.
Thirteen women expressed a sligh widows who do mot have children co concepts and culturally specific. The you of thirteen to twenty five. These thirteer four to the high class, six to the middle were of the opinion that all widows shou women three women were from the hi class and four from the low class.
Attitudes of women based on their interests or aspirations cannot be identif upper, middle and lower class women eleven, thirteen and nine. If the age of til are taken into consideration, the ele remarriage were within the age group levels were low. They were either illite standards. The group that advocated r group, educated, illiterate, and those Their ages ranged from thirty to sixty. T any conditions had secondary educatio fifty-five years. (There was one woman, widow remarriage.) This group consiste read books and journals and papers an to this category of nine women. The educated, but whose own experience of exception. It could be reasonably col information via books and journals anc women to critically review the ancient m On widow seclusion even the nine could not express their attitudes clearly ambivalence. After much deliberation a

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
led themselves to their status as the result led against it by expressing her sufferings neral pyre of her husband (sati). Of the ged to the high class, while three women the low class. Interestingly marriage and tras and religion are not viewed from the f the women to enjoy life with feelings of y it was argued from the point of bodily led by a woman was a view that dominated astity were the main requirements for a ce, abstinence and self control remaining
tly different opinion stating that "young uld marry". Young and old are relative ing here consisted of women from the age women also belonged to all three classes, and three to the low class. Nine women ld have the right to remarry. Among these gh class while two were from the middle
class affiliation as representing their class ied. On the question of widow remarriage, were included in each of the groups of he respondents and their educational level ven women who disapproved of widow of forty to seventy and their educational rate or studied up to the fifth to eighth 2marriage for young widows was a mixed who have had secondary level education. hose who approved of remarriage without and ranged from the age of nineteen to old widow of seventy two years approving d of working women. Those who said they i who went out of their houses, belonged one widow, who was neither young nor oppression had changed her, is indeed an cluded that education and exposure to the working environment have led these ale biased customs. women who advocated widow remarriage They were themselves aware of their own of them could very apologetically say that

Page 107
Arahmin Women within the Adiom of Caste
widows themselves should stay away f seclude themselves. The rest were blata should be kept away from auspicious women, as stated earlier when their pe up for discussion, was one of an inter-cl. women is also similar to the above. Eigh middle class, and seven low class.
On the question of dressing and ad were very liberal in their attitudes an dislikes. The freedom allowed by them for widows varied in degree. Wearing rejected, though a few of the older widc and three of them still followed the cu. with their sarees.
While there was reference to tonsur and tasty food and ornaments in Manu (Manu, V, 158, Puram (25, 62, 224, 246, symbol of widowhood was not mentione trace the origins of this custom both fri with social scientists have not been suc the University of Jaffna and Dr Jegathee with my speculation. This custom must h The white colour is symbolic of purity renunciation for the Christian clergy. from sex) are codes for widows. It ; widowhood code-not to look colourfu possible that this custom was acquired a However, Professor Gananath is of the acquired from the Buddhist ideolc auspiciousness for a Christian bride and white on a principle of reversal is the log Flowers and poțițu (2) are still obs women insisted on following these cust here are also not class specific. Five fro) and nine from the low class belonged t of the opinion that young widows with said that their friends and colleague welcomed that. Nine of them said it ha group of four was divided between the respectively. Those who wanted the wic five upper class women, three middle cl:

79
rom auspicious events and isolate and
intly frank that widows had no place and events. The class belonging of the nine rceptions on widow remarriage was taken ass mix. The case of the other twenty four t of them belonged to the high class, nine
orning themselves the above nine women d allowed space for individual likes and in the manner of dressing and behaviour white sarees and tonsuring were totally ws (above fifty) were seen in white sarees, stom of tonsure and covering their heads
e, control of diet and giving up wholesome dharma Shastra and the Sangam literature 253,261) the wearing of white sarees as a d in the ancient literature. My attempts to om the literature and through discussions cessful. They (Professor Sivathamby from san from the University of Madras) agreed have originated during the colonial period. for the Christian brides and symbolic of Both purity and renunciation (abstinence also fulfills another requirement of the l and attractive to attract men. Hence it is fter the arrival of the missionaries in India. opinion that this custom must have been ogy of renunciation. White symbolises it is unlikely that a Hindu widow can wear gic of his argument. erved as taboos. As many as twenty of the oms as signs of widowhood. The attitudes m the high class, six from the middle class o this category. Of the thirteen, who were out children could remarry, four of them is did not observe this taboo and they ad to be left to the widows to decide. The high, middle and low as one, two and one lows to decide for themselves consisted of
asswomen and one low class Woman.

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On the aspect of seclusion from attitudes of the women had been reaso participation were more concerned implications of a devalued gender, the f taking a risk loomed large in their min inauspicious bad omen, is superstitiou those who are involved in certain rites s attainment. Widowed mothers said they by the bride and groom, even when th The parallel to the situation of a wido remain widowers except in very old age. again after their wife's death.
Divorce as such is a rare phenome live in separation from husbands. Div. discouraged. The women said that one and hence they do not annul marriage reconciliation is on the way. Within this about a woman's right to divorce. Pare bring couples together despite many lev that marriages should not be broken ur were unanimous that women should marital violence and incompatibility. H the reasons that motivated such an opin "A woman divorced is a castaway it looked down upon as having been a fail to know how to keep a husband. She is provide for her financially. She becom advantage of her vulnerability."
The economic reason, it has to b
Te2SOS.
The only woman who had divorce pressure and had to seek divorce, but sh to the low class. The inter-class mix expressed on the topics of widow remar
Experiences and Reality
Within the sample, there were eigh in the case of one) had not contribute women who became widows at the ag easy. They had started to prepare for ; and retirement, withdrawing progress This is expected of men and women in

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
eligious and auspicious events, the hard led out. The women who rejected widows' with the risk element. More than the ear of the unknown future and the fear of is. A widow, treated as an incomplete and sly believed to cast a spell of disaster om uch as: marriage, house warming, and age avoided being seen in auspicious places or eir own sons and daughters got married. wer cannot be drawn here, as men hardly They usually become eligible bridegrooms
non among Brahmin women. Women do orce taken on legal grounds is generally day the wife has to return to the husband is legally but live in separation, hoping a frame of mind they were reuctant to talk nts, elders and relatives jointly attempt to els of incompatibility as they firmly believe nder any circumstances. Thirty-two women not divorce their husbands but tolerate wever, what is significant is to understand ion.
m. She is a social disgrace, an evil omen, lure in the role of a wife and is foolish not a burden for the natal family which has to hes a "prey' to selfish men who will take
e noted, is interspersed with ideological
d her husband said she was under heavy e is happy after the divorce. She belonged was a recurring factor in the attitudes
riage, widow seclusion and divorce.
t widows whose experiences in life (except d to a change of attitude in them. Those of fifty and after fifty found adjustment L religious life and for a general seclusion vely from routine family responsibilities. a Hindu family though the men might do

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ABrahmin Momen within the lauom of Caste
so much later. One woman who had b able to accept widowhood which was ma law were liberal minded and did not in them till they died. She was hurt and h an ill-omen and avoided her.
Another widow said she prefer stigmatised) to the tyrannical and opp died a few years ago. At the age of fifty pleasant things in life (jewels, good clot at all, compared to the peace and tr following the death of her husband. She The story of the old woman who b different. Her head was shaved, she w broken and she had to give up her pottu was not allowed to witness any wedding When I asked her what she implied by her, she laughed at my ignorance and sa She elaborated further,
"The mind should not become poll a stone. The shastras say a widow shoul think of god, only then can she keep he and think of the welfare of his childre) distracted by worldly affairs. Then she v will go astray. If she dresses well, she w We will then violate the dharma of penance."
Her constant mention of shastras religious imposition made on her. It bec or disregard the religious demands ma (widowhood penance), was defined by th The case of the seventy-two year olc at the age of sixty-eight was a total cont of deprivation, which are symbolic of dressed. She had jewels on her especia mandatory like the removal of the tali“ í "I powder my face. These are again don't care. It gives me satisfaction. No be good in his or her thoughts and have She was an exception. She was def demands if any. What exactly had led elaborate on, other than to say that "t class or caste belonging didn't have

81
acome a widow at the age of fifty-five was de easier by other factors. Her parents-inist on tonsure. She continued to live with umiliated when people considered her as
'ed widowhood (though despised and ressive family life with her husband who -five, widow seclusion or the giving up of hes, flowers and pottu) did not affect her anduility that had descended upon her
too was not required to shave her head.
2came a widow at the age of forty-two was as given a white saree, her bangles were . She could only go out to the temple. She , even those that took place at her house. saying "not allowed" and who prevented id "of course the people and the shastras".
uted. It must remain stable and strong like d not go out. She should stay indoors and r husband in her mind and be loyal to him n. If she talks to many people she will be will face problems. If she talks to men she ill cause distraction in the minds of men. chastity. We have to do all these like a
and penance are clear indicators of the omes harder for her and others to disobey de. The ancient concept of kaimai nonpu is woman elaborately.
widow and the one who became a widow rast. She didn't have any outward symbols widows. She had the pottu. She was well illy the nose-ring, the removal of which is or widows. st my caste rules. People criticize me but I external symbols are required. One has to
positive values in life". ying customs and caste rules and religious her to reject them, she was not willing to nese are not required". Age, education or an impact on the conditioning of her

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behaviour, either to conformity or non seclusion and supports remarriage of y means those who are under thirty-five symbolic of a strong protest. The sanctic and social rules were openly violated. reasons for the violation of sanctions by which she is demonstrating that these a of view of my research, but she does the explained by cause and effect. While rej purity of values and strength of charact adhering to norms established by the soc Kamala became a widow at the a fourteen as a second wife. Poverty, she second wife to a man of forty. Even at th Mention must be made of the fact that who lived in the agraharam (an exclusive "I had to move with my little son int then till now was a long and continuc question. (She avoided answering the remarriage.) It was against social conve They would outcast me, if I married aga chores and needs of my son and my b outcaste deprived ofjewels and good lo that would have brought an end to my not be a burden to my brother. I woul would not be facing social ostracism. M of this house for the last thirty years. T miserable. My husband was like a fathe All he did was to order me and force feeling I had for him was fear".
While she was talking about herself was doing it in the presence of her br feelings. The brother was uneasy and f talking out her mind for the first time. held him responsible for her plight. Th language was couched in hidden mea many things and people. She was accus an old man against her will, for not ma husband for ordering her against her v did not mention included a lot of th: desires and aspirations. She did not remarriage but indicated to me that ifs

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
-Conformity. She is totally against widow oung widows. According to her, "young" ... Both her behaviour and speech were ons imposed on her by her caste, religious Her unwillingness to elaborate on the itself becomes a part of her character by 'e not worthy of discussion from the point m as part of her being which need not be ecting external symbols she is arguing for ær which she claims one can have without iety. age of nineteen after being married at urged, was the cause of her marriage as a he age of nineteen she could not remarry. she belonged to a family of temple priests 2 Brahmin settlement). o the household of my brother. Life from us drudgery. Remarriage was out of the question whether she would welcome ntion, against religion, against caste rules. in. In spite of attending to the household rother's children, I was anyhow, a social oks (deliberately). If I had committed sati, miserable existence in this world. I would d not worry about who would feed me. I y life has been spent within the four walls he five years of my married life were also r to me (a twenty-six year age difference). me to do things against my will. The only
and expressing feelings of dejection, she other. She made no attempt to hide her elt uncomfortable. It looked as if she was She was in fact blaming her brother, and e protest in her language was evident. Her nings. She was pointing her finger at so ing her brother for getting her married to king an attempt to get her remarried, her vill to do “things". These “things" that she ngs including sex and incompatibility in answer my question about her views on he answered in the affirmative it would be

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Brahmin Women within the Idiom of Caste
construed as she wants to get married norms and it is not expected of a "goo The "continuous drudgery" and "life wi talked about are directly aimed at the br unmindful of the oppression she was su of being a widow was being used to en depriving her of the limited pleasures of visits to her friends, movies and the te one could also understand her helpless worry about who would feed her. How While saying this certain thoughts cross blamed by her brother and the membe and for not behaving according to set in the stamp of deviancy was placed on household are some of the thoughts wh the brother would get the message and a dilemma of a researcher.
Her sister, who is fifty years old now, She did not have children. She too move with her husband. She considers these t now no desires and no aspirations in emotions and feelings. She also said tha log. The two sisters seated side by side The second widow's mention of being indicators of the implications of the pen indicated a protest message, while the la
The seventh widow, Leela, broke remaining within it for the most part. living with her husband for five years. father had renounced life and became a lived with her grandmother, who was to up her daughter and so she had to wo only two or three alternatives, to work a man (and that might have led her to pro the first choice and went to "respectable
"Later I took odd jobs in the hote point there was a lot of gossip about me observed the mandatory mourning pe should not come out of the house. Secc out to work."

83
again. And that would go against social i widow" to openly argue for remarriage. thin the four walls of the house" that she other and the members of the household, bjected to in his household. The position gage her in continuous household labour life a widow is entitled to by going out on nple. Within the language she employed :conomic dependency which forced her to aver, her protest is a sign of hope for us. my mind. Whether she would have been is of his extended family for being critical orms befitting a good widow and whether
her making her position worse in the ich disturbed me. Or can we assume that behave better towards her ? This indeed is
had been widowed at the age of eighteen. !d into her brother's house. She was happy hirty-two years of life as a "waste". She has ife. She is like a saint (Gnanie) bereft of t she is like a "marakattai", like a piece of a were an epitome of widowhood penance. a saint and a piece of a log are clearly ance required of widows. The case former tter indicated passive conformity.
the caste tradition in one way, while She became a widow at twenty-two, after Meanwhile her mother had died and her sanyasi. She had no brothers to go to. She ) poor to maintain her. Leela had to bring rk. She broke the caste dharma. She had nd earn living or become a concubine of a stitution) or beg for food. She decided on "homes and cooked for wages. s to grind pulses and pound rice. At this . I was criticized for two reasons. I had not riod of one year during which period I ind, Brahmin widows are not allowed to go

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Her economic needs forced her traditional deprivations that affect a E continued: "I did not have to shave m house, I could not wear white as I had Remarriage of course was out of the qu by selfish men to keep me as a concubin daughter and educating her became attention to religion and this way I ove temples in the south. I enjoyed travelling me and my decorum. Besides, visiting ter the life-style of widows, but men and wo as there was no man in the picture, th graduate and she was married. However me. Though I sacrificed a lot for her a can't now stay with her. Whether she lik my dignity to stay under the roof of my she ceases to be mine. She is given away husband and his people. Now I stay with
This information did shock me and queries.
"When I was young I could not go brothers or parents. My brother-in-law right to take me into her house. Besides them, going into their household with I approve of it. I did not want to be the their household I could not have gone c to follow a particular decorum of beha problem for me now to stay with my siste is married. I am old, my youth is no mo out to work. Besides I look after my siste what hurts me now is not my physical isc now or my deprivations or my poverty, Women are the worst offenders in this. seen when they set off from their house water as if washing away the pollution about this. At home and everywhere we There were many incidents over which ourselves. If seen around by accident, referred to as ituhal (things, neuter gen beings with life, flesh and body and em was to witness my daughter's wedding others".

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
o violate the caste rules. Many of the Brahmin widow did not affect her. She y head. I would not be confined to the i to wear what others gave me to wear. estion. My poverty would have been used he, which I did not want. Bringing up my my only vocation in life. I diverted my rcame my bodily needs. I visited all the . By this time, society had learnt to accept mples and going on pilgrimage was part of men kept watch on my behaviour. As long ey were satisfied. My daughter became a that was not the end of the problems for und brought her up with an education, I es it or not is not the question. It is below son-in-law. Once the daughter is married and taken over. She now belongs to her my sister."
she realised it and answered my unspoken
to my sister. We widows can only go to is not of my kin group. My sister had no ; I didn't want to be a financial burden to my daughter. My brother-in-law would mot
cause of family friction. Having entered ut to work. Within their household I have viour befitting a Brahmin widow. It is no *r. My brother-in-law is dead. Mydaughter ire a problem for me. I do mot have to go r's children. They are attached to me. But lation from my sister then or my daughter out the treatment meted out to us widows. We are considered bad omens. If we are s, they go in to wash their feet and drink :aused by us. Women are more particular are excluded from all "auspicious" events. I was hurt. We are expected to stay by
deregatory remarks are passed. We are der, plural). We are not treated as human otions. The saddest experience in my life from a corner, unseen and unheard by

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Abrahmin Women within the laiom of Caste
It would appear, that while becom often on pilgrimages are tolerated by ot have also become means, a way of esca certainly not an attempt at self-deceit. she was doing those. Within limits she conflict with society for tactical reasons face the humiliations heaped on her an who have become strong and darin proverbial reasoning she gave me. (“Tur Another woman, widowed at twenty as her lawyer husband had provided fo with her in-laws. They were kind and insisted that she had no problems in life What is rare and indeed an exception h equal shares of the property. Both wer managed his son’s property after his dea over the large house, the daughter an living in the same house with their mo daughter for two reasons. Since her s obligation to look after his mother. Sec house and it is not the son-in-law who ov she is not living under the roof of the so Taking into consideration the exp distinguished from the attitudes to wid them purely on variables such as class, Sometimes a combination of two or situations. However, even these have overall ideology and structure of patria by social conventions now, though man first marriages are mostly arranged remarriages have to be decided upon exceptionally by the father-in-law. Thi doesn't have children and that she is yo remarriage. More importantly, the facto to take a widow for his wife has to be remarriage. Realising all these constrai widow remarriage is against the caste dh
Kamala and her sister and Leela experiences of widowhood differed in 1 of the family gave the two sisters physic more miserable and confined them t orphan, had more freedom and enjoye

85
ing religious, visiting temples and going hers who kept a social watch on her, these pism from unpleasant realities. But this is She was fully conscious of the reason why was being defiant but preventing an open . She maintained that she had learned to d that they do not affect her now." Those g experience no sorrow" was a(Tamil) intavannukku tukkam illai"). five, said she had no economic problems her sufficiently. When young, she stayed affectionate and looked after her. She and refused to talk about her widowhood. ere was her daughter and son both getting e given property by her father-in-law who ath. Since the daughter has property rights d her husband, the son and his wife are ther. The mother too could stay with the on is living in the house it is the son's ond, since the daughter has a share in the wns it, the mother can continue to stay and n-in-law. eriences of widowhood, which have to be owhood, one has to realise that analysing age or education provides limited insights. more variables may cause differential o be viewed from the perspective of an rchy. Remarriages of widows are governed y speak of "shastric injunctions". Even the for the bride and groom, and hence by others, either fathers or brothers and age of the widow or the fact that she ung become reasons for arranging a widow or of the willingness and consent of a man included into the phenomenon of widow nts, the widow could evasively repeat that arma and against the religious scriptures. belonged to the same low class, but their many ways. The fact that the male member l protection under his roof made their life o their home, whereas Leela, almost an d life in limited ways as stated by her. The

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fact that Kamala and her sister belong members perform religious rites in the restrictive behaviour.
Except one widow who was consci symbols of a married woman and who widow who was totally against widow s. without any conditions, others have become victims. Kamala articulated he which could be called protest or minol not say that widowhood should not be, freedom to remarry. Vhether the prese doesn't know, but that certainly was n sufferings and humiliations. Kamala's emotional deprivations, which could al herself as a renouncer who had given u using the simile of “piece of a log” (m feelings.
The story of the last widow is illum apart from their personal deprivations, has also an economic factor. Econom employment or having property of the status and the humiliations they suffer, and serving on them. This could eve decisions. The class position of the dau did in fact have an impact on the statu not have a son, she could stay with her d Though the social existence of wo their natal or affinal, they remained remained inside most of the time l regarded both ritually and socially inau outcast. Her sexuality was pronounced outward symbols signified the process ef active sexuality, fertility and marital au which is symbolic of death and asexualit
In conclusion it has to be said that in 1856 by law, and only three widows w impact on social customs, caste rules ar marriage was prohibited in 1891, but married between the ages of ten to sixt and wives ranged from five years to thirt The women, it has been amply re' practices have been found to be violi

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
'd to a priestly family, in which the male emple, has a bearing on the levels of their
usly violating caste rules by retaining the upported widow remarriage, and another clusion and supported widow remarriage opinions to which they themselves had feelings of anguish in forceful language dissent, but it stopped at that. She could tigmatized or widows should be given the ice of her brother was an impediment one ot an impediment for her to express her sister conveyed her frustrations with her so include her sexual needs. Referring to all worldly desires, she described her life arakattai) which signifies being bereft of
nating. The complex situation of widows, and stigma and ostracized social existence, ic independence in the form of gainful ir own could diminish their dependency having to live with others at their mercy in increase their independence to take ghter and the fact that she owns property of her widowed mother. Even if she did aughter. men was within the household either in he renouncers at different levels. They Doking inauspicious because they were picious. Within the high caste she was an dead and made inactive while a series of ectively. The tali and pottu which signified piciousness were removed. White colour is chosen as the colour for her dress. rohibition of widow remarriage was lifted re aware of it. They said that laws have no i shastras, which are hard to break. Child till among this group ten children were an. The age difference between husbands years. aled were quoting Shastras but in social ing the shastric taboos at various levels.

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Arahmin Women within the /diom of Caste
Violations occurred for economic reaso in attitudes. A few others did it conscio Brahmanical patriarchy does remain a connotations.
The ritualized and symbolized code of the widows glared rather impotently became prostitutes during the pre-inde and Gandhi had to get involved seriousl controlled and declared a void by the Sh dressed up provocatively breaking promiscuity.
Female Child and Mother of Sons
The ideology of female infanticide a daughter. The prevailing motherho expressing their opinion on the birth mother who said that the birth of a fe overt hatred. Ten women said that their fathers. All of them agreed that giving d obligation on the part of the parents to marriage, on events such as child bir pregnancy rituals, were viewed as bul reaction, they said, had to be viewed daughters. As fathers they had to bear marriage. Five mothers who have had m fate might fall on their daughters and v Educating them or allowing them to see their lot. They are mechanisms through market to get better sons-in-law. The i was expressed rather convincingly but th Apart from their attitudes toward another factor which unfolded from confidence that the situation for their indirectly their own inability to chan developed a defeatist attitude and exhib The attitudes expressed towards th class divisions. Even the upper class won than for the middle and lower classes, when contracting marriage with an equ incidents where middle class parents proportion to the parent's wealth. On prospective bridegroom is higher than a

87
ns and in certain cases due to the change usly as means of expressing protests. The lowerful ideological force with clear caste
s of social asceticism that were demanded when a thousand young Brahmin widows endence phase in India. Social reformers in this issue. Widows' sexuality which was astras became potentially active here. They shastric rules and codes and courted
ersists in the attitudes towards the birth of od ideology prevented the women from of a female child. In fact there was no 'male child was abhorred or treated with husbands were unhappy and so were their owry to the daughters and the continuous give gifts to the daughters even after their th, confinement, naming ceremony, and rdensome and expensive. Their fathers' as sympathetic consideration for their the burden of giving their daughters in iserable experiences feared that the same lished they had sons instead of daughters. k employment are no means of improving which the daughters are bargained in the ileology of the devalued feminine gender rough a circuitous route.
the female child which were negative, their attitudes was the complete lack of daughters could change. They expressed ge the situation. As a result they have ited qualities of self-pity. 2 female child strangely did not vary with en, to whom giving dowry would be easier felt that they had to meet high demands lly high class bridegroom. They told me of have been demanding high dowries in the scale of social status, any man as a ny woman as a prospective bride.

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The mother-in-law problem is a patrilineal inheritance rights. The son by obliged to keep the parents with him. household and has to adjust to living Entering into the patriarchal family as th others. The mother-in-law has now eme status as mother of the son, her age contributed to her powerful image. The the paradox of a life situation that the sa of the son by her mother-in-law, now em herself becomes the mother-in-law (moth Ten women said that for short peri joint family system, often facing problen Five women were in the high class cate women. Sixteen women lived for th mother-in-law. Except for three womer problems of early adjustments and diff were from the low class and one from th had been advised by their mothers on h serious frictions. They have been told cases, sons are unable to stand by t problems. These twenty five women we eight for high, middle and low class resp One woman among them from the h of a woman’s life, and by being patient si and peace in the house were her major in the family had to be avoided at all c that silence on many occasions, when sh burdened with work, was the only answ. strength, she said, from the epic women concepts such as " harmony," "peac recurrently used by her in her conversat was a party to her sufferings, she smiled he was aware of it but he was not a party aware that my mother-in-law was very for from taking sides. Silence was his virtue the sly. At times I was not even allowed t Kakar (1981:88-89) tried to explain jealous mother (of a son) for whom t derived its meaning from having a son erotic feelings. Freud would have us unc of the “Oedipus complex”. However, th,

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
peculiar syndrome of patrilocality and way of inheriting the parental property is . Hence the bride moves into an alien with the members of the joint family. he new bride, she has to respect and serve rged as a matriarch. Her newly acquired and experience have in combination y generally do misuse this image. Here is me bride, who was dominated as the wife erges as the dominating woman when she ner of the son). ods they lived with the mother-in-law in a ns and undergoing periods of depression. gory and the other five were middle class e greater part of their lives under a who had serious problems, others had erences of opinion. Two of these women e high class. However, twenty five of them ow to adjust and carry-on without causing that they would be the losers as in most heir wives. Hence they tolerated many re divided on the basis of seven, ten and ectively. high class dismissed these problems as part he avoided major conflicts. The tranquility concern and not her own rights. Conflicts osts, she added. She realised before long he was hurt, angry and humiliated or overer available to her. She was able to gather who had to suffer even more. Words and e", "tranquility", "family honour" were ion. To the question whether her husband l, pondered and then answered: "Perhaps to it. My husband was aware and I was also hd of my husband, and that prevented him too. At times he had to bring me gifts on o talk to my husband". this from the point of view of a possessive, he mere existence and survival principle who has satisfied her otherwise deprived, ierstand the problem from the perspective he point of its relevance to an all-pervasive

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patriarchy in the social relationship of this is Brahmin caste behaviour or not which the other castes practise the inheritance rights.
Whether the situation of this pa character can be determined more con a rich lawyer has had no role to play i proved by the attitude of her father tow her married at the age of thirteen for mother, and her father wanted to ma wanted to avoid problems that might a that as a father he should look after her life. If her mother lived, she would not or as a wife, her belonging to a particul for her.
The mother-in-law problem is part life story is sketched briefly with an ol patriarchy have combined in creating (pseudonym) has completed her sec emphasising the class factor. "Because me married to a deaf and dumb man. caste). For his status he could have be being deaf and dumb, no rich parents used my poverty to their advantage. His needs. However the marriage was not psychological pressure brought on her widowed mother. I was already thirty. M worries. It was also seen as a failure of m not be deformed in spirit and mind. treated me like a "servant". She got ri house as a "bride". I had to cook, wa bathroom. In my mind I have equalled r to work and to gratify the sexual desire woman through wedlock. They made attachment with my husband. I was wat relationship and when we were togeth close to him. If I was found to exceed through signs, they made remarks, reb was prevented. They would call him aw some pretext or other. They did not all to my mother's house for the confiner Having been rejected by the husband a

89
hdividuals should not be missed. Whether can only be determined by the extent to system of patrilocality and patrilineal
ticular woman is affected by her class retely. Her class position as a daughter of her oppressive situation. This is further ards her. She sadly recollected that he got selfish reasons. She had by then lost her rry again, considered her a burden and ise from a stepmother. He did not think and guide her in her adolescent period in have been married so early. As a daughter ar class did not create a different situation
of a whole syndrome of oppression. Sita's bjective of clarifying how class, caste and conditions of misery for this woman. Sita ondary education. She starts her story we were poor, we had no dowry, they got The husband had status (both class and 2n married to a rich girl with dowry. But considered him for their son-in-law. They parents wanted a girl to satisfy his sexual forced on me (saying so she related the ). I did not want to be a burden on my y unmarried status had caused her a lot of ly mother. I consented, thinking he would But that was mot so. The mother-in-law of her servant as soon as I entered the sh clothes, mop the floor and wash the ny status to that of a slave who was brought of a man who otherwise could not get a all attempts to prevent an emotional ched and supervised even in my personal er. Within limits they allowed me to get he limit, trying to communicate with him uking my chastity. Emotional attachment ly or send me on a mission next door on w me to write to my mother. When I went ent they did not want me to come back. ld his people was a social disgrace. Hence

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with my mother's persuasion I went bacl got a letter signed by me that my moth those miserable moments I attempted to act of jumping into the well. They brand another incident. They rebuked me and the first time. I threatened to commit sui to their family, and others would come t them and they beat me with a plank on n (She always used the plural prono collectively from the household of the h The fact that neither her husband nor h or prevent her physical harassment, imposed on them.)
When she cried loud and shouted a brought to her mother's house with chal In fact all these accusations have disturb her son severely for minor lapses, she s the solution to the problem was to se several letters and finally took her there husband's parents and the husband saw open the door. They waited till the even state of utter frustration and estrangeme mother's knowledge, listing all the cruel meted out to her, and concluded, "I will arrangements for me to live with my hus this letter, as proof in the courts of law t as a daughter-in-law and filed action fo implied here is a social convention that her husband's natal family, and she h severing connections with her husband that her statement, "I will live with my argument that she had not deserted maintenance for her. Her troubles did from her but the court ruled that he eighteen years old. She anticipates anot articulated the reasons for the keennes son rather logically. The logic has en oppression which has made, her, wise, arguments.
"If the child is a girl they will not ca responsibilities. She has to be married w the father. A daughter belongs to her hl

laeology, Caste, Class and Gender
c. It was as if all hell let loose again. They er should not come to see me. In one of commit suicide, but I was caught in the ed me as a neurotic. This was followed by scolded me. I got angry and protested for icide and said that would bring dishonour o know of their true nature. This shocked
ny head." - 1 - - -
un to suggest that the cruelty emanated usband, mother-in-law and father-in-law. er father-in-law tried to act on her behalf has resulted in the collective guilt she
t them, she was bundled up in a taxi and ges of "neurosis and immoral behaviour". bed her a great deal, and she used to beat aid, to ease her tension. For her mother, nd her back to the husband. She wrote only to be greeted with a closed door. The í her through the window and refused to ning and came back. After a few days in a int, she wrote a letter to them, without her ties, atrocities and the inhuman treatment not step into your house unless you make band alone in a separate house. They used hat I refused to go to their house and live r divorce without maintenance". What is as a daughter-in-law she should stay with as no right on her own to contemplate l's parents. However, her lawyer told her husband alone", was in fact a contributory him. The husband was asked to pay not end here. They tried to get her son
should stay with his mother till he was her "battle" when the son is eighteen. She s of her husband's family to take away the nerged in her out of the experience of ; She was, emphatic; in the logic of her
are a damn for her, as it involves monetary ith dowry. A girl is of no use in old age for usband and his parents. Since my child is a

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Arahmin Women within the Idiom of Caste
son they want to grab him. The father after in his old age. In old age he will precious possession. If the child was a gi argument again and say that she was b disown her".
; : Sita now has a job as a sales-girl ar. husband. She rebels within herself. She deafness and dumbness call for sympat his weakness of being under the "thum tali, and she is expected to wear it as lo Sita's younger sister aged thirty has deci to her sister's agony.
Restrictive Social Behaviour and Symbol It is generally believed in India th seclusion for women and the lower the combination of high caste and high cla remain within the caste ideology, while belonging. The case of three sisters-in-l caste belonging draws heavily on patriar of a high class belonging.
The three brothers manage a textil their father. They live in three separate roof sharing the benefits of the joint b This is a typical, modified joint family family system are maintained and other son on the ground floor. The father business. The father controls the sons, They share a common purse, the daily maintaining the identity of a single fam the fundamentals of old traditions are aspects of modernization are acce "compartmentalisation" (1968:438-439, couples in terms of privacy are satisfied. The eldest daughter-in-law was awa did not seem to question her subordin Lakshmy, the female goddess of wea seclusion. Apart from cooking and clea custom among the Brahmin caste, the They are employed only to wash the c wife has to observe the caste rules of d. (the daily ritual worshipping done in

91
who is deaf and dumb needs to be looked be left a destitute. So my son becomes a rl they would revive the "immoral woman" orn out of wedlock to an illicit lover and
d has no intentions of going back to her
has not accused her husband singly. His ly but his inaction has to be explained as of the mother-in-law". She still wears the ng as he lives. She has no desire to marry. ded "never to marry" after being a witness
ic Violence
hat the higher the caste, the higher the caste, the more freedom for women. The is results in an ambivalence where women men enjoy the advantages of a high class aw testifies to this double standard. High chy and doesn't give them the advantages
e factory which they have inherited from flats in the same building under the same usiness, but not having a common hearth. system, where certain aspects of the joint s are not. The parents live with the eldest contributes to decision making in the daughters-in-law and the grandchildren. ife experience of festivals and rituals, but lily. This is clearly an arrangement where maintained and at the same time, some pted. Milton Singer has called this 1972:320) The aspirations of the young
e of her exceptionally affluent status, but ited role. While she referred to wealth as th, her life was one of monotony and ning she had no interests in life. As is the ervants are not allowed to cook the food. othes and utensils, clean and sweep. The ily baths before cooking, doing the pujas, nomes) and drawing the kolam (a ritual

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drawing done to musical notes) at the late, she hardly goes out as she doe sisters-in-law. While discussing her c conscious of the fact that I might view rather tacitly blamed it on her ill-health. tired and I don't like to go out." She w didn’t want me to sympathise with her si The second and third daughters-in cooking and confinement to the house status, felt strongly about their deprivat logical analysis. The second daughter discussions and conversed very freely wi
"My plight was the same in my father's My father and my husband are both conscious. I feel I am not leading a lil aspirations are never fulfilled. I wanted not fight my way through. My educal house-wife. Women’s aspirations are ni desires and their aspirations. Wher father-in-law was in full control. He do with my sisters-in-law. Very rarely do Ig doesn't fancy going out. I am not howe adjust to his likings and his likings sho get together and go out for movies v Since we go out together they don' disapproval. Since we live with our fath all the more difficult. There is a join break. In our family and among our c and obedient. This is a discipline for authority. Since our mother-in-law is in kind of discipline is entrenched in our seen in the street alone after six, is no class Brahmin). My husband or father-i alone? Why so late? If this restriction deviant. A woman violating this can be of ill- treatment. We have been expec husband is our god. He is our world. T be any differences between men an should we be discriminated or called " and attitudes? It takes a long time t daughter differently. The only outlet I and talk in the evenings. We discuss o to them, whenever I have had to
experiences and wonder how we can us or ill treating us, but we have no fre

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
loorstep. Since the husband comes home sn't like to go out with her friends or onfinement to the house, she became that as reactionary or conservative. She "Besides I am sick. After the surgery I feel is rationalizing her condition and perhaps tuation. n-law have the same life-style in terms of , Both of them were aware of their chattel ions and articulated their sufferings with a in-law, was delighted at my queries and th no attempt to hold back her feelings.
house as it is in my husband's house now. very conservative, traditional and caste
'e according to my wishes. My desires and
to study more. They stopped me. I could
tion, they thought, was sufficient to be a
ot respected. We are there to satisfy men's
I came to my husband's home, my
esn't like me going out with my friends or
et a chance to go out with my husband who
ver, supposed to force him. I must learn to
uld become mine. At times we sisters-in-law
without getting our husbands' permission.
t say anything, but somehow show their her-in-law and with the brothers-in-law, it is
tly instituted sanction which is difficult to
aste, women are expected to be submissive
women. We have to be within a circle of sane, she is not part of the circle now. This
consciousness. Women going out alone or st socially approved within our circle (high
n-law will ask, why have you gone out? Why is violated a woman is branded as socially punished by being beaten or by other kinds ted to behave and live within a circle. The his is our circle. In my view there need not women. We only dress differently. Why leviant" when we challenge those traditions change, but I will bring up my son and have is to get together with my sisters-in-law ur problems and share our sufferings. I cry argue with my husband. We share our hange our husbands. They are not beating
>dom.

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Arahmin Women within the Idiom of Caste
At this point the third daughter-in-l. was a case of each of them corroborat examples and incidents. The second dau "Till we moved into the separate flo The restrictions then were worse. The h discuss the pros and cons of a deci father-in-law and came down as orders t We had so much to talk and discuss but sisters-in-law got together we discussi structural hierarchy that prevailed in husbands were busy making money. W. shared our feelings with them. We we simile for the second time). When you films, but never could we go out. My fat) home. In our young age we lost all feeli husbands. After we moved into separat continues".
The second daughter-in-law had dis in-law often. She used the word "circle' being suffocated within it, going round means to break the circle to find an exit The third daughter-in-law was equa expressed by the second. She had studi but couldn't complete her degree. Her work. For some time she assisted her fat
"My marriage was a turning point in m law have the same opinion about wor family that I have entered posed proble he goes out on business trips I have asl that. Neither his father nor brothers w against them. My husband's expectatio passive and stay at home. He doesn't set me. At times I used to feel frustrated a with him but of no avail. The struc impediment. My brothers-in-law and
impact on my husband's behaviour. If but trying to change everybody in thi brother and father both have great inf not allowed to cook the food for a responsibility for housekeeping and t same and protest often, but our eldes her husband. She often says "I will go t attitude helps to degrade us as "lesser

93
aw came down and joined us. Thereafter it ng whatever was said by the other giving ighter-in-law continued. ors, we all lived together under one roof. usbands hardly talked to us or sat down to ion. The decisions emanated from the hrough our husbands and we had to obey. never did we get a chance. When both the 2d the emotional deprivations and the the family. There was no privacy. The e never felt intimate with them. We never re treated like pieces of a log (the same nger, we longed to go out for dramas and her-in-law would say, women have to stay at ngs of togetherness and intimacy with our e floors we lost interest. The same pattern
cussed her problems with the other sisters' (vattam) a number of times as if she was and finding no way out or, not having the
lly articulate and shared many of the views led political science and English literature parents were "modern" and allowed her to her in his business.
y life. Both my husband and my father-inking women. The traditional conservative ms for me. I argue with my husband. When :ed him to take me along. He does not do ould approve of it and so he could not go ns of me are that I should be humble and : anything beyond the house and family for nd have an urge to rebel. I thrashed it out :ture of the joint family is the greatest father-in-law staying downstairs have an it is one person, I can try to change him, joint family is an uphill task. His elder luence on my husband. Since servants are Brahmin family, I cook and take full he child care activities. We both feel the t sister-in-law never protests. She worships films only with my husband". This kind of nortals" or bad wives. During the nineteen

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years of married life, I never felt close me,"You have everything in life, wardrc
problem?". But we are not Sajid-with our desire for freedom".
These two women, at the end of th very friendly with me. They felt that th their feelings so elaborately. Their griev was intense and precise and their prote felt they were caught in a winding circ had to socialise their children different have completely relinquished their dut exclusively theirs to socialise and influen which, their husbands as sons and the respective parents they reiterated.
The class position of Sita who is pc rich could not explain the plight of difference in the class position did no insisted, because she was poor, she was two daughters-in-law felt the same deaf the caste factor has a bearing on this c system and caste behaviour of wo confinement to the house on them, are problems faced by the women. The ca violence directed against a high caste, sisters-in-law testifies to a symbolic vic women. The overt violence and the characteristics within the same caste. B are both equated at the level of gender.
Women as Victims of Deformity, Sickne
The case of Sita taken up for discuss case in point of victimization. She was slave in the name of marriage. The ca Sita's case, though poverty or lack of do'
Vasantha was an accomplished dau arranged for her by her parents from a was on the agenda the very next day, a couple did not come out of the room found both the bride and groom dead." hanging himself and the bride had beer the man was suffering from a strange co he became violent. Doctors had advise

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
io my husband. When I complain he asks be full of sarees and jewels. What is your gariathings in life, They do not fulfill
e third day, had nothing to hide and got ey could never talk so frankly and share ances were deep-seated, their articulation st and spirit of rebellion was strong. They e with no outlet. They pledged that they y. This is made easier because the fathers y towards the children. The children are ce. It will be different habits from those to as daughters were subjected to by their
por and of the three sisters-in-law who are the four in any distinctive manner. The t have a meaningful impact, though Sita married to a deaf and dumb man. But the hess and dumbness in their husbands. But ase. The patrilocal residence, joint family men, which entrenches seclusion and factors which have a direct bearing on the se of Sita testifies to a situation of overt
low class woman. The case of the three lence against high caste and high class symbolic violence could signify class utinens of oppressive experiences. they
ss and Old Age ion under the mother-in-law syndrome is a aken and treated as a sexual object and a se of Vasantha (Pseudonym) is similar to wry was not the reason here. ghter of a rich lawyer. The marriage was nother district in Tamil Nadu. The tragedy s her mother related the story. When the they had to break open the door. They The bridegroom had committed suicide by ! throttled to death. Inquiries revealed that ndition, that when he was sexually excited, i him not to marry. His parents had kept

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Arahman kWomen zuihin the laiom of Caste
his illness a secret and believed that condition would be cured. The people i but refused to divulge it when inquiries a that marriage was the cure. He had kille had killed himself. The age difference husband who had lost his first wife and him in his old age" was also reasoned out satio: “My mother felt that having me unu and a loss of prestige. My brothers were expected to give the dowry. My widowed a newspaper advertisement by an old m look after him in his old age and cook f was not demanded. My mother answerec ar. The daughter didn't like it but und She lived with him for eight years and with one son. She has now the money t her, and live comfortably. She said sh mechanical life with her husband. "Ther I worked, cooked, ate and slept".
Her mother was particularly sad tha age of thirteen (pre-puberty marriage) aunt's husband who was forty six years. what the reason was. It was not pove marriage was arranged ten days after th the forty sixth-day (after the mandator she was married.
The temple priest's sister was marrie This was also a marriage contracted in women blamed their poverty for thei victimised as husbands for rich women the criterion to understand this pheno not just poverty that drove these wome men. It is their need to find money anc different from poverty. It is a system ba - the feminine gender. It took some time
of dowry
Marital Conflicts, Incompatibility and S Talking about marital conflicts and a problem with all the women except dialogue (last part of the rapport estab they had for the first time talked about

95.
married life was the solution and his n the area knew of his general condition, bout him were made, as they too believed the bride, and when he realised that, he of thirty years between Lakshmy and her "needed someone to cook and look after
as due to lack of dowry or to poverty. married at the age of thirty was a burden not interested in my marriage as they were mother could do nothing else. There was an of sixty years who wanted someone to or him. The caste was specified but dowry
the advertisement". er the circumstances she had to consent. became a widow at the age of thirty-eight o educate her son, keep her mother with e had "buried her feelings" and lived a e was nothing in common between us, but
it her fate fell on the daughter too. At the the mother was married to her deceased old. But the mother did not exactly know rty, as far as she could remember. Her e death of her aunt (his first wife) and on y forty-five days of pollution observation),
:d at seventeen to a forty five year old man. ot with her wish or willingness. All these r fate. The fact that poor men are not who are sick, old or deformed, should be menon and not just poverty. Besides, it is into the hands of sick, old and deformed | material to give as dowry, which is in fact sed on the devalued and inferior status of for them to differentiate poverty from lack
urvival
incompatibility in married life was initially ive. In most cases this was the last topic of lished). Most of them (twenty-six) felt that their problems in such long conversations.

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In fact, discussing about marital prol interpreted as failures on the part C harmony is linked to the ideas of so husbands or discussing their shortcon husbands. That would violate the prin their virtue for so long. The five wome as wives and as women were perhaps "disloyal" to their husbands. They refus frank enough to admit that life yas eV conflicts and disagreements. Surprisin; same arguments and same phrases an peace and harmony, family honour, anc
"My husband shouts, quarrels and don't obey. I give in at the begin unpleasantness. When we quarrel, the c becomes a public disgrace when neig from house to house. We women are ex
This reasoning was repeated often expressions and the same sentiments. A but give in without protest. Employed and poor, were subjected to the marital Sita (whose story has already been or conflicts with her deaf and dumb hu taken over by the mother-in-law who act Two women of the twenty-seven pre oppression. The husband's words are la husbands shout and scold. The wives k and out of concern for public opinion. correct temperature (neither too hot inc be washed and ironed and kept ready. Children should not make any noise. and call, while he is at home. If these wife. To avoid being shouted at or obedient. One of the wives said rather dressed servant in the house. Wife be avoided by the wife giving in to argume to it by practising the wifely virtues silence. Two of the women said that whi an uneasy calm and there is an air often These women complained of anoth hierarchical relationship. This finds e certain nouns and verbs. Usually the

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
lems, even with close friends, would be wives. Inability to maintain peace and ial prestige of the family. Talking ill of ings are also interpreted as disloyalty to ciple of chastity. Hence silence has been who said they were happy and contented loing so because they did not want to be d to talk much. Twenty seven women were r a bed of roses and it was natural to have ily all these women used the same logic, i concepts. The wives had to give in "for
for the children's sake". hreatens to send me away or beat me, if I ning of the argument and avoid the hildren are drawn in and it affects them. It hbours listen, or servants carry it around pected to give in, obey and not argue". by many women using the same words and s a rule they do not prolong the argument, women, housewives, young and old, rich power of the husbands. related) could neither have disagreements usband. The harassment and beating were ed patriarchally as the mother of a son. sented their lives as subject to tyranny and W. No dissenting opinion is possible as the eep quiet out of fear, mot out of respect, Meals have to be kept ready on time at the ir too cold). The husband's clothes should Shoes or slippers also must be kept ready. he wife should be at the husband's beck demands are not met, he could beat the beaten, she is humble and passive and bitterly, that she was like a well fed, well iting doesn't take place normally as it is nt and avoiding situations that would lead pf obedience, humbleness, passivity and never their husbands are at home, there is sion. :r kind of violence which was symbolic of a pression through linguistic variations of ife is addressed by the husband with the

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Abrahmin Women within the laiom of Caste
personal second person vocative pronc hierarchy. The same is used by the high elders to refer to younger persons. Wh degrading verb forms which connote ut (to go) are further degraded to "vati" a degraded sentiments, disrespect, cynical voice and harsh tone, which conveyed a features of marital conflicts. Against til response was always silence. Silence w violence. The experience of Lakshmy is was married at twelve years when her hus "The fact that I produced three gir satisfied with the dowry my parents gave life was miserable. He never bought me affection or kindness towards me. I coul I was like a slave in a jail. Since I was at the gate nor could I talk to any one. I Hence I did not know what was happen my misery, I went to my parents, I staye for five years. I was happy with my paren well, but all our neighbours and relative and my parents for keeping me. Every sympathised with me. My parents lived i backward. People there gossiped and r that whatever he is, or however badly he That is my destiny, my karma. My mothe was willing to keep me and was against him and persuaded me to go. "Try anc Against my will I was sent back and this angry that I had left him. He used to be: only I can leave him and go away and liv With no education, no income of my ow years ago he died and I am happy now at The tone of her conversation betra times the protests were expressed more were hidden in the choice of words an me. Her posture and the facial expressic communicating verbally. Her jewels (nc pottu are symptoms of her non-conform expressions of protest symbolically at or ring, bangles and pottu are ritually auspiciousness. Her choice of these ol

97
un “ni”, which connotes disrespect and caste to the low caste and generally by the en in anger, the husbands use the most most disrespect, "va" (to come) and "po" nd "poti". As part of this verbal violence, statements, sarcasm, loaded words, a loud thority, lordship and power, were regular his onslaught of symbolic violence their as their tactical device to avoid bodily he worst in terms of marital violence. She band was twenty four. ls was considered unlucky. He was never and kept on harassing them and me. My sarees or jewelry. He never showed any d do nothing on my own. He was a tyrant. (ractive he would never allow me to go to He never allowed me to read magazines. ing outside. At one point, unable to bear d with them twice for two years and later ts. They looked after me and my children is blamed me for having left my husband body knew he was a tyrant but no one in a village which is very conservative and idiculed me. The general consensus was treated me, I must go and live with him. r was scared of public opinion. Myfather my going back, but my mother persuaded adjust", was her constant advice to me. time it was even more miserable. He was ut me and terrorize me. I used to think, “if e separately". But it was a thought in vain. n, how could I bring up my children? Two
fifty-six". yed elements of protest all along and at openly. For the most part the meanings phrases she chose to communicate with ns too contributed to the message she was se-ring and bangles), coloured saree with ty to widowhood penance and are clearly e level and overtly at another level. Nose connected with marriage and marital naments are expressions of defiance by

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which she is communicating to the wo husband from this worldly scene should auspiciousness from her.
However, the whole process of open hard to control her emotions. She was s and wept a lot while discussing her prc many people in the neighbourhood kn who found fault with her that at the tin enough". This action is also an obstinat not moved by her husband's death an who made her suffer. She did say that sl pretence of pathy bhakti and she made it
The problem of the wife with two was of a different nature. She was short "My husband is completely indifferen responsibility of family life rests on I marketing, clean and wash. My daughte husband doesn't contribute to the fa school fees and the gift exchanges in Visiting friends, neighbours, relations c to the routine household labour. I fi hobbies. "Before marriage I used to rea 4 a.m. or 5 a.m. and ends at 10 p.m. with
Her attempts to hide her feelings flowed down her cheeks. The burden fifteen years old, was sympathetic to t mother. She too suffers silently. Thi marriage but feels that the breakup w husband doesn’t beat her nor is he har a sense of responsibility to the family, wife a physical as well as a mental burde ; : The two women whose experier belonged respectively to the upper clai who spoke of marital violence in gener in the following manner. Nine belong i middle and low class. Sita too came
:women who had exonerated their hus slow class, two to the middle class and o
not determined by class location.
Linkages of their actual sufferings they have in their minds. The docile, s model of a chaste wife for thirty won

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
prld that the removal of her (oppressive) | not and did not necessarily take away the
ing up had left her very sad. She had to try o grieved at the recollection that she cried oblems. My research assistant told me that ew how she suffered, but there were many he of her husband's death she did not "cry e and defiant communication that she was d she need not cry at the death of a man he was happy after his death. There was no
clear that she did not want to pretend. children, though similar in some respects, but emphatic in her manner of expression. t to me and to the children. The entire me. I work as a teacher. I cook, do the :r helps during weekends and holidays. My mily expenses. The children's education, the neighbourhood are my responsibility. on occasions are also my duties in addition sel neglected and overworked, I have no d a lot. Now I have no time. My day starts at work in school and home". . . . ity2 of anguish were in vain. After a while tears on her was visible. The daughter, who is he mother and realised the agony of the s woman would be happy to break the ould affect her daughter's marriage. The sh with her, but his indifference and lack of wife and children have heaped upon the in which had crippled her emotionally. nces are related as specific case studies is and middle class. The twenty five women al terms were divided by their class location ed to the high class and eight each to the within the low class location. Of the five bands from violence, two belonged to the ne to the high class. Marital violence thus is
can be made to the ideal image of Sita that ilent, long suffering Sita of Ramayana is the en. The other three women, two from the

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Arahmin Women within the laion of Caste
high class (the two sisters-in-law), and of such visions of an ideal chaste woman. obedience, it has to be recollected, were as part of the mental state in addition ti ideal woman of chastity has been consta commentaries of the Rāmāyana. The Gandhi when he projected Sita as the i women on a pan-Indian scale.
Dowry and Property Rights
Dowry in India was abolished by la was granted by the Hindu Succession B the force of law. Since it was illegal to reluctant to discuss it at the beginning. was not a major problem among the Bl any case, it is limited to small amounts dowry was a problem only in north II referring to the dowry deaths in the no was in contradiction with the actual prac
Dowry is essentially inheriting the subjected to consumerist demands by daughters are excluded from inheritin they get a part of the cash, jewellery : stainless steel of late). The dowry items television sets, cars and scooters. Ma proportions of a business contract of de from an ideology of male superiority by supply was determined by the devalued in whose name the supply was effected, becomes the bona fide owner of the pro Those women whose parents could married to deformed, old and sick men reduced due to age, sickness or deform to a forty year old sick man, who diec remained a widow, was categorical tha father could not give her dowry. Lack c old girl to be married to a man, s marriage). She became a widow at twen as a second wife to a forty five-year c daughter of twenty-two and twenty yea reason. Sita's story of the deaf and duml

99
he from the middle class said they had no Qualities of submissiveness, silence, and incorporated in the definition of chastity ɔ physical purity. The image of Sita as an ntly retold in the numerous versions and notion was given fresh life by Mahatma deal woman to be imitated by the Indian
N in 1961 and women's right to property ll of 1956. In reality, neither of them has give and take dowry, many women were However, many of them said giving dowry rahmin caste. It is not demanded, and in in cash and kind. A few women said that hdia and not in south India. They were rth. However, what they had been saying tice as retold by them subsequently. property of the parents, it has now been the bridegroom and his parents. The g the parents' immovable property while and household utensils (silver, brass and have now been increased to refrigerators, arriage with dowry has now taken the mand and supply, The demand was made the bridegroom and his parents, and the position of women in society. The woman loses her rights over it and the husband perty brought in the name of dowry. is; i. not meet the demand got their daughters , (as secone wives) whose market value is ity. The fourteen-year old woman married when she was nineteen and since then ther "fate was so destined", because her if dowry was the cause for the fifteen-year uffering from tuberculosis (pre-puberty y two. The seventeen-year old girl married ld man (who had a grown up son and is old respectively) was also for the same husband too was explained as due to lack

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of dowry. Many reasons were given by th given an equal share in their property.
"Property has to be maintained in : The daughter goes away. She belongs to property also will be taken away to he Whereas sons remain with us and we rem They were referring to the patriline legitimise it rationally. This again is s. system. There are indeed many matrilin "give away" the daughters who "go away' maternal uncles and they live in matri property. Sons do sell their property to from doing that as much as a son-in-lav mother did not have any say in the de property.
However, these women are repeatir them or have come down as arguments or class. One such reason is that it is the Because they have given the property t. with right. The simple logic of the daughters a share, they could walk in son-in-law would be obliged to keep th irrationality is entrenched in their cons how they could treat their daughters confessed that they do face an emotiona their daughters are married. They are their closeness, but feel within them a help or keep them in their houses for lo have forfeited their rights over them. . manifested in different forms when the short periods for various rituals during treat them with affection and take car favourite dishes, allow them to rest an they are with their husbands, they hav indifference, even when the daughter rescue an oppressed daughter from the her married life, she has to be sent ensemble of both the ideology and the factor and limited to particular grou inheritance rights, patrilineal and patril

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
emothers as to why the daughters are not
an ancestral line and should not be sold. the husband and his people. Hence the r husband who will sell or mortgage it. hain with them".
al inheritance pattern and were trying to uccumbing ideologically to a hegemonic eal communities in India that really don't . Women are married to cross cousins and local residences, inheriting their parent's invest in business. Nothing prevents them v cannot be prevented. In many cases the cision to disinherit their daughters of the
g the reasons which were passed down to supporting the customs of their own caste son who looks after them in their old age. o the sons, they walk into the son's house counter-argument that if they give the to their houses also with right and the hem did not occur to them. This kind of ciousness. However, when they were asked as aliens as compared to the sons, they l dilemma, and this becomes a reality after not relinquishing their emotional ties and
trauma. They can't ask for any financial ing or go and live with them for long. They The emotional dilemma of the mothers is daughters come for confinements or for g the periods of pregnancy. The mothers 'e of all their needs, cook for them their d buy them sarees and trinkets. But while e to keep their distance and behave with 's are unhappy. They cannot redeem or son-in-law. Even when she is unhappy with back to "where she belongs". This whole structure of patriarchy is part of the caste ups. It is very closely connected to the ocal residence.

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Arahmin Women within the Idiom of Caste
Rituals for Chastity
There are a few rituals which are them is called nonpu. This is a here inherits from her mother-in-law. It appe; in the ideology of patriarchy. It was reve their mothers were given up if those we Etymologically the word nonpu is derivec penance. The word is used in the religic well. The thirty day period of fasting by of Buddhist origin it signifies abstinence Nonpus are performed by women v status of sumankali-the status of remail life of the husband. This is closely conn and all that goes with widowhood (s omen and bad luck). The married st religious status. Hence the desire for a Nonpus are popular among the Brahmir Restriction and seclusion have a bearing be of significance that among the caste allowed, nonpus are non-existent. Here socially, does not depend on their husb Adi-Dravida women are typical of this cat The women fast the whole day, invi are alive and the young girls in the ne and exchange auspicious things like forehead as a decorative mark by wom piece and mancal (a piece of turmeri married women). Both are used always i which refers to the auspicious state of b The women do the puja themselves. W string which is a symbol of the tali fr husband who ties it around the wrist ol mother-in-law. The wife prays that the h her the boon of sumankali status. Thi Varalakshmy nonpu and the Gouri nc meanings that signify the tali are related Falling at the feet of the motherpatriarchal. But this practice is in facts of genealogical patriarchy. The status b fall for blessing is here conferred on the of a son, the mother of the husband, v The women also told me that they do

101
performed exclusively by women. One of ditary religious practice which a woman ars that this religious practice is structured aled by women that nonpus performed by re not performed by their mothers-in-law. i from the verb nortal which means doing bus discourse of the Sri Lankan Muslims as the Muslims is also called nonpu. Perhaps from food and sex. whose husbands are alive, for a perpetual ning married-which depends on the long ected to the despised status of widowhood eclusion, isolation, inauspiciousness, bad atus of a woman gives her a high sociowoman to be a sumankali till her death. is and the other non-Brahmin high castes. g on the performance of nonpus. It should groups where divorce and remarriage are women's survival, either economically or ands' life spans. Kallar and Tēvar and the egory. ite other married women whose husbands ighbourhood. They sing devotional songs kunkumam (red powder used on the en, is symbolic of being married), blouse c which too is an auspicious symbol for in the compound form mancalkunkumam, eing married with husbands who are alive. hen the puja is done, they take the yellow om the statue and fall at the feet of the the neck then they fall at the feet of the usband will live long enough to confer on e yellow string tied at the Savitri nonpu, inpu are symbolic of the tali and all the
to the nonpu. in-law may in appearance look like nonymptomatic of the exercise of the concept efitting a person at whose feet the women 2 woman merely because she is the mother who is the lord of this worldly household. all at the feet of the sisters-in-law who are

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elder to their husbands and ask for bles: two counts. The patriarchallineage (be older in age have both conferred a statu such women are sumangalis, are in a stat their husbands are alive. Significantly t mothers or their elder sisters. Whea as feet, the wonen said that it is to the mo, such occasions. "We have to respect an Vali", husbands' lineage. "Of course ol reasoned out an apparent socio-religio some irritation to them.
Nonpus signify two phenomena whic - Women's inclusion in the religic - a status of identifying with the losing the identity of their own. Some of these nonpus are reminisc Gouri nonpu are examples of this phenc follow the god of death, Yama, to his ki She pleads with the god to give back th destined to die, there is no power that c. tells her that destiny cannot be revoke devotion to her husband, he can conf request only once. Savithri was not onl him to give her a son of her own. hn a st Savithri. Thus she outwitted even the g Being a chaste woman, she could not ha give her husband's life again. Concepts devotion to a husband are conveyed Savithri nonpu which women perform chastity alive intergenerationally for wor faceted-dependence on the husband, s Gouri nonpu, however is on a note ambivalence of power first and subordi because Siva refuses to recognise her ir Parwaty to return, as her absence has returned when she knew that her powe identity was thereafter negated. She be female androgynous form of Siva (arth Woman is power (shakti). She is indisp principle but this is not within a separat She is subordinated to the male princip subordinated dependant roles are essen

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
ing. The hierarchy here is constructed on ing the sister of the husband), and being son such women. But it is mandatory that of marital bliss, which merely means that he women do not fall at the feet of their ked why they do not fall at the mother's her-in-law that they should pay respect on d pay homage to the people of Kanavan ir people bless us mentally" is how they us contradiction which may have caused
h are contradictory rus rituals as signs of power, and, husband for their social existence, while
nt of puranic mythical events. Savitri and omenon. Savitri, the chaste woman, had to ngdom to rescue the life of her husband. e life of the husband. Since the man was ould change his destiny. The god of death d. But in recognition of her chastity and er on her another boon, which she can y chaste but astutely intelligent. She asks ate of urgency, Yama confers the boon on bd of death by the powers of her chastity. ve a son by another man. So Yama had to such as chastity, its powers and unfailing by this myth which is celebrated in the annually. This nonpu keeps the code of nen. The message for the women is multiubordination, devotion and fidelity. it? of female power which finally leads to an nation later. Parwaty, Siva's wife, left him dispensability for creation. Shiva requests rippled him like a lifeless body, Parwaty was acknowledged, but her independent came a part of Siva in the half-male, halfanareeshwara). The ambivalence is clear. :nsable. She forms the half of the creative : identity or having an independent status. e and there lies her power. The restricted ial for her action in whatever capacity she

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Arahmin, Women, within the Adiom of Caste
acts. This is the ideal of a womanhood women. The Varalaskshmy nonpu is prosperity coupled with feminine auspic main theme of this nonpu. The wife w; goddess of wealth called Lakshmy to be Lakshmy of the home. It is believed that totally dependent on the decorum and to stay permanently by such a wife, con thread tied in nine knots are as auspicic knots are equal to the sacred thread of th This is suggestive of the fact that nonpu caste initially.
In the performance of this nonpu the Lakshmy, is enacted. Lakshmy, treated as her husband and is said to enter the na The female goddess is venerated here However, the principle of female ven concept. A patriarchal device, where fem itself in the concept of chastity and fema status to a man) is given prominence. T long life of the husband have become nonpu now. All the women who said th were doing that for a perpetual sumank live long. This shift of meaning is signific conferred on the feminine principle is g she leaves her husband and is reque recognition of her protest, but what separate identity into the androgynous Sl More revealing of the male dominal insignificance of the Avvaiyar nonpu. Th creative ability. The seven brothers were the sister the nonpu was taught by Avva origins of this nonpu. The sister gets back has lost it by peeping into the nonpu domain. The sister teaches the nonpu f them to save their husbands from povert There was not much of an awarenes they had heard of it, and three wome women. Women's power and recogniti strong elements in this nonpu cannot be that this nonpu has not been practised b thirty three women the eight widows do

103
l ideology and that is the dilemma for not on the same plane. The boon of ousness (married status of course) is the no is chaste and auspicious prays to the present in the home. She herself is the he happiness and prosperity of a home is behaviour of a wife. The goddess is asked ferring wealth on the family. The yellow us as and symbolic of the tali. The nime e twice born male (The high caste male). s were exclusively performed by the high
life cycle of a young female, the goddess a young girl, is sent away to the home of al house bringing wealth and prosperity. , and that is the primary significance. 2ration is here combined with another ale subordination to a male, manifesting le auspiciousness (relating to her married he living husband and the prayers for the the primary theme of the Varalakshmy ey were performing this nonpu said they ali status for which the husbands should ant. Gourie's protest at the insignificance ;iven an appearance of recognition when sted to come back. That indeed is a triumphs, finally is the merging of her liva.
nce phenomenon, is the fading away into is nonpu symbolises women's energy and : saved from poverty twice by a sister. To i, a female saint. These are the mythical the eye sight for one of the brothers who ritual, which was exclusively a woman's inally to the brothers' wives, and advises
7. - is of this nonpu though a few women said said it was not performed by Brahmin on of the feminine creativity which are missed. It is equally significant to realise y the high caste Brahmin women. Of the » mot perform any nönpus which have no

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purpose for them as they have already lo widows. Thirteen women performed nonpu. Five women did only the Varala only the Savitri nonpu.
The working woman, whose husban said she had no time to perform any no made one wonder whether she did not nonpu. She was certainly not governed b hesitant to express her feelings in words expressed equally a feeling of dislike an was neither essential nor obligatory she was caused by the husband's attitudes an
Of the twenty four women who are others spoke very eloquently of the ne sumankali status and their eagerness ; husbands were discussed on the lines economic or social survival in a patriarcl is contemptuously discarded. None of Avvaiyar nönpu which celebrates feminin of this nonpu is clear evidence of how m capabilities have given way to patriarchal wife relationship and how the suborc women who were performing the nonpu. with slight variations, the concept of pov little emphasis was given to them. Wh expectations was the desire to get the st for the husbands is assured. Three wom rituals but said they did them for the sa encouraged to do the nonpu so that marriage. Nine women belonged to the eight to the low class. The three womer the nonpu were from the high class ty whose conversations the paty bhakti feeli class three and the high class two. The about the patriarchal control they wi through the joint family system were in were performing nonpu were able to id of nonpu. The two sisters-in-law were ar whether husbands do any pijas or nons except three women laughed. What th thus:

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
st their sumankali status and lhave become both Savitri nonpu and the Varalakshmy (shmy nonpu and Gouri nonpu. Seven did
d was indifferent to her and the children, npu. The tone and manner of her speech have the inclination towards performing y the codes of paty bhakti and she was not couched with indifference and a tone that d disinclination. By revealing to me that it was in fact registering her protest which d behaviour. performing the nonpu rites, except five, all ed to do nonpu. The significance of the and anxiety about the long life of their of paty bhakti and not on terms of their nal society, where the husband-less woman them was in the habit of performing the e creativity and ability. The total eclipsing atri-pedestality and principles of feminine | ideology and practices, within a husbandlinated femininity is celebrated. Of the s though they related the mythical origins ver and protest were glossed over, and very at was predominant in their minds and rength of the talis through which long life en did not know exactly the origins of the ke of their husbands. Even young girls are they would get good husbands and early high class, seven to the middle class, and who did not know the puranic origins of to and low class one. The five women in ngs were marginal belonged to the middle two rich sisters-in-law who were protesting 're subjected to by their husbands and the latter group. Only three woman who intify the male dominance in the ideology long these three women. To my question us for the long life and health of wives all : three women said could be summed up

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Arahmin Women within the diom of Caste
“There are no parallel situations in Tam slaves. Our mothers and grand-mothers them, we are following a culture that is b
Cast Specific Codes of Restraint
In concluding this section, the follov Most of the Brahmin women believ behaviour. Often they defended the sta norm and virtue. Prohibition of widow some of these institutions. However, w norms by men such as eating out, weari hair-styles, they are accepted as changin socio-economic conditions. The wome confined to what is permissible, as caste However, Brahmin women going out accepted and not treated as violations of Among the Brahmin families patrilo parents decided to stay with their sons. T not have sons, refused to live with th demeaning and lowered their prestige t regarded as temporary in their natal fa. ties with the parents were ritually term unable to come down to the parents' h the daughter's home but strictly on busi her presence is not needed. It was never her daughter's house. It would be deme is supposed to lose her respect if the mo To the question whether the situatic particular, will change if women inher negative. She explained her view with employed are not in a position to spen incomes belong to their husbands. Hen the owner of her property and make in women take as dowry belongs to the hu the husbands' parents. Here the woma taking into consideration the structural be referring to one particular case. Fifte situation to change with structural an sceptical whether with legal changes Patrilocality and patrilineal inheritance patriarchal system) place women in a di Brahmin caste behaviour is not a st many of them spoke of it in terms of pe

105
il Nadu, as women in Tamil Nadu are like followed those rituals without questioning iased towards men.”
ving observations can be made: 'ed in a particular type of exclusive caste (us quo claiming it to be a Brahmin caste remarriage, divorce and separation are hen it comes to the violation of certain ng trousers and giving up their traditional g with the times or adapting to changing n's behaviour and decorum are mostly behaviour, often asserted to be inviolable. to work and educational institutions are
caste codes. cality was found to be the norm, and most Those old widows and old couples who did eir daughters. They insisted that it was Olive with their daughters. Daughters are mily. The marriage rites ensured that the hinated. If the daughter is sick or she is ouse for confinement, the mother goes to ness, and as a duty, and returns as soon as accepted that she ever goes on holiday to aning even to the daughter. The daughter ther stays on. in for women in general and for widows in it property, one woman answered in the an example. Women who are gainfully d their earnings on their parents as their ce she inquired logically: how can she be lependent decisions? Even the money the isbands, and after the husbands' death to un referred to an enduring ideology, not changes that have taken place. She could en women said that they could expect the d legal changes. Fourteen of them were patriarchal attitudes will also change. , it is emphasised (the extensions of the advantaged position. agnant unchanging phenomenon, though rpetual norms. However, norms related to

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the women's code of behaviour is pe structurally. In most cases, even with th in variant forms. The Brahmin caste n sustained as caste behaviour patterns. T of purity. The purity of women, which operationalised by controlling their prohibition of widow remarriage, widov system are still sustained with a fair am by law. Concepts such as paty bhakti al successfully. For many women, these consciousness. Class belonging has not patriarchal institution such as dowry is r and women. They then equate lack of d cause of their misery.
The class factor, in the case of Sita, the choice of the husband. Reverse the cannot be easily married even to a poc reject such an arrangement.
Beyond the choice of the husband explained,
- The social reality in the form woman must somehow be marri - That a single woman brings guil - That a married woman has to b unwillingness. Otherwise she l family. - The subservient role she plays a - Her treatment as an agent of se. These are some of the factors that caste within the sample of the thirty thr a patriarchal system which is prevalent; manner.* Easy divorce, separation, rem allowed for some low caste, matrilinea oppression of women.
Among the Brahmin women as a widow seclusion, divorce, marital co experiences, there were constant refer recurring theme expressed variously These terms refer to restraint, both imp In fact the last term manakattupatu refel
*(See page 17, Patriarchy and the structure

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
‘rsistently upheld both ideologically and e structural changes, the ideology persists orms draw heavily on patriarchy and are hey are further legitimised on the concept has to be ascertained for caste purity, is sexuality. The institutions, such as, v seclusion, child marriage and the dowry ount of success though they are abolished ld 'chastity' are used to perpetuate them institutions have become part of their led to any meaningful differences, but a nasked under a class phenomenon by men owry with poverty and consider that as the
the fact that she was poor has a bearing in situation and a deaf and dumb rich woman or man. Even a poor man has the right to
i there are other factors that have to be
of conventions and expectations that a ed. it and shame to the parents. e sent back to a cruel husband despite her orings dishonour on herself and on her
ther husband's home. xual gratification of a mam.
cannot be associated either with class or ee women, but can be associated only with among the high castes in a more inflexible arriage and matrilocal residence which are l groups can mitigate a situation of total
whole, while discussing widow remarriage, nflicts, chastity codes, and widowhood ences to the concept of restraint. It was a as atakkam, kațțupatu and manakațțupatu. ulsive or emotional, and physical or bodily. 's to mental restraint. This whole ensemble
of caste).

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Brahmin Women within the Idiom of Caste
is symptomatic of the limitations pla actions. Presented as an ethical indisper effected on women is continued throug Some women did have dissenting c and expressed anger and frustrations o phenomenon could be:
- Education-the women who a
into this category. - Their own oppressive experien
Lakshmy. - The combination of the two-t

107
ced on women's behaviour, speech and
sability for women, the ideological control
these concepts.
pinions and protested in varying degrees, penly. The causes that contributed to that
pproved of widow remarriage fell neatly
ces-the case of Kamala and the case of
he case of the two rich sisters-in-law.

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Cha
Middle-Range Caste,
rom the middle range caste a total n
Their castes included the Pillai (6) (6) Vanniar (5) Nadar (5) Pattar (gC Maruthuvar (Barber) (6). The total nu methodology which was representative c made to include all the middle range c class structure. However, among the hierarchial grading of two layers can each of the castes persists in varying Settiars, Mudaliyars and Yadawas claim a the Vellalas claim a higher status from sub-castes called vahaiyaras, among who peculiar feature among the Vellalas, T among the non-Brahmins. Several grou to superior status, which is often dete Brahmanical ethic is used here to deter Brahmin castes. The status of wome behaviour is also a yardstick to mea Vegetarianism was later given up by ma the Brahmins, but the women continue on the basis of vegetarianism became movement (Pillai 1977:6). The Pillais, a Pillais" to distinguish themselves as ve The Settiar were originally traders and m given up their caste occupation of todd and Salavaitolilali, the younger memb occupations. It would appear that the change of occupation which was consc case of the Brahmanic vegetarianism pretensions, it evidently is a process of s
*(See chapter on methodology).

pter 7
s, A Shift in Structure
umber of fifty-seven women were selected. Settiar (5) Yadawa (6) Velala (6) Mudaliyar oldsmith) (6) Salauaitolilali (Dhobi) (6) umber of fifty-seven was arrived at on a of the larger society. An attempt has been astes in that area and to cover a three tier ten castes mentioned above, a broad be identified, though a hierarchy among insignificant grades. The Vellalas, Pillais, higher social status. Among these groups he rest. Among the Vellalas too there are m inter-marriages are forbidden. This is a he Vellalas are an influential community pings are formed among them with claims rmined on the basis of vegetarianism. A mine the hierarchical position of the nonn in terms of seclusion and restrictive sure the claims to high caste ranking. iny men among the high castes, including d to observe it. The division of the castes a de facto phenomenon with the bhakti sub-caste of Vellala called themselves "Saiva getarians superior to the non-vegetarians. honey-lenders. Nadars (toddy tappers) have y tapping. Among the Pattars, Maruthuwars ers are increasingly giving up their caste hegemonising imperative is at work in the iously selected by the caste groups. In the
becoming the yardstick for high caste anskritization.

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AMiddle-fange Castes, A Shift in Structure
Since the study was limited to one a ranking among all the castes. Among til no high class women, and so was it amol to the middle class or lower class. Am three classes are represented. The Dhc the low class. Their caste affiliation as bearing on their class position. The considered low in the caste ranking, hac among the Vanniars. These two gro occupational boundaries and ventured i raised their class position, which does h; The total number of high class women middle class and the low class amount
four. These numbers were arrived at c base for comparison, while the high cl area for the reasons mentioned above socio-economic conditions, the resear questions, which are in fact based on th introduction.
- Whether women belonging to a women of the Brahmin caste in - Whether women of one particl reason of belonging to differen I - In general whether class positic
of these women.
In this section the same themes tha women will be taken up for discussion. as peculiar to these caste groups will be
Widowhood and Divorce
On the question of remarriage of felt strongly that widows should rem: articulated strong views, variously opt remarriages. One woman said that sl widowed sister-in-law married. Howev (one) and Pillai caste women said that but they would personally welcome it. Dhobi (six), Vanniar (five), Nadar ( prohibition of widow remarriage and widowers, should have the right to re women, four Settiar women, were of the to twenty five years should considerma

109
rea, it was difficult to find a three tier class he Yadawas living in that area, there were ng the Pillais. The women belonged either png the Velalas, Mudaliyars and Settiar all bies, Barbers and Nadars all belonged to doing service jobs to high castes have a : Pattars (goldsmiths) however, though il high class women among them. So was it ups have transgressed their caste based into areas of trade and business. They have ave a bearing on their wives' class position. from all the castes amounted to ten. The 2d respectively to twenty three and twenty onsciously in order to have a satisfactory ass number could not be increased in that . Because of this complex nature of the ch will now focus on the following subhe first main question as formulated in the
in intermediate caste group differ from the
terms of gender ideology, ular caste differ from other women, by the
t Castes, n has a meaningful impact on the position
t were dealt with in the section on Brahmin However, wherever necessary, new themes introduced.
widows thirty-four of the fifty-seven women arry. They had no reservations and even ing even to propose and conduct widow he was responsible for getting her young er, Vellala (two), Mudaliyar (two), Settiar remarriage was not practised in their caste All the women from the Goldsmith (six), five) and Yadawas (six) condemned the welcomed the suggestion that widows, like 'marry. One Vellala woman, two Mudaliyar : opinion that widows who are within twenty
rrying again.

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It was a different situation from th: seven women said that widows should widows should be allowed to dress an Opinions such as that they should com work or do social service were expresse widows were also found to be more asser look pathetic. This is a significant variati On the question of divorce too, the on a caste basis. The Vanniars and the N women in the Dhobi caste quite easily Two womem each from the Pillais, Setti Yadavas were willing to concede the rig women made a total of twenty three. TI were of the opinion that women shoul come out of wedlock when they cann However, they insisted that the decision of time and after carefully weighing urged, should not be tolerated.
The thirty-four women who did not the following reasons:
- Women should be able to adjust - Try to reform the husband. - The children should not be allo - Whatever stress a woman undel and drunkenness, the family sho The words "adjust", "sacrifice" ; discussions. Twenty-two women of the against divorce, concluded their argum dharma and the women's need to be w qualities of virtue. It was interesting women also spoke of caste dharma. Th male members of her family were teetc widow remarriage. Six Pattar women divorce. The Barber women spoke of unanimous that women should bear th run away from their duty to the family.
That the Barber women did not a explained. When the three Vellala wom the two Mudaliyar women spoke eloque of the chastity code which demands th her life, that could be explained as a hig enshrined seclusion and restrictive beha

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
at of the Brahmin women, when all fiftynot be secluded. They further said, that ld behave in any manner they want to. e out of their seclusion, study and go to d. Unlike in the Brahmin community the tive and their outward appearance did not on from the Brahmin caste behaviour.
division of opinion is not sharply divided Wadars (four of the five) and the entire six granted the right to divorce for women. ar and Vellalas and three of the six of the ht of divorce for women. This category of hose who advocated the right to divorce d not continue to suffer. Women should ot adjust to situations of incompatibility. should be made after a reasonable length he consequences. Marital violence, they
approve of women's right to divorce had
wed to suffer, by the parents' divorce. goes, through violence, neglect, infidelity uld be kept intact. and "patience" figured often in their thirty-four, after giving the above reasons ents on the need to adhere to the caste ith only one man, thereby conserving her o note that Yadauva, Vanniar and Nadar is Nadar woman was a vegetarian and the tallers. The same woman was not against joined the others in their stand against aste dharma and the Pattar women were e brunt of men's atrocities and could not
pprove of widow remarriage needs to be en and the three Pillai women along with htly of caste dharma, woman's dharma and at a woman should have only one man in h caste behaviour pattern of women which viour. The fact that the women concerned

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Middle-fange Castes, A Shifi in Structure
are in their caste grading close to th Brahmin caste behaviour. But the six caste also spoke in the same language, u that the Barber caste in the Tanjore remarriage for their women and they bel is a taboo. Pariyari and Maruthuwar in Tradition has it that the Barbers were 1 medicine, using their sharp razors for village midwives for childbirth. However Barbers started to subscribe to high cas Pillai offers an explanation. The Barbe Vaisya woman (from the varna system) : vegetarians and teetotallers, among who 1977:9). Hocart argues that the Barbe particular rituals such as in weddings an the bridal saree at Tamil weddings. At fu cremation and conducts major part of Since the Brahmin priests are not all pollution it is the Barber and th (Hocart:1938:10-12). It is this associatio the Brahmins that has legitimised the s: to by Pillai must have followed the legitimisation to high caste claims. The some barbers to follow high caste norms Within the intermediate caste grou belongings can be identified. Among widow remarriage, twenty eight women from the higher castes. While approving say that "it is not in our caste". However themselves is not known. Among the women of the thirty three who approve should be emphasised, should not be quality of attitudinal expression. All thc remarriage or approved of it with cond patterns.
On a class basis the attitudes were r thirty-four who were for widow remar class while sixteen and ten women respectively. Of the seven women from said young widows could remarry, six we the high class. The sixteen women whc from the high, middle and low class

111
e Brahmins have made them aspire to Barber women who belonged to the low sing the same terminologies. They did say district called Pariyari entertains widow long to the Maruthuwargroup for whom it Tamil have the same meaning as doctor. the surgeons in the indigenous system of surgery, and the Barber women were the , it is not clear, at what point of time these ite practice. As to their high caste claims, rs claim descent from an offspring of a and a Brahmin. Hence some of them are om widow remarriage is prohibited (Pillai, rs are like lesser priests who officiate at d funerals. The Barber carries the tali and nerals the Barber prepares the fire for the the funeral rites assisting the Kurukkal. owed to deal with rites connected with e Kurukkal who perform these rites n with rites similar to those performed by anskritization process. The myths referred sanskritization process to give further claims to high caste may be the reason for
which particularly affect women. ps, attitudinal differences based on caste the thirty four women who approved of were from the lower castes, while six were widow remarriages they made it a point to at which point in history they sanskritized Brahmin women there were only nine d of widow remarriage. The comparison, it based merely on the number but on the se women, who did not approve of widow litions, laid claims to high caste behaviour
ather haphazard. The total number of the riage, eight women belonged to the high belonged to the middle and low classes he Vellala Muddaliyar and Settiarcastes who re from the middle class and one was from ) were against widow remarriage were also (one from the high class, one from the

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middle class and fourteen from the attitudinal responses was a recurring Brahmin caste findings.
Attitude to widow remarriage accor manner for clarity.
High Class N
For widow remarriage 8 Young widows could remarry 1. Against remarriage
On the final analysis one could co gender ideology, which are pervasive in ground, one enhancing the other. It w remarriage, but the same women we transgress the norms pertaining to the fi of chastity, is difficult with a living husb; the same women who could welcome women divorcing their husbands. It is i few cases of widow remarriage but a divc to come by in this community.
Class belonging has no bearing on t on divorce. Six high class women, ten women were among the twenty-three v should be conceded to all women. Amo: divorce there were four high class, thir women. Attitudes are classified below:
High Class M
For divorce 6 Against Divorce 4.
The number of widows in this grou woman became a widow at seventy a widowhood penance as she had already Yadawa woman who had become a w experientially different from the Brahm get her married again and so was he father. But somehow it did not happen too was unhappy that it did not take p

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
low class). The inter-class mix in the phenomenon and similar to that of the
ing to class is illustrated in the following
fiddle Class Louw Class Total
6 10 34
6 - 07
l 14 16
onclude thus. The caste dharma and the the ideology of the family, found common as easy for some women to accept widow re against divorce. It appeared that to amily, the Illara dharma, and the definition and. This is how we could understand why widow remarriage could not approve of mportant to realise that there had been a orced woman who had remarried was hard
he formulation of these women's attitudes
middle class women and seven low class omen who said that the right to divorce ng the thirty four women who were against teen middle class and seventeen low class
Middle Class Louw Class Total
10 7 23 13 17 34
of fifty-seven was only three. Of these one hd didn't have anything to complain of retired from worldly life. The story of the idow at twenty is both attitudinally and in caste behaviour. Her father was keen to mother-in-law who was a cousin of her as no one was willing to marry a widow "I lace" was the frank opinion of the widow.

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Middle-fange Castes, A Shift in Structure
These attitudinal variations are indeed absence of the purity concept. Yadawa ca speak of intercaste marriage as taboo a imposed on her had many implications, life anew. She continued her educa economically independent. She was how by others. She had to do services for oth she said was her duty in the absence of after an old uncle who was partially par others did not see her as someone who r The story of the Settiar woman is became a widow at twenty-one and m never occurred to anyone as "that is no had never thought about it as it was soc The fact that she had two children wa consciousness. Having children makes i rearing is also perceived as a vocatio companionship. But her life has not be case of the former widow. Her father toc in-law and helped her to gather her hus of the house is rented out and she lives the father who gets a pension. Since sh stay with her. She maintains she has widowhood seclusion nor any of the di range caste woman.
Though the number of widows in comprehensive analysis at a comparative experiences are peculiar to caste behavic - The father's attitude towards re. mother-in-law, and the widow's not being remarried, are clearly 1930 and to have been progress reflects attitudinal differences. In the case of the second widow to her parents was a significa custom. Generally the Brahn husbands' parents in secluded c Patrilocality is not followed rigi difference. The former widow belonged to the the Settiar caste. The fact that the dista Settiar caste from the Brahmin caste all

13
an expression in structural terms of the ste women, it has to be reiterated, did mot mong their castes. However, widowhood and her story explains them. She started tion and got a job which made her ever, not happy. Her widowhood was used rs. She had to nurse her old father, which other children. But she had also to look alysed. Since she was single and a widow, eeded pleasure and enjoyment.
different and indeed paradoxical. She aintains that the question of remarriage in our caste". She was emphatic that she ially degrading to take a second husband. s also a significant factor in shaping her t harder for widow remarriage and child in for a widow who is not in need of en a misery and disappointment as in the k her back from the house of her parentsoand's assets and bought her a house. Part on this income with two children and with e needs her father, the father decided to no complaints. She does not observe eprivations that normally affect a middle
the sample is too small to arrive at a level, two factors that emerge from their ):
marriage, which was even endorsed by the frank opinion that she was unhappy for un-Brahmanical. She became a widow in ive at that time is equally significant. This
, that she was allowed and able to go back nt deviation from a Brahmanical caste in widows continue to stay with the uarters where she belongs after marriage. ily by other castes. This is an experiential
Yadawa caste and the other belonged to nce in hierarchy of the Yadawa caste and o should merit attention. The closer the

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caste to the Brahmins in the hierarchia the Brahmanical models. Hence the re the Brahmanical caste, to speak of widc their caste custom. That these women had a remunerative job and the other economically independent, has a beari
Attitude to Female Children
Taking all the fifty-seven women in over caste and class, said they were un were put forward:
- First dowry, which is increasir When they got married, mari group and within the circle helped to maintain the dowry c old traditional ties and the i changed the situation. They e) daughters marry. The abolitio) impact. The demands are me through the marriage brokers. the second reason was even m consciousness as a result of a woman I have suffered, I do many a women's argument deprivations and humiliations their reason. Two women even advocated ann technology). When the question was pe womanhood, the first woman's answer how much it is degrading to be a wo another woman also be subjected to thi She belonged to a low income gr experience of her sister that has si subjected to marital violence and negle who filed action for divorce and main the daughter and her two children. W. her back, the judge advised her to go t Neither her parents nor the legal sys husband's oppression.
The second woman said that amr view of destroying a life. It was only sav demand of dowry on four occasions ha

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
ladder, the more they are prone to imitate ason for the Settiar woman, who is closer to w remarriage as socially degrading and not belonged to the middle class, where one could gather her husband's assets and be ng on their social status as widows.
to consideration thirty-one women, spread happy to have a female child. Two reasons
g in quantity, makes them very unhappy. iages were contracted within the kinship of close friends and acquaintances. This lemand at a lower level. The breaking up of ncreasing rate of consumerism have now cpect the situation to get worse when their n of dowry by law doesn't seem to have an it covertly and secretly by the parents or
hore important as it forms a part of their certain process of internalisation. "As a not want my daughter also to suffer" was The fact that they suffered various has had a impact in the formulations of
iocentesis and abortion (sex pre-selection psed to them whether it is not degrading to was a positive "no". "As a woman I know nan and to suffer oppression. Why should : same kind of worries and tension in life?"
oup and to the Mudaliyar caste. It was the haped her consciousness. Her sister was ct by her husband. She went to her parents enance, as they were too poor to maintain len the husband said he was willing to take ack, and all hell was let loose on her again. em could come to her rescue against the
iocentesis was not a sin from the point of ng a life from tyranny and oppression. The left her mother (who had four daughters)

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in tears, having to face trials and humili not humanity, offers a solution to select solution ?"
Her parents belong to the middle cl action or correction, the realities of life through the unborn female. These thi classes. A clear caste line or class line as ) However, the rest of the twent differently. "The sex of the child doesn' alike. We want to educate them both. It The question of dowry did not su Dhobies, Barbers and the Pattars said th; and within kinship groups and dowr women were willing to educate the da employment and would give them th women were from the middle class ar Vanniar caste. Three women from the said they believed in destiny-withi org the proper age and to the proper man faith in the "almighty".
Apart from the two women who a mine women, of negative attitudes to fel Six belonged to the high class while tw low classes respectively. So was it among mo distinctions between male and fem
twelve middle class women and the destiny nor in abortion.
Drawing conclusions on class or ca. low income group and middle class set seek redemption through technology. fate. Those women who wanted to see t. are echoing their middle class and up dowry for their daughters may not be group, irrespective of their class belon reflect a caste-specific factor. Rather, t ties where marriages are still contractec cracking within the caste groups who li among the group of twenty-six who w; them the freedom to choose their m positions.

115
ations. Her argument was: "If technology, the sex of the child, why not accept such a
ass Vellala caste. Having no faith in human have driven these women to seek solutions ty-one women belonged to all castes, and reasons for their views cannot be drawn. y-six women articulated their attitudes t matter. We treat both sons and daughters is good to treat them equally". rface as an important consideration. The at their girls are married within their castes y was not the major consideration. Five ughters and give them the training to get e right to choose their husbands. These ld high class, of the high castes and the low class, high castes and the Nadar caste od's will. To get their daughters married at , they seek the help of god and they have
dvocated amniocentesis, the other twentymale children had different class locations. elve and ten belonged to the middle and the group of twenty-six women, who made ale children. The four high class women, ten low class women neither believed in
ste basis here is difficult. The women from 2m to lose faith in humanity. Two of them One set of women rely on their destiny or heir daughters educated and in professions per class aspirations and perhaps finding a problem. The Pattar, Dhobi and Barber ging, took a common stand that does not hey are still within the traditional kinship i within the kinship groups. This pattern is ve in urban areas. However the five women anted to educate their daughters and give ates are clearly speaking from their class

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Matrilocal Residence and Mothers of So Among the middle range caste grou the women as wives and mothers of women of the fifty-seven, marriages wel with cross cousins or maternal uncles. their parents' homes till such time they their husbands get jobs away from their instances works out to the benefit of the they moved out to their husbands' hom or cross cousins, the mothers-in-law, p prevented a great deal of tension, anc nurture. Taking on a great deal of res care as senior members in the family, settled disputes between the spouses witl Four women who married outside their went back to the parents and the nine women, who had lost their mothers-inwith mothers-in-law.
For four women, the mothers-in-law any worse because of them. Two of t proved to be a source of irritation, brou away from the joint family system. The breaking the family, and being disruptiv away. However, nine women were oppre has to be emphasized that these women
"For my mother-in-law, I had becom She took pleasure in putting me down. who often took her side of the argument My father was very fond of me. I didn't was old and I didn't want him to know a My husband was helpless against his m respected. They were inviolable, I had way I thought was good. When I exp husband didn't think that I had a right law was the major problem for me. She only son. She took over the manageme like a servant taking orders from her w for me and my children".
Four women ofnine, had very simila and the image of an old and powerful They spoke against the mothers-in-lav condemned their behaviour with bitterr

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
S ps there is a striking difference in the way ons enjoyed their status. For twenty-two e contracted within the kin-groups either The brides normally do not move out of an afford to set up their own homes or till parents' home. The uxorilocality in these wives if they stayed with their mothers. If e when they marry their maternal uncles laying roles similar to those of mothers, provided a support system of care and ponsibility in household labour and child he mothers and the mothers-in-law often hout necessarily being partial to their sons. astes, lived in nuclear families. The widow : women, who lived matrilocally, the two law, and the spinsters, had no problems
I have been good and their lives were not he eleven women, whose mothers-in-law ght pressure on their husbands and broke 2se two women were blamed initially for 2 elements, but later the accusations faded ssed by their mothers-in-law. In this case it Contracted virilocal marriages.
e an irritation. I was criticised all the time. She complained about me to my husband, ... I had to tolerate this as I had no mother. want him to know that I was suffering. He nd die with the feeling that I was unhappy. other. Her words had to be obeyed and no freedom to bring up the children the essed my feelings against her views, my to my feelings and wishes. My mother-inwas very possessive of her son. He was the it of the entire household. I had to work thout being able to decide what I wanted
r problems of possessiveness, overlordship matriarch who bothered them constantly.
syndrome in very articulate terms and SS.

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AMiddle-/ange Caste, A 3//č in Structure
Among the four, one woman's ex rather ambiguously.
"My mother-in-law was not oppressi long standing feuds. I always felt that I had to adjust sacrificing my desires and accept such authority from my husban my mother-in-law. Now she is old a household chores but I feel less buri burdened even physically because there It was a matter of consternation fo law was not "oppressive" when she was is weak and old and inoperative. To thi oppression, the oppression of her m "oppressive", a subjective disposition pe oppressed subjects.
The other four wives seeemed to to had said they wanted peace and asked "manage" as they simply could not thro and to avoid major confrontations the and carry on and that was what they we against the duty of a son and against the joint family system to throw out the responsibility to keep and maintain.
In the marriage system, marriages residence are found to be factors that c Those who remained within the opp protest, are governed by a patriarchal different degrees. Those who, broke a husbands assistance, and where that compromising now and then. Caste, cl not become variables for analysis as the and at various educational levels. The t the Yadavua and Settiar castes and to th away from the joint family system we belonged respectively to the middle a subjected to the mother-in-law oppres Settiar, Nadlar, Barbar, Vellala and Patta two each in the six castes. These nine the basis of two each to the high class However within these trends one co structure and ideology within the gend

117
pression was slightly different, expressed
ve, but there were conflicts often, but mot had no freedom. I had to give in always. I aspirations. Though I was conditioned to d, it was difficult to subordinate myself to hd weak, she does not help me in my dened psychologically and therefore less
is no domination no interference."
r me that she told me that her mother-inyoung but she felt less burdened when she is woman who is used to different levels of nother-in-law was in fact not sufficiently rhaps common to many women and other
lerate the mothers-in-law, as their husbands them to "lie low", "adjust", "ignore" and w their mothers out. For the sake of peace wives were forced (very amicably) to obey re doing. These wives conceded that it was : dharma of the household and the general
mothers who as widows were the sons'
within the kinship groups and matrilocal learly mitigate against a patriarchal system. pressive system, with protest and without ideology with its varying limitations and at way into nuclear families did so with their was not forthcoming, women remained, ass and education within this group could same trends existed across class and Caste wo widows, as has been noted, belonged to e middle class. The two women who broke re from the Settiar and Nadar castes and nd low class. The nine women who were sion had a six caste representation, Pillai, r, while the Nadar, Vellala and Settiar had women had a three class representation on and low class and four to the middle class. uld still identify an overall non-Brahmin *r relations.

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Individual Experiences Versus the Struct While certain factors which lead to specific and a few class-specific, gender factor which more often runs across caste An educated middle class Settiar won felt that the responsibility is in fact a bu and deprived her of life's pleasures such out on social calls and functions.
"The element of compulsion breath obligations, tend to treat me as a captive ine one after the other. Treating them holds me responsible for the consequen because I watched TV, instead of helpin have to point out to me my negligence of bring the school progress report. I can't r could have helped them with the studies".
She concluded : "I like to go out, description of a high class woman's dilem Another woman, from a low income g by her son and daughter in cooking an much to reduce the final responsibility f combination of the job and the househo giving her no time to relax and enjoy a bo home and meeting people, which the form mot helped her to improve her experienc the Vellala Caste.
An upper class Mudaliyar woman ha save her labour, time and energy. The responsibilities. She has time to read childlessness was a source of social ostracis rituals and auspicious events, whereas her personal deprivation, but it is being treate protests of women, which remained at another woman was an attempt to ach protesting. She had two phases in life, t) when the children were young. She was h and child care. The husband did nothin ordering. She was the only daughter brou sound education. She was married on co husband earned enough and that was on argument that a working woman never n

/aeology, Caste, Class and Gender
e the women's subordination are casteelonging seems to be the determining und class. an who had servants to wash and clean, den. The repetitive labour was a boring as reading, watching television or going
d into such activities, treated as moral The duties which I have to fulfil fall on nadequately heaps a sense of guilt and es. If children don't do well in studies g them with their studies, others don't duties. It stares naked at me, when they deem myself by saying that my husband
ork and meet people". This is an apt a.
roup, a teacher by profession, is helped d washing. However, that doesn't help or the housekeeping. She said that the ld responsibilities weigh heavily on her, pk or a movie. Working life, going out of her woman felt she was deprived of, have of gender belonging. She belonged to
s servants and electrical gadgets which husband doesn't share the household and relax and watch television. Her m for her. She is subtetly excluded from husband is not. She is aware that it is a l as social expectation. If these are open he level of protests, the experience of ave her aspirations instead of merely e first was immediately after marriage, ld totally responsible for housekeeping , while the mother-in-law did only the ht up lovingly by her father and given a dition that she gives up her job. Her of the reasons given, in addition to the kes agood housewife. However, when

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Maale-fange Castes, A Shift in Structure
she became a little more assertive, she teacher. This was the second phase.
"I had become wise with age and husband found fault constantly with m sick, I was blamed for negligence. Whe was used as an argument to give up my could have more comforts in life if I stay She continued with bitterness wh question whether she preferred the li (housekeeping and child care), to (housekeeping, childrens' responsibility second phase. In spite of the heavy bur out, meeting people, feeling capable an and above all, getting out of the boredor Two other women in non-traditio phenomenon of gender subordination. and lower caste (Vanniar), first gave the to high caste norms of seclusion, she h high class. Her husband was in the leath force of fifty men. Part of the factor manages labour, does the marketing a hundred miles away) and home.
She has three children and an old a solely hers. Though she has many housekeeping and child care as well. D engaged in, when she was asked whether The same was true of the other wor the city limits. She manages the farm lab and calculates her profit but maintaine paid work, and what they do in the ho the category of “service”, and their wor subsidiary to their gender-specific role c do is also categorised as "service". Her own victimisation. Her perception passi When the value of their labour was poi: contributions both to the household : continued to remain within the folds of women's labour here is still treated as from the Yadawa caste and from the mi she has little or no access to the profit sh have a behaviour pattern which has de which is normally expected of women w.

119
employed a servant and found a job as a
my mother-in-law had become weak. My ly housekeeping. When the children fell n I felt the burden and complained, that teaching. Perhaps he said so because he ed at home.” tile the husband was listening. To my fe of double burden of the first phase the second phase of triple burden and the job), she said she preferred the den of responsibilities she enjoyed going d efficient and earning a separate income, n and isolation within a home. nal occupations may betray yet another One of them, belonging to an upper class impression that while being not subjected has also the advantages of belonging to a er business, having a factory with a labour management is her responsibility. She nd plies between the factory (which is a
nd sick father-in-law whose responsibility is roles to play, she is responsible for espite the different types of labour she is
she was working, her answer was 'no'. man who manages the family farm outside lour, collects the rent, does the accounting d she does not work. Work here implies use and in the family business falls under k here is assigned no value. Performed as of housekeeping housewives, the work they e is a case of victims cooperating in their vely supports a system that degrades them. nted out to them and when their valuable and to the business were discussed, they f "duty and service". The exteriority of the part of the household service. This wife is iddle class. She said rather reluctantly that he makes on the farm. The two women also iiated from a high class norm of seclusion hen they rise up the class ladder.

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There was another category of w These fifteen women had similar opi rewarding, it was a service, it was their motherhood was satisfying. Gandhi an quoted when they spoke of service, dut to the upkeep of the family and their their children were amply testified to by
When specific questions were asked television, go for movies and in what m to enrich their lives they, were silent at "no", or "occasionally". Though they cannot be concluded that they have th ideological grounding. Five of them sa sacrifice, we women are losing out. "I "household responsibility", "indisper arrangement and the division of labou that came up in their discussions.
Marital Conflicts and Self-Perceptions
To begin with the entry point into case of the Brahmin women. Two strengthening the other, kept them is problems presents a picture of marital it was related to their perceptions of cha the mental code of chastity. The overall rather decisively into playing wifely ro opinions did not matter. Fifteen of fil worldly wisdom of the men. The less edu The rest of them argued differently their reasoning, we fall in line with t protests. "As two bulls yoked to a single family, the husband and wife can't go i: them, which could lead to wife beating" Here again the wives have two vie situations of violence. Secondly they fe weakness but out of a strong convictio are contributing to common good, pea co-existence. Here again they quoted p of them did in fact mention that men here equated to impatience, anger and time they were suggestive and avoided c with which they communicated left a lo

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
omen who were full time housekeepers. nions. They felt that housekeeping was duty, it was a woman's vocation and that i Tiruvalluvar (author of Tirukural) were y and house-keeping. Their contributions sacrifices in the name of motherhood for these discussions.
whether they have time to read, to watch anner have they diversified their activities first. The silence was then broken with a got the message behind my questions, it e strategies at hand to overcome such an id in various forms that in the process of Duty," "service," "sacrifice," "doing good", sability of feminine nature in the r" and "nurturing" were the key concepts
99
this area of inquiry was difficult as in the sets of ideological perceptions, one ilent for a while. Discussing the marital failure, thus affecting the family. Secondly ustity. Talking ill of their husbands violated pattern of the behaviour of the women fell les of passivity and subordination. Their ty-seven women believed in the superior lcated fell rather neatly into this group. ... We give in, we give up arguing, we admit heir decisions, without protests and with : cart, can't go in different directions in a n different directions. We avoid provoking
ws. They feel they are clever in avoiding el that they are being passive, not out of that being passive is noble and that they ce and harmony that guarantees peaceful roverbs and phrases from Tirukural. A few were inherently aggressive. Masculinity is capacity for violence. However, most of the pen discussions. The proverbs and phrases of room for speculatation. And when I get

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Middle-/ange Castes, A Shift in Structure
the message I have to ask questions to wl IYλOVEYEIY S.
One of them was more specific and he is aggressive and violent, he does n harsh. I have to obey. If I talk or argue am being powerful, you know women powerful you should not show or express deviant. Hence my best bet is to keep s number of days. I don't enjoy sex but m am tired and have no inclination I had demands are too many and too often. If by seeking sex outside. I do not want tha perhaps the fate of many women among The separation of self and body in h to analyse in studying the levels and l without the coordination of the mind s power to dissent or reject and that that against the desires of the mind.
The sanction for passivity, humblen and capacity for sacrifice have been assig There is no history for them to learn th sacrifice, and passivity are indeed good practice them gender neutrally. Wheth strategy for survival by subordination a answered now. However, when this ques with smiles first, and laughed later to ind Among these women, Caste, class be the views expressed or the patterns of lif had an impact in the views expressed. ignorant and lacked capacity to take deci But there is not much difference betwe were finally taken by their husbands. W presented by the middle range castes, them are not generally visible. Mostly, specific views but run across castes. The the Brahmin customs is an exception. when compared with the Brahmin b belonging also seems to be subordinate more determining factor. Mostly the lev discussed above seems to have had little

12
nich theyanswer eithermodding orby eye
open than the rest. "I refuse to talk when ot beat me but his words are even more hat is construed as disobedience and as I should not have power even if you feel your power lest you may be considered a ilent. My body has been also silent for a y body consents for his sake. Even when I to subject my body to his demands, his I do not succumb then he will punish me t to happen, I fear disease. This is my fate,
llS.
ær person was an interesting phenomenon inds of oppression. That the body acts imply means that the oppressed have no they have to succumb and the body obeys
ess, non-aggressive behaviour, gentleness, ned to women for long periods in history. hat in fact non-aggressiveness, gentleness, qualities, if humanity as a whole could her and when they would give up their nd silence are questions that cannot be stion was posed to them, they greeted me icate that they got the message. longing had no necessary connections to they experienced. The educational levels The less educated women felt they were isions or to contribute to decision making. en them and the rest, since the decisions hen taking into consideration the picture caste-specific behaviour patterns among the views expressed are also not casteMaruthuwar caste behaviour of imitating However, a differentiation can be made, behaviour patterns and attitudes. Caste l to gender belonging which becomes the ls of education of the women in the areas Dr no impact.

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Dowry, Property Rights and the System o Differences do exist at structural Brahmanical systems. This is most evide structures that affect women most. The uncles and cross cousins and to secon dowry. In those cases, dowry was redu demand due to the kinship ties. Inten property from their parents. Cross cousil and maternal uncles are both mot pract The practice of women inheriting the p. strong taboo among the Brahmin comm
One Mudaliyar woman emphasised expenses used to be borne by the brideg Imitating the high caste norm, the bride cost of conducting the weddings.
The age difference between the sp principle of hierarchy between them, is maintained in mate selection. However, there is a wide disparity. The age differe among the mon-Brahmin spouses. Amo from thirty years to seven years. Among women were mot taken as second wive selecting their mates, five of them hav opposition. The twenty women who mar their husbands had more freedom in th always forthcoming in times of need anc was not strictly patrilocal. Daughters m wherever residence was not matrilocal advantages for women. It helped to marriages and marriages with maternal much of the tensions, feelings of strar enter into the folds of the new relations institutional features which are peculia) women in some respects. Taboos on selection and widow remarriage, prepu are mechanisms of controlling women's mechanisms are fairly relaxed among thi
Limitations to Patriarchal Consciousness
The nonpu rites discussed earlier
Brahmin womem do mot have the same
group taken together. The three widov

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
f Marriage
levels between Brahmanical and nonnt in the behaviour of women and those women who were married to maternal d cousins had no problem of finding a ced to the minimum and there was no estingly, eight women spoke of getting n marriages and marriages between nieces ised by the Brahmins within the sample. arents' property was indeed found to be a anity. he fact that among her caste the wedding room's parents, but this has now changed. 's parents are now called upon to bear the
pouses, which reinforces and affirms the a pan-Indian system. This is meticulously between the Brahmins and non-Brahmins ince ranged from fourteen to two months ng the Brahmin caste spouses, it ranged the sample of the non-Brahmin women, 's and eight of them had the choice of e married across castes, with little or no ried their relatives and those who selected eir marital relationship. Parents' help was i to take over child care needs. Residence oved in and out of their parents' house . The matrilocal residence had definite adjust their social roles. Cross cousin uncles and matrilocal residence diminish geness and alienation when the women hip of an arranged marriage. Some of the to the middle range castes have helped inter-caste marriages, individual mate berty marriages and patrilocal residence sexuality on the ideology of purity. These : non-Brahmin community.
and Nonpu
as a feature of the religious life of the kind of implications for the non-Brahmin Is, who said that they didn't observe, the

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Middle-fange Castes, A Shift in Structure
nonpus, didn't observe them not becaus their custom. Hence a total of twenty belonging, said, that though they had Brahmin families observed them, they di their custom. It was presented as a uniq fifteen middle class and eight low class eight women. However, twenty-nine wo Significantly, the reasons given by the n nonpu are different from those given by The twenty-nine women who said Varalakshmy nonpu can be divided into t observed the nonpu for their husbandsh sumankali status included one woman ea Vanniar caste, Yadawa caste and all the They added that virgins observe these husbands and timely marriages. These paty bhakti arguing that their happines: The Savithri nonpu was conspicuously a were spread across the three classes. On middle and six from the low class.
Seven women belonging to the firsts - "For general prosperity and goo – “Not for any special reason but li - “I do mot know the reason but I ! - Two doctor sisters said that th should become doctors, and the Two of them belonged to the high middle and low class respectively.
While these women were categor ambivalence among the Salavaitolili's (D) women mentioned Tiruvatirai nonpu al Gouri mõnpu with the symbols of kunkun women's affair. But the reasons for dc from the Brahmin women's reasons. Th of them would be happy and for peace husband and wife. The same kind of 2 Dhobi women. They connected two Dipavali and Navaratri, celebrated for d nangalya pisai (the rites for long life marital symbols of women such as ki legitimise the nonpu ideology.

123
2 they are widows, but because it was not eight women irrespective of their caste heard of this and knew for a fact that dn't observe the nónpus because it was not e Brahmanical institution. Five high class, women comprised this group of twentymen are in the habit of observing nonpu. Lajority of these women for observing the the Brahmin women.
they were doing the Gouri nonpu and hree categories. Those who said that they ealth and long life and for their perpetual ch from the Vellala caste, Mudaliyar caste, six Barber women, making a total of ten. nonpus for the purpose of getting good women displayed sentiments on lines of depended on the lives of the husbands. bsent in this scenario. These ten women e was from the high class, three from the
six castes had other reasons such as: i of the family". ke offering prayers and worship". imply worship". ey did the nonpu with prayers that they y were continuing to observe it. class while three and two belonged to the
cal in their opinions, there was some hobi) and Pattar's (goldsmith). Pattar caste ld explained the ritual as similar to the am, manical and tali and as an exclusively ing the nonpu are significantly different y said, that that they observe it so that all and prosperity and marital happiness of mbivalence was evident even among the other pan-Indian religious festivals, the fferent reasons with the word nonpu and of the husbands). Here, two auspicious nkuman and manical are brought in to

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This ideology is symptomatic of a which could only be speculative. Since caste than the Brahmins, performing th taboo for these women. Alternatively be man-woman relationships, they were sim to seek a legitimate code of behavio incorporated the nonpu traditions into symbols (tali, manical and kumkumam). T caste (who claim descent from the Brah about their nonpu ritual is very similar to
Among these twelve women it has women belonged to the low class. The the three classes.
In taking an overall picture of tl conclusions can be drawn:
For many non-Brahmin castes exce its patriarchal symbols were alien at or started to imitate the high caste norms. doing it for other reasons like a mode of with a kind of ambivalent mix of mea other Hindu festivals to seek legitima whole one gets the idea that the patriarc ideology of nonpu has not seeped thro few.
The class location of these women ( attitudes in respect of nonpu ideology.
Rejection of Gender Norms and Protest
She is a doctor by profession anc medical college. She is a middle class M consistently progressive on gender issu divorce, on dowry and on the general socialisation is an important reason for mothers should play a determining role in both their soms and daughters. She c sister-in-law who is bound within two c She inherited the house from her pare in the house. She has two reasons to rem
"During the days I went to school, met many men, who tried to use me se: things. These men wanted to keep m exhaustively about the virtues of chastity

Aaeology, Caste, Class and Gender
other phenomenon, the explanation of they were lower in the hierarchy of the e real nonpus would have been initially a ing under a more egalitarian structure of ply not doing the nonpus. But later, either ur or decorum for their women, they ordinary Hindu festivals, with the same his could be contrasted with the Barber min and Vaisya caste), whose information the details given by the Brahmin women. peen already noted that all the six Dhobi rest of the six were spread equally across
he performance of nonpu the following
pt the Barbers, the concept of nõnpu and he time. But in course of time they have Some not knowing the real reasons, some worship and others (Pattars and Dhobies) hings and symbols, connecting them into cy. However, taking the discussions as a chal consciousness which is peculiar to the ugh. Those who spoke of paty bhakti were
sould not be meaningfully related to their
S | head of the faculty of physiology in a udaliyar woman. At fifty years her views are es such as women’s rights to remarry and subordination of women. She feels that women's subordination, and the women as : in inculcating a sense of gender equality loes this as an aunt to the two sons of her des-husband worship and motherhood. its, and her brother and wife live with her lain single:
college and to various training courses I cually. They consider women as mere play he as their mistress and they could talk for women and their wives. As days passed

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Middle-sange Castes, A Shift in Structure
I met many such men and I started to fallen in love, I would have married, but simply could not fall in love. When my fa another, disgusting phase in life. One m to practice and another wanted dowry it United States of America to do post gr and had positions of social eminence. Th was willing to consider the one who dem I realized how my worth was calculated. lowest bidder and this made me angry at am happy with my choice, I have de counselling to many women who come t
Of the fifty-seven women, she was break social conventions. But then consciousness and her intelligence and decide to be independent and to "b marriage and children. The high socio-c given her the space to create for her ad category which appeared to be outsid projected a vision of modernity which Free thinking, independence, ability t restraint are the results of the space she rules and gender norms both at the sam In conclusion, it could be said that middle-range castes are not governed by Brahmin caste. Comparatively speaki conclusion should not be mistaken to and women for the middle-range caste have offered them more freedom of particular ideology of purity. At times necessary structural adjustments and ch remarry despite their parents' willingn range group, differences exist to the ext Brahminical caste behaviour. The Marl the prohibition on widow remarriage differences in the way in which it has a Brahmin women (eating out, going ou business).
It could be concluded that the ( significance in determining the leve However, the class position of the single of their subordination. Their social pos

125
distrust men in general. Perhaps if I had the distrust always got the better of me, I ther proposed marriages for me, I met yet an wanted dowry enough to build a clinic ems such as a car and money to go to the aduate studies. Both of them are doctors here were others also in the run. My father landed the least. I was twenty-six then and As a woman I was to be auctioned to the hd rebellious. I decided to remain single. I dicated myself to the profession, I give O me". the most articulate, and the only one to her life experience has shaped her high professional standards helped her to reak" with the conventional life-style of :conomic status of this medical doctor has ifferent status quo on the basis of a public e the caste system. She has successfully she subsequently used to her advantage. O challenge the socio-religious codes of created for herself. She could reject caste e time.
for a major part, the women among the the same strict codes of behaviour of the ng the differences are great, but that imply an egalitarian relationship of men s. Some of the social structural elements movement, having freed them from a the ideology by itself has not led to the anges, as with the inability of the widows to ess. Among the ten castes of the middleent and degree, that they imitate or follow thuwars performing nonpu and observing : are typical of this. There are further ffected the Brahmin women and the nonit for shopping and marketing, managing
lass position of women has little or no ls of their subordination or liberation. : women may perhaps determine the levels ition as determined by their class position

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126
may also be different from that of a kinship relations of parents and h phenomenon is rare in this society. Sin gender-specific codes for, and restrictio. has effectively determined certain as However the caste factor has appropriat patriarchy in its mechanisms so that the patriarchal system of domination which that are taken up for discussion here h has institutionalised patriarchy.
Taking the non-Brahmin middle-ra levels of their oppression and discri pervasive. Neither was it mentioned rep The concept no doubt has its limited use

aeology, Caste, Class and Gender
narried woman or a woman within the isbands. However, the single women ‘e the caste system has laid down certain son women's behaviour, caste belonging pects of their levels of subordination. d both the structure and the ideology of levels of subordinations vary. Hence the manifests itself through the institutions |s connections to the caste system, which
ge castes as a whole despite the varying nination the kattupitu ideology is not latedly as a code of conduct for all times.

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Cha
Adidrāvida Wom
he marginalisation of the Adidra placement in the slums and on the small settlements. They migrated from giving up their former jobs as agricultu hierarchy, as a group considered uncl. been considered defiling by the other ci a great extent their class position. TI attempts, of late, to give them special p and jobs in the government service.
Their's is not a class similar in any v a monthly salary and the right to st irregular wages. Some of them are uner many jobs for daily wages. They are hire minor lapses.
Gathering data from this group dialogue/discussion methodology. Th personal observation which was made small huts, with a section partitioned guests in one area. Their living quarters necessary, where they squat, chat and re their lives in the street, or in the adjoin an afternoon siesta. This helped to pla their life-styles.
Despite my efforts to remind my subordination, the thrust of my discus deciphering facets of caste and class of on the subject of gender subordination WOe
The field research findings of the has a special dimension. The finding

pter 8
len at Cross Roads
vida caste is reflected in their physical outskirts of the city. They live in groups in the rural areas in search of livelihood, ural labourers. Their position in the caste ean and with whom physical contact has astes and doing menialjobs, determines to his is despite the Indian government's rivileges by reserving quotas for education
vay to the working class who are assured of ike. Most of them earn haphazard and mployed for short periods, and at times do :d and fired at the will of the employer for
had an additional component to the e discussion was accompanied with a possible by their open life-style. Living in or cooking, they eat, sleep and entertain extend to the lanes outside their homes if st if it is too hot inside. They "lived" part of ling houses, sleeping, eating and enjoying ce their ideology in a wider perspective of
self of the research questions of gender ion with the women was shifting towards, pression. I had to try hard to concentrate within caste and class oppression of these
didravida women, it has to be pointed out, 's are related as they were gathered, as

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findings peculiar to the group. This interpretation which is done on compa range caste behaviour. However it was discussion in the same sequence as follo Adidravida women do not have the sam ideological perceptions which govern th institutions absent, but also the three tie done among the Brahmin women a abandoned here as the Adidravida W. belonged to the low class.
They live in nuclear families in a tec a pattern of a joint family system with a now and compromise later. They seem These will be up taken for discussion l gender-specific traits. Their customs ar belonging are characterised by a more example divorce and remarriage for accepted.
One of the important factors which was the absence of ritual. This is mo absence of an all inclusive religious conc they remained within the caste dharma they have no idioms for particular "wom dharma". These concepts were internali them as reasons for their confinement, si structural pattern presented by the A. dimension. There was a great deal o contradictions. The findings will be sur explanation and interpretation.
Among the thirty women, eight v "converted Christians" to emphasise the woman said that her husband, a teacher by the school priest, and she was conv Tamil hymns they sing together give th problems with the parish priest who off were Hindus but their "patron saint" i Mary's church on Sundays but go to th visits the St. Anthony's church occasion according to her clarification meant the themselves Hindus were mostly worship as Karumari Amman, Muneeswaran anc an atheist whose conversion was thrc

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
as followed, wherever necessary, by an isons with the Brahmin and the middleot possible to follow the same pattern of wed with the other two caste groups. The : institutions, nor do they have the same eir institutions. Not only are some of the class groups. The class analysis which was ld the middle-range castes had to be men except two middle class women,
hnical sense, but the whole settlement has lot of interaction, give and take, conflicts to be aware of their social deprivations. ter after identifying the various facets of ld social norms governed by their caste egalitarian man-woman relationship. For women were both legally and socially
contributes to the egalitarian structure re concretely brought out through the ept of dharma. Though for the most part formulated for them by the high castes, en's dharma", "wife's dharma" or "family sed by the upper caste women who used eclusion and subordination. However, the lidriuida women was not of a uniform intriguing ambivalence and structural marised first before going into areas of
'ere Christians. They called themselves r recent conversion to Christianity. One at a Christian school, was converted first arted by her husband. The prayers and 'm peace of mind and they discuss their rs advice to them. Two women said they
Mary. These two women go to the St. Hindu temples as well. Another woman ly but "remains" a Hindu. “Occasionally" times she was grieved. Those who called ers of deities of the "little tradition" such Marieaye. One woman said that she was gh her husband who follows Periar's

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Adairavada Women at Cross Aoads
ideology. It was interesting to realise tha of the "little tradition", their marria according to Brahmanical rites. The wo married without any religious ritual (reformative marriage) as conducted by are done on a principle of gender equ Brahmanical rites, disclaiming the heger
Their life stories were few and their were not in the habit of either elaborati their experiences. A few questions hac speak. The comparative silence in many reconciliation to their fate and a disin indifference to my presence. They were reason for my meeting and talking to t with warmth into their homes and offer general and to discuss their sufferin enthusiasm. Their apathy has to be decorum of not divulging the oppres number of days spent with the Adidravi spent with the Brahmin families. Often women till they returned home from engaged in conversations with the child with whom I had already spoken to. On women of the other high (er) castes. O1 in detail.
Widow Remarriage, Seclusion and Divor On the question of widow rema husband, which are neither socially nor of the thirty women were in favour c conditions such as:
- Young widows could remarry (l - Widows with children should no Five women said that women shoul not be remarried.
While they gave opinions such as th them of women deserting their husban periods. The reasons for separation as (b) infidelity, (c) marital violence and however, sent back to their husbands o or wifely duty or on chastity code. Four now in their fifties. Three women had

129
t though these women worship the deities ges were solemnised by Hindu priests man who an atheist and two others were which they called cirtiruta Kalyanam Dravida Kalakam activists. These marriages |ality and rationality which dispense with mony of the Brahmin priests.
narrations of oppression were short. They ng their sufferings or explaining in detail to be repeated to them to make them cases was symptomatic more of a helpless terestedness in the life process than an keen to know about me, my family and the nem. They were friendly and received me ed me tea, but to talk about themselves in gs in particular, did not arouse much istinguished from an upper caste/class sive experiences within the family. The da families exceeded the number of days I had to wait for long hours to meet the heir work. While waiting for them I was ren and the men or with the same women the whole the women talked less than the nly three women discussed their problems
Ce
rriage and women's right to divorce a legally taboos for them, only five women of remarriage. Twenty women laid down
6-25 years). it remarry. d not divorce their husbands and should
ese, there had been fourteen cases among ds and staying with their parents for long revealed by them, were (a) ill treatment, (d) alcoholism. These women were not in a high caste rationale of family honour, women continued to stay for ever and are gone back to their husbands due to the

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poverty of the parents who could not women had done so on the husband's "good behaviour". I didn't come across the women. Neither were they able to tel was remarried. It would appear that th attitudes and practices. They are not gov a woman marrying a second time. The which prevented remarriage, nor were t penance" and the need to be pure as wo The two conditions laid by them Brahmin women and a few of the middle religious sanction mentioned by these conventions. It has to be emphasised th were motivated by practical considerati widow could not remarry easily, and a w. as a second wife. Availability of a large al once-married women have been rejecte reality of the situation. The other five wo value system to raise their status in my es to remarry".
On the question of widow seclusion attitudes towards widow remarriage), the practices. There was a hundred per ce secluded whereas except for one widov form, devoid of make up, flowers and p rules was working in an office. Howeve "auspicious" women with husbands are f symbols have no significance for these w high caste women. Hence they should ni their perceptions go.
Widowhood Rituals and the Girl Child
The general pattern of this group
rest of the women under study. Howeve set in and at times with an unusual vi attitude and practices of the widows. Fo separation and divorce have been perm: recognition, this indeed was a peculi: widowhood rituals have become fashic have become widows recently were subj which a woman was pronounced a wic standards. They were practised by the E

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
maintain them and their children. Two nvitation to come back, with promises of a single case of widow remarriage among me of a case where a widow among them 're was no difference here between their erned by the "purity" code which prevents y were not aware of any religious codes hey aware of such themes as "widowhood
e. are very similar to those given by the -range caste women. However, there is no women, quoting either the scriptures or at the reasons given by the twenty women ons. By explanation they said that an old dow with children will not be easily taken mount of young brides was the reason why d. Hence such women had to accept the omen were perhaps repeating a high caste timation. They simply said: "It is not good
(which becomes now relevant due to their are was a difference between attitudes and nt consensus that widows should not be 7, the others were seen in the "penance" otu. The one widow who had flouted the r, among this group of women, even the ound without pottu and flowers, and these omen in the way they are perceived by the ot be viewed associal deprivations as far as
presents a structural difference from the r, parts of the patriarchal imbalance have gour. The glaring example has been the r the castes for whom widow remarriage, tted by the customary laws and given legal r deviation. For the Adidravida women, nable now. As many as five women who :cted to widowhood rituals. The rituals by ow are both very crude and cruel, by all rahmin castes. The crudity prevented the

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Addrawda Women at Cross Aoads
Brahmin women from talking about it. T and that widows just became widows on t I was a witness to the widowhood rit of my field research. On information tha got their permission to be an observer death, this widow was taken to the temp The widow was dressed well. She was m symbols of married life-to the deity. Sl for this purpose. About fifteen women was then taken home. The neighbours a her and cried loud. Another old woman for the job, now emerged. She went bel on which was held the tali and removed removed the pottu, took off the flowers, nose and toe rings. She was then given a in and came out of the room wearing th all auspiciousness and the symbols whic The idea of penance and renunciation She was made to succumb to the rigic enacted in this drama. It has however to of auspiciousness of married life such as of her normal married life before she ritual need for that particular occasio mandatory for a married woman to hav The symbols are indicative of a high cast These women told me that they ha widow. She had lost her husband a wee cannot be taken to a Hindu temple. H redeemed her. They have decided to t bring her home. The men are comp decisions or in the practice.
The rigidity of the stigma on the woman. She could not attend her dau However, her daughter's mother-in-law, because of the fact that she was the mc that privilege, exceptionally and as part status as the mother of a man despite h one cannot understand the ambivalenc seeing them as a process of "sanskri responsible, the men not only did not h completely without in any way compel many as eighteen women said that the

131
hey said that it was not followed any more heir own. aal that was performed during the period ut the date had been fixed for the event, I . On the fifteenth day of the husband's le where she worships regularly, at 4 a.m. ade to offer kunkumam and flowers-the he was then asked to feed a cow brought had accompanied her to the temple. She nd the other women at home surrounded who is a widow, who had been appointed hind the widow and unscrewed the chain both. She came in front of the widow and and removed the anklet, bangles and the white saree to wear. The widow then went he white saree. She had been deprived of h connoted an active sexual married life. (nonpu) had now been instilled into her. lity of the symbolic meanings that were be emphasised that the so called symbols pottu, flowers and toerings were not part became a widow but were put on for the n. Under a normal situation it was not e the symbols due to her caste location. e belonging. ld a predicament with regard to another ck ago, but is a Christian by religion and er conversion to Christianity too has not ake her to a place a few yards away and letely out of the picture, either in the
widow was further explained by another ighter's wedding since she was a widow.
also a widow could attend the wedding, ther of the bridegroom. She was granted of the patriarchal system, because of her er own status as widow. In these instances and the structural contradictions merely tization". The women here were totally ave a say but were kept out of the matter ling or endorsing these rites. In fact, as ir husbands and sons, guided by Dravida

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Kalakam philosophy of anti-ritualisation such practices. Besides, the women by c high caste status. When I asked four old purpose) about this, they confirmed my in the villages they never ritualised wit probably within the last ten years. It app recently as a process of imitation with no women, (as much as seventy-five per cen are employed by high caste Brahmin fan collecting gas cylinders, buying provision after their cows and collecting and re introduced into these rituals by watching merely an “extrinsic” borrowing (Dumo high caste identity. The borrowing has bhakti, obedience, seclusion and ascetism
The process of extrinsic borrowing drawing the kolam at their entrance and The Brahmin women have told them th performed here, with the minimum of ri the long life of their husbands, but forg deity. They have acquired the signs but in Girl children were not discriminated were aware of female infanticide being p of Tamil Nadu. All of them condemned the Y.M.C.A. who visit them frequently ha parents in their colony who practice "fe awareness of female infanticide amongst
Education and Gender Disparity
Out of the total of thirty women, women were educated up to the fifth an were all educated, and so were their bro high. It ranged from the fifth standard to
The one reason the women gave for role they had to play in the househol sisters when their mothers went to work there was no motivation for the femal workers are now advising young children cases, the girls from the age of ten to th because they had to look after the grandparents or after their fathers' c necessary for their mothers to work full t

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
and three by atheism have condemned loing these rituals are not claiming any women and men (selected with specific suspicion that during their younger days lowhood. These were of recent origin, ears that the women have acquired them ulterior motives. Many of these illiterate t of them during one stage or the other) milies as servants doing odd jobs, such as s and sweeping their compounds, looking moving cow-dung. They were probably ; them at their employers' homes. This is nt 1970: 194) from superiors, as signs of not lead to imitating the codes such as 1 of the Brahmin caste widowhood.
was evident in the habit of a few women in the practice of nonpu by two women. at it is good to do the nonpu. The nonpu ituals, are not done with paty bhakti or for eneral prosperity or as an offering to the ot the significations.
against by way of conscious neglect. They ractised among their castes in other parts the practice as barbaric. The people from ad asked them whether they were aware of male child murder". This has created an
them.
twenty-three women are illiterate. Seven d sixth standard. However their husbands
others. The level of their education is not
completion of secondary education. their illiteracy or under-education was the il, looking after their little brothers and ... In addition to this structural inequality, e children to study. Mothers and social h against staying away from school. In five irteen were stopped from going to school small children after the death of the leath or desertion, which had made it ime.

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Addrauda Women at Cross foads
Marital Violence, Separation and Deserti It has to be emphasised that twenty for marital happiness. When I asked problems vis a vis marital violence, du husbands. Twenty-four women have alc deserted their wives permanently while wives are common occurrences. Five wo extra-marital affairs. Though they have marriages, they have not done so. They c or of their paty bhakti or of the pi unanimously expressed a lack of inclini they did not speak of the need to keep dharma they behaved as if they should u family. Hence the reason for their cons get back the wayward husbands. How within the family has not prevented th whenever necessary and to get out of op To remain within the family here is n decorum or high caste /class ethics but children could not be maintained by th the women continue to live on their ear to the husbands. It is however signific prosperity and wealth which appears to
The most oppressive situation for t from their alcoholic husbands. Some of those incidents did not convey the leve of accepting a natural state of affairs in a As much as twenty-four women we single reason which was attributed for drunkenness or alcoholism here works t women being the weaker sex. Another marital violence has been the attitude guided by notions of family honour, hur their rights. When silence was nota virt avoiding violence, the women have bi inside and outside their huts. When the out of their houses with the children ti other relatives. Homes of maternal ul referred to as small/big mothers are c seek protection. While discussing marit, reprimanded their husbands and wishe their deaths. They expressed anger, b

133
OS t-three women said they generally prayed for clarification they said they had two e mainly to alcoholism and desertion by oholic husbands and eight husbands had temporary separations initiated even by men complained of their husbands having the freedom to divorce and annul such id not speak of the virtues of being chaste roblems their children would face but ation towards taking such a step. Though the family intact or in terms of the Illara ltimately be subjected to the norms of the stant prayers for marital happiness and to ever this invisible compulsion to remain em from breaking the ties wherever and pressive situations and domestic violence. ot motivated by considerations of family by the levels of their poverty. Women with e parents for long periods. Neither could nings for long. Hence the need to go back ant that they are not praying for general be their main problem for an outsider. hem is the physical violence they undergo them are beaten daily but the narration of ls of their sufferings but betrayed feelings
matter of fact manner. 're subjected to marital violence and the wife-beating was drunkenness. However, o women's disadvantage on an ideology of factor which is equally important in the of women. The women have not been nbleness or submissiveness. They argue for ue and where it has not played the role of een constantly subjected to wife beating, ty could not tolerate it, they simply walked o their parents' home or to the homes of hcles, grand parents and mothers' sisters onstantly mentioned as places where they al violence and incompatibility they openly d they be relieved of their beatings even by ut did not show signs of their suffering.

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Neither did they shed tears. It could b interpreted as an acceptance of a situa than the levels of their deprivatic discrimination at the socio-economic l one from the other as worse or better.
The paty bhakti notion of the puran here. Ninety percent of them being i dharma of obedience, silence and pass fact that as much as twenty-four of the w Kannaki (the militant epic woman who the cause of justice) and not Sita of the and silent woman who was celebra womanhood). Three women used terr their violent husbands and even said combats. Donkey, pariah, and drunkarc with reluctance and shamefacedly.
Mothers of Sons
The "mother of a son" with its pa relevance in their relationship. The w mothers and mothers-in-law stayed with law are, either their aunts (sisters of th their maternal uncle). Since they were (devotion to husband), that was not tr Twelve women were married to thei married to their maternal uncles and th or friends. The mothers and mothers-ir conflicts and violence in their home specific problems and sufferings and of in-law. Generally the women had the turned daughters-in-law and the gran treated with affection and fondness by every marriage was uxorilocally arrang stay with their parents for long periods v For Thilaka, the mother of her h seated with us. Thilaka spoke a few wo message and I had to talk to her abo bored and went away. It was a coincide to come back to her son on the day I ha
"My mother-in-law is always harsh with daughter-in-law had to obey and take control and I have to get permission fri

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
interpreted as defiance. It could be also tion which is neither different nor worse ns due to poverty, exploitation and avels, so that they could not differentiate
c and epic women was totally out of place literate have not been taught the wifely vity. This was further corroborated by the omen said the ideal woman of chastity was fought relentlessly in the king's court for Ramayana (the docile, passive, subservient ed by Gandhi as the ideal of Indian ns which connoted disrespect to refer to that they use such words in their verbal were some of the words they mentioned,
triarchal connotation has had a marginal omen lived in nuclear families, but their them for long periods. Their mothers-inheir fathers) or grandmothers (mother of : not governed by the code of paty bhakti ansferred to the mother of the husband. r cross cousins and another eight were e another ten married either their relatives -law are the peace makers in the constant . Only three women talked about their them, one had problems with her motherhelp of the elderly women. The nieces i-daughters turned daughters-in-law were heir mothers-in-law. In these instances not ed. It was customary for the daughters to with their husbands and children. usband is a problem, and while she was rds. It was not difficult for me to get the ut other things till the mother-in-law got nce that she had visited Thilaka to ask her d gone to Thilaka's house.
ne. She harasses me. She believes that I as a orders from her. She keeps me under her m her to go out. She treats me like a slave

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Adidravida Women at Cross Aroads
and my husband, though good and for her. Unable to continue with this kind ( am happy with my parents. My brother them. They have gone to his house and him now."
The attitudes and behaviour of the be explained, are symptomatic of a cour superior person in the hierarchy, in : husband is not expected to visit the dau This is meticulously followed as a social and the action of the wife who left the brothers to fight the brother-in-law, an sister divorced, are indeed social taboo: castes, in the hierarchy of gender, the wi are graded lower than the husband and
Marriage and Dowry
There are no prepuberty marriages of fourteen and nineteen. The age diff three to thirteen. Only three women v brother-in-law when her sister died, an custom among them to marry the sist children when she dies. The obsession has to be reiterated, were the causes f Brahmin castes.
There is no demand for dowry in c the brides' parents had to supply hou excessive demands, and marriages are due to noncompliance with the dowry within the kin groups there are no dowr giving a few items to their daughters wh Marriages are usually arranged by othe Women married cross cousins, matern from the kin group. They have living-in be legalised by registering the marriag freedom to choose their mates. Twelve and married them with no oppositic Uxorilocal marriages are common bu kinship groups are common.
Episodes of Oppression
Kamala, illiterate and aged thirty ei

35
ld of me, is not in a position to question of oppressive situation I left their house. I s are enraged at the way I was treated by fought with hin. They want me to divorce
characters in the above scenario, it has to iter ideology. Firstly the mother-in-law as a age and in status, as the mother of the ghter-in-law and request her to come back. norm among the high castes. The attitude husband, the attitude and action of her i the attitude of the brothers to get their s for a high caste family. Among the high ife and all the members of her natal family his family members.
and the women married between the ages erence between the spouses ranged from were married as second wives, one to her ld the other two to their cousins. It is a er's husband to take care of the sister's with chastity and the concept of purity, it or prepuberty marriages practised by the
ash, but there have been instances where sehold items to the brides. There are no
not broken or arrangements terminated
demand. Where marriages are arranged y demands, but mothers are in the habit of ich would fall under inheritance patterns. :rs but marriage brokers are non-existent. al uncles or mothers' cousins and others arrangements which sooner or later had to e. Women in this caste group have more women were able to choose their mates on from the parents or the kin group. t not the rule. But marriages within the
ght, was willing to talk about her problems.

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"My husband is an oppressor. I am not n was not registered. He beats me merciles does not help me in the kitchen. He do bear these sufferings I am in the habit o' and pray. My prayers and vows to "Karun any improvement so far. My Christian fri powerful and that their prayers used to have to register my marriage with the a do not mind if he leaves me. I have no h me out for films and to eat out. He do buy sarees for me. When I feel like it, with my three children. I am happy to not however like to make it a permanen when I come back he is nice and kind fo again. This is my life and that is all. The wish that you don't experience this kind Her tone and manner of speech anc frustrations and her inability to change t to me with a unspoken question. "How an implied answer, "You cannot".
Rathy has similar problems but the his alcoholism. She had studied up to t has been married for three years. Her hu neighbourhood who has left her husban
"I question him about the propriety of maintain either of them. Often I have find out how he would react if I take an understands the implications of my que and uses filthy language and when I re. house and beats me till the neighbour incident, I went to my parents. But I hac back but I decided to come back despit concluded saying, "What is the use of ta things".
However, I assured her that I unc about this. She nodded with a smile.
These two women have gone to the asked to be patient and humble and p could be tamed as they still continu husbands, but praying they do. They we was the general pattern of life for wo superficial level one could conclude t

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
harried to him legally. My marriage to him sly, when he is drunk and that is often. He es not care about the children. Unable to going to St. Anthony's church. I go there varie Amman ”goddess had notbrought me ends have told me that St. Anthony is very be answered. They have also told me that I uthorities, lest he leaves me. But frankly I appiness living with him. He does not take es not bring me flowers. Neither does he go to my mother's house and stay there do that as I am most welcome there. I do t feature. Hence I come back to him, and or a few days and then it is all hell let loose re is not much to talk about it, I hope and oflife”.
il the choice of words clearly indicated her he situation. She somehow communicated can you help change this situation"? and
husband's infidelity affects her more than he third standard, is aged twenty-four and usband is living with another woman in the d.
having two women and not being able to expressed my unhappiness and wanted to other man while being married to him. He stions but never answers me. He gets angry tort, he beats me. He drags me out of the s intervene and stop him. After one such l to come back. Noone forced me to come : my mothers warnings not to go back. She lking to you, You cannot understand these
lerstand as I have seen and heard much
Y.W.C.A asking for help. They have been ray to Karthar (creator). Neither of them e to retort, argue and fight with their re both eager to make me believe that this men who have alcoholic husbands. On a hat lack of patriarchal institutions would

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Adidravda Women at Cross foads
have redeemed them. On the contrary
ideology of patriarchy working on the
pervasive at different levels across cast become alcoholics and become violent if patriarchy is not present as an ide violence. However, there is a difference These women do not succumb to pa challenge it. They do assert their rig submissiveness, patience, and restraint { are not observed by the Adidravida wom
Church and the Family
The poverty in the slums has becom persuasions and conversions. Two wom niece refused to talk to me. They reveale strict instructions not to discuss family the Bible and one cannot make “coni language and idioms when the conversa high class/caste family. The concepts su silent on many occasions, a wife's respo role as mother and as a wife in the far women. The "sisters" from the Y.W.C.A. them. They sit with them and conve Christianity. They echoed Victorian ide; Tirukural ideology of a high caste h ideology and the Tirukural ideology p reached them in various doses throl distanced from both by the reason of t distance from the hegemonic ideology location and their overtly levels have ma A few women have claimed that t they have given up liquor and conseq little or no marital violence. Kartar (cr. has found realization through the sister the widowhood rituals. One has not le further entrenched patriarchal conscio
Conclusions
The women, it has to be concludec conversions-Brahmanical and Christia among a few women, a high caste exten drama, while the latter has succeeded

137
alcohol related violence also exists on the subservience of the women. Patriarchy is e and class. As to why women have not wives is a question that has to be answered ology and in the situations of structural in the situation of the Adidravida Women. triarchy passively. They do resist it and ;hts. High caste wifely codes of silence, xercised within the ideology of the family
he a fertile soil to sow different ideological en (of the eight Christians) an aunt and a d to me that their brother had given them problems with an outsider, as it is against fessions" other than to the priests. Their tions were prolonged betrayed norms of a lch as family honour, women's need to be onsibility of keeping the family intact, her mily were constantly repeated by the eight visit them and pray for them and pray with rse and finally have converted them to as which were in essence very similar to the igh class wife. The Manudharma Shastra ertaining to gender relations have finally ugh the conversion process. They were heir caste location and by reason of their and the pedagogic process. But their class .de them vulnerable.
heir husbands have been "reformed" and uently have become better husbands with eator) has immense mercy on them which 's. Even Christian widows were subjected to d to the redemption of the other. It has usness them.
l, are subjected to two kinds of ideological in. The former has succeeded in spreading inal custom, accompanied with a ritualised in disseminating concepts of wifely silence

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138
and subservience to the successful ul succumbed to both. However this is n them. The converts are few, and inde which they practice these newly acquir on a closer examination as their ide practices have a superficial symbolic a reaching their psyche. This is why this p and not "sankritization". This is further of the kattubatu concept. Women wer either in their verbal combats or in t them as cultural codes nor did they quo The facets and phases of these col discussing with them how and where a two types of influences have eroded sor of this caste group. The study of this have come together to live under sim common label of Adidravidas or Harijar belong to different caste groups collecti They have migrated from the rur pastures. Structurally and culturally the relationship with clear matrilineal trene by the absence of the overtly oppressiv infanticide, prohibition of Widow rema ideology of paty bhakti, codes of chasti tendency among them to acquire these has been presented to them as superio mortals of the high caste and higher rel redeem them from their ignorance, i their dependence, ignorance and illite of their culture. Anthropologists and s culture but the people are not made a go to redeem them want them to adopt package of educational facilities, trainin these the women are losing their right This is a real dilemma.
It has been noticed that among the had not emerged as a significant varial determination. In the Ådidrāvida gro position has made them very vulne influences of the hegemonic groups. T the high castes, as sweepers and clear customs. It was not merely seeing and v

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
keep of the family. A few women have pt an overall pattern of behaviour among 'd there is a difference in the manner in d habits. The difference can be identified ology and practices do not concur. The ppearance without the meanings actually rocess is referred to as "extrinsic imitation" corroborated by the absence among them e not in the habit of practising restraint Leir physical needs. They did mot present te from books or Shastrās. nversions unfolded themselves while I was nd when they met their convertors. These he of the egalitarian codes of a few women group of women, a cluster of people who ilar socio-economic conditions under the is are subjected to various influences. They vely called the untouchables. al areas in Tamil Nadu seeking greener y have egalitarian patterns of man-woman is in their customary laws. This is revealed e institutions and practices such as female rriage and divorce, patriarchal rituals, the ty and family honour. However, there is a , when they meet the other culture which . It is perceived as the culture of the high igious people who are doing social work to literacy and superstitions. Their poverty, acy have not made them realise the value ociologists have written much about their vare of their own value system. Those who the mainstream culture which goes with a g, and jobs, but in the process of acquiring and subscribing to a patriarchal culture.
first two groups of women the class factor le for social analysis, despite its economic up of women it appears that their class able to certain negative and worsening heir economic dependence for survival on ers had exposed them to culturally alien atching and helping in the rituals but also

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Adiarzwaa Women at Cross foads
being instructed to follow the customs r Adidravida women due. The elaborate p that accompanied the to their poverty, does not however, mean that they have ir bhakti concept and the submissive beha feet and worshipping them.
hn a similar way their psychologica redress from the state of poverty a deprivations have lead them to the prose prayers they conducted for them was a aspects of high and middle class values behaviour. The convergence of the caste them the advantages of their more egali to their caste belonging. The intrud pedagogic process taken advantage of the

139
onpu rituals could not be imitated by the eparations and the pomp and ceremony out they did subscribe to the practice. It ternalised the ideology of nonpu, the paty viour patterns of falling at the husbands'
needs, the ways and means of seeking ld unhappiness due to the economic lytizing "sisters" of the Y.W.C.A. The joint ource of solace. The preaching included which spelt control and checks on their and class factors in this case has not given arian gender relations which are peculiar 2rs into their culture have through cir low class vulnerability.

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Cha
Ideological Persi
hough the field research findings
caste and class, the thrust of the operates. It could be said with a fair a culture drew heavily on gender idec belonging could not be said to have led The most significant factor in the ca concept of purity, and the purity of the of women. Hence the reason for cont widow remarriage and divorce and cl maintain purity of the women, in oth underlying concept behind these institu as codes of restraint was based on physic the Brahmin women the majority of th same ideology when they said that t divorce. There is yet another phenor ideology. The widowhood penance ( sought for a patriarchal institution. ritualising process of wifely devotion. T had different doses of the paty bhakti. connotation, in that the mortal husban subservient devotion is called bhaktia and veneration to an almighty god. The in different forms in a different era continuity of gender ideology. The te concept was extended in its usage inc concept is symptomatic of the ascendan
The ideology of the devalued wom the majority of the women in both the range castes, when they articulated in baby. The behaviour patterns expected

pter 9
stence and Protests
were analysed on comparative lines across study is on gender ideology and how it mount of credibility, that while high caste logy from the patriarchal system, class to stereotyped female behaviour patterns. ste system is its preoccupation with the blood is determined through the sexuality rolling women's sexuality. Prohibition of hild marriage are instituted primarily to Sr words, the chastity of the women. The tions which was referred to by the women cal purity. While this was very visible among he middle range castes also expressed the hey were against widow remarriage and menon of a covert expression of gender vönpu) we saw was the religious sanction The same concept is now used to the he nonpu practised by women of all castes Paty bhakti is again a usage with religious d is elevated to a human god and the wife's term which denotes the humble devotion ese are clearly evidences ofgender ideology l, which is in fact an argument for the minology of penance (nonpu) a Buddhist w for the women as a ritual. The bhakti cy of the Hinduism. an as the "other" found expression through caste category, the Brahmin and the middle agative responses to the birth of a female of women and based on concepts such as

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Ideological Persistence and Protests
subservience, subordination, passivity an female gender proposition. These, it sl periodically into the definition of chast ideology manifests in the patrilineal in dowry system. They pronounce very e gender.
These institutions it must be noted, extent though they are considered typica However, it should not be conclude which wanted to maintain purity and tl caste has its stake and wants to pre: "housewifisation" process was central to witnessed in the post-Sangam period. Th conclusion. Despite the fact that women offices, women consider themselves as h transgress the ideology of a housewif "working". Ideologically they remain w they do not protest against the double b is not shared by the husbands. That t realm and its sanctity had to be maint continuity from the era of Tirukural.
The motherhood ideology also wa different context. One reason the wo marital relationship and for tolerating p compulsion to remain within the family, and their plight thereafter which result reasons for remaining within the wed main component of the motherhood : castes and classes, it could be conclud ideology which is very broad based.
However, there is one exception concept has no place in the perception their husbands' extramarital relationsh
framework of feminine evil either of th syndrome. The destructive fickle mind society is a construction within the est society through the institution of the women are burdened with extra respc women are warned not to transgress couched in the idioms of frailty, weakl encompassing evil. These construction inability of the men to withstand the

141
ld silence are derived from the devalued hould be emphasised were incorporated ity which grew with the times. The same heritance patterns, patrilocality and the cloquently the inferiority of the female
cut across class and caste groups to a great illy Brahmin.
d mistakenly that it is only the high caste herefore control women's sexuality. Each serve its purity however low it is. The the institution of family/home that we is has now developed further to its logical go out to work in the factories, farm, and lousewives only. Their perceptions do not e. They do not perceive themselves as ithin the housewife idiom. Consequently urden that is heaped on them and when it he household was placed in the dharmic ained, was a message that maintained its
is expressed by various women but in a man gave for not terminating oppressive hysical violence in the family was the social /home. But the concern for their children s from broken families were primarily the lock. Personal womanly sacrifice was the ideology now. In short the women of all ed, try to behave within the desa dharma
which is significant. The feminine evil is of women. Even the wives who knew of hip did not refer to their rivals within a e devadasi tradition or the "other woman" ed feminineness that causes chaos in the ablishment codes which wants stability in family. For the upkeep of the family the onsibilities. While the men are pardoned, boundaries. And such transgressions are hess and fickle-mindedness in short an all is as we have noted, also stems from the "frightening" female sexuality. Hence the

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142
differential attitudinal expressions of t saints.
The women on the contrary viewed inherent weakness of men. Men they b tend to behave unfaithfully and since ch they easily transgress set norms but they to women by calling them a “dāsi”. Henc false consciousness within the minds of sample of men.
Within this broad scenario we could still maintained as special caste preroga exempted from many of the overtly op. sati, female infanticide and prohibition ( seek legitimacy of higher socio-religious habits, is another reason which led to th ideology among all groups of women. talk of caste dharma out also those wom the caste ladder.
The field research has amply demon its power to hold sway for centuries. T which included sleeping on a stone seclusion, and how the widow preferre Two thousand years later under a differ widow who suffered oppressive widow happier to die a sati. One reason which the scriptural legitimacy that some of t priest quoting a scripture and the Man statements which deny the dignity of w. from Tirukural and cited the Gandhian their rights and happiness.
While drawing conclusions from thi overt protests as reactions from women taken note of. The general pattern o situations is contradictory to their ex Brahmin widow who said that she prefe with a series of deprivations to her su protest. The social prestige attached performed by the women for their devalued openly by a woman who despi husband. The temple priest's sister pri protest registered against widowhood. conveyed to her brother whose respons

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
he women and men, authors, seers and
such transgression as stemming from an believed are by nature fickle-minded and astity is not constructed as a manly virtue, are not blamed, they shift their own guilt te the ideology of feminime evil is in fact a men which can be further tested from a
identify caste-specific traditions which are tives. Generally the lower caste groups are pressive practices and institutions such as of widow remarriage. That the lower castes status by imitating high caste customs and e horizontal and vertical spread of gender this led not only the Brahmin women to len who were adjacent to the Brahmins in
lstrated the impact of gender ideology and he Sangam poet spoke of widow penance bed, eating spiceless food, tonsure and d to commit sati with her dead husband. ent mode of production, we came across a hood, saying that she would have been allows the continuity of gender ideology is hese practices have acquired. The temple 'u Dharma shastra containing such adverse omen are examples. Many women quoted philosophy of passivity to justify forfeiting
2 field research, the element of covert and
in the course of the dialogue need to be f subservience they practice in their life oressions of protest they registered. The rred the state of widowhood accompanied mankali status was in fact registering her
is clearly shown by the various rituals perpetual sumankali status. That is here sed the oppressive and violent life with her ferring sati to oppressive widowhood is a She wanted the intensity of the message ibility it was to get her married again. Her

Page 171
Adeological Aersistence and Protests
sister referring to her as a piece of a log sexual deprivations which are expressed her expressions. The widow who suffer violated the widowhood expectations by removing the pottu, nose-ring and other This is protest by action. Sita who was wrote to her mother-in-law that she had and was finally happy when she got her c The quest for freedom of the two as the range and type of protests. Thes expressions of outbursts of oppressed mi

43
and as a renouncer are both indicative of symbolically. She is covert but effective in ed under the tyrannical husband, openly not observing the mandatory customs of jewels and by wearing a coloured saree. married to the deaf and dumb husband, no intentions of entering the joint family livorce. fluent sisters-in-law is another example of e protests, open and vibrant are clear nds.

Page 172


Page 173
Pd Womem in the Cellula Reconstruction a
ATTENT WOR the extent and levels ( representation in the films is prima that the Tamil films are analysed with messages. The contents of the films ar from the point of view of the main issu evil, codes of restraint, seclusion and ideology. In short, the various facets o history and field research are analyse sustenance. Attention however, will be fi the hegemonic principle as to how gen legitimate.
The tasks are undertaken in the foll films is sketched briefly to identify tre Tamil film medium and its structure. Th specific factors in the growth of the fill through the theoretical discussion with analysis. This is followed by a discussi purpose. This section examines the m symbols, and then linking them with til theoretical discussion.
Lastly an attempt is made to compr messages and the image of the womeı ascertain the levels of internalisation, investigate whether there are in fact dif to the messages across caste and class. S were involved in the discussion of the f the relevance of the contents of the film a continuity in the discussion of the mau social reality of the women in their life with the films-the contents and messag In part three we have looked for th Though the same women are analysed the manner in which the caste class dif section (film analysis). When the wome

rt 4 id Image, Ideological nd Representation
of gender ideological reconstruction and rily the task of this section. In order to do
particular emphasis on gender specific ld the messages given out are examined s and concepts such as chastity, feminine passivity of women and the motherhood f gender ideology, that emerged both in d to show the levels of continuity and ocussed additionally on the functioning of ier ideology is presented and sustained as
owing sequence. The history of the Tamil inds that have shaped the growth of the his discussion pays attention to the gender m media. A few questions are then raised a view to investigate them from the film on of the sixteen films selected for the essages with their codes, their signs and he questions raised in the section on the
ehend the responses of the women to the projected in the films. This is done to if any, on the part of women and to ferences in the way the women responded ince the same hundred and twenty women ilms, it helped the process of ascertaining to social reality. It also helped to maintain ly social issues. Those that were part of the situations were related to and compared
eS. e class differences within the caste groups. here as respondents to the film messages, erences are ascertained is different in this n who had seen the films were categorised

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146
under caste groups, it was found that e women. Some of the groups consisted of these small numbers it was difficult to fi from which one could identify class belonging. Hence in this section class be: grouped together to identify trends that The analysis was done taking each film a and class.
In this part certain questions raised impact of gender ideology and its rel Wherever differential responses cannot belonging, they are not specified but trea

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
ach caste group had a small number of two, three, four and five women. Within nd class groups with substantial numbers representations as typical of the class longings within the three caste groups are are representations of a particular class. nd then dividing the respondents by caste
in the discussion of the theories and the avance to social reality are investigated. be identified as typical of caste or class ited as typical of gender affiliation.

Page 175
Cha
Film Industry in Historic
"Films should not handle such themes
and passivity should not be projected that fail to project progressive ideas for
(Aranthai Narayanan 1981:725).
his is part of a memorandum se Censor Board in 1981, the year th anniversary. These dictums remained c is a kind of a review of the Tamil films independence from the British.
In spite of the tremendous growth persuasive role it has played in shap. political events in the Tamil regions inc audience has been done. Bhaskaran's was limited to the intelligentsia. The ( undertaken an audience analysis (197, ex-chief minister of Tamil Nadu has als Pandian 1989). To this can be adde However, these studies have analysed th communicator. The role of the film eclipsed and the gender perspective is t
The Politics of the Film Industry
The growth and history of the Ind outlines to identify trends that show a g of women is one aspect. The role and in its social and political dimensions are Tamil Cinema was taken to every nook Tamil Nadu.

pter 10
i Tamil Nadu, the al Growth
that depict woman as slaves. Subservience is the only virtues of a good woman. Films social change should not be encouraged".
int to the film producers by the Central e Tamil film industry celebrated its fiftieth inly on paper. The above quotation in fact produced in Tamil Nadu after India won its
of the film industry in Tamil Nadu and the ing social consciousness, and influencing systematic study of its total impact on the work (1976) was commendable though it Center for Social Research in Madras had 4). The image of “M.G.R” the charismatic o been variously analysed (Hardgrave 1971, 2d Sivathamby's works (1981 and 1971). le films from the point of view of a political as a social and cultural communicator is otally missing in these studies.
ian film industry will be sketched in broad eneral degradation, of which the depiction npact of the film industry in Tamil Nadu in great. With the advent of electricity the and corner of the urban and rural areas in

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148
The impact of the Tamil films has a produced. The industry gained mom material resources. They saw that the India, next to Andra Pradesh, Tamil Na In 1986 Tamil Nadu had a total of 2 temporary (Screen 19-12-1986:5).
The political dimension of the Tan the industry, had its beginnings in the like Satyamoorthy, a dynamic anti-imp spokesman of the Congress party wh Governor-General of independent Indi: relating to the film medium. For exam which Satyamoorthy had to take a stand role of film as a medium of propaganda both intellectuals and persons of cult medium not by being intellectuals but continued to the present day where actively connected to the film industry ( Karunanithi). These politicians, playin, writers gave credibility and legitimisatio later used their role in the film industry
Between the years 1931 - 1956,627 f number of films with religious themes (240). The films depicting "social" ther 1981:484). Between l957 and 1981 a to 1227 dealt with socially relevant themes. with fictitious themes (kings and queen 66 (Aranthai Narayanan 1981:724).
The Intellectual Apathy and the Devadas The Tamil films were directly ir rendering of the story, the handling sequence that was followed. In the Sans who is the comedian. There is a seriou apart from the main plot. This mot beginning, the Tamil films were not wel region there was a strict dividing line be and acting) and non-performing arts performing arts were socially degraded the 'lowly people. These arts were supp encourage feelings towards irrationali actresses were drawn from the devad

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
so to be viewed from the number of films entum and attracted people who had scope of the industry was enormous. In lu has the largest number of cinema halls. 53 cinema halls out of which 820 were
lil film which became an integral part of early phase itself. Active political leaders rialist exponent, and Rajagopalachari, a o was later to become the first Indian a, had to take stands on important issues ple, kissing on the screen was an issue on . Rajagopalachari had to comment on the for the prohibition of alcohol. They were ure. But they were drawn into the film by being popular politicians. This trend he chief ministers of Tamil Nadu were C.N. Annadurai, M.G. Ramachandran, M. g the role of actor-producers and script n to the messages of the Tamil films. They to enhance their political base and image. ilms were produced. During this phase the drawn from the Puranas was the highest nes' numbered 232 (Aranthai Narayanan tal of 1369 films were produced of which The Puranic, historic and those that dealt ) were respectively reduced to 62, 14, and
i legacy ifluenced by the Tamil theater in the of the theme and in the the form and rit drama, there is a tradition of the jester s plot and scenes of comedy which stand lel was continously maintained. At the received by the intellectuals. In the Tamil ween the performing arts (music, dancing (literature, sculpture and painting). The und were considered the preoccupation of psed to benumb the senses and create and y and sensuality. The main actors and si castes and socially "low" groups. The

Page 177
Film Industry in Zamil Wadu, the A7 istorical
women of high caste did not attend or tz part were derogatorily referred to as clo 1981:14).
This ostracism of the early twentietl era. Consequently even the intellectuals between cinema and the Tamil intelli continued for some time till people lik Annandurai entered the film as critics a acceptance of this medium at the intelle gained acceptance at other levels.
Even as late as 1953 Mr. Rajagopa Social attitudes changed as far as the actresses were viewed with disrespec ambivalence persisted in the social at regarded as idols and sought after as mo they were shunned as marriage partner. the family. Hence many talented In Originally the women were selected fro: of western mix, they had connotations o
Alternatively men played the role who played women's role. Some actors Alli Paramaswara Iyer. Vally and Alliw they played.
The Impact of the Classical Models (dra The first Tamil silent movie was p Keesagan). It is an episode from the g chapter 1). This was followed by Dra Draupadi, also from Mahabhārata), Mayi and Markandeya (a puranic character). I Puranas was great. The silent movies d from American movies. One way of m some of the features that the produce some violence and some sex. Fighting into the Tamil films became part of the
The next phase in the silent mo director Rajah Sandoh was responsible were selected. A folk story which was called Nallathankal was produced in 1: followed by Anathaipen (Orphan da oppressive structures in Tamil society w

Growth 149
ke part in such art forms. Those who took owns and drunkards (Aranthai Narayanan
h century continued even during the film kept away from films. There existed a gap gentsia (Bhaskaran 1976). The antipathy e Satyamoorthy, Kalki Krishnamurthy and nd script writers. Their entry signalled the ctual level, and through the intellectuals it
lachari compared the cinema to alcohol. men who took part were concerned, but t and suspicion. A certain amount of titudes towards such women. They were dels in one respect, but on the other hand s and considered permissive, and unfit for dian women remained social outcastes. m the Anglo-Indian community and being f"otherness'.
of women and were referred to as actors were known as Vally Vaithyanathaiyar and ere the names of the women whose roles
uma and music) roduced in 1916 (Keesagavatam, death of reat epic Mahabharata (see notes 5, and 6 upadi Vastrapaharanam, (the stripping of l Ravana (Peacock Ravana, from Ramayana ndeed the impact of the two epics and the uring this period had to face competition 2eting the competition was to incorporate rs thought drew crowds. Those included and belly dancing which were introduced formulae in latter days. vies saw a slight improvement. The film : for this change. Socially relevant themes well known to the people of Tamil Nadu 931 under the title of Rajeswary. This was ughter). Both these films depicted the hich particularly affected women.

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150;
Meanwhile in the year 1929 the firs was screened in Calcutta. People now was the time in the history of India, tha militant nationalism. The English films imperialism. This led the local entrepr technology to produce Indian films. In Ara) was produced by Bombay Imperial films in other languages.
The year 1931 marked the beginnin theme of the first Tamil film was gathe the Sanskrit poet and playwright calle sweeping the country at the time was gi symbols (handloom, local clothing) an film. Some of the themes of this film an of the later trends which were continue.
They are: - A political ideology-(nationali - A religious theme, in this cas excellence by the grace of godd - An ideology of intense devoti chastity concept-which confe the husband is taken by his wi requests the goddess to confer - Drawing ideas, themes and st epics and classical literature and These four themes were continuou clearly a negative impact on the depicti in detail later.
When the silent film turned into Tamil drama on the Tamil films. The movies, as they felt that with no space be downplayed. When they could talk a large numbers. The entry of the mu significant factor which accompanied the Tamil films, and was residual of the details were communicated through so musicians of classical repute acted and music which went along with the cl signifying process. The meanings and reinforced in the consciousness of the screen had been removed the meaning melody of the songs which the film

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
English talking film, The Melody of Love aw and heard actors/actresses speak. This anti-British feelings were building up to a were looked down upon as instruments of neur to actively experiment with Western 1931, the first Indian movie in Hindi (Alam Movidam. This was soon followed by other
g of the spoken Tamil films ("talkie"). The red from a folk tradition of a life story of d Kalidasa. Indian nationalism which was ven expression through this film. National i patriotic songs were introduced into the d the early Tamil silent films were symbolic i rather dogmatically in the Tamil films.
sm during this period) 2 an illiterate idiot becoming a poet par ess Kali. on towards husbands, a variation of the 's on the wives a supernatural boon. Here fe to the temple of goddess Kali and she on him the boon of literary skill. ories or episodes from, ancient Puranas, i the folk tradition. sly maintained. The last three themes had on of women. This factor will be discussed
"talkies" one could feel the impact of the dramatists had kept away from the silent or talking and singing, their talents would nd sing they flocked to the film industry in sicians into the film world was another his process. This was to continue later in Tamil drama tradition where many of the ngs for reasons of brevity and clarity. Great sang in the early Tamil films. The role of Laracters contributed significantly to the messages became entrenched, and were people. Even after the visual image on the s were sustained through the rhythms and udience repeatedly listened to, sang and

Page 179
AFilmu Andustry im. 7amil, Wadu, the A7 istorical
hummed outside the theaters. Being lit the experience of music.
The entry of music into the film, different turns in its development. At th musico was rendered by famous musici: M.K. Thiyagaraja Bagavathar. They were music had a role to play to convey thos film there was no necessity for this ex received by the people and for the film seized. Songs became a part of the for the characters should speak only a few with the necessary accompaniments. Th the villain, all broke into appropriate so of vulgarity and suggestive sex which co being censored. Here we have a situat the censor board and reaching the audi music was no longer used in the films, it separate entity altogether. Tamil films l classical characters or with classical dan
The ideology of nationalism, which films rather easily through the medium of this era in India coincided with the such as eradicating untouchability and Nandana, which was titled in English as -the story of the low caste pariah Hin his steadfast bhakti-was typical of this t However, of the thirty four films p based on folk traditions and Purdinas, films were produced. Except four film Puranas, and classical literature. Som different producers. Poems of conten classical music were extensively used Subramaniya Bhartiar were deployed in and social liberation.
It has to be noted that a particular consciousness of the people by their li. the morals behind then over and ov existing consciousness the recurrent th ideology. The Mahabharata and Ramaya sources for many of the dramas initial copied or adapted later into films, if th

Growth 151
terate or illiterate didn't really matter for
though inherited from the drama took e early stage classical music called Karnatic ans like M.S. Subalakshmy, Kidappah and both actors and singers. In the drama the e details which could not be acted. In the cept occasionally. But the music was well h producers this was an opportunity to be mula. Even at very crucial moments, when words, they easily broke into lengthy songs e clown, the hero, the heroine, the beggar, ngs. These songs often conveyed meanings ould not be acted on the screen for fear of ion of the degrading sentiments escaping ence. After some time the classical Karmatic developed its own audience and became a use this music rarely. It is only in films with ces that we come across it.
was rampant in Tamil drama, crept into of actors and musicians. The nationalism development of a social liberation theory | discriminatory practices towards women. the Elevation of the down-trodden (193l) du who fought his way into the temple by rend. roduced in the year 1935 thirty one were From the years 1931-1936, one hundred ls, the rest were based on folk traditions, e of the stories were produced twice by porary Tamil poets, rendered into semi... The poems of the revolutionary poet the tasks of propagating both nationalism
type of ideology became entrenched in the stening to and seeing the same stories and er again. If this was an expression of an emes gave further legitimacy to a particular ana, Purdinas and folk traditions formed the ly, and then of the films. They were either he dramas had been well received. A few of

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the dramas which were turned into filr Vaduvur Thuraisamy Iyengar, Thiagab, Sambanda Mudaliyar were used by both The films Kovalan, Nandanar, Patt Vastraparam and Paty Bhakti (second tir produced a second and third time und Foremost among the morals that were behaviour, decorum, and values expecte devotion to husbands help women an existing order. The lay concept of devo to a personal god of the Hindu tradi ideology. The selection of puranic and e. Indian nationalism which found e romanticized the "national" and "tradit considered "permissive" and therefore variation of this ideology. This was . indigenous works of art and literature. the traditional and the modern, and ar. primacy given to oriental spirituality age inward-looking regressive trends, toward had adverse effects for women. The ti ideology.
Saty Leela (Chaste Leela), Dharma Pe (Devotion to husband), Nalayani (the husband in a basket om her head to his Anushya ( names of some of the legenda theme is an exercise in projecting the g linked to spirituality. These terms of ref the films that dealt with "social" themes women throughout Indian film history." are sketched briefly to illustrate how entrenced in the conciousness of the li legitimacy by picking up ancient then reality.
Ahalya was the devoted wife of the g heaven, was infatuated by her beauty. A her. So he struck a plan. One day as was bath and prayers. But it was not morni midnight seem like early morning to th form of Gautama, walks into the hut an Indra for Gautama. Meanwhile Gautam. fury, he cursed Ahalya into a stone with

(aeology, Caste, Class and Gender
ns were adapted from novels. Meneka by mi by Kalki and Kalavarishi by Pampal the playwright and film producers. natar, Savitri, Vally Tirumanam, Draupadi ne under the title of Sati Leelavati) were er the same title or under different titles. taught and perpetuated were the role, d of a good woman, and how chastity and d the rest of humanity to preserve the tion is elevated here to bhakti a surrender tion in a process of legitimising gender lic characters helped this process. xpression through the early Tamil films onal". That the Anglo-Indian woman was could act in the early Tamil films was a followed by a romanticism attached to There were tendencies of conflict between uncritical glorification of the past and a linst western materialism. This clearly had s a reversal process of time and space, and tles of the films are symptomatic of the
tini (Virtuous chaste woman), Paty Bhakti story of the wife who carried her leper favourite prostitute), Aruntati, Ahalya, and try, puranic chaste woman). This recurring reatness of Indian womanhood which was erence were used later for the heroines in as well. Those models remained static for The myths of Ahalya, Aruntati and Anushya he concept of female chastity had been terati and how film directors gave further hes which were far removed from social
reat sage Gautama, Lord Indra, the king of ware of her fidelity he feared to approach his habit, the sage went to the river for his ng. It was the trick of Indra to have made : sage. Lord Indra thereupon gets into the i seduces Ahalya who in her sleep mistook t returned and found out. Burning with his powers that he had acquired with long

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Afilm Industry in Tamil Wadu, the Historical (
and steadfast penance. The victim of remained punished for ages. The mor, chaste, she would have and should have in the middle of night while asleep. A pa this myth. "Ammi mithithal" (stepping o hushand takes the feet of the bride one puts the toe rings on her toes, is an im groom. The grinding stone placed near rites are performed is to remind the brid ring worn by Hindu women even today complete chastity.
Aruntati was the wife of a famous s whose greatest virtue was her chastity. elevated to a celestial position as one of venerated and hailed upon as an ex bridegroom is instructed by the priest wh star to his bride suggesting that she to mortal life.
According to the puranas, Anushya w too was famous for her chastity which t changed them into babies by the power their mothers. She thus thwarted thei another famous chaste woman. In this i two codes, chastity and motherhood.
The film called Kannaki has an into chaste woman of a Tamil epic called Sil venerated as the Pattini cult. She was e steadfast chastity became proverbial in ' first shot in 1933 under the title of Ko' 1934 and then for the third time as Ka into a film by a politician who was a chi Poompuhar the old name of Madras city film was used by the DMK. The Dravida links with the film industry. The social equality were preached through the filn implicitly argued for Tamil Chastity (I (the angry Kannaki destroys the city of M she realised she was wronged by the kin superior to Sita's chastity, the Aryan bra Women have become symbols of nation of chastity they possess. The concept of from 1931 to the present day.

3rowth 153
a vicious trick by an immortal being, all of the story is that, had Ahalya been known her husband from a stranger even rt of Hindu marriage rites is designed on in the grinding stone), a rite where the by one and places them om the stone and portant rite performed by the bride and the seat of the marriage couple where the e as to what happened to Ahalya. The toe
signifies the principle of an utmost and
age called Vashisda, and a great woman According to the Puranas she has been f the stars shining high in the sky. She is cample to be followed by brides. The to performs the marriage rites to show the o should be as chaste as Aruntati in her
as the wife of the famous sage Athtri. She he celestial beings were keen to test. She of her chastity taking upon her the role of r sinister motives and was acclaimed as instance the woman is defined within the
aresting history. Kannaki is the legendary patikaram whose chastity later came to be levated to the status of the goddess. Her Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka. The film was valan, the name of the husband, then in nnaki in 1942. In 1964 it was again made ef minister of Tamil Nadu under the title f from where Kannaki hailed. In 1964, the Munnerra Kalakam theoreticians had close
liberation ideology of caste and gender ns. Interestingly, the Kannaki film in 1964 ravidian) which was heroic and militant Aadurai by the power of her chastity when g). Her chastity is argued as different and nd which is humble, passive and fatalistic. alism on the basis of the degree and type hastity is a recurring theme in Tamil films

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Films as Politics
To begin with the Dravida Munne ideology. When the film medium becan effectiveness of this medium. Velaika beginnings. These were plays adapted DMK ideologue who became the chief Manthrikumari (l950) and Manohara we Tamil Nadu. They were all expressi rationalism, rejection of Brahmanical oppression). The state and its structur the sufferings of the people. The mes: with rhythm and rhyme and alliteratio used had a share in captivating the profuse sentiments" (Sivathamby 1981: the messages.
For the first time now through mother/whore dichotomy was presente issue was a successful play. The moth chaste is a Tamil mother placed agai disaster to the king and his kingdom. brings back the lost glory, retrieves the also the duty of the son to redeem the The Tamilness was within the metaph Aryanisation was within the metaphor the whore were political symbols at thi cinematic handling they became cultu the formulae. In the dichotomy the I image and maintained a centrality with
The entry of M.G. Ramachandrani involvement with the DMK started only of the party was played differently. . characterised by direct political propag and party songs. The modus operandi v speeches describing the society ar Ramachandran acted those features fisherman, rickshaw puller, taxi driver, the rise of the down-trodden to an elev, trodden. He injected the characters M.G. Ramachandran in the role of the submission, passivity or humbleness. Th of the powerful. Straight and erect, hea elite who are oppressive, exploiting, co

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
ra Kalakam used the theater to spread its e available they were the first to realise the ri (1949) and Oriravu (1951) were the into films, and scripted by Annadurai, the minister of Tamil Nadu. Parasakthy (1952), "escripted by the former Chief Minister of ons of the DMK philosophy-(atheism, (induism, elimination of caste and gender were criticised as inadequate to alleviate ages were clear and loud in poetic Tamil n. Apart from the messages the language masses. Both "the powerful rhetoric and 57) were, equally important in spreading
the Dravida Munnerra Kalakam films the d in cinema. Manohara dealing with this er, who is pure, devoted, chivalrous, and nst a temptress and a whore who brings The virtuous mother with her heroic son king who is a prey to the temptress. It was purity of the mother which was in doubt. or of the mother, pure and chaste. The of the temptress/whore. The mother and s period of Tamil history, but later in the al symbols and continued to be a part of notherhood image was always a glorified ivine connotations.
to films was as early as 1936, but his active in 1950. His role in spreading the ideology he pre-M.G. Ramachandran period was anda with an abundance of party symbols, as to indulge in dialogue, discussions and d its structures of oppression. M.G. by playing the roles of worker, peasant, gardener and cowherd. His films depicted tiom in social status while still being downwith dignity and high personality traits. characters he played was not forced into : characters take through him the qualities held high and majestic, he confronts the "rupt and tyrannical. He dispenses justice

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Film Industry in Zamil Madu, the Historical
to the down-trodden, as their leader di caste men, womanisers and rapists. He achieve his end. This mode of commun very effective to the many millions who passive due to their low social ranking.
These films provided the opport themselves with his role, and thereby subconsciousness. Along with the expl castes, the illiterate and ignorant village In his films he was a clean and thoroug and saw women as mothers. He never fel his dynamism and heroic charm. He b fan clubs grew in numbers. His was an when he died thirty one men committe While this could be considered a succes objective was concerned, in terms requirements and artistic performance of aesthetic standards. He establish characterisation of women, motherho( divine vocation for women, young girls : by his dynamic prowess, fell in love wit rapist or a villain.
The communists in the Madras state medium. P. Jeevanandan and other consciousness of the people produced t of the Peoples Films. This film took Tanaraikkulam produced in 1958 by Ka of landlords, peasants and harijans.
The year 1960 was significant in brought out Patai Teriyutu Paar. This co Communist Party, students, and middle progressive association formed by at progressive political ideology. Foremost M.P. Seenivasan, Nimai Ghosh, K.V. refused shares that exceeded five t simplicity and improvement in artistic a motive. The story, its theme, the mode effort. The film was scripted by R.K. K. selected a contemporary problem. The middle class, the contemporary social p linkages in the way the theme was han handling and in its aesthetic standards

Growth 155
feating the industrialists, landlords, high uses both violence and the court of law to lication had a different appeal which was
were illiterate, ignorant, submissive, and
unity for the many viewers to identify seek elevation in social status in their oited workers, oppressed peasants, lower rs and women too found a saviour in him. gh gentleman who respected womanhood l for the women, but women fell victims to ecame a cult figure through his films, his easy walk into the chief minister's office i suicide (Statesman January 17, 1988:16). sful attempt as far as the fulfillment of his of realism, creative skills, technical he films failed to meet with the minimum ed strict divisions in the stereotyped od glorified as a sacrificing, dutiful and as passive, frail and stupid, who enchanted h him and had to be often saved from a
2 did not stand aloof in the use of the film s who realised the need to raise the he film Avan Amaran in 1958 in the studio the class struggle as its main theme. lyani Pictures, tried to tackle the problem
the history of Tamil films. Kumari films mpany was formed by the members of the class intellectuals. It was an experiment in out forty-five committed artists with a among them were Salem S. Thamotharan, Ramasamy and V.M. Palanichamy. They housand rupees with a commitment to chievements, while downplaying the profit of handling were all the result of a joint annan who was a Marxist ideologue. They working class, its collaboration with the roblems, the marxist philosophy all found illed. In terms of the theme, presentation it is easily one of the best films produced

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Commercially it was a failure. The peopl a formula of light comedy, violent figh dancers and pop-songs refused to be c same fate befell the films produced by J. philosophy (Unnaipol Oruvan and Yaruka
It is interesting to realise how th through other films. The play called production to the films of the communi (Buchman) who founded the Institute Kalathur Kannammnah was deliberately pla anti-Marxist ideology, challenging the cla
The above section has shown how various ideological persuasions for politi often worked through a cultural message
Formulae, Industry and the Gender Equa The decline in the aesthetic stanc commercial venture, that the films h consumption. The growth was in fact producers becoming fierce, film art had full fledged industry. The artists who we watched it sliding into competitive capita
When investments yielded profits, The Tamil formulae have been a cultu from the broad patterns of Sanskrit ep Tamil dramas as well. There would b handsome hero, and a bad, cruel and protected from a villain by the hero. T and inviting and unchaste, is responsible the figure of disharmony. A chivalrou dharma' and a happy end, possibly repenting their folly. The disharmoni returns. The other woman's body is trea provocatively in flimsy clothes. The m fighting of the hero (within the code ( villain) and the other, the thuggery and reminiscent of the Rama-Ravana and I and the Mahabharata. The present trenc society are represented but they retain b The formulae could be reproduced levels. The artists who were idealists gave of mainstream film industrialists, sacrifi

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
e who had by now become accustomed to s, sexy postures, night club scenes, belly onvinced of its aesthetic standards. The ayakathan who too had the same political ha Aluthan 1964). is communist formulae was challenged the Forgotten Factor was a countersts. This play was written by an American of Moral Rearmament in India. The film anned after The Forgotten Factor with an Lss theory.
the screen in Tamil Nadu was used by Cal communication. The political message
which was used politically.
ation lards was steady and fast. The capitalist ad become now, were based on mass unprecedented. Competition among the lost its "art" in the process and become a re trained in the academy and art schools lists' hands, unable to arrest the decline. film producers discovered the formulae. iral convention drawing their inspiration ics. They retained some elements of the le two types of men, a good, able and idestructive villain. A heroine needs to be he other woman, scheming and frivolous for the decline of the social order. She is ls fight against adharma to restore the with the other woman and the villain sing tendencies are resolved and peace ted as a sex symbol. She is made to dance achismo takes two directions. One, the of dharma) against the adharma (the evil rowdyism of the villain. These motifs are Dharma-Dhuryodana roles in the Ramdiyana ls have changed slightly where conflicts of asically the above stereotyping models.
endlessly to ensure and sustain the profit : up, and others fell victim to the demands cing art, for survival. Elements of sex and

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Film Industry in Tamil Wadu, the Historical
violence which were borrowed fron indiscriminately as part of the new for specific stereotype for woman, a pass mother. The mother image is always glo always lowly. This is said to represent frivolous, frail unchaste sexy woman, forms (belly dance, cabaret) projects ir and became the image of the 'other feminine evil ideology of the former era In the way art film came to be u changed into a capitalist industry. Th identified the saleable items, one of whit
Aesthetics, Culture and Industry
Tamil films are produced in large However, one cannot say that they hav been put to wild abuse as a comm stereotyping of characters. However ste seem and however much the '' mise en strange phenomenon to be witnessed i the scenes of the plot and the characte the audience should be distanced from from losing their critical detachment b characters. Identification with the chara passive recipient of a message rather th participant in search of social reality. TI because the Tamil directors do not ma that majority of the film audience is immensely to the identification process. to see women weeping at the suffer whistling and clapping hands when the in revealing clothes or when the hero handedly in fierce and violent fights. category of expressionism-the ther melodramatically.
The increasing violence, the indis symbols, the provocative suggestive ges than one in a film, are recent developm films in the hands of the industrial divesting them of all their aesthetic el develop in more concrete terms with th the shape and structure of the film. T

Ογοιμίβ 157
the Western films were introduced mulae. These formulae now contained a ve, chaste, sacrificing, suffering wife or ified and elevated, while the wife image is he tradition of Indian womanhood. The who takes part in non-traditional dance nplicitly the image of the "other culture”, woman later. This is the deuadds cum
S. sed as a saleable commodity, it steadily e capitalists competing with each other ch being the image of woman.
numbers and have a fairly long history. 'e grown up aesthetically. The films have hercial venture with clear conventional reotyped the character of the film might scene' is removed from social reality, the s that the audience is not distanced from r of the story. In Brecht's view (1964:139) the characters and should be discouraged by identification with one or more of the icters puts the spectator into a position of an him or her being made into an active he lack of critical detachment is possible ke an attempt in that direction. The fact illiterate or under-educated contributes It was a common sight in the cinema halls ing heroine and men reacting joyfully, woman on the screen dances provocatively anduishes the villain and his men singleMost of the Tamil films fall under the nes are exaggerated versions handled
criminate use of women's bodies as sex ures, the violent rape scenes, often more ents. Due to economic reasons, the Tamil sts have become a saleable commodity ements. Consumer-producer relationships e result that the consumer can determine he film maker's commercial interest can

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stretch endlessly, manipulating both the effects the film produces, the better th violence, horror, suspense, romance and film director, capitalising on these effect and content for the film media in T. broken. All attempts are made to maint degrees sex and violence. In this proce Neither semiology, interpreting codes ar cultural scene, nor dialectical criticism ir notice of this phenomenon of the abu. oppression and caste oppression are po though recently liberation cinema doe. respect. But cinematic attempts toward continues in creating and recreating ar and ideology. The end result can serve to Another significant factor which cc this process is the strong cultural con identity of the characters is maintained v the heroines' characterization. This is fl. westernised modern characters. Kalyana moral superiority of passivity as conne revitalised. This brought into focus a forms of old songs, sayings, legendary ( Puranas as words of wisdom of a gloriou connotations for women, leading to a unchallenging womanhood, the prim accompanying, sacrificing motherhood
Unlike the Tamil theater, music in Music in Tamil Nadu as in the rest of In men and women took part and excelle inception of Tamil drama the traditic expression were conveyed through musi happiness are expressed through songs. of a duet. From philosophy to romance, This tradition continued in the film integral part of the film experience. F according to the needs of the film. ( semiclassical ones, intelligibility being th
A hierarchial ordering persists in literate always sing more refined and cl: the hero and heroine). The rural farme folk songs, while the villain and the "c

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
content and form of the films. The more e value for the money spent. The more sex, the larger the crowds for a film. The s, has decided on particular themes, form amil Nadu. Very seldom is new ground zain the status quo intermixing in varying ss the gender factor is unduly exploited. ld systems of structure, that operate in the 1 studying art in its economic context took se of the female to enhance profit. Class rtrayed as they exist as a form of realism, s attempt to change social reality in this s gender liberation are few. The cinema nd legitimising a particular image, theme ) stabilise a repressive and unjust system. ontributes in no uncertain terms towards nponent in the Tamil films. The ethnic with optimum care, as the positive point in rther extended to an Indianess as against sundaram's desadharma and the Gandhian cted to Indian spirituality are constantly series of age-old cultural symbols in the characters and quotations from epics and Ls past. These elements have unmistakable legitimisation of a conventional, passive, e virtue of which is chastity, with an which is invariably glorified.
Tamil Nadu has a rich and long history. dia has a guru-shisya“ tradition where both i equally well in classical music. From the n has been that important elements of c. Romance, pathos, disappointments and They take the form either of a soliloquy or wide ranging themes dominate the songs. medium with variations and became an olk music and pop music too were used Dlassical melodies were transformed into Le criterion of this transformation. the type and selection of the songs. The assical or semi-classical renderings (usually r and the village belles sing the traditional ther women" select the pop music. Thus

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fitu /ndustry in 7amil Wadu, the Historical
music became an integral part of the fi image of the characters and to convey a connotations relating to the social syste traditional concepts of the cultural syst the characters. The love songs sung surrender and a merging of two persona lost. A whole set of endearing terms wh are liberally used to refer to lovers subservience. The complete surrender o as the dharma of the household, moth. extreme bliss of the state of being marrie The rhythm, melody and harmon which the ideological connotative and significant process. They linger togethe audience even after the film experienc been visually removed. It is a common recorded music at shopping centers, I caste, class and gender division are trans
Gender Specific Distress, Not a Myth, N. Another variable by which one coul Tamil film actresses. Whereas for actors, and even political leadership, for the intensc stress. The only exception was Tamil Nadu, for whom the image of associate both in his films and in his specific problems. The political suppor were close to him in the film productio offered her assistance personally and f stand the stress many actresses have col continuous misery as attested to by their 736). For the audience and for the rest and dream girls. This is again a phen removed from reality.
The one reason that attracted the poverty. This is more true of the actre films have come from all over the coun the recruits were mainly from the deva dissociated from the temple to which ti system by law. The films offered them regarding their sexuality, which was bei The fact that they entered the films v

2rout/ 159
lm experience. It is used to enhance the lot of meaning. Much of the ideological m are conveyed through the verses. The 2m are denoted through the music to fit by women usually speak of a complete lities in which the identity of the female is ich are traditionally used to refer to gods and husbands. They decidedly convey f the female soul is glorified. Wifely duties 2rhood as the goal in a woman's life, the 'd, are recurrent themes in the songs. y, the essential codes of music through denotative meanings are conveyed are a r with the meanings in the minds of the e, even after the speech and vision, have ight to hear men and women listening to markets, tea shops and restaurants. Age, gressed in the experience of music.
ot a Fiction d conclude this section is the plight of the the film world gave status, social prestige women the experience has been one of Jayalalitha, the former chief minister of M.G.Ramachandran, who was her close Jersonal life, helped to transgress gender ters of the chief minister and those who ns gave her support and stood by her and inancially to build her image. Unable to mmitted suicide. For many life has been a interviews (Aranthai Narayanan 1981:734of society they are the enchanting damsels omenon of the double image of women
actors and actresses to the film world was sses. The women who acted in the Tamil ry (e.g. Kerala and Kannadda). Originally dasi group of women. The devadasis were ey were dedicated by the abolition of the professions. Many actresses had problems ng projected as vulnerable and dangerous. as always interpreted as advertising their

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availability. The devadasi ideology, th services were patronised by a clientele, film actresses. As a result many of ther film directors, producers, co-actors anc bargaining power for getting "chances"
Vijaya Siri was a popular actress ir stressful life having to satisfy many peop. producers and co-actors tried to control own feelings and desires on issues co conversation with Mr. Aranthai Narayan co-actor, a film producer, and her frienc the collaborators in the crime, some jo gossip will have to be added. It was asser seeing a few film magazines and newspa the interview given by Vijaya Siri's fri Narayanan 1981:736).
K.R. Vijaya, another popular film ac from becoming an actress. She had to insults she faced and the problems s. proverbial hen that lays the golden eggs list of actresses who committed suicide c talented young actress. In her suicid ungrateful class of people" (Aranthai N. rejection suffered by Savithri, a very esteem, was another case in point. Rejec to the demands of the producers, she Turned into an alcoholic, she was bedri uncared for.
Very rarely do men face such prob film industry.
Films that showed creativity and ri terms. The taste of the people had beer accept formulae based films. At the progressive trends. Based on mythologic British feelings and create nationalistic liberation theory of anti-casteism and p many facets of gender oppression. The it had to be noted, was a direct influenc After independence one notices a attributed for this. When the Tamil film films in India, film producers motivated Tamil films those aspects, they thought

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
: image of women of art whose sexual were easily extended to the person of all had to confront various problems, with social elites. Their sexuality became the O act.
the seventies. She was going through a e with many demands. Her stepfather, the her life without in any way finding out her nnected with her personal life (personal an 1981:734). She had become a prey to a who wanted to live with her. To the list of urnalists who made money by feeding the Led that Vijaya Siri committed suicide after pers in which she was maligned (based on end to Kalpana, July 1976:12) (Aranthai
tress, was determined to prevent her sister convince her sister, explaining to her the he underwent. She was treated like the
(Interview in Pombai May 1972:9). To the an be added Shoba, an enterprising and a e note she wrote: "Men belong to an arayanan 1981: 736). The humiliation and successful actress, who was held in high :ted by her husband and unable to give in
was a lonely figure reduced to poverty. dden for more than a year, paralysed and
lems, even after being thrown out of the
!alism were not successful in commercial so cultivated that they are conditioned to beginning, however, the films showed s and history they were used to incite antiideas. Many of them advocated a social rohibition of liquor, and brought out the inclusion of gender oppression as a theme, I on the Dravida Kalakam ideology.
downward slide. Two reasons could be had to face competition from the Western by the profit incentive introduced into the vere popular. They were introduced not as

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Afilm Industry in Zamil Wadu, the Historical
part of a whole theme but rather as ful felt would be welcomed by the masses. ingredients as compulsory components these ingredients have became an exp women was just one part of the whole immense commercial opportunities tha anyone who had the capital to venture i The role the distributors play, the c the making of a film, made it all the n artists who had the skill and the right sc the films to ascend to political power (l in improving the medium.
On the whole, the Tamil film indu and aesthetic value, except for a few fil that were produced had left certain p which were unfortunately sustained by t

Grouth 6.
filling a formulae requirement which they (in this way the producers have made a few s in the formulae to such an extent that ectation of the people. The image of the . The second reason for decline was the it the film provided. It was easy money for Into makinga film.
'ontrol, theater and studio owners have on hore difficult for a low cost production by }cial consciousness. Politicians made use of M.G.Ramachandran films) with no interest
istry has failed to produce films of quality ms by committed producers, but the films atterns of very negative images of women, he other film makers as perpetual models.

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Cha
Film Analysis from
BE analyzing the gender speci manner in which the women resp. feminist media theories in general wit This is done with a view to interpre experience with a theoretical perspectiv women. Since the representational 1 differently, their theories are discussed two sets of theories are combined to stuc The general trends of feminist sch gender within the general social science as well. Focussing their emphasis on presentation of films, they point out th argue that such stereotypes are trea questioned (Agarwal and Bhasin 1984 there are similarities in the way t disagreements among the feminists in feminists, radical feminists and sociali feminists there are disagreements in However they agree that the gender st out specially for women with prescripti of a patriarchal system. Women as wive doctors and as secretary to the boss are perpetuated for women. It is gene representations and not true to social r value system. While this is a major tre school identified the problem and su gender representation by appealing supervisory positions in the media struc Socialist feminists argue mainly fro Marxist concept of ideology and thi

bter II
a Feminist Approach
ic messages in the Tamil films and the pnded, an attempt is made to reconstruct h a particular emphasis on film theories. it the film messages and the cinematic e and to link this with the responses of the media and the film media are viewed separately though, in the final analysis, the ly the media effects. olarship that highlighted the absence of theories applies equally to media theories gender stereotypes in the narrative and e patriarchal bias in media theories. They ted as given and natural and are mot , Russell 1980, Tuchman 1978). Though hey approach the problem, there are the manner they are divided as liberal it feminists. Even within these groups of the way they approach media analysis. 2reotypes and the specific messages given ve behaviour patterns are representations or playing subsidiary roles like nurses to identified as examples of the limited roles ally concluded that these are under!ality and that they are part of a dominant ld of their argument the liberal feminist gested ways and means of changing the O women to enter the managerial and ures of management (Friedan 1963). ! Marxist analysis drawing heavily from the Gramscian theories of hegemony and

Page 191
Ailm Analysis from a seminist Approach
common sense. The Althusserian conc includes the media as a socialising age employed to understand the internali shifts to the construction of femininity a the cultural aspects of the reproduction the limits of economic determinism al ideology as manifestations of a compl Steeves 1987:95-135, Winship 1987, W 1978). Women Take Issue (Women's Stud to engage with the personal dimensic feminist analysis.
The radical feminists have undert: their contribution to media theories is a of the males and therefore media repre the premise from which they conclude sustenance of patriarchal structures in s to an argument that "media distort discrimination and abuse of women (D;
Before concluding the major trenc has also to take note of gender objecti attention (Gaines 1982: 47-59). The commodity and fetishism draws heavily debate to capitalist relation of exchang
It has however, to be added that wi studies or as an art form, many femi theory of the Frankfurt school, post-st (Coward 1984, Cowie 1978:49-63). Jo analysis of this nature. However, the A by a few. Althusser's emphasis that t instance determines ideology was see inequality (Firestone 1974, Daly 1984 extended their argument to say that explain gender inequality in relation 1989).
Dominant Values, Reinforcement and
While I subscribe to the socialist f hegemony and which rejects the econc Frankfurt school in my opinion has o the understanding of the social ine subordination at the cultural level.

163
cept of ideological state apparatus which nt like the family and the church is also zing process. The emphasis significantly s part of the dominant ideology. In tracing of gender inequality they move away from id the correspondence theory to viewing iex socio-economic process (Barret 1980, Williamson 1978, Women's studies group y Group), for example lay special emphasis ons of culture in the political context of
aken only a few media studies and hence lso limited. That the media is in the hands 'sentations will have a male bias, is basically that the media, operate to the benefit and society. However, they too have contributed ion contributes to a general climate of avies et al., 1988:6).
is of the feminist approach to media, one fication to which the feminists have drawn objectification of women in terms of on Marxist models of culture linking their
thin their focus on media as part of cultural nists have been influenced by the critical ructuralism, psychoanalysis and semiology urnals such as Screen have carried media |thusserian framework used was questioned he economic level finally and in the last h as inadequate for understanding gender , Mies 1986). Others including Daly have
limited economic determinism does not io female sexuality (Daly 1978, Mackinnon
Containment
2minists analysis which links the theories of mic reductionism, the critical theory of the fered sophisticated and analytical tools for quality and relations of domination and

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The Frankfurt school (Max Hork 1970), argued that the influence an condition our thinking and colour our world of hypnotic definitions" (Tony implicit and sometimes a more open u media play a strategic and central ro dominant social norms and values that understanding is relevant as far as the n are concerned.
However, the most worthwhile con central role they assigned to ideology economism of classical Marxism. Equal the aspect of containment, by which capitalism are contained through the i argument could be extended to subordination which too are containec through the hegemonic principle.
The Marxist thinking that the me mostly of the dominant value-system, with or without relation to social reality to the Frankfurt school argument. Th corresponding to the dominant value sy analysis as well.
However, in analysing the film ima cultural perspective and in my task of li contemporary present, I am compelled
Film Theory and Semiology
Semiology as a form of film analys years. It has in a sense invalidated thi conventional media theorists.
Semiology has its origin in the lir (1960) called the science of signs. Levi concept and developed this model of t kinship relations. Marxist structuralism used this theory to analyse science a question of signification. There is a sign Events do not have or suggest just constructed through social practices anc produced through symbolizations. M meanings are constructed of the same e has in the process underwritten, margin

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
heimer (1972), Herbert Marcuse (1968, | power of the media was great. They isions "by inducing us to live mentally in a Bennet, 1982:44). There is sometimes an nderstanding in their work that the mass le in reinforcing and consolidating the legitimise a particular social system. This edia analysis of gender specific portrayals
tribution of the Frankfurt school was the and its study, thereby undermining the ly important is the attention they paid to they argued that the contradictions of ileological factor of the mass media. This understand certain aspects of gender | by the ideological legitimisation sought
dia reflects ideological images which are Jerpetuated, consolidated and reinforced
(McCron 1976, Hartman 1979) is similar e theory of the ruling class ideology as stem is used in the socialist feminist media
ge, the contents and the messages from a nking them to the historical past and the not to exclude semiology.
is has become popular since the last ten : former content analysis method of the
guistic theory of Ferdinand de Saussure Strauss (1967, 1969) later drew from this he language to study cultural systems and relying on a universal law of signification nd the entire social practices from the fier (language) and a signified (concept). one dogmatic meaning. Meanings are languages. Meanings are constructed and anings are not given. Hence different ent. For one meaning to gain currency, it lised or perhaps nullified other meanings

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Ailm Analysis from a feminist Approach
constructed before. Thus it had by the institutions which preferred another cc made regarding the meaning produced analysts have opted for selection and (Saussure 1960 and Jakobson 1956) havi and combination from a social and sym over meaning which results in the cre Hall has put it very effectively.
"The signification of events is part of w means by which collective social unders by which consent for particular outcor according to this perspective, has not or expression-real because it is 'real'in struggle (between competing definition conduct of particular struggles. This me a dependent variable, a mere reflection outcomes predictable by derivation fr depend on the balance of forces in a politics of significations" (Hall 1982:70)
Semiology was used by Christian (1973, 1976) to analyse film on the san like a language, the image like a word a is the premise on which the theory is fo to the film experience. The film's code specific to cinema and codes that cinen systems. The code that is unique to cine through which the messages are transmi
In the language of the film there meanings. Denotation is simple, direct film language is a unique factor. The unconscious.
Semiology's attempt to see meanin the internal mechanism from which m place, in a meaningfully investigative could provide an understanding of t structure. The fact that semiotics views us to see that women function as a sig function, the sign expresses denotativ suggestive and inferential. The latter m dominant norm or social practice of a or religious group. The element of a co. women and about a social-historical pe

65
h, become a dominant discourse through nstruction. As to what choices should be and constructed, the conventional media exclusion but the signification theorists : described the process as one of selection bolic content. There is indeed a struggle ation of collective social understandings.
that has to be struggled over, for it is the tandings are created-and thus the means nes can be effectively mobilised. Ideology ly become a 'material force', to use an old its effects. It has also become a site of s) and a stake-a prize to be won-in the ans that ideology can no longer be seen as of a pre-given reality in mind. Nor are its om some simple determinist logic. They particular historical conjuncture: 'on the
Metz (1974a, 1974b) and Umberto Eco he principles as language. That the film is nd the narrative sequence like a sentence, unded. The elementary narrative is central system is like grammar. There are codes na borrows from other media and cultural ma is montage. The codes are the medium tted. are connotative meanings and denotative expression. The connotative ability of the connotation can be either conscious or
g from a structured whole with a focus on leanings are produced, offers a theory to perspective, the category of women. This he marginalised woman from an entire he entire film as a signifying system allows in within a system. In the communicative e and connotative meanings, the direct, ore often is united with a value system or a period of history, a country or of an ethnic nnotation has linkages with the myth about iod and its customs and traditions. What is

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more important is that in the system wo myth. Her real signification is marginal she signifies from man's point of view, could be concluded by saying that att woman question by examining the conf an overall signifying system from the cin
Audience Response
However, within the debate of femi stream media theories, the aspect of au film has on the audience has remainec films and the audience is a complex identify and measure the impact is equa arguments of methodological criticism. influence and shape attitudes and opini cultural vacuum. As it has been shown i continuity from the Puranas to the epics slight variation. Hence to decipher the cultural influences and previous exper problem is to ascertain whether the im experience has triggered a deeply felt co Thirdly, not all people imitate, inte category belong all those researchers audience and they are investigating ol responds selectively and perceives differ that there are indeed very specific cases which was due to the film experience. Frankfurt school is useful. The media, reinforces a particular ideology as par process, the media legitimises a particul is made easy. The acceptance is also d ideology through which the audience influence audiences by not simply forci offering specific attitudes and values an kind, which the audience have alread presented as productions of knowledg pattern of social existence. Reinforcin done more often than setting out Reinforcing conventional attitudes form success of a movie. In the Indian co dimension. In India, historically and c books, plays, dance, music and all othe

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
men themselves have the connotation of a ised. What emerges is the image of what what she represents for man. This section ‘mpts could be made to understand the iguration of the ideological practices and ematic experience.
nist media theories or those of the main dience response in terms of the impact a controversial. The relationship between one. Planning research methodology to lly a complex procedure which can evoke Films can be one of the sources which ons. Films do not pick up themes from a in the history of Tamil films, the thematic in the films has been maintained, but with influence and to separate it from other iences is extremely difficult. The second pact is totally due to the film or the filn nsciousness into an imitating act. rnalise and build up role models. To this who feel they are above the ordinary hers' internalization. That the audience 2ntly is the assumption. This is not to deny where audience have initated behaviour This is where the critical theory of the it argues, perpetuates, consolidates and t of the dominant value system. By this ar ideology and the process of acceptance ue to the fact of it being the hegemonic can seek social acceptance. Films can ng behaviour patterns for imitation but by d messages of a more general non-specific y accepted. The contents of the film is e or as cultural messages or as symbolic g conventional attitudes and norms are new forms of attitudes and behaviour. is the basic ingredient for the commercial ntext the film contents assume another ulturally, all cultural productions whether r art forms have connotations of divinity.

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Ailm Analysis from a feminist Approach
These are considered the results of the Saraswaty. Elevated to levels of divin acceptance, imitation and internalization Concluding the theoretical argume the following can be said. The question and the idea of selective perception, investigated. The levels of the selective investigating specific instances of containment, will be extended to invest ideology.
The conceptualisation of the me reinforcing a certain ideology, with or taken as the core question of the selectively to the messages on the basis o form a significant part of the inquiry. Th whether the messages of the films have the women and conditioned their think is sought through the language, and discussed to show their relevance to spol in effect, to ideology. In the linkages language, semiology is combined for rea images with the code system. The signif through the gender ideology and i internalisation through perception, (a become the core theme of the whole inq

167
grace of the goddess of learning called e revelation, they help the process of
for many viewers.
nts put forward in the foregoing section, whether the media reflects social reality that emerged in the discussion will be erception however, can only be tested by audience responses. The concept of igate the containment of the patriarchal
dia as perpetuating, consolidating and without relevance to social reality, will be investigation. Whether women respond if their divisions of class and caste will also is inquiry should also take note of the fact persuasive powers and have brainwashed ing. The construction of meanings, which its linkages to specific ideologies are cen, everyday language and film language, , I have sought between meanings and ding the films and for deconstructing filn icant factors such as, meanings expressed ts relevance to social reality and the cross caste and class) and containment
uiry.

Page 196
Cha,
Coded Messages and C Films and their Impl Ge
n an attempt to decode the gender films it was decided to take up each with separately as they do not give out ideology for the viewers. Where comp structures, they will be inter-related. Bef nutshell, an understanding of which is n of the arguments in the discussions. Tl They will be discussed in the following st The narration of the stories is follow gender ideology that is transmitted thro signifying systems in the cinematic expe be described from the cultural systems from which the meanings are constructe the cultural connotations are discussed then get due recognition which would any, the perceptions and their effects. T investigated across caste and class bas WOen.
The relevance of the messages an discussed. The social reality that we sp discussion we had with the women institutions and the experiences). The c of containment if any, in the process. specifically deal with the questions raise
*(See pages 28-29 for details of the samples (

pter 12
onnotations in the Tamil ications at the Level of nder
ideology with its signs and symbols in the film individually. The films will be dealt the same messages or present the same arisons are possible within the internal ore the discussion, the stories are told in a ecessary to place in perspective the thrust he eight films of 1986 are discussed first. quence.* ed by a discussion of the messages and the ugh them. This is done by identifying the rience. Wherever necessary, the signs will and religious practices and social habits d. The messages, the gender ideology and with women viewers i.e. their responses decipher the process of internalisation, if he concept of selective perception will be ng the inquiry on the responses of the
the image to social reality will also be ak of here, is in relation to the in-depth
(the numerous socio-religious norms, verall discussion will point out the strategy In fact the conclusions to this part will (Chapter 13).
f films)

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Coded Messages &S Connotations in the Tamil Films
In my analysis of the responses of th to identify the messages to avoid influer wherever they could not identify the me pointed out to them to facilitate discuss This happened very rarely as most of the
Mutal Vasantam-The First Spring
This is the story of two feudal landlo violence rather ruthlessly on the comm gender categories are equated as targets film opens with one of the men walking girls on whose shoulders his hands rest. that they had to fall at his feet and worsh and, attempt to rape a young girl, bar puberty ceremony. She jumps from the of the landlord's daughters falls in love friend who helps them is beaten up an landlord's conscience is pricked by the for a sant ceremony where the gods bestow peace. The priests interpret thu tormenting you as a ghost and she need in the morning, the servant girl walks in her for the ghost which needs to be ap chiefs of these men was conscientised b rape. He turns against his lords, raise succeeds in getting the land lord's dau finally arrive on the scene and arrest inducing the girl to commit suicide.
The title of the film is a clear indi producer towards gender oppression. " and all that is beautiful. The romantic flowers and greenery. In the film it is li of the worst order-two men attempti virginity-the new virgin who has just s disregard for and a violation of ethics o from the author. Here is a case of creati audience which could attract crowds. violation of gender ethics can easily by by the audience because the audience detect such overtones. The passive audi forced pleasure as the 'spring'. The sce balcony was a prolonged affair. The son

& their Implications at the Level of Gender 169
e women, they were allowed on their own cing them with my own biases. However, ssages, these messages as I saw them were ion and draw out attitudes and opinions. messages were self-evident.
ords, who together commit various acts of oners, slaves and women. Caste, class and against which oppression is directed. The arrogantly, surrounded by a bevy of young Before the girls depart, he reminds them hip him. These two men get together later :ly fourteen years old, on the day of her balcony and dies escaping the rape. One with a slave/servant of a low caste. The d killed and his wife is raped. The other girl committing suicide, and he arranges are invoked by the priests and asked to s: "Since the girl had died a virgin she is s to be appeased". The following day early 1 to his room with the broom. He mistakes peased and rapes her. One of the feudal y his niece, who was the second victim of is the consciousness of the villagers and ighter married to the servant. The police the two men for attempting to rape and
cation of an unapologetic opinion of the Spring' is suggestive of love and romance sm is linked with nature's beauty such as nked with violence and a sadistic pleasure ng a rape-. The 'first' here suggests her tarted to menstruate. It is clearly an open r decency as the title comes as a statement ng a vision of romance in the minds of the The unambiguous expression of an open ass a critical or an outright condemnation (men & women) are not conscientised to ence could accept the author's version of a ne that preceded the girl jumping over the g and sequence in this scene are extremely

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sensual with overt erotic suggestivene gender.
One of the aristocrats boasts: "I am villages". Being able to seduce and subd virility in terms of how a man's prestige passing the verdict of an appeasement t and giving a religious sanction. There girls who die or commit suicide as virgi public in the dark. This symbolises the the expression of it in mythic form. It a is dangerous and has to be kept ir connections with the concept of anank of guilt is caused ironically not because died. This is the reason he resorted to the author to legitimise another rap woman's sexuality which is in distress. W are used by men in power and authorit they treat lower caste men and women him up, if necessary murder him-anc film producer tried to give the im consciousness was raised rebelled again specifics of the gender oppression (the raped) does not surface at all. These are
Out of a total of one hundred and this film. The film had been condemne the few viewers. Among them there w range castes, and two Adidravida womer four belonged to the lower class, while two high class women among them. Th theme, the presentation and the langu male chauvinistic, unreal and demeani special reference to the particular scene attempt to rape, the hero asking the you a woman being punished with rape fo scenes were discussed and without muc with the above comments. The una significant in this case. Neither class non a role in determining differential respc evident could be the reason for this unu Comprehending the connotations c Only three women who belonged to the who are sisters-in-law from the Brahmin

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
t
is that belies the dignity of the female
not married but I have children in many ue many women is an egoistic claim to his or superiority is measured. The priests in the virgin are making a religious demand is a superstition in the village that young ns take the form of ghosts and harass the fulnerability of the women's sexuality and lso gives the idea that a woman's sexuality control-appeasement. This has clear of the Sangam period. The man's feeling he attempted the rape but because the girl oriestly intervention. This situation helped , which is really an appeasement of a omen are treated like commodities. They y. Parallels can be drawn between the way in general. To punish a man was to beat then rape his wife-his belonging. The npression that the people when their st the system of caste oppression, but the way the women were treated, beaten and left as unresolved conflicts. twenty respondents, only sixteen had seen i as a bad film and that was the reason for ere six Brahmins, eight from the middle !. The two Adidraulida women and another there were eight middle class women and re is an unanimous condemnation of the age used in this film as vulgar, bad taste, ng of women. These terms are used with s which have been discussed earlier. (The ng girls to fall at his feet and worship him, r the husband's offenses.) Each of these h elaboration they were dismissed casually nimous responses of the women were caste belongings nor literacy levels played nses. The fact that the messages were self sual phenomenom. f the title was not so easy for these women. middle range caste and two other women caste were able to understand the blatant

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Coded Messages o Connotations in the Tamil Films
ethical violation of the title. The two sist the other three were split between the m levels, though not uniform, had not a respect.
Samayapuratale Satchie-The Goddess c The theme of the film is religious goddess Amman, who is variously call ambivalent. She is all powerful, has bour revengeful and destructive too. A religi effect in the narrative. One studying the the same kind of ambivalence. The W lakshmy (the goddess of home). Textua commom feature. As a mother she is po as a wife she is always devalued, powe goddess being conferred on her.
In this film a few episodes are t benevolent qualities of the goddess. A goddess has been found to possess reincarnation of the goddess. She is give life, she resides there. It is this image which gets venerated. Another woman man who is close to her family, and accused of murder. Her husband, a do esteem, gives evidence testifying to the devotee of Amman she is helped by he revealed to her the man indeed was t order. The man appeals to the higher that he was not the murderer. He plead the murder he was elsewhere at the ho the argument goes-the divine interve have another motive-to make him ad was raped knew him well, but refused to being that she didn't want him to be pr She was prepared to wait till he realised wife. She is also a devotee of Amman, divine intervention.
The use of the religious symbol process of the contents is made much are not resolved but compromised characterize the concept of divinity

& their Implications at the Level of Gender 171
rs-in-law belonged to the high class while iddle class and the low class. Educational fected their consciousness levels in this
f Samyapuratal is the Only Witness
and has a mythical quality. The female ed “Shakti” and “Devi”, has been very ldless mercy and forgiveness, but is fierce, ous theme is here mediated to a secular women in Tamil Nadu will be struck with 'oman is generally referred to as gruha l versions of venerated women are also a werful and often compared to Shakti, but rless and humble despite the status of a
uken up in a sequence to illustrate the woman who posed for a painting of the divine qualities. She is elevated to a naway to the temple. Renouncing worldly of woman as a powerful and divine form who is a judge is faced with a dilemma. A who has a prestigious social standing, is ctor and a man who is held in high social man's conduct. In her predicament as a ar in a vision. In the divine judgement as he murderer. The judge obeys the divine court and very dramatically, it is revealed innocence by revealing that at the time of use of a young girl committing a rape. So ntion which made him guilty did in fact mit his offence of rape. The woman who let the world know his identity, the reason assurised into marrying her against his will. his mistake and willingly take her to be his Hence the dilemma was resolved by the
has clear indications. The legitimisation :asier. Many conflicts that arose in the film with the very same ambivalence that in the goddess Amman. The ambivalent

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attitude towards women as persons of role of the wife is maintained.
The following inferential messages - That the woman who is raped h is-the concept of chastity di responsible but has to be acco marry the rapist or to commi chaste woman. Her suicide a intervention of the goddess. F Amman is not a reality, suicide is a social reality. Rapists rarely The two alternatives for the wor - The scene of the rape is so
decisive and unambiguous th: ethics emerge out of both the montage. - The rape is circumstantial : ev when under the influence of l raping. The responsibility for t the man is shifted tactfully to h are separate. One is blamed, the - The woman exposing her legs He is easily aroused by his natu film the woman was fast asleep the father who had gone out mission. - It follows that the time of night Hence it is argued very connotative mise en scene, that the time, the ph condition of the man (for which respo and not the rapist.
The judge has a powerful personali she is a legal expert, and socially, she such a woman, though rare, is now bec of social reality. Many womem have em recent years. However, in her role as a household by being submissive and hu she went against his testimony. She, it is decorum only because it was divine rev social standing, she should have accep code prescribed for her in the family. I her role of a good wife is in confli

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
eneration and as devalued objects in the
re clear; ad to be married to the rapist whoever he fines the fate of a woman who is mot untable. She has only two alternatives, to suicide. By doing either she remains a ttempt in this film is thwarted by the or many women for whom the grace of remains the only door open and today this agree to honour the chastity of women. nen remains "a theory in the Tamil films. arranged and the narrative sequence so at the following stereotyped chauvinistic scene and sequence-mise en scene and
"en a good man (here the good doctor) iquor behaves erratically to the extent of he act while being implicitly disowned by is drunkenness. Man and his drunkenness 2 other exonerated. is provocative. You can't blame the man. re of being a man. In the sequence of the in her room. The doors were opened by of the house in the night on an urgent
is also a reason for the rape.
ly by the montage and denotatively by the ysical condition of the woman, and the nsibility is not claimed) are to be blamed
y. She talks with confidence. Professionally is held in high esteem. The projection of pming more frequent, capturing a glimpse :rged as doctors, lawyers and engineers in wife she has to maintain the dharma of the nble. The doctor husband gets angry that implied violated the principle of the wifely slation. Her husband being a man of such ted his opinion and remained within the ence she faces conflict now. She sees that ct with her professional ethics and her

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Coded Messages & Connotations in the Tamil Films
religiosity. The husband should not b instantly weak. She breaks down and cri her. At the time of the reunion she falls she hasn't done anything wrong. The humbleness and subservience in the role Another incident is also typical of th when gossip mongers in the street mock of chastity (apart from a physical purity) qualities of submissiveness and obedien separated, widowed or unwed woman's even she could not handle that situatic court with courage and determination affected by the state of being separated chastity being devalued in the perceptio to accept the same criterion.
The characterisation of this doubl Whatever a woman is, however, high sh play second fiddle to her husband anc This virtue can be traced back to the
women in the Indian tradition.
For the forty one women who ha discussion. Of the forty one women, th middle range caste and eleven Adidravid class, eighteen to the middle class and fi
The crucial issue for them was the in the courts. The message given out th the rapist was subsequently raised. T dilemma for many woman.
Twenty eight women were of the c within her rights as a judge. Of them the eight Brahmins twelve middle range caste eight Adidravida But in saying this they were not ca weighed mentally, the outcome of the dictum of tolil dharma, the duty by tl governed by her own conviction and witness stand. In conceding tolil dha Bhagavadgita philosophy of karma yog minding the consequences). However, of the Sanskrit word dharma but expl; same lines as professional ethics.

&s their Implications at the Level of Gender 173
e allowed to desert her. She becomes ies and begs of the husband not to leave at his feet as if asking for forgiveness when powerful judge takes on the qualities of of a good wife. is same message. The judge breaks down at her "chastity'. The extended meaning is the tact to keep a husband by practising ce. In a society where a single, divorced, chastity is subjected to public verification on differently. She handles herself at the ... As a woman and a wife she is being from her husband. This amounts to her n of others. But within herself she is made
e model is a message to the audience. e is educated, as a wife she is expected to l subordination then become her virtue.
paty bhakti of all the legendary chaste
d seen this movie, it had evoked much here were ten Brahmins, twenty from the a women while eight belonged to the high fteen to the low class.
wife going against the husband's evidence at the victim of rape should be married to hese issues have created a situation of
opinion that what the wife/judge did was
ce were:
six high class
fourteen middle class
eight low class tegorical. The pros and cons having been air decision was visibly supported by the he profession. As a judge she should be mot by what her husband said from the rma the women are influenced by the (a (the theory of doing one's duty, not the six Adidratuida women avoided the use ained the reasons for the opinion on the

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For the majority of the women, wh -the dharma befitting a good wi philosophy, and the Bhagavadgita be discourse of the Bhagavadgita. Howe would do the same as the heroine did, be extremely difficult and that they confrontation. What is important to no it clearly obvious, that the wife did gc revelation which guides her. The respc seek legitimisation in religious philo, presence, through the dream, of the go
Thirteen women were steadfast in should consider herself first as a wife we She should be guided by him and consequences of desertion by him, as it was the sentence repeated by them all means: the state of being with husban thirteen women two belonged to the E caste, and three to the Adidravida caste. the high class, four to the middle class a Disregarding divine and godly o themselves (as often said) "the visible go in the Hindu myths. Chastity gives ther they disobey or disregard divine orders. favour of the husband is not sacrilegious chastity (paty vrata) and for a woman women are guided by the above principl. Twenty five women agreed with the be married to the rapist, ten were not in stand. The views of the twenty five wer They were guided purely by the princi godly, having lost her purity, the woman If the man is willing they would indeed on him. Whether the man is worthy compatibility between them is no con cannot marry another man. "Chastity is i One woman quoted a Tamil prove does a thousand wrongs".
This line of argument was taken to twenty five who said that her attempt : twenty five women comprised of:

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
there is a conflict with their own dharma -they seek legitimisation in religious mes handy. They are familiar with the r, when they were asked whether they Kcept one all the others said that it would would sensibly avoid such situations of : here is a parallel. The filmmaker makes against the husband because of a divine dents also in supporting the wife's action lphy though they implicitly dismiss the dess herself. eir conviction of wifely duties. The judge lded to him by a tali (tāli kațiya purushan). she should obey him, if not face the lid happen in the film. Valvuilantu vituval "she will lose her life"). In this context it d is really the "life' for her. Out of the rahmin caste, eight to the middle range their class belonging was as follows: two to hd seven to the low class. rders in favour of husbands who are d" (kan kanta teivam) is a frequent theme n the power to be unharmed even when The idea of going against the goddesses in . They are following their own dharma of this is her foremost duty. These three S. nessage of the film that the victim should favour, while six women could not take a basically on the same line of thinking. le and definition of chastity. Chastity is has no alternative but to marry the rapist. happy. If not they would bring pressure her, whether there would be marital rn for them. They repeated: "She just our consciousness, she is spoilt”. , "A man will not be blamed even if he
s logical conclusion by four among the suicide was the right thing to do. The

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Coded Messages & Connotations in the Tamil Films
eight Brahmin fourteen middle range caste three Adidriuida Ten women felt otherwise. "Marriag willing and he is prepared "to accept" happen, she should confess her past-tl have it off her chest; she should not how to the default".
Two Brahmin women, six middle women were in this category. These te (eight) and low class (two).
Six women were ambivalent... On pri forced to marry, but they felt that afte cannnot be happy with her husband. suspected by her husband. The solutic happiness and peace of mind by doing Adidravida caste and all of them belonge The ideas and arguments expressed felt convictions. In the first instance in individual the wife had the right to her arguments were based on the fact of pro a professional, i.e. as a judge, she cou situation she should go by her husband in the film who says, "at home as a wife I The discussion on the social comp too, had been a problem for many of qualifying and supporting statements, ex in proverbs show how the ideology c embedded in their consciousness. By u were implicitly defending their purity c own nobility. While speaking about ch sidedness. While speaking of rape, the the act and the fact that the dignity of th merit attention in their arguments. Wha physical purity. Even when these were p discussion the women were mot convinc chastity codes. Few of them linked t conceive and reproduce. However, they to the social arrangement made thus tc to her disadvantage.
The respondents in this case too, indivisible mix of various castes and clas

&s their Implications at the Level of Gender 175
eight high class ten middle class seven low class. e should not be forced on her. If she is her, they should marry. If this doesn't he rape-to her husband so that she can ever attempt suicide as she was not a party
range caste women and two Adidravida in women belonged to the middle class
inciple they felt that no woman should be r the event, after losing her virginity she Even if she confesses she will be always on for this is to remain single and find g social service. These six were from the d to the low class.
about this film are indicators of strongly o one was prepared to grant that as an convictions as against her husband. Their ofessional ethics. The implication being: as ild uphold her views. But in the normal 's views - a stand similar to that of the wife
am obedient to you". ulsion of the woman to marry the rapist, those interviewed. The ambivalence, the (planatory notes, and seeking justifications
·f chastity, its codes and definitions are pholding these values, it looked as if they of thought lest someone under-value their astity they fail to give thought to its oneelement of violence and force involved in he women is being violated did not seem to it strikes them is the losing of the women's ointed out to them towards the end of the ed of the logic but subscribed to the same he woman's sexuality to her capacity to could not link their argument successfully control and direct the woman's sexuality
as had been shown above, remained an ses in one category of opinion.

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Uyire Unakkaka-Life itself is for You
This film has a straight forward upper class aristocratic glamour girl r her father is married a second time father's attention now though she nev time. As time passes, when the stepmot even in her own home. The fathe interference in a high handed manne affection. She meets, by accident, a yo when she gets off the bus. The young had never met. She impersonates his c till the cousin's father comes to annoul change of program didn't come at all. the family accepts her when she relatec family and falls in love with the young m her and when he finally traces her and he tries to break the affair but gives in fi would give up her love if he undertakes "mother' whom she has found in the r This is in fact a reward for all the love new home, of which the mother's love w The stepmother and the "mother's stereotypical moulds of a good woman always bad. The father's negligence aspirations are presented to the audien duties delegated to her (a mother in he instrumental to earn wealth and to edu The caring, nurturing, sacrificing roles ( division of labour for the father is differ The comparison is further extende Remarriage at an older age for the man mother is a young widow for whom rel centers around the children. Giving lov them and sacrificing her life for them qualities of a mother. It is this quality young daughter. An incident to brin mother thought mistakenly that she ha doesn't want to verify. She decides to d duty. She vindicates motherhood melodramatic scene is an ideological missing in the other home. Im short, tha

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
W
ory with no complicated sub-themes. An urns home after her education and finds a young girl. She feels deprived of her r experienced his love towards her at any er takes over the home, she feels alienated 's indifference and the step mother's drives her out of the home in search of ng man who has come to meet his cousin man mistakes her for his cousin whom he usin and lives in the family for some time ce the marriage of his daughter, who by a After an initial disappointment with her, her story. She becomes a member of the an. Her father sends his men to search for learns that she is in love with a commoner nally. She bargains with her father that she to pay for all the medical expenses of the lew home suffering from a heart ailment. and affection she had experienced in the as central. he found in the new home are cast in the and the "other' woman. The stepmother is of the daughter and her desires and ce as a natural thing in life. A woman has expressive role). The father's role is only cate her. The message comes out clearly. an be only played by a mother. The sexual
t l. This man, though older, needed a wife. was accepted. But in the other family, the arrying was out of the question. Her life and affection, nurturing them, caring for she is the embodiment of all the noble n the new house which has attracted the this out is inserted into the plot. The fed the children with poisoned milk. She nk the milk herself for her negligence of drinking the poisonous milk. This projection of motherhood and this was the harmony that prevails in a home rests

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Coded Messages &S Connotations in the Tamil Films
solely on the way the women as mother film.
The class/caste division of the viewer
ten Brahmin twenty middle range caste twelve Adidravida women The forty-two women who had seen totally in agreement with the main me harmony in the family. Her affection a those of the father's. Hence the reason f seek them. Very positive attributes are powerful and indispensable. The incide milk was taken up for discussion next. have drunk the poisoned milk. Instead doctor and tried to save all of them o articulate than the rest said that this sce the cinematic purpose. Another woman felt that it had emotional impact, but v discussion she too felt that it was an unl
mother. The mother should in fact have is a more real and practical step. This woman did not respond as she felt conf and lack of experience in a discussion views were correct and could not expre women consisted of:
two Brahmin ten middle range caste two Adidravida women Twenty eight women agreed with th to further limits. They argued thus: "Sh her duty. 'Yes' she had to die before sh mother what else could she have done? It was natural for her to do, considerin children. As a mother, she should have duty of motherhood. It is a sacrifice of she should die. A mother’s love knows
the children comes first".
Eight Brahmin women, ten middl women of this group had three high c class women among them. These reacti women have been made to conform t proverbs authored by men for generati

&s their Implications at the Level of Gender 177
s and wives behave is the message of this
's is as follows:
eight high class
fourteen middle class
twenty low class. this movie had very similar ideas and were ssages-that the mother is important for nd capacity for sacrifice can never match or the daughter to go out of her home to loaded on the mother's image as being nt of the mother drinking the poisoned Fourteen of them said that she need not she should have taken the children to the ir even one. One woman who was more ne was to create an emotion designed for said that while viewing the film, she too when she reviewed it within her after the realistically glorified image of a sacrificing : consulted a doctor immediately and that opinion was expressed by a doctor. One used due to lack of interest in the subject of this type. One woman felt that the two ss in clear terms her views. The fourteen
five high class
six middle class
three low class e message and in fact carried the message e felt guilty that she has been negligent in e realised that her children had died. As a She is expected to do it. She was shocked. g how emotionally attached she was to the been more careful. She has failed in the a mother. To prove she is a good mother no logical reasoning. For her, the love of
e-range caste women and ten Adidravida lass, eight middle class and seventeen low ons could be interpreted in two ways. The o an ideology perpetuated by myths and ons that they fail to question the rationale

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178
which is eclipsed under socially powers responsibilities etc. The second interp simply be subscribing to a gender expec will be accepted in society. Whether endorsed for them (to which they verba
Opinions could not be compart However, the fourteen women who mother's sacrifice of drinking the poiso doctor, or a teacher or employed gradu
Mauna Ragam-The Silent Ragam (Mel The story with an unusual theme is portrayal of a young college girl is a de refuses to be 'viewed' by the prospecti act of selecting a cow (a commodity) in "be viewed' she comes late, having got w to meet the bridegroom. The man insist She blurts out, "I am not a woman who qualities. I am egoistic and disobedient, me". Having met someone who is diff fascinated. He says: "I like you". She is ac She tells her parents that she can follows. The father begs of her. "I have pensioner in two years". She interrupts h sell me". The enraged father slaps her returns, the scene has changed. There w calamity. The father has suffered a hea their looks and actions. Pressure is bein the marriage. It was the mother who cc silence a little while later, with an emot the time I got married I have not aske been always giving to others, and never Now I want to ask you some thing, I be "alms of the tali” i.e. don't cause the de (Becoming a widow is the most cruel suf Begging is despised and considere begging and beseeching the almighty fo is treated within the right course of acti the tali is accepted and treated as an a wife within the wifely dharma and withi Alms of tali is indeed a loaded phrase u!

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
ul words like culture, motherhood, family 2tation could be that these women could ation which is socially created so that they hey believe in the patterns of behaviour ly subscribe) is difficult to decipher.
hentalised into caste and class groups. lisagreed with the film message of the led milk were either professionals like the tes and belonged to all castes and classes.
dy)* handled well in its narrative element. The iation from the stereotyped formula. She 'e bridegroom. She compares this with an a market. On the day she was arranged to et in the rain and stages a unusual walk in s on talking to her, before he 'selects' her. would be a good wife. I have all the bad I have a bad temper. Please don't marry erent from the norm, the young man is lamant. n't marry him. An emotional black-mail two daughters to be married. I will be a him and says, "that means you are going to . She walks out of the house. When she as a frightening silence suggestive of some rt attack. Everybody blames her for it by g built rather silently on her to consent to uld do it openly. The mother breaks the on-packed message and a request: "From anyone anything (implying that she has did her liking or wish matter to anyone). of you like a beggar, please give me the th of my husband and make me a widow" ering for a Hindu woman). i lowly in a social context, but devotees grace, salvation, redemption and favours n. Within this frame of action begging for :t of merit. As how a devotee would beg, the definition of chastity begs for her tali. 2d often in literature and orally by women

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Coded Messages & Connotations in the Tamil Films
who had to save their husbands. The dal and says she would marry the bridegroon
It turns out later, that her boyfriend took place on the day they had planned on the scene. This tragedy had affected not relate to another man. This is the re consent to marriage. After the marriage same tension and conflicts. She refuse consummated and she asks him for a di lawyer, points out that they have to live they could file action for divorce. But w The husband has stopped interfering in her. When she said she wants to go permission and makes all arrangements her and giving permission to go and 1 difference in this man. He has made inc her as her husband. She begins to fall in One could identify two types of wo comparison of the mother and daugh surrendered herself to her fate as a self was never in the habit of asking anything generation. The daughter, a college edu independent will, knew what she wantec did not want to be devalued as a commoc roles played as a mother and daughter disparity in their beings, in their per choices remain the same. There is not r do under protest what the mother would her fate. What is the reason for this? obvious. For the low middle class young the course of her life and not being c economic factors are:
- the father is a government empl - has a salaried job; - in two years he would be a pensi - his income would be reduced su - he has two more daughters to
procured; - this bridegroom has not insisted Hence the advantages are: a) if she i b) he need not give a dowry. When th daughter can be married before he goe

&g their Implications at the Level of Gender 179
ghter is trapped emotionally, she gives in
ها was killed in an accident. The tragic event to get married and while she was present her emotionally. She thought she could ason, we are told, she refused to give her what follows is another sequence of the s to co-operate. The marriage was not vorce. He agrees with reluctance, but the for one year as husband and wife before lithin the one year things have changed. to her affairs and keeps a distance from and live with her parents he gives her for her departure. His behaviour towards ive with her parents makes her see the demands on her or used his rights over love and the film ends on a blissful note. men but both make the same choices. A ter will illustrate this. The mother has sacrificing unassertive passive being who ; for herself. This was a woman of the last cated and assertive young woman had an i in life, was conscious of her rights, and lity because she was a woman. But in their with a generation gap and with a wide sonalities and in their characters, their nuch of a variation. The daughter had to have done without protest accepting it as The logic of the cinematic narrative is girl, the socio-economic factors determine onscientized to her unequal status. The
oyee;
Dner; Ostantially;
be married for whom dowry, has to be
on a dowry.
S married the financial burden will lessen; e way is clear, the second and the third on pension. Hence the father is trading

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her off because his position is very pat having to make both ends meet on a da indeed a burden on him.
There is yet another factor which expectation, a cultural convention that time. This is necessary for the family h process. A women's sexuality needs conventional social arrangement. This i woman. This is a cultural construction. T and is elevated to a religious rite tied ritu The mother pleading with the dau weapon-an emotion packed message tali is necessary for the social status and The father is the means through wh acquired for the other two daughters.
However, the question now would factor which determined the daughter's culturally associated social need? If it i. women of the higher class have been projects the narration from the first II economic factor and neglects the cultu. ruled out but the cultural factor which is equally a reality.
All the fifty seven women who sav discussion except one. Their views were the problem of the film is a day to da relevance. Among the women who saw t
seventeen Brahmin twenty nine middle range caste eleven Adidravida women Forty-four women seemed to conf accepting the messages as real and c message to women-that even if a v judgement and in achieving her aspirati view of the elders, and the social expec views expressed were on similar lines idioms. When they were asked whethe heroine to consent to the marriage, t think of the daughter as an individual. when to get her married and they are responsibility and within their rights. realise it. There is nothing wrong if th

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
hetic. Worn out with responsibilities and ly to day struggle, the three daughters are
is equally important. There is a social girls should be married off at a certain onour and for a harmonious ongoing life to be directed and controlled under a indeed is a difference between a man and The tali becomes the symbol of this process ually at the time of marriage.
ghter to let her have the tali was the last that finally convinced the daughter. The for the economic well being of the family. ich the status of being married can be
be to find out whether it is the economic fate to be married against her will or is it a s an economic factor, would it meam that liberated from this? However, the film perspective-of the predominance of the ral factor. The economic factor cannot be has a very oppressive influence on women
w this film were articulate and ready for strong. The reason could very well be that y happening in their homes. They felt its his film, there were:
seventeen high class
twenty nine middle class
eleven low class orm to the film messages. In addition to :orrect, they have also seen the implied roman wants to be independent in her on she has finally to succumb to the worldtation required of a woman. Opinions and of thought and with similar phrases and r it was alright to bring pressure on the he answers were similar. "We should not She is part of the family. The parents know doing good and what is right. It is their She has to be told about it, if she doesn't parents bring pressure on her under the

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Coded Messages & Connotations in the Tamil Films
circumstances, when there are two youn about to retire soon from his job. She is situation. She has to sacrifice her own co One woman explained at length tha Parents have to find dowry not just for c too. Then the age of the daughter is anc seriously. It is a social disgrace for the married on time. Thirteen Brahmin women and ten Ådidrāvida women composition was equally variable, with f nine low class women among the forty fo Twelve women differed in their o parents force the girl to get married. She should be respected, and she should be it. She should be given the right to cho should not be used to blackmail her, and
The question was posed to them marriage proposal which according to t man being young, handsome holding a she not throwing away a good chanc demanded by the next suitor. Will she n for the parents? These respondents were there but one has to face them, and mal wait till such time that she meets suc (society) say one should not pay any he much of it.
Eight middle range caste women, o women argued for the woman's rights to two high class women, eight middle class
One woman from a high class Brah ambivalent in a negative way. She said solve their problems at the expense of d and aspirations. At the same time this parents who were helpless against a wh fact had to face abuse from others, wh incapacity to "settle" their daughters. S know what is right and what is wrong.
This woman and the other group o of their duties by the family and by the to be guided by a certain dharma which the upkeep of the institution of the fami of duties is treated as selfish.

& their Implications at the Level of Gender 181
ger sisters to be married and the father is too immature to realise the reality of the nvictions for the sake of the family." t it is a typical middle class phenomenon. one daughter but for the other daughters ther factor which needs to be considered parents if they don't get their daughters women, twenty one middle range caste subscribed to these views. Their class ifteen high class, twenty middle class and
Ul. pinion. Under no circumstances should is young, attending college and her views given time to marry when she is ready for ose her husband, and the family situation | bring pressure on her decision. whether by throwing away such a good he contemporary world view is good (the good job, and not demanding dowry), is e? The father cannot afford the dowry ot create a lot of problems for herself and clear and explicit that the possibilities are ry a man who doesn't demand dowry and h a man. As to what the "neighbours" 2ed. It is our own life and we must make
ne Adidravida woman and three Brahmin reject the marriage. Of them there were women and two low class women.
nin family, whose views were different was that the parents were selfish in trying to isregarding the daughter's feelings, rights woman said one should feel sorry for the ole heap of obligations and duties and in o would only speak of their inability and he concluded by saying that she doesn't
fforty-four women are socialised to speak society and not of their rights. They seem insists on the duty of an individual toward ly. Seeking one's own rights amidst a heap

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It was interesting to note that simila explain the importance attached to a fa within it of a woman and her marria sexuality, its vulnerability and the need t and boundaries of marriage. The wo complex sustaining clear patriarchal cod the phenomenon of a single woman seeking a partner for herself in course for many. They justified their argumen society will be devoured by the many vu means rapists, devour means to rape).
Amman Kovil Kilakale-East of Amman
This film has a long and complicate with that of a young college girl who re an illiterate villager. She treats him with Her qualities are projected as the natu daughter. She pretends to be in love w father to ask for her hand. When he doe. and the father and sent away. Enraged day on the street. Humiliated, she com council, of which her father is the presi public. She whips him and at the end gesture ties a tali round her neck forcibl his wife. Enraged at this she tries to rem in a woman's life, the taili can be tied mother's words. Confused and disgraced from the mother.
Her father was a servant ino her mot mother. The mother did not have pare them married because he loved his sistel the marriage was only a means to swindl husband swindled her mother's brother his only son. The mothers’s brother di When the mother overheard her husb asking him to kill the child, the heir to the child to a neighboring village. The child of my brother's is the young man you are not my child. Your father had gave birth to you. I decided to accept yo' died". Confused and puzzled the daught

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
phrases, words and idioms were used to mily, its honour, its sanctity and the place ge. Crucial to all these, is the woman's ) direct and control it within the set codes man's sexuality makes the issue more es in society. It proved beyond doubt that living alone or doing a profession and if time when she feels like it is anathema t by saying that "a single woman in our tures present in our midst" (vulture here
Temple d story, with a series of stories interwoven turns home and meets a young musician, arrogance and despises and ridicules him. tral qualities of a high caste rich (only) ith him and encourages him to visit her s this, he is ridiculed and disgraced by her by their behaviour, he slaps her the next plains to the panchayat, the local village dent. It was decided to whip the man in he turns round, in a sudden dramatic y. Within a moment she was ritually made ove it, her mother rushes in to say "don't, only once". Strangely, she acts on her she goes home and listens to a cruel story
her's household. He fell in love with the nts and hence the mother's brother got . After marriage, the mother realised that : them of their property. After a while the of all his wealth and drove him away with 2d of shock and left his son an orphan. and's conversation with a hired assassin the property, she acted quickly and sent mother concluded the story thus: "That ho has now tied the tali to you. Moreover n affair with our servant woman and she
as my daughter when the servant woman 2r asks her, "Why did you have to tolerate

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Coded Messages & Connolations in the Tamil Films
all those betrayals, deceit and cruelty?" honour and value I attach to the tailiyour The story of her mother's sacrifices : was frothing with anger. Meanwhile her daughter and without consulting her or 'viewing ceremony". The only way to sensation. The mother swallows poison party arrived. Having aborted the marria unambiguous message. "Respect the talia She does this, though obstructed by for whom she was still an arrogant rich indifference and arrogance from her h same girl who subjected him to cruel trea Towards the end she gets a chance father and his employer, her husband in confusion he had killed her father. She for the murder and reported to the polic to prison when she came out they were the Amman temple and hence the title o The messages in this film come out c out through the women of two genera woman, the mother, had to tolerate conspiracy of swindling her brother's we born to her husband by another woman the orphan son of her brother to anoth would murder him. By doing all this husband in all his unlawful acts. All this, was tied round her neck by this man. Sh wife, undergoing intense sufferings and film till she started to talk to her daught of a happy rich woman with all the sym the virtue of silence required of a wom sufferings with a husband she gives advi be honoured and its value maintained tied forcibly round her neck).
That the man who was an object of marriage partner had nothing in comm as her wedded husband was the advice goes to the extent of sacrificing her life (to another man) by falling dead in fro)
* (See notes 3).

5 their Implications at the Level of Gender 183
She answers, "Because of the meaning, father gave me". ind her attitudes tame the daughter who father has arranged a marriage for the mer mother, he has fixed the date for the prevent the marriage was to create a and falls dead when the bride-groom's ge, the mother had left the daughter an nd go to your husband whoever he is". the father and resented by her husband girl. She underwent a life of hardship, usband who still imagines her to be the tet.
to prove herself. In a row between her tervened to save the employer and in the ushed in, took the weapon that was used e that she had killed her father. She went reunited. The murder takes place east of f the film. learly and they are very forcefully brought tions and the story of the tali. The old and be patient and be a party to the alth. She had to accept the baby who was and bring her up. She had to send away 2r village because she feared her husband she has been aiding and abetting the she argues, she did because of the tali that he played the role of a pious and virtuous humilations. But her appearance in the er was one of happiness and contentment, bols of a blissfull marriage. This connotes an as part of wifely decorum. Despite her ce to the daughter too that the tali should with due respect (even to the tali that was
idicule, who in terms of compatibility as a on with her, should be accepted solemnly of the mother. To achieve this the mother She prevents the marriage arrangements it of the bridegroom's party. It also proves

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184
that neither she nor her daughter can their own. The man's rule in his role as makes him play the rules effectively and dominance is the power attached to th patriarchal dominance. The tali for obedience and chastity. The submission even when the husbands commit acts moral decency, the wife is expected to ignorance, following a principle of I husband's "private' realms. The meani codes and signs that they are transmi daughter.
This motif is clearly a legitimisation are concerned. Neither the characters morals that are adhered to by the wo critical note anywhere. They are very pla as a good wife is concerned. From this a could be models for imitation by others society. For those who want to question easily attached by showing as example evolve out of challenging situations. To
are WO:
- Your husband may be uneduc. moment he becomes your husb who can command and order educated and accomplished you - To win the love of your husban his harshness, be patient of all beating and finally undergo all loyalty and affection (even to t charge and going to prison). Fifty six women had seen this film reveal much. (eighteen Brahmins, t Adidravida, sixteen high class, twenty mi The scenes and sequences of the fil films of l986, it was not necessary to c tying of the tali forcibly thereby makin characterisation as a humble and patie were taken up for discussion.
Fifteen women who were comparati their reaction to the egoistic action of

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
stand up to prevent such a marriage on a father and husband is inviolable. What what makes him continue the patriarchal he tali. The tali in reality symbolises that
a woman means submission, implicit and obedience go to such an extent that against the law and against all forms of toe the line by being silent or feigning non-interference in the "public' or the ngs of tali are upheld with such implicit tted inter-generationally from mother to
process as far as the contents of the film nor the author question the concepts and men. In the film, there is no suggestive inly accepted as the norms in society as far ngle of perception, the women in the films who had to prove their virtue to people in such models, the label "deviancy' can be s the disharmonising tendencies that will a young girl the messages given by this film
ated or illiterate or unemployed, but the and he is a superior person with authority, you into submissiveness. Even if you are
have to play second fiddle. ld, if he is indifferent you have to tolerate the insults hurled at you, including wifekinds of sacrifices to convince him of your he extent of confessing to a false murder
. Their caste, class composition does not wenty two middle range caste, sixteen ddle class and twenty low class).
m were in their memory. Unlike the other liscuss the story of the film in detail. The g the young girl his wife and the mother's 2nt wife whose virtue was to suffer silently
Vely younger than the rest were negative in the man. The fact of the tali being forced

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Coded Messages &s Connolations in the Tamil Films
on the girl was repulsive to many of then not respect the tali that was forced on h give him any marital rights over her. incident. They felt that it was injustice an the element of force and violence invol claim for the above reasoning.
Among this group there were thr women and five Adidravida women. The and four low class women among this grc However, the majority of them (thir in the film. They argued forcefully a grounds of custom, culture and ethical They were loud and convincingly strol centered round the tali. "It was auspicio not be violated. The person who ties it husband. A woman is entitled to it only She should respect Indian culture, Hind the taili is tied. Even if the man is bad adjust in life. There is no alternative for was sought by quoting "a stone or a grass being insignificant or an non-entity), he
This group comprised fifteen Brah and five Adidravida women, twelve high class women.
Five Adidravida women could not e. Three others were positively ambivalent but can a woman go against the currents expressed their feelings of disapproval said conclusively that she had to accept for herself such as societal disapproval, and loss of honour.
The discussion about the mother’s played as a subservient accommodative tolerant of her husband's atrocities, b sanctity of the tali tied by him. Twenty-f “cowardly subservience" and said that sh She should have protested, rebelled a husbands are tolerated to that extent a will continue to oppress women. Three nine Adidrawida women came under thi women, three middle class and thirteen

& their implications at the Level of Gender 185
1. They were of the opinion that she need er. The simple string, that it was, did not She could throw it away and forget the d condemned the egoism of the man and ved in the situation. Rationality was their
ee brahmins, seven middle range class e were three high class eight middle class pup. y one) agreed with the message given out nd strongly basing their arguments on norms and fear for societal disapproval. ng in their tones. The whole discussion us and sacred the sanctity of which should has to be respected and honoured as a once (widow remarriage being a taboo). u dharma and the Tamil value system once and illiterate she has to accept him and a Tamil Woman. A proverbial legitimacy he be ("grass" in Tamil conveys a sense of is still the husband". mins, eleven middle range caste women class, fourteen middle class and five low
xpress their feelings in categorical terms. . They agree with the apparent injustice, of the society, was their worry. Two others for the force used on the young girl but the tali otherwise she will create problems social disgrace, rejection by another man
characterisation centered on the role she and compromising wife. She claims to be ecause she did not want to violate the our women condemned her behaviour as le played her role to an absurd extremity. hd left him. These women added that if nd if films project such an ideology, men Brahmin, twelve middle range caste and s category. Of them eight were high class were from the low class.

Page 214
186
Twenty one agreed with the messag should be tolerant and forgiving and pi despite disrupting tendencies. "A womal husband. It is better to remain within we out of wedlock. Who can guarantee hap will have to face a lot of trials and tribu man. It is better to be in the husband's h down upon by society as someone who is
The same proverb whether "a stone five women.
Eleven women had a miserable time the two lines of thinking. The brutality ( money and the unscrupulous manner i women had no qualms in condemning. they were in the same position, the answ were, they showed signs of an awakening system. There is indeed a difference be which appeared to be accepting pa questioning its bias.
In this group there were one Brahm and four Adidravida women and seven the low class.
Throughout the discussion of this fi fact a symbol of regulated and control This also symbolises chastity and a se personal feelings. The man by tying a chastity and is supposed to confer on th word Udlulu (life). He takes her as she ne wife is always eclipsed in the language u women this ideology has become int language, concepts, and the meanings were questioned they brushed aside I situations.
Umaivilikal-Dumb Eyes
This is about a psychotic man and unusual theme for a Tamil film. Bodie resort called 'picnic village' near a bea the suspicion of a group ofjournalists w! investigate amidst a lot of obstructions politician who had a hand in this whol murder, (of the sub-editor, witnesses an

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
of the film and maintained that women tient so that the family should continue h should be able to adjust to a tyrannical :dlock and be unhappy than being happy liness to a single woman? A single woman lations living without the protection of a ouse rather than be ridiculed and looked unfit for married life".
or grass, he is a husband" was quoted by
trying to convince themselves of either of of the man was self evident. His greed for in which he went about amassing it, the As to whether they would have left him if ters were yes and no. Inconclusive as they g to reason out and question an old value :tween this group and the second group triarchal values in its totality without
in woman, six middle range caste women belonged to the middle class and four to
lm the tali was the recurrent topic. It is in led sexuality for women for procreation. ttled life with stability in emotions and string with the tali demands loyalty and he wife which is summed up in the Tamil eds him. The idea of a man also needing a ised and the concepts elaborated. For the ernalised with the constant use of the underlying them. When their convictions ationality as of no use in practical life
his violent sexual attacks on women-an s of young women found near a holiday ch, and verdicts passed as "suicides" raise no work for a progressive newspaper. They , threats, nurders and intervention of a e affair. After lengthy scenes of violence, d a police officer's wife), it was found out

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Coded Messages & Connotations in the Tamil Films
from entries in a diary that the women w for each woman. The man who was beh into a psychopath because he was betra was, he hadn't experienced love and car He met a girl who had beautiful eyes wi betrays him, when he finds her in anothe and his uncontrollable anger are direc sends them to a politician who rapes th plucks their eyes and kills them. The ey and wretchedness. He sees the eyes of h the cause of attracting anther man. Yet h was so great and his love was so intense this being the reason for his not rapi womanising politician for that task.
The ideology underlining woman's one. She is a great soul, having abu nurturing, sacrifice, forgiveness and puri cause of misery and temptation for the s politicians and kings. She has caused v jealous and possessive for an ordinary l one led to a glorification of her image benefits of that process. Idealisation r lacking in any moral worth. But om the does in fact contribute to a detrimental c film is typical of the latter phenomenon. The entire reasons for the transfor shown to be in the feminine evil as pr infidelity. The eyes became symbolic throwing a grinding ideological thrust unfolds another phenomenon which is consciousness of all male film makers, cultivated for centuries that men, by qualities that go to make a man-virilit Man is therefore, allowed more sexual and monogamy, whereas the concept of thrust singly on women. Hence the rigid of this came to be severely criticized an all. Such violations by women creates minds of some men to whom the wome the trauma that follows. For women wh and boyfriends' violations as natural, it themselves to male infidelity. In the Tam

&s their Implications at the Level of Gender 187
ere raped and murdered. There were files ind the murders, it was revealed, turned yed by his girl friend. Lone-ranger as he 2 from his parents or brothers and sisters. th whom he fell passionately in love. She ir man's arms. The severe disappointment ed against all women. He kidnaps them em. They are sent back to him. He then es become the symbol of woman's frailty is girlfriend in them - the eyes that were he did not betray her. His disappointment that he never cared for another woman, ng the women. He finds a surrogate, a
character has always been an ambivalent indance of goodness, qualities of love, ity are attributed to her. She has been the aints, and for the downfall of empires for vars, she has been found to be enticing, over (the ideology of feminine evil). The without in any way letting her have the emained empty phrases and sentiments 2 contrary the other side of the ideology :onsequential experience for women. This
nation of the lover into a psychopath are ojected through the women's frailty and of women's inconsistency. Apart from on the need for women to be chaste, it real and which has gone deep into the artists and authors. The idea has been virtue of their being men, have all the 7, active sexual energy, vigour and power. appetites which can transgress marriage chastity, fidelity and virginity came to be code was carefully observed. Any violation d such women were readily ostracized by visions of inadequacy and failure in the "belong as girlfriends or as wives. Hence o have learned to accept their husband's Ireates less problems. They learn to adjust il society where female chastity is elevated

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to godliness (Pattini Teivam), concub accepted both socially and legally till concubinage called a small or subsic Women of both households, the wife psychotics. The women do not view suc their social lives. As a result women whi this society and in literary productions a There had been an almost unanimo theme, in that it was a unique phenome twenty two discussed this as perpetuatin clear gender bias. In vanying numbers t more relevant for discussion. Sixteen
sadistic traits with which the hero in the and plucking their eyes before murderin several women for the fault of a singlew see a contradiction between a man's c wives and extra marital affairs) and th punishment for violations of chastity. A murderer represented, they questioned of vengeful practices. They blurted out t of men on the same rationale of infide they live. They did try to identity the fac and women's lapses are treated as major
The theme and the major message carried through the discussion to furt identifying more contradictions. One w. film and had nothing to comment. T blatant violations of human ethics (a violent theme has come out vividly in th Ten Brahmin women, twenty middl women had seen this film and one of th she did not understand the theme. Ex belonged to the middle class.
Vasanta Ragam, Spring Raga (Melody)
The story is the emotional conflict the erroneous belief that her first husba husband was alive it has created a s experience for her. The conflict is resol for her sake so that she could solve the The first husband was shown to be pas too it was a deeply felt emotional re.

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
inage and polygamous marriages were the early twentieth century. Even today liary household (sinnavetu) is accepted. and the concubine, do not turn into h trends as deharmonising disruptions in o murder unfaithful husbands are rare in
s well. us rejection of the message implied in the 'non. Out of a total of thirty three women g an unrealistic one-sided message with a hey picked up certain scenes and issues as of them condemned the violence and film went about getting the women raped g them. They discussed the logic of killing 'omen as futile. Six women went further to laim for polygamy (concubinage, second e demand for chastity from women and part from the image of arrogance that the the rights of men to indulge in this kind hat a lot of women would have to kill a lot lity to the spouse in the society in which :t that a man has a differential expectation
defaults. was rejected by all of them, some of them ther limits in a more analytical manner, Oman said that she did not understand the he overt forms of sadistic expression and kind of dharma for them) expressed in e process. e range caste women and three Adidravida e Adidravida women who was illiterate said cept the two Adidravida women all others
of a woman who marries a second time in nd is dead. When she realised that her first ituation of dilemma. It was a traumatic ved by the first husband sacrificing his life problem and live with the second husband. isionately fond of her, and for the woman lationship. With a lot of persuasion, she

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Coded Messages & Connotations in the Tamil Film.
marries for the second time. This man is he fights for social justice antagonising was built up to show that he was not an C The woman tied down to one man e of Tamil chastity (karpu). This film g. theme. Ideologically the traditional no journalist confesses that he is in love wit for one reason and that is, she is a wid She says she has to conform to the no accept the offer. In her argument she rhetoric of a mythological chaste women an a dead tree. I cannot have the bliss c dancer). My life has come to an end; it is not that of a doll where you can tie Apart from giving a virtuous image to producer wants the audience to infer th on her own will instantaneously. He chastity.
The producer has taken undue pai continue. Her mother, and her suitor' advisers. She is convinced finally. Hoy other implications. She should marry b argues quoting a Tamil proverb, "A wo fence are the same", the crops will be ea and the woman will be devoured by an she is single. A woman here is compelle narrative sequence this argument is gir where a corrupt politician forces her to mother after kidnapping them both. virtuous woman who doesn't want to t widowhood taboos. But due to pressur have pointed out the dangers in the s herself experienced, she finally conser time, the film producer makes a last chastity in her. The physical is now sepa not consummated so that she still rema This aspect was used by the second hust He says, "I have not touched her not eve The offer was rejected by the first But none of them tried to find out wh commodity and an inanimate object sh her", "No, I do not want her".

s & their Implications at the Level of Gender 189
s an idealist and in the role of a journalist, ; corrupt politicians. His characterisation rdinary man. 'motionally and physically is the definition ives an appearance of handling a novel rm is not questioned or challenged. The h her. She refuses to accept the offer only ow and remarriage is out of the question. rms of widowhood and therefore cannot lists the reasons which are similar to the "I am a widow, I am not fit for marriage. I of life again (she is young and is a talented will not dawn again. The neck of a woman the taili any number of times", she pleads. her, this had another motive. The film at she did not accept the offer of marriage has to maintain her within the code of
ns to illustrate this point. The arguments s boss, the chief editor, take the role of wever, the chief editor's arguments have ut for other reasons and not for love. He man without a tali and a garden without a ten by animals if not protected by a fence, imal-like men if she is without a tali, i.e if d to marry for her safety in society. In the ven forceful legitimisation by an incident dance for his foreign visitors, beating her The argument is built up that she is a ransgress the code of chastity and violate e from her mother and her advisors who ociety for a single woman, which she has its. Even after she is married the second attempt to do justice to the concept of rated from the emotional. The marriage is ins the wife of the first husband physically. band to offer her back to the first husband. in with my fingers". husband. The mother was in a quandary. at the wife's feelings were. Treated like a he was thrown between the two, "You take

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Her suicide attempt did not succee to live with her second husband. It's ar to be delinked from the ideology of Tamil culture and tradition. That ima characterisation changes according to try hard towards that end, often sacrific The note of this movie had proved four women who had seen it. Among th
eleven Brahmin sixteen middle range cast seven Adidratuida The central problems of the plot, need to choose betweem the two ha questioned the core values of the sy consciousness. Two Brahmin high class and said that a woman with two husb women felt that she should choose the s that they were totally not in agreement finally preferred not to choose. Two Adidravida women had a dilemma of ex husbands. They have truly identified indeed a problem for them. These thir and low class (four).
Eighteen women had negative attit shades of opinion. Four of them jus disappear altogether from the problem nataka valkai, a phraseology similar to Sl common practice among these wome philosophic discourses when they are c resolve in practical terms. These four wo
Two women argued that the very move. Their statement was supported v was a happy marriage and she could h first husband. There two women were al Twelve others were categorical that husband. What is important about the reasons raised in support of their decisi on the basis of her love to him, but by sanctity"; "She has lived with him and second husband has not touched her, can decide easily to go to the first husba

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
but the first husband had to die if she was uphill task in Tamil films for the heroine irtuous chaste women as defined by the te has to be maintained even while their he needs of the modern era. Film makers ng verisimilitude. o be far from being a melody for the thirty m there were:
thirteen high class fourteen middle class seven low class
the woman having two husbands and the s become a dilemma for them too. It stem which are culturally part of their women straightaway declined to comment ands was an unusual situation. Thirteen econd husband, but giving the impression with such a choosing exercise. They too
Brahmin, nine middle range and two pressing a choice of selection between two themselves with the heroine and it was teen belonged to the middle class (nine)
udes within which one can identify three tified her need to commit suicide and atic "stage" in which we are made to act, lakespeare's "all the world's a stage". It is a n to resort to quotations, proverbs and onfronted with conflicts that they cannot men were high class Brahmins. lecision to remarry was in itself a wrong riously but with the same argument. Hers ve very well lived on the memories of the o high class Brahmins. he wife should have gone back to her first r view is not the opinion itself, but the in. The decision to join him is not argued guments such as, "The first tali has more has lost her physical purity to him". The
ence by the reason of physical purity, she d.

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Coded Messages &s Connotations in the Tamil Films
These women too like the film ma right to seek personal happiness at their further legitimisation to the film messa One Brahmin, seven middle range wome group. Only one Adidravida low class unwanted emotional mess. Instead of a have discussed the matter with her mc tried to solve it, though it is a difficult so.
The absurdity of the film's argum reverses the roles to a man with two wiv with no such arguments of physical puri without a sense of guilt. This line of arg pointed out, it did not meet with th aberration.
Pu Onru Puyalanadu-A flower that turn Social justice, caste and class oppre indeed common themes taken up as cinematic attempts with the "woman q film a number of minor episodes are b melodramatic way, sacrificing reality.
A young female lecturer faces a serie corrupt State, and from a thug. The stuc of breasts on the black-board. She d understand this phenomenon. Go and a This clearly is an effort to de-objecti Her next confrontation is with a m that the State has interfered with the ar. kidnapped the wife of the policeman (w molested her. When the policeman arri and went mad. When she hears this sto: another incident she sees a constable b goes to report the murder though ther same fate will befall them). She does r her husband, who is presented as co withdraw the case but she does not yie publicly stripped and disgraced while th is one of them. She refuses to go back t her from being stripped. She goes with body and who questioned the propriety She goes back to teach and this t board and uses this opportunity to have

&s their Implications at the Level of Gender 191
ker, have not granted women the social own will and pleasure. They seem to give ge that conventions need to be obeyed. in and four Adidravida women were in this woman felt that the whole thing was an ttempting to commit suicide, she should other and the husbands individually and lution for her.
ent will become more clear when one es. He would have very easily chosen one ty, whoever he likes or even both of them ument did not occur to anyone but when e desired result. It was dismissed as an
ned into a Whirlwind
'ssion and corrupt political structures are ; issues of cinematic presentations, but uestion" are few and far between. In this rought up in a logical sequence and in a
is of problems from her students, from the lents insist that she draws pictures of a pair raws a suckling baby and says, "Try to sk your mothers". by the sexuality of women. ad policeman. It has been revealed to her rest of a thug, who when released on bail, ho was instrumental in arresting him) and ved on the scene, he found her dead body sy she is agitated and goes home angry. In eing murdered by the same thug. No one 2 are hundreds watching (for fear that the sport the murder despite opposition from wardly and selfish. She is threatened to ld. The consequences are dreadful. She is ere are many onlookers. Her husband too o her husband who did nothing to prevent the woman who helped her to cover her of stripping a woman in public. ime she sees nude pictures on the blacka dialogue with her students on the issues

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of oppression in general and gender-sp their consciousness. At the end she has a When she realizes she is pregnants child saying there are other things to be When the husband goes to see her and come back to him she accepts the offer and say once that what he did was wrong He doesn't do that. The story ends v he is addressing a large gathering to ce election symbol. The police van takes he wrong-doer, which the State was unwillin The characterization of the woma logical sequence has the obvious motive to the corrupt political structure, the im poor and the under privileged people gender specific problems is a unique fe; and women's sexuality becoming vulner, stripping scene, kidnapping and mole revenge against the husband) are conte and deserve social attention.
However, when one views the film f realism and appeals more to the senses mind. The scenes are exaggerated melo of thuggery, prolonged stripping scene, public streets). These betray the comme message got diffused in the process, whe melodrama (violence and sex).
The characterisation of the two wo committed to a conviction, they are bot (The teacher and the widow of the fish film maker. The heroines refusal to go times of need and to stand by her is characterisation of the mother in th unconsciously, a few deeply set tradition
When the parents came to know suffered after the stripping event, they pleads that she should come back to th adamant (by not withdrawing the case going to discard you. This is acceptable what the daughter says is quite contrary given me as the "gift of virgin"(Kanya da daughter are over. I can only visit yo husband".

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
ecific oppression and succeeds in raising retinue of followers. he goes to the nursing home to abort the done than becoming a mother to a child. requests her mot to abort the child and to on one condition. "If you go to the thug , I will accept you as my husband". vith her killing the thug with an axe when ebrate his election victory. The axe is his raway. She has avenged and punished the g to do. n and the little episodes collected in a of raising the conciousness of an audience potence of the State, the oppression of the in general. A special attempt to highlight ature of the film. Violence against women able (the drawings on the black-board, the sting the constable's wife as an act of mporary issues which need to be analysed
rom an angle of aesthetics, it falls short of and not to the rationality of the human dramas and reach heights of fantasy (acts prolonged scenes of fights and murder in rcial motive. One is sceptical whether the :ther the audience went away enjoying the
omen stands out. Motivated and strong, h out of the ordinary and bent on action Lerman). This is a conscious effort of the back to her husband who did not act in a case in point and a contrast to the film Amman Kouil Kilakale. However, al values have crept in to the plot.
of the public disgrace the heroine had traced her and came to her. The mother em. In the words of the mother, by being ) you have spoilt your life. The world is as coming from a traditional mother. But to her image, already built up. "You have nam) to your son-in-law. Your duties by the u as a guest after I left you to join my

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Colled Messages & Connotations in the Tamil Film
These are in fact values of a patria women and gives preferential treatmer the property of the husband and they fo Another scene is typical of this fisherman who was fighting for the righ is finally murdered, the thug engages in how your wife would look like a widow" off her tali and breaks her bangles. T proclaimed a widow is a Brahmanical marital life and active sexuality which control abstaining from all kinds of castes have accepted these rites as part fishing community these customs are : very common and easy for these women value system on a lower caste woman Symbolically, this is out of place here a selectively on women.
Only thirteen women have seen unanimous reception to the message challenge she has raised for gender eq of gender oppression. The message see the melodramatic exaggerations in a women like the heroine are needed f towards women. They agreed with the h the husband after she was publicly strip Two women did express disappro convictions. "A woman should not bes She paid a price. The price for being by going against her husband's wish wa They were here evidently echoing always be led either by the father, h women added that only in movies can life, will it be possible? She could ha walking into troubled waters and gettin challenging politicians and thugs".
These two were Brahmin women w women belonged to all three castes anc
Films of 1987
Sinnapuve Melappesu-Talk Softly Lit The father is an arrogant high cast
are terrorised by him. The elder daugh

s & their Implications at the Level of Gender 193
achal system (Brahmical), which devalues it to sons. Daughters given away, become rfeit all rights in the parents' home.
phenomenon. The thug murders the ts of his clan in a cruel manner. Before he h a sadistic feat. He says "I want you to see . He pulls the wife removes her pottu takes hese rituals which by which a woman is custom. These adornments are symbols of she has to remove to lead a life of self pleasures. Women of other adjacent high of a process of sanskritisation. Among the not followed. Remarriage and divorce are ... This scene is in fact imposing a high caste who is not governed by such strict codes. nd is an attempt to impose negative values
this film. However there is an almost 2 of a woman's capacity for action, the uality and the attention paid to some facets med to have reached the viewers in spite of few scenes. Eleven women agreed that or the society to question men's atrocities heroin's reasoning for not going to live with ped. val of the heroine's conduct, actions and io courageous. It will lead to her ruination. isobedient and for being too independent s that she was disgraced and dishonoured".
Manu’s sentiments that a woman should usband or son (Manu V 147-148). These women go against their husbands. "In real ve lived a quite and happy life instead of g into unconventional modes of behaviour,
ith a high class affiliation. The other eleven i all three classes.
tle Flower e patriarch. The two daughters and the wife hter falls in love with a man below her caste.

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The father invites her boyfriend to wedding. He is beaten till he became un and commits suicide. The mother is hel against an arrogant and Cruel husband when the younger daughter falls in lo about the father. So she pretends she arrangements to get married with the h driver. The father comes to know about taxi driver attempts to attack the father object from the damaged taxi to protec which her boyfriend had in the taxi an moment of emotional reaction he deci father turns the object and sees his becomes emotional. He realises the c daughter. He is changed instantaneously This is a story of three women agai caste boyfriend had suffered humiliati silently. Obedient and passive, she can c misdeeds of her husband. She is not in With all these traumatic experiences wit of a glamorously dressed up, beautiful happily married life. She doesn't protes is somehow suggested. The answer is als an emotional scene when the younger mother warns her of the true nature of h to suicide. The daughter asks the mothel the atrocities of your husband?"
The mother replies, "A woman whe a millionaire has to suffer silently for the Her reason seems a realistic one th not suffering for the sake of the tali as films, but because she does not have children. She tries to get the best for and home.
However much one could argue for total impact of the film on the whole is The conflict resolution, where the arrog to suggest that his attitude towards wo realisation of the boy-friend's sincere an subordination doesn't surface asan issu Only nine women had seen this mo follows:

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
ome home to discuss plans about the conscious. The daughter thinks he is dead pless. She is depicted as a silent spectator whose word is law. The story repeats itself re. The mother meanwhile had told her has given up her boyfriend and makes elp of her sister's boyfriend who is a taxi this. A violent confrontation follows. The who at that moment had got hold of an him. That was a picture of his daughter, i that was facing the boyfriend now. In a des not to attack the father. The puzzled daughter smiling in it. Momentarily he lepth of the man's feeling towards his
nst one man. One woman dies. The low on and bodily torture. The wife suffers only be a spectator to all the violence and a position, even to protect her daughter. hin her, she gives an outward appearance woman with the outward symbols of a t. The message that her protest is fruitless so very vividly provided by the mother. In
daughter was beaten by the father, the er father and how he has driven her sister r, angrily, "Why couldn't you speak against
her she is the wife of a rickshaw puller or
sake of her children." ough it betrays a defeatist attitude. She is has been told to us many times in other an alternative. She is suffering for the er daughter remaining within the family
the realism of the mother's character, the negative as far as women are concerned. ant father suddenly changes, has nothing men has changed. What changes him is a d deep affection for his daughter. Gender : at all.
lie. Their division into class and caste is as

Page 223
Coded Messages &s Connotations in the Tamil Film,
two Brahmin women three middle-range caste wo four Adidravida women The wife's characterisation and th topics of the discussion. All of them brutality. What was more pertinent was is directed to the wives and daughters wh
One Brahhmin, two middle-range the opinion that there was no alternative be patient. Two reasons were put forwa reasonably well paid job. Hence, she reason is the future of the child. To see has to be patient. These four women agr to some extent suggest the plight of reasoning given by the mother to the di each belonged to the high and low class,
The other five argued differently
"The wife should have protested ar death of the older daughter she shoul second daughter. A woman should not protest and get out of the house which she gives a picture of a happily married adorned with jewels and with "auspicious The open and instantaneous co suggestion to challenge him and move c indeed unexpected views from the com and "tolerate", and "adjust" to life with this a further investigation was carried o strong sentiments. The answer was bas held the husband responsible for the murder), and if the wife foolishly tried daughter too would meet the same fate. his own children to death, should not motivated by their attachment to childre One Brahmin woman, one middle. women belonged to this group. One of each to the low and middle classes.
Samsaram Atu Minsaram, Family life tha The film depicts the lives of the va expectations, rights and duties of ever

& their Implications at the Level of Gender 195
two high class e four middle class
three low class. e husband's brutality were the obvious condemned the man's arrogance and heir identifying how the man's arrogance o have no power in the family structure. :aste and one Adidravida women were' of for the wife other than to be tolerant and rd. She has no education, she can't get a is economically dependent. The second that she is educated and married, the wife ee with the message of the film, which did he wife as helpless. They endorsed the aughter for her silence. Among them one and two to the middle class.
ld told off the husband. Atleast after the d have walked out of the house with the tolerate this slavish situation. She should was a hell-hole for her. It was absurd that woman to others, dressed up in silk and "symbols of flowers". ndemnation of the husband and the ut of the family and live in separation are munity where women generally "forgive" such husbands. Since I was intrigued by ut to find out how they had come by such ed on yet another strong emotion. They daughter's death (and used the word to compromise on the situation the other A father, who is brutal like him and drives be tolerated. This rational argument was
range caste woman and three Adidravida them belonged to the high class and two
tis (like) Electricity ious members of a joint family. The role member, including those of the servant

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women, are depicted. The father, the he He lives with his wife, three sons and ty two sons contribute to the family purse. figure. She runs the home efficiently w harmony in the family. She is respected a
The daughter falls in love outside discord. The second son is married too, wife teaches his younger brother late deprives them of a normal sex life. The The husband refuses to be convinced of
The daughter comes home after an she has a right to come home late with h depicted as a misdirection of her feminis The family is in fact brewing with ten eldest daughter-in-law, goes to her parer returns, the conflicts have matured for has left the family over an argument ab upkeep of the family.
The third sequence sees the confli proper places, the only exception being were made for a reunion with the st questions, "When I returned home wit members came to receive me. I was cold This continued till now when you all v instructions of your father the patriarch son”.
The daughter-in-law continues, "W Don't I have an identity of my own in t for my husband's faults? Don't I have a husband? Don't I have any rights in our She categorically makes a point that system when it has no meaning anymor conventional behaviour of a wife in the her independent identity and status ap: issue of it and openly confronts her discontinue a relationship that is unsa clearly a positive role for women.
Another incident in the film is indi kept on "view" (see notes no. 29) for This rarely happens. It shocks the pa reason. She answers, "Three men came any one of you ask themi for the reasons

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
ad of the family, is a retired state official. No daughters-in-law and a daughter. The The eldest daughter-in-law is the central ith all the members contributing to the ind loved by all.
her religion. This is the first sign of a out the wife leaves him. He insists that the in the evenings in their bedroom. This wife has an argument with her husband. her point. She goes to her father's house.
argument with her husband. She argues er colleague in office after a party. This is t consciousness. nsion. Meanwhile the harmony figure, the hts' home for her confinement. When she resolution. Her husband, the eldest som, out his having to spend too much for the
cts resolved and people falling into their the eldest daughter-in-law. When attempts on (her husband), she raises pertinent h the baby in hand, none of the family shouldered. No one wanted to talk to me. want to reunite. This, you all did on the who had severed all connections with his
hy did you all treat me like a stranger? he household? Why should I be penalised relationship with you independent of my household?" they should not live under the joint family e. As far as this goes it is a break from the Tamil film. Not only does a woman realise art from her husband's, but she makes an father-in-law and makes a decision to tisfactory from her point of view. This is
cative of the same trend. The daughter is the bridegroom and she rejects the man. rents and the brothers who ask for her
: to see me. All of them rejected me. Did وو (

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Coded Messages &s Connolations in the Tamil Film
This situation highlights the unequa a critical study of this film brings out th producer toward the status of women. W concerned, is a contradiction. If she w friend, why did she have to submit degrading experience. From the point c be commercial. The viewing scene was w an episode in Ramayana was intro traditionally. The scene was unusually traditional romanticism. It served two pl up to the audience. The film maker, ha character of this young woman he has persists.
Three incidents can be cited as exa faith in the traditional value system for v
- The father meets the father of
hand in marriage for his son reasons to ridicule him and se himself as a proud father. He pi "If I say hold out your neck my daughter will do it (implica brought her up in such a way, I her mate's selection, but she i father and accept his selection". The chattel status of the daughter contribute to the family honour and prestige and superiority.
- The contradiction in the chara story proceeds. The fact that sh as a misdirected and misguidec him. The mere fact that a sec drives her back to him. N understanding to clear their b: messages are that marriage sho woman fighting for her righ exercise. She has to revert to th husband. She has to regret the a marriage relationship. - The second daughter-in-law go was deprived of a normal sex li her the reason for the quarrel she had left her husband. Til

s & their Implications at the Level of Gender 197
il status of the women in society. However, le ambivalence of the attitudes of the film hat follows as far as the daughter's story is as in love and wanted to marry her boyio be "viewed" by four men which is a of view of the film maker the reason could tell arranged. A sentimental song based on duced. The women were dressed up long. The total effect of the scene was a urposes, a) lengthening the film b) playing s in the process destroyed the traits of the taken pains to build up. The ambivalence
mples of this persisting ambivalence and a
ΜΟΥΕΙ. his intended daughter-in-law to ask for her l. The father of his daughter-in-law has cores a point over him. He distinguishes oclaims with pride,
(to accept the tali i.e. to marry) to a man, tion: she is not like your daughter). I have not only is she not allowed to have a say in s conditioned and socialised to obey her
and her passive behaviour are virtues that on which this father lays claims to social
cterisation of the daughter increases as the e was separated from her husband is shown i feminist consciousness. She goes back to :ond marriage is being arranged for him o attempt was made to arrive at an acklog of misunderstandings. The implied uld not be broken; it has to be remade. A ts within a marriage is a self-defeating he norm, the harmony, the home, and the folly of having spoken up for her rights in
es to her father (she has no mother); she Fe. Strangely enough the father doesn't ask
He doesn't want to know the reason why he fact that she had left her husband is

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emphatically treated as a major used before, as a yardstick to mea her husband. The background speaks of the qualities that go to the main ingredient. The de-sexu guarantees the peace and harm the central theme that is argued a The characterisation of the heroine the norm. This is played very effectiv strengthens the message. As the narratio retaining the traditional norms for the result is a convincing ambivalence. The l is rendered ineffective by withdrawing ir system. The regressive ideology is sustair songs with patriarchal messages.
During the discussion I realised that the minds of the women interviewed. Th eclipsing of the partial feminist trends a and the implicit messages to women we opinions were sharply divided among the (Brahmin ten, middle range caste twenty out conclusions effectively by what they c they reacted positively, and the same implications of other sequences which ha Forty wonen were willing to take up to reject the man who came to "view" her
twelve Adidravida women nineteen middle-range caste women nine Brahmin women One Ådidrávida low class woman dio that the father has the right to advise an Brahmin woman, nine middle-range cast group of twelve. Their class belonging high, middle and low classes.
Thirty-four women rejected the wor second daughter-in-law was condemned "disgraceful", "scandalous" were used to out thus:
"she should have adjusted. Sex is not ev silly reason." Their division comprised:

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
lapse on her part. (Recall how she was asure family honour.) She is sent back to music adds to the message. The song make a woman virtuous. Self-control is ualised woman with immense self-control ony required for the family. Restraint is as essential for a woman. in the film is a significant variation from ely by the actress whose performance in proceeds, it slides into upholding and women. This is done very tactfully. The imited vision of a feminist consciousness to a very predominant patriarchal value hed through the background music with .
this film has created mixed reactions in e major contradictions in the theme, the nd reverting to a traditional value system -re not identified by most of them. The fifty-three women who had seen this film f eight, Adidravida caste fifteen). To draw liscussed was not easy. To some questions women were unconcerned about the ve a gender bias. the stand that the daughter has the right . Among the forty, there were
ten middle class women eighteen low class women twelve high class women. i not respond, while twelve of them said d pressurise her to accept his choice. One te and two Ádidrāvida women were in this were one, two and nine respectively for
men's rights to insist on marital sex. The
with horror. Words such as "shameless", refer to her "going home". They reasoned
erything in life. It's a minor matter. It is a

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Coded. Messages & Connotations in the Tamil Film,
five Brahmin women eighteen middle range caste women eleven Adidravida women Nine women were of the opinion th with her husband again and sought the law who were sympathetic to her pligh among the three caste groups, while t classes, viz. a viz. high and low (two high not respond. To discuss openly the sexua These six women belonged to the Brahn numbers, and their class positions also numbers.
Two middle-range caste women, Adidravida woman only would concede was within her rights to protest if she was them belonged to the high class.
Two reasons could be attribute unsympathetic to this woman. The wo socially. She is a passive contributor to silence and ignorance governed the sex by them as a part of a marital obligation in the discussion on the marital relation the family concept. Within this concept family going despite tendencies towarc onus of keeping the joint family intact i daughters-in-law are blamed. They are r women's journals and mothers give a pat to get along and adjust to life in a joint f the mother-in-law. Guided by these daughter-in-law as the disruptive eleme actions amounted to sacrilege, violation women used the sentence pati tanta koōi whatever happens) to refer to this inci (Crossing the door step) has a special ( meaning a chaste woman who doesn't saying which restricts women within th and metaphorically. Stepping out of the the idea of severing connections with ti and sacrilegious. The doorstep symbolis of the family. This phrase is often us literature to connote the extreme virtu woman who has not crossed the door

& their Implications at the Level of Gender 199
four high class
nine middle class
twenty one low class. at she should have discussed the problem elp of the sister-in-law and the mother-in... The nine women were equally divided heir class position was that of only two class and seven low class). Six women did l needs of a woman was a taboo for them. nin caste and middle-range caste on equal is that of a high and middle, on equal
one Brahmin caste woman and one that sex was important, and that the wife not happy in her married life. All four of
i for the thirty four women to be man's need for sex is never recognised the husband's pleasure. A great deal of ual relationship of women. It is accepted of women, like cooking. This is confirmed ship. The second reason is again based on there is a strong desire to keep the joint ls a break-up into nuclear families. The s on the woman. For any disharmony the aferred to as the disruptive elements. The :kage of advice to the young bride on how amily, with the other daughters-in-law and principles, these women consider this nt in the unity of the joint family. Her of the principles of home and family. The atu (should not step outside the doorstep dent. Significantly, the phrase pati tāmtal onnotation for women; pati tānta pattini, step outside the doorstep, is yet another 2 confines of a home and family literally doorstep (pati tantal) out of anger or with le family is often considered inauspicious es the principle of control and boundary 2d in colloquial usage as well as in the of chastity. Literally it means the chaste step. The home/house has become the

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boundary for women and her activities house, the structure and ideology. Wher a woman to go out of the house, her treated as unchaste with loaded meanin or do something, both of which are not home/house. The door steps thus ha restraint, and chastity for women. He violation of the code of chastity for wom None of these viewers had taken inc in the characterisation of the women in sequences were pointed out the majority few issues. The second contradiction was unconditionally when she heard of his the message of the film that she is right should prevent her from making up at regain her husband, her home and go ba However, their reaction to the chal was intriguing. They seemed to agree wi joint family. All their convictions regardi of the family seemed to have melted aw the film message and feel she has justific film maker.
This is an example of accepting th When the obvious question was askec (crossing the door step), they said that wife's decision to cross the boundary.
Oru Tayin Sabatam-The Vew of a Moth The husband was charged with murc guilty. It was a miscarriage of justice. Th lawyer to help commute the sentence t bargain involving her chastity, if she Enraged she makes a vow that he will be help, to save someone dear to him. Yea the lawyer who tried to seduce her, no him to save his son. He refuses. His similar request by his mother was refus fulfillment of the vow, in short is due mother and being a chaste woman.
The wife is reminiscent of the patt makes the vow. The power of her chastit had to look after two children were bo

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
are defined within the idiom of home/ it was laid down that there is no need for going out, i.e. crossing the doorstep, is gs that she is going out to meet someone permitted within the limits of chastity and d become the sign of a boundary for hce stepping outside the doorsteps is a
. te of the contradictions and ambivalence the film on their own. However, when the of them responded positively, at least to a the daughter going back to her husband econd marriage. All of them agreed with to "rush and save her marriage". Nothing this juncture. No sacrifice is too great to ck to her "life". acterisation of the eldest daughter-in-law th her reasons for breaking away from the ng the sanctity of the family and the unity ay. Here again they seemed to agree with ations to break away now, as shown by the
2 message on the screen as authoritative. as to whether this is not patitantutal here is now sufficient justification for the
er
er. The judgement was passed that he was e wife goes to the lawyer and requests the life imprisonment. The lawyer makes a pends a day with him, he would help. in the same position begging someone to rs roll by. Her son becomes a lawyer and v an old man, comes to her som begging efusal signifies revenge. He knew that a d by the lawyer when he was young. The o the woman's greatness vis-a-vis being a
ni (goddess of chastity) figure when she and the greatness of being a mother who h projected as instrumental in giving her

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the power to fulfill her vow. The conce other image of women in Tamil Nadu. her steadfast chastity and by being a glo is both. This is a clear example of the a in Tamil society.
When she goes to the lawyer her pleading and beseeching, convey an ima even falls at his feet. The moment he inv and fiercely powerful woman whose app resembles that of the legendary Kannaki Another scene in this film is sympto weakness, you need to be protected by st Her son takes his girlfriend to a hote and tries to touch her. She is shown Weakness here is a womanly virtue. Th her. A violent fight follows. The man em of men simultaneously. This is a recurrel to prove his strength and demonstrate t be protected.
The young lawyer's friend realises s too is in love with her. But she could ne' for a woman to propose. Meanwhile her for her. Even then she could not act. S her imagination, but she could not take married to the man of the brother's choi In the film, there is a long dance sce commodity. Flimsy clothes, provocative woman's appearance. She is used cor attitude towards women. This contradi The dancing woman's image is remini while the heroines is similar to the Kan wife model. What is significant is the a films. The stereotyping is only for wome The first reaction of the thirteen wo in that they said that the message of thi elevates women on two counts, chas happens in real life for the innumerab women who had seen this film there wer
two Brahmin women twelve middle-range castew three Adidravida women

& their Implications at the Level of Gender 201
pt of shakti transferred to women is the The greatness of a woman is measured by rified motherhood figure. In this film she mbivalence with which women are viewed
uppearance, conversational tone and her ge of a helpless pitiable weak person. She ites her to his bed, she turns into an angry earance in the action of making the vow before she burnt the city of Madurai. matic of the dictum "woman thy virtue is rong men." :l for a drink. A young man sits next to her as incapable of avoiding the situation. e man in his protector's role had to save erges victorious having fought with a gang nt scene in the Tamil films where man has hat he is worthy of a woman who needs to
he is in love with the lawyer and feels he ver express her feelings. Socially it's taboo brother is engaged in selecting a husband he dreams, fantasises, dances with him in the telephone to talk to him. She is later ce. ne where the woman's body is treated as a gestures and sexy poses characterize this nmercially, betraying a truly demeaning cts the image of the vow-making woman. scent of Matavi of the epic Cilapatikaram naki image, the dēvadāsi versus the chaste bsence of parallel images for men in the
characters. men out of the seventeen was encouraging : vow materializing is highly unrealistic. It tity and motherhood, whereas it never le mothers and chaste wives. Among the
e:
eight high class OC three middle class
six low class women

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The thirteen women who had positi and three respectively for the Brahmin, in belonged to the high class, two to the mic Four women however, felt that great such fulfillment in vows. One woman wel as an example who by the power of steac the city of Madurai (heroine in the ep belonged to high class, Brahmin caste equal numbers.
Fifteen of them said that the scene advances of the strangers in the hotel is treatment by men and they need protect such scenes are unnatural or that they di women could not report such incidents to the police if they cannot defend them was there. The fifteen women belonge (seven) and Ådidrāvida (two) castes. Ti high, middle and low was seven, two and The long scene of the dance where "ugly, unwanted and vulgar", in their pe. individual woman who agrees to act in s go beyond the individual to the system.
Puvili Vasal-Flower like Eyes
The story is about the solving a m business man, who is the managing (supposedly) because she was unfaithf manager who was suspected of having h an eye witness, who is the mother of a di confusion and is picked up by a man, easily to violence. Despite his violent na series of prolonged scenes of violen identifying the murderer by the vibrant worst of the films. The cult of violence is The image of the murderer befor honest, hardworking, successful busin woman's infidelity has led to a series o lot of disruptions and violence for mar the film of Umaivilikal of the year 1986.
This film did not necessitate a detai women who had seen the film had thot wife (infidelity) was highly unjustified.

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
e reactions were divided into two, eight iddle range and Adidravida castes. Seven dle class and four to the low class.
and chaste women had power to achieve it further and cited Kannaki (the pattini) lfast chastity summoned the god to burn ic of Cilapatikaram). These four women and middle class middle-range caste in
of having to protect the girl from the natural. Women are susceptible to such ion from another man. They did not feel value women. When asked whether such to the hotel authorities or through them selves alone, they agreed that this option !d to the Brahmin (six), middle range heir class belonging respectively for the six.
the woman's body was used, was though rception, at the end they condemned the uch demeaning manner. They could not
urder or two. A rich successful dynamic director of a firm, murders his wife il to him. He then murders his general ld an affair with his wife. He also murders umb child. The dumb child escapes in the an unstable carefree drunkard who takes ure, he takes a liking to this child. After a ce, the mystery is solved by the child expressions of his eyes. This is easily the glorified as a means of solving a mystery. 2 he commits the murders is that of an issman. The theme is developed that a disharmonising tendencies and caused a y people. This theme is similar to that of
ed analysis. Twenty one out of twenty four ght that the motive for the murder of the 4part from condemning the theme which

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Coded Messages & Connotations in the Tamil Films
perpetuates the demand for chastity only for causing instability in men who are oth condemned the violence in the film. Five range caste women and three Adidravida them five belonged to the high class, six class.
One high class Brahmin woman and respond fully, vacillating between the two - A woman's/wife's fall from chal husband to go to the extent of m - How can he take away the life ( doubt a sinful action? (pavam an One low class Adidravida woman was "The husband has a right to expect enraged at her infidelity and that can easi Twenty one women said variously tha life but he could have divorced her.
Sirai Paravai-The Jail Bird
A young woman courts prison senter that being a woman and being young, (woman from the family). Hence it is be kula makal ( woman from the family) is c from a woman of the street or a woman W out later, is bent on taking revenge on a implicated her father in the mother's mu courts, was promiscuous and that was til mother. When the daughter comes to ku in killing the politician. But a constable v honest and brave officer, was charged wit he had many rows earlier. This policema they have become very close. So she ow politician and she is sent to prison, but make her his wife before she goes to pris( The politician is a crude, corrupt wo rapes. The rape scenes are shown with e. of sensual appeal. When he was about to in to save her. A long violent scene mal Here the politician has a concubine wh cast-sexy, cunning and deceitful. Thi formula and the "other woman" are part to understand the characterisation of th

& their Implications at the Level of Gender 203
from women and thereby blaming them herwise successful and dynamic, they also : Brahmin caste women, thirteen middlecaste women formed this group. Among to the middle class and ten to the low
a high class middle range woman did not sides of the argument. stity is sufficient reason for a possessive urder. of a human being which is, without any d atharmam). very definite about her view." his wife to be faithful to him. He can get ly take him to the extent of murder". the certainly had no right over his wife's
ce on charges of petty thefts. She argues it is not safe for her, a kutumpatuppen etter to be in prison. Kūtumpatuppen or often used to distinguish the good woman 'ho sells herself (vilai makal). She, it turns politician who had raped her mother and rder. The mother, it was fabricated in the the motive for her father to murder her how this, she vows revenge, and succeeds who had fallen into disfavour by being an h the murder of the politician with whom n had helped the heroine many times and ns up that it was she who murdered the she insists that he must tie the tali and on. He obliges her. maniser. He has committed two gruesome Kaggerated details and with a fair amount rape a school teacher, the constable walks kes women the passive cause of violence. o fits into the vilai makal or the devadasi e damsel in distress and the protector of the usual scenarios. But one is at a loss he heroine. It turns out that she is a first

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class law student, a modern college girl, woman lawyer. Why does she have to go occasion she publicly announces that sh she argues the concubine role gives prot man is an orphan others would sympathi will be used by men". By stripping her of artificially projected. When the news
concubine of the chief constable, two co discussion. They draw comparisons betw between the two women offers interestin of women's characters. They list the diffe
Wife C
a. Normal pleasure E р
b. Real, legitimate II с. Open C d. Any time C e. Auspicious time N . Tāli N g. Big household (periyauetu) S.
The wife here falls within the dharm is duty bound. A strict code of conduct the Victorian model of women though t for Victorian women. This contrast legi women simultaneously, one for his dhar and to do his duty for a harmonious lif for fun, for easy life. Gambling, wine an associated with the concubine who pro devadasi cast forsome women in the soci
The woman, when she realises that t into flights of fantasy. In a long scenes. round the park and gardens. The man important. For a woman, the man in he day dreamer and she is emotional. This i man’s superiority, a score over the emot in the minds of the audience. An ideol legitimised. Professionally, the man i intelligent lawyer. In the hierarchy of instrumental and rational.
This film too did not have much women had seen this film. Most of them

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
who has been very close to a prominent to prison to seek protection? On another e is the concubine of the constable and action from other men. She explains, "If a ze with him, if a woman is an orphan, she her real personality, her helplessness was spread in the village that she was the onstables working under him engage in a veen a wife and a concubine. The divide g material to understand the stereotyping rences between a wife and a concubine.
oncubine
rotic/sensual
leasure
mitation
ln the sly
bnly in the dark lo need to selectan auspicious time so tali ubsidiary household (sinnauetu)
ic realm with a religious sanction and she governs her behaviour. This is similar to he strictures are not so rigid as they were timises the notion that a man needs two mic role to produce children, be religious, e process; the other for sensual pleasure, d dance, the pastime of lesser mortals are vides these to men. This in short is the
ety.
he constable is in love with her is released he dances, sings, and makes love running is a busy officer to whom his duty is more life is the most important factor. She is a s simply an ideology thrust on a woman. A ional for the rational, is thereby instituted ogy of "expressive' versus "instrumental' is s a constable, while the woman is an gender the man is placed high, stable,
patronage from the women. Only eight had not shown any sensitivity to the issues

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Coded Messages &s Connotations in the Tamil Films
raised. The rape scenes and the violence in very strong terms by all of them a depicting vulgarism". The stereotyped c wife/concubinage dichotomy, were not were pointed out in the discussion they : further the issues raised.
Whether in future they would use th built up for women and reject them, one
Three Brahmin women, four middle woman had seen this film, while two of the high class.
Tirumaty Oru Vekumaty-Tirumaty (nam This is the story of a sister and two family. When the parents die she has brothers. When she marries her boyfrien have to live with her and that both of the children. She decides not to have child marry and bring their wives into the hor the home and unable to bear her grief, s,
There are three types of woman characters.
The first one (after whom the film is cultural image. Good wife, a good moth that when the husband says "give up you One sister-in-law is arrogant, western western dress. She is the non-Indian, characterises otherness and an anti-Desa
The other sister-in-law is very frivolo Her ambitions in life are to own a televis destroys the peace in the home. She is in These characters have no parallels a of the "western woman" tries to tame l role of taming the shrew was entrusted absence of her mother. The shrew i westernised mannerisms and behavio stressed only as far as women's decorum and behave become the symbols of nat outside these symbols but considered to
An incident in the film tries to upho social reality. A young college male stuc her in public and he does it. The girl is

& their Implications at the Level of Gender 205
that followed the scene were condemned s "ugly, disgusting, sadistic sensual and haracterisation of the heroine and the
analysed by them critically. When they agreed and showed a keenness to discuss
nis experience to scrutinise the formulae is not very sure.
2-range caste women and one Adidravida them belonged to the low class ans six to
he of a woman) is a Gift
brothers. The sister is the eldest in the to take responsibility for the younger d, she makes it clear that her brothers will 2m should treat her brothers as their own ren of her own. When the two brothers ne, conflicts arise. She is even sent out of he dies. who fall into three inflexible and rigid
titled) is cast in the traditional sacrificing er to her brothers and good housewife so "job", she does it. , argumentative and talks loudly. She is in modern western woman and therefore dharma figure. us, nags the husband and is petty minded. ion set, house, land, sarees and jewels. She the cast of, "frailty, thy name is woman". mong the men cast in the film. The father ner by inculcating traditional values. The to the father and a trusted maid in the in her is partly projected through her ur. However, tilne traditional values are is concerned. Women and how they dress ional and ethnic consciousness. A man is
be within the "national." old the traditional virtue of chastity against lent challenges the girl that he would kiss perturbed. The father tells her, "If you feel

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someone held your hand, and you coul America. If you have been born in Tam she is born in Tamil Nadu. The film h the touch of a man the woman loses he married to the man who had touched dilemma can be solved by marrying he included accepting the traditional col women meant violating that concept an her.
What the father does exhibits a daughter. She is dressed up like a bride cassette which he has used to take a film it to the members of the family, and b. man will be forced to marry his daugh rope and a tali. He blackmails them tha has to use the rope to commit suicide. T the magic. She is tamed into a virtuo indifferent to her husband but within father pretends to insult his son-in-law husband against the father, and return want them from the father who has ins (virtuous wife) on the model of the Pu because he insulted her husband Lord daughter has been tamed and made to western ideas.
When peace is disturbed in the ho satisfy her demands the husband had to go to prison. The background music lis their chastity prevented the sun from women who made chivalrous, national and destroy and this woman has destro and brought up the brothers. It is an ol and with more negative meanings. It s more contemporary period in which husbands and wicked women brought "feminine evil" is legitimised here with 1 When it comes to women's roles an traced to olden myths and legend: condemned. Women are easily divide mental attitudes are easily and dogma traditional or modern, or as vaim and figures for men in the cast.

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
i forget it, then go to the United States of lil Nadu, you marry him". She proves that ere justifies an old concept of chastity. By 'r purity. Chastity is upheld by getting her her. The father takes the stand that the r to the man who kissed her. Her taming ncept of chastity while westernisation in .d rejecting a man who had used force on
perverted obsession. He commodifies his and taken to the man's house with a video of the man kissing his daughter. He plays rings pressure on them so that the young ter. He has taken two things with him--a t if the tali is not tied on his daughter, she he woman becomes his wife. The tali does us humble wife now. She pretends to be
her, she has become chaste. When the she speaks highly of the tali, defends the s all her jewels to the father. She doesn't ulted her husband. She has become a sati rainic Goddess Partuati who left her father Shiva. The father is indeed happy that the Decome "Indian" and that she has given up
me, the third woman is blamed for it. To steal money from his office and he had to Es the virtues of the puranic women who by ising, and women who burnt the city and heroes; that is to say, women could create yed, whereas the sister has made a home d song replayed in more forceful language ans the puranic and the epic periods to a chaste and virtuous women saved their ruination to families and kingdoms. The he example of the second sister-in-law. d women's characterisation they have to be ... Westernisation in women has to be d into strict stereotyped creatures whose tically classified either as best or worst, as stupid. Interestingly there are no parallel

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Coded Messages & Connoiations in the Tamil Film
v
Twelve women had seen this film. Al the father in the film. They said that v the boy’s house, blackmailing his siste taking the tali and the rope are scenes of his daughter. They expressed ange However, the same kind of awareness posed to them. The sacrificing mother westernised daughter and the naggin personalities of real women in society. roles designed for women has escaped th are no parallel figures has not been reali The stubborn daughter being tame upon a wifely role is acceptable to them in the house had returned. The woman it is seen by them as true to life.
The three Brahmin women, seve Adidravida women had similar views on such as four, two and six for the high, contributed to differential opinions.
Interestingly the film was reviewed i 1987, 26-27). Criticising the director fo the reviewer quotes parts of the convers the language. None of these women had
That women in the role of mothers the peace process in the family is entren this is essential and indispensable witho set in. The fact that injustice is done to eclipsed in their minds by the brainwash from proverbs to puranas.
Teertakaraiyinile-On the Banks of the
In this film a little boy was pushed i thought the other boy could swim. H. pushed him leaves the village. Long ye paper asking him to come back and tha His mother has persuaded the people succeeded in getting the advertisement advertisement he is ailing from a termi who had attempted suicide out of frust this young man to impersonate him. T who apparently is suffering from the lc

&s their Implications at the Level of Gender 207
l of them disagreed totally with the role of ideo-taping the kissing scene, taking it to r and brother in law, playing the video, most unrealistic, undermining the dignity r, and an animated discussion followed. was lacking when other questions were image and the arrogant loud mouthed g and vain wife for them represented Ithe fact that they are typical, stereotyped heir vision. The fact that among men there sed by them.
2d by the tali and the fact that she takes as normal, and they welcomed that. Peace being the maker of peace and destroyer of
in middle-range caste women and two this film. Their different class belonging middle and low class respectively has not
in a feminist journal (Ilacchiyapenn March r all its negative effects discussed earlier, sations to show the male bias in the use of
read this feminist journal.
and wives had to contribute significantly to ched in their consciousness. They feel that ut which disharmony and destruction will women and a partiality shown to men is ning done by the media and other sources,
River into the river by an unsuspecting boy, who e is drowned. Through fear the boy who ars later he sees an advertisement in the t the villagers are prepared to forgive him. in the village and appealed to them and in the newspaper. At the time he sees the nal illness. He meets a man in the hospital ration that he couldn't get a job. He sends he impersonation is to satisfy the mother ss of the son. The impersonator goes into

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the village and meets the mother, the ty son returns in the last stages of his life o. The two brothers-in-law are gamble the mother-in-law and constantly extr stupid wives who simply are not bother Both of them together with their husb, married to the impersonator.
He is, however, in love with a poo come to know this, they drag his girlfrie and accuse her of prostitution and claim everyone else is pure and finally start to her, reveals his true identity and inform reasons for it. The mother is prepared t as her daughter-in-law on the request of The characterisation of the three wo both realism and unrealistic traits thou code. The mother is rich by her own r and she is managing them. She is stron and she is not following the rigid codes the sons-in-law bully her and extract m irresponsible, they gamble, drink and vi The strong independent old lady succul relationship as sons-in-law which confe old woman susceptible to their demanc she doesn't give them money.
Women who are deserted by their such a tremendous fall in the village soc that to happen to her daughters. In fac the sons-in-law to blackmail the old unemployed idiots or rascals), as husbar The sons-in-law jointly tell the moth
"We are living with good-fo) We are tolerating their cool away their tali and tell them are a widow, why do you wa lives of your daughters"?
The two sisters are always well dre They engage in a lot of empty prattling, shown as disagreeing with their husban or squandering it on gambling and on who accept these as matural things in li

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
to sisters and two brothers-in-law. Her real nly to die on his mother’s lap.
rs, drunkards and womanisers. They bully ct money from her. The two sisters are :d about what is happening around them. ands compete to get their only daughters
r, low-caste girl. When his brothers-in-law hd out of the house and beat her in public that she is a disgrace to the village where strip her. Her boyfriend comes and saves is the others of his impersonation and the o accept him as her son and his girlfriend her real son, who had returned. men and that of the two sons-in-law betray gh they are based on a rigid patriarchal ight. She has vast stretches of paddy land g. She is a high caste woman in the village of widowhood, seclusion and isolation. But oney from her at every harvest. They are sit other women and squander the money. mbs to their demands. The nature of their is on them a prestigious status makes the is. They threaten to give up their wives if
husbands have to face loss of dignity and
iety that the widowed mother doesn't want
:t the men use their relationship of being woman. Whatever they are (gamblers,
lds, they have to be kept happy.
er-in-law,
-nothing donkeys. ing. We can take to go away. You ht to spoil the
ssed in rich sarees and decked in jewels. arguments, but never once have they been is for extracting money from their mother women. They are cast in the role of wives e. "Men do these things, it is their nature.

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Coded Messages & Connotations in the Tamil Film
So what?' is their attitude. They are h worshipping wives whose virtues are s another mould, stupid, carefree creat serious side of life. They are there to dr goes on for them. They are shown to b their daughters married to the young m in shameless ways. These qualities are women. It is not a case of showing that Fickle mindedness, pettiness, are equat follow their mothers in their cast. Theil they both compete with each other like
The poor, low-caste girl has to be p high caste man. In this case, caste o woman's sexuality. She is dragged out would have done this even to low caste this instance the punishment gets ext accused of prostitution. She is publicl accused of prostitution by two men who to women in the village. Their high cast A semblance of justice was inserted whe proof of her promiscuity. One of them the hint comes forward and declares h illustrates vividly the double standards c his promiscuity' where as the partner ostracized, questioned or despised.
The devalued woman, the mother, of a woman's sexuality, the double patriarchal structure. They are portray life. "Stupidity, thy name is woman" is a these one could identify the spectrum treatment towards gender oppression. evidently to satisfy some sections of the a Itis unfortunate that only one Brał class women, i.e. five women, had seen towards a discussion. The reason appear they did not pay any attention to detai and incidents till they were brought to ti On the stripping scene and the ugl comments ready. Apart from seeing the the fact that the innocent girl had been The vulgarity of the scene, the verbal at were pointed out by them as unwanted

& their Implications at the Level of Gender 209
are not presented as dutiful or husbandlbservience and obedience. They are in res. They have no role to play on the ess up, argue, have petty quarrels, and life e concerned only in one thing i.e. to get an. They vie with each other and compete presented here as the natural qualities of those women are fickle minded and petty. 2d to women. Their two daughters closely only aim in life is to marry this man and he mothers do. unished for having fallen in love with the ppression finds its expression through a of the house and beaten. The assailants men. Because of the gender variation in 2nded and takes a different turn. She is y stripped; i.e. ritually degraded. She is are publicly known to be frequent visitors estatus entitles them to have concubines. re a man questions the two men as to the winks at one man in the crowd who takes e has been one of the girl's clients. This of morality. This man can publicly declare in the deed is punished. The man is not
as against the sons-in-law, the vulnerability standards of morality are aspects of a 2d as an unambiguous reality in a village construction which is unreal. Behind both of legitimisation and an unsympathetic The woman used in the stripping scene is udience. min and four middle range caste, middle
this film. They did not contribute much ed to be that they did not like the film and s. They did not remember the sequences heir memory.
conversation that followed they had their
high caste arrogance, they also identified made into a sexual object instantaneously. tack on her and the indecent mannerisms
CeheS.

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Three middle-range caste women h the two wives and felt that it was unreal a Other than these, the issues raised b and the blatant patriarchal oneside legitimisation thus sought in the process
Netikku Tantanai-The Penalty for Justi This is a long and complicated story and against the downtrodden (caste and a corrupt state apparatus, the police parliamentarians.
A high caste member of parliament increase of wages. The village doctor an the orders of the member of the par incident files action against the membe doctor. The youth is murdered, the bo doctor is accused of the murder. The dic the same dhobi who has been bough established on the testimony of the dh affair with the youth and that the doctor The rest of the story is the traumati immorality she is banished from the vil the M.P. sat in judgement. She is sent to constable advises her to start her busine. that he would help her get clients and prevent him, he strangles the child anc with the dead body of the child goes to rapes her after arranging for the buria suicide, she is saved by a woman lawyer The lawyer tries to fight her case but is political career to the minister. The arg his wife the lawyer. And finally every doctor's wife, the doctor, a musician minister, the member of parliament, th That the system is punished by those corrupt and oppressive socio-political st Gender oppression is given an ap problem. The rape of a woman and an been given adequate coverage and then
The minister wants to divorce his girl. She begs of him and falls at his fel struggle that follows the argument and r

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
ad also identified the characterisation of nd artificially projected. by the film towards degrading the women dness of the societal codes and the of filming had escaped their vision.
Ce う。
'. It is about injustice against womanhood class). Injustice is shown to emanate from service, the legal system, ministers and
gets his dhobi beaten up for asking for an il his wife treat the bleeding dhobiagainst liament. A youth who was watching the ‘r of the parliament with the help of the dy is taken to the doctor's clinic and the octor is sent to prison on the testimony of t over. The motive of the murder was obi that the doctor's wife was having an had killed him. ic experience of the wife. On a charge of lage by the local village council on which the town police station. There the police ss in the town (meaning prostitution) and tries to rape her. When her child tried to the child dies. The woman escapes and a minister to ask for justice. The minister l of the child. When she tries to commit who is committed to uphold social justice. obstructed by her husband who owes his ument ends with the husband murdering one who is affected by the system-the all get together and kill the judge, the e prosecution lawyer, and the policeman.
whose consciousness was raised to the uctures is the message. pearance of being tackled as part of the overt expression of gender violence, have lessage comes out vividly. humble illiterate wife to marry a glamour 2t when he threatens to take her tali. In a efusal, she says,

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Coded Messages & Connotations in the Tamil Film
"I will even be a servant in your house pi This gives him an idea. He bargains
"Give me the divorce, sign the papers, ar
She signs the papers and walks ou happy with the sign without the submissiveness of a wife as a necessary p maintained.
The characterisation of the woman singer who wanders in the street was appears against him in court, and the presented as an uncompromising activis is confronted with an unscrupulous po home after the case, she puts on the g humbly. The angry husband ridicule legendary Kannaki who had gone to th case. That legendary chaste woman argu a fact that her husband was innocent. W chastity and the devotion of the wife, b Strangely the wife does not point out th says,
"Forgive me; however popular I am as a you. I am looking after you and I am ser
This was a case of using legends agai
Another incident is illustrative of th take up the case of the doctor's wife ag husband pleads with her to drop the cas for justice for a suffering woman and because he was bought over by intere interrupts saying, "Do you mean to say She appears painfully shocked. She assu)
"No I will not consider it even in my d but not without a husband".
However, she is ordered out of th going on my own. When you call me ba to an unscrupulous man is equally impo
The wife/lawyer-law breaker/husb episode. The street singer, a frustrated His songs are full of satirical references by the woman lawyer, who was curious, raped and she committed suicide. The

& their Implications at the Level of Gender 211
ovided you let me have my tali."
with her,
d I will let you be with the tali".
with her tali. She is shown as someone ignification. In the last instance the attern of the social and religious milieu is
lawyer is an interesting contradiction. A knocked down by her husband and she husband is punished with a fine. She is who works for social justice. At home she litician as her husband. When she goes garb of a good wife and serves him food s her, drawing a comparison with the e king's court and argued her husband's led for her husband because she knew for 'hat the husband picks up here is only the ut forgets that the wife fought for justice. le missing links in the analogy, but simply
lawyer, at home I like to be a good wife to ving food to you”.
inst women, misplacing the core message. e same point. When the lawyer decides to ainst the policeman and the minister, the e. She refuses, arguing that she is fighting adds, "I disowned my father, the judge, 'sted parties to a verdict". The husband that you are going to disown me as well"? 'es him,
eams. A woman can live without a father
e house. She goes out saying, "I am not ck I will come back". For her, being a wife tant asseeking social justice. and conflict culminates in an another 'oung man, sings constantly on the street. to the social elite. When approached once he confesses that his wife, a musician, was rapist was none other than the lawyer's

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husband. This shocks her but she is sile angry. She wants to take the minister to suffering woman. The urge to punish h surface at all now. She is not presentec conflict. Silence is the only visible feelin If a conflict develops now, the film the conflict by a wife putting her husb will go against the expectation of tl convention, a cultural expectation, ar playing the role of wife should adhere and protecting him. The message of th with a social mission have to abide by obedience and silence if the occasion de
On the other hand, if the conflict maker would be blamed for the serious he has built up. Hence the incident is The motive of presenting this episode is had been and how corrupt and immoral The ideology of the family, the ha silent wife is needed, is subliminally bu in her characterisation between a seeke within limits for this same reason. She wife at home. She has to be within the co emerges in her characterisation as an en Unlike many of the other films of 1 this film was substantial (thirty four). appealed to all of them and the discuss would be wives, they placed themselves four women straight away supported t against the offending husband. The t among the Brahmin, middle-range an however, was different. Six each belon twelve belonged to the low class.
Five others qualified their statemen be reluctant to take a husband to the co happen. In real life it is difficult for a w lock. These five comprised one Brahmi low classes. These five women in an equ it is very difficult to act so. "Her fir husband's mistake has to be forgiven, he with such high handedness. She will los

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
ced. She doesn't appear to be agitated or court on charge of rape to do justice to a er husband in the name of justice doesn't here as being faced with a dilemma or a
naker cannot handle it. The resolution of ind in the dock on such a serious charge e audience. It will go against a social d a religious demand that a woman in to the dharma of a wife by forgiving him is episode is that even committed lawyers the wifely virtue of passivity, humbleness, manded them. is made visible and not resolved, the film contradiction in the wife's character which allowed to pass off with a silent rejection. however to show how wicked her husband those men in political power are. irmony model for which a forgiving and t strongly perpetuated. The contradiction r of justice and a devoted wife is allowed appears a duty-bound passive, submissive de of a wife despite the contradiction that linent, committed and eloquent lawyer. 987 the number of women who had seen The woman lawyer's characterisation had on on this was spontaneous. As wives and in her role which was conflicting. Twenty he stand taken by the wife to file action venty four women were equally divided i Adidravida castes. Their class position ged to the high and middle class, while
saying that in "Tamil Nadu" women will rt. Only in the cinema things like this can fe to do this while remaining within wedand four Adidravida women of high and lly convincing manner said that for a wife duty is by the husband and home. A has to be protected. A wife should not act her (married) life. A Tamil woman who

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Coded Messages & Connotations in the Tamil Film
is "bound" by her culture should not ta publicly disgrace him. She has to ignore
However, four women did say, "I wi justice and injustice one has to choosej adharma (negative prefix), one has t professional ethics. The argument goes husband has to be punished. To do th professional ethics (tolil dharma) over w was a peculiar situation and used a phu word dharma with the Tamil word effectively conveys the message-a dilen and the dharma of the profession. The the Adidravida woman of the group of other woman, it was indeed a dharma sa and she did not want to opt for one aga critical view to the comparison drawn b woman Kannaki (to ridicule the wife). TI they all agreed challenged the king for husband and saved his dignity.
The handling of the rape scenes in unduly violent and long. The effect was issues their reaction was one of apath minister's wife falling at his feet and be him did not create feelings of repulsio the behaviour of the wife had escaped th as a normal thing in every day life. They refused to pass judgement that such sce: behaviour of the lawyer-wife at home to of subservience contradicting her perso The contradiction in the characteri her husband was a rapist and was respo (she took him to court om minor c Committed to social justice) was acknc pointed out in detail. The other fou attention to such details. These fourteer level of education too was low. After ac women agreed with the film message tha
Here again one is confronted with really contribute to a sense of critical e culture? The education geared to upho culture and the mainstream media wh cannot be expected to create that aware

s & their Implications at the Level of Gender 213
ke her husband to court and punish and certain things in life. ill do the same in her position". Between justice, between dharma (one's duty) and o choose dharma. Dharma here means like this: a wrong-doer even if he is your is (justice) as a lawyer she has to choose ifely dharma. However, they added that it aseology in Tamil (combining a Sanskrit sangatam called dharma sangatam. This nma for dharma-the dharma of the wife four middle class Brahmin together with five were indeed very articulate. For the 'ngatam-a dilemma between two dharmas inst the other. All of them extended their by the husband with the legendary chaste o them it appeared meaningless. Kannaki the sake of justice, and for her innocent
their opinion, which was unanimous, was exaggeratedly vulgar. Apart from these two y towards the rest. The behaviour of the gging him to let her have the tali given by n in them. The slave-like appearance and heir critical view. They treated the situation tried to inject realism into such scenes but nes should not be allowed in the film. The wards her husband which exhibits qualities hality was also dismissed by them casually. sation of the lawyer when she realises that nsible for the death of the musician's wife harges to give the message that she is owledged by twenty women after this was rteen did not feel that one should pay women were not very articulate and their knowledging the contradiction, the twenty at it should be left unnoticed. the question. Does literacy and education valuation of the codes and symbols of our lding the myths and fables as part of our ich exploit them for commercial reasons ness and consciousness.

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There is yet another phenomenon t opinion of the women on the various is despite their low levels of consciousnes: back of their minds. Even if one has to o, inequalities, is one able to have a bet challenging them? One can detect such the conversation and more overtly when we go against the currents of the society part of the society and there should be sometime towards the direction of chan their heads (nodding their heads itse agreement with what is said) half-hea sceptical.

Zaeology, Caste, Class and Gender
lat one comes across, when analysing the ues raised. One gets the impression that , at times there is a real problem at the enly challenge some of the gender based er alternative in the present society by cepticism in the tone and mannerisms of they ask, "Can we change the society, can ". They lack the realisation that they are
a beginning, though small, somewhere ge. When this was pointed out they nod If is not a sign that they are fully in rtedly, partly in agreement and partly

Page 243
Chap
Restructured C
hile drawing conclusions this p Tamil film, the theoretical framew along with the responses of the women, analysis. The history of the Tamil film ideology pertaining to women were consi
The dominant Value System
The sixteen films analysed have mai doses of it given at pertinent conjuncti The themes, ideas and concepts, in sh system have been picked up selectively chastity has been maintained from the l the last film of 1987 with its comprehen silence or few words, physical and ment short restraint).
The idea that the heroine in the fil commit suicide or should marry the ra code (Samayapuratale Satchie, Muital Vasa one man in her life was the explanation f
Obedience and submissiveness and maintained in many films. In Samayap remained silent. In ‘Mauna Ragam” the 1 for something and that too for the "alms and “Tirumaty Oru Vehumaty” maintainec silence when confronted with oppressiv nine dealt with these broad concepts c question gender oppression and other c structures, the wife's submissiveness a maintained (Neetikku Tantanai, Samsaram from the Puranas and epics were recre

ter II 3
ender Ideology
art, the three sections, the history of ork and the discussion of the Tamil films will be interrelated to aim at a coherent s has shown that a few themes and an stently maintained with repetitions.
ntained a thematic similarity with varying ons either connotatively or denotatively. ort the codes and signs of the cultural with a clear male bias. The theme of iterary productions of the Sangam age to sive interpretations (obedience, passivity, al purity, and widowhood restrictions, in
lm when subjected to rape had to either pist is constructed on the physical purity ntam). That the woman should have only or this code.
silence as virtues of a wife were explicitly uratale Satchi' the woman who was raped nother, for the first time, she said, asked of tali”. The wives in Sinnapuve Mellapesu’ l their wifely decorum of few words and 'e situations in life. Of the sixteen films, of chastity. Even in films that seemed to orrupt, unjust and unequal socio-political s a necessary socio-religious milieu was Atu Minsaram). In this process the images ated. Im “Tirumaty Oru Vehumaty” the dësa

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dharma (non-westernisation), peace and of tali. This circuitous dimension was il sought to gender ideology with the wide These dominant norms and values selectively represented. The fact that reinforce and perpetuate the above nor values of a particular society and as in Interestingly, the dominant values of tv The Tamil-Sanskrit cultural synchronisat created rigid patriarchal patterns as the are living outside this cultural synchr manner (some non-Brahmin castes in II remarriage and easy divorce laws are ty Brahmanical scale of values is crucial to t
Social Reality, Containment and Signs
If these films have given legitimacy t reality in its totality is another question the most complex variable in any med whole of varying systems, various caste : who are acting and playing different role capture social reality in its totality and p. not possible. But by saying media are pri dismiss the fact that dominant images a reality. But the media often neglects the the film analysis of the sixteen films), s. alternative media. Feminists make films missed out in the main-stream media. projected as models of chastity in th marrying a second time, deserting thei There are innumerable rapes in society victim of rape on an argument of chasti distinguish the difference between text attempt of the mediato show the form culture. The gender bias that results ir words the gender bias is eclipsed in are the viewers with the legitimization sou philosophy and common sense. Indeed eclipsing. On the one hand gender is problematised, Worse tacitly accepted ar in the impact it leaves on the viewer, it is

Zaeology, Caste, Class and Gender
harmony are effectively linked to the sign deed the important part of the linkages socio-political codes. as part of the hegemonic ideology are hey are repeated helps to consolidate, ms. That they are presented as the moral iolable is indeed a legitimising process. 'o cultural systems have been combined. on that had taken place for centuries has dominant values. The Tamil women who onisation are not affected in the same hdia and the Sri Lankan Tamils). Widow ical of these differences. The hegemonic his process.
o textual values, whether that is the social that begs an answer. Ascertaining this is ia analysis as social reality is a complex and class behaviours across a vast people es at different times at different places. To resent it as reflections in the media is just pjecting the dominant images one cannot ld dominant values are also part of social ! less dominant social reality (as shown in D much so that it has of late necessitated partly to project the social reality that is Contrary to what the Tamil films have e screen, women are talking, arguing, husbands and filing action for divorce. and all rapists are not made to marry the ty. What is significant in this process is to ual images and the social reality and an r as representing the value system of the the process is always eclipsed. In other way the ideas and concepts are thrown at ght in the epics, Puranas, proverbs and there is an ambivalence in this process of palpably present, on the other it is not d contained and in that it is eclipsed. But unproblematicallypresent.

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Aestructured Gender Ideology
This is also how the contradictions c an analogy to the idea of the containme the ideological representations in the I theory. This is the third question raise containment can be illustrated with an e as in the films Mutal Vasantan, Amman Sinnapuve Mellapesu’, ‘Oru Tayin Sa, overlordship, virility and capacity for vi character, which go along with the r corruption, caste and class oppression. T as bad qualities of a bad man. But in the these also slips by, as the normal qualitie good doctor who was held in high socia find the arrogance of a husband who exp abiding by his testimony (obedience). In young girl but the onus of his lapse is sh of drunkenness. These are certainly at patriarchal representations. The same should be condemned are now argued as -part of manliness. The father's char Samsaram Atu Minsaram” (who carries I someone who is safeguarding desa dharn the Indian culture against cultural imp from the films at landom to show ho patriarchy are subsumed and contained and safeguarding a woman's honour.
Taking the films as a structured wh them, the meanings we derive are impli signs and symbols of the cultural syste system and the dominant norms and th claims to religiosity. In this process th provided the signs and symbols in the language in the process of the construct way the Tamil films picked up the lingu For example, the word karpu meaning c purity or mental purity as has been shov Sangam period. It was shown that this wo or learn.
The meanings are conveyed effectiv from the cultural system. The image oft sought, while the "feminine evil" of Pat Umai Vilikal' and Pu Vili Vasal. It is n

217
f the patriarchal ideology are contained, nt of the contradictions of capitalism by nedia as shown by the Frankfurt school d in the media theories. This factor of xample in the Tamil films. In most cases Kovil Kilakale, Umaivilikal, Puvili Vasal, atam, 'Sirai Paravai, the arrogance, plence and rape are part of the villain's est of the qualities such as dishomesty, 'hese are then presented to the audience characterisation of a good man a part of s of a man. In the characterisation of the esteem in 'Samayapurtale Satchie' we also lects his wife, the judge to pass judgement the same film another good man, rapes a ifted to the circumstances and to his state tempts at containment-containment of
qualities presented as qualities which part of the qualities of normal good men acterisation as typical of a patriarch in ound the video camera) is projected as na against the erosion of westernisationerialism. These examples are picked up w ideological representations based on under different bases such as desa dharma
ole in the way semiology has interpreted citly and explicitly conveyed through the m. They are interrelated with the value 2 social practice of the ethnic group with e epics and Puranas and proverbs have
way women are projected. The role of ion of meanings was vividly shown in the istic usage in its ideological presentation. hastity has had no connection to physical in in the discussion of this concept in the rd was derived from the verb Kal to study
ely through a selection and combination he chaste Kannaki was often a comparison tinatar was the theme of the two filmsit an accident that the word vili (eyes) is

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used in the two films. Women's eyes as
misogynists in Tamil literature during t (Mänickavasagar, P.56, Pattinatar, P. 5 women by plucking them while the sec describe the eyes of the dumb child wh wickedness are placed as opposites as be
Indeed it is through the language
and conveyed. Ideology permeates tl phrases, in content and style. Much of the film language used in the Tamil fili language is different from the spoken choice of words, articulation and the women, project a clear hierarchial dim ideology a function of domination is su. institutions and social structural elemer domination and are represented as le. signifying systems conveying meanings loaded with authority specific to gend legitimised by representing an age-old v natural division of power and autho presenting it as a timeless virtue as old
which is loaded with meanings of ge signification. The songs interposed in b process in the Tamil films.
Persuasive Images and Internalisation
And lastly the most crucial question and whether they brainwash the viewers art and recording art is the differe understanding of the film media effects effected through the recording art is contribute to the effect of the film medi - The language of recording mec
written. - The appearance of reality is gre; - The visual image has the abilit manner which is not preser representational media have t observer, but in the film the aut Though the above statements sp viewing the film media as more power empirical data of the film viewers. Tha

/deology, Caste, Class and Gender
ymbols of frailty and deceit were used by le Pallava period and pre-colonial period. ). One man wanted to blind the eyes of ond film used the metaphor of flower to speaks through her eyes. Innocence and onging to a child and woman. that the meanings are formed, mobilised le language in expression, idioms and the gender ideology is conveyed through ms. This is not to suggest that the written anguage. But the tone, the emphasis, the conversational appearance of men and ension of the social differences. Through stained by the meaning/signification. The its are reproduced within a framework of gitimate. The content and style both are and messages. The words of men are er stratification. Gender subordination is alue system as permanent, static, and as a rity. Women's subservience is imposed, as the beginnings of humanity. Language :nder hierarchy is the conveyor of this etween add dramatically to the signifying
whether the films have persuasive powers The difference between representational ntial impact which is essential to the . The more direct line of communication significant. The following factors could III).
ia is simpler and less ambiguous than the
y te.
to communicate with the observer in a t in the representational media. The he author between the subject and the nor disappears as the narration proceeds. ak of a strange ideological conversion, ul, linkages have to be sought from the the majority of women agreed with the

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ARestructured Gendler. Adeology
messages of the films or selected the necessary for the upkeep of the social critically, show the levels of brainwashin to place this question in relation to question whether women of different cl same message will also be linked to iden At the outset I want to argue that pe levels of a static reception, whether fro belonging changes, and it has been sho ambiguous state, mostly undetermined t and which is determined not by their o class position of their husbands. At t subjected to a process of sanskritisat ideology also at certain levels. The hig the structure of socio-economic relation of ideology, and women are central in th An overall examination of the ri acceptance of the messages in the film are analysed the following conclusions c.
There is a tendency to subscribe to lines of chastity. The symbol of tali wh chastity is readily accepted by the major Oru Vekumaty, Vasanta Ragam and Neetii condemned by all as unhealthy sym ideology projected in Uyire Unakkaka accepted by all the women who have see forty one women who had seen this ev mother's attempt at suicide when she th the levels of internalisation of the moth should be compulsorily married to the
Samayapuratale Satchie'. Out of the for twenty five agreed with the message blat first, but finally gave in and accepted the In Mauna Ragam, out of the fifty were willing to sacrifice individual lik important family peace and tranquility family, and twelve were ambivalent. In daughter-in-law leaving the home was s. anti-social act. Individual freedom of v interests of the family was their argum woman should always sacrifice doesn't should be submissive and tolerant whe

219
patriarchal messages as binding and as order and that they did not view them g they are subjected to. While attempting my empirical data, the more important asses and castes respond differently to the tify levels of internalisation. ople, and women too, are not subjected to m a class position or caste position. Class own that class belonging for women is an by the socio-cultural system that faces them wn status but by other factors such as the he caste level also the caste structure is ion (among others) which changes its her caste status is sought first by climbing s which is clearly constructed on a change is factor of status change. esponses points to the tendency of an When the responses to the sixteen films an be arrived at. and accept the patriarchal value system on ich symbolises the extended meanings of ity of them (Amman Kovil Kilakale, Tirumaty kku Tantanai). Overt sex and violence are ptoms of perversion. The motherhood i' and Sinnapuve Mellappesu are totally in these films. That twenty eight out of the en conform to the film message that the Lought she had failed in her duty points to herhood ideology. That the victim of rape rapist was a message given out in the film ty one women who had seen this movie antly, while another six were ambivalent at : film message. seven who had seen it forty four women es and aspirations of women to the allhat are needed towards the upkeep of the “Samsaram Atu Minsaram” also the second en by all the viewers as an anti-family and women has to be sacrificed for the larger ent, but the gender bias as to why only a surface in their thinking. That the wife in confronted by the overt arrogance and

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violence and corrupt practice of the hu Kovil Kilakale’ and Sinnapuve Mellapes correct by twenty one women. Out of th women would neither agree with the confused to take a more analytical pos should play the role of a protector appe: Ragam’ eighteen women accepted the m an emotional dilemma should seek redr a time I am confronted with a paradox, the messages because they were part of and which they were subjected to. The the patriarchal values because they did either to change them or to perceive helpless, they felt that I was also help kindness they did not want to tell metha
Caste and Class Differences
The above discussion should lead or by the media perpetuate, spread and cc on general terms, and that process internalisation at different levels. Wh women at caste and class level is yet an The overall pattern of responses, as ha clearly indicates that there had been inc identified in the responses. However, th clear class connotations is a significant in the first place to understand the symbols which the media have picked Wherever there were connotative meal intelligent were able to identify them. S same culture this doesn't act as a n Adidravida caste women as a whole had messages. The reaction was the same wi as well. There were many instances whe to gender ideological perceptions. Hen led to questioning the patriarchal valu Puranas, epics and proverbs, hence what A more significant variable to un internalisation and the brainwashing c James Monoco's framework (1977:125) having first been perceived and ider

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
band was one of the messages in Amman . This view was accepted as right and a fifty six, who had seen these films, eleven message nor reject it, but were visibly ition. That in ‘Oru Tayin Sabatam” a man ured normal for all the women. In "Vasanta lessage that women when confronted with ess by committing suicide. However, many It looked like the women were accepting he social reality that they were exposed to I did not feel strong enough to challenge not have the tools, the ways and means, viable alternatives. They felt they were less though I talked about it, but out of Lt I was not capable of this herculean task.
he to conclude that the messages projected Dnsolidate gender ideological assumptions would also lead to legitimisation and ether there are differences among the other issue which needs to be scrutinised. is been shown while discussing each film, caste or class levels which could be easily elevel of education and literacy which has actor. Education and literacy are essential Connotative messages and the signs and up selectively from the cultural system. hings, only the more educated and more ince all the women have been living in the hajor lapse. However, the less educated i difficulty in readily responding to some h the less educated women of other castes re, even educated women have subscribed :e education per se, cannot be said to have s. They were all educated on the lines of is needed here is "de-schooling'. lerstand the responses and the levels of one by the film media would be to link The images in the film have to be read, tified. The reading of the images then

Page 249
Aestructured Gender /aeology
involves an interpretation which may di differences in the levels of intellect. Fil James Monoco are read in three differe and psychologically. Those who read phy and extensively, and this leaves a
ethnographical readers are the most
knowledge of various cultural and visual would appear as a legitimisation or a pel positive sides would have the same effec the most from the raw materials. They as integrate their experiences. These th internalise the meanings, signs and symb last category has clear linkages to Freud internalisation, producing models for identification. Applying the Freudian ps here as emphasising the unconscious
passive role to the audience. The fi. experience, appears to confer on the fili active mental process of interpretation is relationship between the film a "interactive' (Monoco 1981:314). Even a have succumbed to the media messa author, the work and the observer ha degrees. The women have become not s participants in the process of passive r moving, speaking and singing images ha from all castes and classes are subjected
Gender Ideological Assumptions
Among the various, gender ideolo name is woman', 'frailty is a virtue for w and "other woman" constructed on the "feminine evil", are rejected by the wom equally articulate in identifying the film as vulnerable. In Mutal Vasantam' the ʻPu Onru PuyalaNaduʼ and “Teerta-karayi, women directly by stripping them. This forms of violence which cannot be acc rejection was easy.
Wherever there were violence and u dismiss them as unwanted melodramat such scenes (Responses to Mutal Vasants

22
ffer according to cultural difference and m images, it has been demonstrated by nt ways, physiologically, ethnographically siologically see the visual image efficiently visual hangover in the minds. The literate. They draw from their greater conventions. For such readers the images petuation process. Both the negative and ts. The psychological readers have gained similate the various meanings and in turn ree types of readers could very well ols and form role models from them. The iam psychology. The perception results in
imitation after a dynamic process of ychology, the film process has been seen and dreamlike experience, assigning a lm image and messages, in short, the ms a manipulative function. However, the s not dispensed with in this view, the inter nd the audience is perceived as fter an active mental process the women ges, though perhaps not passively. The ld interacted in combination in varying imply consumers, but have become active 2cipients. It seems that the visual life-like ave left an impact on the women. Women to this process.
gical assumptions, such as 'stupidity thy omen' the rigid cast of woman as heroine model of devadasi and the construct of the len as artificial representations. They were
message which treated women's sexuality wife was raped to punish the husband. In linile' the punishment was directed at the also comes under the more visible overt epted in a general dharmic code. Hence
gly rape scenes, the women were quick to ic scenes and questioned the propriety of am, Sirai Parauai, Neetikku Tantana). This it

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has to be noted was a contrast to the Those men who were found to be clap visible enjoyment, are indeed entertain In a few cases the educational lev responses. Wherever the themes and t educated women were found to be mo many educated women were found to b the responses of the women to the me caste belonging. Women across caste a It looked as if they were primarily b. gender ideology which is pervasive. H possible to decipher significant differer or class specific reactions.
What emerged as predominant r ideology:
- The family seen as a sacred en
break up. - The wife/mother as central tc and defined qualities to display obedient, passive and subservie to sacrifice tremendously. - The wife model based on th definition of chastity, in both th The women generally (with few ex ideology which the films project with c or subliminally.
Proverbos (commonsense philosoph model and Kannaki, Silapatikaram, Ram are constantly quoted or drawn into legitimacy. Bhagavadgita and Silapatikā studied systematically, but concepts, c them through religious discourses, oral There is one exception to the ru down from ascetics to Sittars and bhakti as totally irrelevant and inapplicable t two films 'Umaivilikal' and 'Pu vili Vas The seductress model similar to that ideology, was also treated with contemp
The women's responses lead me held by feminists (Germaine Greer 1 unrealistic portrayals of women in uniformly by the women viewers. The

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
ray some men behave in the cinema halls. ing hands, whistlihg and showing signs of a :d by such scenes.
als of women had a clear impact on their he scenes necessitated a rational approach, e articulate. This cannot be generalised as e subscribing to gender ideology. However, sages are not reflections typical of class or ld class had similar views on specific issues. Lsed on each individual's susceptibility to lence in presenting the findings it is not ces among the women on the basis of caste
esponses centers round a comprehensive
tity has to be safeguarded against possible
this institution has defined roles to play . In playing the role of a wife, she has to be int. In playing the role of a mother she has
ne symbol of tali includes the laborious he mental state and physical state.
ceptions) were found to be accepting this optimum care and precision, either overtly
y), Puranas (the chaste women), epics (Sita ayana) and Bhagavadgita (high philosophy) the conversation as answers conferring ram are not really read by all of them or odes and meanings are handed down to y and inter-generationally. e. The ideology of feminine evil handed s (devotees) was rejected by all the women women. This ideology projected through l' was dismissed as an artificial projection. f the devadasi, a part of the feminine evil : by the women. o question an assumption. It is generally 71:180, Tuchman, 1978:6) that even the he media are consumed passively and iscussion of the contents and the messages

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Aestructured Gender Adeology
of the films analysed had brought out, n also total rejection of the unrealistic por of reception. Not all women responde ambivalent both positively and negativel the time. The way they constructed th experiences and exposure to socio-econc In concluding this section the reason each film has to be explained. Women a was revealed) go to movies often. Somet time in the cinema hall close to their h films and had to come back when the cried for food or it was time for their hu class women it was habitual that they sa during their leisure time. Rarely do they Some of the most popular films we could not get tickets as the queues were standing in the queue for more than tw stand in the queues with their childre cassettes, months or years later, or when

223
ot only different levels of assimilation but trayals. Not all women had the same kind d in a similar way. Many of them were y. There was no passive consumption all e meanings depended on their specific mic realities.
for the small number of respondents for mong the middle class and lower class (it imes they see a movie a second and third homes. They have even seen parts of the babies and children they took with them sbands to return home. Among the upper aw the movies at home on the video sets go to the cinema halls with their family. 're missed by many women because they very long and they came back home after p hours. Besides, they said, they could not an. Such films they see either on video they are screened a second or third time.

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Cha
Persisting
omen's location in the Tamil SO This power network has dynam groups and different individuals are pla flow and its connection. Gender hierarc What is clear is that patriarchal structu capitalist social relations. Gender ide Madras social structure although pa functioning to perpetuate the subordin contemporary Tamil cinema as an ex. ideology. Cinema continues to creat subordination. This subordination h resistance to patriarchal ideologies. I relation to subjectivity, whereby self-consciousness inscribed in parti categories of persons, objects, practices through the exercise of power. In formation, patriarchal structures have subjectivity is constituted. Patriarchal identity, gender and sexuality.
In order to explore the patriarch research included an analysis of the hi section on history shows how patriarch function as an ideology, a set of belie interest of men. Gender ideology mani institutions and concepts. It was four psychological, in the cultural and at discourses. Patriarchy is not a static po different temporalities. With the form patriarchy has shifted from a privat theoretical aim of my research is to

bter 14
Patriarchy
cial formation is part of a power network. ic historicity. In addition, different social ced in very distinct relations to the power hy is a distinct node of this power network. res of ideology have not been eroded by ology is prevalent in the contemporary triarchy has taken on new modes of nation of women. My research focused on ample of the continuation of patriarchal te women as subjects in a relation of owever does not match women's own n other words, power is in a reciprocal subjectivity is defined as individual cular ideals of behaviour surrounding and institutions. Subjectivity is constituted he case of women in the Tamil social been the power network through which structures shape conceptions of personal
l construction of a gender hierarchy, the storicity of particular gender regimes. The y became hegemonic. Patriarchy came to is producing knowledge which served the ested itself through various socio-religious d to be present at various levels, in the the material level and within particular er structure, it has different formations in ation of state structures in Tamil Nadu,
patriarchy to a public patriarchy. The intervene in a debate on the nature of

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APersaisting APatriarchy
ideology. Ideology and more specifically exerts power at various levels. This mean dependant variable and a reflection o Marxian sense. Nor does it fall into a difficult to make a distinction between ones. Although we can tease out certa recognise that ideology manifests itselfi ideology must be analysed historically, that ideology has a reciprocal nature is In addition, the issue of power is impo works. Power relations are reconstituted has emphasised it "depends on the ba conjecture." (Hall 1982:70).
Gender ideology was upheld rather its hegemonic status and through th sustained for long periods. The long a incorporated the rituals of widow penan physical requirement-mental purity a sati, prohibition of widow remarriage a based on controlling the sexuality of wo and widow penance was chastity of the til Tamil Nadu, though it has done away w. social revival was witnessed in the legitimisation to widow penance both reproduction in the films. This reveals reinforcing signification or gender iden by various groups of women as an uncha who have divorced their husbands and v number and are considered exceptions fact as argued by Gramsci, the result of: and overtly. The reproduction of the po necessarily through violence.
The concept of chastity seemed to films to decide against remarriage, divo abundantly used in the films to explain restraint that guided and determined th evidenced by the references in the decisions of the contemporary womer legitimisation in the themes and pres patriarchy ritualised in another form sexuality of women which is directed, c. restricted to the private domain, to the

225
gender ideology has multiple forms and s that ideology cannot be understood as a f a pre-given structure or reality in the deterministic logic. In other words it is rue statements about the world and false in facts about gender ideology we must n different ways. The Gramscian view that n terms of the philosophy of praxis and helpful in our analysis of gender ideology. tant to understand how gender ideology in different ways over time. As Stuart Hall lance of forces in a particular historical
vigorously in religious texts. By reason of e pedagogic process the ideology was hd elaborate definition of chastity, which ce and sati, had both a mental state and a nd physical purity. The ideology behind nd divorce is the same ideology of purity men (sati was chastity of the second order hird order, The contemporary situation in ith sati, both legally and socially of late its state of Rajasthan), has given forceful in its social reality and in its ideological that the semiotic world plays a role in |tities. Widow remarriage is still abhorred ste and impure form of existence. Women widows who have remarried are still few in to the rule. These reinforcements are in process of consent effected both covertly wer relations of the gender regime are not
have influenced the lives of women in the ce and separation. The symbol of tali was and demonstrate the concept. The idea of le lives of women in the earlier epochs as iterature, seemed to have affected the ... The same was given fresh ideological 2ntation of films. The ritual of nonpu is through the concept of paty bhakti. The ontrolled and utilized by men was further
physical limits of the household and an

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ideology of family/home which was alw of such a process which started centu linguistic connotations of words such as home/house) and concepts such as mar decorum befitting a good wife in Tiruk otherness for the women in the public d My research which involved intervi films reinforces the fact that patriarchal with the women and in the solitary expt home and its privacy was posed as the c The sanctity of the home, its ritualised s concept equal to temple has led to separation between home and the proc now factories and offices. The removal c homes has led to this process and the de this instance.
Women working at home or enga merely as housewives. In their perceptic members of the household. There was women, who were working in farms a accounts, told me that they are not work hands of housewives is conceptualise labour. As a result of a deeply entrench women are handling a double burden factories and farm, the vocabulary of and associated with men's remunerativ ideology at work.
During the time of pastoral econc production unit was the family and wom unit by managing the dairy, or during th were engaged in agrarian food product of production", women did not col housewives. There is evidence to the co to them by their occupations, we could was not devalued, though it was n hierarchical dividing lines then of caste
The tēvaratti and the kura makal wil cults had disappeared and their funct subsequent period of Manu Dharma Sil women should be totally debarred from the linguistic terms connotative of relig and used to refer to the expected deco

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
ays glorified. The ideological implications ries ago were constantly reimposed. The Illal and manaivi (one who belongs to the naimatchy, (the elaborate discussions of the :ural) bear witness to the development of omain. ewing women about contemporary Tamil ideology is prevalent. Both in the dialogue ariences of watching the films, the family/ opposite of the public domain for women. status and the linguistic elevation of it to a a social division. There has evolved a luctive sites such as farms and fields, and of the production sites to areas outside the :velopment of a corresponding ideology in
ged in household labour saw themselves ons, work and labour meant service to the evidence of another phenomenon, when nd factories managing labour and doing ing. Farm and factory management in the d as an extension of family/household ned patriarchal consciousness, even where of domestic labour and management of work has been appropriated patriarchally 2 capacity. This is clearly a case of gender
my, during the Sangam period when the en were central to the pastoral production le time of settled agriculture where women ion, or during the so called "Asiatic mode: nceptualise themselves as non-working ntrary. From the terminological reference deduce that their economic contribution pt valorised. That there were no strict and class is also a significant factor. no were associated with the socio-religious ions were taken over by the men. In the bdistra it was unambiguously spelt out that even reading the Vedas. However, some of iousness and sacredness were appropriated rum or social norms pertaining to women.

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Persisting Patriarchy
This is a process of legitimisation usi restraint and seclusion of a widow was c husband becomes the lord and god pa becomes bhakti. Paty bhakti was rituali Buddhist concept). These are post-M phenomena where the sexuality of wome process, a shifting of symbols and si disadvantage of women. The hegemon realms of the society was one of the mos some of the new patriarchal cultura injunctions were culturally synchronised women during the period of settled ag commerce during the Buddha's period.
The institution of family then b. arrangement. The mode of production h on changing or modifying the g consciousness as such was probably no transformation from one historical stag again visible here and that it contributed the hegemonic ideology cannot be deni of the women tried to uphold oppressi dharma or Tamil womens' decorum/ wil Female infanticide has not surfaced contemporary experience of the women films. The new technological developme technique of amniocentesis. A woman il that to prevent a woman's oppressive so terminate a pregnancy which was ascert a transferred operationalisation of genc status of the female gender.
One could not argue in a similar w Tamil Nadu. The custom of sati was po were not the hegemonic group in Tam whenever it appeared was usurped by th marginal. Hence, sati could not be repl other technological mechanism like the om the ideology of paty bhakti or on the The Brahmanical Buddhist ideologi in the concept of feminine evil, the po and Saints, had run through centuries u emerged during the post Sangam per re-emerged during the Pallava period

227
g religion. The expected behaviour of alled kaimai nonpu (widow penance). The ty, the wife's veneration to the husband sed through the practice of nonpu (a anu Dharma Shastra and post-Buddhist 'n came to be controlled by a ritualisation gns to generate new meanings to the y of the Brahmins in the socio-religious t important factors for the assimilation of l practices. The Sanskritic Brahmanic to produce a comprehensive ideology for riculture and with the rise of trade and
ecame the central focus in the social has, it could be argued a marginal bearing ender ideology. However, patriarchal it newly created but, it was a process of e to another. The process of consent is l to the perpetuation and legitimisation of ed. This was specially evident when some ve strictures as "our culture, as our caste ely duty”.
much in Tamil literary sources or in the ! in the sample or in the narration in the nts have now made it possible through the h my sample showed no inhibitions to say cial existence, it is not against dharma to lined to be of a female foetus. This is also er ideology based on the devalued social
ay regarding the disappearance of sati in bular only among the royal caste and they il Nadu. The hegemony of the Kshatriyas 2 Brahmins, among whom this custom was ayed under another form or through any : amniocentesis during the age of science definition of chastity. cal synchronisation which manifested itself werful exponents of which were the seers p to the film of Umai Vilihal. The concept iod, through the Tamil Buddhist poets and reappeared during the eighteenth

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century and was picked up again by the reasons for such a development, thoug female sexuality by Kakar, have a pa marginally in the themes in the film (in all women sample, men's usage or its t deciphered.
In trying to explain the infiltra Adidravida women as either "extrinsic ir the hegemonic principle in its overt process was the appearance of it a disappeared among the other social gr The rituals performed were symbolic restraint, control and regulation of fem concept of chastity-widow penance, cl brought in an ideology of restraint int. caste which was known for its lack of re. which exercised the right to remarry.' living in isolation or seclusion restricte clearly a case of an ambivalent social be symbols and signs but not the meaning mot use the arguments or the idioms o the socio-economic hardships involve points to the vulnerability of this oppre: caste households for survival and has n mode of production.
It appears that caste affliation has divisions of women brought out very cl with the women brought out caste c divisions in women's codes as typical of more they spoke of a conducted, arra castes that claimed mythical descent frc towards imitation and sanskritisation. D behaviour showed similarity of ideolog The vegetarianism and teetotalism on were given up by many men on claim decorum was for the most part kept diversion.
Women spoke of those codes elc which found expression through popu and high philosophy on the lines of B part of their day to day life. The chan styles, have done away with the traditio

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
film makers. The social and psychological h explained on the ground of threatening triarchal base. The concept is evidenced two films). Since the interviewees were an hrust on their consciousness could not be
tion of the widowhood ritual into the nitation", sanskritisation or the function of form, the most significant aspect of this mong one group, when it had almost oups which were practising it till very late. : of high caste socio-religious norms of inine sexuality. It is a custom based on the hastity of the third order. This process has o the behaviour of women belonging to a straint in speech, behaviour and action and These women, it has to be noted, are not 'd to homes or within the family. This was haviour with a new ideology which had the gs. In their conversations these women did f restraint and sexual purity, but talked of d in seeking reunion. This phenomenon ssed group which is dependent on the high o visible corresponding connections to the
a greater impact. The discourse on caste early the caste codes and the conversations lharma arguments. They also pointed to particular castes. The higher the caste, the nged and restricted social behaviour. The m high caste Brahmins showed a tendency espite differences in their ritual status their y claiming legitimacy to social hegemony. which the high caste ritual status was based ls of moving with the times, but women's Nithin the caste dharma, a gender-specific
bduently using words, phrases and idioms lar folk tales and proverbs (common sense) hagavadgita or Tirukural. The discourse was ging socio-economic development and life nal kinship patterns of matrilocal residence

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Aersisting Patriarchy
and cross-cousin marriages. The midd who claimed that those social arrangem to be in different levels of patriarchal different castes brought out differences cannot be denied that the tales of wome levels of oppression betrayed fund: experiences. Despite the fact that there betrayed their deeply felt emotional an the patriarchal culture manifested itsel the protests of these women, protests of tantrism and the cittar verses are cou process, "the efforts and contributions outside or at the edge of specific hegem The class divisions among the w ideologically or structurally. We col consciousness that were typical of a clas category of common socio-economic e terms of caste belonging, it was easy belonging as a form of group belonging manner of speech, expression of idioms high castes maintained an exclusivity. articulating a special caste belonging ir parallels for class divisions. In other wo have not entered their minds in such a observed. This could perhaps be due to in a similar way that men belonged. modernisation, caste has given way to women for the most part remained wi household and within the ideology of t courtyard, though many of them wen there was material inequality among v identify class based behaviour, class bas the material inequality of the women th created correspondingly identifiable u oppression. Often women of the same subjected to the same types and level were identified at the caste levels, there that spelt different modes of behaviour This was brought out very clearly betwe caste women and the Adidravida women A further point which needs to be this research is the ideological legitimi

229
e range castes and the Adidravida castes, ents were typical of their castes, are found subordination. Comparisons among the at the level of caste belonging. However, it in who were subjected to various kinds and mental trends of similarities in their were elements of protest by women which d physical deprivations, a total rejection of f only among a very few women. However, the women saints, the bhakti expressions, inter-hegemonic thoughts of the cultural of those who are in one, way or another ony" (Raymond Williams, 1977:113). omen have not been crystallised either uld not decipher trends towards class is belonging as manifestations of a definite xistence for the women. When talking in for them to do so and to identify caste indicative of their life-style. Through their , similes, codes and religious discourse, the It was always a case of identifying and terms of a particular caste. There are no rds, class consciousness and class affiliation way that a specific class behaviour could be the fact that they did not belong to a class It is sometime claimed that as a result of class. However, my findings indicate that hin the caste idiom and the rituals of the he home and family, and within the inner t out physically to earn a living. Though fomen across castes it was not possible to ed consciousness and decorum. Moreover, lat existed among them has not necessarily nequal gender status or unequal levels of class and women of different classes were of oppression. Though the same trends were caste specific structures and ideology and different structures of social existence. en the Brahmin women, the middle range
emphasised in the concluding remarks of sation that is sought by the representation

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of the film image of women. Many filn through the long discussion that took interpretation of virtuous women and h echoing age old systems of thought. Th vilai makal (women for a price) were th Removed from social realism it was continuously used the same codes. Tl continuity of gender ideology. This h research) to support the theory of the Despite the changing modes of produc the same in its basic formulation and h; lives of women. In that sense it is an ope Does it then meam that the Tamil fil The reflection of the gender ideolo an argument to say that social reality w grounds. It was a legitimising syndrome. --Pu Onru Puyalanadu, that we caune oppressive patriarchal system and the women were characterised as conformil patriarchal authority and to the social The film producers have failed to repr dialogue of the women in the sample protests and articulated their deprivatio log. There were women who had left husbands. Though a minority phenon which is not recorded. The way the wom was a case in point where social realit resented it condemned it and protested projected within the code of paty bhakti. categorically that lack of independent fi to which they remained within an op reason as conveyed by the women was the women were placed within the ideol used in the argument to tolerate violen Brahmin widow who said that she was h constant source of irritation to her by producer was bold enough to project si Onru Puyalanadu) where the wife refuses
While analysing the responses of existence with specific experiences h; consciousness. It was revealed more subjected to very violent and overtly op

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
have sought to impose gender ideology place in the films and in the cinematic d women within dichotomous definitions kula makal (women of the home) and the : initial textual reference of this ideology. a construct and the Tamil films have roughout history we have witnessed the as also become an argument (from my partially autonomous status of ideology. ion gender ideology has continued to be s contributed effectively to determine the ating reality. ns have projected images of social reality? gical image in the films as was done is not is captured. Nor was it done on aesthetic It was only in one film which was feminist across a woman who challenged the corrupt political system. The rest of the ng weak persons who always submitted to sanctions which were imposed on them. oduce the social reality. As shown by the , there are women who expressed their ns and compared themselves to pieces of their husbands, who had divorced their enon, this is an emerging social reality en reacted to overt and symbolic violence was found to be different. The women against it, but in the films the reverse was The women in their discussions said very lancial resources was the main reason due ressive marital relationship. The second oncern for the children. But in the films gy of paty bhakti and the symbol of tali was e and oppression. Recall the story of the ppy after her husband's death who was a is suspicious and violent nature. No film ch a social reality except in one film (Pu to go and live with a coward husband. e women it was found that their social i in fact contributed to shaping their an once that, those women who were ressive patriarchal structures were quick

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Aersisting Patriarchy
to condemn such oppressive experience a categorical stand against them (the or sisters-in-law, the Brahmin widow who ha widow who was subjected to beating a women their own experiences have a However, this goes as far as the very o mild forms of discriminatory and explo film underwent due to ideological facto spirit and concern.
Most of the films were representat behaviour. Even when a fisher woman Puyalanadu) as someone who was cha subjected to a violent and sadistic wido was not a case of reproducing social real women but a case of imposing high cast violence. But the fact that such a depic imitation by vulnerable women cann circuitous route of ideology. A proce hegemonic principle and that in turn confused as social reality. While chan mainstream media, it is only reprodu remains as an alternative message om t imitation.
Gender ideology is to a great exten Tamil social formation and it does c.
women across caste and class. The resea and constant prevalence of gender ide plot, themes and the characterisation ideology prevalent in this society is refl presented more as a legitimising pri over-emphasised in a melodramatic m and often neglecting the totality of soci a system of representation. This system modes of operation. This ideology ic employed in the films is the process one-sided description which results frc into a simple cardboard cutout. Differi one. This simplification is then attach become the signs, the "evidence", by w being its essence". Women in the films who represents the essence of women. its good or bad sides which results in as

231
s of the women in the films and they took ly doctor in the sample, the two Brahmin ad divorced her husband and the Brahmin nd suspected by her husband). For these cted as agents for consciousness raising. ppressive structures were concerned. The itative experiences that the women in the is had not been condemned with the same
ive of the Brahmanical code of woman's was introduced into the film (Pu Oniru allenging the social norms, she too was whood ritual of the Brahmanical code. It lity that weglimpsed among the Adidrävida e behaviour on low caste women with overt tion might eventually become a model for ot be denied. This then would be the ss of legitimisation sought through the
becomes a model for imitation which is ging social reality is not recorded in the lced as an alternative message and that he stage and fails to become a model for
t part of the more general ideology in the ontribute to determine the daily lives of irch findings clearly point to the consistent ‘ology in the Tamil films as shown by the depicted in the Tamil films. The gender ected abundantly in the films, but they are ocess than as a social reality. They are anner often sacrificing reality of contexts al reality. Contemporary Tamil films act as is part of a gender ideology with various lealizes or distorts women. One strategy of stereotyping women. A stereotype is a om the collapsing of complex differences 2nt characteristics merge or condense into ed to a subject or place. Its characteristics hich the subject is known. They define its become collapsed into a universal woman The stereotype is then split into two halves, tereotypical dualism of gender.

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Far from gender ideology being mo it. The use of these stereotypes in the f deep structure of the stereotypes reflect contemporary Tamil formation. Gender discourse being a way of talking abol knowledge that shapes perceptions and power operates. Gender ideology has co those who become subjected to it. Patri about men and women. The key aim c women as subjects in a relation of sub most powerful and formative of disco ideologies were formed and how they ideology continues to shape relations be in which semiotics gains a foothold in sh for patriarchy to strengthen its impact stereotypical dualism of women in conte is alive and well. The importance of this ways in which gender ideologies change relations of domination and subordinat women need to struggle for alternative multiplicity is not conflated.

Zaeology, Caste, Class and Gender
nolithic, "splitting" is a regular feature of lms generates antithetical signifiers. The the social and political ideologies of the ideology thus functions like a discourse. A it or representing something. It shapes practices. It is part of the way in which Insequences for both those who use it and archy has produced many ways of talking if patriarchal ideology which is to create ordination. has become and remains the arses. This research traced how gender worked. In their reworked forms gender ween men and women. In fact, in a world aping peoples' subjectivity the possibilities on gender constitution is growing. The mporary Tamil films shows that patriarchy kind of research is to unveil the complex and yet recognise the persistence of basic ion. In order to challenge this discourse systems of representation in which their

Page 261
Ahimsa Akam/Akandinaru Akatinai Iyal Amman
Ananku
Ảmãitikam Aputa Pațțu Arsha Ásara Kövai Ásrama
Ataikala Pattu Atakkam
Attam
Aycociyar
Bakti Bharata nayan Bhikshumi Bhმga Caste dharma Chandāla
Daiva
Dās
Dēsa dharma Devadasi/Tevaratiyar Dharma, Dharmic,
Dharmashāstra
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Refers t
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ssary
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o Akananuru, a text of the tion on love poems
Goddess
l's sexuality
bminance Tiruvaisakam, (See primary sources) of Marriage if the Post Sangam period on ethics ur stages in a man's life as laid down in l Sanskrit texts, that of the celebate , of the householder, of preparing for iation and that of the renouncer Tiruvaisakam, (See primary sources)
t
Eined dance form
aid
classical dance monk of the Buddhist and the Jain order e/Enjoyment
befitting a particular caste touchable or an outcaste in the Sanskrit tradition
of marriage
ervaat a befitting the customs of one's country
attached to temple services us action, rules, norms and decorum. am is the Brahmanacised negative d form of dharma il socio-legal code books

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Dharma sangațiam Drāvida Kalakam
Elati
Eyirziyar Gandarva Стӑпа удgа Gnāmie Gruha Lakshmy Guru/shishya Ilal
Illafam Illara dharma Illpārattai İnkurumuru
Ithuhal
Jāti
Kacitiruahavail Katauul candra kapu Katawul karpu Kaimai nõnipu Kal
Kalavи Kāmakilati Kāmatu pāl Kānamar Chelvy Καηαυαη Wαίι Каттаki
Kanikayar Kanya danam Kapala
Karpu
Karthar Kātu kelu Chelvy
Katupatu
Karnatic music Katuwicci
Indecisi The org A text o
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A form
Renunc
A saint The Go
Teache
House
Househ
A code
Concub
Text of Things Castes
Part of Chastit Godly c Widow
To lear Clande
Woma
The se
The vir
Patrilin
The C Cilapat goddes Accom
Gift of
Skull
Chastit
Creato
The v descrip Sexual
within
Often
South
Femal

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
on between two sets of codes/ethics (anisational base for Periar's philosophy f the post-Sangam period oothed women
of marriage iation through the path of knowledge with superior wisdom
ddess of home
r/pupil wife, one who belongs to the house old life of ethics for household practices
xine
the Sangam period
and sub-castes
Cittar’s verses
y that is connected to god
hastity
hood penance
ΙΩ
stine courting
h for erotic pleasure
ction on erotic love gin who resides in the forest
leal haste wife of the hero in the epic ikaram who was celebrated later as the is of chastity (Pattini teivam) plished courtesans
virgin
у
r irgin who belongs to the forest, a
tion of Korrauai and social restraint maintained to remain proper codes and roles of behaviour. spells out seclusion and constraints Indian classical music
Priest

Page 263
Glossary
Kõlam
Korravai/Korravai Ciruva
Kula makal/Kutumpatupen Kunkumam
Kuratiyar
Kuna makal
Kuravai
Kurukkal
Kurinci
Kitu
Lakshmy Lõkayata Mahābhārata
Mahratta Makatpâtkânci Manakațțupațiu Malai/Malaipatukatan Manaiivi Матаivi Manai matci Mañchal
Mangala Mārgalya pūsai Maņinēkalai
Mantra
Manusmrtis Manudharma
Marakattai Maya Mörkars
Murukan Mitanantan Nālatiyar Nalathankal
A dec
6C ta
Colouri A goda Son of Woma See no Gypsy Gypsy i Folk da
A Brah
Refers
and als
Folk di Godde Follow, The gr The na War or
Mental Refers
House One w.
House
Turme
SEE ΩΟ Auspic Rituals An ep author
Sacred
eO)
and ke
Manu”. Manua Piece c
Illusion
Ruffian Son of
The st;
A text
Name

235
orative drawing done to music at the
ces to the houses with rice flour and other
ed powder by women at dawn
less of war and victory, mother goddess/ Korravai
n who belongs to the family
te no. 21 Chapt. 6
NOe
AVOla
I]C62
min or non-Brahmin priest to the Sangam period text Kurinci Pattu
io to the mountainous region
ACC
ss of wealth
ers of materialist school of thought
eat epic, see note no. 5. chapt. 1
ume of a Bengalijournal
account of woman
control
to the Sangam period text
wife
ho belongs to the house
hold decorum
ric, curcuma longa of the ginger family,
te no. 20 chapt. 6
ious
for the talior the long life of the husband
ic of post Sangam period by a Buddhist
, named after the heroine of the epic
incantations as given in the sacred texts
rised and delivered, supposed to control
ep the deities within limits.
s treatise on dharma also called
lharma shastra
of log
S
Parwaty and Shiva, A Hindu deity
ate of extreme blissfulness
of the post-Sangam period
of the heroine

Page 264
236
Nānmanikatikai Nataka Valkai Nayar Nētal Viņapam Nitya sumankali Nonpu (s) Paisasa
Panani
Painan Pañchayat Parata var Parattai (yar) Parattai Ceri Parattayil Pirivu
Pārwaty
Pasu Patinenkil Kanaku Nülkal Pattimi
Paty Paty bhakti Paty vrata
Pen valiséral
Periya vetu Perumpanaruppatai/Perum Piran porula!
Piraniyalal
Piran varaiyal Piranil vilaiyamai Porut pentir
Potumakabir Pottu
Prajāpata Pratiloma Pija Puniru Pugam
A text O.
Life is b
A caste
A sectio Perpetu Penanca
A form
A femal
A male Village A comn
Prostitu
Slums v Separat prostitu Consor Soul/a1 Collect
Chaste
Pattiini Lord/C Devotic The p husban
To assc The les Text of An obj Possess
Within
Not co
Wome
WOC
Comm
A dec
WOa auspic A form Hypog Ritual
Polluti Refers

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
f the post-Sangam period
ut a Stage
name in the Kerala
n in Tiruvasakam, see bibliography ally auspicious
e, rituals
of marriage
e musician
musician
Council
hunity of fishermen
Lte (s)
where a prostitute lives
ion from the wife while being with the
te
t of Siva
nimal
ion of post Sañgam literature
woman, refers also to the goddess of (Pattini teivam)
Sod/Husband
on to lord/God
enance of chastity for the lord, the
d
ociate with women
gitimate household where the wife resides
the Sangam period
ect which belongs to another
ion of another
the limits of another
urting another man's wife
n who are paid materially/ mercenary
on women/Prostitutes
orative mark worn by girls and married
on the forehead as a symbol of
OLLSSSS.
of marriage
amy
Worship
'd state immediately after childbirth to the Sangam text Purananuru

Page 265
Glossary
Purankātu,
Puranas
Purushārtha
Rāmāyana
Sanyasinis
Sati
Sangam Shaiva, Shaivism, Shiva
Saiva sidhānta Saivite Sëri paratai Silapatikaram
Sirupancamulam Sirtiruta Kalyānam
Sit
Sittar Sittarpațialkal Shastrās, Sastric
Shakti
Sina vetu
Sita
Sudra
Sumarhikali
T Taiyal coll kelel Talaivan/Talaivi Ti
Tantra/tantrism/tantric
Tāpatanilai
Cemete
immola Religio and go the hea The foi by the t A famo
Renou
Self im
Associa Religio primac
See no
Follow
Prostit An ep author
A text
Reforn
rituals. Mind, A parti Songs Relatin
docum law, Cu Streng chastit
Literal
housel
The he
The fo
An aus
Mothe
Listen
Hero/ A ritu
WOe
The cy as god
The st

237
'ry, derived from this is committing self tion (in a cemetry) us texts dealing with the myths of gods ddesses, See notes No.14 Purdha Covering d and/or face ur fold path designed for the Hindu men
eXtS
us Sanskrit epic, see notes No. 6
CeS
molation by females tion or assembly of poets us sect within Hinduism which gives y to God Shiva.
te no.l Chapt.l
er of Shaivism
ute from the slums ic of the post-Sangam period by a Jain
of the post-Sangam period native marriage without Brahmanical
intellect
cular type of renouncers composed by Cittar ng to Manudharma shastra, the legal ent and other Sanskrit sacred manuals on
stoms and duties th, power, vitality arising in woman from у ly a small home but it means a subsidiary hold set up for one's concubine/mistress 2roine of the epic Ramanayana urth caste in the varna system picious woman, usually married
r
hOt tO WOne
Heroine |al ornament, a symbol of marriage for n, see note no. 22 chapt. 6 alt that celebrates female energy/ creativity dess
ate of practising widowhood penance

Page 266
238
Taputāranilai
Tāyam
Teivam Tevaratiyal/Tevaratiyar
Tēvaratți Tirucambamālai Tirumurukar rupațiai Tirukural Tirituasakam Tolkapiyam Tolkapiyar Tumarinkai Vahaiyäras Walkaitunai Nalam
Valavu
Varaivin makalir Vaisya Varna
Vātavali Vattam Vēdas
Veriyattu Vilai makal/Vilai mātu Virali
Vishnu, Vaishnawa
With
Yöni
The sta Propert god/gc Womar
eas
The wo
A sectic
A text c
A text c
Saint M
A treati
Author
Ancien
Sub-div
Merits
ofa ch:
Life
Wome
The th
The ci
groups Anciem
Circle
The e
four i Yajurv Ritual
Woma.
A fema of dep The H
order
Fate A sym
meani

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
te of a widower ly, inherited from the female line
biddess
/women dedicated to the temple, literally the servants/slaves of gods man who performs rituals to the deities bn of Cittar's verses of the late Sangam period of the post Sangam period Ianikavasakar's devotional hymns ise on Tamil grammar, see notes l
of Tolkapiyam
tfolk dance
isions, groupings one gets from the partner in life the title apter in Tirukural
n who have transgressed the limits ird caste group in the varna system aste system based on the fourfold caste
mentioned in the texts
ut folk dance
arliest religious texts in classical Sanskrit, n mumber, called Rigveda, Samaveda, eda and Atharvaveda dance performed by the Veddah Women n for a price ale specialist in music and a dancer capable icting the future indu god of the trinity, who preserves the
mbol for the vulva, of Sanskrit origin ng womb

Page 267
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Madras. Nilakanta Sastri, K.A. 1975. Colas Secon Obeyesekere G. 1981. Medusa's Hair: a Experience. University of Chicago F - l987. The Cult of the Goddess Pattin Omvedt, G. 1982. Introductory Essay
States. New Delhi. - and Patankar. 1988. "Class and
Frontier. December 24. Olivelle, Patrick. 1992 Samnyasa Upan Renunciation ( Translated with In Oxford University Press, New York. Ortner, Sherry 1974. "Is Female to Male M. Rosaldo and L. Lamphere (eds), W
Stanford University Press. Pandian M.S.S. 1989. "Culture and Sub Phenomenon" in Economic and Po Panikkar, K.N. 1987. "Culture and
Transformation of Colonial Socie Weekly December 5, 1987. Pathmanatlan, S. 1988. “Kingship anc
Preambles. Court Poetry: Its Commemoratioi Volume. St.Joseph Patil, Sharad. 1982. Dasa Sūdra Slavery: Feudalism and their Philosophies. A Perinbanayagam, R.S. 1982. The Karmi Jaffna, The University of Massachus Periyar l959. Ramayana, A True Readin - 197l. Chintanaiyum Pakutarivum. A
(in Tamil) tr. Rational Thoughs. - 1974. Indu Mathappandikaikal. Ariv Tami) tr. Festivals of Hindu Religio - 1980. Periyar on Family Planning. A - 1987a. Manu Niti Oru Kulattukku i Tamil) tr. “Law of Manu: - Differen - 1987b. Pen en Adimaiyanal. Arivukl
did Woman Become a Slave?"

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hy and Ideology" in Gramsci and Marxist itd. London. mavinkathai. New Century Printer Madras, mil Cinema. f South India. Oxford University Press.
d Edition, Madras. n Essay on Personal Symbols and Religious ress.
i. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, India. in Caste Land and Politics in the Indian
Caste, The Non-Brahmin in Movement"
isads Hindu Scriptures on Asceticism and troduction and Notes by Patrick Olivelle).
as Nature is to Culture"? loman Culture and Society. Stanford, CA,
| Altern Consciousness. An Aspect of MGR olitical Weekly July 29, 1989.
Ideology. Contradictions in Intellectual ty in India" in Economic and Political
Tamil Court Poetry: Chola Inscriptional Origins and Variety" in Kailasapathy h's Catholic Press, Jaffna. Studies in the origin of Indian Slavery and llied Publishers, New Delhi. : Theater, Self Society, and Astrology in etts Press, Amherst. g. Dravidian Press, Madras. rivukkadal printers, Periyar Tidal. Madras
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Vol XLIX No. 2 July. Rajam, Krishnan. 1989. Kalam Torum Pe
tr. Women Through the Ages. Rajam, V.S. 1986. “Anańku: A Notion : Sacred Power" in Journal of the Ame Ram, N. 1979. "Dravidian Movement Economic and Political Weekly Annu Ramanujam, A.K. 1985. Poem of Love an - 1989. "Talking to God in the Mother Redfield, Robert. 1961. The little Co. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Redstockings. 1970. “Redstockings” Man Leslie B. Tanner ed. New York, Signe Riley, D. 1988. Am I That Name? Fem
History. Macmillan, London. Rowbotham, S.1981. "The Trouble with Collective (eds), No Turning Back. Movement, 1975-80. Women's Press, Russel, Diana. E.H. 1980. "Pornography a New Research Say?" in Take Back the
Lederer ed, Bantam Book Inc. Samy, P.I.. 1975. Tamil Illakiyatil Tay T Pvt. Ltd., Madras (in Tamil) tr. Moth Saussure, F. de 1960. Course in General l Seacombe, Wally. 1974. “House Work Un Singaravelu. 1966. Social Life of the Tam Kuala Lumpur Department of Indian Stu Singer, M. 1968. "The Indian Joint Fam Change in Indian Society. Milton S Aldew. - 1972. When a Great Tradition Mode
Indian Civilization. Praeger, New Yo Sivathamby, K. 1966. "An Analysis of
Economic Activities and Conduct A: the First International Conference S Malaysia, Vol I. - 1971. "Politicians as Players" in Drama - 1981. The Tamil Film as a Medium (
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University Press, New Delhi. Subramaniyam, K. 1982. Canka Kalacha Ltd, Madras, India. (in Tamil) tr. So Tambiah, S.J. 1973. "Dowry Bride wealt in Bride wealth and Dowry. Jack ( University Press, London. - 1976. World Conqueror and World
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Tamil) tr. The civilization of the Tar Wadley, Susan. 1980. The powers of Ta. Foreign and Comparative Studies Pr Public Affairs, ed. Syracuse Universit Williamson, J. 1978. Decoding Adve Advertising. Marlon Boyar, London. Williams, Raymond. 1977. Marxism a
Oxford. Winship, J. 1987. Inside Women's Magaz Weber, Max. 1958. "Caste Forms and S
Press, New York. Women in Tamil Nadu, A profile. ) Development of women Ltd. Madras Women's Studies Group. 1978. Birmi Studies. Women Take Issue. Hutchi Wright, Erik Olin. 1985. Classes. Verso P Yalman, N. 1960. “The Flexibility of Cas Aspects of Caste in South India University Press. 1963. "On the Purity of Women ir Journal of the Royal Anthropologic Volume XCIII Part I, January/June Yogendrasingh. 1973. Modernisation ol Social Changes. Thompson Press, In
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ll Struggles during Cola Period". in the lational Conference Seminar, of Tamil
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N
Cha
1. Saiva Siddhānta
This philosophy was given its final
India. The philosophy was developed th language, both in prose and verse. Its against Vishnu. However it cannot be breakaway from the Vedic doctrines. T limited to the flavour it acquired in philosophical views.
2. Purusha sükta
The Purusha sukta myth first appear elaborated version of it is repeated in 1 sukta in the Brahmanas the four varnas e the Brahmin from his mouth, the Ksha thighs, the Sudras from his feet" (Tambi,
3. Dravidian Movement
The Dravida Kalakam founded by took up many social issues such as the However, the main thrust of the m domination in the Tamil regions. The te myths such as the Dravidian people an people were considered Dravidians and considered Aryans.
4. Bhagavadgita
Bhagavadgita is a religious discourse, usually regarded as an authoritarian Hiu queries. It synthesises the religious and Bhagavadgita has verses which legitimi (varna) and gender.
5. Mahābhārata
One of the two great epics of ancie considered the fifth veda. It has the pi written Indian languages, in parts. It is with 100,000 verses with innumerable e of the epic cannot be fixed as it spans from its textual variations there are inc

Aaeology, Caste, Class and Gender
ptes
pter 3
form in the fourteenth century in south rough a series of expositions in the Tamil emphasis is on the primacy of Shiva as said that Shaiva Sidhanta is a complete he deviation from the Vedic sources is n the process of assimilation of local
s in the Rigveda as a story of creation. An he Brahmanas. According to the Purusha manated from the "primeval man's body,
triya from his arms, the Vaisya from his ah 1976:20).
E.V. Ramasamy in the early 19th century Caste system and women's subordination. ovement was to fight the Brahmanical 'rm "Dravidian" has connotations of racial d the Aryan people. Tamils and Telugu those who spoke and used Sanskrit were
a part of the great epic Mahabharata. It is ndu doctrine which clarifies philosophical hilosophical traditions of early Hinduism. ses the system of stratification on caste
nt India, meaning a great story. It is also ivilege of having been translated into all
also considered the longest of the epics pisodes illustrating lofty morals. The date a few centuries with interpolations. Apart leed variations in the episodes which are

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handed down orally. The Mahabharat. among the literate and the illiterate. In T
6. Ramanayana
It is the other Sanskrit epic poem of the Hindus. It relates the adventures of second member of the trinity. This epic of the regional languages and enjoys a vaishnawa ceremonies. The characterisa of all that is just and right, pure and divi character and used his model as a "experiments with truth" and his ideol ideal for womanhood. The Ramayana w; the imperial Cholas by the court poet impact on the consciousness of the litera serially in a popular programme and cre
7. Tantra
The cult of Tantra centers aroun primacy on the female energy as worthy
Cha l. The statistics and names of the awar Anandam. He was popularly known compile the statistics with details of and directors. I was directed to him Madras. His keen interest, almost an him the epithet "film news". In the I gathered the statistical data for the
Cha 1. Saigam Literature
The is believed to have been produc poets. Sangam literature (literature of t kings. Myths have been mixed with his very early date. The date has been consensus. This collection is a group p social strata of the time. About twenty kings or petty chieftains and four of t agriculturists, while the list included p and artists. However, the Sangam literatu belong to the same period. Of the eig

251
enjoys a tremendous popularity both Tamil there are two versions.
ancient India regarded as a sacred text by | Rama, the re-incarnation of Vishnu, the is also translated from Sanskrit into many prestigious status, being often recited in tion of Rama the hero is an embodiment ne. Gandhi had a special attraction to this political symbol for his campaign of ogy of non-violence. Sita his wife was his as translated into Tamil during the era of , and since then has had a tremendous ti. Both these epics were recently televised ated a sensational impact on the nation.
d orgiastic mystical rites and confers a of worship, and honour.
pter 2
d winning films were collected from P.G. as "film news Anandan". His hobby is to the names of actors/actresses, producers by the chairman of the film corporation in obsession with the Tamil films has earned private film information centre run by him Tamil films from 1931 to the present day.
pter 3
:ed in an assembly of learned scholars and he assembly or association) so called and ory which has pushed this collection to a ascertained now with a fair amount of oems of men and women from different ight of them were women, thirty of them hem queens. The majority of them were otters, blacksmiths, merchants, carpenters tre though called collectively thus, doesn't ht anthologies, the poems called Ettutaiok

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and Kalitokai depict a culture of a later the ten idylls. They depict a different a improved economic structure, with sett betrays an ideology of restricted behavio
2. Women's Sacred Power, Ananku and C A few scholars and commentators b associate the concept of anangu with arguments for controlling women. T interchangeably in Sangam literature to as strength, panorama, vastness and bea meaning (Rajam 1986:257-250). This h 1976:321) as a sacred power of women, related to the sacred power they posse dangerous sacred force" (1976:321), an the ananku. He maintains that chaste WC ananku which could be unleashed and by ending her life on the funeral pyre justifies self-immolation of widows by Interestingly, this had other conseque others such as Wadley (1980:158-159). Indian Tamil woman possessing sacred to control her shakti (power) like the Wadley is influenced by Hart's interp argument "on the image of sacred fer literature" (Wadley 1980:XII), giving Ha of the concept of ananku has been ques claim that the chief source of ananku in (Hart 1975:93-97) has also been shown 263). Ananku used interchangeably ha women or with women it merely signifie clearly an example of how the concep contemporary scholars using ancient col conferred on women are merely a sugar
3. Tolkapiyam
Tolkapiyam is the earliest treatise or and is divided into three parts. The fir morphology and the third on literar prosody. This section is called “Pe information that is needed on the corroborating the evidence that has

Ideology, Caste, Class and Gender
eriod. So are the poems of Patittupattu in ld a well organised political set up on an ed agriculture and a social pattern which ur for women.
hastity y way of glorifying women's power try to sacredness and the power then become he concept of ananku is often used refer to a particular quality or status such uty. In fact it signifies a multidimensional as been interpreted by Hart (1975:96-97, and he concludes that chastity is closely s. He considers ananku as a "potentially the married status of a woman contains mem, when they become widows have this had to be controlled. This was controlled of her husband (1976:321). He in a way his peculiar interpretation of ananku. nces. Hart's interpretation was used by This has led to an assumption that the powers had to be subordinated to a male ir Indian goddesses (Wadley 1980:155). retation of the concept, and bases her maleness prevalent in the earliest Tamil rt as her reference. Hart's interpretation ioned by others (Rajam 1986:257). Hart's the ancient Tamil woman was her chastity as a misinterpretation (Rajam 1986:257; no relevance to chastity. When used of i their sexuality (Rajam 1986:260). This is t of chastity has been misinterpreted by lcepts out of place. Sacredness and power coating for a bitter pill.
Tamil grammar. It contains 1276 verses t part is on orthography, the second on conventions and usages, rhetoric and ulatikaram" and this gives significant political and social life of the people een culled from the Sangam literature.

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Tolkapiyam has been variously dated as and post Sangam (Chelvanayagam 1965 the fact that is not contemporaneous
Tolkapiyam still remains unsettled. Howe models which are representative of tw scholars to speculate that, the work was
at a subsequent date (Chelvanayagam 19
4. Dharma
The word dharma has many meanin and had with each historical period acq duty, obligation, right action, conformit the extended meanings of the concept w right code is extended to cover the right right religious truth, either Buddhist or religious truth, is meant either Buddhis specific connotations such as a King's and in these instances it means duty appropriate for each social group.
5. Housewifisation
Maria Mies uses this concept, in Th. Produce for the World Market (1982). She are socially defined as housewives, depe of a husband. The social definition of w the social definition of men as breadwi. sense of exclusion from other productive
Cha 1. “Little Tradition'/ “Great Tradition' The concepts of "little tradition" a Robert Redfield when he identified a (1961:41-42). The twin process are "the temples, and the "little tradition" worki lives of the unlettered in the village Marriot later applied this distinction to consists of the Sanskritized rituals Brahmanical Hinduism. The "great trac literates who controlled education an "great tradition" is documented in the v two great epics Mahabharata and Ramay the tradition of the illiterate masses anc

253
pre Sangam (Meenakshisundaram 1966) ). However, opinions are not divided on with the Sangam literature. The date of 'er, Tolkapiyam has evidence of conflicting o historical periods. This has even led written by different authors but compiled 66).
gs. The word first appeared in the Rigveda uired various interpretations. Law, moral y with the religion and truth, are some of hich originally meant the right code. The behaviour, the correct social custom, the
Hindu, the right social or moral law. By t or Hindu. Defined thus the term has its dharma, caste dharma, woman's dharma which is right and correct or the code
e lace makers of Narsapur, Indian Housewives defines it as the process by which women ndent for their sustenance on the income omen as housewives is the counterpart of nners. I use this concept in an additional : activities and art for women.
pter 4
ld "great tradition" were initially used by twin process in religions in South Asia great tradition" cultivated in schools and ng itself out and keeps itself going in the :ommunities". Milton singer and Mckim the Indian scenario. The "great tradition" and liturgical practices pertaining to ition" was sustained by the high castes of literacy. According to Mckim Marriot, :dic hymns Brahmanas, Upanishads and the na (1955:181-197). The "little tradition" is their literature consists of legends, songs

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and proverbs, handed down orally. "Littl fertility and therapeutic cults and ani supreme all powerful entity was later
Brahmanism with a strong patriarchal b The same process could be identified
chasaikaram, Kannaki worship was spre Emerging as a goddess of chastity from t period. Ironically she is now considerec ambivalence is startling, as the chastity c ideology, of Brahmanism and of the T Sangam periods. The explanation for th fact that the concept being part of the d through a non-Brahmanical deity was en The rituals and the art forms that accon same process - a shift from high to low st
2. Purusharta
Purusharta refers to the four objecti earthly mission in stages. The four o moksha. Dharma means performance C means acquisition of the just material pleasure and procreative functions and from worldly bondage.
Cha l. Vedic Literature, Vedic Hinduism and The vedic literature so called signifi are the four Vedas, the Rigveda, Samave "the four Vedas" collectively. They do These were followed by the Aranyakas ar ritual sacrifices. The last section of the v the beginning of a philosophical inquir the end of Veda. The Sanskritic Hindu p developed with innumerable commenta scholars. They are in classical Sanskrit, knowledge of the high caste Brahmins. studying them on par with the Sudra c. continuously maintained through the V Hinduism has many systems of philosop on the vedic literature and has a strict do

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
e tradition" consists of mother goddesses, mism. The mother goddess who was a pushed into the "little tradition" when bias was brought into the Tamil regions. in the cult of Kannaki, the goddess of ad across to Sri Lanka by the effortity. he epic Cilapatts of the Tamil king of that i a goddess of the "little tradition". The oncept as such was part of the dominant amil tradition of the Sangam and postis process however is simple. Despite the ominant ideology, operationalisation of it ough to push it into the "little tradition". panied the "little tradition" followed the atus through the hegemonic principle.
res designated for the man in fulfilling his bjectives are dharma, artha, kama and f the rightful action as laid down, artha necessities in life, kama refers to sexual moksha means the liberation of the soul
pter 5
Vedanta es a growing process. The oldest of them da, Atharvavēda and the Yajurvēda, called not however belong to the same period. ld Brahmanas. These texts give primacy to edic literature, called the Upanishads, was y proper. This is also called the Vedanta, hilosophy, since then called-Vedanta was tries and interpretations by the Brahmin which was for a long time the exclusive Women were categorically exempted from uste. The hegemony of the Brahmins was 'edic knowledge and the ritual practices. hy. The Vēdānta is the oldest and is based gmatic adherence.

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2. Puranas
There are Hindu mythologies in various reincarnations of gods and god continued to exist orally from time im date and came to be treated as a specifi Puranas in Sanskrit were divided in Mahapuranas meaning the main pura Upapuranas meaning the sub-puranas al. considered appropriate for the "twice reserved for the lesser mortals, the considered sacred by the Hindus. Du literary model was introduced into the Sanskrit mythologies or by translating t dealing with mortal heroes/heroines. T and sages who indulge in religious dis villagers and urban dwellers) in public discourses are a popular feature in the illiterate. Tamil films also acted as a 1 Puranas reached the general audiance.
3. Sittar
The Cittars' verses are collected an collections are credited under very no Kutambai Cittar, Ulokayuta Cittar and Pa collectively betray anarchist trends. Patti such as Kacitiruahaval and Tirucambami quoted under their separate names follo among Tamil scholars. For Pattinatar's given.
4. Kapalika, Tantrism, Pasupata
The cult of Tantra centers around primacy on the female energy as worthy popular materialist school of philosop. destructive role and hence represented
Chay l. Auspicious Auspicious, Manical and Kunikumam
Hindus have divided the phenomen that are auspicious are called mangala a (negative prefix). Marriage, fertility, thi

255
Sanskrit which relate the stories of the desses. Tradition has it that the Puranas nemorial. They were compiled at a later literary model like an epic. The original to Mahapuranas and Upapuranas. The nas are eighteen in number, and the to number eighteen. Whilst the Vedas are
born", the Puranas and the epics are Sidras and women. The Puranas are ing the Pallava and Chola periods this
Tamil tradition either by adapting the hem or applying this model, using it for hey were popularized by the Hindu saints courses at the community level (for the : buildings and temple premises. These socio-religious life of the literate and the medium through which contents of the
d printed in one volume, each of these h-traditional names such as Shivavakkiar, impati Cittar, Katuveli Cittar. Their verses natar's collection are given separate titles lai (see primary sources). The verses are wed by the line number as is the practice verses the title and the line numbers are
orgiastic and mystical rites and confers a of worship, and honour. Lókayata was a hy. Pasupata cult saw Lord Shiva in his im symbolically in terrific forms.
pter 6
a into auspicious and inauspicious. Those
nd inauspicious ones are called amangala state of pregnancy, house warming and

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puberty ceremonies are auspicious even growth in the life process. The colour y auspicious things and events. Fruits, flow also auspicious. A woman with these is Death sickness, widowhood and barrenn Tamil is turmeric and is uasually used by This leaves behind a yellow colours ol considered an auspicious sign of the s Usually the words ancal and kunkumam kunkumam to denote auspiciousness in wi
2. Pottu, Kunkumam
Pottu is a sign placed on the forehea black. It is a religious symbol for men an additional significance, suggesting that kunkumam from which the pottu is mad bride by the bridegroom. Täli and ku These are removed when women becom is constituted with the sign of pottu, tai widows.
3. Tāli
This is now an ornament made ou! inch in length and breadth by the gold then placed on a gold coloured string. TI neck of the bride. This is the culminatio and groom are pronounced as husban make it out of gold select other substitut tali. The word tali has a number of m. husband and husband's life are referre the death of husbands the talli is remov widow. Tali makes the woman sumankal announces to the world that she is marri and subjected to a particular restrictive such as husband, children and home.
Cha
1. Social films
This term of reference is used coll are not religours, historical, thrillers ( relevant themes in contemporaneous sit

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
ts of merry making. These are symbols of ellow and red are usually associated with ers, kunkumam, pottu, tali, and mancalare Called a sumankali, an auspieious woman. ess in women are inauspicious. Mancal in married woman to bathe, like using soap. in their bodies and on the face. This is umankali and is a taboo for the widows. are used like a compound word mancalomen ie in a sumankali.
ld in different colours but mostly red and d women. For women the red pottu has an
she is married. The red powder called e is placed ritually on the forehead of the nkumam are the symbols of married life. e widows. The auspiciousness of a woman i and flowers, which are tabooed for the
t of gold to a particular shape about one Smith according to appropriate rites. It is he bridegroom knots the chain round the in of the marriage rites by which the bride d and wife. Those who cannot afford to es for chain and a piece of tumeric for the leanings which are derived. Married life, id to in day to day conversation as tali. On ed ritually and a woman is pronounced a i, an auspicious person. The wearer of tali ed and she is within boundaries of chastity : behaviour, with restraint and limitations
pter 10
oquially to refer to fictions and films that or of kings and queens but have socially uation.

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2. Karnatic Music
This system of music was inherited fi Sri Purandara Dasa (1484-1564 A.D). Th history, when the civilization of the Tami Vijayanagara period. Since then this sy musical tradition in the sourth.
3. Dharma, Adharma (See notes no. 12 fo
Adharma means the opposite of dha the Purans have as their fundamental t manifests through the deeds of inhuma battle is fought by godly men (of kings a restore dharma through their heroic deed
4. Guru-shisya
In ancient India there was a traditio an institutionalised system of personalise a personal interest in a student and teac which he has at his command. He has students, so that the students are referr The guru can be a spiritual teacher, or a is often indicated by the mention of the artistic and religious teachers, whose na sought by many musicians and dancers. English vocabulary by its constant usage a meaning beyond class room teachers.
Chap 1. Santi
Santi literally means peace and tran bring peace. Santi is a rite performed w with a view to remove the heat and del cast upon persons and things.
2. Ragam (from Sanskrit “raga”)
A traditional form in Hindu music, aspects of religious feelings and sets foi improvised within a prescribed fram formulas, and rhythmic patterns. Two Mauna Ragam, Vasanta Ragam.

257
"om the Kannada musician saint and poet e Tamils acquired this system at a time in ls shifted to the Tanjore court during the stem has been accepted as the standard
or dharma) rma with a negative prefix. The epics and heme, the destruction of adharma which ane villains in the form of injustice. The ind gods and reincarnations of gods) who ds.
n where knowledge was imparted through 'd teaching. The teacher called guru takes hes the students, the skills and knowledge his special stamp which he imparts to his ed to as a particular guru's pupil (shisya). revered mentor. The prestige of the pupil teacher's name. There are several lines of mes were popular and whose guidance is the word guru has been accepted into the by Indians and non-Indians as it connotes
pter 12
quillity, but as a ritual it is performed to ith a specific purpose to cool and refresh predation of evil and demonic influences
consisting of a theme that expresses some th a tonal system on which variations are lework of typical progression, melodic films had the concept of raga in them -

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258
3. “Viewing"
After the primary formalities of an a horoscope matching, dowry) the brideg party to arrange for a meeting so that thi is kept on "view", dressed up. The bride see her and few questions are asked fron skills and her ability to sing classical m this custom is maintained with a stereot context there is much room for adjust demeaning to the bride who is treated has the right to reject the bride and it unattractive.

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
rranged marriage are completed (such as room and his parents request the bride's ly can see the bride and decide. The bride room's parents and the bridegroom then h the bride to ascertain her housekeeping sic. Usually they make her sing. Though ped rigidity in the Tamil films in a social ments now, as this custom is regarded as as a commodity. The bridegroom's party happens if they find the bride dark and

Page 287
In
Acarakõvai, 47 Adi Drāvida, 26-27 Adidravida women, 127-39
church and family, 137 divorce, 129-30 downy, 135 education, 132 gender disparity, 132 girl child, 130-32 marital violence, 133-34 marriage, 135 oppression episodes, 135-37 seclusion, 129-30 separation and desertions, 133-34 sons mothers, l34-35 widow remarriage, 129-30 widowhood rituals, 130-32 Aestheties in films, 157-59 Agarwal, 162 Age of Consent Bill, 69 Ahalya, 152-53 Alam Ara, 150 Althussen, 3-5, 163 Ammam Kouil Kilakale, 182-86, 192, 217,
219-20 Amniocentesis, ll5 Anathaipen, 149 Anmadurai, C.N., l 48-49 Anuloma marriage, 2l Anushya, 152-53 Aputa Pattu, 57 Arsha marriage, 20-21

dex
Art forms, 46-51
Aruntati, 52-53 Asura marriage, 21 Ataikala Pattu, 57
Athtri, 153 Audience, response to films, 166-67 Avan Amaran, l55
Bachofen, 34 Bagavathar, M.K. Thiyagaraja, 15l Barnet, l2, 15 Barrett, 7, 163 Beechy, 7 Bennet, Tony, 164 Bernstein, 24 Beteille, 15, 16 Bhagavadgita, 18, 220 Bhakti cult, 60 Bharata Natyam dance, 50 Bharatiyar, Subramaniya, 61-63, 66,
7l-73 Bhasin, 162 Bhaskaran, 147, 149 Blossfed, 9 Bottomore, Tom, 15 Bougle, 13 Brahma marriage, 20 Brahmin women,
chastity rituals, 101-05 codes of restraint, 105-07 divorce, 77-80 dowry rights, 99-100

Page 288
260
female child, 87-91 incompatibility, 95-99 marital conflicts, 95-99 mother of sons, 87-91 oldage, 94-95 property rights, 99-100 restrictive social behaviour, 91-94 seclusion, 77-80 sickness, 94-95 survival of, 95-99 symbolic violence, 91-94 victims of deformity, 94 widowhood, 77-87 within idiom of caste, 77-107 Brecht, 157 Bruner, Jerome, 72 Buchman, l56
Caste,
and gender, 12-23 class and, 15-17, 220-2l hierarchy of, 18-23
marriage arrangement by, 20-23 middle-range, 108-26 patriarchy and, l7-18 structure of, l7-18 Caste factors, l3-15 Center for Social Research in Madras,
147 Central Censor Board, l47 Chakravarti, 52 Chastity, 37-41, 52-53, 64, 101-05, 255
concept, 225 rituals, l01-05 significance of, 37-41 Chattopadhayaya, Debiprasad, 34 Child marriage, 61, 67, 106 Cilapatikāram, 35, 38.-39, 202 Class analysis, incorrect assumption in
9-12 Class vs caste, l5-17 Codes of restraint, l05-07

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
Communist Manifesto, 15 Conviction, consciousness of, 62-63 Coward, 163
Cowie, 163 Creative femininity, 56-60 Crompton, 9, 12, 23
Daiva marriage, 20 Daly, 163 Davies, 163 Day, 163 Delphy, 9, ll Deuadāsi, 51, 54-56, 148-49 legacy in films, 148-49 Dharma Pattini, 152 Divorce among,
Ådidrāvida, 129-30 Brahmin, 77-80 middle-range caste, 109-14 Djurfeldt, 15 Dominant value system, 215-16 Dowry, among
Ådidrāvida, 135 Brahmin, 99-100 middle-range castes, 122 Dowry rights, 99-100 Dowry system, 106 Draupadi Vastrapaharanam, 149 Draupadi Vastraparam, 152 Dravida Kalakam ideology, 160 Dravidiam movement,
feminism of, 63-66 in South India, l6 Drāvida Mummera Kalakam, 153-54 Dumont, 13, 15, 17, 60, 132
Eco, Umberto, 165 Education among
Ádidrãwida, 132 Ehrenfels, 34 Eisenstein, Zillah, 5, 7 Elson, 8

Page 289
Ander
Ν
Engels, 3-4, 15, 34 Everett, Jana Matson, 70
Female childran, attitude towards
among,
Ādidrāvida, 130-32 Brahmin, 87-9) middle-range caste, l 14-15 Female infanticide, 6l, 67 Female priests, 34-36 Feminine evil, 46-5, 56-60
seductive, 56-60 Film industry, Feminism, 7
of Dravidian movement, 63-66 Femininity, 66-68
aesthetics and, 157-59 classical models impact on, 149-53 culture and, l57-59 devadasi legacy, 148-49 films as politics, 154-56 formulae, 156-57 gender equation and, 156-57 gender specific distress, 159-6l historical growth, 147-61 in Tamil Nadu, 147-61 intellectual apathy, 148-49 politics of, 147-48 Films,
aesthetics, l57-59 analysis, 162-67 as politics, 154-56 audience response, 166-67 caste and class difference, 220-21 dominant value system, 215-16 feminist approach, 162-67 formulae, 156-57 gender ideological assumptions,
221-23 persuasive images and
internationalisation, 218-20 social reality, 216-218

261
Tamil, 146-61, 168-214 theory and semiology, 164-66 Firestone, 65, l63 Formulae in films, 156-57 Foucault, 3, 6 Freud, 88 Friedan, 162
Gaines, l63 Gananath, 79 Gandarva marriage, 21 Gandhi, Mahatma, 53, 66-69, 71, 73,
34 Ganesh, l3, 2l Gardiner, 9 Garnsey, 9 Gautama, 152 Gender,
and ideology, 3-7 caste and, 12-23, 75-76 class and, 9-12, 75-76 cultural and national models of
identity, 68-73 disparity among Adidravida, 132 equality and legal changes, 70-71 equation and films, 156-57 identity, 68-73 ideological significance, 75-76 ideology, 7-9, 22, 215-32 implications of coded messages and connotations in Tamil films on,
168-214 rejection of norms and protests
among middle range castes, l24-26 restructured ideology, 215-23 specific distress, 159-61 Ghosh, Nimai, 155 Ghurye, 13-14 Girl child, see, Female children Goldthorpe, 9 Gough, 16 Govindasany, 54

Page 290
262
Gramsci, 3, 5-6, 20 Greer, Germaine, 222
Hall, 3, 165,225
Hardgrave, 147
Hart, 36-37
Hartman, l64
Hegel, 3
Hegemonic Brahmanisation, 51-54
Heroic motherhood, 41-42
Hindu Adoption and Maintenance Act
(1956), 70
Hindu Marriage Act (1955), 70
Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act
(1956), 70 -
Hindu Succession Act, 70
Hindu Succession Bill, 99
Hocart, lll
Horkheiner, Max, 164
Householder, 42-45
Housewife, 42-45
Housewifisation, process of, 44, 72, 141
Huizer, 25-26
Ideology
concept of, 3-7
debate on, 4-7
gender, 3-9, 22
persistence and protests, 140-43 Indian Succession Act, 70 Inkurumuru, 4l Ill parattai woman, 4l Institute of Moral Rearmament in
India, lb 6 Iyengar, Vaduvur, Thuraisamy, 152 Iyer, Alli Paramaswara, 149
Jakobson, 165 Jati system, 14-15 Jayakathan, l56 Jayalalitha, 159 Jeevanandan, P., 155

Aaeology, Caste, Class and Gender
Jegatheesan, 79
Kacitiruahaval, 58 Kailasapathy, 35, 42 Kaimai nõnpu custom, 40 Kakar, 46, 59, 72, 88, 228 Kalathur Kannammah, 156 Kalawarishi, 152 Kalidasa, 150
Kalki, 152
Kalpana, 160 Kalyanasumdaram, V., 66-68, 7l, 158 Kanakilati woman, 4l, 43 Kamban, 52-53 Kanikayar woman, 41 Kannaki cult of, 53 Kannan, R.K., 155 Karpu, see, Chastity Karunanithi, M., 148 Karve, 2 l Kersenboom, 55 Kidappah, l5l Kishwar, 69 Korravai worship, 38 Kosambi, 33, 42 Kovalan, l52 Krishnamurthy, Kalki, 149
Lakshmi, 9
Leach, 16 Leacock, 7, 48 Lerner, 7 Levi-Strauss, l64 Liberal reforms, 61-73 Lindberg, 15
MacCormack, 7
Mackinnon, il 63
Mahābhārata, 20, 52, 63, 72, l49, 15 l,
156
Mahavira, 46
Mahratta, 69

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Ander
Makatpatkanci, 37 Manaiyal woman, 41, 43 Mānickavasagar, 57 Manimēkalai, 47-48 Manohara, 154 Manthirikumari, 154 Manu, 18, 79, 193 Manudhama Shastra, 20, 63-64, 79, l37,
142,226-27 Manudharma Shastra, see also,
Manusmriti Manusmriti, il 4, 5 l Marcuse, Herbert, 164 Marital conflict among, Ådidrāvida, 133-94 Brahmins, 95-97 middle-range castes, 120-21 Marriage system among,
Adidrãvida, 135 middle-range castes, 122 caste hierarchy and, 20-23 Marshall, 9 Maruthuwar caste, l08-26 Marx, 3-4, 15 Matrilocal residence,
among middle-range castes, 116-17 Mauna Ragam, 178-82, 215, 219 Mayor, 9 McCron, 164 Mehta, Sushila, 70 Meneka, ll52 Metz, Christian, l 65 Middle-range castes,
attitude to female children, lla-5 divorce, 109-14 dowry, 122 individual experiences, 118-20 marital conflicts, 120-21 marriage system, 122 matrilocal residence, ll 6-7 mothers of sons, ll6-17 patriarchal consciousness, 122-24

263
property rights, 122 rejection of gender norms and
protests, 124-26 self-perceptions, 120-21 shift in structure, 108-26 widowhood, 109-14 Mies, 18, 25, 44, 163 Mitchel,Juliet, 5, 7-8 Monoco, James, 120-21 Morgan, 34 Mother goddess, 34-36 Mouffe, 6 Mudaliyar, Pampal Sambanda, 152 Mudaliyar caste, 108-26 Muller, Max, la Mutal Vasantam, 169–71, 215, 217, 22l
Naccinarkiniyar, 45 Naccininarkiniyar, 39 Nadar caste, 108-26 Nālatiyar, 47
Nalayani, 152
Nallathanikāl, 149 Namdamar, ll52 Nanmatikatikai, 47 Narayanan, Aranthai, 147-49, 159-60 Neetikku Tantanai, 2.15, 219, 22l Nētal Viņņappam,57 Netikku Tantanai, 210-l4 Nonpu rites, 122-24
Obeyesekere, 40
Olivelle,46
Omvedt, 15
On Family Planning, 64 Oriravu, 154
Ortner, 7 Oru Tayin Sabatam, 200-02, 217, 220
Paisasa marriage, 21 Palanichamy, V.M., 155 Pampati Sittar, 58

Page 292
264
Pandian, l47
Panikkar, 69
Parasakthy, 154
Parattai Women, 4l
Patai Teriyutu Paar, 155
Pathmanathan, 5 l
Pati bhakti, 9
Patil, Sharad, 34
Patinenkil Kanaku Niūlkal, 42, 48
Pathmanathan, 5 l
Patriarchal consciousness,
limitations to in middle-range castes,
122-24
Patriarchy, 7
shifting constructions of, 7l-73
Pattar caste, l08-26
Pattinatar, 152
Paty Bhakti, 152
Pearson, 8
Pen En Adimaianal, 64
Periyar, see, Rāmaswamy, E.V.
Pillai, l9–20, 108, lll
Pillai caste, l08-26
Pombai, 160
Porut pentirwomen, 41
Potumakalirwoman, 4l
Prajapatha marriage, 20-21
Pratiloma marriage, 21
Prohibition of Dowry Act 1961, 70
Property rights among,
Brahmin, 99-100 middle-range castes, 122
Pu Onru Puyalanadu, 191-93, 22l,
230-31
Puraтп, 37-39, 41-42
Purity-pollution concept, l7-18
Puu ili Vasal, 202-03, 217, 222
Rajagopalachari, 148-49 Rajam, 37 Rajesuvary, 149 Rakshasa marriage, 21

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
Ram, 63
Ramachandran, M.G., 147-48, 154,
159, 16l
Ramanujam, 42
Ramasamy, KV., 155
Rāmaswamy, E.R., 63-65, 71-73
Rāmāyana, 20, 52,63, 72, 98-99, 134,
149, 151, 156, 197,222
Renunciation, 46-5l
Riley, 7
Rowbotham, 7
Russel, 162
Russian Revolution, 6l
Salavaitolilali caste, l08-26
Samayapuratale Satchie, 171-75, 215,
217,219
Samsaram Atu Minsaram, 195-200, 215,
27, 219
Samy, 34
Sandoh, Rajah, 149
Sangam literature, 33-45, 79
Sanskritisation, process of, 18-20, 54,
l
Sastri, Nilakanta, 33
Sati custom, 39, 54, 61
Satya Leela, 152
Satyamoorthy, 148-49
Saussure, Ferdinand de, l63-64
Savithri, l60
Savitri, 152
Screen, 148, 163
Seacombe, ll
Seclusion among
Ādidrāvida, 129-30 Brahmin, 77-80
Seductive feminine evil, 56-60
Seenivasan, M.P., 155
Semantic growth, in signification of chastity, 37-41 •
Semiology, and film theory, 164-66
Seri parattai woman, 4l

Page 293
Ander
Settiar caste, 108-76 Siapatikaram, 53-54, 153, 222 Singaravelu, 35-36 Singer, Milton, 15,91 Singh, Yogendra, 69 Sinnapuve Mellapesu, 193-95, 215, 217,
219-20 Sirai Paravai, 203-05, 217, 221 Sivathamby, 37, 79, 147, 154 Social reality, 216-18 Sons attitude towards among,
Adidrdivida, 134-35 Brahmin woman, 87-91 middle-range caste, ll6-17
mother of, 87-9l Special Marriage Act (1954), 70 Srinivas, 13-14, 18-19 Srinivasam, 55-56, 69 Steeves, 63 Subalakshmy, M.S., 151 Subramaniyam, 34-36 Suppression of Prostitution and
Immoral Traffic Act 1958, 70
Taboos and controls, evidence of, 36
37
Tamaraikkulam, l.55
Tambiah, 21
Tamil films,
Annan Kouil Kilakale, 182-86 coded messages and connotations in,
168-24
Mauna Ragam, 178-82 Mutual Vasantam, l69-71 Netikku Tantanai, 210-14 of 1987, 193-214 Oru Tayin Sabatan, 200-02 Pu Onnu Puyalanadu, 191-93 Puu ili Vasal, 202-03 Samayapuratale-Satchie, 17l-75 Samsaram Atu Minsaram, 195-200 Sinnapuve Meleppesu, 193-95

265
Sirai Paravai, 203-05 Teertakarayinile, 207-10 Tirumaty Oru Vekumaty, 205-07 Umairvilikal, 186-88 Uyire Unakkaka, 176-78 Wasanta Ragam, 188-91 Tamil matriarchy, 34 Tamil social formation, gender
hierarchy in, 31-71
cultural model and, 68-73 early period, 33-45 equality by law, 70-71 feminine evil, 46-60 hegemonic patriarchy, 46-60 heroic motherhood, 41-42 householder and housewife, 42-45 mother Goddess, 34-36 national model and, 68-73 patriarchy in, 224-32 taboos and controls, 36-4l woman priests, 34-36 Tantric cult, 60 Teertakaraiyinile, 207-10, 221 Teetotalism, 19-20 Tevaratti, see, Woman priests, 35 Thamotharan, Salem S., 155 Thapar, 14, 22, 43 Thiagabumi, 152 Thiruchandran, 22 Tirucambamālai, 59 Tirukural, 38, 41-44, 48, 51, 137, 141,
228 Tirumaty Oru Vekumaty, 205-07, 215,
219 Tiruvalluvar, 41 Tiruvâsakam, 57 - Tolkapiyam, 37-39, 41, 45
Tolkapiyar, 37-38 Tuchman, 162, 222
Umaivilikal, 186-88, 202, 217, 222, 227 Unnaipol Oruvan, 156

Page 294
266
Upadhaya, Ashok, 15 Uyire Unakkaka, 176-78, 219
Vaithyanathaiyar, Vally, 149 Vally Tirumanam, 152 vn Valmiki, 52 Values, hierarchy of, 18-20 Vanniar caste, l08-l6 Varaivin makalirwoman, 4l Varnasystem, 14-15 Wasanta Ragam, 188-91, 219-20 Vashisda, l53 Vegetarianism, 19-20 Velaikari, l-54 Vellala caste, 108-26 Velupillai, 39 Veriyattu dance, 35 Vidyasagar, 69 Vijaya, K.R., 160 Vijaya Siri, 160 Vilai mātu women, 41 Viresalingam, 69 Vithianamthan, 36
Widow asceticism, 40 Widow penance, 40, 54 Widowhood penance, 52 Widow remarriage, 52, 61, 67, 10-6,
29-30
Adidravida women, 129-30
Widow seclusion, 39, 106 Widow hood among, 39,77-87, 109-14,
30-32

Adeology, Caste, Class and Gender
Ādidrāvida, 130-32 Brahmim, 77-87 experience and reality, 80-87 middle range caste, 109-14 Williams, Raymond, 229 Williamson, l63 Winship, 163 Women,
Ādidrāvida, 127-39 as cause of war, 37 Brahmin, 77-107 caste, l2-23 chastity, 37-41, 52-53 equality by law, 70-71 gender, 3-12, 22-23 ideology, 3-9, 22-23 in celluloid image, 145-46 methodology for study on interactive
dialogue, 24-26 middle-range castes, 108-26 on film medium, 28-29 priests, 34-36 selection of for study, 26-28 Women priests, 34-36 Women Take Issue, 163 Working mother, 7 Wright, 9, ll
Yadawa caste, 108-26 Yalman, 13, 16 Yarukaha Aluthan, 156 Yogendrasingh, 60

Page 295


Page 296

About the Author :
SELWY THIRUCHANDRAN is the Executive Director of the Women's Education and Research Centre (WERC), Colombo. She is the Editor of Nivedini, (English and Tamil editions) feminist journals published biannually by her Women's Education and Research Centre, She has authored many books in English. She is the author of books such as The Spectrum of Feminity, Feminine Speech Transmission, Subjectivities and Historicism. She is the author of the Inonograph on Politics of Gender and Women's Agency in Post-Colonial Sri Lanka, She has edited boks SLIch as Gendered Subjects, Women Narration and Nation and The Other Wictims of War, She has also authored books in Tamil.
Dr. Thiruchandran obtained her B. A. Degree from the University of Peradeniya., Sri Lanka, and Masters Degree and Ph.D. from the Netherlands. She pursued her doctoral studies at Wirie University of Amsterdamı.
ISBN 955-9261-50-9

Page 297
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