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| HANDY PEF
A MEMOR
THE JAFFNA
SELECTIONS FROM H
HANDY PEF COMMEMOR
 
 

RNBANAYAGAM
AL VOLUME
YOUTH CONGRESS
AND
S WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
:INEANAY AGAM. ATION SOCIETY

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HANDY PERNBANAYAGAM
A MEMORIAL VOLUME
THE JAFFNA YOUTH CONGRESS
AND
SELECTIONS FROM HIS WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
198O
HANDY PERIN BANAYAGAM COMMEMORATION SOCIETY

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Handy Perinbanayagam Commemoration Society Jafna
President : C. Subramaniam
Vice Presidents : K. A. Selliah
Dr. W. L. Jeyasingham
Secretaries : N. Sabaratnam
V. Sivasupra maniam
Treasurer : A. S. Kanagaratnam
Editors : A. S. Kanagaratnam
N. Sabaratnam
THRUMAKAL PRESS
Chunnakam SRI LANKA (CEYLON,
Price: RS. 3Of

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at Cort
1afn
I in
III
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FOREWORD
S. Handy Perinbanayagam (1899-1977) pioneered the movement in Ceylon for complete national independence. Gandhian ideals from across the Straits were his inspiration. Not even once did he deviate from his ideal of a united independent Sri Lanka. The Federal Party would have welcomed him into their ranks, but he would not abandon his faith that Ceylon should be a single political unit with two official languages. He used to say, 'What Sinhala is to the Sinhalese, Tamil ought to be to the Tamils. A minority need not be subordinate to the majority in a free country'.
As early as the 20's he had openly accepted the untouchable as an honoured guest in his home and led the movement for social fairplay. Not until 40 years afterwards did the minority Tamils fight their way to equality within temples and tea shops.
He was born of Christian parents and as he went through college and adult life he took great interest in the Student Christian Movement. As a thinker he could not agree with the orthodox Christian churches and in time drifted away from them towards the religion of his forefathers. To the end he held that the tenets of Christianity and Saiva Siddhanta were close enough to be regarded as one.
He was a great educationist and teacher. He taught at Jaffna College, Vaddukoddai and later was Principal of Kokuvil Hindu College. He was elected as President of the All-Ceylon Union of Teachers; he was appointed to the National Education Commission in 1961, which recommended the devolution of managerial power to a local committee of teachers and the school community- a recommendation unfortunately shelved by the government.
At a time when English was the language of government and of prestige Handy Perinbanayagam and his friend Nesiah were the two lone voices that dared to fight for the children's right to learn in the mother tongue and the people's right to be governed in their own language. Today both the national languages are accepted as media in schools, thanks to their persistent

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fight. But Handy Perinbanayagam lost a second term as President of the A. C. U. T. because of the then prejudice even among teachers against the Swabasha medium in education.
When he retired as Principal of Kokuvil Hindu College his total years of contributory service were short by a year to entitle him to pension. The Parliament of the day resolved by a Special Bill to set aside the pension regulations that prevented his receiving a pension. That was the tribute an overwhelmingly Sinhalese Parliament paid to him for his services to education. Such a compliment has been rarely paid to any other public man either before or since.
He loved his home, and his wife and children were very dear to him. But his public duties and engagements left him little time for enjoying their company. By a strange twist of fortune his wife passed away on the same day that the Mahatmahis Guru - was assassinated.
About his birthday he used to quip that he missed the 20th century by a year. Though born in the 19th century, he was essentially of the 21st century. Much of what he fought for has been won in the latter half of the 20th century and the rest, we believe, will be realised in the 21st century.
This book is a tribute to his long and selfless service to the people of this country by his friends, admirers and old pupils. It includes the story of the Jaffna Youth Congress by Santasilan Kadirgamar of the University of Jaffna. In writing this Silan is fulfilling a wish dear to Handy's heart. The second part of the book contains selections from his writings and speeches covering a wide range of subjects and a variety of interests. He left practically no aspect of life untouched by his searching survey and criticism. We hope this volume conveys a fairly adequate picture of the man and his message.
Our thanks are due to all who responded to our call for money and material in our effort to honour a truly great man,
Jafna, Handy Perinbanayagam 28th, June, 1980 Commemoration Society

PART ONE
THE JAFFNA YOUTH CONGRESS
Santasilan Kadirgamar

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“The Mahatma's still small voice quickened the conscience of the world and of India to an acuter perception of man's obligation to fellow man and to a new apprehension of the heights which frail humanity can climb to, if only there be singleness of purpose, purity of motive and a personality completely free from unacknowledged inhibitions
and unrecognised inward conflicts.'
SHP (1948)

10.
1.
CONTENTS
Origins
The Inaugural Sessions Annual Sessions of 1925 and 1926
Gandhiji's Visit
Communal Amity The KKS Sessions Caste and Equal Seating
Boycott The Controversy
The Final Years
Looking back
Notes
Mahatma Gandhi's Letter
19
27
39
52
61
71
83
89
96
105
2

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"In spite of the reverses which the ideal of one Ceylon, Free Ceylon, has received recently we hold to our faith in it. The conception of a free country where politics is free from the ideas of race and caste calls for courage and imagination and true statesmanship. We shall not subscribe to anything less than that, for nothing less will save
Ceylon.'
SHP (1947)

I. ORIGINS
The Youth Congress, Jaffna, originally named the Students' Congress, Jaffna, was born in the mid 1920s and had a very great impact on Jaffna politics in the early 1930s. These years coincided with clearly discernible trends in Indian politics. By 1920 Gandhi had emerged as the leader of the Indian struggle for independence. The Montagu-Chelmsford reforms embodied in the India Act of 1919, held forth promises of a gradual progress towards self-government while the Rowlatt Acts, followed by the Jallianwallah Bagh massacre shocked Indian nationalists, who began to question the real intentions of the British rulers. Under Gandhi's leadership the masses were brought into politics and the Indian struggle for freedom entered its militant phase. Students in India began to play an important role in the struggle. The political ferment in India had its ups and downs but the tempo. of the struggle was maintained for a decade climaxing in the civil disobedience movement of 1930, and the Indiam National Congress declaration of total independence.
The political stirrings in India had their impact on Jaffna. Several factors make Jaffna more receptive to Indian influence than the rest of the island. Geographical proximity and ties of language, religion and culture between the people of Jaffna arid India, especially South India, make the bonds between the two peoples strong. The people of Jaffna have had a long tradition of travelling to India to both the South and the North, for purposes of education, employment and pilgrimages. Political developments in india were therefore quick to have their impact on Jaffna. It was no surprise that the Gandhian movement in India captured the imagination of Jaffna's youth. To many of these young men who were pioneers of the Youth Congress, Jaffna “it was bliss in that dawn to be alive.'
The impact of western ideas on the youth of Jaffna was another factor that had to be noted. Schools and colleges founded by American and other missionaries followed later by schools founded by Hindu patriots had a major influence in transmitting western liberal values, and democratic and nationalist ideas. The major centre for the flowering of these was of course Jaffna College, Vaddukoddai, founded by American missionaries,

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Jaffna College (1872) and its precursor the Batticotta Seminary (1822), unlike many a missionary institution and state schools in Ceylon, had stressed the study of Tamil literature. Students from this college were amongst the first graduates of the Madras University in the 1850s. The products of this institution though they had come under strong missionary influence, and even when they had become converts to Christianity, were not culturally divorced from the people of the Peninsula, in contrast to the English educated elite that emerged in the Western Province, and in Colombo in particular. The very Indianness of the Gandhian movement struck responsive chords amongst the English educated in Jaffna both young and old.
At this time in the 1920s the Principal of Jaffna College was the American missionary the Rev. John Bicknell known for his liberal views of freedom of thought, speech and action. “In the 1920s,' said Handy Perinbanayagam, “ the movement in India had a tremendous effect upon the youth of Jaffna. Probably because of the comparative freedom that prevailed at Waddukoddai, this impact was more acute at Jaffna College.'
In fact Handy Perinbanayagam specifically traces the remote beginnings of the Students Congress to the debating and literary societies at Jaffna College, especially the Brotherhood' which was the Senior Literary Association in 1918-1919 when Handy was a student.
The freedom to think and discuss at Jaffna College is illustrated by the kind of subjects debated at the meeting of the literary societies. Beginning with subjects like “Home rule should be granted to Ireland,' and “Labouring men have a right to strike,' the students of Jaffna College went on to debate as early as 1920 subjects like “Territorial representation is better than racial'; “The headman system should be abolished', and “The Ceylonese should not send their representatives to the Legislative Council according to the new reform scheme'. By 1921-1922 they were debating such radical subjects bordering on the treasonable, such as: “Gandhi was justified in burning foreign clothes'. 'Self-government should be granted to Ceylon': "The Principal should be a native', and “Students should wear the national costume'. In 1923 the students had

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debated, “Mahatma Gandhi in prison is more dangerous than Mahatma Gandhi out of prison.'2 In these school boy debates, as Handy was to comment later, no subject except sex and probably denial of God was taboo. Abolition of corporal punishment, co-education, national independence, the dowry system, the caste system were debated not only with the callow cocksureness of adolescence but with the seriousness of philosophers who believed that vital consequences would follow from their debates and decisions. Teacher patrons who exercised influence and authority had the right to attend meetings. The principal was the patron of the senior society, the Brotherhood. But the student chairman had the right to order and ask him to sit down. On one occasion the principal John Bicknell was indeed asked to sit down and he did so with a blushing face. The Jafina College ethos at that time was one of freedom. It was also one in which the administrators were responsive to the nationalistic stirrings across the Palk Strait. ln 1919 a symposium was held on "An Up-To-Date Literature in Tamil'. The Hon. Mr. K. Balasingam, the Rev. S. Gnanaprakasar, and Rev. G. G. Brown participated amongst others. Mr. Balasingam expressed the view that if Tamil was to become a progressive language it must become the language of government, and Fr. Gnanaprakasar stressed the need to educate our people to appreciate their own language. But the most radical proposal came from Rev. Brown who said, “Do not allow any boy to be promoted who fails to pass a worthy test in Tamil reading, grammar and composition. Create a sentiment in the country which will make a student feel ashamed to be able to speak and to write in English, while he cannot do equally well in Tamil.' In the school curriculum in the teaching of history where European and British history enjoyed a monopoly changes were made whereby Ceylon history and Indian history were introduced in the lower forms in the early twenties.
But compared to the youth of a later generation the students of Jaffna College, as elsewhere in the country, were an unsophisticated generation that had grown in a colonial milieu. They had not heard of Karl Marx or historical materialism or the dicatatorship of the proletariat. They were of course impulsive, idealistic and had a passion to usher in an egalitarian

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and just society. They believed that their elders had failed and that the key to the future was in their hands. They were brimming over with confidence that the caste-bound feudalistic society enslaved by the British Raj could be redeemed and restructured by organising themselves. They were however not guided by any coherent body of thought with a philosophical or ideological base. But they were committed to certain specific aims such as national independence, the abolition of caste and the removal of social disabilities.
In 1922 some of these young men, teachers and students in the matriculation classes at Jaffna College, with an impulsive, idealistic passion for freedom and social reform formed themselves into the Servants of Lanka Society. Among the founder members were Handy Perin banayagam, Sabapathy Kulandran, S. R. Kanaganayagam, C. Subra maniam, A. M. Brodie, K. E. Mathiaparanam, S. Durai Raja Singam and Bonney Kamagathungam. It was more of a study group in which papers were read by members and discussions followed on the country's problems and the remedies for its ills. It was an attempt to give thought to the problems and aspirations that were becoming articulate amongst the youth of Ceylon. It is not known whether Principal Bicknell ever knew anything about this. Handy later confessed that “he might have sympathised with our aspirations and thought it wise not to know anything about it.'
From Jaffna College and its debating societies and the Servants of Lanka Society Handy went to the University College in Colombo and took up residence in the Union Hostel. “While we were at the Union Hostel', he later reminisced, ''Our Warden Mr. C. Suntheralingam's dictum was that within the four walls of the hostel we could talk the most rabid treason with impunity. But outside we shall be called upon to pay the penalty of the law. Something similar was the atmosphere at Jaffna College also in the Bicknell days. In our debating societies and the class room we were free to give unbridled expression to our convictions. C. Suntheralingam was later to become guide, friend and philosopher to the Congress behind the scenes. Later he became President for a year.'

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The radicalism that spread at Vaddukoddai grew in strength at Guildford Crescent under Suntheralingam's patronage. Most evenings after dinner C. Suntheralingam would stride into the Junior Common Room and hold forth on the iniquities of the British Raj and the humiliations that subject peoples like the Ceylonese had to undergo. He would tell tales of pin-pricks inflicted by the English. He conceived of the Union Hostel as a nursery for the development of a free and united Lanka.
He took special pains to make the hostel a foreshadowing of independent Sri Lanka- a miniature of the Lanka he envisaged. Young people of all races and all creeds were encouraged to come into the hostel. C. Suntheralingam's name at that time was one to conjure with. His academic achievements, his defiance of government service and his genuine egalitarianism in his dealings with people was already known when he became Warden of the Union Hostel.
Thus there grew up in the Union Hostel as stated in Handy's words, “a somewhat nebulous body of thought concerned about national freedom. We were young and immature and our thinking probably was not coherent or clear cut. The problems that would emerge from freedom like racial conflicts, caste animosities and economic inadequacies never formed part of our thinking. We took it for granted that these problems would solve themselves. Race consciousness and religious conflict did not raise their head during our days.'
During his years at the Union Hostel 1923-24 Handy was Secretary of the Student Christian Movement of Ceylon. At that time the Warden of Brodie House was E. W. Dewick an outstanding Christian thinker who had been principal of a Christian College at Allahabad and had lost his job because of his pro-Indian sympathies and speeches. The Christian students at Union Hostel organised a Christian Study Circle with Dewick as their leader. Some Hindu friends of Handy joined the circle. The accusation however was made in some quarters about the invasion of Union Hostel by a Christian propagandist. Some Buddhist later at a meeting of the Union Hostel however defended C. Suntheralingam and the Union Hostel against the ill-informed and mischievous accusations,

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In June 1924 Handy Perinbanayagam sat the B. A. examination and thereafter returned to teach at Jaffna College. “My London degree, said Handy Perinbanayagam, gave me a measure of confidence as well as status but I did not wait till I obtained a degree to do the spade work for the setting up of an organisation for national independence." During holidays and week-ends Handy would meet like-minded friends. These included S. Kulandran, C. Subramaniam, S. Nadesan, S. U. Somasegaram, Swami Vipulananda, M. Balasun dram, S. Durai Raja Singam, P. Nagalingam, A. E. Tamber, S. Subramaniam, V. Thillainathan, S. Rajanayagam, Ki Navaratnam, V. Muthucumaru, J. C. Amerasingham, S. S. Sivapragasam, J. W. A. Kadirgamar, A. M. K. Cumaraswamy, V. K. Nathan, S. J. Gunasegaram, K. Nesiah, Sam Sabapathy, S. C. Chithamparanathan and several others.' Some of them were senior students in the Colleges in Jaffna.
The climate seemed to be conducive for the inauguration of a movement primarily of young people. An exploratory meeting was held at the then Y. M. C. A. Jaffna (Opposite the present Christ Church) in the afternoon of Saturday first November 1924. About thirty young people were present. Among them were teachers, lawyers, students in the upper forms of the Colleges in Jaffna and free lance political thinkers. These included severel names already mentioned above. Balasundram, University scholar in Mathematics, due to leave for Cambridge shortly, and S. Durai Raja Singam were elected joint Secretaries. After a preliminary exchange of views it was unanimously resolved to inaugurate an organisation to be called Students' Congress, Jaffna. Handy later emphasised the point that they decided to call it Students' Congress, Jaffna rather than Jaffna Students' Congress, because they did not wish to give the new organisation a parochial flavour.
It was the hope of these men that similar organisations would spring up in the other parts of the island and that eventually an island-wide organisation dedicated to the same ideals would emerge. Such an organisation called the All Ceylon Youth Congress did emerge and have a brief existence after the Jaffna Boycott of 1931. About this time Gordon Pearce was Principal of Parameshwara College and some Sinhalese students had come

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along with him to Jaffna from the South. Dhanapala (later a journalist) and another Sinhalese were present at this preparatory meeting.
Thus from its very beginnings the Students' Congress had an all-island perspective and was committed to national unity and independence for Ceylon. Balasundram in his letter to the press wrote of Students of Ceylon (not merely of Students of Jaffna) and of the need to revive the decadent literature of this land. An organising committee for the first sessions of the Students' Congress to be held in Jaffna was elected at the 1st November meeting held at the Y. M. C. A. The committee consisted of two student representatives from each College and seven others including teachers and well-wishers. This committee was to carry on active propaganda in organising this Congress. Balasundram expressed the hope that all “idealists and those who look to the welfare of Ceylon would help the organising committee in making this undertaking a success.'
Preparations were made to hold the inaugural sessions of the Congress in the last week of December. Meanwhile Handy Perinbanayagam set out the aims of the proposed Congress in a lengthy letter to the Daily News. He wrote to inform the public of a “new venture which some of us are proposing to initiate in this land for marshalling the forces of the students of this country, for the purpose of solving some of the problems which are confronting us today... The students feel that they have a contribution to make towards the social, political, cultural economic and political betterment of this land, and that they have for long been debarred from this, their rightful field of activity by the conservatism and narrowness of vision of their leaders.' He gave expression to the vision of a new Ceylon shared by many young men in different parts of Ceylon. Youth at this time, particularly in Jaffna were known for their docile acquiescence without question to the actions of their elders. This inevitably resulted in the suppression of a spirit of inquiry and damped initiative and self-reliance. This invitation to youth who thought alike to come together, exchange ideas and translate their enthusiasm for national service into something more tangible by forming an organization for concerted action was by itself

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a radical venture in Jaffna in the 1920s. The movement so organised was to embrace young people of all races, creeds and castes. This was a period when divisive forces were at work creating religious and racial animosity. Handy in his letter draws attention to the suspicion and misunderstanding in the air between races, religions and individuals. Students had been organised in movements but these were based on religious divisions. This new venture that was now launched was the first attempt made to co-ordinate the efforts of young people of all religions.'
It was hoped that the proposed congress would provide a base of operations to the young men who were discontented at the present state of things and who wanted to create the same divine discontent' in the minds of others so that they might have the satisfaction of having made the condition of their country in its social, political, cultural, intellectual and spiritual sides a little better than when they came into it. The letter concluded with an invitation to all those interested in the “regeneration of this country and who had faith in our capacity to bring it about and “who believed in the possibilities of youth' to communicate with the organising secretary, Mr. M. Balasundaram B. Sc., “Hope Cottage', Jaffna and to assist the movement with financial and moral support.'

2. THE INAUGURAL SESSIONS
The first sessions of the Students Congress was held at the Ridgeway Hall, Jaffna (situated where the present Town Hall stands) on the 29th, 30th and 31st December 1924. Several well-known educationists participated. Handy Perinbanayagam was the chief organiser. He was assisted by several young men among whom were M. Balasundram and S. Durai Raja Singam. A large number of students estimated at about three hundred together with recent graduates and undergraduates attended this inaugural sessions,
The Morning Star reported that seating was in national style on carpets and all present were in "national costume '.'
Mr. J. W. Chelliah of Jaffna College was elected President of the Congress. It became the practice thereafter for an elderly man of some distinction to be elected President of the Congress. The President's main function was to deliver the opening address at the Annual Sessions. The youthful member of the Students Congress who delivered the welcome address for all intents and purposes became chairman of the Executive Committee. The President's position became largely an honorary office and if at all, he functioned in an advisory capacity only.
S C. Chithamparanathan had offered a most cordial welcome in a “sweet Tamil speech' as reported by the Hindu Organ. The Students' Congress from its very inception broke new ground in the political and public life of Jaffna and for that matter in the whole of Ceylon by giving the national language a place of honour. It became the first organisation in Jaffna and perhaps the whole of Ceylon where the English educated classes used one of the national languages together with the English language to conduct the proceedings of the organisation. The resolution forming the Students' Congress was moved by M. Balasundram and was seconded by S. Nadesan of the University College and was passed unanimously. The resolution read as follows: “That the students assembled in this hall do hereby resolve that a Congress be formed for the purpose of quicketing national impulse and for directing the encrgy of the youth of

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this country in the path of sincere, selfless national service and that it shall be named the “Students’ Congress'. P. Nadaraja one of the young men present made a stirring speech in which he referred to the great national awakening that was taking place. He called upon those present to alleviate the sufferings of the starving people, the unemployed and oppressed women. The remedy for their present deplorable state, he stressed, lay not in their sending of deputations to England to plead for reforms or fighting for reserved seats in the Legislative Council but that it depended upon their sincere desire to serve their motherland. 17
Mr. J. V. Chelliah of Jaffna College in his presidential address said that 'all the greatest reforms effected in society were the work of young men. Je sus Christ when he started his mission had only just completed his twenties. Buddha's renunciation took place when he was a very young man.' He deplored the existence of communal jealousy between different communities in the island and appealed to them to make national unity one of their main planks of activity. He referred to the curse of untouchability and the evil effects of the dowry system and called on the youth to translate ideals into practical action. He emphasised the role of the youth in eradicating the social evils prevalent in the county. He concluded his speech by saying, “You are the future citizens of this land. On you depends the weal or woe of this beautiful island. May God help you to stand together unitedly for righteousness and justice and may He help you to perform living service for your motherland.” 18
Handy recalling J. V. Chelliah's speech later said, “He made a convincing appeal for national unity. I yet remember the simile he had used to portray the unity he had in mind. It was the rainy season. The landscape from Vaddukoddai to Jaffna was for long stretches covered with paddy fields. To the passenger in the car the fields were like a spreading sea of emerald green but there were ridges marking boundaries. National unity was obvious. The differences however real should be played down .19.

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On the second day there was discussion in Tamil on “The need for the revival of Tamil Literature.' The participants were T. N. Subbiah, Navaneetha Krishna Bharathi, R. C. Satkunasingam, V. S. Rajayanar and S. Natesapillai. On the third day V. Muthucumaru and S. J. Gunasegaram led a discussion on “Mass Education'. V. Muthukumaru in his address emphasised personal contact with the people and called on the youth to "go among the people and converse with them freely on subjects of social and national interest. Go in the dress of the people lest they fail to recognise you as one of their own. Speak with them in their own language, otherwise they will not listen to you.' The primary task he set before the youth was to teach the people to rise above their feeling of inferiority and helplessness. 'Why is Mahatma Gandhi so successful in his work? It is mainly because he lives like them, and talks to them in their own speech' and he added that “if the educated have any influence at all on the people it is the baneful one of making them admire foreign dress, customs and manners.' He drew attention to how the newspapers had an undesirable effect in the manner in which they advertised foreign goods and medicines. “So long as you use foreign articles, we can neither become self-reliant, nor make the people forget that brooding sense of inferiority with which they are obsessed', continued the speaker and added, “I cannot but blush for some of our elderly men who can never set out except in their trousers.'20 His was a radical speech and in espousing Gandhian values of self-reliance and rejection of foreign goods he had sensed the mood of the youth responsible for the inauguration of the Students' Congress. Many of them had already donned the national dress. Some of them had discarded the trousers for good and never again went back to the use of western attire in their lifetime.
Handy Perinbanayagam who was the moving spirit behind the movement once related a memorable event in his life. He and Lyman Kulathungam were the first two students to pass the London Inter-Arts examination at Jaffna College. This was in 1922 the year when Jaffna College was celebrating the one hundredth anniversary of the founding of the Batticotta Seminary. . The two successful students were to deliver orations at the Prize Day function, an honour that no student would forego. But,

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Handy had made it known that he would go to the function in national dress. Principal Bicknell having heard about this, called young Handy and insisted that he should wear trousers and coat. The young idealist politely refused to do so. Bicknell then ruled that he would not have the honour of delivering the Prize Day oration. Mrs. Harrison another American missionary called Handy and pleaded with him. Handy persisted in wearing national dress and said that even if he wished to he did not have the required clothes, and so the honour went to Lyman Kulathungam. Handy later recalled that it was a painful incident to him. Bicknell had been like a foster father to him and it was a very heart-rending affair to displease him. It was however not a personal matter but one of conviction. Handy wrote to Bicknell explaining his position and Bicknell in a courteous reply said, 'let's forget it and there the matter ended.2. It may be worthy of comment that Lyman Kulathungam adopted the national dress and has worn it ever since.
Muthucumaru's speech therefore struck a responsive chord among the youth present. In his address he did make references without elaborating on them, to the forces of capitalism and the enslavement and exploitation of the working classes, the barriers of social conventions and the oppressive nature of political power. He underlined the need to educate the masses on questions concerning the welfare of the people such as old age pensions, the housing problem, national insurance, and unemployment. He stressed the need to destroy caste prejudices against particular industries and forms of manual work. He appealed to the youth in these words, “It rests with you young men, to take up the great work of educating the people. Carry the light of knowledge to every door. Let the difference between you and the masses be one of character and culture rather than that of dress or speech or habit.'
In the final session of the Congress a series of resolutions moved by Handy Perinbanayagam were passed.
(1) That this Congress recognising that it is possible for people of all religions to work for the welfare of the motherland and promote its interests with equal sincerity and earnestness resolves that as far as the Congress is concerned that no distinction

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be inade between or preference shown to anyone of the various religious bodies in the country and that no sectarian issue be ever raised in any general or committee meetings held by the Congress or any propaganda carried by it, and that a clause to this effect be invested in the Constitution.
(2) That a committee be appointed to organise sub-organisations affiliated to the Congress, wherever a number of students can be made to form themselves into such sub-organisations.
(3) That this Congress is of opinion that the caste differences existing at present in the ... country are an obstacle to the progress of the nation and resolves that the members of the Congress strive as far as possible to remove the curse of untouchability from our midst.
(4) That the members of the Congress bind themselves by a pledge to devote at least three hours in the week to the study of and cultivation of the national literature.
(5) That a prize, medal or some other form of inducement be offered by the Congress to anyone who does some original work for the revival of national literature, art or music.
(6) That a committee of five members be appointed by the executive committee to devise ways and means to develop the national literature in the following branches: (a) Science (b) Fiction (c) Social history and biography.
(7). That the Congress take early steps to see that the teaching of Tamil in schools in South Ceylon and Sinhala in schools in North Ceylon be introduced.
(8) That the executive committee of this Congress be asked to take such steps as to make the sessions of the Congress to be held in April 1925 representative of all races (principally Sinhalese and Tamils) creeds and interests.
(9) That a publication committee of three be formed to print and publish leaflets in order to explain to the masses the objects of the Congress movement and to educate them in habits of temperance and co-operation.

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(10) That the Congress resolves that the members as far as possible patronise local trade and industrics, and in particular that they should eschew foreign soap, scents, toilet powder, liquor and cigarettes.22
It is evident from the above resolutions that the Students' Congress from its very inception adopted a radical line on Social reforms and set before its members a programme for national resurgence. It is worthy of note that nowhere in these resolutions is there any indication that they were concerned with a purely Tamil revival. On the contrary the word national is repeatedly used keeping in mind an all-island perspective. The hope was that the Students' Congress would grow into an All-Ceylon Students' Congress. It happened that the Students Congress being active in Jaffna among the Tamil people the resolutions translated into practice amounted to a revival of the Tamil language and literature. One day out of the three days of the annual sessions was set apart exclusively for a programme in Tamil.
The resolution that Sinhala be taught to Tamil students and that Tamil be taught to Sinhalese students indicates again their commitment to national unity. In the context of the communalism, mutual suspicion and animosity that was creating a widening gulf and gradually tearing apart the Sinhalese and Tamil political leaders of the time, the Students’ Congress set before itself the ideal of unity of all races and creeds.
The first resolution excludes religious sectarianism. The 1920s marked the cmergence of a period of Hindu-Christian rivalry in Jafina that lasted for nearly two decades. The columns of the Hindu Organ and the Morning Star testify to a growing spirit of animosity and rivalry especially over the opening of new schools and the patronage exercised over existing schools. The young men of Jaffna were determined not to succumb to the sectarianism of either the Hindus or the Christians. The Students’ Congress was acutely conscious of the divisive forces at work, and gave high priority to this problem. The Students' Congress having originated and having derived its inspiration from the environs of Jaffna College, a leading Christian insti

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tution, the Congress was at times labelled as under Christian influence. J. V. Chelliah, Vice Principal of Jaffna College and a leading layman of the Jaffna Council of the South India United Church, had been elected President of the Congress. The leaders of the Congress were therefore anxious to dispel any doubts abouts the secular nature of the organisation. Several well known Hindu leaders did participate in the programme of the Congress. The well known Hindu savant Shivapathasundram was invited to preside at and deliver the presidential address at the 1930 sessions in order to demonstrate to Hindu extremists the secular nature of the Congress.
The resolutions at the first Congress tend to give the impression that politics had been relegated to the background. There was indeed no resolution on self-government. This was to be expected. In India the struggle for full self-government was beginning to take shape only in the 1920s. In Ceylon there was hardly any demand or voices raised in favour of self-government. At this time political thinking did not go beyond patchwork changes in the prevailing political structure like throwing open the upper echelons of the public service to Ceylonese, setting up of a University and increased representation in the Legislative Council, Even the suffrage was limited to the English educated middle class. The aspirations and aims of these young men were profoundly influenced by the situation in India. But in India itself the Indian National Congress resolved in favour of full independence only in 1930.
While there was a vague aspiration for self-government not clearly articulated at this time but which was to mature into the demand for full self-government at the 1931 sessions of the Students' Congress, the inaugural sessions concerned itself with the immediately realisable practical tasks of social reform and revival of the national languages. The radicalism of the Students' Congress at this time lay in its attitude to caste. When the resolution on the removal of untouchability was moved V. Muthucumaru challenged everybody present to eat or drink in the homes of the so-called depressed castes. The President in the chair was familiar with some of the preliminary gestures made by some of the young men present who had at Vaddu

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koddai visited the homes of the school employees from those castes and had taken short eats and tea in their homes in deliberate defiance of caste taboos. The chairman J. V. Chelliah called upon Handy Perinbanayagam to answer the question raised. When Handy affirmed that he and his friends had tea in these homes Muthucumaru was astonished and admitted that till that moment he had not known that there were such radicals in Jaffna. Interrupting the discussion S. Shivapragasam, well known humorist of those days wanted to know whether it was tea that Handy and his friends had had or whether it was Jaffna's famous palmyrah toddy 2:
The very fact that the students and youth of Jaffna had organised themselves into a Congress was itself a radical venture in those times. In conservative Jaffna obedience and respect for elders was one of those unwritten laws that was strictly adhered to. In this rigid caste-oriented feudalistic society the Students' Congress was able to commit its members to the removal of the curse of untouchability.' This indicated the radical course that the Congress had set before itself. It also bore evidence to the extent to which Gandhism had captivated the minds of the youth of Jaffna.
The Students' Congress received favourable press comment both in Jaffna and Colombo. The Ceylon Daily News referred to it as “a promising development in student life' when the students of the North met in Congress and “gave expression to their determination to set the world aright.' The paper warned against an “over-indulgence in political froth' but recalled the example of the Oxford and Cambridge Union Societies and their role in shaping future prime ministers in england and said, “If then politics is not too evil a subject for our rulers to toy with in their student days, it cannot do much harm to those who are supposed to be under training to shoulder the responsibilities of government in this country.' The Daily News commended the address made by Mr. J. V. Chelliah especially his call to the youth to strike out on their own and not to follow slavishly in the path marked out for them by their elders. 2

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Jaffna's weeklies The Morning Star, the Hindu Organ and The Ceylon Patriot gave coverage in their respective papers to the sessions of the Congress and welcomed the efforts made by the youth. But The Morning Star and the Hindu Organ struck a note of caution. The Hindu Organ had warned even before the sessions had commenced that the youth should not attempt too much. “We are confident that they are lacking neither in enthusiasm nor in sincerity but what we wish to point out is that at the beginning a too ambitious programme is likely to dissipate their energies ... ... ' The Hindu Organ added, “It would be a fine testimony to their spirit of service if they could get some elderly men to be associated with them in their work. The race is to the young no doubt but the prize is always offered by the old.'2.
The Morning Star commented on the danger in rejecting all things foreign for the simple reason that they are foreign. “A true nationalist', The Morning Star editorial comment said, '' will not rest content with the achievements of his ancestors... (and) harp on the glories of the past'. It deprecated the speeches made by the Tamil scholars at the sessions who chanted ad nauseam' the praises of the ancient writers and said nothing about what should be done by the present generation to make its contribution ”..?o
It is interesting to note that the Indian paper 'The Swarajya' carried a comment on the formation of the Students' Congress in Jaffna. In the light of what has already been stated here the paper appears to have got a distorted picture of what the Congress' aims and aspirations were. It commented, “The students were mainly Tamils. Though the speakers of the day were in the right key, we confess that the stress laid on Tamil culture makes us somewhat apprehensive. Certainly no nation can grow away from its roots. But the practical question in Ceylon politics is the growing divergence among the two races and an intensive study of the culture of only a single race may deepen the currents of distrust and disunion.'" The Swarajya comment was based on a report from a Colombo contemporary. It is worth noting that right from its beginnings the Students' Congress was being misunderstood as a movement
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that espoused the cause of the Tamils which in fact it was not. Distorted interpretations of the Students' Congress later re-named the Youth Congress, Jaffna, were to become commonplace especially after the boycott of 1931. The Swarajya had correctly diagnosed the disease in Ceylon's body politic as that of the growing divergence among the two races but had failed to note that the Students' Congress was the emerging movement in the North that was to challenge that divergence, a commitment to whic many of its leaders remained faithful to the last.

3. ANNUAL SESSIONS OF 1925 AND 1926
1925 to 1931 marks the period of growth of the Students' Congress. The Congress performed a vital role in politically educating the youth and in moulding public opinion, in Jaffna. Its aspirations were fervently nationalistic drawing its inspiration from the Indian National movement. Within the brief span of six years the Students' Congress had become a force to be reckoned with as demonstrated by the boycott of 1931. In this period a galaxy of personalities had either graced the annual sessions of the Congress, or addressed the youth. These included the foremost Indian leaders of the time such as Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru. Others who came from India included Satyamurthi, Kalyanasundaranar, and Kamaladevi Chattopadyaya. The Sinhalese speakers at Congress sessions included several of the future political leaders of the country. A youth organisation that was able to get such eminent men to appear on its platform naturally commanded respect, and at times evoked the envy of older men.
The annual sessions became increasingly popular with attendance increasing from about three hundred at the inaugural sessions to about one thousand participants when the congress reached its peak period of activity in 1931. Most of the youth from Jaffna’s leading schools came within the ambit of the Congress' influence. The annual sessions held for a period of three days became the central event in the life of the Congress and was much looked forward to in Jaffna.
The second sessions of the Students' Cogress was held at the Vaitilingam Madam at Keerimalai from the 27th to 29th April 1925. Keerimalai which was Jaffna's famous holiday resort became the meeting place for several subsequent sessions. The young men would settle down here for three days during their holiday season to discuss and debate the momentous issues of the times. Something of a holiday atmosphere and hilarious fellowship prevailed. But beneath the apparent light-heartedness of youth there was a seriousness of purpose. The three days were divided into five or six sessions. The first session would include the welcome address by one of the leading members

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of the Congress. It became a singular honour for whoever was elected to deliver the address, an event he never forgot in his lifetime. The welcome address was not a mere formality. It ran into ten or twelve pages, was often printed and it outlined the tasks facing the Congress in the coming year. The secretaries' report was then presented. This was followed by the presidential address delivered by a distinguished personality of the times. The traditional vote of thanks to the president concluded the first sessions. The second to fifth sessions were devoted to lectures and discussions on economic and social questions, the revival of the national literature, art and music, education and politics. The political session was often, one but the last session, followed by the final sessions at which resolutions were moved. The election of office-bearers came on the first day. The second day was largely devoted to national literature and culture and the proceedings were entirely in Tamil with noted Tamil scholars participating. In between sessions and late in the evenings there was musical entertainment. Informal discussions having a bearing on the subjects discussed, of . course took place during the intervals.
The overall objective of the annual sessions was to educate and make politically conscious the youth of Jaffna. The domi; nant theme was national resurgence in the economic, social, cultural, educational and political life of the country. The ideal of a united nation was repeatedly stressed. The revival of the Tamil language and literature was given the ut most importance.
The second annual sessions opened with the welcome address delivered by S. J. Gunasegaram; P. de S. Kularatne was then formally proposed to the chair by C. Subramaniam. It was reported that Kularatne kept the visionary youth spellbound with his speech for more than an hour. He underlined the three aims of the Congress (1 To revive the national art, literature and music (2) To make Ceylon economically independent, and (3) To train the young for national service in particular and to work for the realisation of the ideal of a United Ceylonese Nation. These three aims had virtually become the creed of the congress and any participant at these sessions had to subscribe to these aims. Kulalatne was at this time held in high regard

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by the people of Jaffna because of his commitment to an allisland nationalism. As the Hindu Organ put it he was welcome as “the first England returned Ceylonese to defy public opinion and prove in the teeth of opposition that it is not clothes that make the man but man that makes the clothes.'
Kularatne appeared to have been impressed by the life style of the people of Jaffna. He expressed the view that one of the greatest contributions that Jaffna can give to (our) brothers of the South is the very simple mode of living of the Jaffna Tamil. It is worth noting that some time earlier. E. C. Dewick a one time missionary in India writing on “Some impressions of Jaffna' said, “It was a joy to find some people not wearing trousers and willing to sit on the floor in decent oriental fashion for meals... In some ways I found myself more at home in Jaffna than anywhere else in Ceylon; it was more like 'old times' in India.' He continued, “My impressions of Jaffna include that of an unusually large body of young men who are taking a keen interest in the problems of the world and in the future of their country.' This simplicity of life-style and adaptability to the native traditions of Jaffna and love of country remained characteristic of the Youth Congress generation of men, which an elitist English education and middle class jobs never blurred.
The topics on which addresses were delivered, the persons invited to speak and the programme in general set the tone and pattern of the Students' Congress proceedings in the coming years. The subjects taken up for discussion give an insight into the ideals that propelled the youth of this time. As already mentioned there wasn't a coherent ideology. But there is no doubt that the youth were seeking to find an intellectual basis for a programme of action that would lead to a regeneration of their national life and freedom from foreign domination in the economic, social and cultural life of the country.
V. Muthucumaru spoke on Food Production and Unemployment' at the session concerned with economic issues. He advocated the colonisation of the Vanni and called upon the youth to take to agriculture, V. Thillainathan delivered a talk

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on “Our Industrial Needs'. The afternoon sessions on the second day were devoted to a discussion on the revival of national literature, Swami Vipulananda led the discussion which was in Tamil. T. P. Masila many addressed the gathering on ''Journalism in Tamil' and K. Aiyathurai spoke on 'What the State can do for Tami'. Other participants at the discussion included Navaneetha Krishna Bharathi and V. Muthu. cumaru. In the course of his comments Swami Vipulananda emphasised the need to have the national language as the medium of instruction in schools. He had also touched on the caste problem and said that he could speak with authority from the Vedas and Shastras when he said that Hinduism never does countenance untouchability.o
The final sessions of the Congress on the third day was devoted to political and educational matters. A. M. K. Cumaraswamy spoke on “Sinhalese-famil Unity' while A. Cumaraswamy gave a lecture on “Higher Education'. The resolutions passed at this session included abolition of untouchability, the desirability of the Tamils and the Sinhalese learning each other's language and culture and a call on nationals to adopt the national costume. The office-bearers elected at the second annual sessions were M. Sithamparanathan and C. Subramaniam, joint secretaries, V. Thillainathan, treasurer and fifteen other members were elected to the executive committee. P. de S. Kularatne became the first Sinhalese to be elected President of the Students' Congress thereby emphasising the fact that the Students' Congress was expected to grow into an all-island movement and not merely remain a movement of the youth of Jafina. The Students' Congress had succeeded in obtaining the participation of personalities who did command respect in the eyes of the public. The Hindu Organ on the eve of the sessions made flattering comments on the choice of speakers as promising national and social workers qualified to pronounce opinions on economic matters. W. Muthucumaru was regarded as a young man of some vision and tenacity of purpose and A. M. K. Cumaraswamy as one who had identified himself with world movements of young men. With reference to Swami Vipulananda the editorial said, “He points to us the ideal before us. He is the embodiment of plain living and high thinking. He is the

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messenger of the East building on the old and yet new. From him our young men will not only derive instruction but even inspiration.' Commenting on the general theme of the Congress at its annual sessions the Hindu Organ said, “We have every reason to hope that it is going to produce a great awakening among the young men of our country The youth are looking out for fields of action. They feel themselves circumscribed everywhere. Still they must act. Youth cannot be suppressed. it must express itself. The Students' Congress is thus an inevitable result of a desire for self-expression on the part of our young men and it should be the duty of our leaders to extend their help and sympathy to the movement, so that the young men might feel that they are in a freer atmosphere to unburden their hearts.' The Students' Congress at this time in the early years of its history was without doubt thriving on the euphoria of praise and encouragement especially from the older men. Criticism and bitter opposition came a little later as the members began to translate into action some of the lofty ideals they stood for.
The third annual sessions due to be held in April 1926 was postponed on account of an outbreak of cholera in the Jaffna Peninsula. The sessions were later held in Keerimalai at the Waithilingam Madam under the Presidentship of Dr. Isaac Thambiah in December 1926.3. S. Kulandran delivered the welcome address Dr. Isaac Thambiah had made a resounding call to the youth to come forward and take their share in the life of the nation. Kulandran in his welcome address drew attention to the attitude of the people of Jaffna to politicsHe said that the Tamils of Jaffna had been so far indifferent as to who ruled them and how they were ruled, basing their attitude on a humorous saying that floats among the people that it is of little consequence whether Rama rules or Ravana rules. They were slow to take any risks by poking their heads into the risky field of politics guided by the cowardly saying which has come down from ancient times, "Be the first to appear at a feast and the last to appear at a muster.3
The main addresses at the political sessions were by J. W. Chelliah on “Youth today and its political responsibility' and by M. S. Eliathamby on “Ceylon a United Nation'. The Tamil

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Conference was held on the second day with Pandit K. C. Nathan presiding. S. Nates apillai spoke on New ways to Literature'. K. Thambiah delivered a talk on “Some ideals of Student Life". M. S. Eliyathamby spoke on “Swadeshi in Ceylon'. The sessions on the third day were devoted to an Economic and Social Conference. Several themes such as the “ Economic Future of Ceylon'; 'The place of Khaddar in Indian National Policy' and “Some Social lodeals for the Ceylon of Today', were discussed. Sinhalese-Tamil Unity figured prominently in the resolutions passed at the final sessions. This had by now become entrenched as a cardinal principle of the Students' Congress and was significant in the context of the growing rift between older Tamil political leaders and their Sinhalese counterparts over the tricky issue of representation in the legislative council,
This time the annual sessions did evoke press comment that was not altogether favourable. The Ceylon Patriot while encouraging and supporting the Congress however said that "the mere holding of the annual sessions without any solid work being done in the intervening periods will not be of much use" and called upon the youth to formulate a well-considered programme at each session which should be carried into effect by a representative committee functioning till the next session. While the speeches that were made at the annual sessions were becoming more and more radical apparently not much work of a practical nature had been done in between sessions. The Hindu Organ commenting on the sessions of the Jaffna Students' Congress as well as that of the Indian National Congress held in December in India pointed out that the history of political agitation during the preceding few years indicated that communal unity was an easy subject to speak on but that it was very difficult to attain. Obviously hinting at the proceedings of the Students' Congress sessions it said, “neither platform speeches nor outbursts of youthful enthusiasm nor deliberate maligning of respected leaders and associates will help the advocates of unity to realise their ambition'. In a subsequent issue the Hindu Organ in a lengthy editorial criticised very strongly the speech made by J. W. Chelliah at the annual sessions of the Congress. He was accused of giving vent to his personal feelings and that of his co-religionists. His advice to students to take part in politics

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was characterised as irresponsible. The editor of the Hindu Organ laid emphasis on the traditional qualities of obedience and said, 'To invite the students to criticise the opinions of their parents and leaders and to sit in judgment over their actions will only tend to the weakening of reverence for age and authority and to the disturbance of the bonds of family and social relationship.' A sectarian religious motive was alleged to be behind J. V. Chelliah's speech. This was the period when the Hindu Board of Education was establishing its own schools and bringing existing Hindu Schools under one unified management. It was assumed that the missionaries were using J. V. Chelliah to divert the attention of the Hindu youth from eligion to politics. The Hindu Organ denied that there was a Hindu-Christian split and called it a figment of Mr. Chelliah's imagination. The Hindus, it claimed were removing their children from Christian schools so that they may receive their education in Hindu Schools. Mr. Chelliah's criticism of the Legislative Councilors of the Northern Province was construed as an attack on them because they had helped to remove the obstacles that the missionaries were believed to have created, to the progress of Hindu Education. The Hindu Organ asserted, “One thing they (the legislative councillors) refused to do, that is, they refused to help the missionaries to obtain public money for institutions that were established for proselytising purposes''.37
A letter to the editor from an anonymous writer from Kuala Lumpur further criticised J. V. Chelliah's speech on the ground that teachers should not seek to influence students politically and should stick to their job of teaching. His speech was referred to as “a mass of blasphemous advice to disregard and belittle their elderly leaders and their policy on public matters. It was this kind of teaching that introduced Bolshevism into Russia and we know the extent of havoc it plays in the world today'. It appears from the reactions to the Congress and speeches delivered at its sessions that there were beginning to be expressed, fears from older and more conservative men about the direction in which the Students' Congress was moving. There was also a growing view that the congress was largely under Christian influence with J. V. Chelliah and Dr. Issac Thambiah having already been Presidents of the Congress. But

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Handy Perinbanayagam who was the moving force behind the Congress was soon to demonstrate the absolutely nationalistic commitment of the Congress and its capacity to rise above narrow religious sectarianism. He did not at this time of the Congress' history stand up on the platform and make many speeches. He was primarily concerned with the organisation and formulation of the programme. Handy was not inclined to get submerged by the Hindu-Christian differences that had emerged particularly among the managers of schools and those concerned with education. The strategy was to draw support from all quarters including older men who may not totally accept the radical nationalist stance of the Students' Congress.

4. GANDHIJI'S VISIT
The bright idea of inviting Gandhiji to visit Jaffna turned out to be a move that gave the Students' Congress a central place in the public life of Jaffna, its influence also being felt to some extent in the whole island in 1927. That year was remembered in Jaffna as the year of the Mahatma's visit. The Students' Congress had the unique honour of being the first organisation to invite Mahatma Gandhi to visit the country. The men of that generation looked back to the event with nostalgic memories. The young men had given the lead and the older men had to fall in line in welcoming Asia's fore most nationalist leader. The unprecedentedly large crowds that gathered in Jaffna, the multiplicity of receptions, the spirited speeches made, little anecdotes about Gandhi, his humour, his humorous asides and his very gestures were remembered and recalled in the decades to come by the youth of that time who took legitimate pride in having dared to bring him into this country in the heyday of British Imperialism
Significantly, 1927 was also the year of the arrival of the Donough more Commission. In fact both Gandhiji and the Donough more Commissioners arrived within a few days of each other. In Jaffna, Gandhi was received by the masses with enthusiasm and warm feelings. The Students' Congress ignored the visit of the Donough more Commission to Ceylon. The influence that Gandhi wielded over the Youth of Jaffna and the subsequent recommendations of the Donongh more Commission were to have momentous consequences for the politics of Jaffna.
The initiative to invite Gandhiji to visit Ceylon was taken by Handy Perinbanayagam on behalf of the Students' Congress. The opportunity to approach Gandhi direct came when Gandhi was recouping his health at Bangalore after one of his many imprisonments. Handy Perinbanayagam was at this time a member of the National Committee of the Student Christian Movement of India, Burma and Ceylon and A. M. K. Cumaraswamy was president. Both were leaving for Madras to attend the annual meeting of the committee when the idea occurred to the youthful enthusiasts of Jaffna that Gandhi should be personally approached

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and invited to visit Jaffna. From Madras Handy wrote to the Mahatma asking for a dharshan, without disclosing the main purpose of the visit. The dharshan was granted. The two of them together with E. J. Rajaiah who happened to be in Madras at that time went on this veritable pilgrimage to Bangalore. Handy later recollected that among those present with Gandhi at that time was Rajagopalachari who was later to be in charge of Gandhiji's South Indian and Ceylon tour. Also present was Mahadev Desai who later came with Gandhiji to Ceylon and wrote the book “With Gandhiji in Ceylon'. Gandhiji was at this time concentrating on building up the khadi movement and was collecting funds as he used to say “to feed and clothe the starving millions of India'.
Gandhiji tentatively accepted the invitation on one condition: Sri Lanka must give one hundred thousand rupees towards the khadi fund. Handy did not have a mandate from any authority in Ceylon to make such a commitment He hurriedly had a private consultation with Cumaraswamy and finally agreed to Gandhiji's request. The promise was eventually kept. The collections in Ceylon at the end of Gandhiji's visit amounted to one hundred and five thousand rupees and two annas. In Jaffna itself which Gandhiji visited last the collections exceeded eighteen thousand rupees. When the target had been realised Rajaji who was the treasurer in Gandhiji's team to Ceylon reported the success of the khadi collection campaign and asked Gandhiji to congratulate Handy Perinbanayagam. Handy related later that “the famous toothless smile was bestowed on me'.39
Though Gandhiji had tentatively agreed to visit Ceylon it was never clear till he finally arrived that his visit would materialise. The Students' Congress followed up their represent tatives' meeting with Gandhiji in Bangalore with a formal letter of invitation to him. Gindhi replied to I. P. Thurairatnam one of the joint secretaries of the Students' Congress in a letter written in his own hand dated 3-2-27 as follows:

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As at the Ashram, Sabarmati,
3-2-27. Dear Friend,
I have your letter. During my visit to the South I should love to respond to your invitation. But there are many difficulties in the way. If I go to Jaffna, I must go to other places in Ceylon which means quite a few days there. This year I want to devote purely to khadi work and khadi collection. If therefore I went to Ceylon, I would want to make khadi collections. The best thing I can therefore do is to forward your letter to Sjt. C. Rajagopalachariar, who is organising the tour in the South and let him decide. Please correspond with him. His address is Gandhi Ashram, Tiruchengodu (South India).
Yours sincerely, Sgd. M. K. Gandhi.
Early in September 1927 the joint secretaries of the Students' Congress announced in a letter to the press carried in several newspapers that the Mahatma had agreed to visit the country. The purpose of his visit, it was indicated, was a study of the country's problems first-hand and the promotion of the khadi fund. The public was invited to contribute liberally to the fund as a tangible expression of their appreciation of his visit. The letter further stated specifically that no caste, creed or community need hold itself aloof and that Mahatma Gandhi by the unanimous verdict of the world had ceased to be regarded as a sectarian figure.
On the initiative of Handy Perinbanayagam and the Students' Congress a reception committee was formed in Jaffna. The total number of persons in the committee ran into several hundreds. Care was taken to see that every section of Jaffna society was represented. Handy Perinbanayagam and M. S. Rasaratnam were joint secretaries of the Gandhi Reception Committee, Jaffna. Coomarasuriar was the treasurer. Waithilingam Duraiswamy (later Sir) was invited to be the Chairman of the Reception Committee. There is no doubt that the stature of Handy Perinbanayagam as an organiser and leader grew with the preparatory work that he put into Gandhiji's visit. The credit went largely to the

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Students' Congress. As late as August 1927 Gandhiji was not quite certain whether or not he would visit Ceylon. J. V. Chelliah was able to meet Gandhiji in Bangalore for a few minutes and reported that when he had opened the subject of his visit to Jaffna Gandhiji was not yet convinced that such a visit would be worth the time he would have to spend. J. V. Chelliah had assured him that his name was a household word in Jaffna and that even the most ignorant knew something about him and that Jaffna was not cut off from the national movement though Ceylon was generally regarded as being very much westernised.2
Gandhiji was expected in Ceylon early in November. The visit was postponed by a few days in view of the Viceroy's invitation to him to meet him in Delhi in the first week of November. Handy Perinbanayagam finally received the following telegram from Ahmedabad on 3rd November in his capacity as one of the Joint Secretaries of the Gandhi Reception Committee, Jaffna. “Sailing early morning tomorrow British India Cargo Steamer reaching Colombo about 10th-Gandhi.'
He finally arrived on the 13th November to a rousing reception in Colombo. Though the original invitation went from the Students' Congress, Jaffna a fact which Gandhiji acknowledged on more than one occasion in his speeches in Jaffna,' the leading representatives of all the communities in the country Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims and persons of Indian origin and persons of all faiths-Buddhists, Hindus, Muslims and Christians rallied round to fete Gandhiji wherever he went in the country. He made several speeches in Colombo, Kandy, Galle and other places and at several receptions accorded to him, noteworthy among which were the speeches delivered to the Ceylon National Congress, the All-Ceylon Congress of Buddhist Associations, and the members of the Y. M. B. A., the Christians at the Y. M. C. A. Colombo, the mass meeting under the auspices of the Labour Union, speeches at public meetings in Badulla and Nuwara Eliya, Matale and Galle and at Zahira College, Colombo “o He met leading personalities of the time like D. B. Jayatilake, W. A. de Silva and Sir P. Ramanathan. In fact it was Sir P. Ramanathan who presided at the reception accorded by the

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Tamil Union, Colonbo. On the eve of his visit to Ceylon Gandhiji made known the main purpose of his visit. In a message he sent before arriving he said, “Though I am going to Ceylon as the self-chosen representative of Daridra Narayan and therefore in the high hope of filling the begging bowl, I have long looked forward to visiting the historic Island. I nearly went there in 1901 but God had willed otherwise. I am a labourer and would love to make the acquaintance of Ceylon labourers to whom Ceylon owes its present conditions'.
Mahadev Desai in “With Gandhiji in Ceylon' had this to say, ' Lanka is a land which Gandhiji in his wanderings of over ten years has ever longed to visit, no less with the object of seeing the land whose ravishing beauty makes it “a pearl in the islands of the earth, than for studying living Buddhism at close quarters, no less with the object of studying the life of a people whom Bishop Heber abused in his ignorance, whilst he admired the noble island in all its natural riches, than with the object of sympathising with, and if possible, guiding a people, alike denationalised as his own, and alike ravaged as his own by what passed as Western civilisation,' but which, in the language of an English historian, with its wine and bread and saltpetre' came as a scourge upon the Island.'7 But the visit, when it actually came about happened, as Gandhiji said to the civic fathers in Colombo with engaging candour to be a 'mercenary visit. W
And yet the receptions and welcome that he had from the day of his landing at Colombo on the evening of the 13th could compare favourably with the warmest and the most enthusiastic ones that he had received anywhere in India. The Colombo Municipality, a more or less Government body, presented a felicitously worded address which was read by the Chairman who was a member of the Civil Service. H. E. the Governor offered Gandhiji a warm welcome through his Colonial Secretary and invited him to a friendly meeting. For both of these Gandhiji was entirely unprepared. It was no wonder, then, that the people's reception was something overwhelming in its spontaneity and enthusiasm. Thousands thronged the thoroughfares through which he was announced to pass, and at most places crowding had to be controlled by regulating admission by tickets.'

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Gandhiji in several of his speeches directed his attention to the lot of the Tamil labourers in the plantations in Ceylon. He was pained at the thought that he could not give more of his time to these simple folk, see them in their homes, "squalid even in a garden of Eden like Nuwara Eliya'-share and 's up' their sorrows and show them how to avoid diseases. These workers came in their thousands to Badulla, Nuwara Eliya and Hatton to receive Gandhiji. Desai commented, “what faith and yet what ignorance I met groups of them as they were vainly trying to get a glimpse of Gandhiji above the vast sea of human heads surging before them.' They had not come to listen to him but merely to see him. “ They had come to see Gandhiraja And as we left them,' Desai relates, “we came across a few stragglers still showing the effects of drink, and one dancing in great glee with “Mahatma Gandhiji-ki-jai on his lips'.49
Gandhiji arrived in Jaffna on the 26th of November for a crowded programme in the final stage of his visit to Lanka. The Reception Committee had made the overall arrangements. Smaller committees had been formed in several parts of the peninsula, Preparatory meetings were not without their disputes. An incident worth mentioning was the meeting in October in Thunnalai. While the so-called high castes sat inside the hall of a school the “Harijans' as Gandhiji called them stood outside the hall rendering some of his favourite songs. During the meeting called to discuss arrangements for Gandhiji's visit someone had the audacity to object to the presence of the so-called depressed castes at the meeting even though they were not accommodated in the hall. The secretary explained that if they were not going to give them at least so much consideration to attend the meeting and hear the lectures from outside, there was no use of honouring or giving morey to Mahatma Gandhi. So deeprooted was the caste prejudice in Jaffna at this time. It is worth noting that the representatives of the minority Tamils were accommodated on the platform at the main reception to Gandhiji by the public of Jaffna on the Jaffna esplanade.
Some persons had objected to the Khadi fund apparently on the ground that Ceylon's money should not go to India. One

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correspondent answered this and argued in the press if Poppy lay collections could be made in Ceylon and the proceeds sent abroad why Ceylon shouldn't help the people of India.
In the internal affairs of the Students' Congress also some differences arose. It was announced on the eve of Gandhiji's visit that Dr. Isaac Thambiah had resigned his position as President of the Congress and that Swami Vipulananda had been elected in his place by the executive committee. Though the reasons for his resignation are not recorded it was believed that he did so because the leadership of the Students' Congress had taken the initiative without reference to him in forming a reception committee to accord a public Reception to Gandhiji. Dr. Isaac Thambiah had probably felt that as President of the Students' Congress he should have been consulted at every stage.
inspite of these little differences Mahatma Gandhi arrived in Jaffna in the Governor's saloon attached to the Jaffna mail train to be welcomed by a 'seething mass of humanity' out side the railway station. The crowd that evening at the esplanade was a vast assembly unprecedented in the history of Jaffna. The Gandhi Reception Committee a few days earlier had requested the public to wear Khaddar clothes, to refrain from clapping hands and shouting “Gandhi ki-jai' especially when Gandhi addressed any audience. It was announced that a purse would be presented in all places that Gandhiji visited. He was taken throughout the Jaffna Peninsula in an Armstrong Siddley car driven by W. Ratnagopal. Gandhiji commended on his ability to combine speed with safety.
In his farewell speech in Colombo, Gandhiji had said, Somehow or other I feel that I am going to a different place in going to Jaffna.' At his very first meeting in Jaffna he again said, “Having come to Jaffna I do not feel that I am in Ceylon, but I feel that I am in a bit of India. Neither your faces nor your language is foreign to me. Though I cannot identify every one of you by your features I know that I have met many of you in India itself.' The programme in Jaffna was in Desai's words "mercilessly heavy Gandhiji, thank God, stood it all, borne up, so to say, by the overflowing enthusiasm of the workers'.56 Gandhiji on medical advice spoke seated. Hardly ten people in the front row could hear him. At a time when public address
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systems were hardly heard of, the Jaffna Students' Congress adopted the novel device of getting one of their members to repeat verbatim the very words that Gandhiji spoke in English. The reception accorded by the Students' Congress was at the then Royal Theatre (where the present Windsor Theatre stands). Mahadev Desai described this reception as a grand affair and worthy of Jaffna with its numerous educational institutions M. S. Eliathamby attempted to repeat Gandhiji's address word for word but had to give up after ten minutes and Rajaji who was Gandhiji's Tamil interpreter and who had been accustomed to this exacting task took over. The collections in Jaffna far exceeded the expectations of Gandhiji's delegation. The credit for this was attributed by Desai to Handy Perinbanayagam. He had gone from village to village and collected even cents from hundreds of villagers who had heard of Gandhiji and his work.'
Gandhiji was plagued by autograph hunters in his travels. He insisted on one condition being fulfilled. The person concerned had to promise to wear Khaddar habitually. Desai was later to comment that “students in Jaffna, I may say to their credit, did not find it difficult to give the promise.' In fact many of them had long before Gandhiji's visit taken to the national costume and Khaddar. Rev. Henry Peto Anglican missionary and Principal of St. John's College got a Khaddar shirt made for the occasion when Gandhiji visited his school.
From the 26th Gandhiji addressed several receptions and meetings. Monday the 28th he had no engagements, this being his quiet day. His day of silence was rigidly observed wherever Gandhiji went. Some of the youthful romantics of the Students' Congress followed by a few schoolboy enthusiasts thought that they could still catch a closer look at the Mahatma on this day and went to see him. S. Balasubramaniam and P. Nagalingam with a few teenagers led by R. Namasivayam and N. Sabaratnam tried their chance. Rajaji the master tactician firmly said that they could not see Gandhiji but still they could be of use to him. They were requested to draw water from the well and warm it for Gandhiji's bath. Yogar Swamigal was a great admirer of the Mahatma. He made his visit on the silence

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day with a few of his disciples including K. Navaratnam who took apples as offering. Communication with the Mahatma was through written chits. Gandhiji wrote back regretting his inability to speak and expressing his appreciation of the Swamy's visit but he politely declined to accept the apples as he had vowed not to eat foreign fruits.
Beginning with the Public Reception on the esplanade and the Students' Congress meeting, his other main addresses were to the Indian Community in Jaffna, the Hindus of Jaffna, meeting of missionaries and the Saiva Mangayar Kalagam, mostly old girls of Ramanathan College under the leadership of Lady Ramanathan. Between these meetings Gandhiji was taken to nearly a dozen leading schools in Jaffna. He visited the leading Hindu and Christian colleges in Jaffna. The Roman Catholic schools alone stood out refusing to formally welcome the distinguished visitor. Among the many schools visited were Jaffna Hindu College, Parameshwara College, Manipay Hindu College, Victoria College, Ramanathan College, St. John's College, Uduvil Girls' College and Jaffna College. In addition to the places mentioned his visit included stops at Puttur, Atchuvely, Valvettiturai, Point Pedro, Chavakachcheri, Chunnakam, Tellipallai, Moolai and Karainagar. Collections for the Khadi fund had been made in all these places. Opportunity was provided for people from several parts of Jaffna to see and pay homage to the Mahatma.
Gandhiji himself commented that unlike in South Ceylon even before he set foot on Jaffna he had been riddled with several questions on the problems that animated the people here. He therefore touched on some of the burning issues of the time such as caste, prohibition, revival of ancient culture, Hindu-Christian relations, the place of Jesus among the great teachers of the world, communalism, problems of aping the West and nationalism. His dominant theme was however to draw attention to the starving millions in India. He specially emphasised this message when he spoke briefly to students. he bulk of the Jaffna purse had come from the students. Addressing the students of Jaffna College he said “Your purse is very precious to me. I know that all the monies-and by no means a small sum that I have received from boys and girls--will bear greater fruit than the monies received from old

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and wise men. Your money comes with the stamp of innocence upon it, and it goes also to some of the millions of men and women who are innocent, not deliberately perhaps, but because they cannot be otherwise.” Calling on the youth to adopt the Khadi that will be manufactured with these monies he said, “ it will be a perpetual object-lesson for you in charity to be able to think as the first thing each day when you put on your khadi that you are wearing it for the sake of the millions of paupers in India.'
Addressing the Hindus of Jaffna Gandhiji touched on the differences that had arisen between the Hindus and Christians. He stressed that Hinduism was tolerant and generous to every other faith. Unless the Hindus treated the peoples of other faiths as their brothers Gandhiji added, “you will never evolve the truly national spirit that is necessary, and therefore you will not evolve the necessary Hindu and humanitarian spirit.' He told the Hindu leaders that they had the right. to control the education of their own children and that they should strengthen this in the right spirit and that should not mean bitter rivalry with the institutions of the Christian missionaries. “If you have got an ably manned staff of educationalists and provide the necessary facilities for the Hindu children, naturally all the Hindu children will come to your institutions. I can see no reason whatsoever for the mutual jealousies in matters of education of which I have heard something...... Seeing that you are in a vast majority, it is up to you to make advances and settle all your disputes. And if you will get rid of the wretched castespirit which has crept into Hinduism, you will find that all the difficulties will disappear.'" As it very often happened in his travels in India Gandhiji was confronted in Colombo and in Jaffna by Christian missionaries asking him to clarify his attitude to the Christian faith. At a meeting with the missionaries in Jaffna Gandhiji in Desai's words “reiterated his impatience with the missionary or the Mussulman who thinks of getting hold of the untouchable for the sake of increasing his flock, and said like the Dewan of Mysore he would ask them all to

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strive to make the untouchables better Hindus if they could.” He emphasised that the purpose of men of all faiths should be to become better people by contact with one another, and that if that happened the world would be a much better place to live in. Gandhiji said “I plead for the broadest toleration, and I am working to that end. I do not expect the India of my dreams to develop one religion, that is, to be wholly Hindu, or wholly Christian, or wholly Mussulman, but I want it to be wholly tolerant, with its religions working side by side with one another.'65
Gandhiji had referred to the Hindu-Christian differences as a “storm in a tea-cup' and had offered his good services for bringing together the two sections. The effect of his visit had been useful to some extent in easing the rivalry that had emerged in Jaffna. The Morning Star commented, “One of the good results of the Mahatma's visit has been that Hindus and Christians who were estranged before have worked together in honouring the Mahatma.”66
The Hindu Organ on the eve of the visit of Gandhiji had stressed the Hindu significance of his visit but after he had arrived emphasised the universality of his message. Commenting editorially on his visit the Hindu Organ said, “The 26th of this month (November 1927) would be regarded as a red-letter day in the annals of Jaffna. It was on this day that Mahatma Gandhi set his blessed foot on the soil of the land of Yalpadi. There is a long established tradition enshrined in the Buddhist historical literature, both Tamil and Sinhala that Lord Buddha during his life-time visited this land and preached the Dharma to the two Naga Kings when they fought for the possession of the gem-set throne set up here by Indra. After the lapse of twenty-five centuries this very same land has been vouchsafed the humble privilege to welcome another immortal son of Bharatha Kandam and to hear the same message of Love and Truth which in the days of yore Lord Buddha delivered to the Naga Kings."67

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Mahatma Gandhi left for India via Talaimannar. Shortly before his departure he sent the following message to the Joint Secretaries of the Reception Commitee in Jaffna. “The message that I can leave for Jaffna as for the whole of Ceylon is: let it not be out of sight out of mind'. Let the descriptions I have given you of the starving millions haunt you and keep you in touch with them and in so doing keep you also simple and living pure free from drink and untouchability, if not for your own sakes, at least for theirs.'

5. COMMUNAL AMITY
The fourth annual sessions of the Students' Congress was held at the Vaithilingam Madam, Keerimalai in April 1928. Over a thousand young people attended this session from both within and outside the peninsula. This was evidence of the popularity of the Congress among the youth. It had now become an organisation that had to be taken into account in the public life of Jaffna. Though it had not yet asserted itself politically as an organisation, the Congress was beginning to play an important part in moulding public opinion. It had to be taken seriously by the men of the older generation. An organisation that had with such spectacular success brought Gandhiji to Ceylon, and whose program in Jaffna was practically in its hands could not but command respect. The leaders of the Congress now begin to assert their position and express their views without inhibitions.
Swami Vipulananda known for his religious zeal, scholarship, and his commitment to the cause of nationalism and educational development presided. Speakers included Sri S, Satyamurthy, Deputy Leader of the Swarajist party in Madras, and noted Sinhalese personalities such as G. K. W. Perera who had been Principal of the Nalanda Vidyalaya, and A. E. Goonesinha the Labour leader. In addition lectures were delivered by R. Sri Pathmanathan and A. Canagaratnam, The lecturers dealt with a wide range of subjects covering social, economic and political questions.69
The Students' Congress continued to have contact with Gandhiji and other Indian leaders. Satyamurti was a big draw both for his eloquence and the content of his speeches. Mahatma Gandhi's message wishing the Congress success came on the eve of the sessions. The message was as follows: “I wish the Students' Congress all success. I hope that the students will not forget the starving millions of the parent country, and the most effective manner in which they can help is to identify themselves with them by adopting Khadi.'"
S. Nadesan then a law student set the tone for the radical stance adopted at this Congress sessions. As Chairman of the

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Reception Committee he delivered a welcome address that deal with the major political issues of the time. The greater part of his speech dealt with the evidence led before the Donoughmore Commission. In November 1927 the Special Commission under the Chairmanship of the Earl of Donoughmore had arrived in Ceylon with the following terms of reference: -
“To visit Ceylon and report on the working of the existing Constitution and on any difficulties of administration which may have arisen in connection with it; to consider any proposals for the revision of the Constitution that may be put forward, and to report what, if any, amendments of the Order in Council now in force should be made.'" v
The report of the Donoughmore Commission was presented to the British Parliament in July 1928. The Students' Congress later rejected the main recommendations of the Commission. At this time in April 1928 when the fourth annual sessions were being held Nadesan commented on the nature of the evidence that had baen led before the Commission. He characterised it as a sordid period in the history of this country when the sleeping dogs of reaction were being awakened from their slumbar. He referred to how communities, creeds and castes were up in arms against one another and were proclaiming to the world not only their own selfish and parochial aims and desires but also the alleged unfitness of the country for self-government. He said that every patriot must be ashamed of what happened. Respectable public men went before the Special Commission and said that their respective castes, creeds and communities would perish if their rights were not safeguarded by special representation in the Legislative Council. Nadesan ventured to make a scathing criticism of the older men whom he characterised as self-seekers who created a vicious atmosphere with ill-digested and ignorant schemes of reform. Councillors and would be councillors in Nadesan's view grew frantically religious and proclaimed that a few more seats in Council would help them to strengthen and propagate their respective religions. He asserted that if age produced such; irresponsibility the sooner such leaders left the stage the better and if such men of great

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intellect would not free themselves from the slave mentality brought about by such long subjection the greater was the need to work for and achieve Home Rule,
He referred to communal representation as a quack's remedy an evil that ought not to be recognised. He said that contrary to bringing the various communities any the closer communal antipathy was growing and that there were now more divisions than ever before."2 In this respect the welcome address appeared to have anticipated the now well-known comments that the Donoughmore Report made in rejecting communal representation in this country.
“In surveying the situation in Ceylon' said the report of the Donough more Commission, 'we have come unhesitatingly to the conclusion that communal representation is, as it were, a canker on the body politic, eating deeper and deeper into the vital energies of the people, breeding self-interest, suspicion and animosity, poisoning the new growth of political consciousness and effectively preventing the development of a national or corporate spirit.' The report further said, “there can be hope of binding together the diverse elements of the population in a realisation of their common kingship and an acknowledgement of common obligations to the country of which they are all citizens so long as the system of communal representation with all its disintegrating influences, remains a distinctive feature of the constitution.'7. In the context of what he had said Nadesan recalled the tour of Gandhiji and referred to it as having given a tremendous impetus to the aims and ideals for which the Congress stood and stressed that if there was any time when the country needed to hear such a man it was the present time. At such a time, said the speaker, the catholic message of Mahatma Gandhi was most opportune. Gandhiji's words full of authority and power went far towards preventing a more shameful exhibition of narrow mindedness and lack of political insight.
In attempting to meet the argument that the Sinhalese majority is likely to dominate and further their own position at the expense of the other races under conditions of selfgovernment, Nadesan said that after ... long years of subjection

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to foreign rule the chances were that the majority community at the beginning of self-government would use power for narrow and selfish ends; but some years of experience in selfgovernment would teach them that the strength of the nation required that every community in the country needed to be developed to maximum efficiency for the state as a whole to have maximum power. He ventured to express the hope that then parochialism would cease and that people would think of the nation first. Self-government he said was the only remedy for their ills.
The welcome address was followed by the Presidential address by Swami Vipulananda. In a comprehensive speech befitting a man of his standing he stressed the all-important role of the Students' Congress in moulding intelligent public opinion. He dealt briefly with the social, political, educational and economic problems that the people of this country faced and called on the youth to discuss and study these problems which affected the life of the nation. e referred to the significance of Mahatma Gandhi's visit and said that the saintly Indian leader had by his life shown the way of translating right thought into right action. He stressed Gandhiji's message calling on all communities, Hindus Christians, Muslims and Buddhists who though professing different religions could join hands and work for a common cause. Swami Vipulananda gave first and foremost importance to education. Welcoming the plans for the setting up of a University of Ceylon he said that the establishment of such a University would quicken national life. He expressed the hope that the oriental section of the future University of Ceylon should recognisc the importance of Tamil Studies. He advocated the inclusion of Indian history in the school curriculum. He looked forward to the University performing a vital role in training the future citizens of Ceylon in civic and political responsibility.
The radicalism of the Swami found expression in his call for economic independence. Responsible government without economic progress, he said, would only be the shadow without the substance. The banking and commerce of the country was completely in the hands of outsiders. A large part of the country's wealth was in the hands of outsiders, who had no

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permanent interest in the welfare of the country. The European exploiter, he described, was more often than not a bird of passage. He deplored the widely prevalent habit of waiting for the government to do nation-building' work and attributed this to the slave mentality resulting from age-long subjection to foreign rule. He called upon the youth to work for a change in outlook and said that the people should work out their own salvation.
He drew attention to the appalling poverty and shocking illiteracy prevailing in the country. He indicated that fifty per cent of the school-going population were not attending school and that the facilities required were inadequate. Most of the taxes in the country were indirect taxes. Swami Vipulananda made pointed reference to the fact that food stuffs most of which had to be imported were taxed and the super rich and the abjectly poor were all compelled to pay the same tax.7
Both Nadesan and Swami Vipulananda had occasion to comment on the prevailing bitterness between Hindus and Christians over the management of schools. Nadesan said that the Hindus by virtue of their greater needs should get more grant-in-aid from the government than the Christians. He said it was the duty of the Christians to assist the Hindus to realise their legitimate aspirations and that the Hindu leaders should avoid scrupulously all suspicion of religious animosity. He had also deplored the manner in which the children of minority Tamils were discriminated against especially in Hindu schools. Swami Vipulananda questioned why there should be a duplication of schools in certain areas while there were immense areas in the country without any educational facilities and where Hindu or Christian enterprise could and should direct its attention. He pointed out that in Colombo alone ten thousand students did not have educational facilities. He said that the Ceylon Tamils could do a large amount of useful educational work in the districts where the children of Tamil labourers were growing up in ignorance and were being trained to a life of serfdom and slave labour of their fathers. He stressed the role of the American and European missionaries in the sphere of positive knowledge. The wealthy nations of the West he said, could send to the

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East missionaries who would devote their lives to the advancement of science, Their motto should be, "Education for education's sake' and they should forswear all endeavour at proselytising. Their self-sacrificing labours would then find a readier appreciation and the present bitterness would cease. Swami Vipulananda appealed to the Hindus to be tolerant and said that even if the Christians persisted in propagating their religion by their stereotyped methods it was still open to the Hindus to be tolerant and patient and do what work they needed to do with less noise and greater friendliness to all.
He concluded his speech with an appeal on what became the main theme of the 1928 sessions of the Students' Congresscommunal amity. The various religionists and communities must realise their common duty towards the country and sink unnecessary differences. The Tamils and the Sinhalese in particular should realise their common culture and identity of interest and work for the progress of their common motherland.
Both the welcome address by Nadesan and the Presidential address by Swami Vipulananda at the 1928 sessions in some ways marked a departure from the earlier sessions They dealt with specific issues that troubled the country and to which the youth were now turning their attention. There were clear signs at this session that the old leadership was being regarded as self-centred if not incompetent. The Daily News in an editorial comment underlined this message of youth. It said, “any body who has followed the evidence given before the Special Commission will at once admit that if the future of the country is left at the mercy of its old men then Ceylon may as well sink into the ocean. Ceylonese of sixty years or so enter on their second childhood and commit acts of reckless irresponsibility.'” The attitude of the older men was characterised as 'pitchdark pessimism', infused with an inability to trust themselves or their fellows and a reluctance to surrender positions they were unfit. to hold. In such a situation the Daily News said the youth might look upon it as a challenge to fight for its proper place. Commending the Students' Congress for attempting to do this it said that no place was better fitted for this grand demons.

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stration of the spirit of youth than the North which has been particularly afflicted by the incubus of old age, where two or three superannuated leaders issue their fiat and the rest bow in mute obedience to it. The Daily News pointed out that in the North there is a stronger tendency than in the rest of the island to look to India. Their study of the Indian problem shows the youth of Jaffna the deplorable consequences of distrust and jealousy between one community and another. And the young men of Jaffna have sufficient imagination to apply the moral to this country.' Expressing total agreement with the stand taken by the Students' Congress on self-government the Daily News said, 'it was a Tamil organisation which put forward one of the most consistent cases for self-government before the Special Commission. The same attitude is shown at the Students' Conference at Keerimalai. This attitude is the only one compatible with reason. Self-government presupposes faith in one's own people. Since every people is made up of classes and communities, self-government demands a common basis of trust among all communities... It is this consciousness that inspires the youth of Ceylon with courage to shoulder the responsibility of the future. They are prepared to trust each other and to work together. That is the lesson they are teaching their elders.'
Sri Satyamurthy who was the guest speaker from India spoke on “Communalism our great danger'. He was well-known for his eloquence and his political acumen. Addressing the sessions on the second day, he dealt at length on Nationalism, Internationalism and Communalism. He accused the Englishmen of growing frantically philosophic when other peoples' affairs were concerned pointing to the narrowness of nationalism and holding aloft internationalism to the Indians and Ceylonese, In the speaker's view internationalism was no doubt ideal. But one needed to be strong oneself in order to more effectively help others. Nationalism and the will to be masters in their own country, he said, was an essential first step to internationalism. The danger of communalism, he said, was like poison to an individual. Communalism narrow and utterly selfish and circumScribed in its very nature was the contradiction of nationalism. The speaker categorised those who advocated the path of

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communalism both in India and Ceylon as people who were either the shameless tools of the people in power or belonged to the species who always looked eagerly for the approving nod from high places whence sprang honours and decorations.
Speaking with deep conviction from his Indian experience Sri Satyamurthy called on the youth of Jaffna to reject the path of communalism with its poisoning effect on politics and to learn from the experience of India. He traced in detail the slow introduction of communal representation into the Legislative Council of India by the British masters and remarked that they had succeeded in great measure in their game of dividing the people of India. In making a spirited plea for unity he said with reference to Ceylon that whatever fear existed among the minority communities in Ceylon regarding domination by the majority was misplaced. There was nothing in the history of this ancient land, said the speaker, to justify such fears. He posed the question quite relevant at that time as to why people should be ready to be ruled by an alien race and be afraid of rule by their brothers who were children of the same country.
Satyamurthy emphasised in his address the long and intimate connection between India and Ceylon. He touched on the conditions of Indian labourers in Ceylon and said that the much despised Indian labourers had done one great thing and that was to remind Ceylonese, who were almost forgetful, of their age-long connection with Bharatha Matha the land of their origin where was treasured their religious heritage. He thanked the Congress for giving him an opportunity to come in contact with the enthusiastic and patriotic youth of the country and expressed admiration for the courageous manner in which the youth of Jaffna refused to be gagged or silenced by the political opportunism or poltroonery of ambitious and selfish elders. He expressed the hope that in the long run no man in the country would be afraid to long to be free in his own country and to demand that the sons and daughters of the soil shall be masters of her finances, the dispensers of justice and be responsible to keep law and order; that unhampered by restrictions of any kind they shall mine her own ores, develop her resources and

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harness and conserve for her own good all commercial and trade advantages accruing from her geographical position; that in fact Ceylonese shall be in their land what all self-respecting people are in theirs, masters and not slaves." Satyamurthy participated in the session on education as well. Speaking on the subject of ' National Education' he said that he regarded education as second only to Swaraj and considered the prevalent system to be totally unsatisfactory producing as it did pale imitations of Englishmen.
From Jaffna Satyamurthy went to Colombo and addressed a large gathering at a meeting under the auspices of the Centra. Y. M. B. A. Borella, on the subject of “Free Ceylon'. D. B. Jayatileke presided at this meeting.
Other addresses delivered at the fourth annual sessions of the Students’ Congress at Keerimalai were as follows : G. K. W., Perera spoke on 'Education for Self-government', A. E. Goonesinha addressed the gathering on his favourite subject “Emanci pation of Labour,' A. Canagaratnam spoke on “Our Economic and Social problems', while T. N. Subbiah spoke on “Western Industrialism, its causes and its cure'. “Mr. R. Sri Pathmanathan made some comments on the addresses.
At the Tamil conference Satyamurthy was the chief speaker. He spoke on “Tamil our national heritage', while M. S. Eliyathamby addressed the session on “The Tamil Renaissance.'
George E. de Silva M. M. C. Kandy who had been invited to address the Congress on “Ceylon's Political Future' was not able to be present but had sent a message which was read out in which he had urged the creation of facilities for free and compulsory education all over the country and the elimination of religious and caste prejudices. Mr. G. K. W. Perera in his speech had mentioned that the government had given responsibility to the wrong kind of people, namely the mudaliyars and the headmen who really abused their powers. This abuse provided the government with an argument as to the unfitness of the people for self-government. He also pointed out that another autocrat was the Government Agent who restricted the powers of the Village Committees. Mr. Sri Pathmanathan recalled

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that when Britain could hardly boast of self-governing institutions India breathed freely in the pure atmosphere of her panchayat system what was the very essence and fibre of representative government.
A. E. Goonesinha dealing with the subject that had hitherto not figured prominently in the sessions of the Students' Congress said that in Ceylon the labourer did not still enjoy the most elementary rights conceded to him in all civilized countries. There was he said, no labour legislation in this country and not a single bill calculated to better the conditions of the workmen had been introduced in the Legislative Council. Where the elders had failed to do their duty he called upon the youth to be the pioneers of a new democracy."
Basking in the glory and success of Mahatma Gandhi's visit and imbued with a spirit of self-confidence the fourth annual sessions of the Students' Congress had ventured into the hither to forbidden territory of attack on the existing political leadership without mentioning them by name, yet making the objects of their criticism quite clear. The Congress was in effect formulating a programme for self-government, patterned on that of the Indian National movement. The Congress was not yet action-oriented. The emphasis was still on lectures, discussions and the moulding of public opinion. The lectures were of a high order and dealt with a large number of public questions. The Ceylon Patriot aptly commented, “We are glad to note that the students of Jaffna are actuated by the noble instincts of patriotism and self-sacrifice and are able to present a united front against all reactionary forces in securing the country's progress by a free discussion of all public questions and what is more by an endeavour to practise in their life the precepts which they adopt after full discussion.'7. Congratulating the young men for the moderation and thorough independence which characterised the expression of views on their part the paper commented, “That the congress has held its successive sessions with conspicuous success so far bespeaks its success in the future and we need hardly say that it has our best wishes.'
The Hindu Organ commenting on the Congress sessions said, “Unity is the first condition of success in any movement.

గాణ 49 జా
Sinhaiese-Tamii unity which has been emphasised by more than one speaker in the Students' Congress is the basic foundation of self-government in Ceylon.' The paper chose to comment on an editorial in the London Times dated March 22, 1927 which characterised the Ceylon National Congress as an organisation of extremists whose demand for full responsible governe ment was opposed by all the minorities including the Tamils. The Hindu Organ affirmed that the London Times' statement had no foundation whatsoever and that the Tamil community never lagged behind the Sinhalese in pressing for the grant of responsible government. It said that the All-Ceylon Tamil Conference, the Jaffna Association and the Jaffna Saiva Paripalana Sabhai had unitedly put forward this demand."
The Hindu Organ conceded that there were a few Tamils “who in season and out of season trot out the bogey of Sinhalese domination.' The Hindu Organ backed the Students' Congress fully and expressed the hope that destined to live together in this common homeland in peace, goodwill and harmony the coming constitutional struggle afforded the Sinhalese and Tamils an excellent occasion to gather their forces together and put forward their demand for responsible government from a common platform.
When the report of the Donoughmore Commission was published later in the year the Executive Committee met and passed the following resolutions:-
(1) The Report of the Donough more Commission is not acceptable to the Congress as it (the Congress) has always held Ceylon fit for responsible government.
(2) The Congress welcomes the abolition of communal representation and the extension of franchise but disapproves. (a) the retention of communalism in the shape of nominated members and (b) the non-extension of the franchise to women between the ages of twenty one and thirty,
(3) The Congress views with alarm the extension of the Governor's reserve powers and the limitation of the control so far exercised by the legislature over the public service.
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At this meeting the Executive Committee of the Students' Congress also decided that steps should be taken to establish similiar organisations in Kandy, Galle and Colombo, and other parts of the country so that eventually an All-Ceylon Students' Congress may emerge. It was also planned to establish a publications bureau. The committee also expressed support to a society formed in Kandy for the amelioration of the conditions of the Rodyas. It was also decided to send a delegation from the Congress to the All-India Youth Conference to be held later in the year. The Students' Congress following the repeated exhortations of Gandhiji in Ceylon expressed itself in favour of total prohibition and extended its whole hearted support to all workers in the cause of prohibition.
In 1928 the Students' Congress made efforts to become closely associated with the Gandhian movement in India. The sale of Khaddar was encouraged in Jaffna. Volunteers went to the different parts of the peninsula on pre-determined dates and sold Khaddar. The purpose was to popularise the use of Khaddar and to increase contributions to the Khadhi fund. Lady Ramanathan was one of those persons who organised exhibitions of Khaddar. One such exhibition was held at the Vaideshwara Vidyalayam at which a representative of the AllIndia Spinners' Association was present.
In the same year occurred the struggle of peasants in the district of Bardoli in India. It was a struggle largely of peasants deprived of their lands and possessions directed against the bureaucracy and police backed by the state power of British imperialism. This struggle evoked widespread sympathy. The Students' Congress collected funds as a symbolic gesture of support to the struggling peasantry of India. The Executive Committee of the Students' Congress passed the following resolution: The Congress expresses its deep sympathy with the Satyagrahis of Bardoli in their heroic struggle against the oppression of bureaucracy and wishes them God-speed in their endeavour.'
In pursuance of an earlier decision the Students' Congress sent delegates to the All-India Youth Congress sessions in Calcutta. The Indian National Congress was meeting at the same time in Calcutta. S. Kulandran and N. Kumarasingham

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represented the Students' Congress. The office-bearers elected at the 1928 sessions were Swami Vipulananda President, N. Kumarasingham and W. B. Kanagathungam Joint Secretaries and P. Sriskandaraja Treasurer. When their term of office came to an end in April 1929 they looked back on the year that had passed as one of expansion and progress. In their letter announcing the holding of the fifth annual sessions in April 1929 they reminded the members that the “Congress was founded five years ago as the result of a profound dissatisfaction of the youth of this country with the present order of things. It was a reaction against the inequalities of our social and political systems which were undermining our national vitality and bringing about the decay of our great culture. Our fathers evolved within this island a great civilization; we seek to revive it and to end the present condition of political tutelage, which however mild, hurts our self-respect and is killing our initiative.'
The letter continued, “While we desire to see our country rise to its full stature by obtaining political freedom we also realise the need for attaining universal peace. This is impossible until the present system of imperialistic exploitation is ended and a world order founded on justice and equality is established'. The secretaries expressed the desire on the part of the Students' Congress to co-operate with the youth of other countries in striving for world peace.82

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6. THE KKS SESSIONS
The fifth annual sessions of the Students' Congress assembled at Kankesanturai in a special pandal erected for the purpose in April 1929. The vigorous and effective propaganda carried out in the previous year had created widespread interest in that year's annual sessions. More than fifteen meetings had been held in various parts of the peninsula to popularise the ideals that the congress stood for. The chief speakers at these meetings had been Handy Perinbanayagam, M. Balasundram and S. Nadesan. Steps had been taken to form a Youth League in Colombo. It was expected that with the formation of similar organisations in Kandy and Galle the much desired All-Ceylon Youth Congress would be a reality. The leaders of the Congress had stressed the stand taken by the Congress on communalism and caste. The Kankesanturai Congress sessions like the previous year's one drew a very large gathering of youth. When the sessions were held at the Keerimalai Madam the Students' Congress was not able to exercise in practice one of the cardinal principles of the Congress : the equality of all men irrespective of caste. The special pandal at Kankesant urai made it possible for people of all castes to mingle freely together and dine. together. This was the first occasion in Jaffna when inter-dining of persons of all castes, took place at a gathering of this nature. The “Daily News' in reporting this event gave the following headlines to its news story - "Jaffna Youth in Revolt '-'Caste Fetters in Scorn".
The 1929 sessions also gave greater prominence to the use of the Tamil language. Handy Perinbanayagam who delivered the welcome address did so in Tamil. The presidential address was delivered by V. Kalyanasundara Mudaliyar a pioneer of Tamil journalism in Tamilnad. In the early decades of the century E.V. Ramasamy Naikker (Periyar) Dr. Varadarajulu and Kalyanasundara Mudaliyar had made a major contribution towards the evolution of the language as an effective vehicle of modern political and social ideas. Among them Kalyanasundara Mudaliyar was known as "Tamil Thenral the gentle breeze that brought vigour to Tamil prose and influenced generations of Tamil writers. His two newspapers the 'Desapakthan' (Patriot) and

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'Nava Sakthi (New Strength) had a profound influence on the political education of the average citizen and made the Tamil language a powerful instrument for the dissemination of the Gandhian concept of Satyagraha and Ahimsa,
In his lengthy address Kalyanasundara Mudaliyar referred to the bonds of kinship between the two countries especially religious beliefs, customs and manners and above all the 'sweet Tamil language. He recalled the names of eminent Tamil scholars and Saiva savants from Jaffna like Gnanaprakasa Swamigal, Arumuga Navalar, C. W. Thamotherampillai and Sabapathy Navalar all of whom helped to resuscitate and renew the age-old affinity that Tamil and Hindu culture generated between the two countries. He emphasised the positive qualities of youth, having the capacity to stand for radicalism and reform and their commitment to make the world a better place than they found it, while their elders were naturally cynical and reactionary. In order to realise the objectives of the Students' Congress he said the youth should have a high moral character and a towering sense of rectitude.
The speaker called on the youth to labour hard to restore their great culture to its original glory. Culture implied learning and learning to be effective must be in the mother tongue. Tamil had been relegated to an inferior place in the school curriculum and it was often said that Tamil was inadequate as a medium of instruction. This, said Kalyanasundara Mudaliyar, was the result of centuries of alien rule and citing the example of Japan and the smaller European countries he said that there was no historical precedent for any free people adopting a foreign language to teach its young and administer its affairs. He strongly stressed that the classics of any language must be learnt in the original and not in translation. If Shakespeare is learnt in English, Kalidasa's Sakuntala must be learnt in Sanskrit and Ilanko's Silappadikaram which according to Bharathi melts a man's heart must be read in Tamil. He referred to the great wealth of Tamil Classicsthe glories of Sangham Literature, Tholhappiam, Thirukkural and the soul animating psalms and hymns of the Saiva SaintsThevaram and Thiruvacakam. He recalled the achievements of

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the Tamils in art and architecture and mentioned the relics at Mahabalipuram, the Dance of Natarajah in Chidambaram the temples of Madurai and Kanchi, Trichy and Tanjore as marvels of art, architecture and the quintessence of Hindu culture. He also drew attention to the achievements of the Tamils in music, drama and physical education. Discussing the relation between true education and religion he said that true education according to Thiruvalluvar must lead to the enlightenment of the divine within us. True religion, he said did not confine us to any particular creed and lead to conflict with any other. Apparently aware of the religious differences prevalent in Jaffna he said that a truly cultured person could find little diference between Saint Manikkavacagar's Thiruvasagam and the message of Jesus Christ. Where is the need, he asked, for any feud when both of them declare, “God is Love'? Concluding his address Kalyanasundara Mudaliyar called on the youth to banish foreign rule, end political servitude and become masters of their own fate. Youth, he said must take an active part in politics and learn from the lessons their counterparts in Europe had learnt during the World War. They should in their programme of action give due importance to the elimination of communalism, the emancipation of women, the removal of superstitious beliefs and practices, and the adoption of Swadeshi as a way of life. He expressed his happiness that the Students' Congress subscribed to the ideals and objectives of the Gandhian movement but warned them that it was easy to preach but difficult to implement their decisions in their daily lives.' Kalyanasundara Mudaliyar delivered two other lectures during the sessions on "Man and his rights' and ''Caste',
One of the other speakers was the Rev. Francis (Alagasunderam) Kingsbury, Tamil scholar and lecturer at the Ceylon University College. He addressed the gathering on ''Some social problems in Jaffna. Mr. T. B. Jayah had been invited to speak at the sessions but was not able to attend the congress. His place was taken by Peri Sundaram who spoke on “Youth and Politics'. Mr E. W. Perera presided at this session. Mr. Peri Sundaram called upon the young men to qualify themselves for political work by social service, academic training, discipline and research

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He said that opinion was divided on whether young men should dabble in active politics. With reference to the report presented by the joint secretaries in which they had claimed the right to correct their elders whenever necessary, Mr. Peri Sundaram advised the young men that they should not presume to correct their elders but what they should do was to correct themselves. They should go out and see the misery and the squalor and consecrate themselves on the altar of service.
Mr. E. W. Perera in his speech said that in reality there were no Sinhalese-Tamil differences. He said that he had refrained from participating in kusu-kusu kootams at which agreements and understandings were arrived at, because he believed that these ultimately resulted in disagreements. He paid a tribute to the Jaffna Association which he said did not think communally in the past and he congratulated the Students' Congress for the work that they were doing. Mr. Balasunderam delivered a talk on '' Socialism'.
The office-bearers elected in 1929 were as follows: JointSecretaries A. E. Tamber and C. Subramaniam. Treasurer P. Sri Skandarajah. The members of the committee were K. Nesiah, K. Navaratnam, M. Sabaratnasinghe, S. H. Perinbanayagam, S. P. Rajaratnam, S. Kulan dran, V. Vanniasingam, S. Nadesan, N. Kumarasingam, W. B. Kanagathungam, P. Nagalingam, S. R. Kanaganayagam, K. V. Nadarajah, V. M. Cumaraswamy, Joel Paul, A. S Kanagaratnam, T. Muthucumaru, I. P. Thurairatnam, C. Nagaiah, A. Rajendram, S J. Gunasegeram, S. Mailvaganam, and D. J. Thampole. The main resolution adopted at the 1929 sessions was on Swaraj. The Congress expressed its firm conviction that Swaraj was the birthright of the people of this country and callid upon its members to consecrate their lives for its speedy attainment. The resolution moved by S. Nadesan, seconded by P Nagalingam and supported by Handy Perinbanayagam was carried unanimously.
The 1929 sessions is remembered for the bold move made by the youth to introduce inter-caste dining. In fact the organisers had spent the substantial sum of Rs. 242-00 in erecting the special pandal in order to facilitate this. The Congress income for the preceding year by way of subscriptions and dona

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tions was Rs. 1,079-00 and the total expenses amounted to Rs. 909-00.8. The fact that the Congress chose to erect a special pandal so that people of all castes may meet and dine together de monstrated the movement’s desire to translate into action one of the cardinal principles repeatedly espoused over the years. This they did in the teeth of opposition from orthodox opponents of the Congress. This opposition grew considerably in 1929 giving expression to acts of sabotage the following year. But in this particular year the opponents were bitterly disappointed and frastrated. The news reports of the proceedings of the 1929 sessions gave a central place to this event of inter-dining so much so that the joint-secretaries in a statement to several newspapers had to deny that they had organised an inter-caste dinner as reported by some newspapers. The following extract from the letter to the press explained the position of the Students' Congress. “The Congress is not a preserve of the highest people but is open to anyone above the age of sixteen who subscribes to its creed and pays the due subscription. By erecting a pandal this year we opened our proceedings to people of all castes. Similarly the mess run by the Congress was open to any member of the Congress or visitor to our sessions provided he purchased the mess ticket which entitled him for a meal. The Congress does not recognise caste, creed or race in its affairs and never inquires from its members or anyone to what caste they belong. An inter-caste dinner is something quite different. In such dinners people from various castes are chosen and arranged to sit together and dine. Thus a dinner in the Congress mess is as much intercaste as a journey in the Ceylon Government Railways or a dinner in a public restaurant or a circus show.'
One of the matters that had figured prominently in the discussions at the 1929 sessions had been the role of students and young people in politics. The Joint-Secretaries had raised the issue in their annual report. They had claimed that the main reason for their existence as a Congress was their dissatisfaction with the existing social and political state of affairs and to place before the public their views and ideals. They had claimed the right to correct their elders whenever necessary. "We do not '', said the Secretaries “ for a moment hold that, we should invade the field of practical politics and thus mis

spend any time and energy which we may more usefully devote to the performance of duties to our own selves. But whenever we feel that the country's welfare is at stake and if we hear her call for our aid we have to be prepared to abandon our legitimate spheres of work and do whatever is in our power to help her as her devoted sons. '87 Opinion had been divided among the elder men about the role of youth in the realm of active politics. Mr. Peri Sunderam as already mentioned had struck a note of caution. Kalyanasundera Mudaliyar coming as he did from an Indian setting where youth were actively involved in politics had encouraged the participation of Jaffna's youth in politics. Generally the elder men would have preferred the youth keeping clear of politics pertaining to elections to the Legislative Council. But this question did not arise in practical terms at this time, The issue that figured prominently was the caste problem.
A letter in the Hindu Organ obviously by one of the so-called elders under a pen name on the eve of the 1929 sessions referred to the growing feeling among the elders that some of the young men were being carried away by their emotion and had begun to insult the elder men in unmeasured terms which are uncalled for and that the Congress leaders were estranging the sympathy of some of their elders. The letter accused the youth of impracticable and revolutionary ideals and called for discrimination, moderation and change by a gradual process of evolution, and warned against sudden subversion of age-old customs by shallow methods that cannot be sanctioned by sensible people. The reference to age-old customs was without doubt a reference to the caste discrimination which was widely prevalent in Jaffna and which the youth were now committed to eradicate.
By 1929 the conviction had grown that the Students' Congress, Jaffna would soon be transformed into an All-Ceylon Yuth Congress. In fact a meeting had been held in Colombo in March of the same year at Ananda College presided over by Mr. D. B. Jayatileke. University. Law and Medical College students had attended this meeting at which the two main speakers were Mr. P. de S. Kularatne then Principal of Ananda

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College and Mr. T. B. Jayah, then Principal of Zahira College The meeting had been called on the initiative of one of the joint secretaries of the Students' Congress, N. Kumarasingham. It was decided to form a “Colombo Youth League' and a committee consisting of Messrs. P. de S. Kularatne, T. B. Jayah, S. R. Kanaganayagam, D. S. S. Peiris, N. Kumarasingham, Robin Ratnam, M. Rajasingham, F. S. J. Cooray, M. Sally, P. Nadarajah and C. Ranasinghe had been elected.89
It was the hope of the Students' Congress, Jaffna that similar organisations would emerge: in other parts of the country and that eventually an All-Ceylon Youth Congress would come into existence. But progress in this direction was slow. The leaders of the Students' Congress never lost sight of this ideal and kept striving for it. They never thought of their movement in parochial terms and really believed that their objective in establishing an All-Ceylon movement would sooner or later be realised.
On the broader issue of self-government the Students' Congress had by 1929 declared itself in favour of Swaraj. This was nothing new in so far as their thinking and speeches had been concerned. The rapid developments that had been taking place in India and in Ceylon itself, and the publication of the Donoughmore Report had radically altered the political scene. Great expectations had been roused.
The Students' Congress was influenced most by the developments in India. India had at this time moved into a new phase in her history. Shortly before Gandhi visited Ceylon he had been called by the Viceroy, Lord Irwin for a consultation. At this meeting the appointment of the Simon Commission to report on the working of the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms and to recommend a further advance towards self-government was announced. Not a single Indian was nominated to the Commission. This had shocked Indian opinion and even liberal moderates were disappointed. It was made clear that “ God's Englishmen' were to determine whether Indians were fit to govern them
selves. The Indians had under the leadership of the Indian National Congress put forward the claim for the right of selfdetermination,

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The Indian National Congress called for a boycott of the Simon Commission. A nation-wide hartal took place when the Commission arrived in India with demonstrators waving black flags and shouting "Go gack, Simon.' The police dispersed the crowds with lathi charges. Jawaharlal Nehru was among those who were beaten. Within Congress Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Chandra Bose organised the younger generation which was regarded as the left wing within the Congress with socialist aspirations. At the Calcutta sessions of the Congress in 1928 the Congress was confronted with demonstrations by industrial workers who were in a revolutionary mood. In the Bardoli district the peasants had been organised to refuse the payment of taxes. Inspite of repressive measures introduced by the government the non-violent struggle continued. The government had to yield finally with a reduction in the proposed increase of taxes. The refusal to pay taxes as a weapon of struggle had proved to be successful.
Thus under mass pressure the Congress in India was forced to declare in favour of complete independence. At midnight on the 31st December 1929 the ensign of independent India was hoisted at Lahore and the Congress declared that its goal was complete independence. January 26th 1930 was celebrated as Independence Day. The members of the Indian National Congress pledged to take part in a campaign of civil disobedience including non-payment of taxes. The aim of the struggle was defined as “purna swaraj or “complete independence'.
Struggle by direct action against the salt tax was launched in March 1930, when Gandhi undert ook his famous march to Dandi. This was a signal to the Indian masses to break the salt laws all over the country. Mass arrests took place. Jawaharlal Nehru, President of the Congress was arrested together with several other leaders, Gandhi himself was placed under arrest on the 4th of May, 1930 thus became a year of prolonged unrest and struggle in the history of the Indian independence movement.
In Ceylon the happenings in India received wide publicity in the newspapers. There was a great deal of sympathy for the leaders of the Indian National Congress, Meetings were held

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and resolutions of sympathy and solidarity with those struggling in India were passed. But the response in Ceylon did not go beyond resolutions and speeches. The Students' Congress, Jaffna was profoundly influenced by the events in India, and sought to identify itself with the struggle in India. The years 1930-31 thus became a crucial period in the history of the Students' Congress.

7. CASTE AND EQUAL SEATING
The sixth annual sessions of the Students' Congress met at the Thirunelvely Hindu Training Institute in April 1930. The President elect for the year was Mr. S. Shivapathasundaram, Principal Victoria College the highly respected orthodox Hindu savant later known as Saiva Periyar. Among some influential Hindus there was a growing feeling that the Students' Congress was primarily under Christian influence. It happened that Handy Perinbanayagam and Sabapathy Kulandran were in the forefront of the movement at that time. Mr. J. V. Chelliah and Dr. Isaac Thambiah leading Christians of the time had been presidents at the first two sessions. Jaffna College was in the early years the centre from which much of the leadership of the congress came. Principal Bicknell had been a source of encouragement. Several Christians at this time in the 1920s and early 1930s in India and Ceylon had come under the influence of Gandhiji. In India C. F. Andrews had made a major contribution in bringing Christians into the Gandhian movement. A mong the Christians influenced by the national awakening in India there was a great deal of discussion about the “ Indianisation of the Church.' Dr. S. Jesudason F, R. C. S founder of the Christu Kula Ashram in Tirupattur in South India once said he preferred “lindigenous Expression of Christianity in India' to the term “Indianising Christianity'. Dr. Jesudason and his ashram later made a major contribution towards introducing indigenous forms of worship and life-style among some Christians. The Christa Seva Ashram founded by Sevak Selvaratnam at Chunnakam in Ceylon was largely inspired by the Tirupattur Ashram with which it maintained close links all along. Rev. S. S. Somasundram writing in 1925 on " Evangelisation or Christianisation' referred to the experiences of Sadhu Sundar Singh the Christian mystic who used to visit Ceylon and had several admirers here. The Sadhu according to Rev. Somasundram had met many people in India who were followers of Jesus but not members of any Church and who lived and worked as Sanniyasis. Sadhu Sundar Singh had claimed that they were Christians in the true sense of the word. Emphasising the need for indigenous expression of Christianity Rev. Somasundram wrote, "Give India the cotton she needs and let her spin with it the sarees to suit her fancies and

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not force on her your narrow skirts and tight corsets of the western world. Give lndia the pure gold and let her with it make a crown to fit her head.' Christian young men associated with the Students' Congress took a lead in introducing indigenous forms of worship and in celebrating Tamil New Year as a national festival. On New Year's Day in April 1927 the Chankanai church was the scene of National Day celebrations. The seats usually used were removed and carpet seating was introduced. The traditional oil lamps were lighted and indigenous modes of worship with the singing of lyrics and thevarams were adopted. In certain Christian quarters in Jaffna strong disapproval was expressed. The Christian young men were reacting to the importations and apings in worship and Church life and as one of them put it, “ the Christianity that is known and preached today is something narrow, religion is something greater and that the real height of spiritual life is not in being called a Christian but a true Bhaktan'.'
While the Christians associated with the Students' Congress made such efforts to create a greater identity with the Hindus and the community in general another group of Christians had formed themselves into 'The League of Christian Citizenship' and did put forward demands for separate representation to the proposed State Council thus seeking to widen the concept of communal representation. Meetings were held for and against the demands made by the League of Christian Citizenship. The Christians associated with the Students' Congress took the lead in opposing any further extension of communal representation. Though the Students' Congress could under no circumstances be labelled as Christian dominated, because of the growing rift between Christians and Hindus especially on the schools question there was a lurking suspicion in the minds of some Hindus that the Students' Congress was pro-christian. The uncompromising stand taken by the Students' Congress on caste discrimination evoked positive hostility from some sections of the Hindus. To remove all misconceptions about the Students' Congress it was decided to invite Mr. Shivapathasundram to preside at the 1930 sessions. There were doubts in the minds of several Hindu members of the Students Congress whether this orthodox Hindu leader would accept their invitation. Kalaipulavar Navaratnam,

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A. E. Tamber and C. Subramaniam went to invite him personally, Mr. Shivpathasundram was interested at this time in the work the Congress was attempting with regard to untouchability, equal seating and inter-dining. His acceptance of the position as President became a source of strength especially in 1930. C. Subramaniam in extending a welcome to the new President said, 'By your becoming one of us, we will be experiencing a fresh access of moral impulse and energy born of unswerving submission to high loyalties'.92
At this time in Jaffna equal seating in schools had become a major issue. Eminent Hindus like Mr. Shivapathasundram were deeply worried about the unrest and arson that was taking place because of attempts to introduce equal seating in schools. The lead that the Students' Congress gave appealed to the more liberal minded of the Hindu leaders. On the other hand the more conservative and reactionary elements seized the cpportunity presented by the Thirunelvelly sessions to show open hostility to the Students' Congress. Opposition to the Congress was organised by the adherents of the Veda Agama Sangam. They objected to the holding of the Congress in the premises of the Saiva Training Institute, managed by the Hindu Board of Education. The opponents of equal seating had conducted a campaign in the village of Thirunelvely that if the Students' Congress were allowed to continue the practice of admitting the minority Tamils to equal treatment as regards seating and dining, this would gradually affect the whole social order in Jaffna. Passions were roused and all roads leading to the venue of the Congress sessions were picketed and blocked, all means of drawing water from the neighbouring wells was removed and the well belonging to the Training Institute was polluted. The president's car itself was obstructed and stoned.
The sessions however began after some delay with the singing of Gandhian songs. The chairman of the Reception Committee C. Subramaniam then delivered his welcome address. At this stage the crowd that had been organised to disrupt the sessions became restive. Hooting and howling gave way to incidents of stone - throwing and acts of rowdyism. The members of the Congress kept cool and did not retaliate, but moved out of

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the hall. When some semblance of order had been restored the welcome address and the President's address were gone through. It was then decided to conduct the rest of the proceedings at the Ridgeway Hall, Jaffna. This decision was taken to avoid any further damage to the buidings which were the property of the Hindu Board. But inspite of the sessions being held elsewhere attempts were made to set the schoolhall on fire on the night of April 23.93 The President Mr. Shivapathasundram was unperturbed by these incidents. He feminded the members of the Students' Congress of the baptismal fire they had gone through at an earlier session and said it was no wonder brimstone had followed.
C. Subramaniam in his welcome address dealt with three major issues. They were cultural renaissance, untouchability and its related problem of equal seating in schools, and youth and politics. He called on the Congress to make every effort to give the mother tongue a prominent place in the school curriculum and for the use of the mother tongue as the medium of instruction. "Speaking as a teacher to fellow teachers', the chairman of the reception committee said, "I would say that we are guilty of a heinous crime in willingly assisting a system that is day by day sapping the lifeblood of our students and stunting their intellectual growth and rendering them more and more effeminate by putting a severe strain on their nervous energy. If there is a tendency in our students to look down upon everything Eastern, the fault lies not in them but in the education we are giving them'. A practical suggestion he made was that the mother tongue be made compulsory for all public examinations, and that the standard of question papers set for these examinations be raised appreciablv high. The speaker dwelt at length on the issue of Caste and Varnashrama Dharma and rejected the efforts made by some of the conservative Hindus to give a religious sanction to the caste system. As far as the Congress was concerned the speaker claimed that the question was first and foremost one of sucial justice. He stressed that the removal of the disabilities suffered by the oppressed classes was an essential condition for political unity. The existing state of affairs made it necessary for one part of the nation to seek the protection of

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un alien bureaucracy against the oppressors while the alien bureaucracy kept the whole nation in bondage. Unless efforts were made to eradicate caste oppression all talk about renaissance, freedom, spiritual rebirth and national heritage were futile. On behalf of the Students' Congress C. Subramaniam welcomed the steps taken by the Government to enforce in public institutions equality of treatment irrespective of caste, creed or race,
The comments that C. Subramaniam made with reference to Youth and Politics and the attitude of the Congress to their elders give an insight into the kind of thinking that eventually led to the boycott of 1931. The Students' Congress claimed the right of young people to participate in politics especially in the cause of the country's freedom. “lf by politics is meant the game of adjustments and compromises, the play upon passions and prejudices, the art of having one eye upon the next elections and the other on the good graces of the government then the Students' Congress disdains to have anything to do with it.' The chairman of the reception committee claimed that “the Students' Congress was the only body in the North that firmly stood for the abolition of communal representation, and as such we are not at all interested in the number of seats the North gets in the New State Council; for in an assembly of over sixty members, it does not matter whether the North gets three seats or six seats. Mutual trust and goodwill alone will lead to national unity and this cannot be realised while we are scrambling for seats. The fight is a common fight against the bureaucracy that holds us in economic, cultural, and political bondage and this fight cannot be sustained as long as one section of the country is coquetting with the government for its own ends,’94
The caste issue occupied the central place in the 1930 sessions. A reaction was building up against those who sought to usher in a period of reform. Equal seating in schools had become a major issue in 1930. The Government had decided on the enforcement of equal seating. In a period of two months a dozen schools were reported to have been destroyed by arson. Most of them were acts of arson by the so-called high castes where and when equal seating had been introduced. But there
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were cases where the minority Tamils burnt down schools where equal seating was not enforced. Several schools remained closed. At a meeting of managers of schools in May 1930 the issue was hotly debated. Mr. Waitialingam Duraiswamy presided at this meeting and said that he was personally for equal seating but that he wished to ensure peace by consulting the people, The Students' Congress had at its sessions held in April supported fully the measures taken to ensure equal seating and had rejected the view disseminated by older men that the forming of public opinion and creation of a suitable climate for the implementation of such social reforms must precede their legal enforcement. At the managers' meeting the following resolution, eighteen voting for and four against was adopted: "That the compulsory enforcement of Clause 34 of the code for Assisted Schools and of Clause 48 of the code for Assisted Bi-lingual and Vernacular Schools in regard to equal seating even with separate seats for the children of the depressed classes is opposed to the wish of the majority of the people of Jaffna.' In the course of the discussion a distinction was drawn between ' co-accommodation' and “accommodation' of 'equal status'. The above resolution rejected even accommodation of equal status which would have given the right to children from minority Tamil communities the right to sit on benches even if they were separate benches. The Hindu Board having first taken a progressive view of things yielded to pressure from conservative quarters and adopted a resolution similar to that adopted by managers of schools at a meeting held at Ramanathan College and presided over by Sir P. Ramanathan. The Hindu Board resolution was as follows: ' that the manager's liability under the code regulations that no differentiated treatment was received by any pupil in aided schools ceased on accommodation being found in the shape of seats for children of the depressed classes and that no manager should be penalised by loss of grant or otherwise should children of the depressed classes decline to occupy the seats provided for them.' Together with an amendment this resolution was unanimously passed. The amendment read: “unless the Government guaranteed to make good the damage that may be caused to school property by incendiarism or by other means the Hindu Board should not enforce equal seating.'9

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It is clear from these resolutions that those responsible for cducation among whom were some of the leading citizens of Jaffna were hesitant if not reluctant to commit themselves fully to equal seating in schools. Sir P. Ramanathan had led a deputation to the Governor on the problem that had cropped up regarding inter-dining at the Kopay Training institute, where again there was considerable opposition to teacher trainees from the minority Tamil communities sitting together with persons of other castes. At this meeting the question of equal seating in schools was taken up for discussion. The Colonial Secretary finally ruled that equal seating had always been interpreted by the Director of Education to mean that seats of the same kind and height should be provided for all children but that it does not require that children of “depressed classes' and other children should sit on the same bench 96 In the light of the above mentioned facts regarding the situation existing in Jaffna in 1930 on the caste problem the stand taken by the Students’ Congress was very, progressive. In spite of the opposition and attempts made to disrupt the annual sessions in 1930 the Congress passed the resolution: “This Congress re-affirms its emphatic protest against the social disabilities based on birth, occupation or wealth, existing in our country, and resolves to secure equal opportunities to all and to co-operate with other agencies engaged in the same work. Further this Congress appreciates the cquitable rule introduced by the Department of Education requiring equal seating in all schools and makes an appeal to all our countrymen to do away with all such iniquitous distinctions obtaining in our schools.'
Other resolutions passed at the sixth annual sessions were
(1) That this Congress congratulates the Indian National Congress on its declaration of Independence as the immediate goal of India and wishes Mahatma Gandhi and the Indian Nation all success and god-speed in their struggle to establish an Independent Nation by peaceful means.'
Resolution (2) was on social disabilities given above.
(3) That this Congress affirms that the political and economic interests of all races in the Island are identical and calls upon the various communities to work harmoniously for the common weal.'

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(4) “This Congress stands for the total prohibition of any kind of intoxicating liquor and resolves to co-operate with all bodies working with the same end in view. This Congress therefore recommends that except for a definite minimum allowed under a license, all production and importation of such liquor should be stopped forthwith.'
(5) That this Congress holds that no nation can rise to the fullest measure of its destiny as long as women do not take an active part in the civic life of the country and appeals to the women of our land to come forward and share with men the responsibilities in the building up of the nation.'
(6) This Congress is of the opinion that the system of education obtaining in our schools is unsuited to the genius of our race and holds that the imparting of instruction through a foreign medium kills all originality in the pupil and imposes the double burden of mastering an alien tongue and the subject matter of study at one and the same time and resolves to work towards the introduction of the mother-tongue as the medium of instruction.'
(7) “That this Congress holds Swaraj to be the inalienable birth-right of every people and calls upon the youth of the land to consecrate their lives to the achievement of their country's freedom.'
The members who moved the resolutions and spoke on them were N. Kumarasingham, P. Nagalingam, J.W. A. Kadirgamar, K. Ratnam, K. Chanmugam and S. Shivapathasundram the president at the sixth annual sessions."
Developments in India continued to have their impact on the students in Jaffna. It was the practice every year to celebrate the King's birthday. In Jaffna the main event was an inter-school sports meet. The students of Jaffna College, Waddukoddai, made a sudden decision not to participate in the sports meet and celebrations in June 1930.
The idea of a boycott of the celebrations occurred to some of the younger teachers at the college. Bonney Kanagathungam, A. S. Kanagaratnam and C. J. Eliyathamby were among those

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who canvassed support for a boycott among the athletes who responded favourably. Mr. Phelps, the American teacher in charge of sports did not take the matter seriously while Principal Bicknell was probably out of Jaffna. It was an impulsive and isolated exercise. There was no political organisation behind it, nor was support from sister schools sought or received. Nevertheless in a country where there was hardly any kind of action against British rule, the students of Jaffna College at that time took legitimate pride in an action of this nature that had political overtones. Handy Perinbanayagam though a teacher at Jaffna College was not directly responsible for the decision to boycott the celebrations. But there is no doubt that the students had been influenced by his teaching and example and the activities of the Students' Congress. It was as if the soil had been prepared to receive the seed. The students spontaneously decided that so long as Mahatma Gandhi was in gaol and the mother country' was in travail for her independence it was not possible for the people of Jaffna to partake of the festivities in honour of the King.
There must have been some official arm-twisting behind the scenes and Mr. Bicknell, who, left to himself would not have punished those responsible for such an escapade, serious though it was, was finally compelled to take action. A. S. Kanagaratnam was transferred to a school at Atchuvelly and Bonney Kanagathungam when he went on study leave was not taken back. Both were livewires of the Students' Congress and Continued to be so.98
Attempts were made to improve the organisation of the Students' Congress in 1930. A committee was appointed to collect funds and send them to Gandhiji's Civil Disobedience Fund. A Congress propaganda committee was se up especially to mould public opinion in favour of equal seating in schools and to impress upon the education authorities the need to take a census of school-going children and thereafter enforce regularity of attendance. Students' Congress sub-committees were appointed in Manipay, Chunnakam, Tellipallai, Point Pedro, Vaddukoddai, Chulipuram, Karainagar, Chavakachcheri, Urumpiray, the Jafna urban area and in the colleges. These committees were to

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enrol members, spread the Congress ideals and collect funds. The Students' Congress had its supporters and friends in Colombo, Kandy, Nawalapitiya and Batticaloa. Efforts were made to strengthen the contact with supporters in Singapore, Kuala Lumpur and Taiping in the Federated Malay States. The Congress had for some time been considering the publication of a newspaper of its own. A Students' Congress paper as such did not materialise. In 1930 the editor of the Ceylon Patriot offered the paper to be edited by the Congress. The Ceylon Patriot for all practical purposes became the organ of the Students' Congress and continued to be so until it ceased publication in 1933. Many of the stalwarts of the Congress helped in editing the paper and contributed to the columns of this weekly.' 1930 also saw the publication of the influential Tamil weekly the Eelakesari, which from its inception was a staunch supporter of the Students' Congress. Eelakesari Ponniah as the proprietor of this newspaper and the Thirumakal Press was popularly known in Jaffna, was a close friend of Handy Perinbanayagam and other active members of the Students' Congress. A staunch nationalist and patriot he chose as his model V. Kalyanasundara Mudaliyar’s “ Nava Sakthi”. The Eelakesari gave wide publicity to the proceedings and policies of the Congress in the 1930's, and contributed towards the national awakening. The printing of Congress pamphlets, presidential addresses and later the publication entitled “Communalism or Nationalism,' were all undertaken by the Thirumakal Press. Often the Congress was not able to meet the bills and remained indebted to Mr. Ponniah. The problem was finally resolved by making Mr. Ponniah himself the treasurer of the Youth Congress. The Eelakesari gave wide publicity to the developments in India and became the primary medium through which the Tamil reading public were able to follow the events in India. The Thirumakal Press publications became popular in the country. At a time when the poems and songs of freedom by the nationalist poet Subramania Bharathi were little known in India itself and less known in Ceylon Eelakesari Ponniah in 1930 made available the entire works of Bharathi to the Tamil reading public in Ceylon. In the 1940's when the English Weekly the Kesari' came into existence it was once again Mr. Ponniah who undertook to publish the paper for Handy Perinbanayagam and others associated with its publication.00

8. BOYCOTT
1930 was the year of the boycott. The Youth Congress has been best remembered and most misrepresented for its role in the boycott of elections to the first State Council. At the annual sessions in 1931 the name of the movement was changed from Students' Congress, Jaffna, to Youth Congress, Jaffna. While drawing its support largely from students its leaders had long since ceased to be students at school or university. Hereafter the name Youth Congress will be consistently used both with reference to the period before and after 1931.
In September 1930 the executive committee of the Congress had adopted a resolution calling upon its members not to participate in the elections to the State Council. The chairman of the reception committee in his welcome address at the 1930 sessions had rejected on behalf of the Congress the concept of politics involving adjustments and compromises and that of having an eye on the next elections. The Youth Congress had also rejected the Donough more Commission's proposals in 1928 as not going far enough in the direction of self-government.
Those with nationalist views especially liberals and radicals
backed by sections of the press in Colombo had been critical
of the Donoughmore Scheme and there had developed a consider
able body of thought in the country that was in favour of rejecting the Donoughmore Scheme unless suitable changes giving
the substance of self-government were incorporated in the scheme. To the Youth Congress, 1931 provided an opportunity for action
that was feasible. Several members of the Congress were of the
opinion that Jaffna should give the lead in rejecting the reforms.
They counted on support from radical and progressive elements
in the South.
The Legislative Council that came into existence in 1924 was dissolved on April 17, 1931. Nominations for the general elections to the new State Council were fixed for May, 4th. The seventh annual sessions of the Youth Congress were held on the 23rd, 24th and 25th April which fell right "between the date of dissolution and nomination day.

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This was the first general election that was being held after the Youth Congress came into existence. Universal adult franchise was being introduced for the first time which meant potential candidates had to take into account their standing with the masses. The youth of Jaffna were an important factor so be reckoned with, the Youth Congrss having become the one single organisation that had any degree of mass appeal.
The seventh annual sessions was itself a grand affair. The sessions were held in a specially erected pandal on the Jaffna esplanade. On the 23rd April Srimathi Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya the president-elect for the 1931 sessions was taken in procession from the Thattatheru junction to the pandal in a carriage drawn by three white horses headed by several bands of musicians and accompanied by the congress volunteers clad in khaddar and wearing Gandhi caps. The volunteers carried the red, green, and saffron flag of the Youth Congress. The second annual sessions began with the flag hoisting ceremony. P. N. Thirunavukkarasu who led the volunteers had the honour of hoisting the flag in front of the pandal and in doing sơ said the flag symbolised the unity of all communities in the island. The proceedings of the seventh annual sessions began with the singing of Bande Mataram' and a rendering of Subramania Bharathi's songs of freedom. The spacious pandal was crowded to its full capacity with the largest ever gathering at any annual sessions of the Congress.10
There had always been present at the annual sessions a few women. The Congress at previous sessions had called upon women to take their rightful place in the life of the nation. The seventh annual sessions had broken new ground in inviting a woman to preside. Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya was the sisterin-law of Sarojini Naidu and was in her own right prominent in the freedom struggle in India. Young, attractive and eloquent, she virtually took the Youth Congress by storm. K. Nesiah delivering the welcome address said that Srimathi Kamaladevi was welcome as one who had earned for Indian women a name or patriotism and courage as a social reformer and an authority on women's education and follower of Mahatma Gandhi. Nesiah claimed that this was the first time a woman had been

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called upon to preside at a gathering of that nature in Ceylon. He said that her presence there was a challenge to the women of Ceylon to serve their country in the manner in which their Indian sisters were doing. He recalled the glory that was Lanka, how, many races and relgions found a common home in the Island. He traced the substantial achievements of the kings, monks and people both in moulding religious ideals and contributing towards economic prospe ity. Parakramabahu the Great, he said, was a symbol of Sinhalese-Tamil unity. The speaker referred at length to the economic situation in the country and the nature of exploitation that British rule had led to. There had been some compensating advantages in some aspects of British rule. But there had been none in the economic domination which has resulted from the British connection. Quoting facts revealed by Mr. D. S. Senanayake it was shown that two-thirds of our national income went to the credit of persons from abroad and only one-third was earned by Ceylonese; while the non-Ceylonese contributed about two-sevenths of the tax revenue and the Ceylonese the other five-sevenths. Nesiah's welcome address was an exposure of the nature of British imperialist exploitation without precisely using these words which were to become common usage and part of the political vocabulary in this country in subsequent decades with the emergence of the left movement. “We have no national policy', said he, “ of fostering home industries, no fiscal policy of protective tariffs. We have yet to set up manufactures aided by Ceylonese capital, directed by Ceylonese management and employing Ceylonese labour'. In words that are as true today as fifty years ago he said “Those who are making money out of the present system are blind to the fact that their prosperity is being built up on the growing poverty of the people'. He continued, "Economic slavery pinches our stomachs, political slavery wounds our self-respect but the slavery of the mind kills the soul of the race. And to this last result our system of education has contributed in no small measure.' He expressed the need for a national system of education and concluded his speech by stressing the aims and objectives of the Youth Congress,

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In order to focus attention on the need to use products of local industry a handicrafts exhibition was organised by the reception committee at Jaffna Central College for the duration of the annual sessions.
The main address at the annual sessions was the presidential address delivered by Srimathi Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya. In a radical but instructive lecture filled with facts, figures and information gathered from the study of the annual general reports she explained the nature of imperialist exploitation that was taking place in Ceylon. Commenting on the paucity of research on matters pertaining to the economy of the country she stressed the need to publish articles, pamphlets and books. “To fight a scientific opponent you need a scientific weapon and an economic grievance is unassailable and unchallengeable."
Srimathi Kamaladevi indicated the two-fold: character of the struggle for freedom. In the political arena we have the colonies fighting the Imperial rulers, the smaller nations asserting their rights to their own rule, and minorities proclaiming their protest against the tyranny of the majority. In the economic field the fight is mainly between capital and labour, that is a small minority living on the fruits of a vast majority's labour and keeping the latter in slavery and thraldom. The two forces political and economic, said the speaker, were in practice closely interlocked. The content of the address would have done justice to an academic lecture on the nature of Capitalism and Imperialism and exploitation of subject peoples in the colonies. The Youth Congress in its seven years of existence had not been exposed to this kind of analysis that stressed the economic factor in imperialist exploitation. The Congress was preoccupied with political and social issues. A socialist movement with an anti-imperialist orientation had yet to emerge in the rest of Ceylon. The 1931 sessions marked a turning point among the radicals in Jaffna who in course of time adopted a socialist anti-imperialist approach to politics.
Srimathi Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya rejected the old theory that students should not get mixed up with politics. Politics, she said, was a matter of life and death and it was not a matter on which we could preach caution or moderation, faced with

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British imperialist domination. “Under the guise of a beneficial rule,' she said, “ the imperial lords loot rich lands for the benefit of their own kinsmen. Many a country is thus being bled to the sweet tune of God Save the King'. The glorious flag of the British Empire is dyed in the scarlet blood of millions... The British nation so highly developed commercially, must find fresh fields for investing its capital and once again our lands come to their help. Thus in the shape of missionaries of modern civilisation and the priests of modern culture they step on to our shores and begin their exploits ..... In the process of the establishment of this imperialistic rule by Law and Order and, with the consent of the people, these imperial agents ruthlessly destroy all indigenous industries, commerce and institutions and by setting up their own powerfully organised ones shut out possibilities for starting any national enterprises. This unequal competition, pronouncedly decided in favour of the rulers, leaves the country and its people hilpless and impoverished. This economic enslavement is systematic and crushing... In order to discover the remady it is necessary to have a clear diagnosis of the disease.'
In calling upon the youth virtually to revolt against the British she said, “no radical or appreciable achievement is possible as long as the Britisher waves his flag over this country. Every one of the “benefits he confers on you is one more cord by which he binds and enslaves you. His factories and railways and irrigation schemes are so many outlets for his manufactures and so many fabulously paid posts for his kinsmen. And the grant of each new set of reforms with their elaborate machinary and expensive tools is one more gag on your rising spirit. Each with its brilliantly painted exterior is nothing but a hollow toy with which your clever masters charm you into a hypnotic spell. If you will but tear down the coloured garb you will find a soulless image within.”
The speaker was careful to point out that freedom did not mean the mere hounding out of the white man and a transference of power from one powerful minority to another equally tyrannical. In the just society that was looked forward to, every man will have a fair chance to reach the highest point to which

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his capacities can carry him and to get for himself and his family what he is actually entitled to by the value of his labour. At the same time the State will get the highest service from each man. In the pursuance of these aims she stressed the need to organise labour in Ceylon. Labour legislation in Ceylon was far behind times. The grant of adult suffrage, she said, although a great advance on the old system will not be of much practical value until the general economic condition of labour improved. The Presidential Address thus struck a new note in calling for a struggle on behalf of the oppressed and the disinherited and the Youth Congress was challenged to struggle for true freedom for the down trodden people. The speaker concluded with an appeal for cultural freedom. “It is only when you meet the West as an equal and as a partner in the search and appreciation of beauty that the two cultures will blend into each other. “But,' she said, “you have lost your bearings today. The children of the people that created the wonderful works of art at Polonnaruwa and Anuradhapura are today feeding their hungry souls on Dunlop tyre advertisements and match labels that adorn the walls of the huts in the villages. The colossal tragedy of this is but little realised... Art is not a luxury or the privilege of the rich few. It is the life-giving force that touches all ordinary things of everyday common use with its vitality transforming them into sublime things of joy'.
The boycott resolution became the central issue at the 1931 sessions. It had now become customary for the Congress to pass a resolution on Swaraj everytime the annual sessions took place. N. Kumarasingham moved, "This Congress holds Swaraj to be the inalienable birthright of every people and calls upon the youth of the land to consecrate their lives to the achievements of their country's freedom'. Hardly had the resolution been seconded when T. N. Subbiah moved the addition of the following words as an amendment. “And whereas the Donoughmore Scheme as embodied in the recent Order-in-Council militates against the attainment of Swaraj this Congress further pledges itself to boycott the scheme and authorises the executive committee to devise ways and means for enforcing the boycott'. In his speech on the amendment Subbiah appealed on behalf of the Congress to all leaders to come forward and organise such

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a campaign as would necessitate the authorities to withdraw the so-called reforms and negotiate terms with the leaders of the movement. The amendment was seconded by Handy Perinbanayagam and the resolution as amended was carried unanimously by the youth present which according to one estimate was close upon two thousand persons.
Those who had reservations about the wisdom or otherwise of the decision to boycott were not able in that large assembly to oppose a motion that enjoyed widespread support. Boycott was regarded as an action in favour of the demand for independence. There was little discussion or serious thought given at this time whether it was the correct strategy to adopt. One and only one commitment was the determining factor and that was the commitment to 'Purna Swaraj as the Youth Congress had repeatedly affirmed. Anyone who opposed the boycott could have been suspected of not being fully committed to the achievement of total independence. Public opinion in Jaffna during the years of the ascendancy of the Youth Congress had been moulded to respond to the struggles that were taking place in India. In the rest of Ceylon some individuals might have been profoundly influenced by the Indian struggle. It was in Jaffna more than anywhere else that a movement had grown totally committed to the programme and policies of the Indian National Congress.
Parochial considerations of any kind did not find a place in the thinking of the members of the Youth Congress. The period of growth of the Congress fell between two periods of intense eommunalism in the country, 1921-23 marked a period when Tamil and Sinhalese elites were entangled in a long controversy on the allocation of seats to the Legislative Council. The growth of the Youth Congress did not eradicate altogether a communal approach to politics but the Congress emerged as the one organisation that had a hold over public opinion in Jaffna. In the mid-1930's communalism emerged once again in Jaffna in a more pronounced form. Therefore the tendency had been strong on the part of observers of the Jaffna scene to see the boycott as one more expression of communalism, especially in the light of the abolition of communal representation under

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the Lonoughmore Scheme. This was furthest from the truth so far as the Youth Congress was concerned. In fact, it may now be said that the youth of Jaffna at that time erred in carrying their all-island nationalism too far without asking for minority safeguards, leaving many of its stalwarts deeply disillusioned in the post 1956 period.
The leaders of the Youth Congress from the 25th of April until nomination day on May 4th worked whole-heartedly to implement the boycott decision. The responsibility of devising ways and means of giving effect to the boycott resolution was entrusted to the executive committee. When the decision to boycott the elections had been taken what was meant by boycott was not precisely stated. It appears the intention was for members of the Congress to go to the people and dissuade them from voting thus using the opportunity for propaganda against the reforms. The Youth Congress leaders did not expect the candidates to desist from handing in their nominations with such ease nor did they in the first instance ask them to do so. It was some of the candidates who first suggested their not handing in the nomination papers.'
The excitement that the Youth Congress sessions had generated on the eve of nomination day had unnerved the prospective candidates, who had to fight elections under radically altered conditions with the grant of universal adult franchise. Ever since the Youth Congress unanimously passed a resolution in favour of a boycott a whirlwind campaign had been carried out in the peninsula. Several of the men who had announced their candidature spoke at public meetings organised in Jaffna and Kokuvil and had declared their willingness to support a boycott of entry into the State Council.'
The crucial meeting that made the final decision took place on Sunday (May 3rd) morning, All the candidates who had announced their intention to contest at the forthcoming elections with three exceptions met the representatives of the Youth Congress at the Vaideshwara Vidyalayam. They included W. Duraiswamy, K. Balasingham, A. Mahadeva, H. A. P. Sandrasegara K. C., R. Sri Pathmanathan and A. Appadurai-all members of the Legislative Council that had been dissolved.

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The last three had been elected within the two preceding years at bye-elections, A. Mahadeva had represented the Western Province Ceylon Tamil seat and was now moving into the Peninsula seeking election to the Jaffna seat.
Under the Donough more Constitution with the grant of universal adult franchise the electors had increased to about thirty thousand for each electorate compared to about five thousand voters per seat under the previous constitution. Teachers, students and young people were expected to play a decisive role in the 1931 elections. The candidates and the public were aware of the important role they had played in the two byeelections held in 1929 and 1930. '07 Therefore all the sitting members of the defunct Legislative Council wished to curry favour with the youth. Though they had reservations about the desirability of a boycott they simply fell in line. Other potential candidates also agreed with the exception of two who on nomination day created a sensation when they threatened to hand in their nominations.
At the Vaideshwara Vidyalayam meeting, in addition to those candidates mentioned above S. Natesapillai, J. C. Amerasingham, R. Sivagurunathan and Mudaliar Karalapillai were also present. All the candidates having expressed their respective views finally undertook to abide by the decision of the majority. At no stage either at this meeting or at preceding meetings had the abolition of communal representation been mentioned or any claims made for special representation for the Tamils. After a brief meeting behind closed doors Mr. Duraiswamy announced to the crowd that had gathered outside the decision made by the candidates present and that they had signed an agreement not to submit their nomination papers the next day. The chief issue, he said was that the new constitution had taken away all powers and privileges of the last council and had transferred them to the Governor and his permancnt officials. Their task was to decide what steps should be taken to achieve full responsible government.0
On nomination day a large crowd gathered outside the Jaffna Kachcheri. A feeling of excitement prevailed as nomination time approached. All the candidates who had agreed the previous

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day not to hand in their nominations were present. But the arrival of Mr S. Saravanamuttu and Mr. W. Muttucumaru both of whom had not participated in the previous day's meeting and therefore were not committed to the agreement made the atmosphere tense. A briefless lawyer was kept in readiness as a dummy candidate. But to the relief of everyone present not a single nomination paper was handed in and Mr. Dyson the Government Agent announced the closure of nominations.
A Congress deputation was sent to Vavuniya to persuade the candidates there not to hand in their nominations. G. G. Ponnambalam was at first responsive but later contested on the ground that his opponent Anantham did not withdraw. Ponnambalam expressed his willingness to support the Youth Congress and had said that in the event of his being returned he was prepared to be guided as to further action by his constituents and the Youth Congress. A Youth Congress spokesman claimed later that Ponnambalam gave a categorical assurance that he would resign his seat if he won and therefore the Youth Congress surported him at the elections in 1931 for the Mullaitivu-Mannar seat.09 Later G. G. Ponnambalam became one of the chief campaigners favouring a fresh nomination day leading to a great deal of bitterness between boycotters' and
anti-boycotters.
The Daily News all long a supporter of the Youth Congress and a strong critic of the Donoughmore Reforms welcomed the boycott in Jaffna. Having criticised the candidates in the rest of the country for lack of political principles the editorial on nomination day commented that the “one relieving feature in this soporific performance is contained in the news from Jaffna'. “Public opinion in Jaffna' said the editor, “is a potent thing. Those who defy it do so at their peril. Ever the home of virile politics, Jaffna is determined to see that the public spirit of her citizens is equal to any crisis.' Several of the candidates in the rest of the country contesting the 1931 elections were committed to “mend or end' the constitution. The Daily News in a subsequent comment said, “If craven fear did not overpower the judgement of those who ate their own words in the Legislative Council when they decided to accept

the new constitution, Ceylon would today be in an immeasurably stronger position to secure a scheme of government which contained the elements of real responsible government in place of the faked article ”. 110
The initial reaction soon after nomination day was for several newspapers and individuals to congratulate the Youth Congress and others responsible for the boycott, for their bold and challenging gesture which they were supposed to have carried with such consummate elan'. The All-Ceylon Liberal League expressed full support for the boycott. A joint telegram from Francis de Zoysa K. C., E. W. Perera and T. B. Jayah read as follows: “Congratulate Jaffna heartily on her brilliant achievement and deplore failure to act likewise here for want of unity and a sufficiently strong public opinion. Endeavouring to mobilise public opinion to attain the common object by the best means available. Expect Jaffna's aid and co-operation.' Letters to the press by Sinhalese correspondents called upon the leaders in the South to follow the lead given by Jaffna and to persuade the candidates either to withdraw or to call upon the people not to cast their votes.'''
Of particular interest in the light of later events is the letter to the press written by Philip Gunawardene from London. He wrote “I longed for the day when the youth of Ceylon would take their place by the side of the young men and women of China, of India, of Indonesia, of Indo-China, of Korea and even of the Philipine Islands in the great struggles of a creative revolution against all the mighty forces of old-age, social reaction and imperialist oppression. During the last few years the Jaffna Students' Congress was the only organisation in Ceylon that has been displaying political intelligence......Jaffna has given the lead. They have forced their leaders to sound the bugle call for the great struggle for freedom-for immediate and complete independence from Imperialist Britain. Will the Sinhalese who always display supreme courage understand and fall in line? A tremendous struggle faces us. Boycott of the elections was only a signal. It is the duty of every Sinhalese now to prepare the masses for the great struggle ahead.'
Jawaharlal Nehru was at this time spending a holiday in Ceylon. Though he wished to keep out of politics he was in
His 6

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great demand to address several meetings. The inaugural meeting of the All-Ceylon Youth Congress that had b. en formed in Colombo partly on the initiative of the Jaffna Youth Congress took place at the Plaza Theatre, Wellawatte in May 1931. Several delegates from Jaffna attended this meeting. Nehru's presence drew a large crowd to this meeting at which a resolution was passed supporting the Jaffna boycott of the State Council elections. Nehru however warned the gathering against wordy resolutions. He took the opportunity provided by this meeting to dismiss the speculation that was afloat that he and Srimathi Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya were at the back of the boycott movement in Jaffna.:

9. THE CONTROVERSY
At the annual sessions of the Youth Congress in Jaffna a committee consisting of W. Duraiswamy as chairman, N. Kumarasingham and E. T. Hitchcock as secretaries and R. R. Nalliah and S. Machado as treasurers had been formed to welcome Jawaharlal Nehru who was referred to as the “uncrowned king of India'. Nehru was given a rousing reception in the third week of May. Coming soon after the boycott there was a great deal of excitement and eagerness to know what Nehru felt about the action taken. Nehru in a lengthy speech said that he felt somewhat attracted to the Youth Congress. He said he had reserved Jaffna which had really invited him to the last because it might be the best crumb of the lot. He warned the youth that all their talking would be of no consequence unless they were men of action. Nehru had been told in Colombo that some Jaffna leaders had stood against labour and manhood suffrage. Therefore in Jaffna he emphasised that not enough attention had been paid to labour and to Indian labour in particular. He stressed the international character of labour and called upon the youth to have a clear programme regarding social, economic and political questions. This was the period in his life when Nehru was regarded as a socialist belonging to the left wing of the Indian National Congress. He rightly placed emphasis on the economic factor and the working class and explained that it was the system that had to be changed. The need of the hour in his opinion was for a programme of action that arose from a proper understanding of the existing system.
He was not over enthusiastic about the boycott. He was guarded in his statements and did not commit himself either in favour of or against the boycott. But he did say that a mere noise of a boycott without inner strength was futile and that the commitment to a sincere struggle could only be judged when there was opposition, trouble, suffering and sacrifice.'
Nehru writing to his sister Krishna Nehru Hutheesing had this to say about his visit to Jaffna, “We went to Jaffna in the far north by train and received a tumultuous welcome. Jaffna is the centre of the Tamil and the aggressive youth leagues, We had

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a heavy programme, motored all over the neighbourhood, and had a dip in the sea and swam towards india-she was only 16 miles across.'s
The boycott from the very beginning led to controversy. Among those opposed to the boycott was Mr. J.V. Cheliah, first president of the Congress who as editor of the Morning Star used its columns to criticise the boycott of the State Council elections, Mr. Chelliah claimed that he had met several older men in the week after the boycott and that they were all of the opinion that the decision should not have been entirely left in the hands of the younger men. The Morning Star referred to the boycott as a blunder' in that the Youth did not heed the advice of experienced public men and a “stunt' that was likely to fail and posed the question “What next '?' The day after Nehru's visit Mr. Chelliah is known to have said to his students, “Yesterday Pandit Nehru's speech at the esplanade came as an excellent shower of rain after intense days of heat.'
The Ceylon Patriot took Chelliah to task and said that the editor of the “Star' himself on being questioned by one of the candidates a few days before the boycott on the trend of opinion in his neighbourhood had said that the people in the villages near about his home were solidly for boycott and that no candidate could get a single vote from them. 7 The “Free Press' edited by A. V. Kulasingham was critical of the boycott.
All along from 1931 until fresh nominations were called for in the middle of 1934 there were meetings in favour of boycott and against the boycott. Several of those who had supported or had acquiesced in the boycott decision gradually changed their positions, became supporters of the campaign to press upon the Governor to fix a fresh nomination day.
The Governor in his address to the State Council in 1931 expressed regret that the four constituencies in Jaffna remained unrepresented and said that this was mainly due to the “hotheaded misrepresentation of the spirit of the new constitution by those who should have known better." He however gave the assurance that when he was fully convinced that there was

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a genuine desire on the part of the majority of the people in any or all of the constituencies of the peninsula for representation he would be quite glad to fix a nomination day. Thus the way was laid open for the anti-boycotters to campaign for a fresh nomination day.' The Governor himself put off his proposed visit to Jaffna in 1931 and 1932 though he was invited to do so. The Government Agent's report for 1931 stressed the fact that Nehru's refusal to express approval of the boycott had disappointed those who expected his warm approval of the movement and indicated how “moderate leaders' and village committee chairmen were making efforts to condemn the boycott movement. 9
The Youth Congress did not change its position at any time.
The boycott decision figured prominently in the 1932 and 1933 sessions of the Congress and was defended with conviction by both Mr. C. E. Corea and Mr. K. Balasingham in their presidential addresses at the respective sessions. By 1934 the Governor was satisfied that he could safely call for nominations. By this time the Youth Congress had ceased to exercise the influence that it had in 1931. Elections were held in July 1934. Some of the candidates who had participated in the boycott but who had no commitment to the aims and ideals of the Youth Congress contested and won. The two senior politicians of Jafina among the candidates of 1931 who commanded wide respect in Jafina, Waitialingam Duraiswamy and K. Balasingham remained the most consistent supporters of the boycott and did not contest in 1934.
An effort was made to follow up the boycott of the State Council elections with a boycott of foreign goods. Shops and boutiques were prevailed upon to stop stocking sugar, kerosene and cigarettes all of which were imported. The people were encouraged to substitute these with jaggery, coconut oil and Jaffna cigars. The boycotters on one occasion went to the extent of buying up stocks of cigarettes and making a bonfire of them. Newspaper articles appeared in the provincial weeklies on the advantage of substituting local products for imported goods. But this campaign of boycott of foreign goods was not sustained and ceased to have any effect after a few months.

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Well-known scholars, journalists and politicians have incorrectly interpreted the events of 1931 in Jaffna, and have often failed to be fair by the Youth Congress. Handy Perinbanayagam had occasion to refer to the misrepresentations made on more than one occasion. Once he wrote as follows: “Many responsible Sinhalese leaders have persistently read a communal significance into this decision, and the bibycott that followed. I remember I had to put the late S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike right, when, at a conference where both of us were present, he suggested that the boycott was inspired by communal motives. The latest offender in this regard is Mr. H. A. J. Hulugalle, who in his biography of D. R. Wijeyawardene, repeats the slander Nobody who has watched our lives and noted the price that we have paid for our consistent devotion to the ideal of a United and Free Ceylonese Nation, can accept this view. The boycott was launched because the Donoughmore Reforms fell far short of complete independence.'
No less a person than Mr. G. G. Ponnambalam who had appeared to be willing to support the boycott as has already been indicated made a major contribution towards the confused and distorted views that have emerged regarding the boycott of 1931. In his speech delivered in the State Council on the Reforms Despatch in 1939 he referred to the boycott as a foolish step tantamount to political suicide and posed the question, “How was the boycott justified, after the event?' He then sought to answer this on behalf of the pecple of Jaffna in the following words: “Throughout the length and breadth of the peninsula when the so-called leaders of the community were charged with absolute ineptitude the only defence that was fortcoming was this, “We had nine members in a Council of thirty-seven members; today we are relegated to the position of four or five in a Council of fifty elected members. What is the use of our going to Council That is why we have boycotted it'. I want Hon. Members to realise that the boycott was started because the rank and file of the masses were convinced that a few representatives of the Tamil community would be completely ineffective and that they could not have that voice in the Government of the country which they had in the past.' 23

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This palpable distortion of what really happened did not go unchallenged. The Youth Congress was revived to challenge the campaign that Mr. Ponnambalam was waging for balanced representation. The booklet Communalism or Nationalism"? which was a reply to the speech delivered by Ponnambalam in the State Council, was published in December 1939 and stated the true position with regard to the boycott.
The case that Ponnambalam tried to make is understandable. He was in his own way using to his advantage the events of 1931 to support his case for balanced representation. The 1930s marked the revival of Sinhalese and Tamil communalism under the leadership of Mr. S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike on the one hand and Mr. G. G. Ponnambalam on the other. Hence there was a strong inclination on the part of observers to perceive in earlier events a communal significance-a perception that had been coloured and influenced by a steady growth of Tamil communalism in the years immediately after the boycott. The haste with which some of the candidates who had acquiesced in the decision to boycott had recanted and pleaded for a fresh nomination date further strengthened the view that the boycott was communally motivated.
The Governor Sir Graeme Thomson and subsequently the Soulbury Commission were also partly responsible for giving a communal twist to the 1931 boycott. An official telegram sent to Whitehall by the Governor dated 6 May 1931 stated that “ostensible reason (for the boycott) is that the new Constitution is no advance towards, self-government. Real reason is no doubt dissatisfaction at what Tamils consider their inadequate representation.’ When finally a fresh nomination date was considered the Colonial Office was inclined to regard the addition of four Tamil members to the State Council as a valuable counterpoise to the existing Sinhalese majority.
A vital document like the Soulbury Commission Report published in 1945 made no reference whatsoever to 1he boycott being the result of inadequate advance in the direction of self-government. The report plainly misrepresented the real position when it said, “The small representation of the Ceylon Tamils was due to a boycott of the elections as a protest against the

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abolition of communal representation, and four seats in the Jaffna peninsula were not filled.'24. The result has been that scholars both Ceylonese and foreign very often in a mere passing reference have practically repeated what the Soulbury Commission had first stated.
In the House of Commons the question was clearly and accurately answered when raised on the floor of the House in June 1931.
“Mr. Ormsby-Gore asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies what reason had been given by the leaders of the Indians (sic) in Jaffna and the Northern Provinces of Ceylon for their boycott of elections under the new constitution; and what steps will now be taken under the new constitution to secure some representation of the Indian community in Ceylon on the Legislative Council?
Dr. Shiels; I presume that the right Hon. Gentleman refers to the fact that no nomination papers were handed in for the four constituencies in the Jaffna peninsula, where the population consists predominantly of Ceylon Tamils, who are not regarded as Indians. I understand that the reason given by the persons responsible for this step was that the new constitution marks no advance towards self-government...
Mr. Ormsby-Gore: Is it not a fact that the principal reason why the Tamils in the Northern part of Ceylon have boycotted the election is because they have been deprived of communal representation and put on the common roll with other races?
Dr. Shiels: No, Sir. I do not think that that is an accurate statement. As a matter of fact there are other Tamil candidates standing at the present time and there are over 46 constituencies which are open to representatives of all races.'

0. THE FINAL YEARS
The influence of the Youth Congress reached its climax in 1931. Thereafter the Congress ceased to command the same degree of support it had in its first seven years of existence. The regard that the Youth Congress enjoyed gradually diminished. The decline really came in a big way only in 1934 when fresh nominations were called for and elections successfully held. The holding of elections by itself amounted to a defeat for those who stood for the boycott. More significant was the defeat of the candidates who had the backing of the Youth Congress, though the Congress as a body did not officially participate in the elections.
The Youth Congress however continued to wield a fair degree of influence. It was subject to a great deal of criticism, at first on a low key, but as time went on the opposition became more and more vocal. So long as the Youth Congress confined itself to influencing public opinion through its annual sessions, meetings and lectures it was tolerated and not interfered with. The moment it got involved in active politics as in 1931 strong opposition emerged and its strength was put to the test. From the time of the boycott the Youth Congress was on the . defensive
The annual sessions of 1932 and 1933 were well attended. C. E. Corea who had been invited to deliver the presidential address at the 1932 sessions had on his way to Jaffna met with an accident. His speech however was read on his behalf at the sessions. He congratulated the youth of Jaffna and called upon them to continue their struggle for freedom. He warned them about the false prophets of gloom who were spreading rumours that Jaffna youth would not get government jobs. Mr. Corea's speech defended the boycott and reminded the youth of one of the weaknesses of the Jaffna Tamils, that of giving too much importance to the opinion of the elders. He reminded the Youth Congress that Sir. P. Arunachalam had some years ago called on the youth not to give too much heed to the opinion of elders and be influenced by their fears and views, The boycott, he said was not initiated by irresponsible youth

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but had the support of mature and experienced men. T. N. Subbiah who delivered the welcome address as chairman of the reception committee devoted the greater part of his speech to the boycott and to subsequent developments. He was clearly on the defensive. He remarked that it was a perversion of facts that the Tamils had boycotted the elections because they did not trust the Sinhalese. Reference was made to the failure of the moderates in India who had at different times extended their co-operation to the British in working successive constitutions and that the position in India at this time was worse than ever before. When ministers themselves admitted that they did not have enough powers to be of use to the country he asked what use would it serve for Jaffna to be represented in the State Council.'
The resolutions adopted at the eighth annual sessions reaffirmed the correctness of the boycott decision and affirmed that one year's experience with the working of the new constitution proved the inadequacy of the reforms.
By the time the ninth annual sessions were held in 1933 the opposition to the Youth Congress had become more effective. Efforts had been made to canvass support for an appeal to the Governor for a fresh nomination day. In attempting to rally support the anti-boycotters used the communal cry. In January 1933 an important meeting had been held in the Ridgeway Hall at which several leading citizens of Jaffna had expressed regret for the boycott of 1931 and had appealed to the Governor for a fresh date for nominations. These included some whic had played a leading role in the boycott and also some of the candidates who had intended to contest in 1931. Following this meeting a delegation from Jaffna met the Colonial Secretary in Colombo and had requested the holding of elections as early as possible. They asked for communal safeguards for the Tamils as well. 127
It was in this atmosphere of growing communalism that the ninth annual sessions of the Youth Congress were held in Jaffna. It was the last well attended session and in a sense marked the end of the period when the Congress commanded widespread support in Jaffna. Mr K. Balasingham delivered the Presidential address. Sam A. Sabapathy was chairman of

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the reception committee and delivered the welcome address. Three well known personalities came from the South and spoke at this session. They were Francis de Zoysa K. C., S. W. Dassanaike and S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike. The Congress had at no time been negligent of the literary side of its activities. Pandithamani Kanapathipillai was always the dominant figure keeping audiences of hundreds spellbound with his discourses on the glories of ancient Tamil literature.
Mr. K. Balasingham's speech was a vigorous defence of the boycott of 1931, and a refutation of the arguments that were being peddled about by the new party' that had been formed in Jaffna, and which was challenging the ideals that the Youth Congress had stood for. He conceded that he had pressed for communal safeguards by increased representation for the Tamils as strongly as any other Tamil before the Donough more Report was published. “But today', said Mr. Balasingham, “I do not wish to press on the British Government the need for additional representation as that would give an opportunity to them to refuse Home Rule.' He added that if the Tamils were anxious to safeguard their interests in the Public Service the worst possible manner of doing it was to raise the communal cry. He concluded his address with hope and faith in the capacity of the people to overcome the divisive forces at work. He warned the Tamils that their future no longer lay in the Public Service or in Malaya. The salvation of Ceylon he said lay in the development of her industries and this could not be done so long as the country was ruled from Downing Street. He stressed. the need for national unity and said “ It is not likely that the differences of language and religion between the Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims and Burghers will disappear in the future. There is however a community of interest strong enough to create a common nationality inspite of these differences. The safeguards which an outside power may guarantee are more easily enacted than enforced.'
Mr. Sam Sabapathy as chairman of the reception committee said that the Youth Congress could succeed in its objectives only if parallel movements emerged in the South as well. The Youth Congress at its 1933 sessions once again called for an All

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Ceylon organisation that was capable of speaking on behalf of the whole country. One of its main resolutions was: “This Congress being of opinion that communalism is a negation of nationalism resolves that the youth of the land devote themselves to wipe out the forces that engender inter-racial discord and seek to achieve Swaraj for the whole nation.'28
As the anti-boycott movement gained strength the Congress was becoming considerably weakened especially by defections to the party pleading for a fresh nomination date. It was suggested that the Congress should contest the elections if it was held and that such an action would help to strengthen the sagging morale and make the people politically more conscious. The criticism was made that while the communalists were bringing Jaffna into disrepute their opponents were silent. It was also argued that Sinhalese leaders who addressed the Youth Congress sessions merely mouthed platitudes about national unity and self-government while they did nothing in the South to promote these objectives. 29
The fixing of a nomination day, the holding of elections in 1934 and the success of candidates who had campaigned for a fresh nomination date practically eliminated the Youth Congress from the dominant position that it had occupied in the political and social life of Jaffna for nearly a decade. The Youth Congress did not contest the elections. The candidates unofficially backed by the Youth Congress failed to win. In fact one report categorised the contest for the four seats as that between 'nationalists' and communalists' a distinction which subsequent developments showed was not quite valid. The real distinction was between determined opponents of the * Boycott and those who were more sympathetic to the Youth Congress, the former winning all the seats.
Organisationally the Youth Congress was on the wane for about four years and was revived in 1938. A meeting was held at Keerimalai in March 1938 presided over by Handy Perinbanayagam, and it was decided to revive the Youth Congress. The annual sessions were held in April at the Jaffna Town Hall and was presided over by Dr. R. Saravanamuttu. Handy Perinbanayagam delivered the welcome address. In the following

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year Handy Perinbanayagam himself delivered the presidential address. At the 1940 and 1941 sessions M. Balasunderam and C. Suntheralingam presided and delivered the main addresses.'
With the founding of the LSSP in 1935 it became customary for the leaders of the left movement to address meetings in Jaffna very often under the auspices of the Youth Congress. Youth Congress personalities appeared on the same platform with the left leaders in other parts of the country as well. N. M. Perera, Philip Gunewardena, Colvin R. de Silva, Leslie Goonewardene, S. A. Wickremasinghe and W. Dhahanayake were freqent visitors to the North.
Invitations to appear on the Youth Congress platform were by no means limited to the leaders of the left movement only. Noteworthy among other participants were J. R. Jayewardene who spoke at the 1939 sessions and D. S. Senanayake who addressed a Youth Congress meeting in October 1941. The 194l sessions created a sensation because of the speech delivered by Mrs. Selina Perera resulting in her being charged for sedition. She was later acquitted. The Youth Congress throughout this period laid a great deal of emphasis in fighting communalism. The booklet “Communalism or Nationalism?', A Reply to the Speech delivered in the State Council on the Reforms Despatch by G. G. Ponnambalam Esq., with a Foreword by S. H. Perinbanayagam published by the Youth Congress in 1939, placed before the Tamils in particular and the country in general a nationalist alternative to the divisive forces of communalism.
In the above publication it was admitted that the boycott was not much of a success but that it did have an effect in rousing the country. It was claimed that one of its concrete results was the formation of Youth Leagues in South Ceylon, and the subsequent emergence of the lanka Sama Samaja Party 'Thus the boycott, did have a toning effect on the politics of the country, and also created a worthy tradition for the Youth Congress.'
The Youth Congress publication was primarly an answer to the claims made by Mr. Ponnambalam. The reactionary nature

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of his politics was exposed. It was pointed out that when the State Council debated the motion calling upon the Governor to rescind the orde ing of the deportation of Mr. Bracegirdle Mr. Ponnambalam spoke defending the Governor's action and voted against the motion while the overwhelming majority including Tamils and Sinhalese voted for the motion.
Again when the Order-in-Council extending the Governor's powers was introduced Mr. Ponnambalam had addressed a memorandum to the Governor welcoming the new Order-in-Council giving as his reasons that it would safeguard the minorities and that it was in the interests of the Empire. The Youth Congress claimed that “the reactionary nature of this memorandum can be realised only when it is known that the Governor has never used his special powers in the interest of the minorities even once, though certification has been resorted to on more than thirty occasions. It has always been used directly or indirectly for safeguarding or furthering imperialist interests. Even the most diehard conservative would not have made a more reactionary statement than what this memorandum contains.'
In both his welcome address at the 1938 sessions and in his presidential address at the 1939 sessions Handy Perinbanayagam evaluated the achievements and failures of the Youth Congress. He expressed regret that only a few of the original members of the Congress remained steadfast to its ideals. Some had even turned against the Youth Congress. Others, he said felt that the policies of the Youth Congress would not bring immediate results, and had left the movement. On the boycott he frankly accepted responsibility for it but demanded that those who were with them then should also accept responsibility. He wanted to know what the members who had gone to the State Council had achieved. One of them, he said was continually quarelling with the Sinhalese. Handy Perinbanayagam confessed that the members of the Youth Congress lacked experience and that they did not realise the gravity of the situation. The result was that those in power did everything possible to crush the Congress in collusion with those in Jaffna who sought administrative and political favours. In Jaffna itself it became customary for all the ills of the Jaffna people to be blamed on the boycott.

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In seeking to revive the Youth Congress in the late thirties Handy Perinbanayagam with the support of a few old loyalists continued untiringly to place before the public of Jaffna the fundamental principles that the Congress had stood for. They were independence for the country, the removal of social disabilities, the restoration of the national languages to their rightful place especially as the medium of instruction in the schools, the teaching of Sinhalese to Tamil and Tamil to Sinhalese students, and an uncompromising opposition to communalism and to communal politics. The voice of Handy Perinbanayagam was recognised as the voice of the Youth Congress. Even after the Youth Congress had ceased to function as an organisation its pervasive influence was felt in Jaffna's political life. Handy Perinbanayagam embodied in his speeches and writings the aspirations and hopes of the defunct body. He continued to strive for the Lanka of his dreams refusing to make the compromises that would have carried him into Parliament with ease. From 1941 to 1948 he edited Kesari-an English weekly which continued the Youth Congress tradition in the political and social affairs of the country. Though short-lived it was effective in shaping informed public opinion.
As one of his admirers put it Handy Perinbanayagam was essentially a maker of men. “From Vaddukoddai via Law to Kokuvil is a long story. The path was strewn with endless controversy, and the field proved fertile for both his detractors and admirers who delighted in the doubtful pastime of assessing his worth in terms of victories and defeats.
But, the unassailable idealist that Handy always was, he was able to inure himself to any vilifications. True to the ideals of the Gita, he acted according to the dictates of his conscience and left the outcome in the bands of Providence.'
More touching was the tribute paid by his opponent at the Parlimentary election. Mr. K. Kanagaratnam said: “He contested the Vaddukoddai seat in the first Parliament along with five others including me and lost. I must confess here that he was undoubtedly the most qualified of the lot both in point of political knowledge and long training for public service but the party slogans and mass hysteria snatched the seat from him.'

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11. LOOKING BACK
The Jaffna Youth Congress was primarily Jaffna's response to the Gandhian nationalist movement in India. The influence of the national awakening in India was felt most in Jaffna in Ceylon. Products of the several good schools in Jaffna, these young men were highly proficient in the English language, unlike a later generation of youth (in the 1970's) they read widely in English and were well informed about developments in India and the rest of the world. The English press both dailies and weeklies, gave substantial coverage to the struggle taking place in India. In addition Indian newspapers and journals like the Madras Hindu, Maratha, Amritza Bazaar Patrika and Young India provided these awakened young men with food for thought. It was fashionable to read the literature of the Indian National Movement, especially the speeches of its leaders. Immersed in Gandhian thought and values the members of the Youth Congress spoke and acted as though they were part of that larger movement.
In addition to the Gandhian influence there was also the impact of western liberal and democratic values. The American liberal tradition of feedom of thought and expression prevalent in Jaffna and which was encouraged by Principal Bicknell especially in the 1920's and 30's was an important factor that enabled the youth of Jaffna to respond freely to the challenge posed by the Gandhian movement.
These twin influences were at work among Jaffna's English educated youth. Thus there emerged a radical fringe which was of decisive significance in the political and intellectual life of Jaffna in the twenties and thirties. The idealistic and radical impulses generated gave rise to a movement that was nationalist democratic, anti-imperialist and anti-feudal. The Youth Congress was a movement of liberal radicals. When vicwed in the context of the then existing attitudes to politics, caste, education, the national languages and culture, the Youth Congress is seen to be a movement that was radical and in advance of its times.
Nationalism in Asia in the first half of the twentieth century was primarily a revolt against western imperialism. In the absence of any movement in Ceylon that was clearly anti

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imperialist the Youth Congress took upon itself the task of bringing an anti-imperialist consciousness to the people of this country. The Congress' call for 'Purna Swaraj' in retrospect and in the light of later developments that led to decolonisation in Ceylon, may appear to be mere empty words. Apart from the boycott the Congress did not take any action to achieve this aim. But by repeatedly putting forward the demand for independence and expressing sympathy with the Indian struggle for freedom an attempt was made to bring Ceylon into line with the growing nationalist movements in Asia. When finally the LSSP emerged as the leading anti-imperialist movement in the country it drew support from the Youth Congress elements in the North. The roots of the LSSP were as much in the Youth Congress in the North as in the Suriya Mal movement in the South. In the late twenties and the early thirties it was the Youth Congress in Jaffna that was in the forefront of the struggle for national independence.
The Congress was committed to an all-island nationalism or a “Ceylonese Nationalism'. It was unfortunate that this was defeated by the emergence of Sinhalese and Tamil communalism. Communalism is a derogatory word in Ceylon's political vocabulary. By communalism is meant here those forces that exclude the interests of one community from or places its interests over and above, the larger interests of the peoples of the entire region at a time when the struggle was primarily against western imperialism. Communalism thereby became a divisive force that helped to strengthen and perpetuate imperialist domination. The communalism that emerged in Ceylon in the thirties was in addition opportunist, in that the communalists sacrificed principles for sectional or personal gain and advantage. It is necessary to distinguish between the communalism of the thirties and forties with the Sinhala and Tamil nationalisms that emerged in and around 1956. The 1956 upsurge had elements of progressive Sinhala nationalism mixed with strong elements of Sinhala communalism and chauvinism which was frankly opportunist. Tamil communalism that had seen its opportunist period in the thirties and forties was to give way to the emergence of Tamil nationalism after the Sinhala Only Act in 1956, the antiTamil riots of 1958 and the Tamil resistance movements
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climaxing in the Satyagraha of 1961. These nationalisms emerge in the period of decolonisation and are issues of contemporary relevance.
In the 1930's the ideal set before the country by the Youth Congress and nationalists in the South was a free and united Lanka. At this time even after the emergence of the left movement in 1935 inadequate attention was paid to the problem of nationalities. The Youth Congress was fully committed to a Ceylonese nationalism. When 1956 came it brought to the men who once belonged to the Youth Congress more than to anyone else in the country, a sense of defeat and disillusionment. Handy Perinbanayagam looking back to the twenties and the origins of the Youth Congress noted with regret that they had looked forward to “a land teeming with goodwill and blessedness.' He added: “Language which is the bone of contention today was peacefully settled by both Sinhalese and Tamils. Before long however bloodshed, premeditated murder and migration were the order of the day. People like Suntharalingam who stood for racial unity are today champions of a separate Tamil Nadu. At the inaugural sessions of the All Ceylon Youth Congress in the Plaza, the late M. S. Eliathamby proclaimed that he for one would prefer Sinhalese rule to British rule. All this was the vision of an idealist yesterday. What of tomorrow? A peaceful Sri Lanka no longer dreaming of fantasies but wanting its present travail to end is the urgent need.'3
At the height of the language debate in 1956 when it was becoming fashionable for Sinhalese spokesmen to attack the Tamils as reactionary and as opposed to the national struggle for independence it was Pieter Keuneman who on behalf of the Communist party of Ceylon put the record straight in parliament, He said that it was not fair to blame the sins of capitalist and communal leaders on the entire community. He recalled the role that the Jaffna Youth Congress played at the time of the introduction of the Donoughmore Constitution and denied the allegation that was made that the boycott took place because the new constitution granted political power to the Sinhalese. “On the contrary', he said, “they took up the position that

this constitution should be opposed and the elections should be boycotted because the constitution did not go far enough because it did not grant freedom to the whole of Ceylon . . . The position taken up by the Jaffna Youth Congress was completely endorsed by progressive Sinhalese opinion in the South. That was before the left parties were started and the All-Ceylon Youth Congress was the representative body of radical and progressive opinion at that time.' Mr. Keuneman went on to say “ that it was the weakness of the movement in the South at that time, its inablility to influence the South, and to respond to the boycott of the elections to the first State Council carried out in the North that was responsible to a very great extent for the breakdown of the developing national movement in the North and the sorry period in which communal leaders of the North were able to emerge to prominence.'37
The Youth Congress was a movement of idealists and visionaries. Delivering the welcome address at the reception to Shri Jayaprakash Narayan as late as 1969, Handy having apologised for the impertinence of linking his name with that of the distinguished visitor said, “We dreamt dreams and saw visions. Our dreams and our visions were focussed on the freedom of our countries and the rich blessings that it would bring to their peoples.'38. On one occasion Handy referred to the “utopian phase' of the Congress. In a sense the men of the Youth Congress were utopians. They were conscious of the unsatisfactory state of affairs, and were deeply concerned with setting matters right. But they did not have a programme of action or the capacity to realise their aims and objectives. But then there is a strong element of utopianism in Gandhian thought. “The Swaraj of my dreams is the poor man's Swaraj...... I shall work for an India, in which the poorest shall feel that it is their country in whose making they have an effective voice; an India in which there shall be no high class and low class of people; an India in which all communities shall live in perfect harmony. 39 The India of Gandhi's dreams has not been realised after more than sixty years of the Gandhian movement. Influenced by Gandhian ideals and approach to politics the Youth Congress had its limitations. Handy Perinbanayagam speaking at the Gandhiji's 25th Death Anniversary Remembrance

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meeting said, “Gandhiji was in politics then; so were we in Ceylon. Today India and Ceylon are steeped in politics. But there is a difference between the politics of those times and of today. The politics of those days were aspirational. Visions and dreams loomed large then. Today's politics are factional and pragmatic. They are also grosser and grimmer. The postindependence history of the two countries bears witness to this truth. 140
The Youth Congress idealists had a contempt for the politics of seeking elections to the legislative assembly and state council. In its choice of presidents the Congress took infinite care to exclude the mere politician. The persons invited to deliver the presidential address were persons rich in intellectual achievements and deeply concerned about cultural values. Having boycotted the elections in 1931 the Congress did not have a programme of action other than organising the AllCeylon Youth Congress in Colombo. In Jaffna itself they never thought of organising themselves into a political party. When the anti-boycott movement gained strength the Congress was urged by its supporters to contest the 1934 elections, to the four seats in the Peninsula. The Congress did not do so. Instead the Youth Congres members in their individual capacity supported the nationalist as against the communalist candidates. To organise a political party meant an organisation with means and its members devoting a large amount of time to organisational work. The Youth Congress throughout its period of activity did not have a single full time worker. For a brief period the Congress did have an office but they did not build up an organisation to participate in politics in the conventional sense. Having accepted the Gandhian message the Youth Congress had failed to evolve a Gandhian mass movement. Gandhi, inspite of his idealism had men of action in direct touch with the masses, who organised the masses for action. The Youth Congress responded to the message by its idealism but laeked the organisational expertise to translate these ideals into a programme of action. In fact the men in the Youth Congress were not cut out for politics in this sense. They were good at holding meetings, engaging in intellectual discussions, holding annual sessions and therby influencing public opinion. They made a

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remarkable contribution to Jaffna's intelligentsia and shaped the thinking of a whole generation of men. The indelible stamp of the Youth Congress was evident in the men of this generation who had come under its influence. In 1933 the students of Jaffna College paid this tribute to Handy Perinbanayagam. “Already many homes in our country and many walks of life are filled with men who have loved you, followed you, honoured you, learned your great language, caught your clear accents and made you their pattern to live and to die. Your example is ever a call to the generations to come to live the good life.''141
Under the Donoughmore Constitution with universal suffrage and elections for any leadership to establish its position, participation in elections had become absolutely essential. New techniques of campaigning like house to house canvassing, money power and liquor had become common place. To Handy and his colleagues this was something repugnant. Nor did they have the material resources, They did not come from families that had an unearned income. Jaffna's English educated elite were in this respect very different from those in Colombo and elsewhere in the country. There were no families owning land or property on the scale in which it was owned in the South by Ceylonese families. Several men in the Youth Congress were eminently qualified for a spell of education in Britain. There was hardly a parent in Jaffna who could afford this. Those who went to the United Kingdom were almost all Government scholars. The men who were later do dominate Jaffna's politics were first generation professional men who had made their wealth in their own lifetime. The vast majority of the youth from about twenty-five schools and colleges in Jaffna were being prepared for a job in the government service either in Ceylon or the Federated Malay States. On the eve of the 1931 annual sessions of the Youth Congress the Hindu Organ posed a relevant question to the Congress. It said, "It is inconsistent for the youth of the country inspired by such ideals of servicc to seek places in the government service. Such service should be regarded as an insult to their self-respect.'. It urged the youth to go into independent walks of life such as agriculure or commerce and that it was only then that they

Page 59
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could hope to attain “Swaraj'. The editor added, “We hope that the Youth Congress will call upon the youth of the land to take a solemn vow that they would eschew government service. If this is not done the declaration that they have consecrated their lives to the service of their motherland will appear to be sounding brass and tinkling cymbal.'
Here was the crux of the matter. The social base on which the Youth Congress was founded and from which it drew its support could go no further than the aspirational politics' of the time. Drawing its support from English educated youth whose mental horizons were limited by their social origin and class background, and who for their survival had to look forward to middle-class white collar jobs in government service and the professions like law, medicine and teaching the Youth Congress did not have the capacity to transform itself into a mass movement. At the time that the radicals in the south were getting organised first through the Youth leagues and the Suriya Mal movement leading to the founding of the LSSP in the early thirties, the Youth Congress was being pushed out of the limelight by the demagogic communalism that had emerged under a leadership that was ready to use all the gimmicks and electioneering tactics that success in politics under the Donoughmore Reforms called for. The boycott and the failure of the Youth Congress thereafter to pose itself as a clear alternative paved the way for the success of Mr. Ponnambalam who vigorously campaigned for the lifting of the boycott and flamed the communal cry for years in the name of the Tamil Congress.
By the mid-thirties the Youth Congress members began to go their several ways. Some joined the left movement. Among these were P. Nagalingam, Tharmakulasingam whose premature death robbed the Lanka Sama Samaja Party of an able leader in the North, S. Sittambalam and K. Satchithanandan. T. Duraisingam and others were involved with the Suriya Mal movement in the South and later became consistent supporters of the Communist Party. Handy Perinbanayagam himself admitted later that his political sympathies were leftish and that by and large though without official connection he sympathised with the LSSP'. He and several Youth Congress men appeared on the same platform with the left leaders on many occasions,

- 103 -
The left leaders like N. M. Perera, Philip Gunawardene, Colvin R. de Silva and Leslie Goonewardene were frequent visitors to Jaffna and had close contact with the Youth Congress and subsequently with its one time leaders. Other Youth Congress personalities like A. E. Tamber, S. R. Kanaganayagam and A. M. Brodie and others moved towards the United National Party in the genuine hope that it was a nationalist party, especiaily when the U. N. P. and the Tamil Congress were pitted against each other in a bitter contest at the 1947 elections.
Looked at in terms of ideology and politics, the Youth Congress by and large, should have merged with the left movement. But the antagonisms between Gandhian idealism and Marxian socialism were too sharp to enable this to happen. The tensions between the socialists and the Gandhians had developed in India in the mid-thirties. Men like Jayaprakash Narayan did finally quit the Congress under Gandhi's domination only to come back to Gandhism at a later date. The tensions that this antagonism created were real and partly contributed towards the failure of the radical fringe that emerged in Jaffna under the Youth Congress from totally merging with the Marxist left. The left parties however found their most consistent and loyal supporters in Jaffna from one section of the Youth Congress,
Having failed to enter the political arena in the conventional way and thereby shape the destinies of the country, the Youth Congress was however not without its successes. Its achievements lay in the cultural and educational fields and in the eradication of social disabilities. The elevation of the Tamil language to a place of honour happened in Jaffna as early as in the twenties. The practice of having lectures and meetings in Tamil on not merely subjects of literary interest but on secular and political matters as well, began with the Youth Congress. The young men of Jaffna though English educated restored national customs, festivals and dress to a place of honour in the social life of the community. The uncompromising stand taken on removing the humiliations imposed by caste was one of its major achievements.

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Above all out of the Youth Congress came a whole generation of eminent teachers, principals, administrators and builders of schools. Their efforts in the mid-decades of this century made it possible for Jaffna to enjoy the pre-eminent position that it occupies in the sphere of education with schools that could be the pride of any nation. These men steered through the smooth transition from English to Tamil as the medium of instruction in the forties and fifties with minimum damage to standards, this having been one of the major reforms that the Youth Congress had advocated all along. In fact in these years Sinhalese was taught in Jaffna schools in the hope that it would help national integration. This was brought to an abrupt end in 1956 by the very same educationists who had introduced it, as part of the resistance to the imposition of Sinhala as the only official language of the country.
The influence of the Youth Congress persisted most through the Northern Province Teachers Association and the All-Ceylon Union of Teachers. Here the one time members of the Youth Congress championed the campaign for Free Education, for a National System of Schools and for Swabasha. Formidable opponents of government's control of teachers, these men did assert that education was the responsibility of the state, though not necessarily a monopoly of the state. They remained committed to the role that education could play in the social advance of the country. They remained a dedicated band of teachers nationalist to the core.
But in the political life of the country they were very much like generals without an army. Men like Handy Perinbanayagam were consulted, their advice sought and listened to with patience and respect on several national issues that cropped up in the decades after independence. Time alone can tell whether it was Jaffna's gain or loss that they did not have a following. Dressed in their spotless white national costume, they were seen and heard on every big occasion in Jaffna. They gave a distinct flavour to public life in Jaffna and brought qualities of integrity and sincerity to several public causes to which they gave of their time and talents,

One
1.
- 12.
13.
14.
Two
15
16.
17. 18.
19. 20.
21. 22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
- 105 -
NOTES
S. Handy Perinbanayagam hand-written undated manuscript written in the early seventies. Also interviews 1972-73; collectively hereinafter referred to as SHP Reminiscences.
Jaffna College Miscellany 1920 to 1923. SHP Reminiscences.
Jaffna College Miscellany December 1919, "An Up-to Date Literature in Tamil ” A Symposium.
SHP Reminiscences.
bid.
bid.
Ibid.
bid Ceylon Patriot, 5 November 1924. SHP Reminiscences. Ceylon Patriot, 5 November 1924. Ceylon Daily News 2 December 1924,
bid.
Morning Star. 29 Dscember 1924. Hindu Organ, 5 January 1925.
Ibid. Ceylon Daily News, 1 January 1925. SHP Reminiscences.
V. Muttukumaru Esq., M. A. “A Lecture to the Students' Congress, Jaffna. 31 December 1924, Navalar Press, Jaffna.
SHP Reminiscences.
Ceylon Patriot, 21 January 1925. See also Hindu Organ,
15 January 1925.
SHP Reminiscences Ceylon Daily News, 1 January 1925. Hindu Organ, 25 December 1924. Morning Star, 17 January 1925. Reported in the Morning Star, 10 January 1925.

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Three
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
Four
39.
40.
4.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
. 106 ബ
Morning Star, 2 May 1925.
Hindu Organ, 27 April 1925. E. C. Dewick, “Some Impressions of Jaffna' Jaffna College Miscellany September 1924.
Morning Star, 30 May 1925. Hindu Organ, 27 April 1925. Ceylon Patriot, 29 December 1926. Interview with Bishop Kulandran, Ceylon Patriot, 12 January 1927. Hindu Organ, 6 January 1927. Ibid., 6 January 1927. Ibid., 10 February 1927.
S. Handy Perinbanayagam, Presidential Address at the Gandhi Remembrance Meeting on his 25th Death Anniversary, Saraswathy Hall, Bambalapitiya, 30th January 1973. Typescript.
Mahatma Gandhi's letter to . P. Thurairatnam, Joint Secretary of the Students' Congress. Original with Mr. I. P. Thurairatnam.
Ceylon Patriot, 21 September 1927. Morning Star, 12 August 1927, Hindu Organ, 7 November 1927.
Mahadev Desai. With Gandhiji in Ceylon. S. Ganesan Publisher, Triplicane, Madras, 1928. pp. 22 & 128.
Ibid., Gandhiji's Speeches. Ceylon Patriot, 9 November 1927. Mahadev Desai, op. cit, pp. 1 & 2.
Ibid., p. 12.
Ibid., p. 11.
Hindu Organ, 20 October 1927.
Ibid. Ceylon Patriot, 13 November 1927. Also interview with Mr, I, P. Thurairatnam.

S3.
S4. 55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
6. 62.
63.
64
65.
66.,
67.
68.
Five
69. 70. 71.
72. 73.
74
75. 76. 77. 78.
79. 80. 81.
82.
-- 107 ܚ
Hindu Organ 28 November, 1927. Also interview with Messrs. C. Subramaniam and N Sabaratnam.
Mahadev Desai, op. cit, p. 117.
Ibid., p. 122.
Ibid., p. 22,
Ibid. interview with Mr. C. Subramaniam. Mahadev Desai, op. cit, p. 22. Ibid., p 31. Interview with Mr. K. Nesiah. Mahadev Desai, op. cit., p. 23. Ibid, p. 150.
Ibid., p. 140.
Ibid, p, 30 Morning Star, 2 December 1927. Hindu Organ, 24th November 1927 Ceylon Patriot, 7 December 1927.
Hindu Organ, 26 April 1928. Ceylon, Daily News, 19 April 1928.
Ceylon-Report of the Special Commission on the Constitution July 1928 London.
Ceylon Daily News, 19 April 1928.
Ceylon-Report of the Special Commission on the Constitution July 1928, p. 39.
Ceylon Daily News, 20 April 1928. Ibid., 19 April 1928. Ibid., 21 April 1928. Ibid., 23 April 1928. Ceylon Patriot, 25 April 1928. Hindu Organ, 26 April 1928. Ceylon Patriot, 12 September 1928. Hindu Organ, 2 August 1928.
The Students' Congress, Jaffna (Ceylon), 22 March 1929, Chunnakam. Printed letter signed N. Kumarasingham and W. D. Kanagathungam Hony. Joint Secretaries,

Page 62
Six
83.
84,
85.
86.
87.
88,
89.
Seven
91.
92.
93.
94.
95.
96.
97.
98.
99.
100,
- 108 -
Ceylon Daily News, 13 April 1929.
V. Kalyanasundaranar, Sirtiruttan allatu lamai Viruntu, (8ri திருத்தம் அல்லது இளமை விருந்து Madras, 1953, Jaffna Students' Congress, April 10, 11 and 12, 1929, Kankesanturai. pp. 50-83,
Hindu Organ, 20 June 1929. Ibid., 29 April 1929.
Annual Report, The Students' Congress, Jafna, Congress Camp, Kankesanturai. 5 April 1929 Hindu Organ, 11 April 1929.
Ibid., 11 March 1929.
Rev. S. S. Somasundram B. A., “Evangelisation or Christianisation', Morning Star, 14, November 1925. J.W. A. Kadirgamar, “ Santiniketan”, Morning Star, 31 October 1925 For National Day Celebrations, see letter to the editor by J.W. A. K. and editorial comment in Morning Star, 30 March 1928. C. Subramaniam, “Thoughts on Saiva Periyar' in Pulolyoor Saiva Periyar S. Shiyapathasundaranar Centenary Number, 1978. p. 108.
Ceylon Daily News, 22 April 1930.
C. Subramaniam, Chairman Reception Committee. Welcome Address. The Students’ Congress, Jaffna, Sixth Annual Sessions. 21-4-30. The Ceylon Patriot Press, Manipay.
Ceylon Daily News, 26 May 1930. Ibid., 29 April 1930. Ceylon Patriot, 3 May 1930. Interview with Mr. A. S. Kanagaratnam. Ceylon Patriot, 31 May 1930.
K. Senthinathan, Eelam Tanta Kesari (FFpò 555 GesFifi), Thirumakal Press, 1968. See foreword by Handy Perinbanayagan.

Eight
01.
102.
03.
104.
105.
106.
107.
08
Nine
109.
10,
111.
12,
13.
4.
115.
16.
117.
18.
119
سے 109 سے
Hindu Organ, 23 April 1931. See also Morning Leader 28 April 1931.
K. Nesiah, Chairman Reception Committee. Address of Welcome. Seventh Annual Sessions of the Students' Congress, Jaffna, April 1931 St. Joseph’s Catholic Press, Jaffna.
Srimathi Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya, Presidential Address The Students' Congress, Jaffna, Seventh Annual Sessions, 1931. The Saiva Prakasa Press, Jaffna.
Ceylon Daily News, 28 April 1931.
Handy Perinbanayagam, Presidential Address-Annual Sessions of the Youth Congress, Jaffna, 1939. See Eelakesari 30th April and 7th, 14th and 28th May 1939.
Ceylon Daily News, 4 May 1931. Ibid., 5 May 1930. Ibid, 4 May 1931.
Morning Leader, 6 May 1931. Also Handy Perinbanayagam Presidential Address 1939. op cit.
Ceylon Daily News, 4 May 1931 and 5 May 1931. Ibid., 6 May 1931. Searchlight, 20-27th June 1931. Independent, 18 May 1931. Hindu Organ, 25 May 1931.
Krishna Nehru Hutheesing (ed.) Nehru's Letters to His Sister Faber & Faber 1963 p. 21.
Morning Star, 8 May 1931. Ceylon Patriot, 20 July 1931.
Debates in the State Council of Ceylon, Hansard 10 July 1931
Administration Report of the Government Agent Northern
Province for 1931 Ceylon Government Press, Colombo 1932.

Page 63
120,
12.
122.
123.
124.
25.
Ten
126.
127,
128.
129
130.
131.
132.
133.
134.
35.
جیبی l10 - به
Ibid.
Handy Perinbanayagam. A tribute to C. Subramaniam. The Skanda April 1966, p. 31. Thirumakal Press, Chunnakam
G. G. Ponnambalam, Debates in the State Council of Ceylon on the Reform of the Constitution, 1939. See 21 March 1939. K. M. de Silva. “The History and Politics of the Transfer of Power.' University of Ceylon-History of Ceylon, vol. 3 p. 500
Report of the Commission on Constitutional Reforms, London, 1946. p. 14. Paragraph 42.
Parliamentary Debates. House of Commons, Hansard Oral Answers, 24 June 1931.
Eelakesari, 20 April 1932.
Ibid, 8 January 1933.
Ceylon Patriot, 28 April 1933.
Eelakesari, 21 May 1933. Annual sessions 1938 to 1941. See Eelakesari for detailed reports. Communalism or Nationalism. A Reply to the Speech Delivered in the State Council on the Reforms Despatch by G. G. Ponnambalam Esq. with a Foreword by S. H. Perinbanayagam, Youth Congress, Jaffna. Thirumakal Press, Chunnakam, December 1939. pp. 48-51. Ibid., pp. 93-94 and pp. 99-106. Handy Perinbanayagam. Presidential Address, 1939. Op. cit. N. Sabaratnam, 'A Maker of Men, the Builder of Kokuvil Hindu' Homage to a Guru : S. Handy Perinbanayagam. Edited by S. Sivanayagam and S. Ratna pragasam. Ceylon Printers, Colombo. January 1978. p. 16. K. Kanagaratnam in S. Handy Perinbanayagam-A Valedictory Tribute. Edited by S. Sivanayagam and S. Ratnapragasam. Ceylon Printers, Colombo. May 1960.

Eleven
136.
137.
138.
39.
140.
141.
142.
143
- 111 -
SHP Reminiscences.
Pieter Keuneman, House of Representatives, Hansard 14 June 1956,
Handy Perinbanayagam. Welcome Address at the Reception to Shri Jayaprakash Narayan in Jaffna, 1969. Typescript.
Mahatma Gandhi, Young India 10-9-1931 and 26-3-1931 quoted in The Message of Mahatma Gandhi. Edited by U. S. Mohan Rao New Delhi, 1969.
Handy Perinbanayagam, Address at the Gandhi's 25th Death Anniversary Meeting op. cit
See K. Nesiah ... S. Handy Perinbanayagam, A Waledictory Tribute. op. cit.
Hindu Organ 27 April 1931. Co-operator May 1966 See A Browser's Diary.

Page 64
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مصمم محسپ4یہ
 

PART TWO
SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
of
HANDY PERINEBANAYAGAM

Page 65
* Conscience has been my guide
and not my accomplice'
SHP

9
O
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19,
20.
21.
22.
23. 24. 25.
26. 27.
28. 29, 30
31.
32.
CONTENTS
Memorandum to the Constituent Assembly Language Elsewhere Kuala Lumpur 1966 Opium of the People
Prevarication Federalism and Language Caste and Casteism Looking for a Scapegoat Shadow Boxing
An Extinct Species Dharmaratina 'T'nero
Revisionism
Whose Schools? Parents, Teachers and Schools What is Discipline? Ariyanayagam A Free Press in a Democracy Missionaries, Militancy and Minority Tamils Vanished or Vanishing
Tamiliana
Education Day Address Another Commission? The Right to Think and Speak Irresponsible? Presidential Address at the ACUT Language-White Paper Proposals Tribute to the Rev. John Bicknell Mother Tongue and Mother's Tongue The National Languages Mahatma Gandhi 1 Mahatma Gandhi 2
Ramanathan
2
24
28
29
30
32
36
38
4.
44
45
48
50
52
53
56 69
72
76
80
84
87
89
92
103
110
113
17
21
126
30

Page 66
33,
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
4.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
iv
Fr. Gnanaprakasar, O. M. I.
Trade Union Week
Sinhalese and Hindu
Kataragama
Higher Education in Jaffna
One Ceylon
Swami Vipulamanda
Ceylon's National Flag
Ananda Coomaraswamy Freedom's Gravest Peril
A Sense of Values
A Prophet's Fate Presidential Address at the Gandhiya Seva Sangham Welcome Address to Shri Jayaprakash Narayan
Presidential Address at the 25th Gandhi Memorial Meeting
132
135
138
140
43
46
148
51
154
158
60
162
64
168
172

MEMORANDUM TO THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY
Some foolish people from the West seem to think that face saving is an Oriental pantomime. Such farcical posturings, they seem to believe, are alien to the genius of the West, where the categorical yea and nay are the standard coinage of discourse. It may be that the Oriental indulges in polite circumlocutions more often than his matter-of-fact Western counterpart. The Chinese, it is said, have made face saving a ritual. But it is foolish to pretend that face saving can be dispensed with in civilized discourse in East or West. Among the principal functions of a diplomat is face saving. Touchstone's (As You Like It) discourse on the virtue of 'If' as a source of present help in awkward situations is worth thinking about. Face saving is an expedient for saving self-esteem. For in civilized communication, it is not only your self-esteem that should not be injured. Not to hurt the other person's self-esteem is equally, if not more, important. In international diplomacy the categorical affirmative or negative is resorted to only when the parties realise that the time is ripe for such proceedings, i. e. when polite give and take is no longer needed,
When Sinhala Only was made the law of the land, not the slightest effort was made to temper the wind to the shorn Tamil lamb. The self-esteem of the Tamil speaking community was trampled underfoot. The law was stark, blunt and without any recognition of the fact that there was in Ceylon another sizeable linguistic group to whom their language was just as vital and precious as Sinhala was to the Sinhalese. It was tantamount to a declaration that the Sinhalese speakers were the only group entitled by right to the fruits of national independence.
It would seem that when the proposal to abandon English was originally mooted there was near consensus on Sinhala and Tamil being made official languages. Mr. G. K. W. Perera was

Page 67
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the first to raise this question (S. P. xxii. 1946). It seems to have been taken for granted by the sponsors and the State Council itself that Sinhala and Tamil were to be the official languages. it was Mr. J. R. Jayewardene who first proposed Sinhala Only on June 22, 1943. The motion was debated on May 24, 1945 and when an amendment was moved by Mr. V. Nalliah that Tamil also should be made an official language, Mr. J. R. Jayewardene accepted it without too much reluctance. Mr. S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike speaking on the motion said, “ The second point to which we have to address our mind is this-a comparatively minor point, if we adopt one or more of our languages, should it be as the motion says, Sinhalese or should it be Sinhalese and Tamil, as one amendment suggests, or perhaps some other language? There is no question about it that just as much as the Sinhalese language has a fairly important literature behind it, the language itself is an extremely rich and diversified language, the same can be said of the Tamil language which is the language of a considerable section of the people of this country... I feel that it would be ungenerous on our part as Sinhalese not to give recognition to the Tamil language... I do not see that there would be any harm at all in recognising the Tamil language also as an official language. I would therefore suggest that this motion be accepted. When I say the motion, l mean the amendment.
How are we then to account for this total change of face? Mr. Jayewardene's original resolution in the State Council with the amendment proposed by Mr. V. Nalliah and accepted by the mover, was carried almost unanimously (27 for, 2 against). In 1956, the Sinhala Only Act was passed by 65 against 28. It is worth noting that the voting was not totally racial. The LSSP and the CP cast all their votes with the Opposition. More recently these parties also accepted Sinhala Only, salving their conscience with the “Reasonable Use of Tamil' formula. What had happened in between ? In 1943 Ceylon was not independent. Britain had not washed her hands yet. On the other hand she had declared in May 1943 her willingness to grant responsible government in internal matters if the constitutional scheme put forward by the Board of Ministers should be accepted by three quarters of the members of the State Council. It is

- 3 -
possible that our legislators, perhaps unconsciously, were inclined to create an impression of racial harmony in the minds of our masters. Later the disfranchisement of a large number of Tamil speakers in the hill country through the Indians and Pakistanis Citizenship Act in 1949 to some extent weakened. the effectiveness of the Tamil voice in national affairs. The resultant position was that by the sheer force of numbers the Sinhalese speakers could impose their will upon the minorities. In this situation Sinhalese voices including those of militant Buddhist clergy, were raised demanding that Sinhala should be the only official language of Ceylon. Influential Sinhalese leaders also began publicly to support Sinhala Only. The Committee appointed in 1945 under Mr. Jayewardene's chairmanship to consider and report on the steps necessary to effect the transition from English to Sinhalese and Tamil with the object of making Sinhalese and Tamil the official languages of this country', had recommended that by 1957 all public servants should be able to transact business in both national languages and that courses in both Sinhala and Tamil should be provided in secondary schools so that administration on a bilingual basis should become feasible; the intention presumably was that in the long run there should emerge a Ceylonese nation all of whose citizens would be bilingual.
But once independence became a fact and the fruits of independence became more glamorous and juicier, minority rights, minority sensitivity and minority goodwill had lost all meaning. A strident and aggressive racial ethos began to emerge among the Sinhalese. The first overt expression of this new attitude was the rider to the Final Report of the Official Languages Commission (S. P. xxii 1953) by its Chairman Sir Arthur Wijayawardene who declared that in his opinion one Swabasha language i. e. Sinhala, would have been better than two, i. e. Sinhala and Tamil. At various kinds of meetings in South Ceylon, resolutions were passed demanding Sinhala Only. Militant Buddhist monks were often the promoters of this demand. The Sinhalese were in the majority and could impose their will on every one clse. There was no power on earth to say them nay. Among the most staggering gestures of this new attitude was that at a public ceremony welcoming Queen Elizabeth, the Finance

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Minister used Sinhala Only without reference to his Cabinet colleagues. Mr. Bandaranaike was quick to sense how the wind was blowing. He had organised the SLFP as a national party with a mildly socialist programme. Its two Secretaries were Tamils : Messrs A. C. Nadarajah and S. Thangarajah. Efforts had been made to recruit members in Jaffna. The national facade was jettisoned. Sinhala Only became the SLFP slogan. The UNP followed suit. The best of politicians needs a firm base and if you cannot secure the kind of base you aspire to, you have to do with what you can grab, and in order to grab it you have to play down your high-sounding pretensions. Mr. Bandaranaike had been side-tracked in the race for succession to the Premiership. It had been settled on a dynastic basis. Sinhala Only had an appeal to the Sinhalese masses and classes. The appeal was not purely chauvinistic. Tn addition to chauvinism there was also a ferment of populism. The country had been independent for eight years. But the fruits of independence had not seeped down to the countryside or to those who knew only Sinhala. Power and its fruits were in the hands of the Englishspeaking urban upper and middle classes. The rural Sinhalese who knew Sinhalese only continued to be impoverished and powerless. Influence, wealth, power were in the hands of the very people who had held them when the foreigner was ruling. This should not be allowed to go on. But why should this very legitimate reaction have taken an anti-Tamil overtone? It is not easy to disentangle the strands of this anti-Tamil complex. The Dutugemunu-Elara syndrome probably had something to do with it. British rulers like every ruling group had insidiously fostered suspicion and antagonism between the communities. The Tamils being a minority had often pinned their faith on the British Raj and had not sought to find remedies for their ills by cultivating the goodwill of the Sinhalese. The Tamil leadership too, which should have known better, on many occasions behaved as though the British Raj were a permanent if not eternal entity. Missionary enterprise had established a number of good schools in Jaffna. The Hindus too at considerable sacrifice had set up equally good schools; and in the competition for jobs the Jaffna Tamils had an advantage over the rest of the island, including other Tamil areas like the Eastern Province and even Mannar and Vavuniya. Tamil leader

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ship was in the hands of Jaffna Tamils or of Tamils of Jaffna origin. Further the absence of natural resources like rivers and other irrigation features had made white collar jobs the major source of employment to them. Moreover when Universities were set up the Jaffna Tamil was not slow to cash in on his initial advantage. The schools rose to the occasion and produced university material in large numbers. One can't blame the students or the schools. But this disproportion between population and university education in terms of race was a bitter grievance to the Sinhalese. Even some at least of their elite have shared this attitude. The Commission on Higher Education in Swabasha, chaired by Sir Arthur Wijeyawardene produced a majority report recommending that “ in the interests of equality of opportunity' provision for higher cducation should be made for at least six Sinhalesc speaking students as against one Tamil speaking student. It is worth noting that this same majority composed entirely of Sinhala speakers had also in its Report questioned the need for two official languages. This grievance about university admissions is yet alive. The recent upheaval over the numbers of Sinhalese and Tamils who had qualified for admission to the faculties of Engineering and Medicine and allegations of corrupt practices by Tamil examiners are fresh in everyone's memory. Until the State takes steps to improve the quality of education throughout the island so that this glaring discrepancy between regions is removed, this grievance will continue to simmer. Imposing arbitrary quotas on a racial basis will be an act of heartless discrimination not against Jaffna Tamils but against the boys and girls who work hard to qualify for university education and are deprived of the legitimate fruits of their labour merely because they belong to a linguistic group that is numerically weaker than another. The frustration and bitterness of unmerited defeat can be easily imagined.
It was not Mr. Bandaranaike alone who had gone back on this earlier commitment to bilingualism. The U. N. P. followed suit. Mr. J. R. Jayewardene who had presided over the Committee that drew up the first blue-print for implementing the Sinhala-Tamil bilingualism decided upon by the State Council, espoused Sinhala ()nly. So did Sir John Kotelawela who had promised at Kokuvil Hindu College to incorporate in the Constitution a clause

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making Sinhala and Tamil as Official Languages. Only the LSSP and the CP withstood the Sinhalese clamour for Sinhala Only although at that time there was an electoral pact between the SLFP and these parties. What the position of those parties today is, is not clear. I happen to know the leaders of these parties fairly closely. I also know that they too were subjected to rough treatment when they publicly supported bilingualism. They have also now adopted the ambiguous formula, ' Reasonable Use of Tamil. What puzzles me about this formula is that it presumes there are also unreasonable uses of Tamil which are forbidden. I can quite understand why they have decided to soft-pedal the language issue. For more than a third of a century they had been professing a radical political philosophy without a trace of . racist or linguistic chauvinism. They did so not because they had any partiality for the Tamil people or the Tamil Language. They had realised that bilingualism was a sine qua non for national unity and that national unity was essential for national progress. They never had a chance to play a fruitful role in the actual day to day functions of government and they were growing old. Ideological purity, they realised, would only condemn them to continued futility. Onslaughts on capitalism, exposition of Marxist doctrine, slogan shouting, periodical rallies of the faithful were no longer meaningful. They wanted to lay their fingers on the tangible machinery of power so that at least in some small measure they might translate their philosophy into action. Furthermore, in spite of their sustained support of the Tamil point of view on the language issue, the response from the Tamil voter was disheartening. P. Kandiah was the only leftist candidate to win a parliamentary seat in a Tamil area. Whether their present posture on the language issue is wise or not, one cannot say categorically. But my personal feeling is that it is unfortunate for the country that the leftist parties which were the only groups with inter-racial membership and a policy that gave full recognition to minority rights and minority sensitivities, have also decided to weaken their fight. If the leftist parties are also abandoning their original stand, the position today is starkly racial. Sinhala speakers want Sinhala Only. The Tamil speakers want Tamil also. There is not even token support from any Sinhalese group for the language rights of the Tamils.

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A constant feature of nationalist movements is a passionate commitment to the mother tongue--often assuming a mystic quality. Ireland, India, Malaysia, Singapore are cases in point. The late Satyamoorthy, an outstanding leader of the Indian National Congress from Madras, was a guest speaker at one of the sessions of the Jaffna Youth Congress. While speaking on the relevance of the mother tongue in education and national life, he referred to an incident he had experienced at a meeting in Dublin. The Roman Catholic priest who presided, opened his introduction with the following words, “I took a vow before God not to speak this accursed tongue (English) until my beloved Ireland achieved independence. Our distinguished visitor does not know our sweet tongue. Therefore, I pray, may God forgive mc for breaking my vow'. Imperial powers also seem to have intuitively sensed the potency of language as an instrument for imposing their rule, disseminating their culture and its influence. The imposition did not need to be overt. A ruling power has a hundred insidious resources for insinuating the influence of its speech, its values and way of life upon a conquered people Need we go beyond Ceylon to prove this? The Brown Sahibs'. of whom we hear so much these days furnish evidence enough. But not all imperialisms were content with such subtle modes of infiltration. Mme. Curie's daughter in her biography of her mother tells how in Poland under Russian rule it was a crime for the Poles to read or speak the Polish language and how her mother and other members of her household used to pore over Polish books behind locked doors.
A people's language is a definition of its identity and a determinant of its culture. X is a Tamil because Tamil is his mother tongue. Y is a Sinhalese because Sinhala is his mother tongue. Any indignity imposed upon the Tamils' mother tongue is an indignity to his Tamilness. Ti he original step in this direction, the Sinhala Only Act of 1956, totally ignored the Tamil speaking people. One accepted definition of democracy is ' Government with the consent of the Governed.' That Ceylon should be governed in Sinhala does not satisfy this definition as far as the Tamils are concerned. Not a single Tamil speaker consented to be governed in Sinhala. This fact makes this vote a mockery of democracy.

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Its effect on the Tamil speaking people was traumatic. The tragic events that followed this racist law are a reminder that civilisation is a precarious veneer and you never can tell when the upsurge of primitive passions can play havoc with painfully cultivated social values and graces. No purpose will be served by recalling the details of the grim episode. But it should be said that the Tamils have not recovered from the trauma. It is the injury done to their self esteem that is yet rankling. It is a matter of common experience that an easy route to a person's goodwill is to speak to him in his language. When Dr. N. M. Perera became Mayor of Colombo, his friends and admirers in Jaffna gave him a reception in the Jaffna esplanade. When he rose to thank the people he spoke for two minutes or so in colloquial Tamil and the ovation he received from the mammoth crowd must yet be fresh in his memory. Writing in the “New Statesman' of January 13, 1961, when Queen Elizabeth was about to go on a visit to India, Kingsley Martin says, “One bit of good advice was given to the Duke of Windsor when he went to India : if he could learn a few sentences of an Indian language, he was told, he could overcome any criticism. Can the Queen master a few sentences of Hindi ' ' While I am not naive enough to say that knowledge of each other's language will necessarily promote inter-racial goodwill, I have no doubt whatever that without such knowledge it will be hard if not impossible to build goodwill.
The Sinhala Only Act and the change in political climate that ushered it in came about at a time when it seemed that Ceylon politics had outgrown the racialist approach and that ideological alignments were taking shape. The Tamils particularly seemed to have reconciled themselves to the prevailing climate. The Tamil Congress had to all intents and purposes joined forces with the UNP. The Federal Party, a break-away group from the Tamil Congress, was in its infancy. It won only two seats in the election of 1952 and gave no promise of developing into an influential political body. P. Kandiah, a card carrying Communist had won a seat and other left candidates had won respectable totals.
It would be worthwhile to recapitulate the history of the efforts made in this country even before independence and

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even before the question had been mooted in the State Council, to make Sinhala and Tamil media of administration and education. The Jaffna Youth Congress and later the All Ceylon Youth Congress at their annual sessions and propaganda meetings had made the substitution of English by Sinhala and Tamil a plank in their programme. The left leaders were frequently guest speakers at the sessions of the Youth Congress and themselves advocated this programme. There was plenty of unofficial and popular action in this direction.
Divide and Rue
From the time of the dawning of political consciousness in Ceylon there have been political differences between the Sinhalese and the Tamils except in the early days of the Ceylon National Congress. Memoranda and deputations to White-hall, resolutions at public meetings were the expression of Tamil dissent. The British were masters and they were the party to be cajoled and won over. They were not novices in the art of dealing with colonial problems. Divide and Rule' was not a vice peculiar to the British. The Romans practised it. Every empire has practised it. The situation in the countries concerned almost invites such strategy. There is no country in the world where there is not some minority or other, racial, religious or linguistic whose grievance cannot always be exacerbated by the rulers. New ones also can be provoked by the intervention of the rulers. Often enough the grievances are genuine. But it is a moot question whether intervention by third parties with axes to grind is the best means for securing redress and effecting reconciliation. For example, the grievances of the Minority Tamils are genuine. But it is questionable if the setting up of Buddhist schools and converting some Minority Tamils to Buddhism is the best way to build harmony and goodwill between them and others. Conversion of course is an old trick practised by the votaries. of the faith professed by the rulers. Evidence of conversion luring Portuguese, Dutch and British rule is there to see, all round us. Evidence of 'reversion is also there in abundance. When the rulers depart the converts' devotion also suffers a sea change. Devout Christians have become equally devout Buddhists and Hindus. There is one difference however between conversion to Christianity and conversion to Buddhism. The prestige behind

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Christianity was of foreign origin and when the foreigners' power was withdrawn, the influence of their Christian proteges also declined. But with Buddhism being the religion of the majority of Ceylonese, the threat to Hinduism is more real. There is however one consolation. Such conversions are seldom genuine or total. People cannot for long stand apart from their neighbours. Nor can they divest themselves totally of traditional beliefs, folkways and the practices and presuppositions that formed an integral element in their way of life. The setting up of Buddhist schools and efforts to convert Minority Tamils to Buddhism is a precise repetition of British practice. European and American missionaries set up schools primarily to convert Buddhists and Hindus to Christianity. The British government professing religious neutrality, did however in surreptitious ways, help the missionaries to make converts and acquire influence and prestige. A Buddhist government is also doing likewise. Only the campaign is less surreptitious. While the Constituent Assembly is considering the details for Ceylon's new constitution, a demand is being reportedly made that Buddhism should statutorily be made Ceylon's State Religion.
The foregoing is, I believe, an unbiased picture of Ceylon's contemporary political situation. These efforts to convert Tamils to Buddhism and make Buddhism Ceylon's State Religion are of a piece with the decision to make Sinhala the only official language. They are not grounded on reason or equity. The logic is, “We are the majority and what we want done shall be done'. In this century when there is talk of disestablishing the Church of England and when a secular philosophy of politics is gaining ground everywhere, it is strange that people professing a socialist ideology should want a state religion. The usual argument urged in support of these anachronistic claims is that during centuries of foreign rule, Buddhism was suppressed and Buddhists were persecuted. So were Hinduism and the Hindus. The fact was recognised by the Buddhist Commission and among its proposals was one that since the Hindus also had had a raw deal, they too should be helped to rehabilitate their religion and culture. What tribulations the Hindus suffered and how tenaciously they held fast to their faith is seen in the well known story of a devout Hindu, Gnanapragasar by name, who refused to furnish

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a cow to some Portuguese official who was entitled to it by law, and fled to Chithambaram in South India and produced an authoritative commentary on Sivagnana Botham--a basic text of Saiva Siddhanta. There is even today, a tank in Chithambaram named after him. What is happening now is that instead of helping the Hindus who are all Tamils to hold their heads high and share in the fruits of freedom, efforts covert and overt are being made to rob them of their self respect.
Effect of Sinhala Only
With the passing of the Sinhala Only Act, the entire Tamil community became frustrated, unreconciled and psychologically uprooted. They despaired of human help and sought divine aid. Pilgrimages, fasts, yagas were resorted to. In politics the Federal Party became their hope of salvation. Why has the Federal Party remained the most powerful political group in Tamil areas? Surely not because the Tamil people have all of a sudden fallen in love with federalism. Rightly or wrongly a large majority of Tamils have identified the Federal Party with the struggle of the Tamils for their language rights. I believe that if a fair settlement on the language issue had been arrived at, Federalism would have lost much of its appeal to the Tamil people and died of inanition. The rank and file of the party are more concerned with language rights than with a Federal structure. How total is the concern of the Tamil people for their language rights may be gathered from the number of leftists who forsook their left ideologies and swung over to the Federal Party or the Tamil Congress. Balasundaram who came from Cambridge a full-fledged leftist and was a pillar of the Jaffna Youth Congress (one time president), who went about the country tearing the fifty-fifty school to pieces and spreading a leftist gospel in which socialism and national unity loomed large, became a stout federalist with the passing of the Sinhala Only Act. I know others who too reacted in the same manner, convinced that the self respect of the Tamil people was more precious than national unity and that anyway there could be no national unity as long as the Tamils and their language
were condemned to perpetual inferiority. C. Suntharalingam is another casualty of the Sinhala Only Act. To a generation that
knows only the Maviddapuram tragi-comedy, he is probably

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a figure of fun. My generation knows him also as Honorary Warden of Union Hostel and former president of the Jaffna Youth Congress. He presided over the sessions when Mrs. N. M. Perera made the speech for which she was charged with sedition at the Mallakam Magistrate's Court. There were in the early days of the University College a Christian Hostel, a Catholic Hostel and Union Hostel. Although the other hostels were meant primarily for students professing the particular creeds, they too admitted others. But Union Hostel was planned as a national project to provide accommodation for University students regardless of race or creed. It was to be a model of the Lanka. that Suntharalingam dreamed of -a place where people of all races and creeds could live on terms of equality and self respect. With deliberate intent the Warden assembled a mixed crowd so that they could learn to live together with mutual goodwill and respect. Among his enthusiastic admirers of those days are outstanding Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims holding positions of responsibility in the country, probably in the Cabinet too, who centinue to love him and admire him in spite of his periodic outbreaks of primitive impulses. He contested the Mannar seat twice on the national unity ticket and was beaten both times by the fifty-fifty school. Now this one time apostle of national unity wants nothing short of partition-another tragic fruit of Sinhala Only. Co-operation, they argue, is possible only among equals. The inferior could only fetch and carry, but not share in decision making. A similar exodus followed when the LSSP and CP also formally accepted Sinhala Only. Ananda Sangary, Shanmuganathan and Nagarajah who had been LSSP candidates washed their hands of the Party, Motilal Nehru who had been a CP candidate also did likewise. Of course some stalwarts held fast to their original leftist commitments not because they were indifferent to language rights but rather because they believed that when a socialist pattern of government emerged, there would have emerged also a socialist pattern of thinking and in such a political climate the Tamils would regain their lost self-respect. Such patience and confidence though admirable in party faithfuls is no part of normal human nature. My thinking is also oriented more towards that of these stalwarts. That is why I am making this effort to persuade the powers that be to rethink their language

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policy. The point I want to make is that language rights of minorities is not an issue between left and right. It is human and more in tune with leftist ideologies than with discriminatory racism. That is presumably why both the LSSP and the CP endorsed bilingualism and held fast to that position till out of frustration and weariness of spirit they fell in line with other groups probably on the ground that half a loaf of socialism is better than no bread.
Dialogue
Having known these persons closely for more than thirty years, it is hard for me to think of them as mere opportunists. Presumably even now they have mental reservations and are hoping that in God's good time their allies too would see the light. But they should know in their heart of hearts that recognising both Sinhala and Tamil as official languages is more humane, more democratic, more socialistic and more proletarian, for it would gladden the hearts of the Tamil speaking peoples to feel that they are not an inferior class of citizens. Can any responsible and thoughtful citizen of Ceylon familiar with the events that followed the imposition of Sinhala Only and the sense of alienation that the Tamil speaking people have suffered during this time, have any doubt that recognition of Tamil also as an official language will bring about a more wholesome climate, propitious to national unity and national progress than the current trend. Dialogue between the two communities is a prerequisite for national unity and progress. It is not an accident that awareness of the need for national unity and the demand for national freedom first appeared among the English educated Ceylonese. This did not happen merely because they were influenced by western thought currents absorbed from books and personal contact. Dialogue was possible only between the English educated of both communities and as a result of such dialogue the early glimmerings of national consciousness and of the need for national unity were born. Even today whatever dialogue there is, is between thcse English educated groups. This is a dwindling segment of the population. In probably another ten years English will cease to be a medium of dialogue. It is fantastic to believe that by that time strict enforcement of Sinhala Only will have made it the medium of dialogue. Resistance to Sinhala among the Tamils

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is not likely to vanish overnight. It is therefore necessary to think of a realistic alternative. Sinhala and Tamil are the natural media of dialogue between the Sinhalese and the Tamils. I do not know what support there will be for a proposal to make the study of both languages compulsory up to a certain stage in the school. Probably there will be strong opposition. Therefore other measures will have to be adopted. The best course probably will be to provide courses in both languages in all schools during a certain stage in the child's school career. This is a matter of prime importance to the country's future and constitution makers should address themselves to it with serious concern. Dialogue is a continuing process and the foundations for it
should be laid immediately,
Medium of Education
The new formula that the medium of education should be Swabasha presumably means that a parent can opt for his child to be educated in either Sinhala or Tamil. On the face of it, it looks reasonable and innocent. When the medium was switched from English to the mother tongue the natural expectation was that the child would be educated in its mother tongue. The case for the mother tongue has been argued threadbare. That the mother tongue is the optimum medium is universally accepted. So why this new twist? The oft repeated argument is that it is the parent's right to choose the medium of education of his child. If the state is so tenderly concerned about parental rights, why has it refused the parents the right to choose English?
And will the State permit the parent to debar his child from all education? Even today there are many parents who will
jump at the chance of having their childrcn educated in English. The decision for the mother tongue was based on sound educational principles. Why are these principles being relaxed now? The Tamil speaking people suspect that even as both Sinhalese and Tamil parents opted for English during the British period, wholly on grounds of prestige, job opportunity etc., totally ignoring sound educational philosophy, Tamil parents will now opt for Sinhala for the same reasons. If this trend is encouraged more and more parents will exercise the option with the result that the Tamils who are already a minority will gradually become an even smaller minority. This is the fear of the Tamils. Their

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fear is that under the specious plea of parental rights, an insidious campaign is being launched gradually to reduce the number of Tamil speakers in Ceylon. On balance the most equitable policy would be to make the mother tongue the medium and provide opportunity and encouragement for all children to become articulate in both languages.
Justice
Recently there has been a good deal of noise made about the use of the official language in the courts and action. seems to have been taken in a few places to give effect to this proposal. In British times justice was administered in English, a language to which both Sinhalese and Tamils were strangers. The present move is to use a language to which only Tamils are strangers, That means that the Sinhalese litigant alone is entitled to know what is being done to him or for him in a court of law. Mr. J. R. Jayewardene speaking on 25-4-44 in the debate on his motion to make Sinhala Ceylon's Official Language referred to a story from Leonard Woolf's The Village in the Jungle' where a villager was charged in the Magistrate's Court for an offence which he was alleged to have committed, tried and sentenced to a few months' imprisonment-all in a language he did not understand, and in prison he did not appear to know why he was there. It is passing strange that it did not occur to Mr. Jayewardene that Tamil speakers also were being tried and sentenced in a language they did not understand and when sent to prison too did not know why they were there. It is stranger still that according to the new proposal in the future too they will be tried in a language they do not understand and when they are hanged, may not know why they are being hanged. It is a hackneyed dictum of the law that not only should justice be done but should also appear to be done. According to the new proposal as far as the Tamils are concerned, in many cases justice will appear not to be done. Everyone knows in changing over to a new system practical difficulties will crop up. The parties to the suit may not all be speakers of the same language or a judge who speaks a litigant's language may not be available in a particular place. But surely these difficulties are not peculiar to Ceylon. Other countries have settled them and Ceylon can take a leaf from

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them. A Tamil man's life may be in jeopardy; but while his fate is being decided he will not know what is going on. Why? Because he is a Tamil The rationale for making Swabasha the language of the Courts is that the parties concerned should know what is being done to them or for them. But it seems to be presumed that Tamil speaking parties are a lesser breed without the law.
Ceylon’s Image
Is there any doubt that Ceylon's image has been tarnished? Lord Soulbury in his foreword to B. H. Farmer's book, “CeylonA Divided Nation, quotes Sir Charles Jefferies as saying in his book, “Ceylon, the Path to Independence, “The Soulbury Constitution had entrenched in it all the protective provisions for minorities that the wit of man could devise. Nevertheless in the light of later happenings, I now think it is a pity that the commission did not also recommend the entrenchment in the constitution, guarantees of fundamental rights, on the lines enacted in the constitution of India, Pakistan, Malaya, Nigeria and elsewhere' and adds that in the light of later happenings it was a pity that it did not also recommend the entrenchment in the constitution of fundamental rights. But he is not optimistic about the worthwhileness of constitutional guarantees alone. Farmer in his introduction tells how the Island Without Problems which had been held up as a model for all the world, of the way in which a colony might peacefully and by easy stages attain full independence without suffering those communal tensions that severed Pakistan from India, could no longer be regarded as such. Wriggins is more cautiously hopeful: “In the event, the majority community succeeded in obtaining the language reform legislation its ardent spokesmen sought. The alarming riots of 1958, unparalleled in the island's history, were the direct result of these reforms and of government reluctance to insist that public order be maintained and individuals protected. The memory of these events will retard the creation of a unified, modern nation-state commanding the allegiance of all communities.' Instead of being a model, Ceylon has become a warning. Under the facade of unity and accommodation there lay hidden hatred and mistrust. Has the blood bath of 1958 been a catharsis? I am inclined to share Wriggins' cautious hope that things will

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mend. Such frenzies do often work as catharses and clear the ground for a new approach. But the new approach must be deliberately thought out and planned. However it seems to be taking a long time to evolve.
Parting of the Ways?
“Have the Sinhalese and Tamils reached the parting of the ways?' is the rhetorical question with which Tarzie Vittachi concludes his Emergency 58. What exactly does it mean? Is the country to be partitioned? Or are the Tamils to be driven out of Ceylon 2 Neither seems possible. The Sinhalese who form the majority do not want partition. They have all opposed federalism because they believe that federalism is only the thin end of the wedge which will eventually bring about partition. Ancient feuds between the Tamils of South India and Ceylon are not mere academic history. They are part of contemporary politics. Sinhalese politicians profess to fear that a Tamil Nadu in Ceylon will be a base for wholesale immigration from South India and that before long the Sinhalese speakers will be outnumbered by Tamil hordes and become an oppressed minority. This fear, if true, is a chimera. In the ninet een thirties there was an influx of Indian graduates into Ceylon. This was tolerated till Ceylon graduates were hit by unemployment. It was not teachers alone who were attracted. Doctors, nurses, and orderlies were being recruited from India; other white collar jobs. were also getting into the hands of Indians. There was an outcry and among the most militant agitators were middle class Tamils from Jaffna. Hordes of immigrants coming into Ceylon will jeopardise the livelihood not of the Sinhalese but of the Tamils. Tamils from the North and East, instead of organising a wellcome to their co-linguists from South India will mount guard on the sea shore to push them back into the sea. Driving the Tamils out of Ceylon is even more inconceivable. The two linguistic groups have no other homeland. Ceylon is the only home they know and the future must be planned with full recognition of this fundamental truth.
Another fundamental truth is that such a sizable minority as the Tamil speaking people of Ceylon will never be reconciled to an inferior status in their homeland. According to the latest
2

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figures available, the Registrar General's Report for 1970, estimated the Tamil speaking population as 3,134,000 as against 7,926 000 Sinhalese. The Tamil speakers' total is made up as follows: Ceylon Tamils 1,229,000; Indian Tamils 1, 185,000; Ceylon Moors 660,000. Percentage wise the Tamil speakers are a little over 27%. in Finland the Swedish speakers are 9% of the population. Swedish is an official language enjoying equal status with Finnish, both languages being taught in schools. In Canada both English and French enjoy equal status in law. But the French Canadians are up in arms against the administrative set up that they say is weighted against them and there is an active separatist movement. Recent kidnappings and murder by the French speaking malcontents have received world wide publicity. Switzerland has 4 official languages one of which, Romance, is the mother tongue of only 1.2% of the country's population. Singapore has made Tamil, the mother tongue of immigrant settlers, also an official language. In Belgium both French and Flemish are official languages. But as in Canada language strife is a chronic and explosive political issue.
A law is effective only in so far as those whom it binds accept it or at least acquiesce in it. Mere passihg of it does not make it effective. The Tamil speaking people of Ceylon have not in any sense accepted Sinhala Only. From the date of its passing, their hearts are steeled against it and if the history of Canada and Belgium is any guide, an unreconciled minority can continue to be a menace to orderly government. The opposition need not be violent. The disgruntled element can evince no enthusiasm for national achievement, cannot identify itself with the country's aspirations and will always be a dead weight. The degree of apathy will of course vary from time to time, but it will be there. The fruits of such lack of concern for the national weal will not injure the minority only. Its effects will be felt in every section of the nation's efforts. It is not possible to asses the amount of time, energy and money that have been spent in coping with the tension and illwill that Sinhala Only generated. The tension has eased somewhat. But one cannot say when it will break out again. Wales was conquered by Britain in the 13th century but Wales continues to be a thorn in Britain's side and the place of the Welsh

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language continues to be a live issue. A leading light of the
LSSP was Chief Guest at an Annual Reunion of the Kokuvil Hindu College Old Students' Association (Colombo Branch) and had said something about the impossibility of ramming Sinhalese. down the throats of the Tamils, when a member of the audience drew his attention to Britain's practice. His answer was twofold-(1) The British had not succeeded in imposing English on the Welsh. (2) What was possible in the middle ages was not possible in the 20th century. Hebrew was the language of the Old Testament. The language that Jesus used was Aramaic. But when Israel became a nation in the 20th century, it went back to Hebrew. Therefore it is inconceivable that Sinhala Only is the last word on Ceylon's language policy and that for all time the Tamils of Ceylon will remain reconciled to the lowly status that the country's present language policy has imposed on them.
Opportunism is of two kinds. One consists in knowing when the iron is hot and then striking. The other looks round to see how one may achieve his purpose regardless of right and wrong. Mr. Bandaranaike exploited both kinds of opportunism in 1956. He sensed the seething discontent among the rural Sinhalese and decided it was the time to smash the UNP. He also knew that Sinhala Only was a grievous error and an injustice. He had no time to waste on ethical judgements or even to gauge the political consequences that would flow from his policy. These things could be attended to later. Mr. Wilmot Perera has told me several times and has said in public on many occasions in my hearing that Mr. Bandaranaike had frequently given him the assurance that he would work out a solution of the language problem that would satisfy the Tamils. He obviously did not make the mistake of considering Sinhala Only final. As it is, the task of finding the solution has fallen on his successors, The present discontent of the Tamil speakers should be taken to heart seriously and steps taken to rehabilitate their self-esteem. The Sinhala Only Act did injury to the self-esteem not only of Ceylon Tamils resident in Ceylon. I know from personal knowledge that expatriate Ceylon Tamils in Malaysia, Singapore, Europe and America also feel the sting and will be gladdened if a change for the better is effected. Although the word parity is a red

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rag to chauvinists among the Sinhalese, some kind of equality will be the only acceptable solution. The Archbishop of Canterbury is primus inter pares (first among equals) and according to British constitutional theory, the premier is also primus inter pares. Sinhalese being the language of the majority should enjoy priority-primus inter pares -and Tamil also recognised as an official language and bona fide steps taken to give effect to this decision.
Decentralisation
A further step may help to ease existing tensions. Progressive thought in the West is now leaning towards regionalism. While Democratic Centralism is the doctrine of the traditional Left, the New Left is showing deeper commitment to Regionalism. When the U. N. P. proposed Regional Councils, all the other parties except the F. P. opposed the proposal for various reasons. But Dr. N. M. Perera said that he opposed the scheme because it originated from the UNP. Now that the left is in power, why not reconsider it? I am not thinking of Regional Councils only. What I have in mind is a comprehensive scheme of decentralisation in terms of which the citizen - the proles-will not always and at all levels be at the receiving end, but will be able to speak and be spoken to as a person entitled to speak and to be heard. The citizen today is more knowledgeable, more concerned about his rights and needs, and generally competent to play his role. If a scheme can be evolved to give effective voice to the citizen, it is more than probable that government functioning will be more meaningful and the people's response more spontaneous. I am afraid the 'Them and Us' complex which vitiates the relation between State and Citizen is universal today. Cannot something be done to change this?

From the Co-operator
LANGUAGE ELSE WHERE
I was for a long time under the impression that language was an explosive issue that could lead to bloodshed and violence only in countries like Ceylon which after long periods of subjection to colonial rule were trying to rehabilitate languages long neglected and regarded with disdain by the colonial powers, their henchman on the spot and the inevitable troop of toadies (largely beneficiaries of the colonial regime) more royalist than the king that colonial rule throws up wherever it strikes root. Newly won freedom begets its own problems; no nation emerging from foreign rule has been able to create immediately the political framework or administrative machinery adequate to its needs. In the process of time these flaws are eliminated and a more or less workable system is evolved.
But, if what has been happening in Canada and Belgium makes sense, language conflicts do not lend themselves to such treatment. Belgium, largely Catholic, broke away from Protestant Holland in 1831. There are two linguistic groups -the French speaking Walloons and the Flemish speaking Flemings. At the time the new state came into being parity for French and Flemish was made the law of the land, but throughout the history of this nation language has been the cause of bitter feud between the two groups since the French speaking south with its industrial superiority and the international prestige enjoyed by French has been the dominant partner and has had things its own way. Originally the Walloons were slightly more in number. This also helped to tilt the scales against the Flemings.
Now the Flemish speakers are more and industrialization has improved conditions in the Flemish speaking North. Yet, prestige and influence have always been the monopoly of the French speakers,
Throughout Belgian history the Flemings have been sore over the humiliations that, in spite of statutory parity, have been heaped on their language by the French speakers. In recent months riots and demonstrations flared up until Belgium found itself without . a government. Every device including federalism was thought of.

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ー22ー
But no formula would satisfy the militant Flemings who feel they have had enough discrimination and are now resolved to end it. Confict over language, is no longer confined to politics alone. It seems to have become the leit motif running through all Belgian life. A few months ago, when a priest in the Flemish speaking area used French while celebrating Mass as a hospitable gesture to French speaking Walloons who were holidaying in the parish, about eighty Flemings stormed out of the church. At this writing the country is divided into two language zones-with the result that Walloons living in the North have willy nilly to become Flemish speakers and Flemish speakers who have their homes in the South have to become French speakers. These minority groups living in the midst of majorities speaking a hated language, are prepared to go to any lengths to preserve their right to use their languages. Some months ago, about three hundred French speaking parents who were compelled to send their children to Flemish schools took the matter to the European Court, claiming that the language laws of Belgium violate the charter of human rights, to enforce which the Court was created.
Canada, then a French possession, was captured by the British over two centuries ago and when it became a Dominion in 1867 with a federal structure it was optimistically believed by Lord Durham, the author of the British North America Act, that the French speaking minority would gradually adopt English and with the passing of the years become assimilated to the English speaking majority. This consummation has not yet happened. 3 out of 4 of the inhabitants of Quebec, home of the French speaking Canadians, are illiterate in English. There is also an active separatist movement among the French speaking Canadians. Probably this movement has not much popular support. But it is symptomatic of the growing frustration felt by the French speaking minority. That there is violent antagonism among the French population to their English speaking fellow citizens was seen during Queen Elizabeth's visit to Quebec last year. She travelled in a bullet-proof car through deserted streets.
Thoughtful English speaking Canadians are deeply perturbed about the bitterness felt by the French speakers. The Federal Government is worried. Although French is by law an official

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language, it is in fact the speech of a neglected and despised minority which nevertheless has clung to it through two centuries The tenacity of the devotion felt by the French speakers to their mother tongue is all the more remarkable because their ignorance of English has led to economic discrimination against them both in the private and public sectors. Lester Pearson the prime minister obviously thinks the threat to national unity is real. He has therefore set up a Royal Commission to enquire into the problems posed and the opportunities offered by the duality of language established by the Canadian Confederation. The preliminary report of the Commission makes it clear that Canada is in the most critical period of its history since the establishment of the Confederation. Here are the exact words: We believe that there is a crisis in the sense that Canada has come to a time when decisions must be taken and developments must occur which must lead to its break-up or to a new set of conditions for its future existence. The signs of danger are many and serious,
The moral seems to be that statutory provisions however necessary, by themselves mean little in this context and that the bitterness engendered by unredressed grievances of minorities has a way of enduring to the third and fourth generation and even beyond and continue to threaten national unity.

Page 78
KUALA LUMPUR-1966
Some years ago the late Dr. K. S. Krishnan F. R. S. visited Colombo to take part in some Tamil literary function and it was known that the plane taking him back to India would halt for nearly an hour at Palaly. Some groups in Jaffna decided to take advantage of this long halt and exchange views with Dr. Krishnan. I remember two groups - one political, largely Federalist. I think, the other consisted of School Heads.
Dr. Krishnan besides being a scientist of world class, showed
almost a child's delight in discovering and savouring the felicities of Tamil literature. After some desultory chit-chat, there were
two formal speeches - one from the late Mr. Balasundaram and
the other from me. The chief point I made was that steps should be
taken to create a comprehensive organisation, membership in which will be open to all Tamil speakers, i. e. even Europeans
and Americans, West Indians, South African citizens, in fact
everybody who knew Tamil and wanted to join. I was not thinking
particularly of any political dividends that may be forthcoming.
There is a world-wide organisation known as the English-Speaking
Union, which, unless I am mistaken, counts Indians also in its membership. Of course, Canadians, Australians, Americans, and
New Zealanders are there in numbers. Its purpose is to spread
knowledge of English and serve as a liaison centre for all
interested in its objectives. It brings out bibliographies of books
published in English in the different departments of learning
and probably helps in the compilation of reference books like
Encyclopaedias and Dictionaries.
I do not wish to claim credit for thinking of this idea first. I know Pundit Ratnam, the present M. P. for Kilinochchi has been thinking along these lines for some time. Probably Fr. Thaninayagam too had been cherishing this dream in his bosom for many years. There is little point in trying to discover whose brain child this particular idea is. But that an organisation exists for bringing together for certain specific purposes all who speak Tamil and are interested in Tamil, be they Germans or Czechs or Russians, is an achievement the organisers of the Kuala Lumpur Conference should be proud of.

Press coverage in Ceylon of the doings at Kuala Lumpur has been meagre. Therefore one does not know what exactly happened. From the little that one knows and from the general pattern of such conferences, it is not difficult to guess. Research papers on Dravidian History, Antiquities, Linguistics, Social and Political Organisation in the Old Days, must have formed the staple of the programme. Discussion of such themes, shedding new light on aspects of the history of Tamil life and letters is necessary, nay inevitable, particularly today when all the world seems to be awake to the worth and worthwhileness of probing in depth the Dravidian contribution to Indian culture and civilization. Universities and scholars in Germany, America, Czechoslovakia and Russia seem to have at long last come out of the spell cast by Indo-Aryan scholars of the 19th century. Till recently the belief prevailed in the learned world of the West-and that was the world that mattered-that Sanskrit and Sanskrit-based culture was the sum total of all that was meaningful in India's past. This illusion deeply entrenched in the learned world seems to have at last been exorcised, except perhaps in Ceylon, which, according to Palmer, the author of CeylonA Divided Nation', is the last bastion of the Aryan myth. Therefore, a deep concern for the history of the language, its impact on other Indian languages, the influence of other Indian languages on Tamils, the story of its sister (or daughter) languages, its literary treasures, are bound to loom large in the affairs of the new organisation.
However necessary such preoccupation with the past may be, there is also need for the organisation to give heed to present urgencies.
Many lands where Tamil is the mother tongue of substantial groups, have just emerged from colonial rule and in many of these countries where Tamil is the language of higher education and administration, people are bedevilled by the absence of text books, reference books, terminology for advanced studies and a host of other problems. With the spread of literacy there comes hunger for reading matter. Editions of the classics will not meet this demand. Certainly, cheap, annotated editions of the classics are needed. But new books

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translations or adaptations of Asian and European classics, and original creations are also needed. Something like the Paper Back Explosion in English is called for. Even the Oxford and Cambridge University presses are issuing cheap editions of classics used as text books at university level. Handy reference books, within finanancial reach of university students are being turned out in numbers. I am particularly enamoured of the output of such books by the Penguin people. The Penguin English Dictionary is a marvel of precision and condensation at its Ceylon price of about Rs. 111-. Their Encyclopaedia is good enough for at least up to Higher Level standard, and certainly for the general reader. The Dictionaries of Psychology, Science, Geography, Politics are excellent value for the prices charged. It will be worthwhile for the World Tamil Conference to explore possibilities of buying translation rights for some of these publications and issuing them under its own aegis or come to some understanding with the publishers to issue translations on their own with a guarantee from the Conference to dispose of a minimum number of copies. Compilation of glossaries for Saivism, Vaishnavism, Carnatic music, Tamilian art and architecture, etc. may be sponsored by the Conference. The Madras Lexicon, though fruit of years of devoted labour, and the best effort in Tamil lexicography, is yet not without flaws, i.e. judged against such a monument of patience, diligence and erudition as the Oxford Dictionary. The first volume of the Lexicon was issued in 1924 and the supplement in 1939.
Of course there is truth in Dr. Johnson’s dictum-“A dictionary is like a time piece. The best is not perfect, the worst is better than none'. A dictionary can never catch up with a living and growing language. But to fulfil its purpose, it should at least make an effort to catch up-by revisions, supplements, etc. The American Webster has been recently revised. The full Oxford has not been revised-whether supplements have been issued I do not know. But the Shorter Oxford, the Concise Oxford and the Pocket Oxford have been repeatedly revised, and between revisions, supplements were added to earlier editions. But as far as I know the Madras Lexicon is "Res Finita'. It seems to have been printed on inferior paper and needs very delicate handling. Its six volumes and the supplement make a formid

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able mass, too bulky for the average student's use. Why has it not occurred to anyone to follow the example of the Oxford and issue handier volumes like the Shorter Oxford, the Oxford Concise and the Oxford Pocket. Of course there have been other dictionaries, largely commercial ventures. But they do not meet or even attempt to meet the needs of serious students.
It would therefore be worthwhile for the Conference to address itself to some at least of the matters I have raised. To me they all seem urgent in the context that is developing before our eyes.

Page 80
OPIUM OF THE PEOPLE
An Italian film director Pio Paolo Pasolini who is a Communist, produced a religious film, the Gospel according to St. Mathew which was hailed as the best religious film of the year. (Time Aug. 19). Now he plans to produce more religious filmsa modern version of St. Paul's missionary journeys and then a parable in contemporary terms of Christ visiting a middle class home. When people express surprise at a professing Communist producing religious films, his reply is, “What no one underestands is that an Italian Marxist is very special. He does not change into another person when he votes Communist. He is still what he always was and most Italians are a little bourgeois and a little Catholic'. Is it only the Italian Marxist who is very special I have seen a local Marxist performing abishekams in a temple where his forbears for generations had worshipped. l have also seen another rolling round a temple in a paroxysm of piety. The fact of the matter seems to be that rational intellect is powerless to prevail wholly against values, beliefs, practices, attitudes absorbed often unconsciously from the cultural matrix in which humans live and move and have their being.
In Scotland, there was once a move to make the Scottish church (Presbyterian and non-episcopal) episcopal, and a lawyer, widely known as a militant atheist was heard inveighing violently against the proposal. When someone asked why he, an atheist, should bother about the matter, he replied, “Damn it all, I am a presbyterian atheist.'
I know many other instances of this conflict between cerebral certitude on one side and tradition and environment on the other. I shall not deal with them now. Only I am wondering whether the metamorphosis that has come over our local Marxists is also something similar. The leadership is past middle age and old people find it hard to believe that this old world of ours can be wholly remade according to their specifications. The other day I saw a press picture of Pieter Keuneman, hands folded reverently and eyes fixed in mystic rapture with Sirima Bandaranaike in the foreground lighting a traditional brass lamp. Has the old guard of the LSSP and CP realised that though they talk of the Permanent Revolution and the Class War, they are also a little bourgeois and a little Buddhist, and may be a little Hindu and a little Christian and a little Muslim as well ?

PREVARICATION
Bernard Soysa was in Jaffna a couple of weeks ago to hold a meeting in commemoration of the Hartal. The party faithfuls rallied round him in the Jaffna esplanade and he told them that he and his comrades opposed the present government's language policy since it fell short of parity and that they would have voted in support if on January 8, the government had introduced legislation granting parity to Sinhalese and Tamil.
On the other hand a recent issue of the Nation", a weekly espousing the Coalition cause, carries a contribution from its Hulstdorf correspondent, in which the present government and presumably its predecessors are taken to task for not making Sinhala the language of the courts throughout the island. Who is toeing the party line? It would seem that the ' Nation reflects the Coalition's authentic policy. Supposing the present government agrees to grant parity for Sinhala and Tamil, a very rash supposition indeed, would it be only Bernatd Soysa and his comrades of the late lamented LSSP who would vote in support or would the entire Coalition back such a move It seems fantastic even to hope that the SLFP which came to power on a wave of Sinhala chauvinism with the war cry of Sinhala Only, has become so chastened that it would today accept parity. It seems equally absurd to suppose that the LSSP would in the circumstances now prevailing be bold enough to break away from the SLFP merely to oblige the Tamils who have themselves shown so little understanding of or loyalty to the LSSP. Or in the event of the LSSP supporting parity, would Mrs. Bandaranaike and her comrades merely shrug their shoulders, let it go at that and continue the alliance? The mere canvassing of these suppositions lays bare their utter incredibility. Will Mr. Soysa or any of his comrades please clarify?

Page 81
FEDERALISM AND LANGUAGE
N. M. Perera writing in the Nation of Oct. 27, labours the point that Federalism has not solved Canada's language problem and will not by itself solve Ceylon's language problem. Lesser mortals have also made this discovery. Some ten years ago I wrote a small book “Language in Government and in Education', one small chapter of which is headed “Federalism no Solution' and shows why by itself federalism provides no answer to Ceylon's language problem.
So on this score, I have no quarrel with N. M. Perera. But he seems to dismiss the discontent of the French speaking Canadian as of little moment and suggests that improvement in economic conditions will of itself solve the language question. The Marxist shibboleth about economic improvement as the panacea is old hat. There is no doubt that better food, better housing, better schooling, etc. will eliminate or at least alleviate the fierce competition for jobs which is a significant element in the present language controversy. It is equally true that wholesome food, clean, well-ventilated houses and sound health education could eliminate or at least reduce the incidence of tuberculosis. But no sane medical man would think of prescribing to a patient suffering from acute T. B. this economic nostrum as self-sufficient. The Tamil-speaking people like all other normal folk are not uninterested in jobs and in other avenues to economic self-sufficiency, affluence and preferment. But their resentment against the Sinhala Only Act springs from the hurt it did to their self-respect. At one fell swoop, it made them aliens in their own home land. They cannot wait till “economic development and socialist transformation of society provides the enduring solution to all linguistic and religious conflicts'. And N. M. Perera knows it. . Otherwise it is difficult to see why he and his comrades, instead of waiting for the economic miracle to provide the remedy for Ceylon's linguistic conflict, thought it necessary to proclaim their belief in equality for Sinhala and Tamil and expose themselves to opprobrium.
I remeber a monster public meeting in the Jaffna esplanade held to honour N. M. Perera on his becoming Mayor of Colombo.

- 31 -
Shortly before the date of that meeting some local body in South Ceylon which was controlled by the L. S. S. P. had taken some action (I do not rember the exact transaction) which ran counter to the party's language policy. When it was NM's turn to speak, he opened his speech in halting Tamil and assured the audience amid deafening applause that the local body had been persuaded to toe the party line. Of course after a minute or two he switched over to English. Were he and his comrades misjudged then or have they now become world-weary or power-hungry or both
N. M. Perera also in his Nation article gives the impression that the discontent so deeply felt and so strongly voiced by the French speakers leaves the English-speaking Canadians cold. What I have read recently gives a different impression. Lester Pearson was so troubled by the discontent swelling in Frenchspeaking Canada that he set up a Royal Commission to enquire into the problems posed and the opportunities offered by the duality of language established by the Canadian Confederation. The preliminary report of the Commission makes it unambiguously clear that in its view Canada is today facing its greatest crisis since the establishment of the Confederation. Here are the ipsissima verba : We believe that there is a crisis in the sense that Canada has come to a time when decisions must be taken and developments must occur which must lead to its break-up or to a new set of conditions for its future existence. The signs of danger are many and serious (italics mine).
From the report it is obvious that the authors regard the threat of separation as real and that they are perturbed about it. Strangely enough, such an acute student of politics as N. M. Perera has seen none of this during an on the spot survey.

Page 82
CASTE AND CASTEISM
In recent weeks nearly every political party has shown deep concern over the plight of Jaffna's Minority Tamils. The Federalists, the Tamil Congress, L. S. S. P. (Coalition) C. P. (Moscow) C. P. (Peking) L. S. S. P. (R) have all addressed themselves to the task of discovering the grievances of these people and finding remedies. A contingent of Buddhist monks also descended upon the scene. It would be idle to deny that a strong political motivation lies at the root of these manifestations of humanitarianism. The Minority Tamils have votes and their votes are as good as anybody else’s. But that is not the whole story. The country's mood has changed. Even in Jaffna held up by the metropolitan press as the last bastion of feudalism in Ceylon, the large majority of people are intellectually convinced of the legitimacy of the demands made by their underprivileged countrymen. But intellectual conviction provides little motive power for practical action. Most people would not mind it very much if eating-houses and temples were thrown open to Minority Tamils. More than that they are not disposed to do. Many feel that time will do the trick. But the victims of discrimination seldom have the philosophic temper that sees time as the great instrument of reconciliation. They are impatient, they are militant, their sensitivity to their humiliations and deprivations is part of the spirit of the times. The underdog everywhere is ready not merely to bark, but to bite as well.
But with militancy on one side and qualified tolerance on the other, why has there been no tangible result?
It is significant that most of the recent clashes have occurred in rural areas. It is a Marxian commonplace that the peasantry everywhere is the bulwark of conservatism. Even people who are intellectually convinced of the iniquity of these acts of discrimination, are loth to do what is not done. There is a rural ethos against which logic and reason and humanitarianism cannot prevail. It is nowhere spelled out. But by the time a child goes to school he has absorbed the values of his community and knows the behaviour appropriate to all occasions. This is true of both groups.

سے 33 --س
Social organisation based on status is not a unique invention of the Jaffna Tamil. It has existed in many parts of the world including South Ceylon and I am not quite convinced that South Ceylon is such an egalitarian paradise as the Colombo papers make out. Of late the Poya issue of the Ceylon Observer has been carrying matrimonial advertisements from people seeking brides and grooms. In not one of them is the caste qualification omitted. At east in regard to marriage the caste qualification is a sine qua non. Bryce Ryan in his book Caste in Ceylon which is really a study of caste in South Ceylon, had some entertaining things to say about the subterfuges practised by 'progressives in their efforts to eat the cake and have it, to be progressive without totally abandoning inherited prejudices. I think there is a difference of degree between the North and the South, which however is not one of black vs. white. And the difference is naturally less pronounced in the urban sector. As far as rural communities are concerned, I believe there is not much to choose between North and South. The practice of caste discrimination in the South, is no justification for Jaffna to do likewise. It is sound doctrine that only he that is without sin is entitled to throw stones at sinners. My thesis is that propaganda by do-gooders is powerless to effect any radical change in an age-old social structure. As far as I know, such fundamental change has come about through the impact of new socio-economic forces. Industrialisation with its concomitant urbanisation was the death knell to the status-based economy in England and other European countries. The same process can be observed even in Ceylon. Of course industrialisation brought its horrors no less degrading and savage than the system it displaced. And in our day and generation valiant efforts are being made to combat the inequalities of industrial capitalism. But that is another story.
But how about India? Has not India where the same social and economic conditions exist a better record than Ceylon, particularly Jaffna Probably so. But India again is not the abode of saints only. Sinners too abound. Only we do not hear about them.
Here is an extract from a scientific analysis of the caste situation in India found in an article entitled, Caste Dynamics:
3

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A Psychological Analysis by Durganand Sinha in the June-August issue (1960) of the Eastern Anthropologist.
“Discrimination is more pronounced in the South where in many States there is open recognition of castes in appointments to government posts and admission to engineering, medical and other institutions. In the North, open reservation through legal and constitutional means has not been possible to the same extent But this should not imply that thinking on caste lines is absent. It is very much there. The only difference is that in the absence of constitutional devices, caste consolidation in appointments and other spheres is sought to be achieved by informal means and by a sort of 'gentleman's agreement' a mong members of each caste group.
“Even the Indian Constitution in spite of its emphasis on non-discrimination on the basis of caste, creed, race, sex, language or religion, has not been able to stem the tide of caste thinking. When both the Madras High Court and the Supreme Court declared on the petition of a Brahmin girl who was refused admission to a college on caste ground, that the action was a clear violation of the Fundamental Rights guaranteed to every Indian citizen under Article 29 (2), the Parliament passed the Constitution (First Amendment) Act in 1951 and thereby provided constitutional basis for “reservation' for socially and educationally backward castes. This was perhaps considered a social necessity, but a tragic one. It is a sad evidence that discrimination on caste lines is implicitly an accepted pattern, and is going to have an influence for a very long time to come'.
But if conditions in India are better, this is due to two factors (1) Mahatma Gandhi's influence on Indian thinking and practice was profound. But Gandhis are not penny a dozen. Nor do they grow in every back-garden. Non-violence needs phenomenal self-discipline and the discipline he imposed on himself and demanded of his followers cannot be dreamt of anywhere in the world today. (2) As far as South India is concerned, the non-Brahmin, perhaps anti-Brahmin, movement played a decisive role in bettering the lot of the under-privileged. The Brahmin was aristocrat, land-owner, administrator, technologist, business magnate, priest, scholar, political boss; and he made no effort to conceal his

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contempt for lesser mortals. All the other castes made common cause against him and in the process of pushing him off his pedestal the lowliest strain also reaped some benefit. In Jaffna the alignment is all touchables vs. the rest. In the recent confrontation between the two groups, I am told, the activists on the conservative side were not Vellalas but others holding an intermediate status between the Vellalas and the minority. My purpose is not to throw cold water on anyone's idealism but to show that in the prevailing context gestures like interdining will look amateurish and unrealistic. The demand is for harder currency. Study in depth and planning are needed.
There is a lot more to be said particularly about the misionaries who came to Jaffna to win converts to the Four Noble Truths and the Eightfold Path. I may return to the theme some other time.

Page 84
LOOKING FOR A SCAPEGOATP
Mao and his devotees are being blamed for what has been happening in rural Jaffna during the past month or so. Of course Mao is not the only person who has adherents and propagandists in Jaffna and elsewhere in Ceylon. Stalin, Trotsky, Gandhi, Nasser, Eshkol (Israeli Premier) and probably Lyndon Johnson have their coteries who want to win friends and influence people. In addition to these socio-political propagandists, Buddhist missionaries are also actively directing their appeal to the grievanceridden Minority Tamil. But if the gospel according to Mao seems to have drawn a sharper response than the others, it may be that it spoke to an audience that was already halfconverted.
With the mass media of communication functioning so ubiquitously, ideological isoiation is impossible anywhere today, even in those countries which jam radio broadcasts from unwanted sources. Somehow people come to know what is happening elsewhere and when it has a relevancy to their predicament, they are ready to put their knowledge to use. Maoism may have been the spark that set the fire ablaze. Whether it be the American Negro or the Minority Tamil every exploited human being has come to know that his humiliations and deprivations are not part of the natural order and that being man-made, they can also be undone by human effort. The victims of discrimination have become militant and desperate. Mao or no Mao, they are ready to right their wrongs by their own efforts, by whatever means they can command. Mao and his local disciples may serve as scapegoats to those who do not want to face the truth. Anyone who has watched the scene for the last twenty years or so knows there have been substantial improvements in the lot of the Minority Tamils. More of them are in schools, most temples have opened their doors to them. A law has been enacted, making discrimination an offence. But whoever reminds them of these gains certainly will not receive their thanks. Such reminders only infuriate them. Small doses of freedom only sharpen the demand for still more freedom. The soreness remains unhealed until complete freedom is achieved.

-س- 37 مسسس
Another factor which makes them resentful of people who tell them how much better of they are than their fathers is the presumption implicit in the attitude of such people that whatever improvements have occurred are favours and concessions bestowed on them by their betters out of the goodness of their hearts. Such an attie tude is an anachronism in the sixth decade of the twentieth century. It might have worked in the twenties and thirties Favours and kindnesses might have been received then with gestures of obligation and expressions of gratitude.
But it is totally repugnant to the mood of the times, Equalitypolitical, social, economic-has nowhere been totally realised in practice. But it is the accepted creed of the contemporary world. Men and women who lived and are living sub-human lives, haunted by memories of discrimination and deprivation are not inclined to be grateful for small favours.
Temple entry has only a symbolic relevancy in the present context. Few of the leaders of the present agitation have been conspicuous for their piety or for the practice of devotions or austerities. Some of them repudiate all the assumptions of religions. Some profess other faiths than Hinduism
Piety and devotion to God have little to do with the agitation. The devoted practise their devotions in the privacy of their homes or in humble neighbourhood shrines. The humiliation of seeing themselves only being excluded from the inner precincts, while others are free to go there, has been a stinging reminder of their lowly condition through the ages.
Their exclusion is a survival of an attitude and a philosophy that they want to banish from society. That is their objective and they are not averse to using whoever is available to gain that end; and the politicians are not averse to exploiting any promising situation to harass the party in power. Both parties to this bargain are in it with their eyes open.

Page 85
SHADOW BOXING
The most fateful event that occurred in Ceylon after independence was the passing of the Sinhala Only Act. For Mr. Bandaranaike it was an election gimmick-to the nation the beginning of a cancer that is yet active and bears promise of further disaster. A plural society was being painfully evolved when the Tamil speaking people were told that they did not belong in Ceylon. Because of Saivism and the Tamil language there has always been a sentimental tie between Tamilnad in South India and the Tamils of Ceylon. Because of the lowly place held by French in officially bilingual Canada and because of the economic discrimination the numerically preponderating English impose on the French speakers, the French Canadians are looking across the Atlantic to Metropolitan France for relief and sympathy. When in the two World Wars the United States threw in her lot with Great Britain, I believe her decision was not motivated exclusively by political considerations like Balance of Power or disapproval of German Militarism' or Nazism. Students of contemporary American society say that America'. social elite are the WASPS'-White, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant Even now the two countries, speak of a "special relation' between themselves. Of course there is ideological sympathy. But linguistic and religious bonds are not totally eliminated, where people speaking the same language, believing themselves to be of the same racial stock and professing the same faith, live in different lands. During the whole period of Ireland's struggle for independence it was the Irish immigrants in America who furnished funds. It is by no means unusual for Americans visiting Great Britain or Ireland to make sentimental journeys to the homes of their (sometimes mythical) ancestors. When President Kennedy visited Great Britain, he made a much publicised visit to the original home of the Kennedys in Ireland. It is also said to be a weakness of wealthy Americans to invest in an imposing geneology that traces the family to British Royalty or Nobility- and there are obliging scholars who can be relied on (for a consideration) to ferret out the links. An American lady that I know traces her ancestry to William the Conqueror. Our Sinhalese friends too never tire of proclaiming their Aryan origins; and

nearly in every town down South, you find Ariya Sinhala hotels. Gaya and other spots associated with the Buddha are centres of pilgrimage to our Buddhist compatriots. They also very naturally feel and make manifest their sympathy with their coreligionists in Vietnam and Tibet Thus the interest of Ceylon Tamils in what is happening across the Palk Strait and their sentimental attachment to the home of their language and their religion is nothing to grow excited about. Nor is it surprising that when by law they were made an inferior grade of citizens in their own land that expression of affection for the home of their ancestors should become somewhat hysterical. Of course such harking back to vanished and often exaggerated glories of the Cholas and the Pandiyas is an irritant to our Sinhalese countrymen. But the unending repetition of the story of Dutta Gamini's victory over Elara is equally irritating to the Tamils.
These irritations are incidental to life in a multi-lingual multi-credal society and sensible people take them in their stride. They know that to take note of them, magnify them and make an issue of them only helps to heighten the hysteria.
Annadurai is quite right in labelling the current Ceylonese preoccupation with the the D. M. K.'s sinister intentions towards Ceylon as infantile. Every party in opposition promises the moon and probably hypnotises itself into believing the extravagant dreams it proclaims. A responsible Chief Minister has enough headaches of his own and he can ill afford even to give thought to, let alone take positive action about, the hardships suffered by the Ceylon Tamils. His government is facing gigantic issues both in Tamilnad and on the all India front. If in the midst of these gruelling labours, he has a thought to spare for Ceylon, it will be in respect of the lot of the Stateless Tamils in Ceylon. As for the Ceylon Tamils, they have no illusions. They know their future lies here and nowhere else. It may be remembered that the agitation for restricting Indian immigration originated in Jaffna. As long as the immigrants were illiterate casual labourers to the central hills, the Jaffna man was indifferent But when doctors, nurses, teachers and other white collar workers began to move in, there was an outcry; and Suntheralingam, who surrendered his portfolio rather than vote for the Indian

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and Pakistani Citizenship Act, was deeply interested in this agitation. Neither he nor others who thought like him wanted any manner of discrimination against the Indians who were already here: they wanted immigration from India to be stopped once and for all. “Mother and child though they be, they have different mouths and bellies', says a Tamil proverb.
International sympathy certainly helps. World opinion is not without effect within national frontiers. But Ceylon's problems have to be solved in Ceylon by the Ceylonese. The evasive tactics now pursued by all Sinhalese parties will sooner or later have to be abandoned. Irrelevancies like the mythical alliance between the Federal Party and the D. M. K. may for a time help Sinhalese chauvinists to win elections and help their opposite numbers among the Tamils to do likewise. A down to earth realism on the language question may take time to take shape. Until it does, all of us in Ceylon, actors and spectators, will continue to pay a heavy price for the shadow boxing that our politicians are practising.

AN EXTINCT SPECIES
What sort of beings are these dedicated teachers we hear so much about these days? If all that is said about them is true today, they must be an extinct species. These men loved learning so passionately and were so concerned about the well being of their young charges that they took no thought of the morrow and gave no thought to their own affairs. They were so absorbed in their work of imparting knowledge and building character that even wife, children, kinsfolk, all vanished from their consciousness. They never worried about their remuneration or conditions of service. All they lived for was the moral and intellectual growth of the young folk placed under their care.
I spent nearly half a century as schoolboy, university student and teacher and never had the luck to run into any of these paragons of superhuman self-abnegation. They must have vanished before my time. And if by some miracle one of them should be found in these degenerate times, how would he fare? Dedication or no dedication, I suppose he will have to scan advertisements for vacancies, send his application, go through the ordeal of frustration many a time before he finally secures an appointment. And when he does, he proceeds to dedicate himself to the service of the young folk in the school to which he has been appointed. But before he has made himself at home in the school and the community, he is transferred to another school where he has to switch on his capacity for dedication once again. This he has to do not once but as many times as the divinities that shape his destiny so ordain. He may also find himself interdicted if in some village committee election he shows sympathy to candidate A who was persona non grata to the party in power.
Of course there have always been good teachers, conscientious and responsible persons who find delight in the company of young people and enjoy the give and take of adult and youth, and find a thrill in equipping the young for a full life; and othersmercenary minded people-whose interest in their work is perfunctory. This is nothing new. It must be as old as the world.

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No normal man, not even the 'dedicated teacher of the current mythology is indifferent to social esteem. The index of the esteem society bestows on its various functionaries is the remuneration it pays them. Because society assesses the worth of an engineer or doctor or an administrator as greater than that of a teacher, it pays these categories of functionaries higher salaries. Therefore is it strange that gifted children and their parents would not touch teaching with the dirty end of an ekel broom?
When a person's worth is measured by the clothes he wears, the house he lives in, the vehicles he travels in, the people he associates with, the functions he is invited to, is it any wonder that young people and their parents shun a calling, the remuneration for which does not enable them to live in fashionable localities, drive in expensive cars, belong to the proper clubs and generally excludes them from elite society? To the majority of mankind, these are aids to social effectiveness. Asceticism and austerity are virtues only when a person deliberately chooses them, turning his back on wealth and luxury. And it is infuriating to find people who have a surfeit of all the good things of life preaching austerity and dedication to the teacher whose lot is austere enough.
Public encomiums to the nobility of the teaching profession are seen to be what they are. They are hollow parrot cries people in high places feel obliged to mouth on prize days and similar occasions. The teachers are not deceived. If it be such a noble calling why did these dignitaries choose something less noble? Why do they not persuade their offspring to pursue this high calling? Is a teacher, however dedicated, ever invited as Chief Guest at a public dinner or even a school prize giving? Is a teacher's wife ever asked to give away the prizes at a prize function? A blackmarketeer whose benefactions have been blazoned in the press and his buxom wife who has learnt to smile graciously, are guests of honour on all manner of great occasions. He has made good, and everything belonging to him including the wife, deserves public recognition.
I do not know if ever there was a society where wealth and the status it conferred, did not outweigh all other consider. ations. Nor do I know if ever a social order will emerge where

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dedication to learning and teaching will mean more than making money or exercising authority. I do know however that the overtones and undertones of our social order are economic and that to sing the glories of a time when teachers were more dedicated men, is to repeat a shibboleth that is neither original nor true. I have known medical men who were keen to make their sons also take to the same profession and eminent lawyers who wished to bring up their sons also as lawyers. But I am yet to see a teacher who wishes to condemn his son to teaching. I am not thinking of university dons who have the best of both worlds, but of those lower down, in primary, junior or senior secondary schools, who in their innocence often enter the profession with high hopes and a sense of vocation and before long become disillusioned drudges.

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DHARMARATNA THIERO
In the forties it was taken for granted that both Sinhala and Tamil were or would become official languages. So there were efforts on both sides to get at least a working knowledge of the other party's language. The symptoms of the current attitude were seen in the Colombo Law Library also. A group of lawyers representing both branches received honorary tuition from me in Tamil. One of them has risen to the Supreme Court Bench, another the District Court Bench and a third is a Q. C., a fact which shows they were neither briefless nor non-entities.
At this time and until the passing of the Sinhala Only Act, nearly every big school in Jaffna had a teacher of Sinhala, sometimes a layman, oftener a monk. The saffron robe of the monk was then a familiar sight in the North. Some of these monks were not only teachers of Sinhala, they were also learners of Tamil. Dharmaratna Thero who has just received a silver medal from the hands of the Governor of Madras on behalf of the Tamil Writers' Association of Madras, was then a young monk reading at Kokuvil Hindu College, learning Tamil and English. Since then he has earned recognition for his scholarship from Tamil-speaking people everywhere. He read a paper in the Kuala Lumpur Conference and was the subject of a laudatory article in Kalaimagal, the influential Tamil Monthly edited by K. W. Jeganathan. The Thero is the author of a Tamil-Sinhala Dictionary and has translated into Sinhala two Tamil Classicsthe Chilappadikaram and Manimehalai, the latter's content and background being Buddhistic He has also written a book in Sinhala tracing the influence of Tamil on Sinhala. I should add however, that the learned Thero's days in Kokuvil Hindu did not at any point coincide with mine.

REVISIONISM
Revisionist and Revisionism are dirty words in left circles. To call a person or country revisionist' is in leftist parlance the most degrading condemnation, and the epithet is being freely flung on Russia today by people who believe that she no longer has nor displays the revolutionary ardour that transformed a land of serfdom, illiteracy and autocracy into a modern industrial state from which, to say the least, the feudal way of life and the feudal mode of thought have been banished. I have not been to Russia and whatever knowledge I have, was gained from books and periodicals and the very occasional contacts I have had with visiting Russians, and from friends who have been to Russia. And I do not wish to bring down on my head the fury of the Peking school of politics; nor do I claim to possess the theoretical equipment to Marxist doctrine requisite to sit in judgement over the current ideological conflict between Peking and Moscow: neither have I any ideological axe to grind.
My remarks then express the point of view of a layman who has throughout his adult life been interested in what is happening around him.
Every revolution of which history has record, threw up ideologues who formulated first principles for which they claimed eternal validity and fashioned programmes of action that would in translating the principles into actions of every day life, usher in the millenium. These principles and blue-prints have had their impact and are part of man's political and moral capital.
The Puritan Revolution in England set out to establish in England the Rule of the Saints-which meant the abolition of all manner of frivolity (and gaiety). Drama and cock-fighting were banned and strict Sabbath observance was enforced. There was a Revision before long and an era of profligacy and libertinism followed. But Parliamentary sovereignty was established. The French Revolution proclaimed Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, but today there is no more of these virtues in France than in any other part of the world. To say this is not to deny the influence the French Revolution has had on human history. In

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Marxist terminology it is known as the Bourgeois Revolution. It did away with the inhuman arrogance and incredible privileges of the French aristocracy and paved the way for the political ascendancy of the middle class in Europe. The Russian Revolution too regarded itself and was regarded by its adherents and admirers as the prelude to the dictatorship of the proletariat which in turn would lead to a classless society in which every one will work according to his capacity and be remunerated according to his needs; inevitably too the state would wither away. Last month the fiftieth anniversary of the Revolution was celebrated with rejoicing and a sense of achievement.
It is obvious that Russia's achievement however impressive, falls short of the promises held out in the early phases. In Space Exploration, Education, Medical Research and Care, Heavy Industries, Russia can more than hold her own in comparison with countries like U. S. A. with a longer tradition of technological expertise. Her performance in respect of consumer goods and agricultural production certainly compares unfavourably with that of America. That the State has not withered away and shows no signs of doing so in a hurry is not mere, hostile propaganda. Russia's achievement during the half century would not have been possible without. comprehensive and meticulous planning and systematic organisation and it is difficult to see how in a Socialist state which pins so much faith on planning, the State can wither away in the foreseeable future. Nor can we think of planned economic development without a managerial class coming into existence which from the very importance of its functions and from man's status-seeking propensities, is sooner or later bound to become an elite class and this class and the party hierarchy are the new top dogs. Like every other revolution that we know of, the Russian Revolution too has had to come to terms with history and human nature. Revolutions do not take place in vacuo. When the revolution is inaugurated, man's minds and memories are not clean slates on which the revolution can inscribe its message pure and undefiled, so that it can by its inherent strength, strike roots and yield a rich harvest. Nowhere in the world can you find such a human being or society. The revolution has to contend against existing social systems, values, presuppositions and social inertia. And

سے 47 ----
how hard it is for masses of human beings to hold fast undeviatingly to an austere code of values and an unrelaxing discipline in the hope that if not they, their children or children's children will enjoy the blessings of a just social order. Moreover when a revolution occurs in any one country, the rest of the world does not leave it alone to sink or swim. Practically all Europe made common cause against the French Revolution; and the Russian Revolution during the past fifty years has had to face the hostility of the entire free world. So is it any wonder that with the passage of time revolutionary fervour cools, the leaders are more prone to consolidate the already achieved gains, and while making the appropriate revolutionary noises, are disinclined to pursue further adventure. Revolutions do not happen because some wicked people conspire to overthrow the existing state of affairs. Nor does revisionism take place because some other wicked people conspire to whittle down the primal fervour. Both revolution and revisionism owe their origin to objective factors-social, political, ethical, economic.
Jesus proclaimed an ethical revolution when he taught his followers not to resist evil but to turn the other cheek. In practice this teaching has been revised. Few Christians would on this score repudiate Christianity. Likewise true believers in Marxism need not repudiate their prophet or doctrine. Christian apologetics speaks of the ethical message proclaimed by Jesus as an “Interim Ethic '.. I suppose the Marxist too is entitled to speak of the original Marxist gospel as an “Interim Ethic '. The gospel of the other cheek focussed man's thinking and practice on a meaningful alternative to the law of an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth'. Marxism by its analysis and exposure of the contradictions and inadequacies of laissez faire democracy, set men thinking on an alternative socio-political philosophy. Russia took this philosophy seriously with the consequence that the whole human race in varying measure has become aware of its implications and promise. That is really Russia's achievement in the last fifty years. The world has seen Marxism applied and even committed antagonists have been influenced, often without their knowledge and against their inclinations. -

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WHOSE SCHOOLS 2
The other night I was present at the Alumni dinner of Kokuvil Hindu College and speaker after speaker seemed reconciled to the notion that the attitude taken by the bureaucracy in Ceylon today is the only one possible when schools come under the aegis of the state. They drew the only conclusion possible from the behaviour of the government since it took over the schools. The school is a unit in a national network of instruction factories. School heads and teachers are like parts of a machine which can be replaced by the machine-minders as and when they see fit. That a head teacher takes time to insinuate himself into the texture of the school, establish rapport with his colleagues and children and win the confidence and goodwill of the community served by the school, and that other teachers too should grow into the school ethos and establish friendly relations with the community does not seem to have occurred to our bureaucrats. A teacher cannot be an impersonal disseminator of instruction. But the cavalier style in which teachers are transferred, often by telegram, without reference to the needs of the schools concerned, is a masterpiece of imbecility. Heads of schools often see their new assistants only when they present themselves with the departmental ukase. The schools are treated like the private property of the bureaucracy to do with them as it wishes.
Education has a social role also to play. Not only should there be continuing communication between teacher and taught. Society, the community served by the school too should influence and be influenced by the school.
This cannot be as long as the state follows the colonial pattern of behaving like an alien body, above and beyond the citizen and his needs. A state does not become a welfare state by merely providing welfare services. The recipients-victims?- of these services also should have a say on the what and how of these services. Even a child resents being perpetually spoonfed. Sooner or later it asserts its claim to be regarded as a person in its own right by pushing away the spoon. Railway Warrants and house rent are both necessary and desirable. But

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the self-respect of school heads and teachers, their involvement in shaping the life of the school, their leadership and participation in community affairs and maintenance of goodwill between community and school are also vital-not merely as a face-saving device. No worth-while teaching can be done by a teacher whose spontaneity and zest have been smothered. No leadership can be provided by a headmaster whose self-respect has been undermined and whose initiative has been stifled. To be always feeling that bureaucracy's minions are there behind you, breathing on your neck may ensure that rules and regulations are observed. But dynamism and creativity wilt and perish in such a milieu.
The state is at best a trustee for the community, deriving power from the people and ultimately answerable to them. It will yield to pressure from below-from parents, civic leaders, teachers' unions. And it is time these parties gave thought to this menace of naked and crude statism in education. There are humaner and more civilised modes in which a democratic state can organise, operate and regulate education.

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PARENTS, TEACHERS AND SCHOOLS
Recently there was published in England a report known as the Plowden Report on Primary Education, which has received high praise in the columns of the New Statesman. It is described as a Handbook on the upbringing of children from birth to adolescence. It avoids generalisations and goes down to cases, insisting that differences in sex, age, locality, etc. should be recognised and taken into account in educational planning and day to day schooling. The parent should not be regarded as a necessary evil, to be humoured and kept in his proper place. The report lays it down that the parent of every child should meet the child's class-teacher and the head teacher before the child is admitted; there should be private talks between class-teacher and parent twice in the school year and parents who avoid the school should somehow be induced to change their ways.
Handicapped areas should receive preferential treatment. They should receive more money and the number of pupils in a class should be smaller than elsewhere. Teachers in such areas should receive higher pay: £ 120 is the figure recommended and these schools should receive priority in staff replacement.
The community should be drawn into participation in the life of the school. Parents, social workers, other interested adults should be called upon to help, presumably in extra-curricular enterprises, in order to make life a little less wearisome to over-strained teachers.
Managers should be chosen from persons who show interest in the school-neighbours, parents, friends whose concern for the school is beyond question and who are ready to argue on the school's behalf with the educational authority.
Corporal punishment should under no circumstances be inflicted and independent schools that disregard this rule should be denied registration.
The composition of the Commission was also somewhat unusual-University professors, teachers at all levels, administrators, sociologists, housewives, all found a place.

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I am told the report is a bulky tome and I have not seen it.
I don't suppose England is very different from Ceylon in dealing with reports by commissions. Most of them probably lie in cold storage as in Ceylon. Commissions are generally appointed to head off some agitation or other. By the time the report is published, the public has a new grievance and the time is ripe for a new commission. All the same it has been a refreshing experience to find a report, so down-to-earth and making a valiant effort to cut education off from the entanglements of protocol and red tape.

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WHAT IS DISCIPLINE 2
Discipline has once again become the country's theme song. Ministers, other politicians, people who write letters to newspapers are crying their hearts out over the collapse of discipline, particularly among the young.
What is this thing called discipline of which the press and platform are so full today, that my mind has never comprehended ? Does it mean the imposition of a superior's will on those over whom he exercises authority and the unquestioning acceptancc by the latter of whatever is said or done by this same superior? Does this acceptance have anything to do with an intelligent understanding of the superior's orders? Or is it merely a matter of law or status or mere helplessness?
Of course no society or group can last even for a day if every one is a law unto himself and attempts to gratify all his impulses with a total disregard of other people's needs and rights. Are there not certain norms always acknowledged but seldom explicitly formulated that account for the cohesion and more or less smooth functioning of every social group? And do these norms that shape the conduct of individuals possess an eternal validity? Or do they become modified in process of time by the impact of influences from outside-norms of other groups, changes in technology which often condemn old values to the scrap-heap and effect revolutionary changes in men's notions and behaviour? And does not the general mobility not merely of man but of man's ideas that is characteristic of the contemporary world, have an impact on the minds of young and old alike, producing a seething ferment? And does not this ferment, particularly in the minds of the young, often engender a discontent with old ways, which after a period of bewilderment, questioning and uneasy conformity, explode in open revolt? Have these things anything to do with this much-publicised notion of discipiine? Is 'discipline' an end in itself, a divinity to be adored in its own right, or a means necessary for pursuing and achieving worthwhile values? And does 'discipline the peculiar obligation of the under-dog, impose any obligation on those who sit in the seats of authority also

ARIYANAYAGAM
Edwin Williams Ariyanayagam was E. A. Williams when first knew him. He was the first-born of a parson and was himself meant for the Christian Ministry. On completing his high school education in Jaffna College, he went to Serampore for theological studies and from there went to England on a Y. M. C. A. assignment. It was his English sojourn, I believe, that changed the direction of his life. Not that he repudiated his Christian beliefs or forsook his ministerial vocation. Marxist ideology had not then begun to fill young people's minds with its revolutionary content. Nor had young intellectuals from the colonies fallen under the spell of Laski and Tawney in the London School of Economics. Intelligent and sensitive young men from Britain's colonies who went to England for higher studies felt deeply humiliated by the hegemony that Britain exercised over their homelands and saw with shame and bitterness that the colonial elite who aped the manners of the rulers, professed admiration for their culture and way of life, often affecting contempt for the speech and faith and mores of their people, were sinning against the self-respect of their own kith and kin. While a later generation of expatriate students like N. M. Perera, Colvin de Silva, Leslie Goonawardene and Philip Goonawardene came home imbued with Marxist doctrine, Ariyanayagam, Kularatne and Suntharalingam who were in Britain about the same time seem to have built their hopes on education as the instrument of national regeneration. Ananda College was Kularatne's chosen vehicle for rehabilitating Buddhism and Sinhala culture. Perhaps it was not youthful quixotry that made Suntharalingam abandon a soft berth and rosy prospects in the Civil Service and accept the Vice-Principalship of Ananda. As to why Ariyanayagam chose India for his labours, one can only speculate. May be he felt that it would be hard for a committed Christian like himself to make any impact in a country that was predominantly Buddhist and Hindu. Perhaps he was drawn to Tagore and Gandhi by the idealistic glow of their educational philosophies. It may even be that these two

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seers who beckoned away from the beaten track had a peculiar appeal to him. Of one thing we can be certain. He sought no career for himself. His talents and his knowledge he wanted to dedicate to human service.
A six-footer, slender and handsome, with hardly an ounce of superfluous flesh in his taut frame, he girdled the globe looking for new ideas and spreading the gospel first of Shantiniketan and then of Wardha. Russia, America, Great Britain, Malaya and many other lands he traversed in his life. Lately he settled down in Sevagram, Wardha, engaged in the unexciting labours of defining the concepts and refining the techniques of Basic Education. Learning by doing is old and sound educational doctrine, more often applauded than practised. Gandhiji added a new dimension to this thesis-learning by doing something useful to the doer, or the community. What is called 'Work Experience today is the Gandhian doctrine in practice. Tagore's plea against regimentation and for the child's freedom to pursue ends chosen by itself is even now a distant dream, although most of us, in theory endorse this philosophy. Tagore's and Gandhiji's uncompromising demand for the mother tongue has borne fruit both in India and Ceylon.
I was in frequent touch with Ariyanayagam and whenever he visited Ceylon, I succeeded in persuading him to address some group or other-the Youth Congress, a Teachers' Union or some other group. In the early days, particularly when addressing mixed groups containing non-Tamil speakers, he did speak in English. But latterly he seldom used English while, addressing Tamil speakers. Over twenty years ago, I had arranged for him to address a teachers' union and made the mistake of asking him in what language he intended to speak and received a stern dresssing down for my pains. Shrimathi Asha Devi, his wife, also spoke on that occasion and proved herself a hotter gospeller-if that is possible-for the mother tongue and Basic Education. She is a Bengali and had to use English,
Ariyanayagam like others of his generation was English educated and had an effective and fluent command of English. His knowledge of Tamil was streaky and his style halting and colloquial. Yet to a Tamil audience he would speak only in Tamil.

مسي 55 حسس.
Proposing the vote of thanks to the speakers on that occasion,
I pointed to the similarity between the Webbs-Sidney and Beatrice-and the Ariyanayagams. Both couples were indefatigable workers, possessed by a single purpose, living for that one purpose alone, and in the process man and wife had achieved a merger of personalities. How the two Webbs thought and felt as one has passed into folklore. The cause they served and for which they laboured through a long life was Fabian Socialism. With the Ariyanayagams it was Basic Education,

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A FREE PRESS IN A DEMOCRACY Democracy A Growing Concept
Ever since the concept of democracy found expression it has also been found that democracy has no rigid frontiers. Changes in human history have affected the concept of democracy. Laissez faire which dominateddemocratic thinking in the nineteenth century has been either partially or fully abandoned. Living conditions of the working population, child labour, unconscionable hours and conditions of work which were all traceable to uncontrolled competition without any manner of social regulation or control, laid bare the defects of laissez faire; and democracy which was at one time identified with laissez faire had to accommodate itself to the concept of the State intervening in the life of private individuals and corporations. Even America which is regarded as the last stronghold of capitalism and free enterprise, has to recognize the limitations of private enterprise. President Roosevelt's New Deal and President Johnson's Poverty Programme and Medicare i. e. Free Medical Provision for the aged, are instances of State intervention in the spheres previously held as outside the purview of government. Therefore when today we think of democracy and individual rights we cannot ignore the inroads the State has made into this realm which was once regarded as sacrosanct. Every freedom man enjoys is relative. It has to take account of society's i.e. other people's rights and needs.
Therefore freedom of the Press itself is not an unconditioned freedom. Before examining the proper limitation to Press freedom it would be worthwhile to find out why freedom of the Press is made much of in democratic thought. Freedom of the Press is only an extension to the right of free speech. It is as natural for man to speak, as it is for a dog to bark or for a cock to crow. But neither dogs nor cocks seem to be aware of the rights of other dogs or other cocks. Man, however, has to give heed to the rights of others like himself and of the society of which he is a unit; apart from man's natural tendency to express his thoughts and feelings in speech, words are the instruments of persuasion that man ordinarily resorts to. Therefore free speech serves a social purpose in addition to being a normal human need.

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Democracy-Government by Persuasion
It would be useful to remember at this stage that often democracy is defined as government by persuasion. Although every government has to resort to force when other methods fail, no government can or does rely on force alone to carry out its purposes; particularly in governments which are committed to democracy persuasion has to play a decisive role. But persuasion moves in two directions: while the government seeks to persuade the citizens, the citizens also often try to persuade governments. A free Press which is sensitive to the needs of the community and throws its columns open for the expression of various points of view is among the principal instruments of persuasion available to the citizens of a free country. Of course it is well known that verbal persuasion does not always succeed in achieving its purpose. Employers of labour, both private and public, are known often to be deaf to the most eloquent appeals for enhanced wages; and verbal appeals have to be re-inforced by strikes or strike threats. But even when strikes or threats are successful, verbal persuasion is not expendable. Negotiations must take place during strikes and when settlement is under consideration. Therefore even when other modes of persuasion like strikes, lockouts, demonstrations, etc. are resorted to, the democratic process cannot do without free speech.
The Modern Newspaper
Newspapers as we know them are a recent development. Newsletters and News sheets were in existence in Elizabethan England; but their purpose was strictly to convey news, i. e. information about events, Comment on national policy or governmental activities, criticism of government departments, etc. became regular journalistic phenomena only in the nineteenth century. Absolutist rulers took good care to see that their actions were screened from public view. It was only when the base of government was gradually broadened that criticism of national affairs became possible. But it would be an error to suppose that criticism of government and its activities is the only or chief function of newspapers in a democracy. Governmental activity is now impinging on the citizen's life at many points-free education subsidized school textbooks, rationed clothing, free midday,

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meals for school children came under the ambit of governmental functions in Ceylon only during the last quarter century. It is not only that government's functions have grown in numbers but theories of government and details of administration have become more complex and sophisticated. Therefore in democratic countries the better kind of newspapers like the “ Guardian" and the “Times' in England, the “Hindu' in Madras and the “New York Times' in America, employ experts in fields like Economics, Sociology, Political Science, International Relations, etc. to study problems as they arise from day to day and disseminate information to their readers. The time has gone by when a citizen could rely on his horse-sense in order to carry out his civic responsibilities; nor has he the time and the intellectual equipment to carry out intensive research into economics, psychology, etc. He has to rely on whatever information he can glean from the Press. But it is not only in respect of the serious concerns of life that men and women seek enlightenment from news-papers and magazines. The proper use of leisure is becoming an increasingly complex problem in the affluent society; sports and pastimes, excursions, fashions are also topics on which society seeks enlightenment from newspapers. In fact the average citizen reads his newspaper not so much for its editorial point of view as for the information on various matters which engage his interest.
Debate
The function of newspapers in the democratic process is not exhausted by being merely vehicles of information. In all countries where the form and substance of democracy thrive vigorously, newspapers provide a forum for debate. Public discussions and criticism are the means democracy employs to arrive at truth; exposure of political fallacies on the theoretical side and of corruption and malpractices in the working of political institutions, reveals the vitality of democracy in any particular country. These functions are often performed by newspapers on their own. They also provide a forum for individuals to lay bare shortcomings on the part of governments That governments are not indifferent to public criticism is seen from the fact that government spokesmen themselves issue press statements defending or explaining government's attitude and actions. It is well known that in England

--سے 59 --
a letter to the “Times' or the “Guardian' by some influential personality on some important issue is a political event of national and, even international significance. Such a letter often produces the desired response from the appropriate quarters. If the letter is concerned about public policy or some government department, government generally investigates the complaintor sets in motion its machinery for redress. Also some spokesman on behalf of the government seize an early opportunity to present the government's point of view. Free exchange of opinion and public debate, however, are not confined to political questions only. Scientific, philosophical and social questions are also debated in newspapers. Of course popular newspapers may not be the appropriate vehicles for such discussions. There are specialized journals for the various disciplines; but it is not unusual for daily newspapers like the London “Times' and the Madras * Hindu' and weekly journals of opinion like the “New Statesman' and the Spectator, to provide opportunities for philosophic and scientific debate. Ventilation of grievances, exposure of corruption and inefficiency, evaluation of political theories, assessment of success or failure in government projects are among the functions the newspapers are called upon to perform in a democracy. The prerequisites for the effective discharge of these functions are a public that shows concern for these matters and newspapers that are free to speak the truth and have the courage to incur the wrath of the high and mighty.
Democracy not Based on Revelation
Democracy is not founded on divine revelation whose eternal validity is guaranteed or on the utterance of an inspired prophet. Among the pre-suppositions underlying the democratic attitude is a belief that truth in any sphere, whether theoretical or practical, is learned only by a process of debate, experiment, analysis, trial and error. Therefore the purpose and processes of government are not immune from criticism and scrutiny. Since today government's influence and responsibility reach out to nearly every department of individual and social life, the need for vigilance lest government overstep its proper limits and arrogate to itself powers and privileges that do violence to the citizen's conscience and his rights, is all the greater than ever before. An apathetic and docile body of citizens who succumb

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without demur to threats or blandishments of government is perhaps the deadliest foe to democracy.
Although it is presumed that in a democracy every citizen keeps a watchful eye on governmental activity and lifts his voice in protest whenever he thinks he has detected a wrong or an injustice, the truth is that the majority of human beings believe only in giving and getting, buying and selling, and eating and sleeping. It is no doubt true that now and again swayed by a charismatic or demagogic leader or when some crisis occurs that touches them deeply, people shake off this complacency and throw themselves into paroxysms of fervour. But this is exceptional and the salt of the earth are few; and it falls to their lot to be concerned not merely for themselves but for their féllow-men as well. It is they who are stung by injustice and oppression and raise their voices in protest or rise in revolt. Freedom of speech and freedom of opinion mean more to such people than to the generality of mankind. If they too should be deprived of the means to articulate their protests effectively democracy will perish.
Contradiction
I can imagine someone at this stage wondering whether there is not a contradiction in this argument: when democracy is defined as government by the people how can there be any conflict between government and the people? The contradiction can occur only to those who are naive enough to identify the verbal definition of a political concept with a political reality. Lincoln's definition of democracy has not yet been realized even in his homeland, as has been spotlighted by recent events in America. Politics is fundamentally a quest for power and democracy with its reliance on the rule of law seeks to soften this struggle and to impose a measure of restraint upon it. In practice, democracy is rule by the majority, for except in times of grave national emergency unanimity is impossible to achieve; and apart from ideological cleavages which form the basis of party politics, in nearly every country there are minority groups, ethnic, religious, linguistic, etc. which have not been integrated into the nation and are victims of open or concealed oppression.

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The Negro in America is an outstanding instance of a minority always handicapped and discriminated against. What happened in our own country when a linguistic majority blatantly relying on the strength of its numbers imposed its language as the country's official language and the tale of riots, arson, murder and every manner of brutality that have left deep scars on the entire nation, need only to be mentioned. These are only glaring instances of a malady which afflicts democracy everywhere. Besides majorities exploiting their numerical strength to build up power and prestige by humiliating minority groups, there are also in the world 'democracies where powerful minority groups entrenched in authority have disfranchised under-privileged majorities. In South Africa and Southern Rhodesia white colonialists are using their superior skill, industrial efficiency, knowledge, culture and racial solidarity to keep the indigenous blacks in perpetual servitude, and ensure that problems do not exist or are only minimal; democracy in practice has revealed many flaws. Direct democracy where all the citizens personally participate in the process of government is impossible in any modern nation. The only viable alternative is representative democracy. The country is divided into units called constituencies, each of which is entitled to send one or more representatives to the legislature. The basic objection to this mode of government is that no one can genuinely think, feel and speak for another, and much less for a multitude. This objection is perhaps academic and in any case insuperable. There are however other criticisms that go to the root of the principle of representative democracy. Unanimity is certainly impossible at the national level and very nearly so in constituencies as well, with the result that majority rule is the best that can be hoped for. Therefore there is always an unrepresented minority in the nation; and a victorious political party can be as vindictive as an alien conqueror. It can also happen-it has sometimes happened-that a party is able to secure a majority of seats in the legislature while the popular vote has gone against it. So it often comes to pass that the representatives of the minority in the country are exercising authority over the whole nation. Attempts have been made through devices like Proportional Representation, Federalism Regional Autonomy, etc. to remedy these defects arising from the mal-functioning of democracy in practice.

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Conflict between Ruler and Ruled
However, even when the best of governments is installed in the seats of power, an area of conflict between the rulers and the ruled will persist. The mere fact that one is exercising authority transforms his attitude; the noble sentiments expressed and the deep convictions felt before the assumption of power become pale and shadowy gradually losing their dynamism. It is a commonplace of human experience that when a 'friend of the poor becomes a member of the government, the distance between him and his former friends grows greater and greater. Egalitarians who proclaim universal brotherhood, once they are invested with power perhaps unconsciously assume the poses and habits of the bureaucracy. Anthony Greenwood, one time Vice President of the Committee for Nuclear Disarmament in Britain is today a member of Harold Wilson's Cabinet which does not seem to have any intention of going non-nuclear in the near future. Rajagopalachari who as Chief Minister of Madras introduced Hindi into the schools of the area -a step which provoked riots and demonstrations all over the province--is today a leading opponent of Hindi. Incidentally, among the persons thrown into jail on that occasion by Rajagopalachari's government is Ramasami Naicker who is his comrade in arms today. To come nearer home, politicians who faced the opprobrium of their own people for their steadfast championship of the minority rights are now said to be using “ thosai ' 'vadai' and “gingili oil' as political ammunition. One finds it hard to believe that so brief a sojourn in the corridors of power could so swiftly undermine the integrity of men whose chief glory was their almost reckless devotion to principle. My intention in mentioning these facts is not to taunt these inestimable personages with inconsistency or opportunism. Men's ideas change according to whether they are top-dogs or underdogs. People exercising authority do develop certain attitudes and few of us can withstand the insidious influence that steals insensibly upon us day by day as we sit in the seats of power. This is what political scientists call “bureaucratic distortion' i. e. distortion of perspective and function brought about by involvement in the mechanism of bureaucracy. It should now be evident that there would always be need for protest against, and criticism of, bureaucracy in the interests of the citizen.

- 63 - Democracy not Perfect
Democracy certainly is not a perfect form of government. But to speak of a perfect form of government is to beg many questions. e. g.:
(1) Perfect from whose polnt of view? (2) What is the standard of evaluation? (3) Who is qualified to sit in judgement?
Therefore leaving the question of perfection aside, democracy has these conspicuous virtues.
(1) It embodies certain values like the recognition (a) of the worth of human beings, qua human beings (b) of everyman's right to some kind of say as to how he shall be governed. It lays stress on equality before the law and on equality of opportunity for everyone to develop his capacities. Of course everyone knows how imperfectly these values have borne fruit in man's day to day life.
(2) No other form of government has been evolved that in any worthwhile sense offers promise of greater fulfilment to the ordinary man's needs. Its defects in practice are obvious. I remember reading somewhere that E. M. Forster said that he would only give two cheers (instead of the usual three) to democracy. His reservation is probably due to his impatience with democracy's palpable failure to live up to its promises. But the adaptations and refinements both in the theory and practice of democracy which are going on all the time give us hope that its present short-comings can be minimised if not totally eliminated. Politics has been defined as the art of the possible'; but what is possible changes from day to day and from age to age. Therefore to dream dreams of a day when the little man will not be exposed to the not so tender mercies of Big Brother is not entirely futile.
Need for Criticism and Protest
There are political philosophers who look forward to the “ withering away of the State' as the consummation of the process where capitalism will be superseded by socialism and socialism by communism. There are also those who foresee

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the emergence of a non-political State, i. e. a state whose one function is administration. The State machinery will be like an executive committee carrying out the various essential functions which presumably would have already been defined by a consensus among them. Till this happy state of affairs envisaged in these forecasts comes true we have to make do with the kind of States that are with us here and now ; and these States we may be Sure will be far from perfect for a long time to come.
The function of a Free Press in this context is clear. Dissemination of political knowledge, criticism of the status quo, exposure of shams, appeals to conscience undermining the complacency of the oppressor and making him uncomfortable, are among the functions a vigilant public opinion can perform to make the bureaucracy responsive to the views of the citizen. The role of the Press in this context can be influential and decisive.
Facts Sacred : Comment Free'
““ Facts are sacred : comment is free ”. This dictum of C. P. Scott, editor of the Manchester Guardian for 50 years, sums up the functions of a newspaper that is true to its mission. To report facts accurately and truthfully is the ethical demand that Scott makes of newspapers. Expression of opinion on, these facts is the prerogative of the writer. Honest opinion however opposed to accepted values is often a sacred duty imposed by the writer's conscience. Facts, however are not so hard and clear-cut as Scott seems to assume. Physical facts like the existence and location of a mountain or a tree can be easily verified and a consensus established ; but political "facts', aesthetic 'facts', theological facts, are matters of everyday experience. Workers and employers, mothers-in-law and daughters-in-law, adherents of various political, economic, psychological and philosophical schools, are all the time dispating each other's " facts'. To pursue this topic further will take one too far afield. Only it should be borne in mind that one should not run away with the belief that “ facts are easily perceived and beyond controversy. Yet Scott’s dictum is i a useful and workable code for newspapers. What the public expect of them is honest reportage of what has happened. Distortion

سست شy}
of facts on account of partisanship is a common enough crime in the newspaper world. For one reason or another facts are twisted out of shape. Not long ago I was involved in an episode which had international repercussions. Shri Kapur, Indian High Commissioner in Ceylon, visited Jaffna last year for the inauguration of the Ceylon-India Friendship Society. There was a public meeting and a dinner under the auspices of the society. Later Shri Kapur entertained some people to tea. The report of these functions that the Daily News carried was inaccurate, untrue in parts, and implausible. In addition to this news story there was a violent leading article attacking Shri Kapur for transgressing the canons of diplomatic good form and me who presided at the dinner for disloyalty to Ceylon. It is remarkable, by-the-by, that the Daily News wrote two leading articles on the same day, one for thc city edition and one for the provincial cdition-the article in the city edition being a little less inflammatory. I issued a statement which was published in the Daily News and the other English language papers. The Daily News appended an editorial note which expressed no regret for the factual errors and ended by reiterating the charge that my remarks at the dinner were derogatory. I did not pursue the matter furthcr, for if a further communication from me had been published another editorial note to thc effect that the editor preferred to believe in the truthfulness of their correspondent who had been present at the proceedings and taken down notes on the spot, would have appeared. Of course I could have sought my remedy in the courts; but could I have afforded the costs of litigating against the most powerful newspaper group in Ceylon?
Neither Philanthropists nor Crusaders
Newspaper proprietors are neither philanthropists nor crusaders hungering and thirsting after righteousness. Theirs is a business enterprise which should yield profits. The bulk of their revenue comes from advertisers whose goodwill they should woo and win and keep by following policies acceptable to them. The proprietors also want to build influence and prestige for thenselves. Therefore their sympathies will naturally lie with the high and the mighty. Papers which espouse the cause of the under-privileged seldom survive their infancy. The Daily Herald, the official organ of the Labour Party in England ceased to exist
5

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under that name a short while ago and reappeared with a new name-the Sun under a new management. According to the latest information it seems to be on the way out for good and all. To launch a daily newspaper today is possible only for a rich corporation or a multi-millionaire. Therefore the position enjoyed by established newspapers is what is known today as an oligo-poly limited to a few. New ventures challenging their power and prestige seldom succeed in finding their feet. individuals who receive unfair treatment from these papers are powerless to obtain redress for in most countries there is no reinedy except litigation which can well drive a rash litigant to pauperism.
Press Council
This is not a problem peculiar to Ceylon. While frcc dom of speech and every other freedom is a precious need of the human condition there at c also other values that democracy should safeguard. One of these is justice or freed m from persecution and victimization. The modcrn state seeks to providc justice for the workcr through labour legislation and for other under-privileged groups and individuals through the agencics of the welfare state. So it may well be asked why the state should not take over the newspapers and run them for the benefit of the community. The answer to this question has been given at some length in my second article. Suffice it here to say that a state monopoly in communications can, and probably will, degenerate into thought control and other odious forms of tyranny, Freedom by definition means freedom to do good or evil. That freedom can be used for evil ends is inherent in the very concept of freedom. That it can bc so used is a risk freedom lovers cannot escape. Public opinion by itself is often powerless to enforce its demands on the press. Individuals arc helpless. Therefore it is necessary that a state agency should bc available before which the aggrieved parties can lay their grievances and obtain redress. Great Britain has created a Press Council which is by no means an innocuous paper-tiger: its membership embraces the public, working journalists as well as newspaper proprietors. Its present chairman is Lord Delvin, a retired Lord of Appeal in Ordinary. It has a right to summon proprictors, working journalists or anybody else whose testimony is needed, It has rapped on the knuckles Snooping journalists who invaded

بس۔ 67 ستہ
the privacy of citizens. It has censured editors and proprietors. The prestige of its personnel is generally sufficient to enforce its decisions. The following incident illustrates the respect in which the Press Council is held. Professor D. W. Brogan wrote a review of the Warren Commission's Report on President Kennedy's assassination, in the Encounter. One Mr. Mark Lane who disagreed with Professor Brogan wrote a letter to the Encounter challenging Brogan's conclusions. On finding that the Encounter haud not published his letter in its January 1965 number, Mr. Lane placed the matter before the Press Council and the Press Council took it up with the Encounter. The editor of the magazine pointed out to thc Press Council that the January issue had gone to press a week before Mr. Lane's letter was written and as evidence of their intention to publish Mr. Lane's letter they sent both to the Press Council and Mr. Lane the galley proof of Mr. Lane's letter. The role of the Press Council in England and the influence it wields suffice to show that a State-owned Press is not the only remedy for the ills of private ownership. In England there is also the practice of influential journals like the New Statesman and the Spectator publishing a weekly review of the daily press dealing out bouquets and brick-bats with an impartial hand. Even national dailies like The Times and The Guardian give heed to these evaluations and take pains to set the record straight when need arises. Francis Williams writes a weekly column in the New Statesman entitled Fleet Street. In the March 26 issue he took the national press to task for its failure to carry information on the torture and ill-treatment of political detainees in Ghana. He also pointed out that they had failed to condemn these acts of barbarism. Immediately the cditor of the Guardian wrote to the New Statesman pointing out that Francis Williams was in error.
When one pleads for the freedom of the press one does so not because one believes that pressmen are angels incapable of thinking or speaking or doing evil. That newspaper proprietors and their underlings are often corrupt, venal, and generally on the side of thc Establishment in a fact; but even a press with

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all these imperfections is better than a state controlled press, A Press Council on the British model, perhaps with more bite and manned by persons whose integrity is above suspicion and whose prestige is nation wide can provide a remedy to parties who have had a raw deal from the Press. Providing relief to aggrieved individuals need not be the sole function of the Council. lapses of taste, disregard of the decencies of public debate, general failure to observe accepted standards too, can come under the purview of such a Council.

MISSIONARIES, MILITANCY AND MINORITY TAMILS
I have enjoyed close friendships with people of most castesBrahmin, Vellala, Koviya, Fisher, Washerman, Tapper. None of them, though honestly progressive, seemed anxious to eradicate the caste system in toto. Their reservation referred especially to marriage. The radicalism of the better placed stopped just short of marriage. The egalitarianism of the not so well-placed also faded when it came to marriage. The former were bent on preventing misalliances', the latter were most eager to promote them.
Inter-dining on public occasions or in public places, equal seating in schools and on public occasions, temple entry, equal access to public amenities, equality of opportunity in the public services, both groups endorse most genuinely without any manner of reservation. Although extra-marital relations between the sexes have always ignored caste, formal marriage is another matter. I know recently a few inter-caste marriages have occurred. But they are unions where the bride and groom made their own choices without reference to the families and sometimes in the face of bitter opposition from parents and kin. I am afraid that arranged marriages between people of different castes with the consent and co-operation of family and kin are even today only a distant dream, for every marriage gives one party or the other the ghance to do at least a little bit of social climbing. A doctor or an engineer or member of the adminstrative service is so attrative as a prospective son-in-law that papa, mamma and others are able to overlook minor social shortcomings and the groom's parents may even overlook dowry and polish and looks in their eagerness to enhance their status even fractionally; for there is implicit in Jaffna's social structure an infinite series of gradations where distinctions are worked out to three and four decimal places. It is these intra-caste evaluations of high and not so high that sway the scale in marriages, where the elders have a decisive say. This preoccupation with minor shades of difference is not peculiar to the "higher castes alone,

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Our society is not quite rural, nor quite urban. It seems to me to be much more rural than urban in some respects. Family loyalties and responsibilities are not strong and family public opinion is more often than not, the decisive factor in the choice of a mate. With co-education in school and university and greater freedom of movement for grown-up girls and the emergence of a growing body of working girls, the pattern is changing. But even when the choice is made by the boy and the girl, seldom do they stray beyond their castes and when parents disapprove, it is not often because of caste differences, but on the score of insufficient dowry or on grounds of high and low within the caste. Therefore as far as marriage is concerned, the prospects for loosening the bonds of caste seem rather remote.
In other spheres, the chances of improvement seem rosier. Thanks to mass communication, all the world knows what is happening in any corner of the world. The Black Power phenomenon in America and the enduring militancy of Black America have without doubt influenced the attitudes of the underprivileged in our midst. But that is only one part of the story and perhaps not the most significant. Conditions were ripe for the emergence of a militant campaign. Quite a number of Minority Tamils had gone to school and university and in the process their social awareness had been deepened and their economic conditions improved. The tree tax system has enabled large numbers from the tapper castes to cast of their economic shackles and the social philosophy now prevailing in Jaffna is more accommodating than it was at any other time. The concern of caste Hindus about temple entry may or may not be due entirely to disinterested humanitarianism; but it is real and is not likely to stop with lip service. May be, the threatened invasions of saffron-robed missionaries from the South have heightened local concernMissionaries also exploit dissensions in the ranks of those whose souls they are determined to save and proselytizers are seldom scrupulous about the means they employ. The would be converts of today are also canny and would want an adequate quid pro quo for their “ change of heart”. I doubt very much whether such an attractive reward will be forthcoming. It did not need Dr. Godakumbara's letter to the press to show that Sinhalese

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Buddhist society after all is not so very different from its Tamil. Hindu counterpart. Nor does it matter very much that neither the missionaries nor the targets of their benevolence seem utterly indifferent to the relative merits of Saivism and Buddhism as roads to salvation. There are precedents galore for such business like conversion. The real snag in the proposed deal is that the minority Tamils want to hold their heads high in their communities. They want to be accepted on terms of equality. in their society and in their neighbourhood: everyone wishes to cut a figure among the people who know him. To be received on terms of equality by Buddhist Sinhalese is very poor consolation for the alienation that would follow on their embracing Buddhism while continuing to live in the midst of Hindus. This sense of not belonging with one's people will not be compensated for by any recognition bestowed by others whose habitat is hundreds of miles away; and there is no guarantee whatsoever that such recognition would be granted. There are among the Sinhalese today one or two castes which are believed to have been originally Tamil. In course of time their descendants have become Sinhalese Buddhists, but they continue to be known by their old names And as everyone knows, candidates for full ordination to the Sanga who belong to these castes are excluded from the Siamese Order.
To my thinking, the chances of amelioration are more promising now than ever before; underprivileged people do not become militant unless they are utterly desperate or they somehow sense that militancy will pay dividends. This is true of America. It is true of Jaffna also. Along with new-born militancy, they have now acquired greater self-confidence than they possessed ever before. They are no longer dependent on "highborn do-gooders and are relying on themselves to gain their ends. So their campaign has today an immediacy and urgency that it did not have earlier, and this urgency has infected others as well. The efforts now being made to throw temple doors open to every one are no mere gestures. The people involved mean business,

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VANISHED OR VANISHING
As is natural to one who is on the brink of the Psalmist's three score and ten, my mind often goes back to my boyhood and the pattern of life that prevailed then. Rice was then not a must in people's daily dietary. Kurakkan and varagu were grown in Manipay fields, millet safirits) was raised in Suthumalai a bare three quarter mile from Manipay. Various kinds of yam - chirukilanku (6ìg)! 9ìự) tải 35), mullankilanku (Gp ảy quaằ: 6ìgp tảiớ5), Vallikilanku (6Qu 6it Gif?#;9ôyp fäi 35) and king yam (gaQuttTgFaQu6ir 6if?) were cultivated in the red soil belt (GaribLit G). Of these only king yam seems to have retained its old place. Various palmyra products-- the fruit itself exposed to heat or soaked in a slightly acid concoction called kadi (d. It g) was often the morning meal: the suckers sun dried and pounded into flour was made into pittu (619.tu fi Lil' 5.) or kool (Ji, b) a thick soup with the flour as base and enriched by vegetables, particularly tender jak and cow-pea, fish, crabs, pravns, etc. Although much travelled gourmets like Poet Tambi muttu and short story. writer Subramaniam have sung its praises, kool has lost its place in the Jaffna man's dietary. The day's left over rice was preserved in cold water to serve as morning meal. The housewife's last chore every night was to pour water over left over rice. Panattu (Lu (G9L46) either dripping with jaggery syrup ( uT GODifi) or in its primitive form was a relish that went well with cold rice. (பழஞ்சோறு).
Status Synbols
Of course people did buy vegetables or grow them. But they also found them in hedges and back gardens. Greens which I ate as a boy have not even been seen by my children, for they are not sold in markets. Leafy vegetables, it seems to me, were eaten in greater abundance then than now-musuttai (முசுட்டை), mullai (முல்லை), kovwai (கொவ்வை), karai (காரை), murungai (QLp(u ši GI) 35), chandi (F6ř7 g.), mosumosukkai (GotDT 3Fr Gudit did 60) 5) are some of the leaves that I remember eating as curry or varai (a 60fp) or pachchadi (uds LL) or ingredients in kool or pulikanchi (Lailis 5655). In those days even rich people did not disdain these foods, No one's dietary was exclusively

عبسے۔ 73 سیسہ
rice centred. Wheat was an urban exotic which occasionally
found its way into rural spots. Today rice and wheat have dislodged their rustic predecessors. They are not merely food.
They are also status symbols.
While I am writing this I am haunted by a fear. Am I generalising from my experience of my middle class kin and acquaintances? Of course they are not scientific conclusions derived from a statistical survey. But the middle class are trendmakers and pace setters and what they do today will be done by others tomorrow.
It is not merely our food habits that have changed. Our pastimes and amusements also have suffered change. The Chittirai (Sd 560) D.) New Year was a festive season for young and old. Coconut fighting (Guit gig) filled the land. In nearly every garden there was at least one tree that bore nuts of the quality needed for this sport--(GLITri un Ub). In every village there were a few trees whose nuts enjoyed a special reputation for hardihood and which were in high demand. Small boys challenged their neighbours and the victor enjoyed a short hour of triumph. But it was far from a children's game. Adults from one village often met their counterparts from a neighbouring village and the competition was bitter. The competition was calied a pangam (L. Iš 35ti) and each side a massed thousands of nuts and sturdy men were chosen to break the adversary's coconuts and the side whose entire armoury was not smashed was the victor. This contest often took place near a temple and the broken nuts were given to the temple to be used for making oil for the temple inceds. It was believed that Galle produced very powerful nuts and those who had friends or relatives got down nuts from there for use in those contests. During the last twenty five years or so I have not seen even little boys trying to smash each others's nuts.
Temple Festivals
The rainless Ymonths-from March to August-lent themselves to outdoor activity. This was and is the time of high festivals in our temples. One feature of these festivals that enthralled the young were the kavadis ( di Tahlig). Genteel folks who had made vows just walked under the yoke while their retainers

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did the actual carrying. But to many it was a fine art. When there was a dance kavadi (ai,537 did, Taig) to be taken, the party taking it underwent a rigorous training lasting for months. An Annavi (sycist (696) was engaged who taught the correct steps and drilled the performers in every detail of movement and stance. During the 15 days of festivals in the temple near my home devotees bearing kavadis of all descriptions-Aatakavadi (SL - ö. 51T6A/q-), Koothukavadi (snög å sist Guq.), Chedilkavadi (Gdfig. distralig), escorted by relatives and friends would arrive at the temple from all directions. Today one would be lucky if he could see even one kavadi a day except on the last two days--the car festival and water cutting festival (giigish) when there is a fair sprinkling.
Probably there are more kavadis to Chellachchannithi, Maviddapuram and Nallur. But everywhere there has been a dwindling in the number of persons who vow kavadis and carry out the vow. Speaking of kavadis, I remember my astonishment at the diversity and abundance of kavadis I saw at one Tirukartigai (S6GB i SrT i š6 Gð). 35) festival at Kathirgamam. Kavadis of many shapes and sizes were there to see-small ones for tiny tots and adult size for their parents. Although I had read of Mrs. Bandaranaike's kavadi at the Lunawa temple, I first saw women carrying kavadis at Kathirgamam on this occasion. The most impressive kavadi that I saw then was the child kavadi (Lait&air jį 35 mranu.g.): It is not, as one might suppose, a kavadi carried by a child. Rather the child himself was the kavadi, Childless parents would make a vow to Murugan that if their barrenness should be cured, they would carry a child kava di to Kathirgamam; and when Murugan granted the boon, the father and mother carried the child to Murugan's sylvan shrine in a swinging contraption suspended from a pole resting on the shoulders of the parents. Quite a number (at least half) of the devotees who carried kavadis to Murugan were Sinhalese Buddhists. Kathirgamam's location in a wooded hill and the general landscape and atmosphere of the place discourage sophistication and elitism. Face to face with Nature in her rugged grandeur, man perhaps throws of the artificialities acquired in civilized society and at least for the duration of the pilgrimage, becomes a primal human being.

سس۔ 75 سب۔
This is an impressionist essay, without any pretension to scientific precision. I have been watching with interest the gradual Supersession of folk-ways and our mode of life by an urban, cosmopolitan scale of values and a way of life in accord with these values. I am no lugubrious moralist harking back to the simplicities and unsophisticated plain living of the “good old days'. I express no value judgement. I am only recording some of the changes that I believe I have seen come over Jaffna's values and way of life during the last half century.

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Sir William Jones, an Englishman who held high office in the East India Coimpany and was a member of Dr. Johnson's famous Literary Club is generally, and correctly, regarded as the father of Indo-European linguistics. While studying Sanskrit, he was struck by the obvious affinity between Sanskrit and most of the languages, living and dead, of Europe. When this was established, it was perhaps natural to assume that the other languages of India also were offshoots of Sanskrit. Few serious scholars hold this view any longer. But partly because Sanskrit had unmistakable kinship with the languages of Europe and partly because Sir William Jones' discovery of this kinship was publicised in Europe earlier, scholars like Pope, Caldwell, Taylor, Ellis had to carry on an uphill struggle to establish the existence of a distinct South Indian linguistic family embracing Tamil, Malayalam, Telugu, Canarese, Tulu, etc. Dr. B. E. Asher, Senior Lecturer in Linguistics in the University of Edinburgh, tells this story in some detail in his contribution to the book Tamil Studies Abroad-A Symposium edited by Xavier S. Thaninayagain Publishers: The International Association of Tamil Research.
The motivation of the original students of Tamil from Europe was largely practical. The Dutch, the French and the British had acquired political control over Tamil-speaking areas in India and Ceylon and their agents in these countries had to have a working knowledge of the language of the people over whom they exercised lordship. Then there were missionaries who had to win converts. They had to spread their 'glad tidings in an idion understood by the people. But both groups contained individuals whose intellectual equipment and aesthetic sensibility refused to be satisfied with a merely utilitarian approach. To quote Asher again, “Another motivation for applying oneself seriously to the study of Tamil appears, namely the spell it frequently cast over foreigners, as their knowledge of it increased.”
It is impossible to believe that Pope, Caldwell and Ellis (a Civil Servant and translator of the Kural), Ziegenbalg and Fabriçius (German missionaries at Tranquebar) (5 Trš 55 ubt.J (Tg),

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Roberto di Nobili and Constantine Beschi (Italian), did not succumb in varying degrees to this spell. I have heard it said that in Pope's epitaph, composed by himself, thc words. HE LOWED TAMIL are engraved in conspicuous characters. It is well known that the Tamils claim that the word Tamil itself means sweetness. The Tamil man's fondness for his mother tongue is natural enough and his attribution of sweetness to its sound may be regarded as a somewhat hyperbolic claim. But what is one to say when Karl Graul, who is described in this book as the greatest German Dravidologist of this century, says, “The Tamil language is, if well spoken, extremely pleasing to the ear: like Honey it is 2
The interest shown in Tamil by foreigners in the last century and carlic, where it was not purely utilitarian, was largely historical and linguistic, and when foreigners gave thought to Tamii literature, it was to the classics: the Kural, the Thiruyacaganı, the Saiya Siddhanta Sastras, etc. But the picture of contemporary concern in Tamil revealed by this book is totally different. The conferences held in Kuala Lumpur in 1966 and in Madras in 1968 under thic auspices of the International Association of Tamil Research, are both cause and effect of the world-wide interest now being given to Tamil. Although the impact of the D. M. K. in South India's cultural and political life and the events in eylon springing from the Sinhala Only Act of 1956, may seem purely local political episodes, there is little doubt in my mind that these events, stimulated world interest in the Tamil speaking people of South East Asia and necessarily in their language, literature and way of life. Naturally there is more concern and more effort in countries where there is a sizable Taihail speaking population. Ceylon and Malaysia in that order, are after South india, the chief areas, where Tamil has more than academic relevance and this is reflected by the space taken by these countries in this book. K. P. Ratnam and S. Withiananthan have done a thorough job in setting forth a comprehensive picture of past achievements and current activities. But Ratnam is guilty of two minor errors. The person who edited Tholkappij'an and Kalithokai was C. W. Thanotherampillai and not C. Y. Tha motheram

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pillai and the scholar who did the spade work for what eventually became the Sangath Thaniil Agarathy was not K. Kathiravetpillai but C. W. Kathiravetpillai. S. Singaravelu performs a similar service for Malaysia.
In Ceylon and Malaysia, Tamil belongs. But in countries like the USSR, USA and Czechoslovakia, scholars and centres of higher learning have of set purpose taken steps to study Tamil in depth. Literature, History, Grammar, Linguistics, Lexicography, Philosophy, Religion, Dialectology, Epigraphy are all to be found in the Tamil programme of one or other of these countries. In Czechoslovakia one Jarslov Vacek is working on an analytic study of some Pallava epigraphs. Kamil Zvelebil, Joint Secretary of the I. A. T. R. has been Assistant Professor of Dravidian Comparative Linguistics and Tamil Philology in Charles University from 1965. He has also done some writing on Subramania Bharati. Russia has published a Russian Tamil Dictionary to which is appended a Grammar of the Russian Language in Tamil, in order to help Tamils who want to study Russian. Other learned Russian publications are Colloquial Tamil and Its Dialects and A Short Account of the Development of Tamil Literature. After Ceylon and Malaysia, Russia seems to be the country most interested in Tamilology. Besides producing learned to mes on philosophy, linguistics, mythology, etc., Russians have also translated the works of 20th century writers like Chithambara Ragunathan, Puthu mai Pittan, K. V. Jeganathan and Alagirisamy. But the most interesting bit gleaned from this book is that two stories written by two Jaffna young men have been translated into Russian, K. Daniel's "About Those Whose Rice You Atc' and W. A. lirasaratnam's "A Boat'.
The USA is a late arrival in this field and her interest has been largely indirect. Tamil Nadu has figured in American studies in Anthropology, Political Science, History, etc. and at the time this book was written there seem to have been only three Universities-Pennsylvania, Chicago and California-offering instruction in Tamil.

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The last chapter of the book, written by Dr. Thaninayagam, is devoted to Tamil studies pursued in minor key in some other countries like Portugal, Spain, Italy, Japan, etc.
The book is made up of the Essays written by scholars in the countries concerned on the origin, development and present state of Tamil Studies in their own countries. The symposium, though originally meant for presentation at the Kuala Lumpur Conference of 1966 was presented at the Madras Conference of
1968.

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From The Ceylon Teucher
EDUCATION DAY ADDRESS
Education is a people's social philosophy in action. We have seen how throughout the various stages of our sociopolitical cvolution our educational practice and philosophy have also been changing in accordance with the prevailing social philosophy. But education is also everywhere and at all times an unfinished business, for, in practice, there is always something yet to be done, and in ideology, there are always new values emerging. Yet in free countries where social change is gradual educational changes are also gradual. But in a country like ours where a frecdon economy has superseded colonial economy, a measure of confusion and conflict between colonial practices and the values of a free society is inevitable. Lessons learnt and habits acquired under the aegis of colonialism Survive into the days of freedom. Groups which enjoyed privileges under the old order are fighting either covertly or overtly the egalitarian trend which frecdom has brought in. Administrators reared in the traditions of colonialism arc finding it difficult to adjust themselves to new conditions. Therefore the dificulties we are facing in the realms of education are those of trying to pit new wine into old bottles. Let me repeat, at though this is a problem that every society always faces in some measure, with us in Ceylon the problem is more acute because a people and a government long habituated to colonial modes of thought and action are now constrained to think and act in terms of freedom. This again is a formula that may legitimately apply to the whole realm of education. Bit at the moment I want to focus attention on the teacher and his place in the new educational set-up. Not long ago teachers in private and denominational schools were engaged by thc managers, paid by the managers, disciplined by the managers and the legal relationship between manager and teacher was that of master and servant. The manager, from school fees, government graints and other sources discharged ail financial responsibilities. The school was his, the teachers were his employees and he could deal with them as he pleased, subject to the Common Law limitations relating to master and servant. The State stepped in more or less to encourage and subsidise private philanthropy and to standardise examinations, etc. But today the State meets the entire Salary bill of teachers, pays

grants towards library and laboratory equipment and towards the salaries of minor employees. Many managers today are practising philanthropy at the tax payer's expense. Their only obligation today is to provide buildings and grounds and keep these buildings in a state of repair. How perfunctorily even this basic obligation is fulfilled by some managers is a national scandal. Formerly the private manager made sacrifices or was presumed to make sacrifices. Anyway heavy financial and other responsibilities lay on his shoulders. Therefore according to the philosophy prevailing in those days, it might have been right to make him absolute judge over a teacher's destiny. Education was private property and the title holder had the right to shape education and to control the educator's destiny. Today education is the nation's concern, The tax payer pays almost the entire cost. The State, the tax payer's agent, enforces no minimum requirements about buildings and premises. Nor does the State demand any educational or other qualifications from these wouldbe philanthropists. In spite of the fact, that the State pours so much of the tax payer's money into education, it does not regulate the composition of the boards which manage these schools. These boards are often closed and self-perpetuating corporations, jealous of public criticism and faithfully serving some vested interest or other. Neither the employees, nor the public, nor the government, nor the past pupils find representation on these boards. I have served on one of the most enlightened of these boards and I had to put up a stiff fight to sc cure representation on the governing body for the teachers in its employ Many good men were scandalised at the prospect of the employer and the employee sitting together on the same board. The old psychology of master and man is hard to uphold when the master no longer plays the same part or discharges the same responsibilities as his predecessors in title did. The private manager's present rights are a survival from the past when he had some work. and a legal and moral claim to such rights. Today it is fundamentally grotesque to see the State treat the private manager with so much obsequiousness. The State in effect says: the tax payer shall pay all expenses of your school; but the tax payer shall have no right to interfere if you employ a Tamil Pundit to teach Higher Mathematics or if you discontinue, for no reason at all from your staff
6

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a teacher who has given fiftecn years of faithful service to the school. You may have cven donc it to find c mploy mcnt for your daughter's betrothed-thic appoint in cnt being part of the dowry. Yet neither the tax-payer, nor thc State shall have any right to interferc with your judgement. In fact know several members of these bodies whose interest in education is purely economic. Whenever thcre is a vacancy in any one of the schools owned by a particular management, a son or daughter or son-in-law or collateral kinsman of Mr. X has first option on it. If a Special Post falls vacant Mr. Y is able to offici the services of a sccond cousin's son, who is in all respects the fittest pcrson for the post. If the teachers in one of the schools organise a concert to raise funds for the school Mr. X does not buy a ticket because he has no car for music-- and only an eye for money. If they organise a rastle Mr. Y will decline to buy a ticket because he does not believe in gambling. In fact the only thing Messrs. X and Y believe in is that the schools under thicse particular boards are a providential arrangement to provide employment for their children and collaterals, and cash for their coffers. That the tax payer's money and the children's education should be at the mercy of such men is a national shame.
But even if every private manager were a perfect embodin ent of every manner of excellence and every member of every governing body were a person of exemplary probity and of unimpeachable public spirit whose one consuming passion is the education of the nation's childrcin, the principle that nacrely by giving six months' notice a manager may throw a teacher on the street, is a monstrous anachronism in a welfare static in the second half of the 20th century. That our govcrnment should wash its hands of all responsibility merely because the manager has given six months' notice fills me with annazement.
It is worth noting that in the affairs of the Ceylon University, Parliament, the public, learned societies, professional organisations and university teachers all have a voice. It is particularly significant that the master and man philosophy has not found recognition in the composition of its academic or administrative bodies. It is not unusual to find a university teacher stand up at a meeting of the University Court and demolish a project sponsored

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by the Vice Chancellor. But no teacher in an assisted school, not even the head, can play a part in its policy making. It is tragic that men and women who bear the burden of running schools and are experiencing the delights and difficulties of day-to-day Work in schools, should have no opportunity to use their experience and knowledge at high levels of school policy. I am not thinking merely of the prestige of the teacher. I am also concerned at the loss to the cause of education brought about by the exclusion of the teacher from the sphere of policy making. Therefore in any national scheme for the education of New Lanka, the teacher's placc in the educational counsels of the nation and of individual schools should be firmly established. But thicse and other reforms will come to pass not me ely by teachers demanding such recognition; the public too must become education-conscious. If it is true that a people gets the government it deserves, it is also true that it gets the education it deservcs. A public which is both envious and contemptuous of teachers, is no friend to the nation's children. A public which wants its teachers to be obsequious flunkeys has no appreciation of the harm the spineless teacher can do the children under his charge. Obsequious opportunism on the part of the teacher inevitably breeds the same nauseous qualities in his pupils. Therefore while security of tenure has a lice and curry meaning for the individual teacher, it has a deeper meaning for the nation. If a teacher can be thrown out on the whim of a manager, young people with self-respect will not choose teaching as their profession. On the other hand, faced with such insecurity if the teacher cringes his way through life we shall be brecding a race of unscrupulous time-servers and sycophants whose chief concern in life will be to please thc boss and study meticulously the refinements of toadyism. Therefore, those who would build a New Lanka of men and women to whom righteousness is more than success, and Self-respect a priceless possession, should give thought to the quality of the nation's teachers. It is a law of nature that persons who have no self-respect cannot foster self-respect in others and that persons to whom righteousness has no meaning will not make of others, champions of righteousness. Therefore I have no manner of doubt that the quality of the nation's teachers is a national concern and that the creation, maintenance and preservation of the teacher's rights is a national responsibility,

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ANOTHER COMMISSION?
“The Times of Ceylon' has been carrying on a sustained campaign for the last few months against Free Education and Swabasha. Now it wants a commission frankly, to do away with Free Education and Swabasha : Free Education, because the country is urable to meet the bill, Swabasha because it leads to racial segregation which in turn breeds communalism.
We who believe in free education are not unaware of its high cost to the nation in cash; but we are also aware of the far-reaching social implications of free education. Advance in literacy alone, in spite of wiseacres who talk glibly of educated criminals and of education incapacitating our young men and women for our people's traditional avocations, bears within itself the seed of advance in other social values. The literate have more social awareness, more inventiveness and more openmindedness. Like other generalizations this too can be countered by various exceptions; but like evrey other gentralization it claims to be true only by and large. Therefore to point to the trickery or intolerance or social imperviousness of a few literate or semi-literate persons would be no refutation of the truth - perhaps I should call it a truism- which is implicit in all literacy drives and education programmes.
The other day I read in an English journal that in a world survey the starvation area coincides roughly with the illiteracy area. Let us not forget that literacy and ducation while worthy enough as national ends in themselves, are also inevitable prerequisites for achieving other national ends. Pure science, technology, food production, health, industry will all suffer if Free Education is tam pered with. It looks to me absurd that in the 20th century one should be called upon to make out a case for free education; but the sustained campaign of the "Times and its recent demand for a Commission to mutilate the free scheme has brought home to me the need once again to stress the gains that this country has achieved as a result of free education. I have seen it work. I know its handicaps and limitations-ill-equipped schools, insufficient accommodation, raw or half finished Products, insufficiency of competent teachers: bนเ

I have no manner of doubt that the nation has made great social gains as a result of free education, My personal belief is that free education came into being not because of Christopher Kannangara's wickedness or stupidity. The Donough more Commission granted adult suffrage. The newly enfranchised citizens needed other things besides the vote to give meaning and richness to their citizenship. The demand for social amenities on a nationwide scale has been one of the most obvious fruits of adult franchise. Although Christopher Kannangara was the instrument through which this new philosophy of meeting the expressed and unexpressed wishes of the common man found expression, it would be childish to ignore the historical context and assign credit or blame to a single human being. To me adult franchise, the political philosophy that gave birth to it, the social philosophy that sprang into life from it, are responsible for the introduction of Free Education rather than Christopher Kannangara.
It would not be out of place for me to point out that for several years after the establishment of adult suffrage there were many people who laboured both secretly and opinly to modify it. But no government dared openly to countenance such a proposal. I b'lieve the same will be true of free education also. The Government subsidised rice and later withdrew the subsidy. The consequences of this withdrawal are recent history. Withdrawal of free education will have even more disastrous consequences, for the people of this country have tasted its benefits and would resent any effort to deny them these benefits.
Many good people in Ceylon think that if a Sinhalese child should use Sinhala in school and a Tamil child should use Tamil, racial segregation will result and that the monster of communalism will once again rear its ugly head. Let us get the problem into its proper proportions. This problem of segregation arises only in the city of Colombo and probably to a much smaller extent in places like Kandy and Galle. Colombo, even if Kandy and Galle are thrown in, is not Ceylon. In the overwhelming majority of schools in the island the problem of children belonging to two linguistic streams does not arise Therefore the bogey of segregation and communalism is a phantom conjured by persons who want to oppose the swabasha with

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every resource at their command. The situation in one or two big cities should not decisively influence the nation's policy. I am not yet convinced that the swabasha media will engender communal antagonism and that the universal use of English in Ceylon will foster communal concord. In the recent history of Ceylon the leaders of communal gangs were all persons who had been educated in English-finished products of British Universities-who could not address their countrymen in the SWabasha. Little evidence of communalism was forthcoming from the workers and peasants of this country who were literate only in the swabasha. But even if we grant that it is unwholesome to segregate the children of the two linguistic groups even in the city of Colombo, the solution to this problem lies not in imposing a language which is alien to both the groups. I have a profound faith in the potency of a language to shape and stimulate a people's spiritual life. By “spiritual I do not mean 1merely the religious in the conventional sense. I mean the whole complex of moral aspiration, religious yearning and fulfilment, aesthetic seeking and finding. These things are possible to the Sinhalese and Tamils only in their respective tongues. Therefore to deny our children these avenues of fulfilment in the interests of a spurious political harmony is to betray a naive superficiality. If language can pave the way to communal harmony it can be done not through English but through a policy of teaching Sinhala to Tamil children as a second language and Tamil as a second language to Sinhalese children. Why has not this obvious solution appealed to people who display such a consuming passion for communal harmony ? I shall deal more fully with this theme on a future occasion; but I want to say just this one thing. The most charming and irresistible way to the affections of any person is to be able to speak his language with a full appreciation of its nuances and undertones. Why not the Sinhaiese and Tamils make a beginning of reaching each other's hearts through this ancient and infallible technique?

THE RIGHT TO THNK AND SPEAK
Teachers at all levels particularly at the University and High School stages are facing a crisis today. Pressure is being brought to bear on them to curb free expression of opinion. Governing bodies representing denominational agencies and Governmental agencies are overtly and indirectly seeking to impose various brands of orthodoxy upon the profession.
Academic freedom is of more than academic significance; but I cannot within the brief space available examine the problem of academic freedom in its fullness.
I shall content myself with pointing out some of the graver consequences that will flow inevitably from its impairment.
In the long history of man's intellectual struggle his discovery of truth has always been partial, relative and generally progressive; except religions which base their claims to finality on the supernatural revelation of eternal truth, other departments of thought have relied on free speech and free thought as the most valuable instruments for the discovery of truth. To them truth has not been something given from above, once and for all, to be rejected or accepted at the peril of one's soul. Truth and error are not defined in absolute terms. An error is often a partial glimpse of the truth. Therefore in the realm of science and of other disciplines which are influenced by the scientific attitude men have hesitated to impose restraints on free inquiry and free speech. They had acted on two pre-suppositions: (1) given opportunities for free thought and free speech man will soon learn to discern truth from error, (2) even error should be allowed to be made public so that people may have a chance to see it and reject it.
Teachers especially cannot accept any philosophy that interferes with freedom of speech and thought. They ought to live and move and have their being in an atmosphere of freedom. A sense of constraint always impairs a teacher's efficiency. A management or a government which may at any moment pounce upon him and ask him to show cause why he should not be offered the cup of hemlock for corrupting the youth will surely find complaisant

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and docile teachers in abundance, but the children need dynamic, stimulating teachers and the efficiency of such teachers suffers from the perpetual threat of managerial or governmental intervention in defence of some political or theological orthodoxy.
We have seen that those who believe in free thought also believe in the inherent vitality of truth which must prevail in the end; the struggle may be bitter, tragic and long-drawn out; soon or late truth is vindicated. Those who live for truth and fight for truth and refuse to bow their heads to mobs, governments or priestly hierarchies often rely on pristerity to do them justice. The Athenians who forced Socrates to drink the poisoned cup, the high priests who forced Pilate to crucify Jesus, the church which tortured Galileo, have been made to look foolish while their victims are continuing to win affection and esteem. We teachers are interested in this from two angles. Among the teacher's prime obligations is to teach the truth as he sees it without evasion or equivocation. Any interference with the performance of this duty is both an insult to the teacher and an injury to the child. Secondly such interference is unwholesome in the effects which it produces on the morale in a school. The government or management. that imposes theological or political tests necessarily creates a group of sycophants who will curry favour by carrying tales, often exaggerated, of unorthodox deeds and words.
Such an atmosphere of espionage, of disloyalty and division will completely defeat education's (very aim. Signs are not waning that in Ceylon too various agencies under one pretext or another are seeking to regimentalize our profession.
Today America's MaCarthy Committee is casting its evil shadow everywhere; at such a time as the present it is desirable to restate the fundamental doctrines of liberal democracy. (1) Freedom involves the freedom to do wrong (2) Toleration means among other things, suffering the tares to grow side by side with the wheat, in the assurance that in the fullness of time they will be recognised for what they are and meet with the fate, they deserve,

JIRRESPONSIBLE ?
Everyone, including the “Times of Ceylon' and the Managers and Principals of the biggest schools in the island, is in favour of free education and the swabasha medium. But all the same they want a commission precisely to re-examine these two questions. The fact of the matter is that few people today have the courage to oppose free education and swabasha in a forthright manner. Instead, forgetting that free education is not yet ten years old and that the swabasha project is yet in its early infarcy, some persons with malice afore thought, magnify every shortcoming in the two schemes; ignore the obvious gains result nig from them, black out every responsible statement in their favour and give undue prominence to every adverse obiter dictum.
“The Times' has taken me and “ The Ceylon Teacher' to task for “irresponsible perversion of facts'. But what sense of responsibility has the “Times' shown in making out a case for its commission? There is in the University of Ceylon, a Department of Education started by an Englishman and three Ceylonese who should he presumed to know something a hout education. Towards the middle of last year there was a U. N. E. S.C.O. Seminar in Nuwara Eliya where men of international eminence addressed themselves to the swabasha question. Prof. Theodore Anderson delivered a lecture in the Colombo Y.M.C.A. setting forth the principal findings of the Seminar. Did the “Times' find out from Prof. Green and his associates their views on this commission and its scope? Did it find out and give due publicity to the conclusions of the distinguished educationists who foregathered at Nuwara Eliya 2 Surely the Department of Education in the University and the U. N E. S. C. O. te am know as much about Education as the “Times of Ceylon' and the managers and principals of the biggest schools.
We, who are engaged in the day to day details of the country's education are painfully aware of its shortcomings. But we are also convinced of the scundness of the educational phic sophy implicit in our system. We also find that partly because of the opposition of vested interests. partly because of the change over from a long established and strongly entrenched practice,

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there are, of necessity, psychological, technical and material difficulties to be overcome. But a commission can do little to solve these difficulties. The last Education Act created an advisory council for the specific purpose of smoothing over the transition and advisiing on difficulties as they rose. Much of what the “Times of Ceylon' commission is expected to do can be done if this council performs the functions for which it came into being. Fundamentally the problem is one of putting new wine into old bottles. The country needs an elastic educational organisation to accommodate a diversified curriculum to fit the aptitudes of pupils and the needs of the country. Bureaucratic administration breaks down in the new context. Teachers, parents, the general public, industrial concerns, departments other than the education department, need to play a part if the nation's children are to get the best out of education. But a commission cannot effect the kind of change that will remedy the present ills, for they are largely organisational and financial. Fully to implement the provisions of the last Education Act and to make it yield maximum results will need much more money than what is now spent on education. A commission cannot produce money; on the other hand it will consume a sizable slice of the country's meagre resources. It will be powerless to compel organisational changes. Such changes can be brought about only if the ministry and department of education realise that a set-up created when education was the privilege of the few who could buy it or beg it and when the entire administration was cast in a colonial monolithic mould, has broken down and that the need today is for a changed set-up consistent with current needs and purposes.
My position in brief is that on fundamentals our education is well conceived, but in details not so well worked out. The machinery is available for effecting improvements; but however much some of us may desire to speed up the changes, the country's finances and the slowness inherent in the democratic process have to be reckoned with.
There are one or two curious features in the “Times' leading article that call for comment. There is an unequivocal acceptance of the swabasha medium but the old bogey of communal segregation is once again played up, No reference is

متمس (9 يصوم
made to my remarks on that aspect of the problem. In my last contribution I put forward a specific suggestion for combating this evil. I also pointed out that the evil was receiving undue prominence in quarters that were not happy about the change over to swabasha. The '' Times' has chosen to say nothing on this matter. If the solution I suggested can obviate this difficulty why should the country pay for another commission? On the question of free education the “Times' does not deny its hostility nor has it commented on the case I made out for free education. Its chief, perhaps only, argument is that the principals and managers of the biggest schools are in favour of a commission. “ Biggest I suppose here means “old , for I know some of the Schools whose principals have opposed the commission, are quite big in regard to number of teachers and students and in the quality of their performance. That some schools are older than others is a fact I cannot dispute. But that only the voice of the older schools should be given heed to, in matters educational, is not a self-evident truth.
About the need for a commission at this juncture nothing more apt has been said than Mr. S. A. Wijayatilaka's parable (quoted from the Buddhist scriptures) of the monkeys which planted a garden and every other day uprooted the plants to investigate the rate of growth.

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PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS
ALL-CEYLON UNION OF TEACHERS 35 IH ANNUAL SESSIONS
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The perennial problems of our Union and our profession have engaged all our attention and effort during the year. Size of classes, duration of Junior School education, length of school year, anomalies and injustices in salary scales, the scheme of pensions for the widows and orphans of teachers, have been the main themes of our thought and action this year. Thanks to sustained propaganda, the nation and its rulers have been made to believe that the cost of education has risen phenomenally and that it is a patriotic duty to reduce the education vote by whatever means are handy.
If children are born and do not die off before they reach school age they must have schooling. If they should have schooling there should be schools. School masters and schcol mistresses and they in turn should feed themselves. clothe themselves, house themselves play useful social roles and keep up appearances. In a society where standards of hiving play a decisive role in the bestowal or denial of social esteem, the teacher, to win and keep the esteem of his pupils and their parents should invest a substantial slice of his income on keeping up with the Joneses. For, the esteem of the Joneses is essential for his success as a teacher and his happiness as a man. Therefore a teacher's living wage should be assessed in relation to the position he should hold in the nation's social set-up If more children are born and reach school age more teachers are necessary. That means that more money is needed by way of teachers' salaries, pensions, etc. If expenditure on education is to be cut, the sensible course would be to reduce the birth rate through scientific planning or allow as many children as possible to die off before they reach school age The state is illogical in providing maternity clinics, child welfare clinics, milk feeding centres and other paraphernalia of the welfare state and later squealing when th children, kept alive and healthy by the solicitude of the welfare state, reach school age and demand to be educated. Those who

خسس- 93 -س
would reduce the cost of education, even if they cannot prevail on the parents to practise self-control or birth control, should at least persuade the state to abolish immediately the various services that help to keep the nation's children healthy and alive. If that is done the nation expenditure on education will be substantially reduced and the many millions that are being spent on children and expectant mothers also will be saved. Instead of doing or proposing something so rational and effective the state and its rulers insist on passing the burden on to the teacher. The press and the politicians clamour for economy. So the officials of the Education Department find a simple way for humouring these clamourers and critics; just increase the number of school days, reduce the Junior School period by one year and behold the miracle is worked. Everybody is happy except the teacher and the children. It is strange that the Director of Education who was himself a teacher at one time and is a qualified educationist should have launched these proposals. The idea that the loss of a school year can be compensated for by twenty additional days per year for the next eight years is too naive a notion to be entertained by so intelligent a person as Mr. T D. Jayasuriya. Surely Mr. Jayasuriya is not fair by himself in reducing education to a simple arithmetical operation. Every intelligent human being knows that you cannot swell the size of a class beyond a certain number without doing damage to the child and to the teacher. Apart from the inevitable dilution of efficiency and efficacy in teaching that results, the problem of discipline becomes a nightmare. I am thinking of discipline not in the exalted sense of influencing or casting a spell over the child and winning over its willing co-operation in intellectual adventure. but am this.king rather of something more humdrum- the ordinary functions of maintaining peace and order. Every teacher however, has, some time or other, to face this problem of keeping unruly barbarians in a state of tolerable order. It is obvious that the more there are of these barbarians the greater the problem of maintaining a semblance of older and decency in the class. I am ignoring for the moment the imponderables like the e stablish ment of rapprochement by tween teacher and pupil, the communication of values, the sharing of interests and enthusiasms, and confining myself merely to the elementary problem of preserving peace and

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order in the class room. Therefore the Director's proposal to increase the units per teacher might lull the clamour of those who demand a reduction in the expenditure on education. It would also further injure the quality of our cducation which is bad enough, largely owing to the unwieldly size of classes. Fred Evans, President of the N. U.T. in England referring to this problem in his presidential address said 15 pupils per class was the optimum and quoted the Archbishop of York in support. Here are his words : " Education is fundamentally a simple process. It is just putting the right number of pupils with the right teacher in the right place. I would rather my child were taught in a class of 15 by a good teacher in an improvised barn than in a class of thirty by the same teaeher in a palace.'
I might also mention herc something 1 read in the 'New Statesman and Nation' a couple of years ago. This weekly was then publishing a scrics of imaginary interviews with distinguished men of past generations who had also been schoolmasters. They were asked for their views on the bcst means of improving education today. The best answer in my view was given by Oliver Goldsmith who said, “Double the teachers' pay and halve the classes'
The W. & O. P. Scheme which was inaugurated on the eve of the last general elections has taken three years to mature and bear fruit. It is expected that the widows of the teachers who have died since October 1st 1951, will be receiving pensions within a week or two. Pension schemes whether for retired men or for widows and orphans were in existence cv.cn before the welfare state was thought of: but in a society where social security schemics like National Provident Funds, Old Age Pensions, public assistance to the ncedy arc taken for granted-and no civilized nation can profess indifference to such social security schemes-our Government probably under the inspiration of its treasury officials has begotten a W. & O. P. Scheme whose chief defect is that it has been conceived in purely legal and actuarial terms and that its framers have ignored its social security aspect. When belated steps to remedy long-standing injustices are taken, particularly in matters of social legislation, the practice in civilised countries is to make such legislation retrospective in some measure,

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to give weight age to persons adversely affected by thc lateness of such legislation and to bring under the benefits of the scheme pcrsons who would have come under its ambit if it had come into existence at the proper time; for cxample, when the pension scheme for assisted school teachers was introduced, although the bulk of those who would enjoy its benefits would themselves contribute to these benefits, yet provision was made to pay pensions to persons who had retired before the stheme came into force. These pensions were calculated on a different formula and the pensions were often inadequate; but the colonial government which introduced this scheme recognized that the accident of such a scheme coming into force on a given date should not exclude from its benefits persons who, through no fault of theirs, happened to be on the wrong side of the date line. Weightage was also given to persons who were near the age of retirement to enable them to get so incthing like an adequate pension. These wise and humane provisions have found no place in the new scheme conceived and begotten in the days of freedom by the architects of the nation's freedom. As soon as the details of the scheme were known, the A. C. U. T. pointed out these shortcomings both to the Minister of Education and to the Finance Minister. The Minister of Education has promised to give consideration to our views; but the Treasury seems to be ignorant of all values other than cash value. We have been told that the regulations regarding the scope of the Fund and the benefits accruing therefrom have been fra med on the expert counsel of actuaries. That may be so but in social security schemes actuarial considerations are not the sole criterion of justice or wisdom. Such schemes must fulfil as comprehensively as possible the purpose for which they are launched. For example, the present scheme should contain some provision for the dependants of teachers who died in service before our government, perhaps from policy, perhaps from Social concern, introduced this scheme. There should also be provision to include in its benefits teachers who retired before 1-10-51 and are living today. They may be given thc opportunity to contribute as from 1-10-51 to the Fund and reap its benefits. Further no weightage has been provided for teachers who are so old that they can contribute to the Fund only during the last few years of their service. The benefits in such cases are

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nominal and may be construed as evidence of some perverse sense of humour on the part of our rulers. I know that a widow who has to support five children, one of them at the University and the others in Senior Secondary Schools, is entitled to a pension of Rs. 2/02 cts. per mensem. Her husband died after over 30 years of service; and the widow of a special post holder who was drawing a pension of Rs. 24/47. Of course for the time being thanks to ai lowances, 1 hese widows will get better figures. But it would be well to remember that the allowa'ces are temporary. The improvements we are demanding are not likely to add appreciably to the country's financial burden. It is the considered opinion of competent persons who have studied the scheme that the contributions themselves will suffice to meet any extra cost involved in giving effect to the suggested improvements. hey hold that even doubling the present rate and adopting all our other suggestions regarding weightage etc. will not strain the Fund. But tven if on actuarial considerations it was found that the Fund cannot bear these extra burdens Surely a state and a Government which proclaims its solicitude for the socially insecure and which is considering a pension scheme for members of Parliament, should not find it difficult to subsidize the Fund to meet these small extra burdens.
To pass from social security to security of tenure, Mr. M. Ponnampalam of J/Yarl on College has achieved an inland-wide publicity because the Department chose to ignore the Union's protest against his discontinuance. The story has been told many times and need not be repeated; but the amazement and indignation caused by the Department's dictum that if only a manager gave six months' notice a teachc r had no remedy either from the Department or from the Courts of Law, were profound. According to the Department the Attorney-General had ruled that six months' notice or six months' salary in lieu thereof was all that a teacher was entitled to from the Manager. Therefore if the Department's statement of the law were sound the teacher could not obtain any relief even from a Court of Law. The absurdity of this position has been worked out by me and others many times. I have pointed out elsewhere that when the State pays the entire salary bill of teachers, provides pensions for teachers and their widows, pays library and laboratory grants,

contributes towards the salaries of minor employees, it is absurd that the state should have no voice on the question of a teacher's discontinuance from service. If managers had such absolute right over a teacher's tenure the consequence of such absolutism would be appalling. Any teacher who stands on his rights or refuses to compromise his conscience or sell his self-respect can be eliminated by any manager with six months' notice or six months' salary. Pompous and self-important managers who bestride their narrow world like so many Colossuses, are not rare and their self esteem is easily offended. Therefore if a teacher wants to keep his place in school he should study the manager's needs and tastes, fawn upon him and lick his boots, . All this, however reprehensible, may be accepted as inevitable in a teacher's life; but thc repercussions on thc children cannot be so lightly dismissed. I hold it to be a law of nature that if a teacher is a flunkey or a toady the children who come under his influence wili also tend to grow up as flunkeys and loadies, Therefore by undermining his self respect and self-confidence and by tempting him to cultivate the qualities of a courtcsan, the state is doing an injury to the nation's children. As things are we have enough inducements to make us a nation of sycophants and time-servers and it is not necessary that one more indu cement should be provided. On representations made by the A. C., U.T. the Minister has asked the Director for a full report and the Director is taking his own time over it. Whatever may emerge from the Director's report we cannot take the Department's ruling in the light hearted manner with which it was made. Having been involved in this episode from its beginning I cannot help feeling that the Department's attitude in this matter has been perfunctory, My protests at various stages evoked no reply and only at a personal interview with the Deputy Director could I elicit any reply to my submissions. Even with the aid of other learned counsel, I have not been able to trace the judicial decisions on which this ruling of the Attorney-General is said to rest; the total impression left on my mind and on the minds of others who have been interested in this affair is that the Department has for some time been anxious to wash its hands of all responsiblity for teachers' security of tenure and that in the present instance the Department has followed the line of least resistance without sufficiently

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realizing the consequences of its light heartcdness. The Minister has undertaken to take remedial steps when he gets the report from the Director. Whether the Minister helps us or not we should help ourselves. How that may be done I shall tell you in a short while.
Having so far given thought to issues that concern the profession as a whole I shall now refer to matters which concern only some special categories. Thc A. C.U.T. has for some time been concerned about the injustice done to the following classes of teachers-probationary assistants, uncertificated teachers holders of the Ceylon Teachers’ Certificate and teachers in independent schools. A deputation spent about three hours with the Director and the Deputy Director pleading the cause of the probationary assistants. We pointed out to them the promises held - out by Dr. Howes to these teachers, how the refresher courses would be followed by an examination and those successful in these cxaminations would be issued certificates and that probably the successful ones would be absorbed into the permancnt cadre with a fixed salary scale. The Director would have none of it and was ready with a difficulty for every solution that we proposed. It was obvious that the Director was in no mood to consider the claims of this class of teachers. So finally we had to tell him that since he had not entertained any of our suggestions it was up to him to put forward a scheme.
On the quicstion of providing a pension for uncertificated teachers the Minister suggested that these teachers might avail themselves of the National Providcnt Fund which the Government was creating. But since teaching is a unified service and every other category of teachers is pensionable there is no reason why these teachers who have been kept in service and who have grown old in the service should be treated differently. If the state had not required their services they should have been asked to go. Since the State and the Ministry have retained their services and they have performed a useful function in the educational set-up and have grown old in it, it is difficult to see why for purposes of pension only they should receive different treatment,

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The anomaly of the salary scale provided for the Ceylon Teachers' Certificate is a glaring injustice and has engaged the special attention of the Union for some time, lt has been the subject matter of memoranda, of deputations and of oral evidence before the Salaries Commission. Everybody including the Minister seems convinced of the justice of the demand made by the Union on behalf of these teachers but no redress or promise of redress has been forthcoming.
Teachers in schools which at one time were assisted schools and are now independent, are at the mercy of managers. When teachers in assisted schools wholly financed by the static are exposed to the arbitrary whims of managers the position of teachers in independent schools must necessarily be even more precarious. The state of the law as it stands today gives little protection to these teachers and the Union which claims to speak on behalf of every kind of teacher in the island should give serious thought to the plight of these teachers.
The Union and your President have spent many hours interviewing ministers and other highly placed personages and drafting memoranda seeking redress for our grievances; and my experience in this kind of work goes back to the early days of my activities in the A. C. U. T. My experience as President and as member of your Executive has convinced me that the time and energy spent in drafting memoranda and going on deputation to exalted personages is largely wasted. I should however add that the present Ministcr has tried his best to be helpful but I am afraid he himself is somewhat helpless. The whole country has been infected with the superstition that the only thing to do with education today is to cut down expenditure. Mr. Banda's cabinet colleagues and fellow members of the U. N. P. do not seen to be immune from the superstition. Therefore with the best will in the world Mr. Banda cannot do much for us. We know by long experience that the inherent justice of a cause alone does not suffice to secure its vindication. Even unjust causes have been known to succeed because of powerful advocacy and influential support. We can no longer rely on the tactics that we have hitherto employed i. e., resolutions, deputations and memoranda. It is worth noting that in England, apart from the National Union

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if eachers, there are teachers' associations with definitic political alignments, like the Association of Unionist Teachers and the Association of Labour Teachers, which are in contact with M. P.'s of their respective political parties and are abie to brief them and influence them on matters pertaining to their profession. To hope that we can achieve our purposes without such influence is childish make-belief. I do not think that the introduction of the W. & O. P. Scheme for teachers on the eve of the last elections was accidental. If my surmise is right the Government respects the political influence of our profession. May be, on the threshold of the next general elections a few more sops may be thrown to us; but we cannot wait for such hypothetical sop-throwing. Teachers in this country too belong to diverse political persuasions. It would be well if Teachers Associations are organised on an island-wide basis and on political lines so that they can influence the policies of their respective parties. Democracy does not function by its own strength or in a vacuum. Pressure, influence, propaganda are legitimate devices in the practice of democracy. Even in democracy doors must be knocked, and some of them rather hard, before they are opened. Therefore it is my conviction we should in the first instance use the resources of demecracy in trying to persuade our Ministers and Members of Parliament of the justice of our cause and the bitterness of our frustration. if they do not give heed to our efforts we must resort to direct action which is today recognized in democratic countries as a sanction available as a last resort. When normal methods of persuasion fail to produce effects we cannot fold our hands and sit back in resignation. Our profession throughout the world has shown a distaste towards the proletarian philosophy and strategy of direct action. We have been ashamed to acknown ledge and proclaim that though man does not live by bread alone, man needs food, raiment and shelter and that the quality of the food you eat, the rainent you wear and the house you live in are an index of the worth society places on your work. This distaste however natural must be abandoned in a society whose overtones and undertones are economic.
No oils would suspect the " London Times' (Educational Supple inent) of revolutionary or subversive propensities, Recently

the Assistant Masters' Association of England discussed a resolution to approve strike action in principle. This resolution was defeated by a narrow majority of six. More recently the Scottish Teachers took a plebiscite on the same question and an overwhelming majority voted against strikes. The Times Educational Supplement, June 18th, commenting editorially on both these events has this to say:
"By holding a plebiscite about strike action and by ruling it out in any circumstances by a handsome majority Scortish teachers have, so as to speak, disarmed themselves of their most persuasive weapon. The vote will clear up those who like to depend on the sense of public responsibility of teachers. The contrast between this decisive verdict and the extremely narrow defeat of the strike action in principle is probably less a contrast between Scots and English as between teachers in the heat of debate and in more reflective moods. Next January the A. M. A. may take a national vote. They will no doubt weigh the Scottish verdict before deciding to proceed. It shows that strikes are altogether repugnant to most Scottish teachers. Yet could 12,000 of them really not imagine circumstances in which it might be right to strike? Striking after all is a legitimate extreme. The propriety of it is to be judged in particular circumstances. Attempts to determine the question hypothetically in advance are, like “peace ballots', misconceived. And, like the latter, it would not be prudent to trade too confidently on the results, for they are unreliably influenced by the circumstances of the time in which the vote is taken.'
The "Times assessment is thoroughly realistic-much more realistic than that of the Scottish teachers. My views also chime in with those of the '' Times'. Let us try every other resource open to us-persuasion, political influence, organizational unity and consolidation of power for teacher groups. But as Cromwell told his soldiers on a historic occasion to trust in God but to keep their powder dry, let us trust in peaceful persuasion but close our ranks against any emergency that may arise. The more important issues I have raised today concern all the teachers in the island regardless of the medium which is used for teaching. I have no manner of doubt that the time has come for a compre

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hensive Teachers' Organization for the whole island that will ignore existing linguistic barriers and speak and act for the whole profession. I know there are difficulties owing to historical causes but they are not insurmountable and I shall conclude my address with the hope that early steps will be taken to bring into being an organization, island-wide in its scope possessing authority to speak and act on behalf of the entire profession and competent to enforce its demands upon the government of the country.
Many of you must have been amazed at my having made no reference so far to the language issue. The reasons for my restraint are two-fold. First, my views are well known and you must be as weary of listening to them as I am of repeating them; second, I wanted to lay all the emphasis I could command on the professional aspect of our Union. Therefore I shall summarise my views on the Battle of the Tongues thus: sometime ago there were many good people in this country who proclaimed that we Ceylonese could not rule ourselves-at least for many more years to come - without the help of Englishmen. Their successers are now telling us that we cannot educate our children-at least for many more years to come-without the help of English words. The former have proved false prophets and I have no manner of doubt that the latter too will prove just as false. The momentum of a historical trend cannot be balked by wishful thinking or despondent defeatism.

The National Education Society (Northern Region). Paper read at a Seminar held in September, 1964.
LANGUAGE-WHITE PAPER
PROPOSALS AND MINISTERIAL MANOEUVRES
MEDIUM OF INSTRUCTION: The provision contained in para 30 of the White Paper that the medium of instruction shall be Sinhala or Tamil according to the wish of parents is to be welcomed in as much as it is in accord with the sound educational principle that education should be through the mother tongue of the pupil. But to deny the validity of this principle in respect of children of Indian extraction in the plantation districts, on the plea that their parents are non-nationals is to invoke a legal quibble for the purpose of inflicting an educational handicap on these children and to exclude them from the enjoyment of a fundamental right and eventually to alienate them from their cultural milieu. One of the obvious pragmatic factors that reinforce the case for the mother tongue is that there is no linguistic hiatus between the home and the school and that the cultural and traditional influences that prevail in the child's home environment become operative in the learning process also. To impose on the estate child a medium of learning alien to its spontaneous thought pattern is to subject it to a handicap which other children are exempt from. The parallel sought to be drawn with other free countries will not stand the test of an unbiassed scrutiny. The principle that aliens entering a free country seeking citizenship should accept the linguistic arrangement of the host country applies to people freshly entering a country with full knowledge of existing language requirements. It cannot be made to apply to people who were in the land when independence was achieved, especially when there is in the country a group whose children are receiving education in the same language. This provision also offends against an almost universally accepted practice in legislation, viz. that laws relating to racial traditions, cultural affiliations and linguistic heritage should not abridge existing rights.

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Section 3}, relating to the progressive abolition of the English stream commencing from 1965, will cause special hardship to children of the Burgher community, which has hitherto been using English as its home language and medium of instruction for their children. While it is not practicable to provide education through the English medium to every Burgher child, there should be no difficulty in permitting these children to receive their education in the language which is to all intents and purposes their mother tongue provided there are enough of them to form a stream in any given area. Since the Burghers are a small group it is likely that they will soon or late opt for one of the national languages as their environment may determine; but democracy has to be sensitive to minority sentiments as the willing acceptance of national policy by this community even after a few years' delay is sure to create an atmosphere more conducive to national solidarity. It is worth noting in this context that section I of article 29 of the Indian Constitution states, “any section of the citizens residing in the territory of India or any part thereof having a distinct language or culture of its own shall have the right to conserve the same,' and Section I of article 30, “that all minorities, whether based on religion or language shall have the right to establish and administer schools of their own '' and that in the State of Bombay vs. The Bombay Education Society, the Supreme Court reading these two sections together held that where a minority like the AngloIndian community has (under article 29 section I) the fundamental right to conserve its language and (under article 30 section the same kind of right to administer educational institutions of its choice, there is implicit in such fundamental right, the right to impart instruction in its own language,
oTHER LANGUAGE. The view put forward in section 46 of the White Paper seems to us to be in conflict with both experience and educational theory. A child may acquire proficiency in more than one language if the languages concerned are part of its day to day environment; but when a language has to be learnt almost exclusively through formal instruction, greater maturity is required; for a child's effective thinking should already be organised in terms of its own language before it should be called upon to grapple with another language. The following

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two quotations cited by my good friend Nesiah in his book Mother Tongue in Education express this point of view with brevity and force :
“A child cannot live equally well in two languages at one and the same time. If an attempt is made to make the child to do so, its intellectual and spiritual growth is not doubled but halved '-Laurie.
" If a bilingual man has two strings to his bow, both of
them are rather slack ' - Schuchardt.
Therefore Grade III is certainly too early to introduce a child to a new language. Grade W would seem to us a more appropriate stage for the introduction of a second language.
In countries where more languages than one enjoy wide currency it is accepted practice to provide opportunities for children to study as many of the national languages as is practicable, in addition to one or more foreign languages. The purpose obviously is to pave the way for national integration and to open to the child wider horizons. Any scheme of national education in Ceylon should in addition to the mother tongue provide opportunities for every child to study the other national language. Here it is necessary to make some observations on the Minister's proposal to send some 2000 Sinhalese teachers to the Northern and Eastern Provinces. The enterprise contemplated by the Minister looks more like a military expedition than an educational mission. The bitterness and frustration that fell like a blight on the 'Tamil speaking people in 1956, remain as deep and poignant as at the passing of the Sinhala Only Act. They are yet unreconciled. All promise of redress has hitherto turned illusory, in a press interview the Minister has said that even if there is only one student for one teacher, he is determined to carry out his intention, for his conscience would not give him peace unless he did all in his power to teach Sinhala to Tamil children so that they may equip themselves for employment under Government. Such heroics are unrealistic, maladroit and irresponsible. Ilet us take this hypothetical one teacher and one pupil. In a hostile atmosphere charged with bitterness and resentment what will they achieve, except of

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course vindicating Mr. Kalugalla's inflexibility? What is the spade work that has been done preparatory to this enterprise? Has a survey been carried out to find out how many children in the given areas want to study Sinhala? lf so, why not make the data available to the public? Just because a few people have written to him, is he justified in entering upon this expensive and explosive venture? Receptivity is as needful as intelligence for learning. Has the Minister made even an attempt to gauge the receptivity in the various areas to which he is sending out his missionaries? There is an even more serious defect in the Minister's programme. Irrespective of Sinhala being Official Language, does not the Minister realise that it will be a wholesome project to provide opportunity for children of both language groups to acquire at least a working knowledge of the other national (not official) language? Did the Minister try to find out if there were parents in Sinhala speaking areas who were interested in their children studying Tamil? Or did he rule out such a possibility as irrelevant to Government policy? National integration cannot be and will not be achieved as long as our Ministers assume the stance of conquerors imposing their will upon a subject people.
Moreover, in the atmosphere prevailing in Ceylon today this responsibility cannot be entrusted to men and women haphazardly recruited for employment. Special persons with personalities suited to this delicate mission, friendly, warm, adept at disarming suspicion and hostility, should be handpicked for this work. Their mission would be not merely to teach Sinhala or Tamil, but to serve as ambassadors of reconciliation. The wrong sort of person can easily make the last state worse than the first.
There is one other point I would urge here. A commission has sat and made recommendations. The Minister of Education has issued a White Paper presumably after studying the commission's report. The public are studying the White Paper. Parliament has not yet considered it. Where is the need for quixotic adventures by Ministers, before Parliament examines the proposals of the White Paper and fashions a comprehensive and coherent system of education for the nation? If a plan

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is evolved, it will be impracticable to implement it at once. There will have to be a scheme of priorities; money will have to be found, blueprints drawn up, special personnel recruited and many other details attended to. Why will not Mr. Kalugalla who will have the decisive voice in shaping the plan, exercise a little patience and wait for the plan to come into being? His pet scheme of the moment will surely find its appropriate place there.
English will be a natural choice as the first foreign language for our children in the context of Ceylon's recent history. But in teaching English our objective should be realistically reassessed and methods adopted accordingly. Language is not a skill that every child is adept in acquiring; but since a foreign language is indispensable in today's world, for advanced learning, travel, commerce, etc. as many children as are interested should be given the opportunity to learn at least one foreign language. Such foreign language, whether it be English or any other should be taught as a tool for acquiring, and using knowledge and not primarily as an accomplishment or as a vehicle for precise and elegant expression. Japan's example of inviting language technicians to fashion a methodology and curriculum for teaching English as a second language is worth following.
Although at the moment we may not have the means to provide courses in other foreign languages, eventually it should be possible for a Ceylonese child to acquire competence not merely in English, but also in other languages, e. g. Hindi, German, French, Russian or Japane e, according to need.
Students who have special aptitudes for linguistic and literary studies should not be ignored in the nation's educational planning and for such students advanced courses in foreign languages and literatures should be made available both in high schools and in the universities.
It now remains for me to examine some of the observations made by Professor J. E. Jayasuriya in his critical conmentary on the White Paper. It is in the fitness of things that Prof. Jayasuriya who is head of the Department of Education in the University of Ceylon and was also Chairman of the National

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Education Commission, should make known to the public of Ceylon his assessment of the proposals put forward by Governmert in the Whité Paper. His Some Issues in Ceylon Education, 1964 is a timely publication. It is concerned largely to show where the proposals deviate from the (N. E. C.) National Education Commission recommendations and on that account are less likely to afford answers to the problems to the solution of which the N. E. C. was asked to address itself. While I am in agreement with most of what he says, I am unable to see eye to eye with him on the question of medium of education for Burgher children (pp. 45, 46) and for the children of Indian extraction in the estate areas (pp 52-54). Much of what he says has been answered in this paper and in the rider to the Interim Report (pp. 67, 8 reproduced as Appendix i) and the dissent to the Final Report (pp 59-161 reproduced as Appendix I; by me aid Mr. S. Natesan.
The difference between me and Professor Jayasriya boils down to this. He thinks that integrating the estate population with the indigenous population Surrounding them is so important that an educational axiom can be thrown overboard. My position is that providing optimum conditions for the child's education is more important and that the social cohesion desired by Professor Jayasuriya can be achieved by making Sinhala a compulsory second language, as every one who appeared before the commission on behalf of this group of children maintained.
What Prof. Jayasuriya seeks to achieve is no different from what Macaulay envisaged when he made his case for making English as the medium of education in India creating a class of Indians who will be Englishmen in all but tie colour of their skin. In the case of the estate children even this difficulty (skin colour) will not arise. Time has proved Macaulay wrong and I have no doubt it will play the same scurvy trick on Prof. Jayasuriya also. S.
Prof. Jayasuriya's observations also give the impression that only Tamil politicians from sheer opportunism have advanced this point of view. I am sure he must have known of Mr. Wilmot Perera's remarks at a seminar in Colombo of the National Fducation Society supporting the position taken in this paper.

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The endorsement he gives to thc proposals of the All-Ceylon Moors' Association is breath-taking. This group wants Sinhala as medium for every child in the island. The N. E. C. wants Sinhala and Tamil at the option of the parent except of course for the children of the estate area where the parent has no option. Prof. Jayasuriya finds this group's proposals realistic and statesmanlike. It would be interesting to knew his assessment of the N. E. C. proposals,
It is difficult to see why the learned Professor gives so much importance to the views of his group. My impression is that the overwhelming majority of groups and individuals who gave evidence before thc N. E. C. on behalf of the Musiims, unreservedly supported the view that Tamil should be the medium of inst ution for Muslim children. Why should Prof. Jayasuriya make light of that volume of evidence and play up this group Whom does this group represent? Does it speak for thc entire Muslim community of Ceylon ? Are there also other voices entitled to speak with equal or greater authority on behalf of the Muslims? There can be opportunism in deserting the weak with a view to winning smiles of approbation, and even more, substantial benefits, by making common cause with the strong. And why should any one, least of all a responsible person like Prof. Jayasuriya, speak as though the All Ceylon Moors' Association were the authentic voice of the entire Muslim community of Ceylon ?

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TRIBUTE TO THE REV. JOHN BICKNELL
If only we do not forget that mortality is man's lot here on earth and that all of us must depart hence, leaving unfulfilled some at least of our dearest dreams, we have no cause for grief on Mr. Bicknell's account, for his call has come to him at the crowning point of a career, rich in noble purposes and proud achievements. Heaven gave him a long and fruitful term of service to Jaffna College. The work of his hands has been blessed: from triumph to triumph he has gone until he and Jaffna College, on... whosc behalf he aboured during the best years of life, have come to occupy a place of enviable eminence.
It was only a fortnight ago that there were showered upon him the encomiums of the elite of Ceylon, when the Colombo Branch of the Jaffna College Old Boys' Association feted him on his completing the 25th year of his association with Jaffna College. Testimonies, unsolicited, genuine, spontaneous came from Hindu and Buddhist, Englishman and Tamil, to the work of this American Christian who left his home and all to toil in a strange and for a race alien to his.
Rev. Fr. Heras of Bombay; the distinguished historian and archaeologist, writing to a member of the staff on another matter has gone out of his way to pay a tribute to Mr. Bicknell's geniality after meeting him but once in his life.
Mr. Bicknell's son has been happily married and has madc it possible for his fond father to see and bless his daughterin-law,
If ever it bc given to us mortals to receive the full measure of appreciation for our scrvices, it was given to Mr. Bicknell in the course of the year 1936.
He had the satisfaction, ere he quitted this carth, of knowing how generously his work had been appreciated by the people to whom he had devoted the finest energies of his manhood.
Therefore, I say, it is some of us here with whom the fates have dealt cruelly in depriving us of the kindly presence of Mr. Bicknell,

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The suddenness of his passing away left us without a full apprehension of the void that was being created for us. It is only slowly and painfully that we have been waking to the full measure of what sorrows are in store for us.
First, when we come back here at the beginning of next term where are we to find that radiant smile, that un forgettable hand clasp and the kindly inquiries about our homes and our little ones?
Then, where are we to find the fricnd for whose smile of approval and cncouragement we have striven both as pupils and as teachers as the most precious recompense for our work?
Where, again, are we to hear those rich and hilarious peals of laughter that we always heard from Mr. Bicknell when he narrated, or listened to, a good story
I have (and I am sure some others have) often walked into his office when I saw him free, merely to tell him a good story. Í hen it did one’s heart good to hear him laugh with all a child's abandon. There was something elemental in him that broke through all the sophistications of twentieth century America and made him rejoice in the simple things life offers us. Where are we to find another with whom we can quarrel so violently and so frequently and with whom we can become friends again just as violently and frequently?
When, finally, will the students of Jaffna College ind a principal so consistently and patiently generous to their deline quencies? It is an open secret that more than once during his principalship, Mr. Bicknell provoked the impatience and incurred the criticism of many of us teachers, because in season and out of season he would stand up for the undcfended boy and invent and present one excuse after another till the opposition was worn out or exasperated by Mr. Bicknell's doggedness.
I remember very vividly one occasion, when we were dealing with the case of a boy whose behaviour had been outrageous and we were pleading for condign punishment, because, as we maintain cd, our clemency was abused and the students were

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taking advantage of our forgiveness. Then Mr. Bicknell reminded us, "God Almighty must be thinking the same of many of us.'
Few things that concerned his pupils or teachers were too Small to call forth Mr. Bicknell's active sympathies. If one of us got married, he would travel miles to say a charming word to the bride. If one of us fell seriously ill, he would drop in to cheer those afflicted, often sit hours by the bedside of the patient, and see the doctor in attendance and do everything else needful in the situation. If one of us passed an examination, hc would be among the first to rejoice over the success and gladden the heart of him who had achieved the success, Mr. Bicknell's personal interest in all our doings was so keen that to many of us our proud achievements lacked their full savour if they did not win Mr. Bicknell's commendations.
The more spectacular side of Mr. Bicknell's life and pcrSonality I have not touched upon here, for the vigorous, dynamic, vivid, resourceful, adventurous spirit, that inhabited this tenement of clay, of itself, compelled your admiration and impressed its potency on all who came near it. But to regard him merely as a splendid he-man, were an error and an injustice. His kindly humanity, his secret sympathies were known only to us who have lived with him the best part of our lives.
His rich gift of fun and frolic, his indefatigable forbearance with the erring, I have dwelt upon today, for I, for one, know, that the spectacular and manlier aspects of Mr. Bickneli's life were but one side, and that certainly not the more important, of a personality gifted with manifold virtues. Truly may it bc said of him, “here was a main sent from God and his fans was John.'

From the Kesiri
MOTHER TONGUE AND MOTHERS TONGUE.
Dr. Jennings has drawn a fine distinction between the mother tongue and the mother's tongue. It seems that Dr. Jennings' pronouncement has come as a godsend to some people in Ceylon who were looking for a reason to justify their preference for English as the medium of instruction.
To me the educational aspect of this question is not the only aspect worth considering. From an educational point of view the vehicle through which the child acquires its knowledge is of far reaching importance. But that aspect does not exhaust the problem. A language and its literature have every where formed the symbol around which national loyalties have gathered. Every political revolution has been heralded or accompanied by a literary renaissance. Empire builders have recognized the mighty influence a language wields over a people's loyalties. Wherever the Roman eagle spread its wings the Latin language also shed its influence to secure by the invisible influence of Roman culture the conquest achieved by the brute force of Roman arms. Today since Japan's annexation of Korea it is a criminal offence for a Korean to speak his mother tongue even in his home. The British conquerors of India also introduced the English language into India for the same ulterior purpose. The following extracts from contemporary documents show how well Britain's Empire builders knew what they were doing. The extracts given below are taken from a small book “Students and Villagers', by Dr. S. Jesudason.
“In his evidence tendered on the 15th of June 1833 before the Select Committee of the House of Lords, Mr. J. C. Marshman referred to “a very memorable debate, in which, for the first time the views of the Court of Directors upon the subject of education, after we had obtained possession of the country, were developed.' On that occasion, one of the Directors stated that '' we had just lost America from our folly, in having allowed the establishment of schools and colleges, and that it would not do for us to repeat the same act of folly in regard to India, and that if the natives required anything in the way of education, they must come to England for it.'
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Sir Charles Trevelyan — brother-in-law of Macaulay — in his evidence on 23rd June 1853 before the Select Committee of thc House of Lords said: “According to the original native views,... both Hindus and Mohammedans regard us as usurping foreigners, who have taken their country from them, and excluded them from the avenues to wealth and distinction. The effect of a training in Europcan learning is to give an entirely new turn to thc native mind. The young men educated in this way cease to strivic after independence according to the original native model, and aim at improving the institutions of the country with the ultimate result of establishing constitutional self-government. They cease to regard us as enemies and as usurpers, and they look upon us as friends and patrons and powerful beneficent persons, under whose protection all they have most at heart for the regeneration of their country will gradually be worked out. For a very long time to comc it would be greatly to their disadvantage that a native government should be established. They would bc the first who would suffer from it. They would be the objects of plunder and popular indignation, and it is in every way their interest to hold by us; and as that class increases, the larger will be the proportion of the people who will become attached to us.'
Sir Charles Trevelyan, who has already been quoted, submitted to the Parliamentary Committee of 1853, a paper on * The Political Tendency of the Different Systems of Education in India'. Below are some significant extracts from this tell-tale document:
The spirit of English literaturc on the other hand, cannot but be favourable to the British connection. Familiarly acquainted with us by means of our literature, the Indian elite almost cease to regard us as foreigners. They speak of our great men with the same enthusiasm as we do, educated in thc sane way, interested in the same objects, engaged in thc same pursuits as we ourselves, they become more English. than Hindus, just as the Roman provincials became more Romans than Gauls or talians. What is it that makes us what we are except that we are living and conversing with English thoughts and habits of mind? They do so tco; they daily converse with the best

and wisest Englishmen through the medium of their works; and form, perhaps, a higher idea of our nation than if their intercourse with it were of a more personal kind.....There is no class of our subjects to whom we are more thoroughly necessary than those whose opinions are cast in the English mould; they are spoiled for a purely native regime; they have everything to fear from the establishment of a native government; their education would mark them out for persecution. This class is at present a small minority, but it is continually receiving accessions from the youth who are brought up at the different English seminaries.'
Dr. Duff another Anglicist wrote :
“The vast influence of language in moulding national feelings and habits, more especially if fraught with superior stores of knowledge, is too little attended to, and too inadequately understood. When the Romans conquered a province, they forth with set themselves to the task of Romanising it; that is, they strove to create a taste for their own more refined language and literature and thereby aimed at turning the thought and the feeling and the fancy of subjugated people into Ronan channels, which fed and augmented Roman interests'.
And the Anglicists carried the day.
Three decades before Macaulay arrived in India Mr. Thackeray wrote on behalf of Lord William Bentinck:
'We do not want generals, statesmen and legislators, we want industrious husbandmen.”
In support of this view wrote Macaulay:
“We must do our best to form a class who may be interpreters between us and the millions we govern; a class of persons Indian in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions, words and intellect. Uprooting of a vernacular was the extermination of a race, or at least, all its peculiar characteristics; speech, thought and existence were so closely bound up that it was impossible to separate them.'
Finally, in the Education Despatch of 1854 we read that the unnatural system of education introduced by Lord Bentinck “would secure to us a larger and more certain supply of many

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articles necessary for our manufactures and extensively consumed by all classes of our population, as well as an almost inexhaustible demand for the produce of British labour.'
Those responsible for framing India's educational policy were men of foresight who wanted to create a group of people whose interest it would be to perpetuate the British rule and to whom any interference with the existing state of affairs would be extremely painful. The conditions contemplated in these extracts are as true of Ceylon as of India. Has not this educational policy created in Ceylon a class of people, Ceylonese in blood and colour but " English in taste, in opinions, words and intellect' to whom English has become the mother's tongue?.
In my opinion, that there are people in Ceylon so divorced from their national moorings as to use English as the language of the home, is the greatest indictment of the educational policy pursued in Ceylon. It is also the all important reason why the present conditions should be altered and every Ceylonese child should be educated in its mother tongue. It is to me as clear as daylight that no national revival of any depth is possible until the languages of the country come into their own and the children of the land learn to lisp and laugh and make love and sing in their own tongues. And those poor children to whom English is the mother's tongue will be left out in the cold when this revival comes to pass

THE NATIONAL LANGUAGES
Since many ill-considered statements are being made on this question of making Sinhala and Tamil the official languages of Ceylon, I have thought it fit to examine some of these statements. In the first place I propose to examine the view that neither of these languages is adequate to the needs of higher education.
As a statement of the present state of these languages I believe that this statement is partially true. But I do not concede the inference many people draw from it. Since their present inadequacy is an incontrovertible fact, it cannot therefore be maintained that these languages will always remain inadequate. No language ever descends upon a people with pre-fabricated perfection. Every language grows richer as the intellectual life of the people who speak it grows richer. A language gains suppleness and subtlety and develops nuances of idiom as the people who speak it advance in intellectual stature and as the range of their experience and intellectual vision is enlarged. A language is both an effect and a cause of a people's spiritual and mental awakening. A people's awakening is reflected in its idiom which in turn is an invaluable stimulus for further intellectual adventure. Thus if our languages are today inadequate as vehicles for higher education, it is because they have hitherto been neglected and they could not of their own might have evolved a vocabulary suitable to the needs of a modern people. Further neglect is surely not the best means of curing this defect. Thus, if these languages are to become appropriate vehicles for modern thought, it can come to pass only if the people use them for that purpose. But where can we find the words? Ah, there's the rub 2
Is it really such a formidable question? Anyone who can objectively assess the progress of Sinhala and Tamil during the last decade and a half will know that in many respects these languages have kept pace with the intellectual life of the people. Thanks to adult suffrage and the small measure of internal freedom the Donoughmore Constitution gave to Ceylon

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the common man (i. e. the men and also women who speak Sinhala and Tamil) has gained in importance and those who need his goodwill have had to speak to him in his language. Those who wanted to evoke his sympathy for the new political ideologies of the twentieth century have had to explain them to him in an idiom he could understand. So imperceptibly there has been evolved a political vocabulary to meet a real need of the country. The vocabulary may not pass muster in the estimation of pundits and purists. But it has satisfied the criterion of practical adequacy.
But it was not pure politics-if there be such a monstrositythat was dished out to the people on these occasions. Sociology psychology, education, philosophv, are all inextricably interwoven with contemporary political thinking. So the political vocabulary I have in mind embraces the whole gamut of contemporary life The point I want to make is that as soon as a living need was felt, a vocabulary perhaps not of ideal quality, but practically adequate, has been evolved. Even so when there is an urge for expression in other fields as well, a vocabulary will be forthcoming. But it is not necessary for us to leave the evolution of this vocabulary to chance. Too often the excuse of inadequacy is the easy escape of people who do not care to give serious thought to the problem or those who are ignorant of the resources already possessed by these languages. Every generation likes to think of its predecessors as crude and barbarous and we too are prone to think that our forbears had no words to express the super-subtle ideas that are the peculiar glory of our generation. If we will divest ourselves of this brand of snobbishness and delve into the classics, I am sure we will come upon many a chaste and elegant word to meet our needs. In a measure that process also has been going on for some time now. Further there are enough men sufficiently learned in English and Tamil or Sinhala lore whose learning can be turned to advantage in creating the vocabulary that we are thinking of. They are conversant with the national language in question and are alive to the intellectual needs of a modern nation possessing these two qualifications, they will be able to play a useful part in creating the kind of vocabulary we have in mind

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Swami Vipulanandha, Dr. Vajirama Thero, Mr. Julius de Lanerolle, Dr. Kanapathippillai, Dr. Ratnasooriya and Rev. Fr. Gnana Prakasar are names that occur to me naturally in this context. If the energies and knowledge of these men can be harnessed to this purpose, we will get a vocabulary that will be not merely adequate, but also one that will be in tune with the genius of the languages in question, giving no offence in regard to taste or elegance.
From what has been said it will be seen that adequacy for higher intellectual pursuits is not a natural and original endowment of any language and that this adequacy can be achieved by our taking thought thereof; and further that this adequacy for certain purposes has increased during the last fifteen years or so because of vital need.
Before I conclude this article, I should like to draw the reader's attention to the history of the English language in this regard. What an imposing passage to greater and greater adequacy has this language achieved during the last three hundred years
Bacon, a contemporary of Shakespeare. wrote his Novum Organum in Latin for two reasons. One was the comparative superiority of Latin in the matter of adequacy for precise Scientific expression. The other was the greater international vogue of Latin at that time. In fact it is said that even of his famous Essays, Bacon left a Latin translation, because he was not quite sure of the future of the English language. Newton who lived a century later wrote his Principia Mathematica also in Latin, presumably for the same two reasons. If the English people had also on set purpose followed the lead of these two geniuses what would have been the position of the English language today in the field of science and international status
Let us not forget that relatively speaking Latin enjoyed in the world of those days the same overwhelming advantages that Englih does today and that to cold reason, it would have

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seemed presumptuous folly for the speech of a small island like England to hope to measure up to Latin's stature in suitability for the expression of higher thought and for purposes of international intercourse.
The conclusion I wish to draw from this is that when there is a vigorous and dynamic intellectual life among a people, its speech undergoes a spontaneous enrichment and that if among the people of Ceylon too there occurs this intellectual and spiritual ferment, our languages too will inevitably gain in richness and will serve our needs adequately,

MAHATMA GANDHI-II
HIS PERSONAL ASCEND ANCY
Mahatma Gandhi was seventy eight years old on October 2, and all over India and Ceylon and possibly in other parts of the world, Gandhi's birthday has been celebrated with enthusiasm. It is in the fitness of things that a special significance has been given to these celebrations this year; for in a very real sense the events that have led to the enthronement of the Congress in the seats of power in India, not merely mark an epoch in the life of the Indian people but constitute also a personal triumph for Mahatma Gandhi. Ever since he entered the arena of Indian politics, in the early twenties of this century, Gandhi's leadership has been the all-pervading influence in India's struggle for independence. Other figures with gigantic stature of mind and body did bestride the stage: C. R. Das, the elder Nehru, Srinivasa Iyengar, the Ali Brothers, Vithalbai Patel are some of the names that occur to one as the mind goes over the quarter of a century during which Gandhi has been the most influential force in India's politics.
Some of these men while remaining personally devoted to Gandhi, led a revolt against his cult of non-violent non-cooperation and attempted to further the cause of Indian inde - pendence by entering the legislatures and obstructing the work of government. Srinivasa Iyengar, Motilal Nehru and Chittaranjan Das were the top-rank leaders of the Swarajiya Party which believed in Council entry for the purpose of 'persistent, insistent, consistent obstruction'. These were all towering personalities, endowed with subtler minds and more imposing presences than Gandhi. Srinivasa Iyengar of Madras, C. R. Das of Calcutta, and Motilal Nehru from Allahabad, all had renounced lucrative careers at the bar. They were all endowed with commanding physical presences and superb intellectual gifts. Everyone of them was a splendid orator and possessed great charm of personality. Born leaders of men, they could all move their fellow men to paroxysms of fervour by their impassioned oratory and dynamic personalities. Their devotion to the cause of their country's freedom was no whit less intense or less sincere than Gandhi's,

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They were all of them more men of the world with a wider range of intellectual interests and a more catholic culture than Gandhi could ever lay claim to.
Yet Gandhi towered above all of them. No other single personality in recent lindian history, Jawaharlal not excepted, has evoked the same intense loyalty and devotion as Gandhi has done. Not one other Indian leader has been able to inspire the masses of India with such implicit confidence and such enthusiastic affection. Imperial Britain found no adversary, so tough, so determined, so inflexible, so taxing to its patience and so proof against all its might and manouvres as this frail man courteous in speech, polite in manners, pathetic in stature.
Today, in spite of the denunciation of extreme leftists who do not find him revolutionary enough, in spite of occasional black flag processions organised by disgruntled groups and in spite of the anathemas of Mr. Mohamed Ali Jinnah, his influence remains as irresistible as ever and the power he wields over India's millions is as subtle as it is profound.
What is the source of this power? Wherein lies the secret of this ascendency he has enjoyed for over quarter of a century and which shows no sign of abatement? His periodical fasts, widely publicized and with the eyes of the whole world focussed upon him, his ascetic mode of life with its austerities and abstinences, the peculiar psychology of the Indian people which is predisposed to bestow semi-divine honours on all who affect simplicity in food and raiment, his repeated incarceration for hurling defiance at the tyrannical foreigner who was keeping a mighty people in subjection, are possible answers.
But are they adequate? Do these facts afford an exhaustive explanation for the ascendency Gandhi has enjoyed all these years? There have been many men and women in India during these twenty-five years who have done all these things, some of them more spectacular figures who have stepped down from loftier social and professional eminences than Gandhi ever attained to, who renounced greater wealth and higher positions than Gandhi ever had. Yet not one of them wielded the same irresistible influence as Gandhi or enjoyed popular affection to the

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same degree as Gandhi did; and what is stranger still, every one of them was happy to acknowledge Gandhi as his leader.
To come back to the question as to wherein lies the secret of this phenomenal power that Gandhi has wielded in India these twenty-five years, let me confess that a categorical answer to a question which has exercised the best brains of the world is not to be expected. But having raised the question, l propose to answer it as well as I can.
And here is my answer: men like Motilal and Das were aristocrats, intellectuals, whose sympathy with the masses was born of intellectual conviction, a corollary from a political creed they consciously held. It was not integral to their being, nor a natural overflowing of fellow-feeling for the under-privileged and unprivileged among their countrymen. To say so, is not to cast a doubt on their sincerity or a slur on their integrity.
They had been born to riches and high status. To one they could say go' and he went. To another they said “come' and he came. They had accepted this state of things as theirs by right; and when they awoke to the realization of other values, they did not succeed wholly in achieving the re-orientation of personality necessary for completely realizing these new values. Therefore, their sympathy for the toiling millions of India, however genuine, lacked spontaneity. There was an element of constraint and condescension in it. It was not sufficiently integrated with the rest of their personalities.
With Gandhi it was different. Any one who has heard him speak or has read his writings knows immediately that his feeling for the starving millions of India is not part of a conscious creed, but rather a part of his being, that in him there is no condescension, conscious or unconscious. His understanding of their needs and their problems is not the result of elaborate theoretical reasoning, but rather an intuitive apprehension, almost unconsciously achieved. In Gandhi's identification of himself with Dar idra Narayana there is neither art not artifice. When he came to Ceylon with the begging bowl he begged without shame and without reserve. At every reception he was given, almost the first thing he did was to demand his purse, Every time he

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spoke he referred to the starving millions of India, always trilling the r and never dreaming of apologizing for reiterating his appeal. When he was about to entrain for India, there was a mammoth crowd at the Jaffna Railway Station to receive his blessings; but instead of, rather in addition to, blessing them, he demanded that everyone should dive deep into his pocket and part with his last cent for the starving millions of India.
This directness and freedom from the inhibitions of a false sense of shame are, to my mind, evidence not merely of his identification of himself with the toiling masses of India, but also of a personality that has achieved harmony within itself, Being at peace with himself he is able to radiate peace among others. Himself free from inner conflict, he is able to inspire others with confidence and affection. When I say that a person ality that has found peace within itself, has the knack of inspiring others with something of the same peaceful quality, am not aware of saying something mystical or miraculous. It is a fact of experience to which most men can bear testimony. Most men are able somehow to sense this absence of conflict. in a person and appropriately to respond to it. It is said of St. Francis of Assisi that even birds and beasts responded with gentleness to his gentleness. And. I venture to say that Gandhi's ascendency over the masses of India is due in great measure to the quiet strength he has achieved by banishing all conflict from his psyche, Jawaharlal Nehru whose knowledge of Gandhi is long and intimate, says in his Autobiography that often during critical days of the struggle in India Gandhi took decisions that staggered Nehru and others by their obvious unreason, but that every one of them was justified by subsequent developments because, (as Nehru says) Gandhi had intuitively assessed the minds of the masses with a precision not available to mere reason. (I am not quoting the Pandit's exact words since I have not been able to trace the quotation. But I am reasonably sure that what I have said is the purport of his words).
Those who know Nehru know also that imbued with the agnostic temper of modern science, he regards with suspicion anything that smacks of mysticism and does not justify itself to human reason.

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But even he has to acknowledge Gandhi's strange and subtle magnetism that cannot be wholly gauged in syllogistic terms. Here are his own words from the chapter in his Autobiography where he compares the meek and mild Gandhi with his father Motilal, a patrician with imperial mien and regal bearing
"His calm, deep eyes would hold one and gently probe into the depths; his voice, clear and limpid, would purr its ways into the heart and evoke an emotional response. Whether his audience consisted of one person or a thousand, the charm and magnetism of the man passed on to it, and each one had a feeling of communion with the speaker. This feeling had little to do with the mind, though the appeal to thc Imind was not wholly ignored. But mind and reason definitely had second place. This process of spell-binding' was not brought about by oratory or the hypnotism of silken phrases. The language was always simple and to the point and seldom was an unnecessary word used. It was the utter sincerity of the man and his personality that gripped; he gave the impression of the tremendous inner reserves of power. ......'
Gandhiji had little sense of beauty or artistry in man-made objects, though he admired natural beauty. The Taj Mahal was for him an embodiment of forced labour and little more. His sense of smell was feeble. And yet in his own way he had discovered the art of living and had made of his life an artistic whole. Every gesture had meaning and grace, without a false touch. There were no rough edges or sharp corners about him, no trace of vulgarity or commonness, in which unhappily, our middle classes excel. Having found an inner peace, he radiated it to others and marched through life's tortuous ways with firm and undaunted step. But let us not forget that integration of personality is a psychological fact bearing no necessary relation to ethical value. Resolution of conflict and removal of inhibitions may occur on any ethical level. To be socially fruitful it must possess an ethical content approved by society. That Gandhi's ethical values are orientated to worthy social ends and have society's approval, I do not think, it is necessary to demonstrate.

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MAHATMA GANDHI-lj
GANDHIAN PHILOSOPHY
When I speak of the Gandhian philosophy, ... I am not to be understood as saying that there is any recognized body of metaphysical or ethical doctrine, which has been put into systematic shape by Mahatma Gandhi, or that in any other sense he is the author of a system of speculative philosophy. What I mean by his philosophy is that inherent and implict in the political and moral doctrines associated with his name are certain presuppositions and fundamental principles, without which it will be difficult, if not impossible, to understand or even sympathize with his teaching.
Wherever, Gandhi is known, his devotion to the cult of the cliarka is also known. The charka and kaddhar loom large in the Gandhian programme of national reconstruction. To Gandhi, kaddhar served a two-fold purpose. It satisfied his anti-imperialist and anti-mechanistic urges. Cleth was one of the chief imports from Britain into India and if India could be made self-sufficient in this regard and a severe blow dealt to Britain's trade in cotton goods, Britain might be made to change her attitude to India. But this end could have been achieved even more expeditiously by encouraging the setting up of spinning and weaving mills in India. But Gandhi set his face against this as sternly as against the import of foreign manufactured cloth. Therefore, the anti-imperialist sentiment alone offers no adequate basis for the peculiar place kaddhar has occupied in the Gandhian. philosophy. The charka and kaddhar are tangible expressions of Gandhi's profound aversion to the industrial and mechanical civilization of the West. Large scale industrialization tied up to a capitalistic economy bore many an evil fruit. Being dominated by the profit-motive, production bore no intelligible relation to the actual needs of any community. It was really not the adjustment of supply to demand, but the stimulation of demand to absorb whatever the manufacturer chose to produce. This and many another evil that industralization, based on the capitalist organization of society engenders, have been felt only too poignantly by this generation. Even a bare mention of them.

all would spread out this article to unconscionable lengths. But one or two of them at least must be considered in some detail, if we would understand Gandhi's implacable antagonism to the mechanized civilization of the West. Profit-making being the dominant motive underlying production, industralization has had the effect of reducing human dignity, in that man himself has been degraded to the role of a merely incidental tool in the complicated process of production. Production for profit is the end and man merely a means for achieving this end. In the industrial processes of today man, except for the very few at the top to whom it is given to plan and organize and feel the thrills of creative joy, is only a tender of machines. Work for most men has become drudgery and the old craftsman's rapture of creation is no longer felt by the tender of machines. Certainly machines enable man to save time. But most men know not what to do with time so saved. And any amount of time saved is no compensation for the joy and pride experienced by the craftsman of old as he watched his handwork grow in finish and perfection under his eye and in his hands,
The hurry and bustle that have come in the wake of industrialization is another important count in Gandhi's indictment of modern civilization.
The giddy pace of life in the modern world provides man with a succession of amusements and recreations but leaves him unrefreshed in the end. Repose, the consciousness of being at peace with oneself and the universe, is hard to come by in modern conditions. Gandhi may or may not say with W. H. Davies,
What is this life if, full of care We have no time to stand and stare
But he will want a little more time to sit and stare within himself.
Thus to Gandhi, the charka is the means not merely for India's political and economic emancipation, but also for the liberation of the soul of man from the evils of an industrial civilization that gives no heed to the claims of human personality,

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Whether one agrees with Gandhi or not it is a grievous error to hold that Gandhi is unique in his beliefs in this regard or that he is the first among men to have behaved in this strange manner toward the benefits conferred by machines on man. It is well known that Gandhi was profoundly influenced in these matters by both Ruskin and Tolstoy both of whom share Gandhi's attitude. The bicycle, a comparatively innocent piece of machinery which was coming into vogue in Ruskin's day, Ruskin is said to have described as the devil's own engine. About railway travel Ruskin's verdict was that you arrive, but do not travel. Tolstoy, it is said, thought that if man's creator meant him to travel faster than his feet could carry him, he would have provided him with wings. R
Samuel Butler, from whom Shaw claims to have derived his most revolutionary doctrines, in his Erewhon conjures a satiric vision of the time when machines will mate with machines and propagate their kind. In the land of Erewhon this happens and the machines rise up in revolt against man, their maker, and all but destroy him. Man, however, after a desperate struggle, succeeds in over-powering the machines. From that day it is a capital offence for any Erewhonian to produce or abet the production of any article that may be described as a machine.
Gordon Bottomley, a poet of this century, has written a poem on this theme which is too long to quote here. He yearns for a time when the metalic treasures in the bowels of the earth will have been exhausted and from the slag heap left behind by the mighty furnaces man will fashion for himself the only two tools he really needs--the plough and the chisel.
Here are the last two stanzas of the poem entitled "To Iron-Founders and Others'.
When the old hollowed earth is cracked, And when, to grasp more power and feasts, Its ores are emptied, washed, lacked, The middens of your burning beasts Shall be raked over till they yield, Last priceless slags for fashionings high, Ploughs to wake grass in every field,

-- 129 سست
In every age from early times there have been poets and seers who, either through weariness brought on by the complexities of civilization or apprehending these complexities, have yearned for the simplicities of a more primitive epoch when men's needs were fewer and more easily satisfied.
This trend of thought has been particularly strong among men who look upon this world and its delights as transient and of little or no permanent value. The earth is to them a vale of tears and the life on earth is at best a preparation for a more real and fuller life hereafter. The more possessions you have on the earth the more will you cling to the earth and its earthy delights and the greater will your reluctance be to enter into the richer inheritance that is awaiting you elsewhere, for where your treasure is, there will your heart be also. This attitude of under valuing the earth and its delights, one may term the world denying attitude. The highest felicity for the philosophers of this school is renunciation and still more renunciation until the human spirit, finally renouncing even its fleshy habitation enters into its heavenly mansion.
That Mahatma Gandhi with his gospel of austere discipline and ascetic abstinences which frowns not merely on luxuries but on everything that goes beyond what is barely needful for life, belongs fundamentally to the school which makes little of this world and looks forward to the fulfilment of life to a realm beyond time and space, will be admitted by all who have followed the workings of his mind, although his genuine concern for the starving millions of India shows that he is not wholly oblivious to the claims of the organic life here and now.
The charka is thus not merely a weapon in the Gandhian warfare against the economic exploitation of India by Britain. It is also the symbol of certain aesthetic and ethical values fundamental to the Gandhian view of life.

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RAMANATHAN
Ponnambalam Ramanathan was born to wealth and privilege. Ile grew up in a tradition which regarded freedom as something to be won by proving one's capacity to use it well. Freedom was not to him and to his age an in alienable human right that belonged to man, regardless of birth or breeding. It was rather a gift from one's betters bestowed after assessing one's capacity to enjoy its benefits and after satisfying themselves of one's aptitude to discharge the responsibilities that freedom involves. Ramanathan's formative years had been in the days of good Queen Victoria, when Tennyson sang of “Freedom broadening down from precedent to precedent'.
That of course had been the history of political freedom in England. The barons had wrested a share of power from the king at the signing of the Magna Carta. The civil war had signalized among other things the extension of political power to the upper middle classes. The various refo1m bills of the 19th century bestowed political power on the classes that had become vocal as a result of the Industrial Revolution.
The basic principles of Ramanathan's political philosophy were also derived from the spirit that prevailed in 19th century England.
No man however daring and original his genius, can wholly escape the limitations of the age in which he is born. The spirit of the age inevitably imposes its stamp in diverse imperceptible modes.
But not every one is so overwhelmed by the prevailing tendencies of an age to the same degree. The spell it casts varies from individual to individual and the extent to which a man rises above the limitations of his age, is a measure of his greatness.
In many respects Ramanathan was a child of his age. But in the more significant respects he was a rebel against the spirit of his time.

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His critics will do well to remember that Rananathan's doughtiest deeds were wrought when Ceylon was yet a crown colony and the prevailing psychology among colonial magnates was one of fawning and sycophancy. When the great men of Ceylon were vying with one another to secure gubernatorial smiles, Ramanathan's thunders were directed against gubernatorial misdeeds. The high water-mark of his services to Ceylon was the heroic role he played in connection with the riots of 1915, regardless of all consequences to himself.
If after that historic episode, there seems to have been a change in Ramanathan's politics, that change was at least in part due to a new political force that was beginning to exercise sway over mankind-the revolutionary-proletarian philosophy of politics. Ramanathan was out of touch with it and distrusted it.
But any unfavourable verdict based on his lack of sympathy with this philosophy, will be unfair, for every man must be judged in terms of the values and standards that prevailed in his time.

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Fr. GNANA PRAKASAR, O.M.I.
Father Gnana Prakasar was to me at one time almost a legendary figure. His international fame as a scholar l knew and among my weaknesses is reverence for men of learning. His reputation for learning impressed me. But my acquaintance with the department in which he excelled was confined to journalistic scraps and the ill-informed slanders of people who denied his scholarship because of the odium theologicum. I had wanted to meet him in person and discuss with him the theories which he was reputed to be advancing about the antiquity of the Tamil language. But having no knowledge whatever of the man I never ventured to carry out this desire.
But one day I found him literally at my doorstep. He was collecting advance subscriptions for his Etymological and Comparative Lexicon of the Tamil Language and had gone to his old school fellow and my old teacher Mr. J. V. Chelliah, seeking to enlist his services for that purpose. Evidently Mr. Chelliah thought that I would be of some use. So they both came to me.
This was only the first of many meetings. For several weeks thereafter we both went about seeking likely victims to mulct for the Lexicon. While doing this I discussed with him the theory he was elaborating in the Lexicon. Journalistic reports had said that Father Gnana Prakasar was of the opinion that Tamil was the earliest human speech and that all other languages were derived from the Tamil language.
Philology and linguistics are a specialist's field and do not lend themselves to popular treatment. And, I am afraid, Fr. Gnana Prakasar was by no means a popularizer for even in certain expositions he wrote for popular consumption, he took too much specialist knowledge for granted.
Hence it is not difficult to understand the popular misconception and misrepresentations of the thesis he was putting forward.
As far as I could gather from his writings and from various conversations I had with him on the subject, the thesis be was

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elaborating in the Lexicon was that the so-called Indo-European family of languages does not represent an independent or autonomous linguistic family, but is itself an offspring of the Dravidian family, the parent tongue of which family is Ta mil; that the truth of this dictum could be proved by an analysis of the primitive roots of these languages and comparing them with those of Tamil, and further that he relied on well established principles of philology for proving all these.
According to Fr. Gnana Prakasar India was at one time peopled by a race which spoke Tamil or its Prakrits i. e. less developed and possibly less elegant variations, and that when the bulk of the Dravidian peoples were driven south, the invaders absorbed part of the population and superimposed their vocabulary on the tongues spoken by the original inhabitants.
These were Fr. Gnana Prakasar's conclusions derived from purely linguistic researches carried out independently by him.
The archaeological finds at Mohenjadaro and Harappa and Fr. Heras' reconstruction of the language of the people who evolved this civilization have brought unexpected confirmation to Fr, Ghana Prakasar's thesis.
Another aspect of the thesis elaborated in the Lexicon is the view that the primitive roots of the modern European languages are Dravidian and that at some prehistoric time the races of Europe and the Dravidians were members of the same stock, dwelling in the same regions and speaking the same tongue. This theory again has gained confirmation from an independent and unexpected source, A German savant, Clement Schoener after examining over eight hundred names of rivers, mountains and places used in Western Asia and Europe has come to the conclusion that they are all of Dravidian origin and has given the name Armalurisch to the tongue to which these words belong and has compiled a Lexicon of this Language. The name is made up of Ar Tamil (-up), Mal (T. LDðav), Ur (T. dot it), which are the endings of these words.
Research and the conclusions of scholarship have a precarious cxistence. They are always in danger of being superseded or

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revised by the scholarship of a subsequent generation or in the light of fresh archaeological and other data. So objective truth of the conclusions reached cannot be the sole criterion for judging the merits of scholars. Patience and diligence in assembling the material, acumen and objectivity in assessing the significance of the data, the disinterested pursuit of knowledge, the scholarly endowment and insight one brings to bear on the problem can more properly be regarded as true bases of evaluation in this field.
Fr. Gnana Prakasar's Lexicon, in which he undertook to demonstrate his full thesis has not been completed. Therefore any final verdict on it is not possible now, even if it may have been so, if the work had been completed. But on the criteria enumerated in this article, it is impossible not to accord a pre-eminent place to Fr. Gnana Prakasar in the realm of scholarship.
The Lexicon and the linguistic research it represents, do not exhaust the learned Father's scholarly pursuits. Ceylon history and antiquities, religious and theological controversy are among the topics that engrossed his attention. To his co-religionists he was above everything else, a most indefatigable missionary and defender of the faith.
But among those who feel poignantly the sadness of his passing away are many who did not share his religious convictions. His scholarly pursuits had won for him admiration from many outside the Roman Catholic fold. The Saiya Adheenams of South India whose heads have besides fostering Saivism been also munificent patrons of Tamil learning took a keen interest in Fr. Gnana Prakasar's research and even gave him financial assistance. The Thiruppanantal Adheenam in particular bore a large share of the financial responsibility for bringing out his book How Tamil was Built up. But it is sad to think that the Ceylon University which conferred honorary degrees even for considerations other than scholarly achievement did not deem it fit to honour Fr. Gnana Prakasar and by so doing honour itself too,

TRADE UNION WEEK
The Trade Union Week inaugurated by government servants has besides focussing public attention on their sense of grievance and their resolve to secure redress for their grievances, furnished an insight into the psychology of the present day government servant.
A significant symptom of the Crown Colony system proper was that the government servant identified himself body and soul with the bureaucracy. He shared in the aura of respectability that hedged imperialism around. He belonged to a privileged fraternity that was often more imperialist than its imperialist masters. His outlook and political philosophy were reactionary. In the early days of the British administration, its pettiest employee regarded himself as a feudal potentate and assumed lordly airs. To every middle class parent and to every parent who yearned for a middle class status for his offspring, the summum bonum for the young hopefuls of the family was a safe niche in the public services. The places were few, the aspirants were many. Competition for entry and later on for promotion was acute. Nepotism and favouritism, in recent years not wholly free from racialism, were rampant, so much so that till the other day, reactionary racialism was the dominant political philosophy of the average government servant.
It is well known that, in the recent past, fierce political controversy raged round the charge of discrimination in the recruitment to the public services, and in regard to promotions within the services. The combatants had no time to remember that after all the number of people involved was a small fraction of the population and that within the imperialist framework, under the most favourable conditions the public services can absorb only an insignificant fraction of those who are qualified for such work. They could not appreciate the fact that in a constructive national economy, industry, agriculture, technology handicraft etc. have a more vital part to play than the allocation of a limited number of posts under government, and that for the unfettered evolution of such an economy, full national freedom

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was a prerequisite. It is fair to add that scheming politicians wormed their way into the confidence of government servants, posing as their saviours and their champions and exploited their discontent for personal ends. The echoes of this controversy have not yet died down.
If Trade Union Week and its programme are an index to the psychology now prevailing among members of the public services, as we believe they are. it is a happy augurv for the country, for it means that government servants as a hody have begun to think in terms of a socialist ideology, i. e. they have realized that racial categories have little relevancy to political and economic issues-they see that the conflict between the exploiter and the exploited is more fundamental than conflicts between so called racial groups and that in the effort to wrest economic rights from vested interests, other conflicts of lesser potency fade away.
Of their agitation and the government's refusal to grant them trade union rights, it is not easy to see on what principle the government is basing its refusal. Why should government alone among all employers enjoy a privileged position Why should its employees alone be singled out for this kind of discrimination? Has government more reason to be apprehensive of the loyalty and reliability of its servants than other employers? Does government fear that its employees are more likely to abuse trade union rights? Owing to the fascination it exercised upon the people of this country for a long time, government service has attracted some of the best brains of the country. The efficiency of our government servants, their sense of discipline and the general level of their intelligence are admitted on all hands to be remarkably high. It is really hard to think of many other groups in Ceylon capable of exercising trade union rights with greater restraint and discipline and with a fuller sense of responsibility. (We felt compelled to say a few hard things of the government servants of the not very remote past. But that does not mean that we are blind to the virtues of the government servants as a class).

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Another important point in their favour is that their union need not be exposed to the criticism levelled by the trade union expert against many other unions in Ceylon i. e. that their leadership has come from outside the rank and file of the unions and has often strayed beyond the legitimate limits of trade unionism proper. Within the government service itself there are men endowed with all gifts necessary for leadership-integrity, knowledge, sense of responsibility, intelligence, etc.-who can be relied on to keep the union within the natural and normal frontiers of trade unionism. It is therefore strange that a government which has at its own expense and presumably for the purpose of fostering wholesome trade union traditions in Ceylon imported an expert from the land of experts, should neglect such a splendid opportunity for trying out an experiment in trade unionism in almost ideal conditions.

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SINHALESE AND HINDU
The New Year that falls on or about the 14th of April, is about the only festival common to both the Sinhalese and Tamils of Ceylon. The observances, the auspicious practices associated with the ushering in of the New Year, the sanctity attached by tradition to various first transactions undertaken in the New Year, the sports and pastimes indulged in during the festive season, are practically identical among both communities,
It is not our purpose to raise a controversy among antiquarians and historians as to whose peculiar property this New Year is. Antiquarian research, we have no doubt, has its value. But we do not propose here to go into the origins of this festival in Ceylon. Our purpose merely is to draw attention to the indubitable fact that from no man knows when, both the indigenous races of Ceylon have held this day sacred and have celebrated it with identical rites and festive observances,
Yet in the clumsy phraseology of official and semi-official publications the day has come to be described as the Sinhalese and Hindu New Year. Even if. in describing a day that is celebrated by both the communities, it was thought necessary to draw pointed attention to the so-called racial groups which celebrate the day, Sinhalese and Tamil would have been the more appropriate epithets. If however it was deemed necessary to stress the religious groups, Buddhist and Hindu would have been more appropriate. Y
But this is only in passing, for our purpose is not merely to point out the incongruity of the present designation nor to insist on a pedantic precision in the use of words.
Our concern is that our nation-builders and bridge-builders have so far failed to capitalize this potent factor of a common national festival for their purposes. A sense of national solidarity and loyalty to a common ideal of nationhood are not always begotten of intellectual conviction alone. The emotions too have their part to play in evoking and consolidating such loyalties, and the emotions are best stimulated by folk-songs,

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festive observances, sports and pastimes that link together the present and past of a people and other folk practices deriving from a people's ancient tradition. Someone has said, “I care not who makes my country's laws if only I can make its songs, for the songs will contain echoes of the people's culture and will appeal to the springs of human action that lie hidden in man's heart and leap into life as the appropriate stimulus is applied.'
Likewise a people's festivals too have the same power of evolving and consolidating loyalties, of creating and fostering a sense of nationhood, and of forging fresh bonds of sympathy and understanding among those who celebrate them.
Therefore need we point out that even today it is not too late for those who long for the dawn of a new era of inter-racial harmony and goodwill in Ceylon, to take steps to capitalize the opportunities offered by this festival? Certainly legal recognition can be given to a state of things existing now and the clumsy designation of Sinhalese and Hindu New Year be superseded by something more appropriate and less suggestive of racial and sectarian categories. The day may more properly be called the Ceylonese New Year or even the National Day and some conscious efforts made by unofficial organizations to celebrate the day on a nation-wide scale, such efforts being directed to the toning down of inter-racial acerbities and to the focussing of attention on the national character of the festivities.
The stars themselves seem to smile on the project, for according to the Tamil almanac for the year that was born on April 14, among the good things the stars have in store for Ceylon during the current year is the dawning of goodwill among communalists We cannot help feeling that the stars have a very shrewd guess as to what Ceylon needs most urgently today. So why not all who wish well to our little isle join forces with the stars for bringing about this happy consummation?

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KATARAGA MA
The Ceylon Observer is trying to make out that while the demand of the Buddhists for Gaya is reasonable, that of the Hindus for the control of Kataragama is not so reasonable. The reasons adduced by this paper are ingenious but wholly unconvincing. According to the Observer the demand for Gaya is made by an international body of Buddhists, while only some Hindus from Ceylon are demanding control of Kataragama. There may be a semblance of international composition in the committee that is today interested in securing Gaya for the Buddhists. But for obvious reasons it is the Ceylon Buddhists who are interested in the matter and it is they who started the agitation and are keeping it alive. It is certainly true that Gaya receives veneration from Buddhists of all lands; but the Buddhists closest to Gaya in spirit and body are those of Ceylon. Likewise Kataragama is a place of pilgrimage to all Hindus particularly the Saivites of Southern India and Ceylon and it is they who will naturally be concerned about how well or ill and how agreeably to their sentiments or not, Kataragama is being administered. Hindus living in remoter lands cannot be expected to display the same degree of interest. Therefore the agitation regarding Kataragama can originate only among the Hindus of Ceylon and South India. But Hindus living in far-off places like Burma, Malaya. the East Indies and elsewhere will in course of time become interested in the matter and the agitation will then wear an international complexion. Nor is it difficult even now to obtain the sympathy of representative Hindus from these places for the agitation.
But as will be shown presently, the international character of the demand has little bearing on the question.
The second argument adduced is no more convincing: that Gaya was founded by a Buddhist king or that it was part of a Buddhist kingdom is not the reason why the Buddhists are claiming the Gaya shrine. And to say that the Hindus should not claim Kataragama because the temple was founded by a Buddhist king is to miss the whole point of the argument.

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The third argument is that Gaya is mismanaged whereas the management of Kataragama is unexceptionable. This is largely a matter of opinion and that not altogether disinterested or dispassionate opinion. In any case good or bad management is wholly irrelevant to the argument. There is no guarantee whatever that a committee of Buddhists will be more efficient and more acceptable than the Hindu Mahant. Nor will the Buddhists be satisfied if an unexceptionable body of Hindus be appointed to manage the Gaya shrine.
The simple and obvious fact is that the Buddhists desire to have control of Buddha Gaya because it is sacred to their faith, through association with a significant event in the life of the founder of their religion-Lord Buddha. It naturally wounds their sentiment to see a place so important in the annals of their faith in the hands of a Mahant, who professes a faith alien to theirs. Nor can anything be said against their sentiments in this regard. Such sentiment does them credit and all reasonable people would gladly recognize the justice of their demands,
The Hindu case for Kataraganna rests on identical grounds. Murugan to call Him by His Tamil name enjoys the veneration of all Saivities and Kataragama is among His holiest shrines celebrated in story and song. It is therefore natural that the devout Saivite's sensibilities are hurt to see a shrine sacred to his faith in the hands of people who do not share his beliefs, for on the doctrinal side too the Buddhist case for the retention of Kataragama does not rest on strong grounds. Kataragama is admittedly a temple dedicated to Murugan or Subrama niya who is without doubt a moorti adored by the Hindus, and to the best of our knowledge, adoration of any deity is incompatible with Buddhist doctrine. Therefore if the Saivites clainn Kataragama, it is not as a quid pro quo for Gaya, but rather because their feelings for Kataragama are as intense and as entitled to consideration as those of the Buddhists for Gaya. The logic that applies to Gaya is equally relevant to Kataragama.

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it is worthy of note that the mover of the resolution in the Vivekananda Society made no reference to Gaya and scornfully rejected an amendment to the effect that Gaya and Kataragama should in effect be barter pieces. To do unto others as we would that others should do unto us is a rule of conduct eminently applicable in the present context. But in accepting this rule it is imperative that neither party ought to wait for the other to take the initiative in doing the right thing.

HIGHER EDUCATION IN JAFFNA
The residential unitary university in the pleasant hills of of Kandy was decided upon, when men's minds were obsessed with the idea that the purpose of university education was to train our rulers, legislators and heads of departments-who generally came from the favoured classes of society. The idea of transplanting in Ceylon the Oxford and Cambridge way sprang from social snobbery rather than from any treal appreciation of the cultural and intellectual standards and achievements of these famous seats of learning. But since the decision was taken, a revolution in educational and social values has taken place. Kannangara's much maligned Free Education Scheme is itself a symptom of this revolution, for however much Kannangara desired to introduce such a scheme, it could not have been carried through, had not the people of Ceylon been ready for it.
Education is today recognized as a fundamental human need. In a modern nation, the idea of a ruling class and a ruled class is an anachronism. If democracy is to be effective, every citizen must be able intelligently to take part in the ordering of the nation's affairs. An educated body of citizens, alive to their rights and responsibilities, is the only guarantee for the effective functioning of democracy. Thus whatever good education can do must be made available to every man and woman in the country.
But, while every other country is thinking of affording more and more facilities for higher education for its citizens, we in Ceylon are resolved at any cost to hold fast to our own one and only residential university at Peradeniya. We are unwilling to recognize that new forces have been released and that new conditions have arisen to meet which new measures have to be devised. The demand for higher education has become wide-spread and however hard we may try to make Peradeniya the only seat of higher learning in Ceylon, we are bound to fail. Every body who needs higher education from Galle and Hambantota and Jaffna will not go to Peradeniya. Nor is it wise or reasona ble to demand that all who desire higher education should go to Peradeniya.

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The framers of the Peradeniya scheme meant to create a rich man's university and in spite of all efforts by government to minimize the cost of education at Peradeniya it will continue to be such a university. But the country needs other universities if it is to take its place in the world as a modern nation. It must provide facilities for higher education to all who can profit by it; and such education must be provided in as many places as possible. Free elementary and secondary schools will year by year be turning out thousands of young people who will need facilities for further studies not merely in what used to be called the Humanities, but in every other field of human activity and learning as well. Universities providing courses in Arts, Law, Pure Science, the Social Sciences like Economics and Politics, Psychology, Technology i. e. centres of learning equipped for educating the youth of a modern nation, must come into existence in many provincial centres.
But in our opinion, among such provincial centres Jaffna should enjoy priority, for the area that will be hardest hit by the shift to Peradeniya will be Jaffna. The high cost of living at Peradeniya will deny to many Jaffna parents, who have been able to send their sons and daughters to Colombo, the chance to give their children a university education. Nor must it be forgotten that because of the lack of accommodation in Colombo, the university entrance examination has in effect been a competitive examination and many a young person who could otherwise have received a university education, has been denied it, only because there was no room in the university.
But those who know Jaffna know that many a Jaffna young man has chosen to deny himself the benefits of a university education even in Colombo, because to his parents the expenses of a Colotmbo education-moderate in conparison to what will be required in Peradeniya-were prohibitively high. Jaffna's claim for a centre of higher learning does not depend merely on Jaffna's poverty. lf facilities for university education should bear some proportion to existing provision for elementary and secondary

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education, Jaffna’s case is un answerable. The number of elementary and secondary schools functioning in Jaffna needs a centre of higher learning to provide further education to their products. But before such provincial centres of learning in Jaffna and elsewhere come into being to equip young people for a fuller and more effective life and to enable them to develop the economic and industrial resources of the country, people in power will have to rid themselves of the obsession that Ceylon ought to have only one university and that at Peradeniya.
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ONE CEYLON
Belief in a common future for the people of a country is, according to political thinkers, the main element that goes to make a people a nation. The United States of America is the most remarkable example of a population drawn from different quarters which has been educated in so short a time into a mentally homogeneous nation. No less remarkable is the bold attempt now being made by Indian statesmen to create “a homogeneous, secular, democratic state.' Indeed national independence will be impossible without national unity. Independence and unity are really two sides of the same medal.
In the light of this ideal we note with concern two things we have observed in the issues raised at elections - one conspicuous by its absence and the other almost equally conspicuous by its presence. At a general election coming off at this juncture we should have expected every party to stress the issue of complete national independence. That issue was however seldom raised except perhaps in a few speeches of Mr. D. S. Senanayake. On the other hand we gather from reports received from several parts of the country that parties and candidates were not always slow to take advantage of the factors of race, religion, class and caste. That there were many candidates who rose above this is a good augury, but that there were also others with less exalted ideas should cause all patriots to ponder deeply on the phenomenon.
To exploit sectional feeling is bad enough; but to elevate it into a political principle is worse. To form communal parties and to speak of people having rights and responsibilities as members of communities is not merely to delay or deny the growth of the national idea; it is to reject independence itself. For if we do not act as a national community but as an association of different communal groups an outside arbitrator will be necessary in the event of any conflict between the associated groups. So long as we are subjects of an imperialist power, it is possible to claim rights for communal groups and allow the ruling power to keep the balance. This mechanism will not be

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available with independence. Even a clever device like balanced representation will hardly endure 24 hours; indeed we saw how it broke down even before it was quite formulated.
When we come to examine the safeguards provided in the Soulbury Constitution, we know that by themselves they mean little. Is weightage in representation of any real use or the existence of a second chamber or even the Public Services Commission or the statutory provision against racial discrimination or the powers of the governor in this behalf? If we want to know that paper safeguards and paper boundaries are no protection to minorities we need only note what has happened in the neighbouring sub-continent.
The fact of the matter is that short of the national idea there is no solution to the communal problem. The communal solution to the communal problem is a fatal remedy. For one thing the inescapable logic of balances and proportions will be the proportionate distribution of everything. Instead of the democratic idea of the equality of opportunity according to merit will be the idea of the equality of opportunity of communities. No mathematical formula will do any good to numerically small communities. But the resulting bitterness will have repercussion on the whole nation and the idea of independence will recede.
In spite of the reverses which the ideal of One Ceylon, Free Ceylon, has received recently we hold to our faith in it. The conception of a free country where politics is free from the ideas of race and caste calls for courage and imagination and true statesmanship. We shall not subscribe to anything less than that, for nothing less will save Ceylon.

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i SWAML VIPULANANDA
A PERSONAL TRIBUTE
My recollection of Swami Vipulananda goes back to my school days. Pundit Mylvaganam, as he then was, was principal of Manipay Hindu College and living in the very house where I am now writing this tribute. My home was within a hundred yards of where he was living. But since I was a boarder in Jaffna College I had no opportunity of knowing him. I only remember seeing him walking down to his work clad in European clothes. My closer acquaintance began when he had donned the robes of a Sannyasi and become a Swami of the Ramakrishna Mission. The Students' Congress (later Youth Congress) was a live organization with a programme of cultural renaissance and political emancipation-a busy hive of young enthusiasts eager to usher in the millennium in their life time. Vipulananda also was young, a maturer young man than ourselves to whom we turned instinctively for leadership and guidance.
Those were days when public meetings in Tamil were rare, if not unknown. Even avowedly nationalist gatherings conducted their proceedings in English and fiery denunciations of imperialism were uttered in the language of the imperialists. The greatness of Tamil and its hoary antiquity were often proclaimed in English by people who knew not to speak Tamil. The Students' Congress under the leadership of men like Vipulananda made a bold but humble beginning by conducting part of its proceedings in Tamil. Subramania Bharati was not so well known then as he is row. It is largely due to Vipulananda and the Students' Congress that Jaffna was made aware of the dynamic quality of Bharati's poetry. Pundit of the Madura Sangham though he was and learned in the classical lore of the Tamils, Vipulananda displayed none of the superciliousness of the traditional pundit to new developments in Tamil literature. His appreciation of Bharati was spontaneous, generous and without reserve. While the scholarly world was hesitant and unable to make up its mind about Bharati, Vipulananda recognized in him a vital force that was destined to play a mighty part in the re-awakening of the Tamil land.

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: It is not possible in this tribute exhaustively to present the Swami's manifold contributions to the Tamil Renaissance. Therefore I propose to deal only with one or two aspects that do not seem to have received the attention they deserve. Swami Vipulananda recognized that the Tamil people should be made familiar with the best in English literature. With this end in view he wrote the Mathangachoolamani (LD51515 (56Tirupaoof) an able and penetrating study of Shakespeare in Tamil. Later in a presentation volume prepared in honour of Panditamani Katiresan Chettiar on his completing his sixtieth year Vipulananda accomplished a masterly resume of English literature from the days of Chaucer to the present day. Within a narrow compass he has outlined the growth of English literature and given illustrative quotations from various authors, rendered in felicitous and flawless Tamil. Although I had read many of these passages in the original English versions Vipulananda's translations evoked ecstasies that the originals had failed to do. This work was undertaken when he was living in the Himalayas editing the Prabuddha Bharata, the period richest in creative activity and marked by greater fluidity and flexibility of idiom. Being a romantic, I attributed this greater creativity and the limpid style to the inspiring surroundings in which he worked-the majestic mountains. the eternal snows and the leaping waterfalls. But Vipulananda had a simpler and more matter-of-fact explanation-fresh butter. He said, he was himself aware of a loosening of inhibitions and reserves and of a greater spontaneity in his expression, all resulting from the large quantities of fresh butter he consumed daily in his mountain abode at Almora.
The other aspect I want to refer to is his work in connection with the development of a scientific vocabulary in Tamil. A Pundit of the Madura Sangham, a Bachelor of Science of London, possessing an amazing versatility of talent and interest, Vipulananda was singuarly well-equipped for this task. Profound erudition, and abounding faith in the capacity of Tamil to meet the most exacting, demands of literary, philosophic and scientific writing, and a breadth of outlook that always frowned upon pedantic purism. distinguished Vipulananda's work in this field. Many who complain of the absence of an adequate terminology are merely ignoramuses who are unaware of the resources of

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Tamil. So the first canon that Vipulananda laid down for the guidance of those engaged in the building of a scientific vocabulary was "Make sure whether or not there is already a word in Tamil'. For example, he would say before coining a new set of words for acid and alkali, do you know that the words , it g- and distulb which have been in use in Tamil mean just acid and alkali ? Secondly, if after diligent search you are satisfied that there is no word in Tamil, turn to Sanskrit, which occupies in relation to the languages of India, the same position that Latin does in regard to the languages of Europe. If this quest also is fruitless, now is the time for coining new words. In coining new words, remember that Tamil words fall into certain traditional patterns and make your new words conform to these patterns. For example for the expression of antithetical ideas Tamil uses a certain device which is exemplified in words like (1) 5 *Luth - வெப்பம் (2) இறப்பு-பிறப்பு (3) இயற்கை-செயற்கை (4) அறம்UDAD Lib (5) GunTjh Gay-g5 T bany. In coining new pairs of autithetical words, Vipulananda would require that this pattern be adhered to.
“But whenever foreign words are there with sufficiently wide currency, retain them rather than go on a voyage of exploration looking for pure Tamil equivalents' would be Vipulananda's counsel. For example, words like Gas TG) (court), Gol G (road) a copigi (warrant), 94, did, IT di) (Fiscal) are known to all Tamil people in Ceylon and many people who use them do not know that they are of foreign origin. Such words should be retained
Man of God and man of letters Vipulananda certainly was. But he was also man enough to enjoy a fight. In literary and philosophic controversies he went all out to smash his adversary and neither gave nor asked for quarter. I remember particularly a controversy he had in the press with Professor Suntharalingam some twenty odd years ago, I am unable at the moment to recall what the subject of the controversy was. But I do remember Vipulananda telling Professor Suntharalingam that his pronouncement reminded him of the professors in Swift's Gulliver's Travels who attempted to produce sunlight out of cucumbers.

CEYLON'S NATIONAL FLAG
A SUGGESTION
A Flag may be nothing more than a white rag. Yet it would have fulfilled its purpose if the people who adopt it endorse the choice whole-heartedly and pay homage to it without reServe.
Those who would design Ceylon's National Flag should bear in mind that the Ceylonese nation after years of travail and subjection to foreign powers is just coming into being and that it is not yet a homogeneous entity. Although I regard the socalled ethnic differences as wholly mythological and prefer to regard the so-called races as mere linguistic groups, it must not be forgotten that these so-called racial differences do exist and that, allegiance to different religions also is a factor to be reckoned with. This however is neither a misfortune nor a condition peculiar to Ceylon. But in other lands circumstanced like Ceylon years of common nationhood and devotion to a symbol of national unity have tended to obliterate differences and to accentuate the consciousness of common nationhood.
Therefore this symbol to be chosen for Ceylon must under no circumstances be one that has been traditionally associated with any particular section of the people of this island. This is an unanswerable objection to the adoption of the Lion Flag as Ceylon's national emblem. For antiquarians and historians to say that in reality the Lion Flag is not peculiar to the Sinhalese and that the Tamils too can claim it is no answer, for there are in Ceylon others besides Tamils and Sinhalese who have a right to a say in this matter; and the antiquarian and historian have no place here, for whatever they may or may not say, the common man has learnt to associate the Lion Flag with the Sinhalese people and the Sinhalese people have laid exclusive claim to it. Nor should a flag's emblem be a theme for a research thesis. Its significance, associations and symbolism must be transparent and easily apprehended by all, and not merely by historians and antiquarians. It would be tedious and futile to impose the Lion Flag on a resentful people and go

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on explaining that in fact it is not the peculiar emblem of the Sinhalese race, but historically it belongs to both Sinhalese and Tamils, possibly Muslims, Veddhas and Burghers as well.
But it may be asked, “Why not do what the British have done in regard to the Union Jack'-i. e. evolve a composite symbol incorporating some ancient symbol appropriate to every one of the races living in Ceylon?
I am afraid that any such attempt will yield only ludicrous results.
The emblem of the Tamil kings of Jaffna is said to have deen the Bull. The juxtaposition of the Bull and the Lion in the same Flag would be the height of incongruity. Nor can any valid objection be raised to the accommodation of other symbols in addition to these to represent the Muslim, the Veddah, the Burgher and the immigrant Indian. To accommodate all these would be to reduce the Flag to an artistic monstrosity.
A flag's emblem must be simple, rouse no resentment in the hearts of any section of the people, evoke the spontaneous loyalty and homage of the entire nation, and must have a traditional association with the people for whom it is chosen. I believe there is one emblem that would meet all these requirements adequately. Adam’s Peak — Sri Pada to the Sinhalese and Siyanoli Patam to the Tamils-is Ceylon's most famed beauty spot. What Mount Fuji is to Japan and the Himalayas are to India, Adam's Peak is to Ceylon. Nor is its famed beauty to be traced to a modern tourist guide. Its grandeur and loveliness have been among Ceylon's chiefest glories from the dawn of history. Buddhists, Hindus, Muslims and Christians have all traditional associations that link their faiths to this mountain. The objection that it has never been an emblem in Ceylon's flag has no substance in it. After all India's tricolour originally associated with the Gandhian Charka and now with the Asokan Chakra is a recent creation; but it has already gathered round it the devotion of the Indian people. Ceylon is emerging only now as a modern nation, owing allegiance to one central government and mistress of her destinies. So Adam's Peak which is both old and new-rather timeless-can well symbolize Ceylon's antiquity as well as her resurgence as a free people.

حسيس. 53 1 مسيس
But it has other merits which should be taken into account. A mountain is, if one may use that much overWorked word, a more spiritual symbol than a beast or bird of prey and can more appropriately symbolize a people's outlook and aspirations than a Lion or a Bull.
Therefore I should like to commend this suggestion to our legislators and others who would soon be considering this question, making a special point of the fact that in one respect at least and that, in my opinion, the most important, Adam's Peak. is almost an ideal emblem. It cannot evoke resentment in anybody's mind.

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ANANDA COOMARASWAMY
Ananda Coomaraswamy's forebears went forth from Manipay in the Jaffna Peninsula and blazed a trail. Some of Ceylon's most gifted orators, legislators and administrators during the present century were Ananda Coomaraswamy's kinsfolk, Sir Muttucoomaraswamy was his father. The Ponna mbalam brothers, CoomaraSwamy, Ramanathan and Arunachalam, Were his first cousins. But to none of these others was it given to reach the same pinnacle of fame that Ananda Coomaraswamy reached. The scholars of the world paid homage to Ananda Coomarswamy and acknowledged their indebtedness to him.
He chose for himself a comparatively humble role. He did not aspire to be a creative artist in the many spheres of Indian art, thought and culture of which he possessed profound and intimate knowledge. The task he chose for himself was to act as India's interpreter to the world-particularly the Western world. And what a consummate and accomplished interpreter he proved himself to be
To those who are in their twenties and early thirties today, it would be difficult to imagine the intellectual background of my generation. Contempt for, and ignorance of our past civilization and culture was part of our intellectual equipment. To idolize the West and its achievements and to turn up our noses at everything oriental was the correct thing to do. Among Ananda Coomaraswamy's services to my generation was that he opened our eyes to the glories of our heritage and restored our national self-respect. India's and Ceylon's achievements in arts and crafts, in dance and drama, in architecture, in speculative philosophy and religion were proclaimed by Ananda Coomaraswamy to the whole world. Choice spirits in Europe and America, who seemed to have been looking for just such an interpreter, not merely caught from Ananda Coomaraswamy's writings glimpses of India's ancient wisdom, but recognized their spiritual kinship with the devotees of this ancient wisdom. Perhaps the highest tribute to Ananda Coomaraswamy's labours as interperter of mystic wisdom was paid by a writer in an American magazine The Living Age. This writer took

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it upon himself to warn the Western world to beware of the insidious influence that was being wielded by men like Ananda Coomaraswamy and Romain Rolland. The West, he said, was aggressive, dynamic, progressive and if it succumbed to the seductive charms of the Oriental mysticism propounded by Ananda Coomaraswamy with its emphasis on poise and introspection and inward serenity and the attainment of samadhi, it was in danger of losing its soul-its distinctive characteristics.
Ananda Coomaraswamy's attitude to Hinduism-in the fullest sense of the term, the myths, the rituals, the speculationsreminds one of Newman's acceptance of Roman Catholicism. In both of them, it was the whole-hearted and unreserved assent to the entire corpus of the particular tradition; neither of them picked and chose according to the dictates of fancy or intellect particular items and rejected others. Therefore the interpretation of Hindu thought that Ananda Coomaraswamy gave to the world was that of an intelligent and sensitive traditionalist, who identified himself with the tradition and unfolded its details from, so to speak, within. The interpretation was acute, analytical but sympathetic, rendered by one whose outlook was identical with that of those who had fashioned the symbols and rituals of the faith and formulated its doctrines. He was no reformer or zealot. He never apologized for Hinduism. He never wanted to convince its critics that it was not so bad as they thought it was. He never accepted the position that Hinduism had to justify itself in terms of norms set by other faiths. He was content to say what he thought Hinduism was and to leave it at that.
The sex-symbolism that plays an important role both in the devotional and the doctrinal literature of Hinduism has given offence to certain European critics of Hindu thought; and many apologists for Hinduism tried to whittle down the sex element and to push it to the background, in their endeavour to make Hinduism respectable in Western eyes. Not so Ananda Coomaraswamy; boldly and frankly he accepts it and expresses it in accordance with the tradition that created it. He makes no discrimination between this and the more respectable elements in the tradition,

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سیا۔ 156 ۔سس۔
The Dance of Siva at Chidambaram. embodying sublime conceptions of art, philosophy and religion, the Bharata Natiyam. performed by the despised temple prostitutes, Sahaja-as found in the story of Chandidas, the Brahmin priest and Rani the washerwoman -which represents the apotheosis of sex loveare all handled by Ananda Coomaraswamy in the same spirit of calm detachment and reverent acceptance.
Speaking of the Nataraja image he says:
Now to summarize the whole interpretation we find that the essential significance of Siva's dance is three-fold. First, it is the image of his rhythmic play as the source of all movement within the cosmos, which is represented by the arch: Secondly, the purpose of his dance it to release the countless souls of men from the snare of illusion. Thirdly, the place of the dance, Chidambaram, the centre of the universe, is within the heart.
So far I have refrained from all aesthetic criticism and have endeavoured only to translate the central thought of the conception of Siva's dance from plastic to verbal expression, without reference to the beauty or imperfection of individual works. But it may not be out of place to call attention to the grandeur of this conception itself as a synthesis of science, religion and art. How amazing the range of thought and sympathy of those rishi-artists who first conceived such a type as this, affording an image of reality, a key to the complex tissue of life, a theory of nature, not merely satisfactory to a single clique or race nor acceptable to the thinkers of one century only but universal in its appeal to the philosopher, the lover, and the artist of all ages and all countries. How supremely great in power and grace this dancing image must appear to all those who have striven in plastic forms to give expression to their intuition of Life:
Of Sahaja he says :
In India we could not escape the conviction that sexual love has a deep and spiritual significance. There is nothing with which we can better compare the mystic union' of the finite with its infinite ambient-that one express experience which proves itself and is the only ground of faith-than the self-oblivion

-- 157 سس۔
of earthly lovers locked in each other's arms, where each is both'. Physical proximity, contact, and interpenetration are the expressions of love, only because love is the recognition of identity. These two are one flesh, because they have remembered their unity of spirit. This is moreover a fuller identity than the mere sympathy of two individuals; and each as individual has now no more significance for the other than the gates of heaven for one who stands within. It is like an algebraic equation where the equation is the only truth, and the terms may stand for anything. The least intrusion of the ego however involves a return to the illusion of duality.
But it would be a grievous error to regard him as a monomaniac, whose only pursuit was to study and expound Hinduism. His sympathies were truly catholic. All art and all thought were his province, His writings teem with quotations from writers of all nations a Manikavachagar and Sankara, the Neoplatonists, the Sufis, the Taoists, the Christian saints and mystics all jostle one another in his pages. Nor was he satisfied with nationalism as a final philosophy for India. Romain Rolland in his foreword to The Dance of Siva sums up Ananda Coomaraswamy's message thus, in Coomaraswamy's own words:
“Nationalism does not suffice for the great idealists of Young India. Patriotism is but a local interest... Great souls have greater destinies to fulfil. Life, not merely the life of India, demands our great devotion. The happiness of the human race is of more import to us than any party triumph. The chosen people of the future can be no nation, no race, but an aristocracy of the whole world, in whom the vigour of European action will be united to the serenity of Asiatic thought.”

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FREEDOM'S GRAVEST PERIL
The Independence Bill has been passed and from the appointed day Ceylon will enjoy independence. Men with good and evil intentions subjected the instrument of independence to meticulous scrutiny, Whatever the intentions of the critics, the criticism and the ingenious subtlety expended thereon served a useful purpose in as much as the criticism furnished an index of the jealous regard with which some of our legislators cherish independence, That some of them at one time had looked askance at independence and had expressly repudiated the notion and promised perpetual fealty to Britain did not prevent their picking flaws in the independence that Mr. Senanayake had obtained for Ceylon.
While such zeal as was displayed by these critics is commendable in the extreme, whatever might have been the motives that filled them with zeal, we cannot help wishing that the same zeal and the same scrupulous regard for Ceylon's well-being should continue to be forthcoming from our legislators and from the members of the public if the country is to conserve for its citizens the benefits of independence.
Even in countries which have never been under foreign rule, it is only too easy for the citizens to go on living under the assumption that the government is an alien body and that the most patriotic duty of all self-respecting citizens is to thwart the government's purposes and to rob it to the best of one's ability. Men who would never think of cheating a neighbour and are models of honourable behaviour in their private dealings, would yet not hesitate to help themselves to government funds and to help others to do so. This being so even in free countries, the problem becomes gigantic in countries where traditions of freedom are not even a memory and have to be built up from the very beginnings. When the alien ruled over our land and despised us as members of an inferior breed and we were never allowed to feel that we had any stake in the nation's honour and prosperity, it was perhaps permissible for the public and its servants to be indifferent to the consequences of their actions and even to disregard all scruples in dealings with the

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government. But the terrible fact is that such lessons are not easily unlearnt. Unlearning, incidentally is a more difficult process than learning. The greatest danger to Ceylon's freedom economy will come as a heritage from her crown colony days and from her sons and daughters,
A modern state is much more than an exaggerated police force. Its activities must perforce extend to every aspect of the nation's life. Its responsibilities and opportunities are almost co-extensive with life itself. Its success is impossible as long as the citizens regard themselves as in necessary opposition to the government and as entitled to enrich themselves at every turn at government expense. The conditions predisposing the people of Ceylon to such an attitude are present in an overwhelming degree. The war and the inevitable loosening of ethical bonds that every war brings about, have made Ceylon's difficulties greater. People have grown fabulously rich over-night and it is well-known that such phenomenal changes of fortune are seldom the fruit of honest and painful effort. The temptation to grow rich quickly and easily is in the air. Men are not disposed to be over scrupulous about the means they adopt to arrive at Easy Street.
This is a problem that every modern state is facing. A public conscience sensitive to its civic responsibilities and scrupulous in discharging them is everywhere a commodity hard to find. Today it is harder to find. But any modern state that does not have enough of it will be heading for shipwreck. The ex. panding economy, the socialist outlook programme of a modern state and the democratic process demand a higher level of public morality than was needful in the days of individualism and autocracy. But the tragedy is that there is even less of it than in those bad old days. Let us however make no mistake about it. Freedom however noble in itself is not independent of those who use it and enjoy it. It takes on the quality of the people in whose midst it finds itself and whatever healing virtue it possesses will be powerless to prevail against the corruption and foulness of a people who are determined to prostitute it and to make it the handmaiden of their greed. In this context, the budget leakage, if true, assumes the aspect of a portent The moral is obvious and it is our fervent hope that the ingenuity and resourcefulness that were in evidence when the implications of the Independence Bill were scrutinized, will also be available for the more needful task of stimulating the public conscience to its responsis bilities and for strengthening the moral fibre of our people.

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A SENSE OF VALUES
The celebrations and festivities in connection with Ceylon's achievement of independence reveal how deeply imbedded in the consciousness of Ceylon's ruling caste is flunkeyism. Their Royal Highnesses, The Duke and Duchess of Gloucester, being guests and strangers in our midst were entitled to hospitality and honourable reception. But from the place their doings and the doings of others for their delectation and honour, have filled in the independence programme, the inevitable inference is that Ceylon's ruling caste and its minions have been more thrilled and more concerned by the arrival of these scions of British royalty than by the dawn of freedom. How royalty relished chicken curry and seeni sa mbol was of more moment than how the mute millions of Ceylon relished this new-won independence. No pains were spared to win flattering platitudes from the royal visitors, from Lords Listowel and Soulbury and from others who could not but be complimentary to their hosts. To hear from the lips of others that we have been good boys and our shining virtue has been appreciated by our masters who have accordingly rewarded our good behaviour by the grant of independence, is soothing to the soul of a people that is not too sure of its own worth. This insatiable craving for certificates of good character from condescending imperialists, brands us yet as slaves in spirit, diffident of our own worth and therefore hankering for an assurance from others that all is well with us. Such a craving for reassuring testimonials is intelligible in a people whose independence is yet in its infancy. But such infantilism should be recognized and outgrown if this country would grow into adult nationhood.
But from the happenings of the last few weeks it is not easy to be optimistic about the future of our people. The flunkeyism and sycophancy of the crown colony days reappeared in all their virulence, despits all the high faluting talk about self determination and independence, All eyes were focussed on the royal visitors. All manner of people hungered for a smile of approval or a word of commendation from the royal lips, Royalty's goings out and comings in filled the minds of Ceylon's rulers to the exclusion of all else during these momentous days.

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Courtesy and hospitality are not identical with sycophancy and adulation and it is to be wondered whether the victims of such sustained sycophancy themselves did not feel that they had had an overdose of unctuous and undiscriminating fulsomeness Such exhibitions of political immaturity would be harmless if they did not create a conviction in the minds of some people that these crudities represented the content of independence, Now that the ministers and their metropolitan myrmidons have made a day-rather many days of it-it is time to settle down to the hard and not so spectacular task of making freedom operative in the lives of those who have paid for this imposing fanfaronade.
To rouse the people from their age-long apathy, to make them realize how a new era has dawned for their land and how this new era will transform things for them, both within and without, to bring to the lowliest home the glad tidings that from henceforth Ceylon's weal or woe is in the keeping of her sons and daughters, may not be simple or so thrilling as winning plaudits from visiting royalty and nobility. But probably it will make freedom more real. It will also make it more abiding and more worthwhile.
Now that the rejoicings are over and Lord Soulbury has issued his valedictory testimonial on the eve of his departure from Sri Lanka, will it be too much to expect Sri Lanka's rulers to give some thought to Sri Lanka herself so that the world may judge our worthiness or unworthiness by the irrefutable testimony of our own work rather than by the not so convincing testimony of other people's words?
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A PROPHET's FATE
Mahatma Gandhi lived for certain ideals and died for them. It was only yesterday that we heard his voice raised against racial and sectarian bigotry. "Excessive and unreasoning loyalties beget fanaticism and breed hate. Therefore cleanse your hearts of such excessive loyalties' was the message that he proclaimed by his life and by his death. The poor and the outcast, whom society condemned to a bestial existence, he took under his wing and wrought all his life to rehabilitate in a life of selfrespect and social usefulness. The temples of God, which too were barred against them, he caused to be thrown open to these unfortunate sons and daughters of Mother India, whose shadow was a pollution to the high born and whose presence a sacrilege to the shrine. Men and women sunk in despair and degradation have under his kindly influence, felt the breath of a fuller and wholesomer life blow upon them and their hearts have blossomed out in expectation and hope. Men and women long accustomed to foreign rule and accepting political serfdom as their natural and unalterable lot in life, have been stirred to a realization of their human dignity and of their right to full political freedom.
A world which had accepted violence and bloodshed as the only mode of settling disputes between peoples, had been made at least seriously to consider once again the ancient axiom that unholy seed cannot yield holy harvest and that by violence you cannot wipe away violence, that by violence you breed only more violence and that in order to establish a reign of peace and human fellowship on earth, humanity has to tread the slow and painful path of active, out-going love and forgiveness.
The Mahatma's still small voice quickened the conscience of the world and of India to an acuter perception of man's obligation to fellow man and to a new apprehension of the heights which frail humanity can climb to, if only there be singleness of purpose, purity of motive and a personality completely free from unacknowledged inhibitions and unrecognized inward conflicts.
But of course, all this provoked opposition. The Scribes and the Pharisees, the traditionalists who strain at gnats and

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swallow camels, saw in Gandhi a threat to the traditions of the elders and to the hegemony enjoyed by a privileged class. Then there were the Philistines who were indifferent to spiritual and ethical values, who looked upon politics as a struggle for power and pelf and who regarded Gandhi as wholly alien to politics as they practised it.
But as soon as Gandhi was foully murdered by a fanatic, a strange metamorphosis has happened. All manner of men are claiming to be devout Gandhiites. People who made a religion of racial bigotry, who preached and practised a philosophy, the exact contrary of what Gandhi lived for, who went about sowing racial hatred and ill-will, are today Gandhiji's most ostentatious disciples, and chief mourners. Men to whom untouchability and caste are even today divine ordinances to be preserved intact and who would even today shut the doors of temples and other places of public resort to the untouchables, and who would regard every manner of exploitation and every sort of privilege as the prerogative of the few, have no qualms of conscience in parading their devotion to Gandhiji. Blatant hypocrisy and unctuous lip service from people who have no inclination whatever of allowing the Mahatma's message to influence their lives are in evidence everywhere; and there is a very real danger of the martyred Mahatma being deified and accorded divine honours, so that by so doing men may be absolved from treading the thorny path that he trod on earth. That has been man's age-old way of dealing with troublesome prophets who demanded of him an exacting discipline of right living and upward striving. In effect man's reaction to such prophets is somewhat as follows: “You are too great for us to ignore you. But your demands are too exacting for our frail humanity. So we will honour you, build temples in your honour, wear sackcloth and carry your ashes on our heads. If need be, we will inaugurate a new religious sect in your name. But in lieu of all this, you should be reasonable and not expect us to do as you did while you were here in our midst.'
This is what is happening to the Mahatma before our eyes and it is a sad thought that the rise of every new prophet causes also the rise of a new school of hypocrisy.

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Some Speeches
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS AT THE
GANDHIYA SEVA SANGHAM
FIRST SARWODAYA CONFERENCE
Delegates & Friends !
Let me first offer all of you here a most sincere welcome to our conference. Since distinguished devotees of the Sarvodaya Philosophy in Mother India like Shri Shankar Rao Deo, Srimati Katyayini, Shri Ramaswamy, Sardar Vedaratnampillai and Shri Desai are here with us to unfold the implications of Sarvodaya, it would be superfluous for me to attempt any detailed discussion of Sarvodaya. Yet as President of the All-Ceylon Gandhiya Seva Sangham it is my privilege and duty to offer a few introductory remarks.
This century has been described by many social philosophers as the century of the common man. According to Arnold Toynbee, when all revolutions, conflicts and wars that have filled this century are forgotten, what will abide is the fact that this century has given thought to the common man's well being; his bodily health, his food and 1 aiment, his education, his recreation, have received a measure of attention they never before commanded. The enrichment of his personality has been the chief preoccupation of this century's social philosophy. Even the wars and revolutions and uphea vals that our generation luas seen, owe their origin to this new social philosophy. We cannot however say that the battle has already been won. The world is yet trembling with apprehension. Some there are who dread the coming of World War III. Others are looking forward to it eagerly. The fundamental cause of the conflict is the unwillingness of the exploited to continue as victims of exploitation, and of slaves to continue in slavery. This is the psychology underlying the revolutionary movements of this century.
We who belong to the Sarvodaya persuasion are also revolutionaries--but with a difference-the difference being that we have forsworn violence as a method of ushering in the millennium. We have no manner of doubt that revolutic ns achieved by

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violence are unstable, have to be maintained by further violence and provoke violent reprisals at every turn. I do not deny the existence of the class war; nor do I deny that there is a fundamental cleavage of interest between the haves and the have-nots. We too look forward to a classless society; but we are resolved that this classless society shall be established without violence or bloodshed. We are no less revolutionary because we recoil from violence. Rather we regard ourselves as more revolutionary because we intend to use a revolutionary technique, hitherto untried in this field. We are convinced that lasting social and political gains can be won only by persuasion. By persuasion we do not mean mere words alone. Persuasion can be effected by action, by intensity of unspoken conviction, by martyrdom. Martyrdom is not necessarily dying in vindication of a cause, although consistent devotion to a cause may lead to this result. But martyrdom can assume less extreme forms. Self-imposed suffering to vindicate one's conviction is an instrument of persuasion that commends itself to those of us who believe in Sarvodaya. We also believe in the potency of love as an instrument of conversion. I know love is a hackneyed theme and 1 would have avoided using that word if I could think of a substitute. By love in this context is meant a complete self-effacement out of devotion to a cause-a comprehensive compassion that has no place for the self. It is the Caritas spoken of by St. Paul in the thirteenth chapter of the first Epistle to the Corinthians. It is the maitreya preached and practised by the Buddha. lt is the Anpu (gey Görtıq } which to Tirumoolar is indistinguishable from the divine principle. In this love is no desire for triumph or to score a point or to heap coals of fire by revengeful kindliness. It is an unalloyed passion for the others' well-being. It does not demand even gratitude. It has been my experience that the love we show to dumb animals is often purer and more fruitful than what we bestow on fellow humans. With regard to animals there is no desire to gain personal triumph or to impose one's superiority; nor is there a resentment of patronage on the part of the animal. But when it comes to the humans it seems difficult completely to annihilate one's ego. The desire for mastery and patronage and gratitude often vitiates our most kind thoughts and actions to fellow humans.

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--۔ 166 محس۔
Yet we do not despair that complete selflessness can be achieved and that miracies of conversion and persuasion can be wrought by this kind of outreaching love.
Vinobha Bhave's Bhoomidhan campaign and its success are both a vindication of the essential validity of Sarvodaya doctrine and an illustration of its technique.
To return to the world and its wickedness I shall now examine briefly the implications of Sarvodaya for our country. As long as our imperial masters held sway over our land we could easily lay the blame for all our failures and imperfections on them. We were thus able to absolve ourselves from responsibility. Our usual plea was that being slaves in our land, we had no power to cleanse our social system of festering sores like caste and untouchability, and every other social and political ill. This easy escape is no longer possible. The responsibility is ours. To maintain peace and goodwill among the various linguistic groups, to feed, clothe, and house our people, to teach our children, to provide them with opportunities for wholesome recreation and outdoor life, are our responsibilities. No one else is obliged to give thought to these questions. Nor has anyone else the right to interfere in these matters. The responsibility and the right are wholly ours.
For many years to come our economy in Ceylon will remain a rural economy. It is not my belief that we can or that we should completely eliminate machinery and industrialization. But I do know that for very many years to come our economy will remain largely rural and that our social salvation will depend on the tone and quality of village life as it develops during the years ahead. Food production, primarily for consumption, development of crafts, the fostering of village enterprises based on mutual co-operation and goodwill, are among the services that our rural economy urgently needs. These things will not come down upon the earth from heaven above. Men and women in Ceylon must give thought to these matters and fashion the needed devices. Extensive and detailed village surveys to ascertain the traditional crafts practised in the village, the suitability of the soil for various crops, irrigation facilities, the needs of the village community, etc. should be undertaken. This survey has

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to be much more detailed and meticulous than is generally undertaken by the central government for its purposes. Just because Mahatma Gandhi saw that it was wise to focus attention on cotton-growing and handweaving, I do not believe that is the only craft to be imposed on every locality. In Jaffna for example, the palmyrah palm is able to yield the raw material for a variety of crafts and should be exploited to the full. Government-sponsored organizations such as community centres and rural development societies, because of their preoccupation with annual reports and newspaper publicity, seem incapable of handling this kind of work which needs men and women possessed of infinite patience, unafraid to pursue socially despised enterprises, capable of winning over enthusiasm and goodwill from their fellowmen, and to whom the satisfying of their own exacting consciences is the supreme standard. Naturally a state, particularly our state, cannot undertake work of this nature. Those who love fame or money will not be attracted by this kind of enterprise. But without enterprises which call for such labours, the country's future is bleak.
The Gandhiya Seva Sanghm has been making a humble effort in this direction for the last two or three years. This Ashram and the activities which stem from it are the evidence of our effort. Our purpose is to make it a base of operations for spreading the Sarvodaya philosophy and the Sarvodaya way of life to the simple and humble folk who live here. To build up a spirit of co-operation, self-confidence, devotion to the country and its traditions, to create village self-sufficiency in food and other essentials, provide full employment for the village population, furnish opportunities for leisure, to impart education in the wise use of leisure and in the practice of social awareness, are among our purposes. We dare not and do not approach our task in a spirit of arrogance or condescension. We know full well that a two-way traffic is necessary and inevitable in undertakings of this nature. Our workers should both be learners and teachers all the way.
In conclusion, I, as one who is only too keenly aware of our inadequacies, beseech all of you here to give us in abundance your blessings for the success of this enterprise, humble in its beginnings, but full of promise for the future of our land.

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WELCOME ADDRESS AT THE RECEPTION TO
SHRI JAYAPRAKASH NARAYAN IN JAFFNA
Beloved and revered sir,
It is my privilege to welcome you to Jaffna on behalf of its citizens and to tell you how grateful we are to you for granting us this dharshan. We are sure that what you say here today, will not merely be treasured but will also evoke concrete responses in the thought and life patterns of many of us. If you will forgive me for the impertinence of linking my name with yours, I have a feeling that we have had a few experiences in common. Among other things we feel we are caught in a web of frustration, alienation and disillusion. We dreamt dreams and saw visions. Our dreams and our visions were focussed on the freedom of our countries and the rich blessings that it would bring to their peoples. There would be peace and plenty in the land, fairplay to individuals, harmony between races and creeds, poverty would vanish and every man, woman and child would not merely have enough to eat and cover his or her nakedness, but would hold his or her head high and look the world in the face, unabashed and unapologetic. But what have we? When we were subject nations, our animosity and vituperation were directed at the foreign imperialist. Today our targets are nearer home. Feud, tension, bitterness, poverty, destitution, conflict of tribal and parochial loyalties, opportunism, lust for power, corruption in high places, are the tangible fruits that freedom seems to have bestowed on our lands. Have I overdrawn the picture? Perhaps. The picture is overdrawn largely because our expectations were infantile and unrealistic. I have often compared the attainment of independence by people who were once subject to foreign rule, to the begetting of children by people who were once childless. The childless couple make vows, go on pilgrimages, practise penance, yearning for the time when the little toddler would arrive to gladden their hearts. But once the toddler arrives, it is a perpetual stream of anxiety, concern, annoyance, efforts, often unappreciated and even resented, to make life smooth and happy for the new arrival. But is there any parent who would genuinely wish that his prayers and penances had proved

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fruitless? In spite of all the trouble and worry, the child or the children have made a dynamic and meaningful change in the lives of parents, grandparents, uncles, aunts and thc host of kinsfolk, who in spite of the sophistications of an industrial age, even today share a sense of belonging. Even so, if our independence has failed to measure to expectations, the fault lies with our expectations. But we cannot do without it and we have to make what we can of it, as we have to do with our offspring. How shall we proceed to do so? We may take comfort from the fact that even advanced' countries with relatively long histories of independence like Britain, France and America are today being bedevilled by the same kind of problemspoverty, insecurity, social and economic inequality, 1 acial tensions, unrest and rebellion among the young. Instead of reassuring us, this should indeed deepen our concern and make us see the proportions of the malaise that fills the world with misery and despair. Few normal men are content to accept this as the final answer and fold their arms and sit back in total despair For reasons I do not have to probe here, most of as refuse to accept this bleak picture of conflict and confusion as man's destiny. Even those who publicly profess such total pessimism, I believe, have mental reservations.
But the case for despair is by no manner of means to be dismissed as foolish or weak. The sophisticated offspring of contemporary science and technology are here to stay and what they can do to mankind is nobody's secret. In such a physical and psychological environment to think back to the fundamentals of Gandhi's teaching seems impossible and unrealistic. But people are thinking back. The Hippie cult, in spite of its fantastic manifestations, is probably an unconscious gesture of nonconformity against the complexities and depersonalisation inherent in technological culture. There is also a conscious, deliberate revaluation of the continuing impact of the industrial revolution on man's instinctual and personal life. A. E. Morgan, an American engineer turned sociologist, in his book “The Small Community, Foundation of Democratic Life. What it is and How to Achieve it', argues that modern men have been bluffed by the prestige of bigness, by the so-called efficiencies of mass production and centralisation and holds that the small, intimate

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group within the scope of man's acquaintance remains the primary pattern for society and the hope of its salvation. Raymond Firth, Professor of Anthropology in the University of London, who quotes and criticises this view in his book “Elements of Social Organisation' concedes that the emphasis on the social importance of groups which provide face to face contacts does link up with the more objective findings of sociologists and social psychologists. Recent student unrest and upheavals in Europe and America, which have had marginal repercussions in India and Ceylon, also, it is obvious, are due largely to the deprivation to young people of face to face contacts with university authorities and university teachers, which alone could have provided opportunities for ventilation of grievances at personal level without resort to mass demonstrations and barricades. This again is due to the un manageable numbers that are now enrolled in universities, because bigness by itself has become a source and symbol of prestige.
Shortly after the crisis in Europe, I was speaking at the alumni dinner of a college and took advantage of the occasion to air my views on these happenings. Taking as my text Lincoln's definition of democracy, I said government of the people there has always been, since there was always a thug or an array of autocrats to impose their will on the helpless and the underprivileged. The democracy we now have, bourgeois democracy as the left describes it, means in practice that periodically the citizen goes through the motions of electing the boss and that in between he becomes dumb-driven cattle, without effective means to have his needs recognized and met. It is an election despotism. Government for the people, we see emerging in countries where socialism has had genuine impact and where the welfare state philosophy is being given a fair trial; free education, free medical service, nationalised transport and that measure of free rice are evidence of Ceylon's commitment to welfare statism. As for government by the people, there never has been such a thing and one of the fundamental drives behind the student revolt. was the frustration the young people felt over their exclusion from responsibility for and participation in the ordering of their life, at academic and other levels. My feeling then was, and nothing has happened to shake my belief,

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that the demand for government by the people the misclves would be the next phase in the development of democracy as a way of life.
This brings me to Sarvodhaya. Sarvodhaya as I understand it is ideologically akin to participatory democracy. It means personal fulfilment to everyone. An essential element in this fulfilment is personal involvement in decision making for one's life and responsibility for giving effect to these decisions. The mass society that is a legacy of the industrial revolution, makes both involvement and responsibility impossible. Recent trends in western political thought and action seem to indicate a measure of dissatisfaction with bigness, mass production and centralisation. The New Left in America and Britain and even cabinet ministers like Crossman and that reluctant peer, Wedgewood Benn, who belong to the not so New Left, have publicly proclaimed that for a citizen to cast his vote once in five years and sit impassive till he gets his next chance, certainly cannot be democracy in any meaningful sense. The winds of change seem to be blowing in the direction of Sarvodhaya and participatory democracy. The preciousness of the individual, his right to a genuine share in making decisions affecting himself and a recognition of his claim for personal fulfilment seem to be gathering strength. But to the human race so long habituated to giving and getting orders, the transformation into practice of a philosophy where decisions are made in face to face debate by small groups and carried out by persons without infringing the claims of others, is to my mind, a big snag. Allied to this is the problem of how the powerless can get the power to overpower those already in power. Wiolence is 1 uled out, for we know among other things, that he who triumphs by violence leaves a trail of bitterness and humiliation which soon or late sparks off another orgy of violence which will be met by more violence and the game goes merrily on.
In any case, the powerless seldom possess the wherewithal for organising violence on a large enough scale. Shri Jayaprakash Narayan who is dedicated to the Sarvodhaya way of thinking and living, I am sure, will give us some guidance on these matters,

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PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS AT THE GANDH1 REMEMBRANCE MEETING ON HIS 25th DEATH ANNIVERSARY, IN COLOMBO
Your Excellency, Ladies and Gentlemen,
This evening my mind is in a reminiscent and disillusioned mood. My memory goes back to 1927, the year Gandhiji visited Ceylon. I was then a member of the National Committee of the Student Christian Movement of India, Burma and Ceylon. The annual meeting of the committee was held in Madras: the late A. M. K. Cumaraswamy was president. He and I were to leave for Madras. About that time, Gandhiji was recouping his health at Bangalore after one of his many imprisonments The Students' Congress, Jaffna, an organisation of youthful idealists from Jaffna, commissioned me to meet Gandhiji at Bangalore and persuade him to visit Ceylon. Besides myself and Cumaraswamy, a cousin of his, E. J. Rajaiah, had joined us as a tourist. From Madras, I wrote a deferential letter to the Mahatma, without disclosing the purpose of our visit but merely asking for a dharshan. The dharshan was granted and the three of us made our pilgrimage to Bangalore. Quite a few of Gandhiji's revolutionary contingent were there with Rajagopalachchari in command Mahadev Desai who later came with Gandhiji to Ceylon and functioned throughout his life as the recorder of the Mahatma's doings and sufferings, also was there.
Gandhi was then engaged in making the Kadhi Movement an integral force in India's economy as well as delivering a death blow to the stranglehold that Manchester cloth mills had on India's economy. He was at this time planning a tour of of South India to collect funds for the Kadhi campaign. His slogan was “To feed and clothe the starving millions of India.' Rajaji was his principal lieutenant in the South Indian campaign. He had been a successful criminal lawyer in Salem and had gone to Madras to practise law in a more spectacular and lucrative centre. There he fell under the Mahatma's spell. Rajaji as a lawyer was a legendary figure. I have heard it said that

سس- 173 ----
some thug had gone and commmitted a murder relying on Rajaji to pull him out and that he did pull him out. Probably the story is apocryphal. But having known Rajaji fairly closely for nearly half a century, a period during which his acute intelligence remained undimmed, I can realize how wise Gandhiji was in committing such total responsibility to Rajaji.
Gandhi gave us a tentative acceptance of our invitation to visit Ceylon after a session of stiff bargaining on the purse that Ceylon should give him to feed and clothe the starving and half naked millions of India I did not go prepared for such bargaining. But a figure had to be named and Cumaraswamy and I held a private consultation and agreed to raise one hundred thousand rupees in Ceylon. The promise bound not only me but Sri Lanka as well. I had no mandate from any authority in Ceylon to make such a commitment. But the promise was kept. Gandhiji's last destination was Jaffna. The final total realised in Ceylon was one hundred and five thousand rupees and two annas. Rajaji was responsible for the accounting and the amount realized day by day was published in the Madras Hindu. When Rajaji saw that the amount promised had been realized, he reported the matter to Gandhiji and asked him to congratulate me. The famous toothless smile was bestowed on me. A correspondent from the Hindu covered Gandhiji's entire programme in Ceylon. There are two of us here in this hall who played an active role during the Mahatma's Ceylon visit, Mr. S. Som asundaram and myself. Mr. Somasundaram and the late M. T. de S. Amarasekera were joint secretaries for the South Ceylon programme, particularly Colombo. Mine was the responsibility for the Jaffna activities along with the late M. S. Rajaratnam. The late S. Cumarasooriar, Proctor, was treasurer. I was also in overall command-looking after Gandhiji's programme, the creature comforts for the contingent that had come from India and various parts of Ceylon, finding solutions to unforeseen crises that have a way of springing up on such occasions and dealing with last minute pressures for changes in Gandhiji's programme of visits and Rajaji's Cerberus-like vigilance on Gandhiji's health and diet and hours of rest.

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Among the party from India were two persons who stood out conspicuously by reason of their parentage - Devadas Gandhi, the Mahatmat son and Rajaji's daughter lakshmi, who later became man and wife. I do not know if this is hindsightbut my impression today is that something was brewing between these two people during their Ceylon visit, When Devadas died a few years ago, I wrote a letter of condolence to Rajaji and hinted that the romance had begun in Ceylon. Rajaji in his reply ignored my hint. Later on, when I called at Rajaji's home in Madras, I had a little chat with Rajaji's son Narasimhan and referred to my suspicion of the romance. He did not deny it, but said that the visit had vital consequences for their family. When Raj Mohan Gandhi, an offspring of their romance was in Jaffna in connection with some M. R. A. piogramme I mentioned my guess. He said he had not heard of it, but would ask his mother and write to me. He has not written yet.
Gandhiji was in politics then ; so were we in Ceylon. Today India and Ceylon are steeped in politics, But there is a difference between the politics of those times and of today. The politics of those days were aspirational. Visions and dreams loomed large then. Today's politics are factionai and pragmatic. They are also grosser and grim mer. The post-independence history of the two countries bears witness to this truth.
Gandhiji died a martyr. There is little evidence that his martyrdom has borne palpable fruit. Let us hope that in our children's and children's children's day at least the dreams he dreamt and the sufferings he bore will bear fruit. Shri Velauthapillai has also been waging an uphill struggle in an indifferent environment to sustain the Gandhian ideology in Ceylon. Urutirapuram is the citadel of this enterprise. May we hope and pray that his labour yields fruit worthy of the labour.
We are grateful to Canada for her concern for Ceylon's economic growth and for her gifts; and I suppose Canada's envoy here knows that if a giver gives up giving, he incurs the ill-will of the recipient. My generation swore by Gandhi, the Nehrus, Rajaji, and Bose. The new generation that is shaping India's destiny are strangers to us. And it is our prayer that both Bharata and Sri Lanka will continue to maintain the immemorial affinities and kinship that have bound the two countries.

SOURCES
Memorandum Submitted to the Constituent
Assembly in 1972 pp. 1-20
Selections from the Co-operator-Journal 3f the NDCF pp. 21-79 Language Elsewhere 1 - 2 - 66 p. 5 Kuala Lumpur 1966 15 - 5 - 66 p. 2 opium of the People } 15 - 9 - 66 p. 2 Prevarication
Federalism and Language 15 - 11 - 66, p. 2 Caste and Casteism 1 - 11 - 67 p. 2 Looking for a Scapegoat 1 - 9 - 67 p. 2 Shadow Boxing 1 - 5 - 67 р. 2 An Extinct Species 15 - 9 - 67 р. 2 Dharmaratna Thero 15 - 12 - 66 р. 2 Revisionism 15 - 12 - 67 р. 2 Whose Schools? 15 - 2 - 67 p. 2 Parents, Teachers and Schools
What is Discipline? 15 - 3 - 68 p. 2 Ariyanayagam 1 - 7 - 67 p. 2 A Free Press in a Democracy 1 - 4 - 65 p. 2 Missionarics, Militancy and
Minority Tamils 1 - 5 - 68 p. 2 Vanished or Vanishing 15 - 5 - 68 p. 2 Ta miliana 1 - 7 - 68 р, 2
Selections from the Ceylon Teacher-Journal of the
ACUT$ pp. 80--102
Education Day Address May-June 1954 p. 52 Another Commission? Nov. 1953 p. 347 The Right to Think and Speak Oct. 1953 p. 39 lrresponsible ? Dec. 1953 p. 38 Presidential Address at the 35th Annual
Sessions of the ACUTs in Badulla, Aug. 1954 p. 345
Language. White Paper Proposals and Ministerial Manoeuvres -Paper read at a Seminar of the NESC in
Sept. 1964 pp. 103 109

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--س۔ 176 سس۔
5. Tribute to the Rev. John Bicknell at his funeral on
8 - 2 - 36 -Jaffna College Miscellany Jan.-Feb. 1937 pp. 10-112
6. Selections from The Kesari-An English Weekly edited by S. H. Perinbanayagam and published by the Thiru makal Press, Chunnakam pp 1 13-63
Mother Tongue and Mother's Tongue 16 - 7 - 41 . 3 The National Languages 25 - 5 - 46 p. 4 Mahatma Gandhi 1 10 - 10 - 46 p 4 Mahatma Gandhi 2 29 - 11 - 46 p. 3 Ramanathan 28 - 1 - 46 p. 4 Fr. Gnanaprakasar, O. M. L. 30 - - - 47 p. 6 Trade Union Week 20 - 3 - 47 p. 4 Sinhalese and Hindu 24 - 4 - 47 p. 4 Kataraga na 26 - 6 - 47 P. 4 Higher Education in Jaffna 17 - 7 47 م p. 4 One Ceylon 18 - 9 - 47 p. 4 Swami Vipulamanda 25 - 9 - 47 p. 4 Ceylon's National Flag 2 - O - 47 p. 4 Ananda Coomaraswamy 16 - O - 47 p. 4 Freedom's Gravest Peril 18 - 12 47 ۔۔ p. 4 A Sense of Values 27 - 2 - 48 p. 2 A Prophet's Fate 5 - 3 - 48 р. 2
7. Sonne Speeches pp. 1 64 — 174
Presidential Address at the All-Ceylon Gandhiya Seva SanghamFirst Sarvodaya Conference on 29-5.63 Welcome Address at the Reception to Shri Jayaprakash Narayan in Jaffna on Jan. 9th 1969 3. Presidential Address at the Gandhi Remembrance Meeting on his 25th Death Anniversary at Saraswathy Hall, Colombo
on 30-1-1973.
Northern Division Co-operative Federation S All-Ceylon Union of Teachers 3's National Education Society, Ceylon

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Thirunaka Press The Handy Perinbanayagam Comm
Printed at
 

Chun nakamı and Published by |cmoration Society, Jafna.