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UNIVE OF CE REV
JULY - OCT
PUBLISHED FOR THE U
BY THE CEYLON
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Vol. XVIII Nos. 3, 8, 4
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※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※ sos.- |
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RSITY YILON
OBER 1960
SAN
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NIVERSITY OF CEYLON
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CEYLON
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University of C Vol. XVIII, Nos. 3 & 4.
New Light on the Bud and Early Sinhal
S an Appendix to my edition C Aီးဂျီးငှါ I have included an ess:
kings from Mahāsena to Mahinda data having a bearing on the subject ava deavoured to fix the dates of these sovere now in a position to bring forward imp supporting the position that I had taken up chronology during the early centuries of regard to the Buddhist era, makes it ne
in the dates of kings up to the sixth centu - of these dates.
>z
This new evidence is furnished by a fact, had been discovered before I wro had not been fully and correctly read. a private land about a quarter of a mile t vakkulama at Anuradhapura. It cover of the rock surface, and comprises eleven vidual letters varying between 14 in, a cription was made by Reverend Pand
Bharatindrasrama, Anuradhapura, who
and I had an estampage of it prepared in the inscription at page 33 of the Admi logical Survey of Ceylon for 1952. It Inscriptions copied during that year, foi (p.40). The first line of the inscriptio donor as son of the great king Budad
1. Ερέργαρhία Ζεμίαγιέρα (ΕΖ), Vol. V, pp.
129
 

たつ
eylon Review
July–Oct. 1960
dhist Era in Ceylon 2se Chronology
f the Taringoda-vihara pillar-insay on the Chronology of Ceylon V, in which I have examined all the ilable to me at that time, and enigns as accurately as possible. I am ortant new evidence which, while in that essay with regard to Sinhalese the Christian era, particularly with Cessary to effect slight adjustments ury, and imparts exactness to many
n inscription which, as a matter of te the essay mentioned above, but The record is indited on a rock in o the north of the spill of the Basaan area of 4 ft. 7 in. by 2 ft. 9 in. lines of writing, the height of indild 4 in. The discovery of the insit T. Sri Dipananda Thera of Śrī conveyed the information to me, 1952. Reference has been made to nistration Report of the Archaeois included as No. 2 in the List of rming Appendix II of that Report in refers to the king who was the
asa (Buddhadāsa), after which the
86-11.

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letters forming the name of the kir the last two letters of the king's na at the beginning of line 2, can be assumed at that time that the reco Buddhadasa, and the indistinct lett Mahanama known from that mon
The inscription is badly weal in the last five lines have become the reCOrd has been done in a slov length, and the individual letters 1 cursive and there is considerable v The record also contains, as is ap words and phrases not found in circumstances make the satisfactor laborious task, requiring many day of its discovery, I was not only bl urgency, but was also engaged Graffiti through the press, and w monograph. I had therefore to di leisurely time which I, however, post of Archaeological Commissic
Recently, in the course of an sent engaged, this record came to the time necessary for its satisfact I C. E. Godakumbure has been k. estampage prepared by Mr. T. K. are clearer than in the earlier one, ration of the rock in the interval, been ascertained that the record is Upatissa, and that it is dated in the addition, the record also gives th Buddha as the equivalent of the given as Duratu new-moon and, as the others, this new-moon da The record, thus, is one of capit history. Before discussing these of the inscription, as deciphered,

F CEYLON REVIEW
g himself are not quite well preserved, but me, before the word maha-raja, occurring distinctly read as nami. It was therefore rd is one of Mahanama, who was a son of ters were restored to conform to a title of arch's inscriptions.
thered in places, and some of the letters : altogether illegible. The execution of enly manner. The lines are not of equal lot of uniform size. The script is rather ariation in the forms of individual letters. parent even from a cursory examination, other epigraphs of the period. All these y decipherment of this inscription a very is of concentrated attention. At the time 1sy with administrative duties of pressing in the onerous task of seeing the Sigiri riting some sections of that voluminous efer the study of this inscription to a more
did not get before I relinquished the
)11C1 - དུ།། ܐܚ-ܝܠ
epigraphical study in which I am at premy notice once again, and I could afford ory decipherment. At my request, Dr. ind enough to furnish me with a fresh Jayasundara, in which some of the letters while others, perhaps due to the deterioare not so clear. As a result, it has now not of Mahanama, but of his elder brother : twenty-eighth year of that monarch. In e year 941 from the Parinirvana of the regnal year. The day of the grant is though this detail is not quite so certain ay is said to have fallen on a Tuesday. al importance for the study of Ceylon points, it is necessary to give the text and its translation. så
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TEXT
Sidam ||*|Budadasa-ma[ha*|rajal
nami-maharaja kirivita nekeri-d -la-dora kila koha=da=ga Upatis -va Kana-ketehi varu-pota Naka di Dirati-gama Dasa-gama poha Kabota-aganahi Mahanelaka-val tana ganaya Doraka-vaharata dir -k=ata-visiya-avanaka-vasahi.
Duratu kalakara-pohata-divasa
piri-nivitakale nava-Sata-eka- catari[sa]- Val
t
S S S S S S S SS S SS S SL S SS S SL S L S S S S S S S S
TRANSLA
Success. The great king Upatisa, b of the great king Budadasa, having foul (at a place) half a krosao ahead of the city gate of the watch-tower7 and the monu u had caused to be constructed, granted ti
予 2. In this name, the first aksara u is clear stroke is damaged, but what is preserved of it the sign has to be supplied conjecturally. ( are enough traces to justify the reading. The was borne by Jetthatissa II, the grandfather establish that the kings of Ceylon during this grandfathers (EZ, Vol. IV, pp. 122ff).
3. P. Upatissa Siri megha; Skt. Upatisya 4 4. P. and Skt. Buddha.dåsa. 5. P. Upatissa-raja-mahd-whdra. 6. Koha=ad= aga:–Kohada=Skt. kroŠärd) a gavyati (S. gavu), four of which made a yoja half a kerosa, would thus be little over half a mile Journal of Science, Section, G (CJSG), Vol. I Yojanas, in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic St for 1912, pp. 229 ff.
7. Nekeri-dora = Skt. nagara-dvåra. The goes back to Skt. nagarī rather than nagara. To atala = Skt. attåla.
8. Kita is taken to be the same as khila Dictionary, s.a. It was a pillar set up at a cit
9. Doraka-vohara = Skt. Dväraka-vohära. raja-maha-vihara, mentioned earlier, and was in the proximity of the city gate.
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la puta Upati sa-Sirimeka!2- ra t[o]|raņa-dora ața - a-raja-maha-vihara karara-gala Kelela-amitih=ata Zakarata [ca: Boya-geyata na sati karihi-kubura akadae * Cata lagita
- - - - - cada-lavamasi | Kuja-|Vare| Balgavata-Bu|daha
la-Vasahi............
TION
earing the name of Sirilmekað, son lded the Upatisa-raja-maha-Viharas i gate, the gate of the archway, the mental columns, which he himself o this Doraka-vihara9, (the villages
enough; of the pa, the right-hand vertical is enough to identify it. Of the akşara ti, Df the four letters read as Sirineka, there name or title of Sirilmeka (P. Siri megha)
of Upatissa I, and there is evidence to 3 period at times bore the names of their
Šrīnegha.
a; ciga = Skt. agre. A kerosa is half of na. A. Sinhalese gavu Was about 2 miles ; in length. See H.W. Codrington in Ceylon I, p. 134, and J. F. Fleet, Imaginative ociety of Great Britain and Ireland (JRAS)
form nekeri in the inscription perhaps ana-dora = Skt. torana-dvära. Atala-dora :
in P. inda-khila, for which see P.T.S. Pali
gate.
This is obviously the same as Upatissagiven the alternative designation as it was

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of) Diratigama and Dasagama for sixty karisas of field from Maha aganal1 for the benefit of the Bo from the minister Nakaragala E Kanaketa, and having (the grant) re offices 15, on Tuesday the fast day c of . . . . . . . . in the twenty-eight (being) the year Nine-hundred an of the Blessed Buddha.............
This inscription is the earliest is given in the Buddhist era, recko be made use of for chronological year of the king reigning at the Furthermore, this date is sufficient history, namely the embassy of M which was received by the Chine chronology can be brought into
10. Pohatakara. See EZ, Vol. III, p.
ll. Kabota-agana would be Kapotair Kobeyi-gané. A village of this name is cription of Bhatika-Abhaya, close to the 12. Boya-geya = P. bodhi-geha. See Vol. 1, p. 308.
13. Nakaragala is the title which C centuries as Nuvaragal. See Epigraphi III, p. 325.
14. Varu-pota is obviously the same Anurādhapura slab-inscription of Līlāva chapter, in the phrase Talavatu-äļa di nakayehi sanghayäta dan-varupet karavä ( From these contexts it is clear that the W. haps it is derived from a compound of Sl l5. Akada-tana ganaya :— Akada ( been used adverbially, modifying gaņay Tana (Skt. sthåna) means an office or ac and kam-tdin-ledaru, occurring in tenth-ce p. 31). Similar phraseology is not uncom An unpublished inscription of the reign Tamankadu has akada-tanahi-ganavaya.
16. Kalakara is the prototype of the Skt. krSna in krsna-paksa, the dark fortr is the same as Skt. Pausa. The origin o been ascertained.
17. Journal of the Ceylon Branch of (No. 68), p. 83.

F CEYLON REVIEW
the benefit of the uposatha-housel 0 and nelaka-vala in (the village of) Kabotadhi-shrine12 (having had these) acquirgid eļela13, giving him the varu potal of gistered as perpetual in the administrative of the Duratu new-moon 16 in the month h year of the raising of the umbrella, d forty-one in the era of the Parinirvana
document so far known in which a date ned from the Parinirvana. This date can purposes as it is equated with the regnal time-the twenty-eighth of Upatissa I. ly close to a synchronism with Chinese fahanama 17, the successor of Upatissa I, se emperor in 428, so that the Sinhalese
relationship with the well-established
p. 68.
gana in Pali. In modern Sinhalese it would be mentioned in the long but fragmentary rock inssummit of Mihintalé (Müller, AIC, No. 20).
University of Ceylon, History of Ceylon (UHC)
ccurs in inscriptions of the tenth and twelfth a Zeylanica, Vol. II, pp. 57 and 254 and Vol.
: as the later varupeta. This word occurs in the tī (EZ, Vol. II, p. 180) and in the Pūjāvalī, 34th ta pawdi visi-dahasaki kurrinburu-kiri karava DendiMabopitiya Medhankara Thera's edition, p. 15). ord denotes an irrigated tract of rice fields. Perkt. väri and präpta.
Skt. akhandari), not ceasing, is taken to have a, the absolutive of the verb gaa, Skt. grhnat. liministrative centre in such words as de-kan-tdin, intury inscriptions (EZ, Vol. I, p. 96 and Vol. II, mon in inscriptions of the third to fifth centuries. of Bhātiya III from a place called Nelugala in
: later kalluvara (dark), which is the equivalent of light.' Pohata is P. uposatha. Duratu (Durutu) f the Sinhalese name for this month has not yet
the Royal Asiatic Society (JOBRAS), Vol. XXIV
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University of Ceylon Review - Vol. XVIII Nos. 3 &
 

I essņednjo uopdyrosus->soos :eIndeqpgūnuV
mauoissyuuoo posốosoovųouy : {sounoɔ

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},

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THE BUDDHIST ER
chronology of China. And, what is 1 furnishes details of the date if the read enabling its exact verification, so that the at from other lines of evidence with rege
Taking first the traditional date oft tion and that of his successor for conside Turnour, computing from data in the l dhist era as the date of Upatissa's accessio Sumangala and Batuvantudave are in ag sinha's dates for the accession of these tw respectively,20 which, according to the e +543, are 913 and 955 B.E., respectively. Buddhist era of 544-3 B.C. for Upatiss Geiger's date for Mahanama is 409 A.C. ment of Upatissa will be referred to Medhankara Thera23, Upatissa came to nama in 954. My own dates in the Bud two kings are 908 and 949 respectively inscription establishes that the real date 913, and of Mahanama 955 of the Buddh sinha's dates for these events are in comp evidence of the inscription. The others
than the actual dates.
The discrepancies are due to adjustr the close of the reigns of some kings, a texts of the Sinhalese chronicles in the sur is said to have elapsed from the Parinirva According to B. Gunasekara's text of the 9 months and 25 days had elapsed betwe
18. G. Turnour, The Mahavarioso, with t, Press, 1837, p. lxii.
19. Mahâvarinsa, Sinhalese translation, Par Government Press, 1917, p. xx.
20. Mahdivariosa, translation into English, ( W), p. x.
21. EZ, Vol. III, p. 12.
22. Cūļavaminsa, English translation (Civ. T.),
23. Pujavaliya, 34th chapter, edited by Mahabodhi Press, Colombo, 1932, (Pov, xxxiv, M
24. EZ, Vol. IV, p. 109.
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A IN CEYLON
hore significant, the record itself ng Kujaware in 1. 9 be acceptedvalidity of the conclusions arrived rd to the date can be tested.
he king mentioned in this inscripation in the light of this evidence, Aahavamsa, gives 911 of the Budl, and 953 as that of Mahanama 18; reement with Turnour. 19 Wijeo monarchs are 370 and 412 A.C. quation, date in the Christian era Wikremasinghe's date21 in the a is 909 and for Mahanama 951. (952 B.E.)22; that scholar's treatlater. According to Mabopitiye the throne in 912 B.E. and Mahadhist era for the accession of these 24 The evidence of the present of the accession of Upatissa I was list era. It will be seen that Wijelete accord with the contemporary are from one to six years earlier
nents for possible current years at ld the variations in the received in total of the number of years that a to the end of Mahasena's reign. Pujawali (34th chapter), 844 years 2n the Parinirvana and the close of
e Translation subjoined. Cotta Mission
B II, from the 37th chapter, Colombo,
tovernment Printer, Colombo, 1909 (Mt.
part ii, p. xi.
Pandit Mabopitiye Medhankara Thera, Y, p. iv.

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Mahasena's reign25 and the later wo are in accord with this 26. Geiger dates which rest on a sure traditio made his chronology conform to i are concerned.28 I have myself foll Some manuscripts of the Pujavali, (844) in enumerating the number ata-siya-sasalis (846). In Mabc edition of the Pujawali (34th chapt it is supported by the majority of ti this reading of sasālis instead of su cription which equates the twenty the Parinirvana. The total lengths tissa I and Buddhadasa, who came 66 years which, together with 28 record, amount to 94 years. Sul Buddhist era corresponding to the tallies with 846 years 9 months and the Pujawali, rounding off the 9 m noteworthy that, in order to arrive sary for current years at the close eighth year of Upatissa has also t that, at the time the present record to a close, or that the year 941 of til COSC.
If the Buddhist era of this reco point as that era has at present in been among Sinhalese Buddhists at year given is an expired one, the well-known that the present Budd
25. B. Gunasekara, A Contribution t paliya, Colombo, 1895, p. 25.
26. Nikāya-saṁgraha, English transla Rajciwaliya, English translation by B. G sangraha gives the date of Mahasena's a Se Ven year’S.
27. C'v. T., part ii, p. xvii.
28. EZ, Vol. III, p. ll.
29. EZ, Vol. V, p. 88. 30. Pov. xxxiv, M, p. 16. 31, EZ, Vol. II, p. 220.

R CEYLON REVIEW
rks, the Nikayasangraha and the Rajavali, has accepted this as one of those single
nal basis. 27 Wickremasinghe, too, has
t so far as his dates in the Buddhist era owed these two scholars in this matter29. indeed, give the reading ata-siya-susalis of years, while others have the reading pitiye Medhankara Thera's critical dr), the reading adopted is the latter, as he manuscripts that he consulted.30 And usalis is in accord with the present ins-eighth year of Upatissa with 941 from of the reigns of Sirimeghavanna, Jetthabetween Mahāsena and Upatissa I, addito years of Upatissa up to the time of the btracting this from 941, the year of the a 28th of Upatissa, we get 847, which 25 days of Medhankara Thera's text of onths and 25 days as one year. It is also at this agreement, no allowance is necesof any one reign, and that the twentyo be included. It is therefore possible I was indited, the 28th year was drawing
he Buddhist era had not run much of its--
ird was computed from the same starting Ceylon, Burma and Siam, and as it has least as far back as 1200 A.C., and if the date is equivalent to 398 A.C. But it is hist era is in error for the time of Asoka
o the History of Ceylon, translated from the Pitja
ution by C. M. Fernando, Colombo, 1908, p. 14,
tunasekara, Reprint, 1954, p. 45. The Nikāyaccession as 818 B.E. This king reigned twenty
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whose date can be ascertained within n; a number of Greek kings in his inscript 憑 the true date of Asoka, various attemp scholars to ascertain the Correct date oft dates, 483 B.C., determined by J. F. Fle evidence supplied by various sources, is Orientalists.33
Devanarhpiya Tissa of Ceylon being of that monarch has to be adjusted to be and not in terms of the Buddhist era 1 adjustment was continued by Fleet righ the successor of the king mentioned in C fully endorsed Fleet's views and claimed inscriptions of South India to prove thi the starting point prevailed in Ceylon view of Wickremasinghe was accepted Mahavahisa published in 1912.36 E. H. the premise on which Wickremasinghe of 483 B.C. prevailing up to the elev synchronism with South Indian history, erroneous translation by Wijesinha of a v. 44)37. Wickremasinghe, thereupon, certain whether a Buddhist era with 48 Ceylon in the eighth to eleventh centuri such an era prevailed up to the beginnir the evidence against it from the Chir Sylvain Levi. 38 I have demonstrated in singhe's position, and need not recapitul
32. P. H. L. Eggermont, The Chronology o p. 180.
33. J. F. Fleet, “ The Day on which the Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (JI 34. J. F. Fleet, “ The Origin of the Buddh Death of Buddha in J RAS for 1909, pp. 323
35. EZ, Vol. I, pp. 155 ff. 36. Mahdivansa, translated into English by pp. XXviii ff.
37. E. Hultzsch, * Contributions to Sinh 57-53.
38. Sylvain Levi in Journal Asiatique, 19 by John M. Seneveratne of relevant parts of Syl (No. 68), pp. 82-l02.
39. EZ, Vol. V, pp. 88 ff.
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A IN CEYLON
arrow limits from the references to ions.32 Computing from this base its have been made by distinguished he Buddha's Parinirvana. Of these set after an exhaustive study of the the one that is accepted by most
a contemporary of Asoka, the date in conformity with that of Asoka, low current in Ceylon. And this t down to the time of Mahanama, ur inscription.34 Wickremasinghe to have discovered evidence in the at a Buddhist era with 483 B.C. as up to the eleventh century.35 This by Geiger in his translation of the ultzsch, however, pointed out that based his theory of a Buddhist era enth century, namely, a supposed was faulty, as he had relied on an passage in the Cillavafisa (Chap. 53, modified his view, and was not B.C. as its epoch was prevalent in es, but clung on to the position that g of the eighth century, in spite of nese synchronisms pointed out by detail the untenability of Wickremaate the arguments here. 39
f the Reign of Asoka Moriya, Leiden, 1956,
Buddha Died, in the Journal of the Royal 2A.S) for 1909, pp. 1-34. avarsa, the Ceylonese Reckoning from the 356.
Wilhelm Geiger, Reprint, Colombo, 1950,
alese Chronology o in J. RAS, 1913, pp.
}0, pp. 297 ff, 401 ff, English translation rain Levi’s paper in JCB RAS, Vol. XXIV,

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Geiger was alive to the signifi ring to the reign of Mahanama'0 ; therefore accepted the position the time of that monarch onwards ha. But, Geiger insisted that up to the e to be computed as starting from transition from one era to the oth end of Mahasena's reign and the . manner, and proposed that the int according to the Cülavarisa and til duced to 49 years.41 He even pro discard Upatissa I with his 42 years. haps a prince who reigned along wi throne himselfor if so, only for a sh to the present inscription, Upatissa regnal year, where he is called Jeta reduction of the period between ti of Mahanama to 49 years, the p reigned at least for 28 years, and t referred to in another record.43 father of Buddhadasa, are known; There are many records of Sirime mentioned in one of them.45. It allowed by Geiger for the interval accession of Mahanama is quite ir in the lengths of reigns, given in t tissa II, Buddhadāsa, Upatissa I and longing to three generations, reign Mahanama, most probably, was pa raised to the throne.
As has been stated already, Sin Chinese court in 428 A.C. If the d into the Christian era on the basis o.
40. C'v. T., part II, pp. v ff. 4l. Cv. T., part III, p. xi.
42. Cov. T., part II, p. vii, Ceylon J p. 103.
43. Ceylon Antiquary and Literary Re
44. CJSG, Vol. II, p. 102. “ Brāhmī by C. W. Nicholas in Sir Paul Pieris Feli
45. In an unpublished inscription at

CEYLON REVIEW
tance of the Chinese synchronism referin his translation of the Calavamsa, he t the traditional Buddhist era from the to be taken as starting from 544 B.C. ind of the reign of Mahasena, the era was 483 B.C. In order to provide for the er, he left the chronology between the ccession of Mahanama in an indefinitive erval between these two events, which, he Pujavali, comprised 108 years, be reposed a measure so drastic as to entirely He may be purely fictitious or perth his father and either never came to the ort period, says Geiger. But, in addition has left another record dated in his 24th tisa Upatisa.42 With regard to Geiger's he death of Mahasena and the accession resent record is evidence that Upatissa he 20th year of his father Buddhadasa is Three inscriptions of Jețțhatissa II, the one of these is dated in the second year.“ ghavanna; the twentieth regnal year is is thus clear that the number of years between the death of Mahasena and the ladequate. There is nothing incredible he chronicle, of Sirimeghavanna, JetthaMahanama. These five monarchs, beed, one after the other, for 130 years. st the fiftieth year of his age when he was
halese envoys of Mahanama were at the ate of the present inscription is converted 483 as the starting point of the Buddhist
purnal of Science, Section G (C.J SG), Vol. II,
gister (CALR), Vol. III, p. 207.
Inscriptions in the Yala East Wild Life Reserve vitation. Volume, Colombo, 1956, p. 67.
Karambagala in the Hambantotal District,
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era, it would be equivalent to 458 A.C reign of 42 years ended and Mahanam years after the envoys of the latter clear that the theory of 483 B.C. as the hold good for this period. On the oth same starting point as it has today, th that the year is an expired one, would b sion would have been in 412 A.C. H could therefore have been in China in 4
But, from this Chinese evidence, o epoch of the Buddhist era on the date same as it was in the beginning of the th
of the Buddhist era was six years earlie Mahanama could have come to the th to be in China in 528 A.C. Such cir when we consider that it is only after ti date of this record that we find in C reference is made to the Buddhist era, in Burma is known from inscriptions in 1084: that, too, nearly 700 years after conceivable that the Buddhist era wen time of Upatissa, and that it was re-intr in Burma or in Ceylon. And the co
initial point of the era was then decided from that in the time of our inscriptio the mention of the week-day coupled verification of the date given in our rec
It is therefore very regrettable the preserved at the point where the week-da sonable doubt about the identity of the جيا
of the week-day; only the sign for t conjecturally. And these two letters together or separately, with those which ku and the last word legible before it, tl as they follow the word pohata (P. up
46. Inscription from Madagama in the V. and 212. This inscription, dated in the 17th 1696 of the Buddhist era, as the date of that in
47. Epigraphia Birmanica (Ep. Bir.), Wol.
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RA IN CEYLON
, which would mean that Upatissa's a ascended the throne in 472 A.C., had reached China. It is therefore epoch for the Buddhist era does not er hand, if the Buddhist era had the e date of our inscription, assuming e 398 A.C., and Mahanama's access[e reigned for 22 years; his envoys 28 A.C.
ne cannot say with certainty that the : of this inscription was exactly the irteenth century. Even if the epoch or sixteen years later than 544 B.C., rone on a date enabling his envoys cumpection is all the more justified he lapse of nearly 800 years from the eylon another inscription in which 46 though the prevalence of the era of Kyanzittha'7 whose reign began the date of our epigraph. It is quite it out of vogue some time after the Dduced in the eleventh century either imputation of details on which the might have given a result differing n. It is on these considerations that I with the tithi, enabling the exact Iord, is of capital importance.
it the inscription has not been well y is mentioned. But there is no reaIwo syllables reading Kuja, the name he medieval vowel u has to be read
cannot form a word either taken precede or follow them. Between here is room for three aksaras which, Osatha), must have formed, on the
iudavili Hatpattu, CJ SIG, Vol. II, pp. 186 year of Parakramabahu I, gives the year Lonarch's accession.
I, pp. 51 and 115.

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analogy of other inscriptions of the lowing Kuja is a letter which is sor the next letter is clearly re. The After re, the aksara ba is quite clear. The next letter, bu, is partly damage of no doubt, and read-daha piri. line, the ninth, have been complete the tenth line read kale ; these are f in words. Taking into consideratic of the Sinhalese language represent portion of the ninth line following tenth line, may be read Bagavata Bt Parinirvana of the Blessed Buddha.
It might also be questioned whi could have been mentioned in a Cey Century, when the earliest known el name of a week-day, is the Eran i (Gupta) year 165 (484 A.C.), over ni The adoption by the Hindus of beginning with Sunday was a result and it cannot be definitely stated v evidence for the use of week-days century A.C. AS Ceylon and Sou Roman empire from the first to fo days could possibly have been add directly from the traders of the RC North India. Consequently, there of a week-day in an ancient Sinhal fourth century A.C. To meet w document, we have to wait until th
Having thus concluded that til Cording to this record, the new-mo
48. J. F. Fleet, Gupta Inscriptions (C. See also The Use of the Planetary Wee pp. 1039-1046. I am not aware whether week-day has been discovered in India aft 49. K. P. Jayaswal, The Week-da XLVIII, 1912, p. 112.
50. An unpublished inscription from of the Archaeological Survey of Ceylon (AS

CEYLON REVIEW
i period, the Word davasa, o day. Folmewhat blurred, but can be read as va; reading Kujaware is thus quite certain, Three letters following this are illegible. d, but the four aksaras after them admit Two or three letters at the end of this ly worn away. The first two letters of blowed by the enumeration of the date on the stage of phonetical development ied by the rest of the inscription, that Kujaware, with the first two letters of the A}daha pirini vital kale, ' in the era of the
ether the name of a planetary week-day lon inscription of the close of the fourth pigraph from India itself, containing the inscription of Budhagupta dated in the nety years after the date of our record.48 the Jewish-Christian calendrical Week I of the contact of India with the West, when this took place. There is literary in India 49 in about the first or second 1th India had direct relations with the urth centuries, the names of the weekpted by the Sinhalese and the Tamils man empire, and not introduced from is nothing improbable in the mention ese document of the last decade of the fith a week-day again in a Sinhalese e reign of Vijayabahu I.50
nere is justification for taking that, acon of Durutu in the Buddhist year 941
orpus Inscriptionum, Indicarum, Vol. III), p. 89 k in India by J. F. Fleet in JRAS for 1912, an inscription of an earlier date mentioning a ier the publication of Fleet's article in 1912.
ys and Vickrama in Indian Antiquary, Vol.
Periyakulama or Natanar-kóvil, Annual Report
C4 R) for 1953, p. 22.
138

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THE BUDIOHIST EI
fell on a Tuesday, we have to ascertain satisfies these details. Fortunately, the
narrow limits by the circumstan
of Upatissa I, can be roughly ascertained Sinhalese missions which arrived in Ch embassy to China in 428 was despatch ascended the throne fourteen years afte and reigned for twenty-two years. T even in the last year of Mahanama, and death of that king. Assuming that the a year, the envoys would have left Ce 427 A.C., within which dates must hav reign. The 28th year of Upatissa wou 413 A.C. The Sinhalese mission whi patched by a ruler named Kia-che Kiaby Sylvain Levi with Kassapa, the son of for taking him as Silākāla52 who su Silākāla, according to the chronicle, las menced between 513 and 527 if the en in 527. The interval which separated twenty-eighth year of Upatissa I, accor was 130 years 3 months and 25 days, According to the evidence of this syn the 28th year of Upatissa I was betwee i.e. 383 and 397 A.C. Taking the year on the dates of the two missions, we g period in which the 28th year of Upat ments with regard to the mention of tion and the calculations combining t Chinese synchronisms are valid, there new-moon which fell on a Tuesday wi
Before we apply this test, some r necessary. The Sinhalese month Durat of which is referred to in the details oft month called Paușa in Sanskrit. Luna have been for some centuries past, foll with the new-moon, as is the usage in S
51. JCB RAS, Vol. XXIV (No. 68), p. 91 52. EZ, Vol. V, pp. 98-99.
139

Α IN OEYLON
the year in the Christian era which scope of our research is restricted ce that this year, the twenty-eighth | by the evidence of the dates of the ina in 428 and 527. The Sinhalese ed in the reign of Mahanama who the date of the present inscription, he envoys could have left Ceylon i arrived in China actually after the voyage from Ceylon to China took ylon in any year between 405 and e fallen the first year of Mahanama's ld thus have fallen between 391 and ch reached China in 527 Was deslo-ha-li-ya, who has been identified Upatissa II.5.1 I have given reasons Cceeded Upatissa II. The reign of ted for 13 years ; it must have comIvoys sent by him arrived in China the accession of Silakala from the ding to the details in the Ciilawanisa, i.e. 130 years in a round number. chronism with Chinese history, the in the years 513 - 130 and 527-130, is common to the calculations based get 391 and 397 as the limits of the issa I fell. And, if the above arguthe week-day in the present inscriphe details of the Calavanisa with the should have been a Durutu (Pausa) thin these six years.
emarks on another matter are also u (modern Durutu), the new-moon he date, is the equivalent of the lunar r months in Ceylon today, as they ow the amanta system, i.e. they end outh India. But the other system,
f,

Page 16
UNIVERSITY OF
purnimanta, according to which the was not unknown in ancient Ce furnishes evidence of the use of a pi and the Panakaduva copper-plates i. definition of the seasons in the Sik is on the basis of pirnimanta lunar n month beginning with a full-moon but takes in the dark fortnight prec purnimanta system was followed by moon (amavasya) of Durutu (Pausa) month of Margasirsa (Sinhalese Ui * The new-moon is called sometime it marks the end, and sometimes b Our record, in addition to calling th has the mention of a month preced legible, but it is possible that the wi of calling the new-moon by the ni In effect, this would result in the st naming lunar months were followed in view both the amanta and the piir
Referring now to the Table of S. to A.D. 500 in Swamikannu Pillai's 391 and 397 A.C., between which according to Chinese synchronisms. (Durutu) of which the new-moon be taken as pirnimanta, the new-mo was on the 16th of December, wh calling the new-moon of an amanta month be adopted, this day was a I in fact, following this practice, has the equivalent in the Christian calen to be taken as Tuesday, 16 Decemb
53. EZ, Vol. II, p. 23 l.
54. EZ, Vol. V, pp. 9-10.
55. Sikhavalaida-vinisa, edited by S for instance, began with the first of the da moon of Kattika.
56. Diwan Bahadur L. D. Swamikan part I, p. 52.
57. Ind. Eph., Vol. I, part I, p. 3l. 58. Ind. Eph., Vol. I, part I, pp. 214

CEYLON REVIEW
lunar month ended with the full-moon, ylon. The Alutvava pillar-inscription irminanta month in the tenth century,53. indicate its usage in the eleventh.54 The havalaida-winisa of the tenth century55 onths. In the pirnimanta system each is named after the next amanta month, eding each new moon. 56 Thus, if the the writer of this epigraph, the newwould have been the new-moon of the duvap) according to the amanta system. is by the name of the month of which y the name of the following month.'57 e new-moon by the month of Duratu, ing it. The name of this month is not iter of the record followed the practice ame of the month which followed it. ame day as if the pirnimanta system of ... We thus have to test the date having nimanta systems.
olar Years and New-moons from 1 B.C. Indian Ephemeris, 58 we find that between
the 28th year of Upatissa I must fallthere was no amanta month of Pat şa fell on a Tuesday. But if the month on of the month of Pausa in 396 A.C. ich was a Tuesday. If the practice of
month by the name of the following Pausa anāvāsyā, and Swamikannu Pilai, called it by that name. Consequently, dar of the date given in our record has er, 396 A.C.
r D. B. Jayatilaka, p. 15. The rainy season, rk fortnight of Asahi and ended with the full
u Pillai, Indian Ephemeris, (Ind. Eph.), Vol. I,
215.
༤།། 140

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THE BUDDHIST E)
We now proceed to consider the b inscription has on the Buddhist era as it
century up to modern time
Sahasamala gives Wednesday, the 12t month of Binara (Sanskrit Bhādrapada 3 months and 27 days of the Buddhiste monarch.59 The details work correct A.C.60 This document establishes that in the Buddhist era, as those of the Sak that the year began on the full-moon d starting point of the era, according to ti the formula for the conversion of a dat Christian year is-543 if the day was be if it was after January 1, and before the W. Codrington has shown that the date Kandy times conform to this formula. the Buddhist era found in India, Kartti the Buddhist year 1813, given in an insc found at Buddhagaya are correct, as poi day, 1 October, 1270 A.C., if the Buddl point in 544 B.C.62
If the Buddhist era had the same
as in the twelfth century and later, the
as expired, would have run from 1 the year be taken as current, its limits 397 and 16 April, 398. In neither oft new-moon, whether according to the which fell on a Tuesday.63 If the year there is thus a difference of two years Buddhist era in the fourth century, and of our inscription makes it more likely in that case, the discrepancy in the si One year.
59. EZ, Vol. II, pp. 223 and 228. Buda tun-mas sat-visi davasak giya tena Binerä pura,
60. See Fleet, in JRAS for 1909, p. 33 lar
61. H. W. Codrington, “ The Buddha-v, Vol. II, pp. 51-53.
62. JRAS for 1909, p. 347, The inscript Antiquary, Vol. X, p. 342.
63. Ind. Eph., Vol. I, part I, p. 215.
ー
141

RA IN CEYLON
paring which the date in the present has been in use in Ceylon from the . The Polonnaru inscription of h day of the waxing moon in the
after the expiration of 1743 years, 'a as the date of the accession of that y to Wednesday, 23 August, 1200 , in the Polonnaru period, the years a era, were expired ones (gata), and ay of the month of Vaisakha. The lese details, was in 544 B.C., so that e in the Buddhist era to one in the fore the end of December and-542 day of the Vaisakha full-moon. H. s in the Buddhist era available from 61 The details in the only date in ka waning moon. 1, Wednesday, in ription of a king named Asokavalla inted out by J. F. Fleet, for Wedneshist era is taken as having its initial
starting point in the fourth century year 941 given in our record, taken 7 April, 398 to 6 April, 399. If would have been between 28 April, hese two years was there a Durutu amanta or the pirnimanta reckoning, in our epigraph was an expired one,
between the starting point of the that in the twelfth. The wording hat the year was current (vartamäna); arting point of the era was only
ha-varsa ek-dahas sat-siya tesdilis-havurudu loos-vak lada Badä-davas.
d Ind. Eph., Vol. IV, p. 3. arsha in the Kandyan Period, in CALR,
ion in question is published in the Indian

Page 18
UNIVERSITY O.
It may be argued, particularl dated in the Buddhist era is avail Buddhist country, for nearly 700 y the Buddhist era went out of use and was re-introduced in the elever from details found in the Di, lengths of reigns of the kings wh introduction of the era based on fr expect the discrepancy between the year or two. On the other hand, C. of the dates in the Buddhist era o 1300 A.C. indicate a starting point 544 B.C. 64 One of these dates qu 6th waning of Tazaungon (Kartti and in 1837 of the Buddhist era. 638 A.C.; therefore, the year 654 between which number and that o tion, the difference is 545 and not has verified this date has pointed year has to be taken as expired an order to make the 6th waning O equivalent in the Christian era for A.C.65 If the year of the Buddh point of that era would fall in 54 ears for an era which normally c that the Buddhist year referred t
Two dates in the Buddhist era have been given in Burmese inscrip tion set up by his son some time aft Kyanzittha, that monarch is said to had elapsed after the Parinirvana C of Kyanzittha himself, that event is This difference has been explained king's coronation, and the earlier cisely the same difference will be
- - 64. “The Re Vised Buddhist Era in B
65. Ind. Eph., Vol. I, part 2, p. 132, 66. Elp... Bir..., Woll. I, p. 5l. 67. Elp... Bir..., Vol. I, p. I4l. 68. Elp... Bir..., Vol. I, p. 4.

ER CEYLON REVIEW
y in view of the fact that no document lable, either from Ceylon or any other ears after the date of our inscription, that some time after the date of our record, lth century, calculating the starting point Davarisa and the Mahavariisa, and the no came after Mahasena. But, if a re'esh calculations was effected, one would 2 starting points to be much more than a O. Blagden has pointed out that certain CCurring in Burmese inscriptions before I for the era some two years earlier than oted by Blagden refers to Thursday, the ka) in 654 of the Burmese Sakkaraj era The Burmese Sakkaraj era begins in of that era is equivalent to 1292 A.C., if the Buddhist year given in the inscrip544 or 543. Swamikannu Pillai who out that, in this instance, the Sakkara ld not current, as usual with that era, in f Tazaungon fall on a Thursday. His this date is Thursday, 22 October, 1293 list era was an expired one, the initial 5 B.C. As this document uses expired كحيه - luotes current years, the probability is o was also an expired one.
with a difference of two between then tions for the same event. In an inscriper the death of the famous Burmese king have begun his reign when 1628 years of the Buddha,66 while in an inscription s said to have taken place in 1630 B.E.67
by taking 1630 B.E. as the date of the date as that of his accession.68 But prefound between the date of the accession
urma in the J. RAS for 1910, pp. 474-6. Nọ. 54.
142

Page 19
s
THE BUDDHIST E.
"of Sahasamala as stated in that monar in the Buddhist era continued down to up this inscription. It is therefore very Buddhists in the eleventh century, ther reckoning of the Buddhist era, between
一て
possible for Some dates.
Of these two years, one can be expired (gata) and current (vartamāna) interval between the death of Mahasena tissa I has led us to infer the possibility having started shortly before the date the new moon of Duratu, in other w dhist year was not then on the ful fact, Fleet has established that, in the L that the Buddhist year at the time oft begin with the full-moon day of Vaisa that Devanaihpiya Tissa was anointed the Buddha, that is in the 237th year months after the anointment of Asoka first coronation, for the statement is fol things which miraculously appeared a coronation was in the month of Magga The Dipavamsa also states that Mahinda day of Jettha (Skt. Jyestha, Sin. Poson the Buddha,70 that is in the year 237 of Buddhist era ended on the day before another began on the full-moon day, the should have been 238 B.E. current, for t vening between that event and the firs
The Dipavarisa informs us that D the first time on a day in the second mo sira) when the Constellation Åsahi (Skt. 2nd of the waxing moon) in the seven months after the commencement of tha first anointment of Devanarhpiya Tissa.
69. J. RAS for 1909, pp. 10 ff. 70. Chapter XVII, v. 78.
143

RA IN CEYLON
ch's inscription, and if it were stated that time, according to the reckoning probable that, among the Burmese e were two different methods of the which a difference of two years was
explained as the difference between reckonings. A consideration of the and the twenty-eighth year of Upa7 of a new year in the Buddhist era given in the present inscription, i.e. ords that the beginning of the Budl-moon day of Vaisakha. And, in Dipavatisa, there is evidence to prove he writing of that chronicle did not kha.69 It is said in the Dipavatisa70 as king 236 years after the death of , seventeen years and not quite six
The reference here is clearly to his lowed by an account of the precious fter his first coronation. The first sira (Skt. Margasirsa, Sin. Uhduvap). arrived in Ceylon on the full-moon ), 236 years after the Parinirvana of the Buddhist era. If an year of the the the full-moon of Vaisakha, and 2 year of Mahinda's arrival in Ceylon here was a Vaisakha full-moon interit coronation of Devanarihpiya Tissa.
evanarhpiya Tissa was anointed for inth of the Hemanta Season (MaggaAsadha) was in the ascendant (1st or teenth year of Asoka, not quite six t year. Full seven months after the the same authority states, and in the

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eighteenth year of Asoka, Mahinda of Jettha.71 From these statements the anointment of Asoka was shortly of Jettha. The Dipavamsa also iní years after the death of the Buddha basis of the full-moon of Vaisakha year, the seventeenth anniversar about three weeks after the end of of Devanampiya Tissa, when the 23 eighteen months after that.'72
These seeming errors in the c pointed out, disappear if the com] taken to have been on Karttika, Suk vadins, was the day of the Buddha’ Vaisakha. Fleet has further argue parinibbana-sutta are more in favou full-moon as the day of the Buddh. certainly does not support the bel place on a Vaiśākha full-moon da at Rajagaha given in the Cullavagg great event fell on that day.74 Bud Mahāvaminsa categorically state that on which the Buddha died.75 It is opinion among the Buddhists of Samantapasadika and the Mahavams held by the Mahāvihāra. The Ab held a different view, and the chron influenced by that.
But there is evidence to indica dhist era in ancient Ceylon did not exact date of the Buddha's death. entitled Saratthadipani, the erudite the statement of the Samantapasadik
71. Chapter XII, vv. 42-43.
72. J RAS for 1909, p. 12.
73. J. RAS for 1909, pp. 15 ff.
74. T. W. Rhys Davids and H. Ol (S.B.E. Vol. XX), pp. 376 ff.
75. Samanta-pāsãdikā, P.T.S. Editio and 2.

CEYLON REVIEW
arrived in Ceylon on the full-moon day it can be inferred that the anniversary of after the first day of the bright fortnight orms us that Asoka was anointed 218 that is in the 219th year. Then, on the as the commencement of the Buddhist y of the anointment of Asoka came the year 235; and the first anointment 6th had elapsed, was not six months, but
hronology of the Dipavanisa, Fleet has mencement of the Buddhist year were la 8th, which, according to the Sarvastis Parinirvana, not the full-moon day of d that the details given in the MahaIr of Karttika, Sukla 8, than of Vaisakha a's death.73 The Mahaparinibbana-sutta ief that the Buddha's Parinirvana took , but the account of the First Council a apparently takes for granted that this dhaghosa in the Samantapāsādi kā and the the full-moon of Vaisakha was the day
possible that there were two schools of ancient Ceylon on this matter. The a give of course the view of orthodoxy hayagiri and the Jetavana sects possibly ology of the Dipavarisa could have been
te that the commencement of the Budtally with what was believed to be the
In his sub-commentary on the Vinaya, Sariputta-mahasami, commenting on a that Mahinda-thera arrived in Ceylon
denberg, Vinaya, Pițaka, translation, part III,
on, Vol. I, p. 4, Mahāvaminsa, Chapter III, vv.
144

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THE BUDDHIST ER
in the year 236 from the Parinirvana oft nibbana” means the year of the Parinirv ( v = tch is the limit should be left out, and
it was in the year 236 after that.”76 TI according to the reigns of the Ceylon tradition asserts, arrived in Ceylon on th is thus explained by Sariputta - Rec here was the year of the Buddha's Parin and the two hundred and thirty-six ye. made as follows : 37 years of Vijaya, 1 years of Paņçduvāsudeva, 20 years of Ab tion of Pandukabhaya, 70 years after the siva and the first year of Devanaiinpiy, 24 years from the 32 years' reign of Aja Buddhist era, leaving out eight years, a eighth year of that Magadhan king.78
From these statements it is clear Ceylon scholars to the effect that the cor Buddhist era coincided with the comme in which the Parinirvana took place. place, there was of course no reckoning must have been the commencement eit
reigning at the time, or of the civil ye.
commenced either with the month of C also evidence that, in mediaeval Ceylo monasteries began with Kārttika, proba If this practice had come down from th likely, the commencement of a New Y been on the first tithi of the waxing mo
76. Parinibbānato ti parinibbāņa - vassato ; dwinnan vassa-satanan upari chattinsatime ay edited by Siri Nāņissara-thera, Colombo, B.E.
77. Sammāsambuddhassa parinibbāna-vasse Katvӑ tam apanetvä parinibbäта-vassato uddham ekami, vassami, Pangduvāsudevassa timinsa-vassāni . abhisekato pubbe sattarasa vassani abhisittassa Devänampiyassa pathaтam vassатћ ti evатћ, р chattrisa-vassāni veditabbai. Sāratha dīpanī, c 78. Commenting on Ajatasattu catuvisatiEdition, p. 72), the Săratthadipano says : Par тийcitvä vиitaт. Säraithadiратї, ор. cit., p. 1:
79. Ind. Eph., Vol. I, part I, pp. 53 ff. The 80. EZ., Vol. III, p. 268, f. n. 4.
ー
145

A IN CEYLON
he Buddha, says as follows: “ “Parirana. The year of the Parinirvana the meaning should be taken as that he reckoning of the Buddhist era 1 kings, the first of whom Vijaya, he very day of the Buddha's death, koning that the first year of Vijaya irvana, that year should be left out ars after the Parinirvāņa should be year of interregnum after that, 30 haya, 17 years before the consecraconsecration, sixty years of Muțaatissa. 77 Sariputta also states that tasattu have to be reckoned for the is the Parinirvana took place in the
that there was a tradition among nmencement of the first year of the ncement of the year following that When the Parinirvana itself took from that event, and what is meant her of the regnal year of the king ur. In ancient India the civil year Daitra or with Karttika.79 There is on, the religious year of Buddhist bly to conform to the civil year. 80 he time of our inscription, as seems Bar in the Buddhist era would have on of Karttika if the amanta system
taph, avadhi-bhůta při muňCitvá tato uddhaři,
(ausse ti atthio gathetabbo. Sārattihadā panī, 2458, part I, p. 131. uni idha, Vijayassa pathamari vassari ti Vijayassa Sattatirinsa - vassaň, tato a ráji kanin Abhayassa võisati-vassāni Pangdrukābha ya SSC, salitat vassāni Muļasīvassa Satihi-vās sāni) arinibbänato dvinnan vassasatanan upari np. cit., p. 134.
vassaph in the Samantapasadika (P.T.S. ribbāņa - vassa-sarkhāta althana - vassari, 34. Valabhi year, for example, was Karttikadi.

Page 22
UNIVERSITY C
was followed, or the first tithi of manta System Was followed, i.e. se Sukla 8 which, according to Fleet, and the commencement of the culties created for the Dipavatisat mencement of the Buddhist year first day of the Buddhist year to or bahala 1 of the pinimanta mc We take Sukla 8, as suggested by gested above be preferred, the nec
Now, according to Sahasam. of the Buddhist era ran from the \ Sukla 14 in 1201 A.C. This same rent. Calculating backwards on would have fallen within B.E. 9 menced on 9 April, 396, and C But, if the Buddhist year began a new year, i.e. 941 current, wou that year. The date of our inscr fall within the Buddhist year 941, a Again, calculating forwards from Sahasamalla's inscription, if Augu current, the Buddhist year current which, as an expired year, would b of Sahasamala. Thus there is no for the greater part of the Christi. The difference of one is for that p the day corresponding to Karttik form October to December.
This difference has been brot mencement of the year from K. thereby also shifting the previous September or October, 545 B.C. Thus it will be seen that, apart frc expired or current years-a comp
and the shifting of the starting poi
81. These dates have been calculated part I, pp. 214-215.

F CEYLON REVIEW
he preceding dark fortnight if the pirniven or twenty-two days before Kārttika, was the exact day of the Buddha's death Buddhist year. The chronological diffiy taking Vaisakha full-moon as the comvill be removed just as well by taking the ave been Karttika, Sukla 1 of the ailanta, nth. But, in our subsequent discussion, Fleet ; if one of the other two tithis sugssary adjustment can be made easily.
llas inscription, the year 1743, expired, aisakha full-moon in 1200 to Vaisakha, period was the Buddhist year 1744, cur
this basis, 16 December, 396 A.C. 9 expired, or 940 current, which comontinued up to 27 April, 397 A.C.81
at that time on Sukla 8 of Karttika, ld have commenced on 26 October of iption, being in December, would thus ind this is what is stated in our inscription. the date of our epigraph to the year of st 396 fell within the Buddhist year 940
in August 1200 would have been 1744 -
e 1743, just as it is given in the inscription
difference between the two reckonings an year if the current year is considered. art of the Christian year beginning with a, Sukla 8, up to its end, i.e. roughly
ight about by the shifting of the comirttika, sukla 8, to Vaišakha full-moon, starting point of the era from a day in to a day in March or April, 544 B.C. m the usual difference created by citing ication common to many Indian eras— it six months forwards, the Buddhist era
from the new-moons given in Ind. Eph., Vol. I,
ད།
146

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THE BUDDHIST ER
in our inscription is identical with that When this shifting of the starting poir ected, we have no means of ascerta adopted in the Sahasamala inscription of days in B.E. 1743, expired, up to Binara that the writer of the document wished t reader as regards the day on which they one day of Commencement for the year on the Vaišakha full-moon Would hav mention of Binara, pura 12, would have || therefore is that, even by the end of the which postulated a day other than the Va ment of the Buddhist year. That this from the evidence we have already discu
It is not impossible that, even in th those who computed the Buddhist year fi side by side with others who preferred : of Vaisakha full-moon as the commence lopment, the change, when decided upc of two different methods. The Vaisak could have been fixed as the commenc given the number consecutive to that of N 'Cat may have been allowed to run its moon of the following year could have ment of the next year. Apparently, the shifting the starting point of the era som:
How far prior to the time of our ir we have no means of determining. Ou in date from the time that the Dipava. come down to us.82 And, in that chro the history of Buddhism and the politic dated in years after the Parinirvana oft not been continued after the time of De the adoption of the era of the Buddha interest in the history of the Buddhist r in the compilation of the Dipavamsa.
82. The Dipavamsa gives an account of M
after the reign of that king. It has been quotes of Mahanama, the successor of Upatissa I.
147

A IN CEYLON
used in the Sahasamala inscription. ut from Kārttika to Vaiśākha Was ining, but the unusual procedure giving the number of months and (Bhādrapada), śukla 12, indicates O leave no room in the mind of the Bar Commenced. If there was only universally accepted, such emphasis 7e served no purpose. The mere been quite sufficient. The inference twelfth century, there were schools iSakha full-moon as the commencewas so in Burma is proved likely ssed.
e time of our epigraph, there were om the full-moon day of Vaiśākha, a day in Karttika. If the adoption sment of the year was a later deven, could have been effected in one tha full-moon of the year current sement of a new year, which was the current year. Or the current full course and the Vaisakha full: been reckoned as the commence! second method had been adopted,
Le six months forward.
scription a Buddhist era was in use r inscription cannot be far removed iisa took the shape in which it has nicle, many events connected with al history of India and Ceylon are he Buddha, though this dating has anarihpiya Tissa. It is possible that 's Parinirvana was due to that same :ligion in this Island which resulted
ahasena; it was therefore finally redacted l by Buddhaghosa, who wrote in the reign

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UNIVERSITY C
It is quite possible that the f based on data which were not ac dates in it would be quite reliable use Without a break. That the from the time of Sahasamala, or all competent scholars. And we ing that the era in use in the Polo1 use of in the present record. Cl the dates in this era give accuraterc preceding the date of the present era would depend on the reliabi first computed, namely the regna Chronicle. I have elsewhere give details up to the time of Dutthagal between Dutthagamani and Deva hence the date that has to be assig in the Buddhist era does not tally of Asoka's date deduced from the 1 the prevalence of the Buddhist e tury A.C. by no means vouches fo Parinirvana that might be arrived a in our record, that the year 941 fi
We now proceed to arranget gāmaņi to Dāțhopatissa II in acco1 inscription, i.e. that 16 December, 28th year of Upatissa I. The insc eighth year of the king had run it of possibility are that this day, the the first day or the last day of the could therefore have commenced ( new-moon of the preceding year, recorded in this inscription, 16 De have been any day from 16 Decen new-moon of the following yea of the king would consequently h the Durutu new-moon of 368 a of 370, i.e. 27 November, 368 a take the mean between these ex
83. EIZ, Vol. V, p. 93.

R CEYLON REVIEW
ing of the starting point of the era was urate. But, once the era was fixed, the or the period after that, if it continued
Buddhist era continued without a break even of Parakramabahu I, is admitted by hope that we have succeeded in establishnaru period was identical with that made inese synchronisms have established that sults for the fifth century. For the period inscription, the accuracy of a date in the ity of the material utilised when it was 1 years of Ceylon kings as given in the in reasons for the trustworthiness of these nani.83 The details of the reigns of kings nanih piya Tissa are manifestly unreliable ; led to Devanaihpiya Tissa based on dates with that assignable to him on the basis nention of Greek kings in his edicts. Thus, rain Ceylon at the close of the fourth cenr the accuracy of the date of the Buddha's tby the determination, from the data given om that event corresponds to 396 A.C.
he dates of kings of Ceylon from Dutthadance with the evidence supplied by this 396 A.C., fell during the currency of the iption does not state how far the twenty: course on that day. The two extremes new-moon of Durutu in that year, was twenty-eighth year. The twenty-eighth in any day from the day after the Durutu i.e. 29 November, 395, up to the day rember, 396 ; the end of the year could ber, 396, to the day before the Durutu , i.e. 4 December, 397. The accession ave been any day between the day after ld the day before the Durutu new-moon ld 3 December, 370 A.C.81 We shall Iremes of possibility and fix the date of
ས། 148

Page 25
THE BUDDHIST ER
the accession of Upatissa I as 369 A.C.,
42nd year was not completed at the tim _Chis successor Mahanama as 410 A.C.
For fixing the reign periods of the we shall, following Geiger and Wickr to the number of years which the Puja state to have elapsed from the Buddha sena's reign, but adopting the number 84 the evidence of this inscription. Thoug adopt this number as trustworthy, the pe. the kings of Ceylon from Vijaya to Mahas This is mainly due to the fact that out Chronicle found in manuscripts, in the s the reigns of certain kings, Geiger, in giving a lower number. An instance ist Tissa, which according to Geiger is 18 y Mahavamsa has expressly noted that the This authority states that there is also a re. of years as eighteen, but that this reading is the word meaning twenty-eigh Geiger has paid no heed to the commen on modern manuscripts than on his stat S Pijavali consulted by Mabopitiya Medh
a word meaning eighteen as the length lengths of the reigns of kings from V Pitjavali add to a number short by thirte for the period.
Even when we give twenty-eightye Tissa, there is yet a deficiency of three i that the Pujavali gives only six years to after his return from exile, and does not rule of the Lambakannas and the six m he was forced into exile, as stated in th have to be separately shown as an inter added to the six years of Ilanaga, as dor
84. Vanisatthappakdisini, P.T.S. Edition, p. Atthavisa-sатd rajjam ti atthavisati-vа: ațțhārasa samã ti likhanti, tamin, pamãda85. Mahdinyaminosa, chapter XXXV, v V., 15-45.
149

A IN CEYLON
and assuming that this monarch's e of his murder, take the first year
kings who came before Upatissa I, masinghe, give due consideration vali and other Sinhalese chronicles s Parinirvana to the end of Maha16, instead of 844, as it accords with h Geiger and Wickremasinghe both iods of reigns which they assign to ena do not add up to that number. of the readings of the text of the tatements referring to the lengths of his edition, has adopted readings he duration of the reign of Kanitha rears. But the commentary to the reign lasted for twenty-eight years. ading of the text giving the number is an error and that the correct it found in the ancient Atthakatha.84 tator, and has placed more reliance ement. All the manuscripts of the lankara Thera also agree in giving of Kanitha Tissa's reign. But the jaya to Mahāsena as given in the en of the total given in that work
tars, instead of eighteen, to Kanitha in the total. This is due to the fact Ilanaga, i.e. the period of his rule take into account the three years of onths he was on the throne before e Mahavatisa.85 These three years regnum, as done by Wijesinha, or he by Geiger and Wickremasinghe.
659.
ssäni Lankädipe rajjari akärayi ; katthaci lekhamin : envalmin hii Att hakathāya min avuttamin.

Page 26
UNIVERSITY O
With these two necessary correct end of Mahasena's reign, when a authority.
The Pujavali gives for Anula : while in the Pali chronicles the to three months. The number in th up to the end of Mahasena given in masinghe, and following them M add up to the total required at th matters to tally with that number reigns for what are called fractio effect they have made the lengths given for them in the chronicles.
Just like the total at the end ( years that had elapsed from the gaimani-382-is an important lir the Buddhist era. All previous s number and we have also followed at the ends of three reigns for pc years. In order to get this numbe to Sena and Guttika, as given in not twelve, the number of year Assuming that these details in the the possibility, as we go further fro of one to five due to the fractions years, at the close of reigns. Acc giri-vihara was founded by Vatt. restoration, when 217 years, 10 in founding of the Mahavihara. The 454 years after the Parinirvana, i.e era be taken as 544 B.C. The p into consideration and has given restoration on the assumption that But, as the dates for this period c considered necessary to make adju
the epoch of the Buddhist era indi
86. Dipavamsa, chapter XVIII, v. 4 87. Chapter XXXIII., V., 80. 88. EZ, Vol. II, p. 273

FR CEYLON REVIEW
ons, the details in the Pījāvalī up to the dded up, give the total as stated in that
سیار سر und her paramours 5 years and 4 months, al period of their power was 4 years and a Pujawali has to be adopted to get the total that text. Though Geiger and Wickreendis, have adopted numbers which do not e close of Mahasena's reign, they adjust by making allowances in the case of some ns of years after completed years, i.e. in of some reigns exceed by one the numbers
of the reign of Mahasena, the number of Parinirvana to the accession of Dutthak in the traditional chronology based on ystems of chronology have adopted this the same procedure, making adjustments ssible fractions of years after completed r, it is necessary to allot twenty-two years some manuscripts of the Mahavatisa, and S assigned to them in the Dipavatisa.86. chronicles are trustworthy, there is always m the time of this inscription, of an error of years in current years, or after expired ording to the Mahāvanisa,87 the Abhayagamani Abhaya in the first year of his nonths and 10 days had passed since the Gal-viharainscription88 states that this was ... in 89 B.C. if the epoch of the Buddhist resent revised chronology has taken this 89 B.C. as the year of Vattagamani's the year of the Buddhist era was current. an only be approximate, it has not been Istments to suit the slight discrepancy in cated by the present inscription.
7
150

Page 27
THE BUDDHIST ER
For the period before Mahasena, t no synchronisms with established system ke accuracy of the dates assigned to Ce, with Rome in the first century A.C., significance for early Sinhalese chron Mahavanisa tells us that Bhatika Abhay nukha-ratha and obtained coral therefri Roman empire is meant by this name. us the story of the freedman of Annius I taxes, being carried out of his course t treated by the king of the Island and envoys in the time of Emperor Claudiu have recently been found in the Easter name of Lysas, a slave of Publius Anniu in Greek, is dated in the thirty-fifth ye. been none but Augustus. Sir Mortimer of this Annius Plocamus with Pliny’s i freedmen is not suggested, but the coinc a geographical setting amounts to near it would be wise to consider the date C likely to have been appreciably earlier til view so cautiously put forward by Sir would mean that trade relations were Rome in the first or second decade O Abhaya who, according to the Sinhalese to Rome and obtained coral therefrom, logy based on our record, from 18 B.C temporary of the great Roman Emper year (6 A.C.) is dated the graffiti of the
The year of Mahanama's accessior inscription, has now to be 410, and not This necessitates a corresponding altera the kings who succeeded Mahanama. referred to at the beginning of this pa Wickremasinghe and Geiger to kings erroneous as these scholars have assign whereas, in point of fact, his reign exte:
89. Vanisatthaippakdisin7, P.T.S. Edition, p.
90. Pliny, VI, 84-91. 91. Sir Mortimer Wheeler, Rome Beyond )
*ー
151

A IN CEYLON
up to Devānanih piya Tissa, there are of chronology by means of which lon kings can be tested. Contact however, appears to be of some ology. The commentary of the a (or Tissa) sent envoys to Romaom. 89 There is no doubt that the As is well-known, Pliny has told Plocamus, who farmed the Red Sea o the coast of Ceylon, hospitably returning to Rome with Sinhalese S.90 Inscriptions, or rather graffiti, in Desert of Egypt, containing the is Plocamus. One of these graffiti, ar of an Emperor who could have Wheeler remarks on this : Identity is not proved, and that of the two idence of the name in so appropriate -proof in respect of Plocamus, and f his errant freedman in Ceylon as han the reign of Claudius.'91 If the Mortimer Wheeler be accepted, it } established between Ceylon and f the Christian era. And Bhatika : historical tradition, sent his envoys reigned, according to the chronoC. to 10 A.C. He Was thus a Conor Augustus, in whose thirty-fifth freedman of Annius Plocamus.
l, according to the evidence of this 406 A.C., as I have previously taken. tion in the dates, given by me, of As I have pointed out in the essay per, the dates given by Wijesinha, from Kitti Sirimegha have become ad to that ruler only nineteen days, hded to nineteen years. In the essay
630.
imperial Frontiers, p. 128.

Page 28
UNIVERSITY OF
in question, I have suggested a met years without affecting the dates centuries, which can be decided of Cola inscriptions. These establi V, when he was captured by the ar. In agreement with this, it can be de Sanskrit inscription that the reign o this date, the chronology can be rel lengths of reigns given in the Chrc Synchronism, to Aggabodhi IV. above, has therefore to be adjusted in my opinion, this can be effect between Aggabodhi II and Aggabo
The chronology of the Calava confusing as it appears at first sigh and was succeeded by Saringhatissa and who was ousted by Moggallan long Saringhatissa remained in pow vanquished by his rival very soon a to the Pujavali, he reigned for two for six years, and his successor, Silar III, the next king, was forced to twelfth year. Aggabodhi III returi was defeated by Dathopatissa I, ar sixteenth year. The actual period ( pura was therefore twelve years. the first four years of Dathopoti yuvarāja of Aggabodhi III, Kassapa thopatissa I, in his turn, to flight, bu long after his coming to power I throne. Dāthopatissa returned fro Kassapa II. At this point, the Ch. since he became king.94 Dathop years from the time he captured p not be known for certain when Da long he remained in India before
92. J R AS for 1913, p. 523.
93. EZ, Vol. V, pp. 163 ff. 94. Calayansa, chapter 44, Vv. 126,

CEYLON REVIEW
iod of distributing this error of eighteen of the kings of the ninth and tenth within narrow limits by the evidence sh that the thirty-sixth year of Mahinda mies of Rajendra-cola, should be 1017.92 duced from the data in the Kapararama Mahinda V began in 982 A.C..93 From tably worked upwards, according to the nicles and the Chinese and South Indian Che difference of four years, referred to before the reign of Aggabodhi IV. And,
'd in that period of political confusion dhi IV.
risa for this interval is not so hopelessly it. Aggabodhi II reigned for ten years, whose right to the throne was challenged a III. The Ciūlavanisa does not say how er, but its narrative indicates that he was ifter he came to the throne. According months only. Moggallana III reigned meghavanna, for nine years. Aggabodhi light by Dathopatissa I in the former's ned with an army from South India, but a ld fled to Rohana where he died in his of the rule of Aggabodhi III at AnurādhaThe last four years of Aggabodhi III and ssa I were therefore concurrent. The (the second of that name), forced Dait the Chronicle does not say exactly how Dathopatissa was forced to abandon his m India, but was defeated and slain by Ionicle says that twelve years had passed atissa did not actually rule for twelve ower. From the Chronicle itself, it canthopatissa was forced to flight, and how he returned to be finally vanquished by
44 and 145.
152

Page 29
THE BUDDHIST E
his rival. But this seems to be the ob ducted the four years which overlap w
~ိုးမျိုး’’’’’’ date of the thirty-sixth year of
eqū
ܠ.ܗ
lly certain date of the twenty-eight consequently, has been taken in this rei the eighth year of his reign.
In accordance with the preceding kings from Dutthagamani to Dathopati
Duthagāmaņi (S. Dutugāmuņu)
Saddhätissa (S. Sädätis)
Thūlathana (S. Tulnā)
Lañjatissa (S. Lämäni Tis)
Khallāța Nāga (S. Kalun-nā)
Vattagāmaņī Abhaya (S. Vaļagam .
Pulahattha
Bāhiya
Panayamara Paica-Dravida
Piļayamāra
Dathika
Vattagamani (restored)
Mahācūļī Mahātissa (S. Mahasiļu M
Coranaga
Tissa (S. Kudā Tissa)
Siva (S. Balat Sivu)
Vatuka
Dārubhatika Tissa
Nīliya (S. Purohita Bamuņā, Vāsuk
Anula (Queen)
Kutakanna Tissa (S. Makalan-tis or
Bhatika Abhaya (also called Bhatik
Bhatiya Tissa)
Mahādāthika Mahānāga (S. Mahad. Amanda-gamani Abhaya (S. Ada C Kaņirajānu Tisa (S. Kiņihiradaļa) Cūļābhaya (S. Kuda Abhā)
153

RA IN CEYLON
vious point at which should be dehen we calculate backwards from Mahinda V, and forwards from the h year of Upatissa I. Dathopatissal, vised chronology, as having fled in
discussion, the dates of the Ceylon ssa II are given below :
B.C.
161-137 137-119 119 119-109 109-103 Abā) 103
103- 89
89 - 77 Mahatis) 76- 62 62- 50 50- 47
hî)
47 - 42 Kālakaņņi Tissa) 41 - 19 a Tissa or
B.C. 19-9 A.C.
A.C.
iļiyā Mānā) 9- 21 ämuņu) 22 - 31 31- 34
34-35

Page 30
UNIVERSITY OF
Queen Sivali (Revatī) Iļanāga (S. Eļunnā) Candamukha Siva (S. Saidamu Yasalalaka Tissa (S. Yasasilu) Sabha (Subha) Vasabha (S. Vähäp) Vańkanāsika Tissa (Vakinähä Ti Gajabāhuka-gāmaņi (Gajabāhu Mahallaka Nāga (S. Mahalunā Bhātika Tisa (S. Bātiya) Kanitha Tissa (S. Clilatissa) Khujjanāga (S. Kuhunnā) Kuīcanāga (S. Kudānā) Sirināga I (S. Sirinā or Kuçdā Si Vohārika Tissa (S. Vēra Tissa) Abhayanaga (S. Abha Sen or A Sirināga II (S. Sirinā) Vijaya-kumara (S. Vijayiiidu) Sanghatissa I Sirisaringhabodhi (S. Dähämi S. Gothabhaya or Meghavanna A Jethatissa I (S. Kalakan Detatis Mahāsena (S. Mahasen) Sirimeghavanna (S. Kit Sirime Jețțhatissa II (S. Dețatis) Buddhadasa (S. Bujas) Upatissa I
Mahānāma Chattagahaka Jantu (S. Lämäni Mittasena (Mitsen) Paņdu
Pārinda Khudda Pārinda Tirītara
Dāthiya
Pithiya Dhatusena (S. Dasen-Kiliya) Kassapa I (S. Sigiri Kasubu) Moggallana I (S. Mugalan) Kumara-Dhatusena (S. Kumar
S. Sad-D1

CEYLON REVIEW
huņu)
s or Vaknisi Nambapa) I, S. Gajaba)
or Mahallumānā)
Abhā Tissa)
irisafigabõ) bhaya (S. Goļu Abā) or Makalan Detatis)
van)
Tis)
āvida
adāsa, Kumaradas)
154
35 35-44
44- 52
52 - 50
59 65
65-109 109-112 112-134 134 -140 140-164 164. 192 192-194 194-195 195-214 214-236 236-244 244-246 246-247 247. 251 251-253 253-266 266-276 276-303
303-331 -
331-340 340-368 368-410 41O-432 432
432-433 433-438 438-441. 441-456 456
456-459 459
459-477 477-495 495-512 512-520

Page 31
~g
THE BUDDHIST E
Kittisena (S. Kirttisena) Siva (S. Mäidi Siva) Upatissa II (S. Lämäņi Upatissa) Silākāla, Ambasāmaņiera (S. Lämäņi Dathapabhuti (S. Dapulu-Sen) Moggallāna II (S. Daļa-Mugalan) Kitti Sirimegha (S. Kuda Kitsirime Mahanaga (S. Senevi-Mahana) Aggabodhi I (S. Akbo) Aggabodhi II (S. Kudā-Akbõ) Saringhatissa II Moggallana III (Dalla Moggallana,
Mugalan) Silāmeghavaņņa (S. ASigāhaka) Aggabodhi III, Sirisaringhabodhi (S. Jețțhatissa III (S. Lämäni Kațusara I Aggabodhi III (restored) Dāthopatissa I (S. Lämäņi Daļu pati Kassapa II (S. Pääsulu Kasubu) Dappula I (S. Dāpuļu) Hatthadātha (Dāthopatissa II, S. Lä
15

RA IN CEYLON
520-521. 521 521-522 Ainbaheraņa Salamevan) 522—535
535 535-555 van) 555-573 573-575 575-608 608-618 618 S. Limiņi Bōnā
618-623 623-632 Sirisaiigabõ) 632 Dețatis) 632
633-643 s) 643-650 650-659 659 mäni Dalupatis) 659-667
S. PARANAVITANA

Page 32

s

Page 33
ܡܢ
*
S
* Tamil Inscription si
HIS inscription was discovered missioner, Dr. S. Paranavitana, il which was otherwise called Parak pality of Dakkhina-desa for a time C situated in the Giratalana Korale of the gala District. The place is 22 miles fro This inscription was discovered on an a discovery is mentioned in the Archaeol the year 19512.
The inscription is written on a s clearly incised between ruled lines. It 12th century A.D., with Grantha chara
the following words Grantha and
LJTUTAH, LOG2 ITTg mor Parākrama bāh
are engraved in Tamil and the rest in
the same word appears, and here too
సాy
are in Grantha. (3) In line 15, in the
tapuyan) 5 J (kra) is written in Grant gflu [53,i (Sripura nakar), gj (Siri) is v
There is a confusion between the d places. In the word 91603.J. 5 1 1115 comes at the end. Since it is a rational 1 of Tamil would use only the alveolar na (l.22) the alveolar na comes where the c tai is written as taiy (l.5-6) with y (L) is written Kulantey (1.22). In this, the is also added to this e. This form of ac quently in the language of inscription
1. I am very much obliged to the Archaeologi
publish this inscription.
2. Archaeological Survey of Ceylon Report 195
157

om Pandu Vasnu vara
by the then Archaeological Comthe year 1951 at Panduvasnuvara, ramapura, the capital of the Princiluring the medieval period. It is Devamādi Hatpattu in the Kurunām Chilaw on the Wariyapola road. ncient site south of the Citadel. Its ogical survey of Ceylon Report for
tone slab. It consists of 22 lines, is in the Tamil script of about the cters mixed up here and there. In Tamil Characters are mixed up :
u-in this word Lu (pa) and LD (ma) Grantha (1.2); (2) in lines 15 and 16 only sUTT (rā) and d5. (kra)
word S4CUdbyg1 யந் (alakra
na. (4) In line 21, in the word vritten in Grantha.
ental na and the alveolar na in two (alakratapuyan-l. 15) the dental na masculine noun, the standard dialect
But in the proper noun Kulantey lental na should occur. The word After ai. Also, the name Kullantai final ai is reduced to e and an 'y' dding ‘y’ after e and ai is found fres of South India, not only in this
cal Commissioner for giving me permission to
1 p. 6.

Page 34
UNIVERSITY OF
period, but even earlier. Accordin 'ul' followed by a y is changed int the combination niccashka malarki
nation yantaficir tinakaran, the 't'
also become or according to the gi rally, the language of this inscriptic dialect of the period.
The king, in whose regnal yea ruler Nissanka Malla (1187-1196 A South Ceylon G 565, Gofa il 30) 5 d, C the biruda Parakramabahu. In his S birudas, namely, Siri Sanghabodhi and Cakravartin.
This inscription is dated in th Since this ruler ascended the throne is to be placed in the year 1191 A.D given in this inscription has also he this data the nearest equivalent date day, the 7th January, 1188 A.D., or ( The latter equivalent agrees with cidentally it also helps the identific Malla of the Kalinga line.4
The Military general, whose inscription, is to be identified with inscriptions of Niśśańka Malla at Po is Matimanapanacara alias Kulantey
The place-name Tennilankai ( is translated here as Lańkā of the Sou to various interpretations. The m Tamil Lexicon are (1) south, and (2) "South Ceylon', “the beautiful C the first interpretation does not seer was divided into North and South : question, especially after the reign o
3. Epigraphia Zeylanica Vol. 3 pp. 23.
4. I am greatly indebted to Dr. G. S. Ga India, for having kindly got me the services oft on the basis of the astronomical data, given in th

CEYLON REVIEW
g to grammatical Tamil the final short the short 'i'. This rule is observed in iyantancir (11.3-4). But in the combi. 5) occurring after 'r (D) should have ammar of the standard dialect. Genein tallies with the standard grammatical
this inscription is dated, is the Kalinga D.).3 He is referred to as the king of 3, T657 (Tennilankai kon) and is given inhalese inscriptions he is given several | Kalinga Parakramabahu, Apratimalla,
e fifth year of Nissanka Malla's reign. in 1187 A.D., the date of this inscription ... or 1192 A.D. The astronomical data :lped to confirm this. On the basis of of the record would be either (1) Thurs2) Thursday, the 3rd January, 1191 A.D. the fifth year of Nissanka Malla. Inration of the king with king Nissanka .
benevolent deeds are recorded in this Lak Vijayasinha mentioned in the slab lonnaruva. His name in this inscription
@ 35 GỗT Gof GNDIĞI GO) 5 l. 1) in this inscription th. The adjective ten (G. 5657) lends itself eanings of ten as given in the Madras beauty. Tennilankai here might mean eylon,” or “Ceylon of the South'; but in to suit the context. Whether Ceylon it this time of its history is a disputed f Parakramabahu I, under whom Ceylon
, Superintendent for Epigraphy, Ootacamund, South he expert in Tamilinscriptions in calculating this date is inscription.
158

Page 35
A TAMIL INSCRIPTION FRO
was practically united. Panduvas Nuva Dakkhinadesa. The Tennilashkai of might have been a Tamil rend
That there was political disunity in the i Malla is seen from his inscription at Kat strange that while in his Sinhalese inscri subjugated the whole of Ceylon (mulula
the king of South Ceylon. Therefore,
The word cayittan occurs in this Sanskrit Caitya (Pali, Cetiya). This w( found in Tamil. There is also an alt Caittiyam. In Manimekalai, the form (
A number of titles are given to th exact significance of some of these titl them is Menai. This is perhaps a short in Sinhalese inscriptions, as, for examp cription.9 Codrington suggests that the of the royal family descended from the marriage with Bodhigupta, one of the s the Bo-tree to Ceylon. The Commar - in this inscription might have been on title is Cenevi natan and means Commar word frequently occurring in inscriptio Kit Senevi Navan is found in inscriptio been an equivalent of this Sinhalese (5(5 ILS LIT 67) is probably a compound and piyan (5) LIT 67). The word piyan ma Piyānaņdä an honorific term for fathei abbreviated into the Tamil form piyan. occurs in the Pritidanaka mandapa Roc time ofNi$$añka Malla.11 IfVahanse n to piyān, then Tiruppiyān, may be a Tam His Majesty. Here, Tiru is taken to be I
-
5. Sasanavarnsa -(Bude's Edition) p. 136. 6. E. Z. III. p. 330.
7. E. Z. 3. p. 126. 8. Manimekalai 28 : 131.
9. E. Z. iv. p. 19.
10. E. Z. II. p. 191. .11.5-6 165 .E. Z. Vol. II, No. 29. p .11 ܁ܐ- 、ア 1.59

M PANDUVAS NUVARA
ra was for some time the capital of
this inscription from Panduvas pring of the name Dakkhinadesa. sland during the reign of Nissanka ugaha-Galge. But it would seen ptions he is referred to as having k diva), 7 in this inscriptionheis called only the lastinterpretation is suitable.
inscription, and is derived from ord, meaning a Buddhist temple is }rnate form of this word, namely Cayittan occurs.
e General Matimanapaficara. The es is difficult to explain. One of ening of the form menavara found le, in the Gadaladeniya slab ins: Mehenavara clan was that branch : ex-nun (meheni) Sunanda by her even Maurya princes who brought der-in-Chief Kulantey referred to : belonging to this clan. Another lder-in-Chief. Cenevi is a Sinhalese ns and means an army. The title ns and Cenevi Natan might have title. 10 A third title Tiruppiyan of Tiru (5)(b) meaning "eminent, y be the equivalent of the Sinhalese I. This word might have been
A similar form piyanan-Vahanse k Inscription, (Polonnaruva) of the heans Tiru and if Piyānan is equated il form of Piyanan vahanse, meaning Laksmi, and piyan as "beloved and

Page 36
UNIVERSITY OF
is translated as 'Beloved of Laksmi form of the title Lankadhikara foul Aivarkantan (26) i 565) i Göt) mea Pandyas). This practice of confe1 Chief, was followed after Lankapur Once. Even in his inscriptions Niss proceeded to the Pandya country. the Commander who led this armi may be a Tamilicised form of Man.
The Sinhalese words that have (1.14), mēņai (1.16) Seņevi (1.16),
A number of astronomical ter is the Tamil equivalent of Makara Uttirattati is one of the twenty-seve derived from Sanskrit uttarabhac means '' union, especially of the as the "lucky conjunction of Corresponding to January–February
The following is the text of th
1. தென்னிலங்கைக்கொ
2. GOT LIU Tag LOGY 3. சங்கமல்லற்கியாண் 4. டஞ்சிற் தினகரன் சுற 5. விலணைந்தவித்-ை 6. தய் யிலுத்திரட்டாதி (ର 7. யம் பக்கம் பொன்னவன் 8. தின நற்சாத யொ கத்தி ( 9. உயர்தரும் பொதி மாதவ 10. ற்குப் பொற்பமர் கொயி 11. னரிவரா லையந் தெனறந் 12. தி கழ் சாலையுஞ் சயித்தம்

CEYLON REVIEW
The title Ilahikai-altikari is the Tamil hd in Sinhalese inscriptions.12 The title ns the Destroyer of the Five (meaning ring this title on the Commander-ina, who defeated a section of the Pandyas sanka-Malla claims that his army twice 13 Matinnanapaficara must have been ly to South India. The title Vanuveri amperi.
been used in this inscription are vanuveri piirivuna (ll. 19 and 20), and nama (l.22).
ms have also been used here. Curavu , and stands for the Zodiac Capricorn. in Naksatras of the Lunar month. It is dra padā, the 26th nakşatra. Yõkam stars and planets, and is translated here the planets. Tai is the Tamil month of the Christian calendar.
e inscription :-
வாஹ" நிச்
160

Page 37
University of Ceylon Review - Vol. XVIII N
yܢܓܡܠ
Ni32g Tಿ
ဒွိန္တိမ္ဗိန္ဓိဇွဲ
 
 

Nos. 3 & 4

Page 38

S

Page 39
A TAMIL INSCRIPTION FRO
13. அன்னவை திகழ் ஐயர் கண் I 4.
டன் வணுவெரி இலங்கை அதி
*காரிஅலகதபுயந் ெ 18. கமன்மெனைசசெெ
17.
18.
ற் பாாகம அதிகாரி ப்பி
20.
2 1. 22.
19
کسی سے
r
தன் திருப்பியான் மன்னி ய சிறப்பிலமலதருமழகா
ரிவுன வளர்தர அமைத்தான் பூரீ புரநகருள் மதிமானபஞ் சரனம குழன் தெய்.
The following is the translation:-
1. Tennilankaik-ko 2. In- Parākramabāhu, Nic3. Cańka Mallar kiyāņ4. tañcir tinakaran cura5. vilanainta vit6. taiyyiluttirattati 7. Yēlpakkam ponnavan 8. tina nar catayokattil 9. uyar tarum Pötimatava- 10. rkup porpamar kõyil mu
11. nivar ālaiyan-tēnaran12. tikal cālaiyuñ cayittam 13. annavai tikal Aivarakaņ14. tan Vanuveri Ilaħkali Ati15. kāri Alakratapuyan Ten Parā16. kraman Menaic Cenevi nā17. tan Tiruppiyan manni18. ya cirappilamala tarumalakā19. r Parākrama Atikārip pi20. rivuņa vaļartara amaitām 21. Śrī pura Nakarul Matimāna pañ22. cara nama Kullantey. Translation :-
In the fifth year of Parakramabahu Ni Ceylon on the occasion of the lucky Thursday, which is the seventh day of the
161

M PANDUVAS NUVARA
g66T LIUN
னவிநா
ccańka Mallar, the king of South conjunction of the planets, on paksa and on which the Naksatra

Page 40
UNIVERSITY O
was Uttirațțāti in the month of Ta Capricorn, Matimānapañcara 14 n. the Pandyas, Vanuveri, the Atikāri with decorations, the Ten, Parākram he who is the beloved of Tiru nakara, 15 a beautiful temple to til monastery for monks, an alms h cayittam (cetiya), all this, and a col
14. Who was an embodiment of wisdo
15. This place, now known as Malasne, i J.R.A.S. (C.B.) New Series Vol. VI (Sp. No.)

F CEYLON REVIEW
l, when the sun had gone into the Zodiac amed Kulantey, who is the Destroye of
of Lanka, he whose shoulders are man, Menai the Commander of the force (Laksmi), built to flourish in Sripura he great Potimatavar (Bodhi Matava), a all for distribution of delicious food, a lege named Parakrama Atikari Piriviuma.
K. KANAPATHI PILLAI
m and pride.” s situated near Hiripitiya in the Kurunagala District.
p. 104.
-శ్రీ
162 -

Page 41
'The Segmental Phon
HIS paper describes the segment
occur in single words. The lang is the ordinary Conversational sty note is taken of other forms of the langu
The subject has been treated previ only ones we know of: the introduct Sinhalese Reader, the same authors art Orthography to Sinhalese,”2 and the r particular points are discussed in Jones' learned of Perera's point of view in 193, in his Spoken Sinhalese. 5 The phonem cussed in the first three, but none of th of the phonemic system. No two of th ment with each other ; both Perera minds on certain points in the course of
s is nearly in agreement With thatin the C
the number and identity of the phonem two nasal vowel phonemes (which Perer
Present-day Sinhalese uses many languages, principally Pali, Sanskrit, Portuguese and Dutch words are almo Sinhalese sound System. Pali and Sans many speakers, but some educated speak such words) often pronounce them in a
1. H. S. Perera and Daniel Jones, A Colloquial Sin University Press, Manchester, 1919).
2. Daniel Jones and H. S. Perera, ' The Applic. letin of the School of Oriental Studies, IX, Pt. 3 (1938), p
3. Hector A. Passé, The English Language in C London, 1948).
4. Daniel Jones, The Phoneme : Its Nature and
.H. S. Perera, Spoken Sinhalese in Phonetic Ch .5 - حمصر.
163

616S of Sinha lese
ial phonemes of Sinhalese as they uage on which the analysis is based le of educated people ; occasional Lage.
ously in the following works, the on to Perera and Jones Colloquial icle "The Application of World elevant sections of Passés thesis ; à The Phoneine,4 while much can be 2 from his use of phonetic symbols es are listed and certain details disem purports to be a full treatment e five works are in complete agreeand Jones evidently changed their the years. The present treatment Jolloquial Sinhalese Reader as regards es; it differs only in not including 'a and Jones later rejected).
words borrowed from foreign Portuguese, Dutch, and English. st always fully assimilated to the krit words are also assimilated by ters (who naturally use many more Way closer to the pronunciation in
halese Reader in Phonetic Transcription (Manchester
tion of World Orthography to Sinhalese.' Bulp. 705–707.
eylon (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of
Jse (W. Heffer and Sons, Ltd., Cambridge, 1950) aracters (Education Office Press, Colombo, 1932)

Page 42
UNIVERSITY O.
the original languages. Some ea similated, thus sisteesomol station pronounced by all speakers about .
The use of borrowed words in three ways : the introduction C sounds rare in original Sinhalese v sounds in new combinations.
Sinhalese has a total of twent twenty-one Consonants and seven
Consonants. The Consonant p
labial dental voiceless stops p t voiced stops b d voiceless affricate
voiced affricate
1lasals 1.
flap
lateral
spirants f
Sethivolvels V
Voiceless stops may be slightly in English ; in other positions they unexploded ; some speakers, hov tinctly or when citing forms in isc nounce them with strong aspiratic positions.
The labial stops /p b/, nasal / spirant occurs only in borrowed w stitute /p/ for it. Since the sound

ER CEYLON REVIEW
arlier English loan-words have been as; recent loans from English are usually as they are in Ceylon English. ادرات |
has affected the Sinhalese sound system of a new sound, f; the increased use of Vords, cji S; and the use of Sinhalese
y-eight segmental phonemes ; there are Vo Wels.
honemes are shown in Fig. 1.
alveolar retroflex palatal velar glottal
t k
çd 용
C
j
l 1).
1. ل
Fig. 1
I aspirated initially, but much less so than are unaspirated. Finally they are usually Vever, when trying to speak very dislation, not only explode them but proin. Voiced stops are fully voiced in all
m7, and spirant /f/ are all bilabial. The ords, and many speakers regularly subwas introduced from English, it is odd
164

Page 43
THE SEGMENTAL PHON)
that it should have this bilabial pronu however, is found in Ceylon English).
$ slips ovens'; /baalos young, sla handicraft; /fotoograaff photograph,
The labial semivowel /v/ has two labiodental, both having neutral (i.e. in the bilabial articulation the lips are rour Initially the two allophones are in free v dental articulation occurs. /v/ does no cussion see below under Diphthongs an
become.
The dental stops /t d/ are articulate
the upper teeth. Examples: /taatta/
know, stados hard'.
The alveolar nasal /n/ and lateral / tongue against the tooth-ridge. Both before dental stops and retroflex allophol Examples: /noonal lady: /lamoya/ "ch
The /r/ phoneme has two allophone spirant; the tip of the tongue is raised point slightly further forward, while th In sound it somewhat resembles the voic American pronunciation of tree. In all or trill consisting of one or two taps wi tooth-ridge. In original Sinhalese wo there are now borrowed words in wh Examples: /ratus 'red', shari/ 'correct,
The alveolar spirant /s/ is a voicel the tip of the tongue approaching the
evening, /gas/ 'trees.
The retroflex stops/t d/ are articula back to make contact with the hard Examples: /tikaks 'a little', spaato/ 'c little, Ibaduos 'thing.
165

MES OF SINHALESE
inciation (the same pronunciation, Examples : /paaro/ road, sapi/
ponos 'next; smama/ 'I', latkam /
koftas 'type of curry.
allophones, one bilabial and one hid central) tongue position. For ded somewhat but not protruded. ariation ; medially only the labiost occur finally. For further disd semivotvels. Example: /venova/
d by the tip of the tongue against father, spots books; /dannova/
ls are articulated by the tip of the have dental allophones occurring nes occurring before retroflex stops. ild, smalos flower', smal/flowers'.
s. Initially it is a voiceless alveolar towards the tooth-ridge or even a e.front of the tongue is depressed. reless portion of the /r/ in the usual other positions /r/ is a voiced flap th the tip of the tongue against the ds /r/ does not occur finally, but ich it does occur in that position. /kaar/ 'cars.
'ss groove sibilant, articulated with toothridge. Examples : /savoso/
ted by curling the tip of the tongue alate just back of the tooth-ridge. olor", /koots coats; /diningak/ 'a

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UNIVERSITY OF
The palatal affricates /ci/ are For the stop portion the front oft palate ; the spirant portion is pron respectively. The spirant /ŝ/ is pri without lip-rounding. Its status a able. It occurs almost exclusively i and, particularly in the former, in it ; but, probably owing to the ir to be gaining. There are, howeve |Sooks grand and /Sip/ 'scat, shoo paralinguistic system of Sinhalese nounced with the tongue position under Diphthongs and semivo uvels. how much?'; /janeeles 'window
/aasiks jolly good; /yanova/ 'go,
The velar stops /kg/ and nas: tongue against the soft palate. If initially, medially between vowels /hy is usually realized as a doub 'crow, /tikaks a little"; /gee/ ‘h fyanihan/ I shall go.
The phonemic status off an frequent occurrence but has a lim normal distribution but is of relativ words in which in occurs are borr it occurs only in future forms suci such form there exists an alternate matter, -finai usually occurring it injo word used to call dogs (wh linguistic system of Sinhalese). In tion. Initially only in is found, before stops, [n] with palatals and [i only in occurs (and only doubled), sh. Certain of the phenomena d and Simplification of clusters might su in and in in medial position : t doubled, and /v/ or /y/ as the seco by /u/ or /i/ respectively ; if bot Containing fiv or hy, the result

CEYLON REVIEW
palatal stops released as palatal spirants. he tongue makes contact with the hard bunced like /s/ or its voiced counterpart onounced with the blade of the toոցնe. mong Sinhalese phonemes is questionn loan-words from Sanskrit and English, any speakers regularly substitute /s/ for fluence of English, the use of /s/ seems r, two words in which only /s/ occurs : (the latter is best considered part of the ). The palatal semivowel /y/ is profor /i/; for further discussion see below
Examples : scaahs plain, /koccoro/ , /geijo/ 'small bell; / Sooks grand, snaya/ 'cobra.
al /h/ are articulated by the back of the / has a palatal allophone which occurs , and before palatal stops. The cluster led nasalizedy. Examples : /kaakka/
ouse, /image/ "myo"; /ňaane/ "wisdom,
di calls for comment. In is of fairly ited distribution, while in has a more vely infrequent occurrence. Most of the owed words. In native Sinhalese words h as yannah I shall go' (and for every : form in -nnan; their use is a stylistic more popular speech), and in the word nich is best considered part of the paraand in are in complementary distribufinally only in. Medially both occur with velars ; medially between vowels before consonants other than stops only iscussed below under Consonant clusters 1ggest the possibility of contrast between he first element of a cluster is regularly nd element of a cluster is often replaced h of these happened together in words would be a double in between vowels.
אלה
166
/

Page 45
THE SEGMENTAL PHON)
In actuality, while the doubling does ta
stituted for the semivowel after n). Th adii in this environment, and the two
throughout their ranges.
in contrasts with both /m/ and / whether (ñ) can be analyzed as /ny/. Ti differ phonetically, in being a true pala alveolar nasal plus the palatal semi-vow asnaane wisdom and snyaayof metho is easily noted. Further, medial /ny/ a the phenomena mentioned in the preced 'other'; this never happens with n. as well as with /m/.
With in the case is different : it distribution with both /m/ and /n/. environment, medially before syV/; the assahyamo (usually pronounced with a /sanyaasis 'mendicant guarantees that th It should be noted, however, that all such not occur in the vocabulary of uneduc have no contrast between in and /n/. is similarly tenuous. Normally m do by in. However, final m) does occur is used primarily in discussions of scho originally it was a spelling-pronunciati school teachers ; it has now come into g is strengthened by the existence of wo /kelsioms calcium. Thus /m/ and in there are doubtless many speakers who th refore have no contrast between in .
To sum up, both in and fi contras are in complementary distribution with ably close phonetic similarity, both a them, they may be assigned to the san be used for it, since in is of more fre best phonemic solution even for speake distribution with n, n), and m), since resemblance ton and m than it does
-__
167

MES OF SINHALESE
ke place, the vowel is never subere is thus no contrast between in are in complementary distribution
/. The question might be raised his is not the case, however. They tal nasal, while /ny/ consists of the el; the two contrast in pairs such d, in which the auditory difference ternates with /nnis in accord with ng paragraph, thus /anyo/ : /annio/ i is therefore in contrast with /n/
is very nearly in complementary in contrasts with /n/ in only one existence of such a contrasting pair loubled nasalizedy) restraint and e two belong to different phonemes. words are learned words and may lated speakers ; such speakers then The contrast between in and /m/ es not occur finally, but is replaced in atkam handicraft. This word bl curricula, and it seems clear that on introduced by over-meticulous eneral use, however, and its position 'ds borrowed from English such as do contrast in final position. Again do not know these words, and who
und /m/.
t with both /m/ and /n/, while they
each other. Since there is a reasonrticulatory and auditory, between e phoneme. The symbol /h/ may Juent occurrence. This is lso the rs who have in in complementary
in bears considerably less phonetic to n.

Page 46
UNIVERSITY O.
Historically, of course, there is occurrences off derive from eith cf. the dialects of Spanish in which fied by the morphophonemic chan /liufis letters and suyonos garden
The glottal spirant /h/ usually tongue and lips take up the positic has seven allophones. Under th solution seems to be to class it a correct, /gahas tree.
Doubled consonants. Long con medial position (with one except clusters). While they are phonetic doubled from a phonemic point of
Weakened articulation of conson towards weakened articulation of si applies to the nasals, to all stops exce be so weakly articulated as to em becomes v with nasalization, whi of the vowels; /v/ is reduced to a sli is especially strong when the consc which case it may disappear compl
Occurrence of consonants. All initially ; medially between vowel Velar nasal may occur single. Fi voiceless affricate) and the labial an
The alveolar flap /r/ occurs initi words it does not occur finally, bl does not occur doubled.
The alveolar lateral /l/ occur
and finally.
All the spirants occur initially occur finally, and only /s/ can be d

CEYLON REVIEW
no connection between in and in; all r/ns or/m/ (for a similar development final /n/ becomes [ń). This is exempli ges which take place in /liumə/ letter:
suyah/ gardens.
has partial voicing. As in English, the on of the vowel that follows ; /h/ thus 2se circumstances the most reasonable is a glottal spirant. Examples: shari/
Sonants occur in Sinhalese, but only in ion, discussed below under Consonant rally long, they may be considered as View.
ants. Sinhalese has a strong tendency ngle consonants between vowels. This pt retroflex, and to /v/. The stops may erge as the homorganic spirants ; /m/ le /n/ may remain only as nasalization ght murmur. The weakening tendency nant occurs before a stressed vowel, in etelv.
stops, affricates, and nasals may occur s all may occur doubled, and all but the nally only the voiceless stops (not the
velar nasals occur.
ally and medially ; in native Sinhalese ut now does so in borrowed Words. It
initially, medially single or doubled,
and single medially ; only /f/ and /s/ bubled.
168

Page 47
THE SEGMENTAL PHON
The semivowels /v/ and /y/ occur i be doubled. For further discussion see
ད། l'olS,
UKUels
Consonant clusters. Sinhalese can ha medial position. Medial clusters consist the first of them is always pronounced lo Since the difference between single anc intervocalically, medial clusters may be a with doubled consonants ; however, it vention that these doubled consonants a (except for the nasals).
Initial clusters also consist of only ception. The first member of an initia except /s/, which in some words is pron The only case of an initial cluster of mor word /sstrii/ 'woman.
The following types of cluster O. stop plus /r/, /l/, spirant, or semivOWel and spirant plus stop, nasal, /r/, //, or only initially : /v/. plus /r/ or /y/. Th Stop plus stop or nasal ; nasal plus stop | *semiwowel ; and /l/, plus stop, nasal, spi of stop plus stop or nasal the stop appe; ploded.
The only medial clusters in which
are those composed of nasal plus voiced
nasal plus voiced stop also occurs, th trunk: /kanndə/ mountain. Since til must be represented by a double lette normal type of cluster with doubled nas mentioned convention can be followed a single letter. The length of the nasali stop varies from normal to very short ; tion is parallel to that of initial clust occurs particularly when a stressed vow /bindénova/ 'break. It has been custo the single nasals in these clusters as a sp
169
 

EMES OF SINHALESE
initially and medially ; they cannot below under Diphthongs and semi
ave consonant clusters in initial and of only two consonants ; however, ing (unless it is a nasal : see below). doubled consonants is phonemic nalyzed phonemically as beginning is convenient to establish the Conre represented by single letters only
Iwo consonants, with a unique ex1 cluster is pronounced very short, ounced long, as in a medial cluster. e than two consonants occurs in the
ccur both initially and medially : ; nasal plus /r/, /l/, or semivOWel ; semivowel. The following occur e following occur only medially : or spirant ; /r/ plus stop, nasal, or rant, or semivowel. In the clusters aring as the first element is not ex
the first element ever appears short stop ; the normal type of doubled 2 two types contrasting : /kando/ here is contrast, the doubled nasal r. With voiceless stops only the all occurs ; in such cases the aboveand the doubled nasal written with a cluster of single nasal plus voiced
in the latter case the pronunciaars. The shortened pronunciation el occurs in the next syllable, as in mary in Sinhalese studies to treat ecial class of sounds to which was

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UNIVERSITY OF
given the name 'half-nasals' ; Sinhalese orthography, which uses s the regular nasal letters for the '' ful Jones concluded that the four ha constituted a single phoneme.6 Th system, increasing the number of cent.7 Phonemically the nasal elei contrasting with a doubled nasal in extra-short allophone which altern either under given conditions or in meant the length the nasal has initia
Sinhalese is notable among th past and present in having no aspi rically the aspirate series disappeal Wilhelm Geiger, A Grammar of the now has, of course, many words b had aspirate stop phonemes in thos speakers ignore the aspirate elemen stops. Some speakers, especially th the aspirates ; as far as the Sinhal resulting sounds are best considered
Simplification of clusters. Most are not native Sinhalese words ; simple alternations of the CVCV regularly simplify initial clusters ; they use such words at all) usually so in ordinary conversation, but styles of speech. Some medial clu less frequent, and some, such as th never simplified.
Clusters with /v/ or /y/ as the stituting the corresponding vowel: stiaages gift.
6. The Phoneme, p. 81.
7. The case for considering these clusters occurred initially, like other consonant phonemes the word fumbol 'you' is frequently pronounce word with the stress on the first syllable, i.e. the of this pronunciation is /mmbo/.
8. The Royal Asiatic Society, Ceylon Bral

CEYLON REVIEW
ihis is in accord with the traditional pecial signs for the "half-nasals' and l-nasals * in the same position. Danie lf-nasal" clusters mb ind nding each is is an unnecessary complication of the Jonsonant phonemes by nearly 20 perment in these clusters is a single nasal, similar clusters ; the single nasal has an ates with the normal-length allophone free variation (by normal length '' is lly before a vowel).
le major Indo-Aryan languages of the rate stop phonemes or clusters. Histored from the language long ago (cf. Sinhalese Language,8 p. 40). Sinhalese orrowed from Pali and Sanskrit which e languages ; however, most Sinhalese t and pronounce the words with simple ose with classical educations, pronounce ese phonemic system is concerned, the
as clusters.
of the words in which clusters occur Sinhalese has a marked preference for type. Consequently many speakers uneducated speakers (to the extent that do so, while educated speakers often do pronounce the clusters in more formal sters may also be simplified, but this is e nasal-stop-clusters (of either type) are
second element are simplified by sub/dvitiios : /duitios 'second; /tyaages :
as single phonemes would be stronger if they ever , but they do not, with a single very dubious exception: d without the /u/; however, it remains a two-syllable "ms becomes syllabic; the best phonemic representation
ch, Colombo, 1938.
170

Page 49
t
THE SEGMENTAL PHON
Most other clusters are simplified vowel ; the vowel is the same as that of
faintness ; /pluto/ :/puluto/ G -
first. The svarabhakti vowel is never it was. When a medial cluster is simpli
remains long : /aprio/ (apprio) : /appir
Initial clusters beginning with /sss : vowel but by a prothetic vowel /i/ (sin the doubled /s/ is represented by a sin name of god; /ssnaanes : sisnaanes b. a single /s/ are simplified in the normal There is a single instance in which initia /k/ and substituting /s/ for /š/; /ksoyo
(note also the normalization of the
In native Sinhalese words initial clu. clusters are quite rare. In such words which are now fully a part of the spok not by a svarabhakti vowel but by assil either progressive, as in /mahatmeal : in /sabdes : /saddes 'sound or /haetaep)
not been able to discover the factors th
~പ്ര
*flowed. The commonest case is that o
while most people say /kƏrannƏ/ to do and others who say /koranndos; the lat instance of partial assimilation known shown by the written language). Apa such as those just cited are quite rare in it is possible to speak of assimilation in
the assimilated form is now usually ti example stapporos seconds, originally |
Vouvels. Sinhalese has seven Vov seven may occur either short or long; words borrowed from English, such as / slightly different in quality from the s. mically the long vowels may be consic unstressed long vowels are usually shor
_
171

EMES OF SINHALESE
by the insertion of a svarabhakti the following syllable : /klaantes : protracted; /protomos : porotomo/ stressed ; the stress remains where fied in this way, the first consonant
ios displeased.
are simplified not by a svarabhakti ce the cluster then becomes medial, gle letter): /sskanindo) : /iskanindo) ath (initial clusters beginning with way : /snehes :/senehes affection.) 1 /ks/ is simplified by dropping the rooges ; /sayorooges tuberculosis vowel ; see below under Vowels).
sters do not occur at all, and medial (and one or two borrowed words en language) clusters are simplified milation. The assimilation may be /mahatteas 'Mr.', or regressive, as mos : /haetaemmo/ mile’; we have lat determine which pattern is folf the infinitive of the verb ; thus, , there are some who say /koranto/ ter form (for all verbs) is the only to us (the original form had /t/, as rt from infinitives, pairs of words present-day Sinhalese ; in general Sinhalese only in a historical sense : he only one used in speaking, for tatpɔrɔ/.
vel phonemes, /i e æ ɔ u o a/. All
however, /a/ occurs long only in Soots 'shirts. The long vowels are hort vowels, except foo/. Phoneered as doubled. In final position Cened.

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UNIVERSITY
Perera and Jones' Colloquial showing the tongue-positions of til (p. 29) a similar chart which sho the positions for some of the vow shows one significant difference have not undertaken a laborator but have relied on auditory and as described below agree with th except where noted otherwise.
The high front vowel /i/ is
the short /i/ is lower still, about h The high-mid front vowel sees is the short se/ is lower still, about
and Jones, the low-mid front VO position, while Passé gives them
long /aeae) is lower than cardinal
the short/ae/ is a little lower still a vowels soof and /o/ are at about t /uu u OO of are at about the same are the corresponding front vow little more so. All four are rol cardinal vowels Nos. 8 and 7 res all protruded. The low vowel /a: cardinal vowels Nos. 4 and 5. the short /a/ is a little higher and r it more ae-like than /aas, but to a difference between /a/ in a close in a closed syllable is higher thau halfway between cardinal vowels about halfway between the latter rounded.
The phonemic status of /o/ C i.e. in all syllables except initial an with /a/: /o/ occurs when a sing sonants or a vowel follow. The ( before or after /h/, where in most and derived words, which retain ti parts, e.g. /sahyamos restraint. occurrence. It is found in forms

DF CEYLON REVIEW
Sinhalese Reader contains (p. 5) a chart le vowels. Jones includes in The Phoneme Vs slight but not significant differences in ls. Passé also gives a vowel chart, which from the others. The present authors y determination of the tongue-positions articulatory observation. The positions ose given by Perera and Jones and Passé
a little lower than cardinal vowel No. 1; alfway to No. 2, and somewhat retracted. a little lower than cardinal vowel No. 2; halfway to No. 3. According to Perera vels /aa/ and /а/ have the same tongueas different; we agree with Passé. The vowel No. 3, almost halfway to No. 4; ind somewhat retracted. The mid central he same height as se/. The back vowels heights relative to the cardinal vowels as els ; /uu/ is slightly advanced, and /u/ a Inded, but the rounding is less than for pectively, and the lips are very little if at as is fully low and about midway between سیاری According to Perera and Jones and Passé, ather further forward. This would make our ears it is less ae-like ; we also find d syllable and /a/ in an open syllable. /a/ /aa/ and fairly far back, perhaps about Nos. 5 and 6 ; /a/ in an open syllable is position and that for laa/; neither one is
alls for comment. For part of its range, d final, it is in complementary distribution e consonant follows, /a/ when two connly exceptions to this occur immediately cases only /a/ is found, and in compound le original vocalization of their component
In initial syllables /o/ is of infrequent of the verb /kərənəva/ “do”, and this pro
དང་། བཤིག་ 172 N

Page 51
THE SEGMENTAL PHON
vides a minimal pair for /o/ and /a/:/k two are spelt identically in Sinhalese
initial syllable of borrowed word
SUC
cases it also serves as the SVarabhakt /prƏtƏmtƏ/' : /pƏrƏtƏmƏ/ first. In fina. not contrast : /o/ appeared in absolut Consonant. The long /aas could also however; thus now that unstressed fin; shortened, /a/ and /a/ do contrast in th animate) and /meeka/ this one (anin recently borrowed from English in wh before a consonant, e.g. /kælsiƏm/ calci about the phonemic status of /a/.
Nasal wouvels. Sinhalese has no in vowels occur, aa andaea; the nasaliz the nasal vowel phonemes of French. occur in only three expressions: haa"O) 'oh, and ava huh?"; all three are to be linguistic system of Sinhalese, and con part of the Sinhalese phonemic system English gloss for one of them, huh?", is English and also has a non-phonemic na occur when a nasal consonant has be
《།
(see above under Weakened articulation
allophonic variation.
Diphthongs and semivouvels. Two in Sinhalese words ; of the theoreticall vowel phonemes, most actually occur, another vowel (in all cases where the pr would result in so, being followed by phophonemically by /a/, e.g. /hondo/ addition, /v/ and sys were listed above semivowels. What is the phonemic st: what is the justification for setting up st
We may note, first, that Sinhalese for Bengali by Ferguson and Chow “I want contrasts with /cai/ “the very te:
9. Charles A. Ferguson and Munier Chowdhu
p. 41. The transcription has been changed ("الح
17

EMES OF SINHALESE
pros done and /karof 'shoulder (the orthography). It may also occur s with certain initial clusters, and in vowel used to simplify the clusters: syllables /g/ and /a/ formerly did e final position, /a/ before a final appear in absolute final position, all long vowels have regularly been is position : /meekos this one (inlate). There are now also words ich /o/ appears in the final Syllable
unn.’ There can thus be no doubt
asal vowel phonemes. Two nasal ation is light, rather less than that of Portuguese, or Hindi. The two K(agreement to do something), aa. considered as belonging to the parasequently the nasal vowels are not (it is interesting to note that the part of the paralinguistic system of asal vowel). Nasalized vowels may an elided by weakened articulation of consonants), but this is a matter of
vowels frequently come together y possible combinations of the seven except that so is never followed by ocesses of grammatical combination another vowel, it is replaced mor'good, shondais it is good). In among the consonant phonemes as tus of the vowel combinations, and amivowel phonemes :
has no contrasts of the type shown "dhury, where, for example, Cay/ a'.9 In Sinhalese there appears to be
try, " The Phonemes of Bengali, Language 36 for typographical reasons.

Page 52
UNIVERSITY O
no reason for setting off one group over against the rest. It is true that thong-like than others, but this app tance between the tongue-position bination often sounds more diphth does at a slow rate. There seems binations, from close combinatio English /ey/, to distant ones like i be considered simply as combinat syllables such combinations constit Vestigation.
The semivowels vandy has initially and medially ; further, v. never occurs next to /i/. It should the position of /i/, v has a different bilabial, like /u/, or labiodental, Central, not high back as for /u/. trast with the corresponding vow may be replaced by the vowels, as clusters; this is a matter of either frt there is no contrast here either. A sider [v] and [y] as allophones of / with semivowel phonemes altoget would then represent possible ambi minimal pair, uyono garden and be satisfactorily accounted for by i and awning would then be disting However, stress in Sinhalese, thou appear to be phonemic in single v introduce two new segmental ph mental one.
There is, however, one envir vowel do contrast, namely between there are among others the very fre i e.g. enova come, for the vow minimal pair is provided by kaeaev. to the difference in quality describ a difference in length: u is about ratio between vowels and consc phonemic analysis ?

F CEYLON REVIEW
of vowel combinations as diphthongs certain combinations sound more diphears to be entirely a question of the di
of the components, and a given comong-like at a fast rate of speech than it to be a continuous spectrum of comns like ei, which sounds about like b. Phonemically, then, they are all to ions of vowel phonemes. How many ute is a question calling for further in
re a limited distribution, occurring only never occurs next to /u/ or so, and ly be noted that while y is articulated in : articulation from sus: v may be either put the tongue-position is always mid n initial position vandy do not conels. Following another consonant they described above under Simplification of 2e variation or stylistic variation, and so ccordingly it might be possible to conu/ and /i/ respectively, thus dispensing her. The combinations */uis and */iu/ guous cases ; there is, in fact, at last one viono awning. This contrast could introducing a stress phoneme ; garden lished as /tionos and suionos respectively. gh not automatic, does not otherwise vords, and so it might be preferable to onemes rather than one new supraseg
onment where the semivowel and the two other vowels. For the semivowel quent cases of the present form of verbs, el such cases as [kiuaj "said. A near'ate' and paeaeua 'shone. In addition ed in the preceding paragraph, there is : twice as long as v (the normal length nants). What are the possibilities for
-
174

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THE SEGMENTAL PHON
Assuming no semivowel phonem with mid central tongue-position, wh lies occur in cases like kaeaeva and e problem because of the difference in le have to be represented as */kaeaeua, an conventions that /u/ between vowels r (short in length), while suus between allophone, but equal in length to sus-b obviously complicated and confusing. advantage of introducing a new type of v since /o/ does not otherwise occur befo
Analysis in terms of vowels only has several drawbacks : it requires phor lengths and complicated conventions /u/ to have allophones differing markt introduces a new type of vowel combi vowels avoids all these difficulties and it vowel analysis is consequently simpler
The case of kiua still requires to semivowel analysis : does it perhaps analyzed as */kivvas. However, this of /v/, with high back tongue-positio "כ>==ר the question of whether au and all Sir analyzed as */av/, etc. But we saw themselves offer no basis for analyzing consequently analysis of any these Co. is to be avoided if possible. Analysis disadvantages, and the additional one next to sus. Thus/kiuas appears to be
So far as we know, sys and /i/ of /kiua/, and so analysis in terms of vowe However, y is quite parallel with / established as a semivowel phoneme, it sake of consistency and symmetry.
WILLIAM A. COA
17

EMES OF SINHALESE
es, Ju/ has a labiodental alophone ich may occur initially and which tnova. Notation would present a ngth: kaeaeva and paeaeua would d */paeaeuuas respectively, with the epresents the labiodental allophone vowels represents the normal vowel etween consonants, not suu/; this is
The analysis has the further disPowel combination, seen in */enƏua/, e another vowel.
thus appears to be possible, but it Lemic stress ; it requires three vowel for representing them ; it requires 2dly from the normal one ; and it nation. Analysis in terms of semiintroduces no new ones. The semiand to be preferred.
be re-examined in the light of the after all contain /v/. It might be would introduce a new allophone in. And this, in turn, would raise milar vowel combinations should be above that the vowel combinations aul any differently from io, etc.; mbinations in terms of semivowels of kiual as */kiuval has the same that svi/ does not otherwise occur the best phonemic analysis.
fer no case comparable with that of ls only would be more feasible here. // in structural terms ; once /w/ is seems best to admit sys also for the
TES AND M. W. S. DE SILVA

Page 54

چیمبرج
འག་།

Page 55
A Married Woman's Rig
PPLICATIONS by wives for mai Αύ frequent in our Courts that no
on the subject. However it is on of maintenance solely in terms of the Mai an exhaustive commentary on that Orc set out the principles which govern the consider how our law enables her to enfo
I
Law apart, the husband’s duty to su in as his right to inflict moderate chastiser consequence of marriage has recently bee liability is firmly established in law. Bo the Roman-Dutch Law evolved rules in r modern law these have been supplement branch of the law owes as much to the Law and it would be helpful to begin v
position in English Law.
Common Law recognition of the support his wife while she lives with him apart from him, took the form of maki entered into by her for necessaries. W neglects to provide necessaries suitable t able to obtain them on credit as his agent, apart from him, her right to enforce his cases where the husband is at fault he her out or compelled her by his conduct not support her she has the right to pled agent of “necessity. In such circumstal tradesman is well settled, but he can de by the tradesman by showing that he
1. Palmer v. Palmer (1955) 3 S.A. 56; Hahlo, 98 1. Q.B. 671.
177

1ht To Maintenance
intenance from their husbands are excuse is necessary for an article y fair to warn readers who think intenance Ordinance not to CXPCCt linance. The article attempts to wife's claim for support and to rce this claim.
pport his wife is as much believed ment on her. Although the latter in denounced by the Courts, his th the English Common Law and ecognition of his duty, and in the 2d by legislation. In Ceylon this English Law as to Roman-Dutch with a short account of the wife's
principle that a husband must and in many cases while she lives ng the husband liable in contracts nere living together the husband their station in life, the wife is express or implied While living luty to support her is limited to must have deserted her or turned to leave. If in addition he does ge his credit for necessaries as an ices the husband's liability to the end himself in an action brought had made his wife a reasonable
For English Law see R. v. Jackson, (1891)

Page 56
UNIVERSITY
allowance2 or that she had suffi leaves her husband without good cause commits adultery, has no At Common Law she had no aut Equity allowed the lender to recc lmoney Was Spent Oil IncCCSSarles.
Attempts by legislation to el Vagrancy Act of 1824 which in their wives by imposing penalties From 1834 Poor Relief legislatio gave relief to a destitute wife to husband, and later to obtain an C make regular provision for her Assistance Board (set up under t over the relief of the poor, simila expenses. The Act also recognise tain the husbands but otherwise th radical changes in the general law the Poor Relief legislation the wil husband's liability could be enfo. until 18867 when she was given t for maintenance in specified ins cruelty, wilful neglect to maintain and the further right to have secured on her husband's propert laneous Provisions) Act of 1949.
Turning to our law we will f Dutch Law, which is our Comm. visions modelled on English Law.
2. Read v. Legard 6 Exch. 636; Johnsto; 3. Liddlow V, VVilmot (1817) 2 Stark. 86: 4. Grovier V. Hancock 6 T.R. 603.
5. The Common Law did not recognise stance pledge his wife's credit. Halsbury, XI
6. National Assistance Board v. Wilkinson
7. Married Women (Maintenance in Ca Jurisdiction (Married Women) Act, 1895.

DR CEYLON REVIEW
tient means of her own. 3 A wife who cause, or even after leaving him for good ight to pledge his credit for necessaries. hority to borrow money on his credit but ver from the husband on proof that the
force the husband's duty began with the lirectly compelled husbands to maintain bn husbands who left their wives destitute. n empowered Poor Law authorities who recover the amount expended from the rder from the justices compelling him to uture maintenance. When the National he National Assistance Act of 1948) took r provision was made for the recovery of 'd the reciprocal duty of the wife to maine Act has not been interpreted as effecting relating to the husband's duty.6 Under e had first to go on poor relief before the rced ; she had no claim on her husband he right of applying direct to the justices tances e.g. aggravated assault, desertion,
Subsequent statutes added new ground, periodical payments for her maintenance y was given by the Law Reform (Miscel
II
rst examine the provisions of the Romanon Law, and then consider statutory pro
le V. Stufiifner 3 H. & N. 259.
Biberfeld v. Berens (1952) 2 Q.B. 770.
such obligation and the husband could under no circumX, p. 818.
(1952), 2 Q.B. 648. e of Desertion) Act, 1886, later replaced by the Summary
178

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A MARRIED WOMAN'S RIG
Roman-Dutch Latv. It is somewhat Dutch text books do not distinctly lay c intain his wife. This fact was brough v. Pieris8 but, as a South African judge be quoted for so elementary a principle our Courts. 9 Certainly it is common Dutch writers that the husband is under a port in this connexion includes not only medicines, general medical attention and obligation when he provides her with a gives her cash for the purchase of food and household. It is not bare support that t which is reasonable when considering the of the husband, and the customs of the co supply her with cash for the purchase of (usually in compliance with arrangemen his express instructions) to purchase the liable to the tradesman unless he can sho cannot be considered reasonable becaust supplied with them.13 She may, insteal money to buy necessaries in which case t
- Y -
8. 13 N.L.R. 21.
9. Benjamin, J. in Gammon v. McClure (1925) C.P. have been cited to show that the husband is under a du wife shall be maintained by her husband and price versa); maintenance for his wife who has left him without ca a judicial separation a husband is not released from the Jane Ranesinghe v. Pieris reference is made to Voet, 23.2 " the doctrine of community which applies to the case her own implies that the husband is bound to maintain
10. Hahlo, 61 ; Maasdorp, 34 ; Wille, 99 ; W, 11. Voet, 25.3.4 ; Gammon V. McClure (1925) C.F 12. Voet, 23.2.46 ; Wille, 99 ; Lee, 427. Scott -
13. Reloonnel v. Ramsay (1920), T.P.D. 371, 378; V, But see Wouter de Vos, 68 S.A.L.J. 424, and Hahlo, 11
14. Voet, 23.2.46; The statement in Silva V. Fern of authority from the mere fact of cohabitation would her husband's credit for necessaries; there is no presumpt is, it is submitted, incorrect if it is to be taken as denyin: SarleS.
179

HT TO MAINTENANCE
surprising to find that the Romanown that the husband is liable to t out in Ceylon, in Jane Ranesinghe has observed, " no authority need which is acted upon every day in cause among the modern Romanduty to support his wife. 10 Suplodging, food and clothes but also pin-money. He discharges this furnished house (flat, rooms) and other necessaries for the common he wife is entitled to but support : social status of the parties, means untry. 12 If the husband does not necessaries the wife has authority ts made by him, but even against m on his credit, and he becomes w that the commodities purchased 2 his wife was already adequately d of pledging his credit, borrow he husband is liable for the loan.14
D. 137, 139. Roman-Dutch authorities which ty to maintain his wife: Voet, 25.3.8 (a needy
Voet 24.2.18 (husband is not bound to provide use); van Leeuwen, Cens. For., 1.1.15, 19 (on duty of providing sustenance for his wife). In 64, 70 by Middleton, A.C.J. who thought that even of a wife not possessing any property of his wife.
Vouter De Vos, 69 S.A.L.J. 178.
.D. 137.
V. Scott (1951), 1. A.E.R. 217.
"oortrekker vinkels v. Pretorius (1951) 1 S. A. 730. 7.
ando 21 N.L.R. 383,384 that " A presumption not extend beyond the pledging by the wife of ion of authority to borrow money in his name ng the wife a right to borrow noney for neces

Page 58
UNIVERSITY OF
The principles on which her right t have been worked out by Courts it the same as in English Law (but for a It must also be remembered that althc as a means of enforcing the husban be ineffective since it is dependent ( accept the husband as his debtor.
What has just been stated appli When they are living apart it wou to the separation whether the husb. duty of a husband to support his wi she does not live with him ; this is his will and in the absence of just c.
(a) Where the wife has been cause or where she has been compell Desertion, actual or Constructive, b obligation and if he fails to supporth So also a third party who lends her m expense can recover from the hus of the deserted wife in English Lav the husband disclaim liability to a that he has made her an allowanc Douglas.20 the husband who was p.
15. Her capacity in this respect is generally husband's credit for household necessaries. Thus i to depend on whether the article or services can Bernstein, 14 S.C. 504 (services of midwife-yes) tention—yes); but O’Brien v. Keal, (1910) T.P.I that the wife was suffering from a compound sti spectacles Were not considered a necessary beca carry on her household duties). It is submitted t the husband's credit in the enforcement of his common household. See Hahlo, 123-4.
16. Bodenstein, 34 S.A.L.J. 36. 17. Biberfeld v. Berens (1952) 2 Q.B. 770; v. Natvafnatni Afinfinal 37 N.L.R. 386.
18. Coetzee V. Higgins 5 E. D. C. 352; Grundling (1952) 1 S.A. 338.
19. The allowance may be voluntary or ur a maintenance order. The burden of showing where maintenance has been fixed by order of C 122.
20. (1924) C.P.D. 472.

CEYLON REVIEW
D pledge his credit are based, is as they S. Africa and Ceylon, are generally in important exception see footnote ugh this right is important in principle d's legal obligation, in practice it may on the willingness of the tradesman to
es when the spouses are living together. ld depend on the circumstances leading ind's liability continues because, "The fe does not cease merely by the fact that only the case where she does so against use. 16
deserted by her husband without lawful ed to leave him owing to his misconduct. y the husband does not relieve him of his er she can pledge his credit for necessaries. oney for necessaries or maintains her at his band.17 Her position is similar to that V, i.e. an agent of necessity.18 But can tradesman or third party on the ground e for her maintenance 19 In Excell v. aying a monthly allowance to his wife,
considered to form part of her capacity to pledge the a number of cases the husband's liability has been made le within the scope of household necessaries: Mason v. ; Brudo v. Chamberlain, (1912), T.P.D. 131 (dental atD. 707 (spectacles-no. A remarkable decision seeing gmatism which caused headaches and mistiness, and yet use her sight was not so bad that she could not see to hat it is best to distinguish the wife's capacity to pledge duty of support from her power as manageress of the
Menikham) v. Loku Appu 1 Bal. R. 161; Sivapakiam
Gammon v. McClure (1925) C.P.D. 137; Oelofse v.
der order of Court as e.g. where the wife has obtained that the allowance is adequate is on the husband but ourt there is a presumption that it is adequate. Hahlo,
18O

Page 59
A MARRIED WOMAN'S RIG
was sued by a tradesman for the price o Court held he was not liable because ". his wife with maintenance tradesman who supplies such wife with contracticial claim against the husband. a claim than he is when the wife has left he Van Zyl, J. compared her position with "Where spouses live together a husband even though he allowed his wife an ac not, in my opinion, become so bound w ing to this decision the deserted wife wi on non-necessaries has thereafter no a credit. But in Frame v. Boyce and Co. Lt. liability to a tradesman in spite of the reasonable allowance. The correctness because although the Court purported appears to have been overlooked that i not, strictly speaking, living apart since absent,25 whereas in the present case the household had come to an end. A hu therefore liable to a tradesman for neces he can show that "he had adequately pr things as had been supplied were of a qu be justified by his social position or mea also inform tradesmen who have been ; his wife that since he is making her an him for payment in future.27 The de is lost if she commits adultery.28
(b) Where the spouses are living a The husband's obligation comes to an en
purchased by the wife29 (unless with hi
21. At 481, per Watermeyer, J. Cf. Marshall, Jud: 22. See Reloomel V. Ramsay (1920) T.P.D. 371, 37 23. At 479. 24. (1925) T.P.D. 353. 25. See Lee, A Married Woman's Contracts in Relat 26. Gaminon v. McClure (1925) C.P.D. 137, at 141 27. See Macnaught v. Caledonian Hotel (1938) T.P. 28. Ukko v. Tanbya (1863-68) Rama. 70 followi principle the position ought to be the same in S.Afric 29. Voet, 24.2.18; van Leeuwen, Cels. For. 1.1.13 T.P.D. 279; Voortrekkervinkels v. Pretorius (1951) 1 S
177, 481 ; Janion v. V Vatson & Co. 6 Nat. L.R. 234.
181

EHT TO MAINTENANCE
f necessaries supplied to her. The if the husband is fulfilling his duty when they are living apart then a necessaries on credit has no quasiHe is in no better position on such er husband without lawful cause.”21 a wife living with her husband: might become bound in that way lequate allowance22 but he should phere they live apart.'23 Accordho chooses to spend her allowance uthority to pledge her husband's d.24 the Court upheld the husband's fact that he had made his wife a of this decision may be questioned
to follow Reloonel v. Ramsay it in Reloomel's case the spouses were the husband was only temporarily evidence showed that the common sband who has deserted his wife is saries purchased by his wife unless 'ovided her with means or that such ality or more expensive than would ins.'26 A cautious husband would accustomed to doing business with allowance they should not look to serted wife's right to maintenance
part owing to the fault of the wife. d and he is not liable for necessaries is knowledge or consent 2) even if
gments. p. 220. 7.
ion to Household Necessaries, (1938), Tydskrif, 94.
D. 577, 581. ing English Law. Hahlo, 62, Submits that on a. 5. 19; Bing and Lauer v. Van den Heever (1922) .A. 730; Excell v. Douglas (1924) C.P.D. 472,

Page 60
UNIVERSITY O
he has not made her an allowar Supplies goods to a Wife living apa because his right to recover from existence of the husband’s duty ti depend on the merits of the matrin
(c) Where the spouses are
husband's obligation is unaffected unless he has made her a reasonab. his credit for necessaries. 31 Quit parties enter into a notarial deed v tenance by the husband. In mod considered valid only if there was the circumstances would have ju agreement did not amount to a pr wife.32 In Soysa v. Soysa’s De S Roman-Dutch writers came to ti voluntary separation and a provisio valid as between the parties themsel Privy Council34 and since De Sampa of ilusta causa it cannot be consid condition too can be ignored as th spouses no longer applies in Ceylor ment for maintenance as valid but is a genuine desire on his part to re. to the view expressed in the Cape husband to pay maintenance is in ** The Court has the right, wher changed, to alter and vary the agr conform to the Common Law
granted , namely, having regard needs they may have which arise
30. Watermeyer, J. in Excell v. Douglas (1 31. Hahlo, 62, 121; Excell v. Douglas (19 32. Hahlo, 261-62, and the judgment of D 33. 17 N.L.R. 385. 34. 19 N.L.R. 146. And yet in Lobley v. L. tive search of the old authorities thought tha against the validity of a voluntary deed of sep:
35. See Silva V. Silva 18 N.L.R. 26. 36. Matrimonial Rights and Inheritance C 146; Hulme-King v. De Silva 38 N.L.R. 63. 37. Frugtneit v. Frugtneit 42 N.L.R. 547;

FR CEYLON REVIEWXV
ce. Consequently a tradesman who irt from her husband does so at his peril the husband is based on the continued o support his wife which in turn may nonial dispute.'30
living apart by mutual consent. The and his position is the same as in (a) i.e. le allowance she has authority to pledge e often on a voluntary separation the vith provision for the payment of mainern S. African law such agreements are iusta causa for the separation (i.e. where stified a judicial separation) and if the ohibited donation between husband and Sampayo, J. on the authority of certain he conclusion that "an agreement for nas to property are not only notillegal, but ves. Thisjudgment was affirmed by the yo, J. made no mention of the requirement ered essential in our law.35 The other e prohibition against donations between 1.30 Our Courts not only treat an agreewill also hold a husband to it unless there. sume marital cohabitation.37. According Provincial Division the obligation of the dependent of the contract and therefore re the circumstances of the party have eement of maintenance so as to make it principles upon which maintenance is to the social standing of the parties, any : from circumstances of health and the
924) C.P.D. at 481.
24) C.P.D. at 478. havis, J. in Lobley v. Lobley (1940) C. P. D. 420.
obley (1940) C.P.D. 420. Davis, J. who made an exhaust the preponderance of Roman-Dutch authority was aration. See also Davies v. Davies (1944) C.P.D. 23.
Drdinance 15 of 1876, s. 12. Soysa v. Soysa 19 N.L.R.
Silva V. Silva 18 N. L.R. 26.
182

Page 61
A MARRIED WOMAN'S RIG
financial position of both the parties. 38 her right to maintenance under the agree
We may now consider whether the own has any bearing on the husband's ( been deserted or the spouses have separat Law rule appears to be that if a wife ha her own sufficient to maintain herself ac in life, she has no authority to pledge h nor can she claim reimbursement from h It follows that a Court will take into ac the reasonableness of the allowance ma determining the extent of his liability to : to her.4.1 When the spouses are living are insufficient, he has a right to a contril supplied to her on credit and paid for sequence of the Common Law rule th reciprocal duty to maintain each other of earning a living may shift the entire of himself) on his wife.43 But apparentl authority to pledge her credit for necess.
More interesting is the case where t
ine husband's means are sufficient forل .
been repeatedly assrted that " It is th according to their means, to contribute age.'45 Ordinarily the wife's contrib
38. Van Zyl, J. in Butler v. Butler (1952) 1 S.A. 88, indicated that in subsequent divorce proceedings the C 39. Cook v. Cook (1911) C.P.D. 810; Peck v. Pec. 40. Oberholzer v. Oberholzer (1947) 3 S.A. 294; she is not called upon to maintain herself out of her sa 41. Biberfeld v. Berens (1952) 2 Q.B. 770 (noted in 42. Hahlo, 61 Prof. Hahlo, does not think that a w to work and make things easier for the husband.
43. Voet, 25.3.8; Lyons v. Lyons (1923) T.P.I. ceived statutory recognition in the Married Women Fernando v. Fernando 31 N.L.R. 113. Jurisdiction to is conferred on the Magistrate's Court and the Magist order for maintenance are expressly stated to be such a in regard to applications for maintenance by wives.
44. Wiebel v. VVecke and Voigts (1933) S.W.A. 123 45. Bale, C.J. in Shanahan v. Shanahan (1907) Nat. (1911) A.D. 657; Gildenhuys v, Transvaal Hindu Edu Davis (1939) W.L.D. 108.
183

HT TO MAINTENANCE
Adultery by the wife terminates ennent. 39
fact that the wife has means of her iuty. In cases where the wife has :d by mutual consent the Common s an earning capacity or means of Cording to her accustomed station er husband's Credit for necessaries, im for spending her own money. 40 count the wife's means in judging de to her by the husband and in a tradesman for necessaries supplied together and the husband's means bution from his wife for necessaries by him.42 This is a necessary conat husband and wife are under a so that a husband who is incapable responsibility of maintenance (even y the needy husband has no implied
aries. 44
he wife has a separate income but the maintenance of both. It has e duty of husband and wife, both towards the support of the marrition would be in kind (assistance
90. In Soysa v. Soysa, 17 N.L.R. at 387 it was ourt has jurisdiction to vary the amount.
a (1888) Nat. L.R. 195. Jane Ranesinghe v. Peiris 13 N.L.R. 21. But vings. Hahlo, 63 n. 52.
70 S.A.L.J. 93). ife with an earning capacity is obliged to go out
). 345; Hahlo, 63; Maasdorp, 35. This res Property Ordinance No. 18 of 1923, s. 26.
hear applications for maintenance by husbands tate's powers in the making and enforcing of an she possesses under the Maintenance Ordinance
135.
L.R. 15. See also Union Goterminent v. Warneke cational Council (1938) W.L.D. 260; Davis v.

Page 62
UNIVERSITY C
in the supervision, maintenance a may be situations where a pecuni point. Where such is the case it m this duty of the wife : We can case of Mr. Silva, a Governme Rs. 1,000, and his wife who has a
(1) Silva agrees to meet all t household but wants his wife to pa able estimate of the cost of her n hardly conceivable that Silva woul
her.
(2) Silva agrees to support h pay for her own clothes. He ther expressly forbids her to pledge his for spending her own money never keeper sues Silva. The extent of law depends on whether Mrs. Silva her own credit or whether she act case (and there is a presumption th for the full amount of debt (in solid her to buy on credit is not materi is accepted both in S. Africa and ( as her husband's agent in the purc quences of marriage which can on publication.48 Even where the con credit, under the pro semisse rule til
46. Hern & Co. v. De Beer (1913) T.P.D. Clarkson v. van Rensburg (1951) 1 S. A. 595, 598 the butcher, the baker or the candlestick-maker one who is to be charged with the price of the
47. Reloomel v. Ramsay (1920) T.P.D. 371; V. Saravanantittu 36 N.L.R. 273; Hahlo, 112; from English Law where a husband may by ex render himself inninnune to a tradesman's action,
48. Although there have been dicta to the public notice hold himself not liable for necess (1920) T.P.D. at 376; Lalchand v. Saravanamnui that the wife's authority to pledge his credit V by judicial decree. Bing and Lauer v. van den Vorster (1953) 2 S. A. 691, 699; Traub V. Traul

FR CEYLON REVIEW
nd education of the children) but there ary contribution would be more to the ay be asked, how can the husband enforce est consider this problem by taking the nt servant with a monthly salary of private income of Rs. 500 a month.
he expenses involved in running the joint y him Rs. 250 per month being a reasonlaintenance. If Mrs. Silva refuses, it is d have an action for contribution against
is wife at his expense but insists that she afore gives her no money for clothes and credit. Mrs. Silva who has little desire theless buys sarees on credit. The shopSilva's liability in the present state of the contracted in her own name and pledged ed as her husband's agent. In the latter at she acted as his agent)46 Silva is liable un). The fact that he expressly forbade al in considering his liability because it Deylon47 that the wife's authority to act hase of necessaries in one of the consely be determined by judicial decree and tract is hers and she has pledged her own e shopkeeper can sue Silva for half the
721, 725; Lee, (1938), Tydskrif, 96; Hahlo, 118. Cf. 3, per Price, J. " When a wife opens an account with
it is taken as a matter of course that the husband is the goods.”
Clarkson v. van Rensburg (1951) 1 S.A. at 598; Lalchand
Lee, 426. In this respect our law differs materially
pressly prohibiting his wife from pledging his credit
Debenham V. Mellon (1880) 6 App. Cas. 24.
effect that in the present day a husband may by mere tries bought by his wife on credit (Reloomel v. Ramsay fu 36 N.L.R. at 276) it must be considered settled law hen they are living together can only be taken away Heever (1922) T.P.D. 279, 281; Chenille Industries v. (1955) 2 S.A. 671; Hahlo, 122-3; Lee, 426.
184

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A MARRIED WOMAN'S RI
debt. According to this rule, as explai two spouses is the Contracting party, th:
---မျိုးမျို for half the debt validly
independently of any private agreeme the case in hand, we find that the sho amount, at least half the debt, from Silv that Silva can avoid responsibility to the wife has means of her own. He would
that he would have been better off had
The duty of the rich wife to mal expenses turns out to be one which is a moral duty which becomes legal onl but necessary, step of entering into a financial assistance. But then her duty by virtue of any obligation at Comn whether it is not time that the husband with the conditions prevailing today wh essential feature of many households an domestic assistance from his wife. Th. in Ceylon, but at least one English ach in keeping with the changed circ Denning, L. J. referring to the stateme
-> 49. (1938) Tydskrif, 91. The pro semisse rule wa
B
-
ros. (1923) T.P.D. 255; Clarkson v. van Rensburg Voights (1933) S.W.A. 133; Wouter de Vos, 69 S.A.L. Affairs Act of 1953 now makes husband and wife joint spouse in respect of household necessaries, with a right paid by the wife (section 3). (For a criticism of thi Woman for Household Necessaries, (1954) Butterworth's The application of the pro semisse rule has not bet Lalchand v. Saravahnamuttu 36 N.L.R. 273 (where, all contract was the wife's and the tradesman looked to h the full amount, in an action brought against both hus of Soertsz A.J. in Molyneux Modes v. Muttucumarasu, rule is implied. Assuming that the pro semisse rule is p:
after the Married Women's Property Ordinance No.
in either of these cases) is one of difficulty. Section 5 entered into by a married woman otherwise than as as and to bind her separate property, does not exclude th contract for necessaries) because it does not state th property alone. If this is not so we are left with the u1 now applicable only against the wife. As an added g S. 5(2) after declaring that a wife may be sued in contr not beliable “merely on the ground that he is her hust There is no express exclusion of his liability in respec
50. See above p. 181. English Law would appeal 38 T.L.R. 586.
185

GHT TO MAINTENANCE
ned by Lee,49 "Whichever of the e other party is at all events, liable contracted for household purposes nt. Applying these principles to pkeeper can recover if not the full a. It does not appear to be the law shopkeeper on the ground that the learn, no doubt to his astonishment, he deserted his wife.50
ke a pecuniary contribution to the unenforceable at law. If at all it is y if the husband takes the unlikely, valid agreement with his wife for 7 arises under the contract and not non Law. This raises the question 's burden was lightened in keeping en working wives have become an ld a husband cannot always expect e matter has not received attention Judge has favoured a new approumstances. In Biberfeld v. Berens, int of McCardie, J. in Callot v. Nash
s adopted in S. Africa (see van Rensburg v. Suversky (1951) 1 S.A. 59. Contra VViebel v. VVecke and .J. 170 and 73 S.A.L.J. 70), but the Matrimonial by and severally liable for debts incurred by either pf recourse against the husband for the full amount section see Scholtens, The Liability of a Married South African Law Review, 183). "
'n considered in a Ceylon case. The decision in though it would appear from the facts that the er for payment, the husband was found liable for band and wife) is against it, but see the judgment anni 14 C.L. Rec. 213, where, it is submitted, the vart of our law, the question whether it can apply 18 of 1923 (the effect of which was not discussed (3) of the Ordinance which enacts that a contract gent is deemed to be entered into with respect to le possibility of the husband being liable (on a at the contract of a wife shall bind her separate satisfactory conclusion that the pro semisse rule is round against this it may be pointed out that act or tort proceeds to state that the husband shall and, in respect of any tort committed by her."
of a contract entered into by her.
to be the same. Seymour V. Kingscotte (1922

Page 64
UNIVERSITY OF
(39 T.L.R. 292) that " The wife ma the whole burden of her keep on h is right. At the present day, when her husband, she has to bear the resp If she is a rich woman, I see no reaso into the family pool just as his do.
of course, pledge his credit for the ho she can pledge his credit for her o
hats, when she has ample means wi
The Vagrants Ordinance, No. 4 husband's duty was enforced larg Vagrants Ordinance which was mc 1824 punished a husband who lefth with imprisonment upto fourteen d husband was also deemed to be an which happy description also came in a riotous and indecent manner, drawings. On a second conviction vagabond and the punishment d third time he became an "incorrigil ment for six months and twenty-f wife 2 Well, apart from the fact th dealt with as a criminal and called ir there is ample evidence to suggest t in preference to a sentence of impri to the wife. 52 In enforcing this Or. English decisions would be follow his wife was physically capable of c her earnings he could not be convi that the wife refused to live with reason. 54 Again following an Eng cannot be convicted for not support
51. (1952) 2 Q.B. 770, 782-3. Cf. Allan N in the world of today has not only brought an ap cumbersome disabilities but also a recognition, property holder, that she should take her due s family.' A Homestead Act for England 2 22
52. Fernando V. Fernando 6 S.C.C. 99; 2 Be to compromise the action by offering to pay a n
53. Cadera Umma v. Calendan (1863-68) Rar 54. Nona v. Siman (1863-68) Rama. 64 ; 2 55. Gren. (1872) P. C. 2; Loki hanny V, de S

CEYLON REVIEW
y accumulate all her income and throw er husband, said * I do not think that a wife is in nearly all respects equal to onsibilities which attach to her freedom. in why her own means should not come When they are living together, she can usehold necessaries, but I doubt whether wn private necessaries, like dresses and
h which to buy them.'s
of 1841. Between 1841 and 1889 the :ly by means of the criminal law. The delled on the English Vagrancy Act of is wife without maintenance or support ays and a fine of twenty shillings. The "idle and disorderly person under beggars, common prostitutes behaving persons defacing buildings by indecent he was deemed to be a 'rogue and publed, and if he was convicted for the ple rogue who was liable to imprisonive lashes. How did all this help the at the natural dislike of a husband to be 1sulting names would act as a deterrent hat the fine, which was usually imposed sonment, was in part or whole awarded inance it was only to be expected that ed. Thus if a husband could show that loing work and supporting herself with cted. 53 It was also a defence to show lim or had deserted him without good lish decision it was held that a husband ing a wife who was livingin adultery. 55
Ailiner, “ The increased stature of the married women preciation that the law should protect her by removing ased on her modern earning capacity and status as a
hare of the responsibilities of running the house and M.L.R. 458, 477.
1. & Vand. 75. It was even possible for the husband onthly sum as maintenance. Vand. R. 158.
na. 141.
Bell. & Vand. 92 and 106: 2 Lor. 136. ílva (1872-75). Rama. 257.
186

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A MARRIED WOMAN'S RIC
The Maintenance Ordinance, No. 19 the provisions in the Vagrants Ordina lives and children and the award of 1. of a child is governed even to the present It gave á wife the right to apply to the husband for a monthly allowance as in mum monthly rate was fixed at Rs. 50. upto Rs. 100. Although it is a criminal for maintenance '' this Ordinance is not but it provides a speedy and less expen gation.'56 Applications for maintenal husband has neglected or refused to mai
Defences open to a husband in a mainte
(1) Offer by the husband to maint as a remedial and not punitive mea; repentant and offers to maintain his w there is no occasion to invoke the pow must be satisfied that the offer is mac intends to maintain her "with the digi a wife.'59 Failure on his part to provid bona fides of his offer. 60 No award f
wife refuses the offer unless her refusal
ing grounds :
56. Drieberg, J. in Letchini Pillai V. Kandiah, 9 C.L. Subali ya v. Kannangara 4 N.L.R. 121; Justina V. Arina are determined on a balance of evidence. Carlina Notic features of a maintenance action are discussed in Kant.
57. S. 2. " Neglect to maintain must mean so garding the manner or the adequacy of the maintena as to be in reality no maintenance at all.” De Kretser In England by S. 4 of the Summary Jurisdiction (Mai provide maintenance by the husband is one ground ol The additional requirement imposed by the word “w recent cases see Jone v. Jones (1958) 3 A.E.R. 410; Lill tunate in that our Ordinance does not require proof for his wife's support unless she forfeits her right by by the husband is not required although in the major desertion.
58. S. 3. Punchi Nonahamy v. Perera Appulham, 3 A.C.R. 19.
59. Wendt, J. in Mammadu v. Mann Hnat Kassim 11 33 C.L.W. 72 and Gimarahamy v. Don Dines 5 Times
60. Dit wurnehanny v. Wirasinghe 1 Curr. L.R. 98; hanny v. Don Dines 5 Times L.R. 71; Valliam mai v. H
187

GHT TO MAINTENANCE
of 1889. This Ordinance repealed ce relating to the maintenance of laintenance to a wife or in respect day by the terms of this Ordinance. Magistrate for an order against the aintenance. Until 1925 the maxi
after that year a wife could obtain Court which entertains applications one dealing with a criminal matter sive way of enforcing a civil oblice are granted on proof that the intain his wife.57
nance Suit :
ain wife.58 Maintenance is awarded sure. If therefore the husband is ife in future if she lives with him rers of the Court. But the Court de bona fide and that the husband
nity and consideration which befits e a suitable abode will negative the or maintenance will be made if the is based on one of the two follow
„Rec. 181. See also Eina v. Eraneris 4 N.L.R. 4; in 12 N.L.R. 263. In particular matters of proof v. De Silva 49 N.L.R. 163. The distinguishing wala, 311-13.
mething more than a difference of opinion rence; it must mean such inadequate maintenance J. in Annapillai V. Saravananuttu 40 N.L.R. 1, 7. ried Women) Act, 1895, “wilful neglect to which a maintenance order could be obtained. ilful' continues to trouble the Courts. (For two ey v. Lilley (1958) 3 A.E.R. 528). We are forDf a mental element and makes a husband liable her own misconduct. Even proof of desertion ty of cases there would be at least constructive
y Leem. 81: Anohamy v. Anthony Annavirala
N.L.R. 297. See also Manomani v. Vijiyeratnam L.R. 71.
Arnolinahamy v. James Appu 1 Wije. 19; Gimaraliyatarnby 1 C. L.W. 372.

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UNIVERSITY O
(a) Husband living in adulte adultery at the time of the applicat he is shown to have lived in adulte go back to him must be considered is not required.64
(b) Husband has habitually tr
(2) Wife. living in adulte husband must establish that she is conduct. A wife who commits a debarred from claiming maintenanc wife had been living in adultery at so husband must prove that she was a prostitute at the time of the appli to be cancelled on proof that the w
(3) If wife without sufficient This in effect is a plea that the wif lost her right to maintenance. A f: the husband would be a sufficient c fact that the husband's parents were
applications was given to the Quazi Court) See 62. Manomani v. Vijiyeratnam 33 C.L. W. at 63. Marihany V. Weerakodie 2 Lead. L. R. 3 order for maintenance cannot be cancelled undel in adultery.
64. Eberf v. Eberf 22 N.L.R. 310. 65. S. 3. Ponna Hinah V. Renganathan 1 C. A. 66. S. 4. 67. Arumugann V. Athai 50 N.L.R. 310 ; Ki Order will not be made in favour of a wife wh connived at her adultery or condoned it. The 68. Reginahamy w. Johna 17 N.L.R. 376 ; v. Athai 50 N.L.R. 310. But cf. Koch, J. in Sain that where the husband alleges that the wife i that fact. Selliah v. Sinnaminah 48 N.L.R. 261 ; 69. S. 5. Isabelahanny v. Perera 3 C. W.R. 29 3141.7,
70. S. 4. Dingiri Menika V. Udadeniyagede J. in Rosa v. Adonisa 6 C.L.Rec. 17, “ The po from their husbands by allowing them mainte is reasonable.
71. Edvin Perera V. Bisso Menika 46 N.L.R. 72. Rosa v. Adonisasi 6 C. L. Rec. 17. Ferna,

R CEYLON REVIEW
y. The husband should be living in on,02 but it does not follow that where y at an earlier date, the wife's refusal to nreasonable.03 Direct proof of adultery
rated his wife with cruelty.65
y.'06 To succeed in this defence the eading a life of continuous adulterous n isolated act or acts of adultery is not e.67 It is not sufficient to show that the me time previous to the application. The living in adultery or leading the life of cation.68 A maintenance order is liable ife is living in adultery.09
reason refuses to live with husband. 70 a is guilty of desertion and has therefore lse allegation of adultery against her by 'Xcuse for her refusal,71 but not the bare living with him.72
fuslims (before exclusive jurisdiction over maintenance Manuatdi) v. Mafuflaf KassiH1 11 N.L.R. 297. .
73. D. In Eher p. Eber 26 N.L.R. 438 it was held that an i. s. 5 on the ground that the husband had ceased to live
R. 15 ; Koch, 9.
ree v. Naide 5 Weer. 28. Cf. English Law where an D has been guilty of adultery unless the husband had Act of 1895, s. 6.
Simo Nona v. Melias Singho 26 N. L. R. 61 ; Arumugam aratunga v. Samaratunga 15 C.L.Rec. 198. It is submitted s living in adultery the burden is on him to prove contra JVidale V. Ukeketletnika 48 N.L.R. 256.
4. VVijeyesinghe v. Josi Nona 38 N.L.R. 375; Kantawala,
a Mudianse 3 Bal. R. 253. As explained by Schneider, Licy of the law is not to encourage wives to live apart
nance, unless their refusal to live with their husbands
186. do V. Milly Nona 56 N.L.R. 549.
188

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A MARRIED WOMAN'S RIG
(4) Spouses living separately by mu defence is not clear. In Micho Hanline v held that once husband and wife have ={ါူဇွဲ could not thereafter Compel the hust 1maintenance. Later cases have however right to terminate the agreement and to refuses a bonafide offer by her to return.75 and wife entered into a deed under whi live separately and waived all her rights of money was exhausted and she was wit for maintenance. The matter was fully that so long as the spouses are living sepa for maintenance can be made, but "if, maintain, the wife when she comes into her husband, she is disqualified from aski if she is living in adultery, or without st her husband or is living separately from both parties. If she is prepared to live her disqualification to obtain relief disa husband, as his paramount duty, the du the agreement for separation provides husband and this is honoured by him no the Ordinance can be made.78 Where efter a maintenance order is made, e.g. sum and the wife waives future claims husband's liability under the order is at enforce that order.79 She is not debar application for maintenance.80
(5) Husband has no means. An a only against a husband "having sufficic
73. S. 4.
74, 15 N.L.R. 191.
75. Goonet vardene v. Abey wickerenne 18 N.L.R. 69 ; 76. 40 N.L.R. 241.
77. Where on separation the husband agrees by do
him on the agreement. See above, p. 180 and Frugine
78. Fernando V. Fernando 40 N. L. R. 241, at 244.
consider whether the amount specified is reasonable
N.L.R. 275,279.
79. Simon Appu v. Somaluvathie 56 N.L.R. 275 46 N.L.R. 35.
80. Sinon Appu v. Sonavathie 56 N.L.R. at 276 ; 81. S. 2.
།
189
 

HT TO MAINTENANCE
Itual consent. 73 The scope of this . Girigoris Appu,74 Wood Renton, Separated by mutual Consent, the pand either to take her back or pay pronounced in favour of the wife's claim maintenance if the husband In Fernando V. Fernando76 husband ch she received Rs. 250, agreed to to maintenance. When this suinn hout means of Support, she applied argued before Hearne, J. who held trately by mutual Consent no order notwithstanding the agreement to Court is not being maintained by ng the assistance of the Court only ufficient reason refuses to live with him by the continuing consent of with him mutuality ceases to exist, ppears and the law imposes on the ity of maintaining his wife.”77 If for periodical payments by the application for maintenance under the parties come to a settlement the husband agrees to pay a lump for maintenance against him, the an end and the wife can no longer red however, from making a fresh
Ward for maintenance will be made ont means. 81 If he pleads that he
Malleappa V. Malleappa 8 C.L. Rec. 201.
red to pay her maintenance she is entitled to sue it V. Frugtneit 42 N.L.R. 547.
But it has been asserted that the Magistrate can and adequate. Simon Appu V. Somalvathie 56
. Contra, Parupathipillai V. Kandiah Arumugann
Hinihanny V, Gunawardene 3 C.L.Rec. 161.

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UNIVERSITY C
has no means the burden is on the come or, at least, that he is capab from so doing.82
(6) Pending divorce suit by t J. in De Silva V. Seneviratne83 tha proceedings till the decision in the J. (as he then was) dissented from
The question whether a wife means of her own was the subject Bench decided in favour of the wi
We have reserved to the last most practitioners who are accust can a wife bring a civil action for importance where a wife does not does not think that Rs. 100 month to under the Maintenance Ordina either to her needs or her husban split into three parts, namely, did Roman-Dutch Law, have our CC finally, did the civil action, if it exis As to the first part of the question the old writers made only passing and we cannot expect illumination to the modern Writers We find au sue the husband for support.86 T
82. Sivapakiam v. Sivapakian 36 N.L.R. 1 83. 7 C.L. Rec. 58. See also Fernando V. Fe 84. Wimalawathie Kumarihamy V. Imbuildeni
85. Sivasamy v. Rasiah 44 N.L.R. 241 ove advanced for this interpretation of section 2 of gether satisfactory. ' The contrary view say Jayetilleke, J.J. agreeing) “would lead to the ap consortium of a wife possessed of means so long adrift and free himself of all his obligations to payable by the husband not so much in the en penalty. This is contrary to the principles gov ration (see Civil Procedure Code s. 615; Ha W.L.D. 108 ; Frichol v. Frichol (1945) T P.D. 2 wife who has means may not pledge her husba
86. Hahlo, 62, 63. Such actions have beer 148.

F CEYLON REVIEW
wife to show that he has a source of inle of earning and has wilfully abstained
--------بے
le husband. It was held by Jayawardene, t a Magistrate should stay maintenance divorce case. In a later case Basnayake, this view.84
was disentitled to maintenance if she had
of conflicting decisions until a Divisional e.85
III
a question which no doubt will surprise Dmed to view it as long settled, that is, maintenance 2 This question is of some seek a divorce or judicial separation and ly (which is the maximum she is entitled nce) is adequate maintenance in relation d's means. The question can really be the wife have a right of action under ourts recognised this right of hers, and ted, survive the Maintenance Ordinance? we have already adverted to the fact that reference to the wife's right of support on this point from them, but if we turn thority for the view that the wife could he second part of the question was taken
95. See also Rasamany v. Subramanian 50 N.L.R. 84. 'rnando 6 S. C.C. 99. ya, 39 C.L.W. 75.
rruling Silva v. Senaratne 33 N.L.R. 90. The reasons the Maintenance Ordinance are, with respect, not altois Soertsz, S.P.J. in his judgment (Wijeyewardene and palling result that a fickle husband, having enjoyed the as it pleased him, may, on wearying of it, turn his wife her It would appear from this that maintenance is forcement of his duty to support her but by way of a erning orders for alimony on a divorce or judicial sepalsbury Vol. 12 ss. 963, 966; Davis v. Davis (1939) 76). It is also inconsistent with the rule that a deserted hd's credit for necessaries (above, pp. 178, 181).
recognised in S.Africa: Stern v. Stern (1928) W.L.D.
190

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A MARRIED WOMAN'S RIG
up in Menikham) V. Loku Appuš7 Vhicl wife for past and future maintenance.
N silent thought the matter was go محسبسے۔
a1).
gave Counsel time to find any a wife who is deserted by her husband can Counsel having failed it was held that th tenance was under the Maintenance O. decision is that it was approved in later ( that the special rights and remedies crea have Superseded the Common Law. 88 II that Counsel in Menikhany’s case was no for authority or he would have found . wife's right to bring an action for mai questioned:
(i) In a case decided in 183489 it refused or neglected to support the District Court would aw, the husband's property.
(ii) In Muttu Menicka v. Punchi
as maintenance was made by wife.
ஆ (iii) A more direct authority is Uk
between Kandyan spouses, it v son, J.) that 'even in the Mari husband for maintenance, ifs maintenance by the act of her
(v) In Justinahany v. Don Elias d in the District Court agains maintenance. Her action Wa it clear that her claim for futu because she had instituted div
7. 13 161
88. Justina v. Arman 12 N. L. R. 263 , Jane Ran Karunaratna 22 N.L.R. 289 ; Sarasuvathy V. Kandiah 5(
89. Marshall, Judgments, p. 221. 90. (1858) 3 Lor. 90. 91. (1863) Rama. (1863-68) 70. 92, 6 S.C.C. 136.
191

HT TO MAINTENANCE
n was a civil action by a Kandyan Bonser, C.J. finding the Kandyan Terned by the Roman-Dutch Law uthority for the proposition that a sue her husband for maintenance.' e wife's only right to obtain mainrdinance. The importance of this cases and ultimately led to the view ted by the Maintenance Ordinance the circumstances it is unfortunate t a little more assiduous in his search ut least four earlier cases Where the intenance appears not to have been
was held that where the husband I his wife, on complaint of the wife, ard her a reasonable proportion of
Rala'0 an award of a monthly sum the District Court in favour of the
ko v. Tambya, 91 where, in an action vas held (by Creasy, C.J. and Thomtime Provinces, the wife can sue her
he has acquired a legal right to the : husband.
a Silva'92 a wife instituted an action ther husband for past and future s dismissed but the judgment makes re maintenance was disallowed only orce proceedings.
esinghe V. Pieris 13 N. L.R. 21 ; Lamahamy V. ) N.L.R. 22.

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Having shown that our Court for maintenance we can now cons in any way abolished the civil a Menikhany's case for all that it d that a civil action was available the tenance Ordinance. Had the fou it is difficult to maintain that the d was admitted by Pereira, A.J. in J were competent under our Comm to be quite clear how the Maintena words to that effect, can be said to In this case a deserted wife and he incurred in maintaining themselv maintenance which clearly could n wife, who does not bring an acti agent of necessity, and if she has b belong to this category.94 It was dismissed her action albeit withou agreed that it being an action for for holding that a wife who main have her loss recouped by means latter Judge went further to Cons future maintenance is available at " The policy of modern legislatio becoming chargeable to others by . against the husband or father, as til and it is for a married woman to re to maintain herself at her own ex these remarks were based on the and the statement of Wood Rento tenance Ordinance has abolished Pereira, J. had another reason for C and that was the difficulty of enfor our rules of civil procedure. Wh ground can be judged by the fact
93. 13 N.L.R. 21, 24. 94. See above, pp. 178, 181. 95. 13 N.L.R. at 25. 96. 12 N.L.R. 263, 267. The only author

F CEYLON REVIEW
have in the past recognised a civil action der whether the Maintenance Ordinance tion. This was not the view taken iuj. cided was that there being no evidence wife's only remedy was under the Maincases noted above been cited to Court, cision would have been the same for, as ane Ranesinghe v. Pieris ** if such actions on Law, it does not to my mind appear nce Ordinance, in the absence of express have brought about their abolition.”93 r son sued for the recovery of expenses ls. It was therefore an action for past ot succeed for the reason that a deserted on for maintenance, has only rights as een able to support herself she does not on this ground that Middleton, A.C.J. it much conviction. Pereira, A.J. also past maintenance there was no authority tained herself by her own property can of an action against her husband. The ider whether a civil action for past or all and arrived at the conclusion that n is to prevent one's wife and children lowing the wife and children a remedy he case may be, in the Criminal Courts, sort to that remedy, unless she is content pense.”95 Quite apart from being dicta, doubtful authority of Menikhany's case n, J. in Justina V. Arman that the Mainthe Common Law remedy.96 But oubting the existence of the civil action cing a decree for maintenance owing to atever this might means its validity as a that these same rules of procedure (or
ty for this statement was Menikhany v. Lokku Appu.
ܨܘܒ݂ܠ ¬܂
ܓܠ
192

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A MARRIED WOMAN'S RIG
the absence of appropriate rules) did not from pronouncing in favour of the rig support from his son under the Commo
For these reasons, it is submitted t authority for holding that a wife cann maintenance. Can it be said that the di hany v. Karunaratne98 operates as a bar to we understand to be the ratio decidendi o be said is that the case decided that a child must proceed under the Maintenance O. action. It is extremely doubtful whethe proposition such as, that the reciprocal d child under Roman-Dutch Law was in view cannot be maintained after the ratnam.99). Much less could it be said t wife is confined to the Maintenance of the husband's duty. As far as the wi there is much to be said in favour of A.J. in relation to a child's claim for 1 Ordinance with its limitations, restrictio intended " to do anything more than and more summary and rigorous pro and that it did not * abrogate the righ of civil jurisdiction to enforce paymen
PRINCIPAL WORKS CITED H. R. HAHLO, The South African La R. W. LEE, An Introduction to Roma G. WILLE, Principles of South Africa A. F. S. MAASDORP, Institutes of Si M. H. KANTA WALA, Ceylon Polic
97. Ambalavanar V. Navarathan 56 N.L.R. 422. action instituted in the Court of Requests. Cf. the ca: p. 181 n. 43.
98. 22 N.L.R. 289. 99. 56 N.L.R. 422. 100. 22 N.L.R. at 293. Cf. Bonser, C.J. in Subal
-
193

HT TO MAINTENANCE
deter Sansoni, J. in a recent case.97 it of an indigent father to sue for h Law.
hat Jafie Ranesinghe V. Pieris is no ot bring a civil action for future scision of the Full Bench in Lallaan action ? This depends on what the case. The utmost that could who seeks support from his father Idinance and not by way of a civil the case is authority for any wider uty of support between parent and aver introduced into Ceylon (this decision in Ambalavanar V. Navahat Lamahamys case decided that a Ordinance for the enforcement fe's right to support is concerned the view expressed by Schneider, maintenance, that the Maintenance ns and penal provisions was never provide a speedier, less expensive, cedure to recover maintenance it of action in an ordinary Court It of maintenance.”100
IN THE FOOTNOTES w of Husband and Wife (1953). n-Dutch Law, 5th Ed. (1953). n Law. 4th Ed. (1956). uth African Law, Vol. 1, 7th Ed. (1947). e Court Law, 2nd Ed. (1934).
R. K. W. GOONESEKERE
The father's right was enforced by means of an e of a husband suing his wife for maintenance,
ya v. Kannangara 4 N.L.R. 121.

Page 72

S S S S

Page 73
* The Voyage of Budc South-East Asia and
boundaries of China to the nor (including modern Afghanistan) international trade and cultural exchang route through which silk, spice and oth commercial exchange with countries in t actual date when this international route historical record written in Chinese ind century B.C. textile and bamboo prod sold in the market of Bactriana in the ( seen by Chang Ch'ien, the envoy sent Dynasty in 129 B.C. to negotiate with t order to form a military alliance. Furt that these commodities were brought presupposes the existence of this inter Central Asian countries including India, - ratural that most of the Indian and Cen proceeded to China, followed the trail Central Asia or modern Chinese Turkes a useful purpose for over 1,000 years fron B.C. In addition to the missionary zeal Chinese Buddhist pilgrims like Fa-hsier route to go to India. It is from the rec impression that the land route via Centr the spread of Buddhism to China. Ofc ance of this route. We wish, howeve played an equally important role in the int interchange. As this fact is not widely here to bring to the notice to those who of Buddhism in China, and the introdu
*A paper read before the assembly of the 20th ses neswar, Orissa, India, 1959.
1. See the chapter on Ta-wan or Fergana in SS1p g حسدهور
* r
Τ HE position of Central Asia that
195

|hist Missions To | The Far East
stretches from the North-Western thern territories of ancient India was considered as the life-line of 2. It was also known as the silkher commodities were offered for he West. We are not sure of the first canne to be used. The earliest licates that as early as the second ucts manufactured in China were Dxus valley. This was personally by Emperor Wu-ti of the Han he Yüeh Chi rulers in Bactriana in her he was reported to have said to Bactriana via India. 1 This lational route between China and Therefore it appears to be very tral Asian Buddhist teachers, who of this caravan route through stan. This particular route served in the beginning of the 3rd century shown by the Indian teachers, the and Hstian-tsang took the same ords of these travellers we get the al Asia was chiefly responsible for iourse we cannot deny the importr, to add that the sea route, too, ernational, commercial and cultural known, it may not be out of place are interested in the development |ction of the Buddhist teaching to
sion of All-India Oriental Conference, Bhuba
Linna-ch’ien’s Shih-chi.

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UNIVERSITY O
some of the South-East Asian Cou important events Concerning the these regions.
The fact that Fa-hsien in the ( by the sea route indicates that the India was fairly popular at tha trace the date of the actual beginni earliest Chinese historical sources ( gives us a list of names of count of the Countries Could not be idei jeevaram). It appears that Conje Chinese Imperial Court, for duri A.C.), the powerful minister Wa. jeevaram valuable gifts with the China a live rhinoceros. Later t (25–220 A.C.) say that Several er 159 and 161 A.C. It also mentio: King Antonius of Rome in 166 China through the outskirt district China. These are the clear bits between the Indian Ocean and the beginning of the first century A.C India allone, but other countries lik that the sea route to China has an as popular as the land route via Ce
It is the intention in this pap sions which proceeded to the Sou route. It is also hoped to point ( by these missions towards the spre: fore, a study of the following Bt travel, missionary activities and til: and necessary.
I. An-shih-k
One of the earliest Buddhist in as trustworthy is the one led by A
2. See the chapter on Geography in the 3. See the chapter on India in the Hou-h.

F CEYLON REVIEW
Intries. Naturally, this would mean the various Buddhist missionary activities in
熱
arly 5th century A.C. returned to China sea communication between China and it time. It is beyond our knowledge to ng of this route. Han Shu,2 one of the of the Han Dynasty (206 B.C.—25 A.C.) ties in South-East Asia and India. Most ntified except Huang-chi (Kañci or Conevaram was on friendly terms with the ng the reign of Emperor Ping-ti (1-5 ng-mang presented to the king of Conrequest that the latter should dispatch to he annals of the Latter Han Dynastyð nbassies were sent to China by India in ns that an embassy was sent to China by A.C. This particular mission reached called Jih-nan and Hsiao-wai in Southern of evidence that the sea communication : China Sea was established at least in the 2. Moreover, this route was not used by
e Rome and Parthia as well. This shows
early beginning, and it has been proved intral Asia.
r to trace and discuss the Buddhist misth. Seas and the Far East through the sea but the extent of the contributions made ld of Buddhism in these regions. ThereIddhist teachers regarding their mode of (eir achievement and so forth is essential
ao (Pārthamaśirī )
issions to China which has been accepted n-shih-kao. It is said that before taking
Annal of the Former Han Dynasty. in-shu.
196

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BUDDHIST M
the Buddhist vow he was the crown pi He reached China in the beginning of th
A.C.), and from 148 to 168 A.C. he devot
more than 30 Buddhist texts which dea and other types of early Buddhist litera state precisely whether he reached Chi However, there are Certain indications t For instance, it is said in his biography th Ling-ti (168-189 A.C.), on account of d left Loyang and went to Southern China of translating Buddhist works. This w his time (over 20 years) in northern Cl stay at Loyang was that was the capita would get ample assistance from the g translation. However, there is a very s form of a legend in his biography. The the statement made by An-shih-kao hin had been a Buddhist monk of Parthia. went to Canton in South China and w his death his consciousness returned to the crown prince to the king of Parthia An-shih-kao.6
- The story itself may not carry much
in southern China with which he was that he came to China by the sea route
where he disembarked. If we interpre give us some meaning which is probably
II. Kang-Si
The spread of Buddhism to southe valley in the early part of the 3rd. Cen enthusiasm shown by a few foreign mis with central Asia and Indo-China. Amor
-- 4. Fung-ch'eng-chtin : Les moines Chinois et
Tripitaka chinois, p. 4.
5. Kao-seng-chuan, Ch. 1. Nanjio No. 1490. 6. Ibid., Ch. 1. 7. It is said he converted the deity of the Kung-t valley in modern Chianghsi province. Secondly he life at Canton and thirdly it is said he died an accidental
197

MISSIONS
ince of King Pakor of Parthia.4 he reign of King Huan-ti (146-167 ed himself to the task of translating 1 with the practice of meditation ture. His biographers does not na by the land or the sea route. hat possibly he went there by sea. at at the end of the reign of King isturbance of national uprising, he l, when he had completed the task ould mean that he spent most of hina. The reason for his lengthy ul of the Han Dynasty. Thus he bvernment to facilitate his task of ignificant episode presented in the 'gist of the legend is, according to inself, that in his previous birth he
Owing to the effect of karma he 7as slain by a youth there. After Parthia and he was born again as -and that was the present life of
weight, but conjoining the places" closely associated, it would appear and Canton was probably the port t the legend in this way, it would
closer to the truth.
eng-hui
rn China along the lower Yangtse tury A.C. chiefly depended on the sionaries who had close connection ng them Kang-seng-huis endeavour
étrangers qui ont contribué a la formation du
ing Lake which is situated at the Lower Yangtse met the man who had killed him in his previous death at Kuei-chiin modern Chechiang province.

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UNIVERSITY (
was unique. His ancestors were they had been residing in India.
Tonkin in Indo-China (It was cal pose of trade. During his childh of a Buddhist monk in one of the place many years before 247 A.C. year of Tz'u-wu, viz., 247 A.C. made of his voyage from Indoindicating the direction of his travelled towards the East.8 W Indo-China and reached Nankin venient and direct route through Moreover, Canton is in the easte Indo-China. There is the other : Hupeh and Chiangshi province circuitous and full of obstruction the reign of the second ruler, Hou (in modern Szechwan province), Kingdom waged war constantly Under such circumstances, we ar through Yunnan at that time.
ventured himself to take this risk afe and comfortable sea voyage t
His contribution to Buddhisir Sun-ch'iian, the founder of the miraculous power of the relics of gained a large following, the bl (Chien-tzu-ssú) and stupa and th (Fu-ťo-li). Thenceforward Bude of Southern China and a large nun paring this with the early beginni is rather shocking. It is said that the officials of the Wu Kingdom and the monk's costume. He w convenience. The whole trouble dhist śramana to enter that territ dhist works like the Dhammapac
8. Kao-Seng-chuan, Ch. 1. 9. San-kuo-chih or the Record of the T

DR CEYLON REVIEW
of Sogdian origin, but for generations Later his father migrated from India to led Chiao-chih at that time) for the purpod his parents died and he took the vow monasteries there. This must have taken (because he reached Nanking in the 10th of the Wu Kingdom). No mention is China to Nanking except for a sentence journey : " Taking his monk's staff he e presume he took the sea route from g via Canton. That is the most conwhich one could easily reach South China. in direction judging by the standpoint of alternative route via Yunnan, Szechwan, s to reach Nanking. This is certainly S along the route. For instance, during -chu (223-263 A.C.) of the Shu Kingdom Kung-ming, the prime minister of this 9 against the native tribes of Yunnan. e not quite sure whether one could pass It is very unlikely that Kang-Seng-hui ty and round-about route instead of the
China.
n in southern China consists of convertinğ Wu Kingdom (222-251 A.C.), causing the the Buddha to be exhibited, thereby he ilding of the First Buddhist Monastery he establishment of the Buddha's Village thism was firmly established on the soil nber of people became Buddhists. Comng of Buddhism in that area, the contrast when he arrived at Nanking in 247 A.C., were suspicious of his strange appearance as officially interrogated and put to inlies in the fact that he was the first Budory in southern China. However, Budda and Vimalakīrtti Nirdeśa were known
hree Kingdoms, see the chapter on Shu Kingdom. --
198
ܔܓ

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BUDDHIST
to a section of the people of the Wu K effort of Chih-ch'ien, a lay disciple of ercised some influence on the intellig Buddhism as a popular religion should the existing Chinese Tripiṭaka two wor of Kang-seng-hui. They are :
1. Shatparamita-sannipata-suit 2. Sainyuktavadana-sutra.
III. Dharmayaśas an
A. Dharn
Among the Kashmirian teachers, and Buddhabhadra may be said to haves way to reach that country. Dharmaya expert on the Vibhasa vinaya of the Sa Canton in southern China during the of the Eastern Tsin Dynasty. Later he China during the I-hsii period (405-418 gupta he translated two works, namely
1. Strivivarta-vyakarana-sutr; .y 2. Sariputrabhidharma-sastraی
His biographer does not state the says : " He travelled many well-kno number of kingdoms and districts.” we presume he must have, first of all, and embarked on a ship at Tamralipt southern China. This assumption may of Fa-hsien could be cited. Fa-hsien Java and China sometime in 413 or 414 could be easily undertaken by Fa-hsien, to have travelled the same route.
It is mentioned in his biography Regions (India) during the Ytian-chia we are at a loss as to how he returned
.1 .Kao-seng-chuan, Ch .10 ܝܼܓܬܐ
199

MISSIONS
ingdom at that time, through the Yieh-chi origin. He might have entsia, but the credit in showing go to Kang-Seng-hui. Besides, in is are ascribed to be the translation
a. (Nanjio No. 143).
(Nanjio No. 1539).
d. Buddhabhadra
hayaśas
who went to China, Dharmayasas et up a recordin finding a circuitous sas was a native of Kashmir and an rvastivadin school. He arrived at period of Lung-an (397-401 A.C.) proceeded to Changan in northern A.C.), and together with Dharma
a. (Nanjio No. 215).
(Nanjio No. 1268).
details of his journey but simply wn countries and passed through a ) As he disembarked at Canton, travelled from Kashmir to Bengal for the South Seas and thence to not be too far from fact if the case sailed from Tamralipti for Ceylon, A.C. If 12 years later, the voyage it was also possible for Dharmayasas
that he returned to the Western period (424-451 A.C.). This time to India.

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B. B1
Another interesting route thro way to China has been recorded teacher originally belonged to Kay study dhyana under the guidance dhyāna of Kashmir. He was hig for his mastery in meditation a Buddhabhadra in Kashmir must har This is calculated on the basis tha Fa-hsien, started his journey from him two to three years to reach K. was very keen on inviting a reno dhyana practices in the proper wa Buddhabhadra, though in the begi the offer. It is in this regard we se
" Having crossed over the he passed through six countric Sympathetic towards his missio provided him with abundant (Tonkin), he boarded a ship. Tung-lai prefecture of Ch'ingjiva was staying at Changan, he him.'13
If we examine his itinerary carefully bhadra, who was accompanied by Kashmir and followed the trails leg the tracks of Central Asia or Chi countries. The names of these col that some of the important places and so forth situated on the southe should be the kingdoms which he the northern route along which the Uch-Turfan, Kuci (modern Kucha
11. Ibid., Ch. 2. 12. Ch'ing-chow was one of the 9 division
eastern part of the present Shangtung province.
13. Kao-Seng-chuan, Ch. 2. 14, Ibid., Ch. 3. See Life of Chih-yen. 15, P. C., Bagchi : India and China, pp. 1

ER CEYLON REVIEW
Iddhabhadra
ugh which an Indian teacher found his in the life of Buddhabhadra. 11 This ilavastu. Later he went to Kashmir to of Buddhasena, a renowned master of ly praised by his teacher (Buddhasena) d vinaya observance. The arrival of fe taken place sometime before 401 A.C. t Chih-yen, one of the companions of China for India in 399 A.C. It took ashmir (Cr. 401-2 A.C.). As Chih-yen wned teacher to go to China to teach y, the burden fell on the shoulders of nning he was rather hestitant to accept e how he travelled to China :
Pamirs (Tsong-ling, the Onion Ranges), s. The rulers of these kingdoms were nary zeal in going to distant lands. They requisites. Having reached Chiao-chih - - - - - - - after sometime he reached the chow. 12. When he learnt that Kumara
- ither to meet immediately proceeded thither to mee
, it gives us the impression that BuddhaChih-yen, started his journey14 from tding to the Pamirs. When he was on nese Turkestan, he passed through six Intries are not given. It is quite likely like Kashgar, Yarkand, Khotan, Niya 'n route leading to the Chinese frontier passed through. Otherwise, if he took ancient kingdoms such as Bharuka near ), Karashar and Turfan were situated, is
of China under Yii, the great. It was situated in the

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BUDDHIST N
he would have easily reached the nortl would not have taken the sea route to rthern China. If our presumption b to how he travelled from Chinese Tur Indo-China. We have never heard of a who had taken that unusual and circuitou does not say anything about the journey China, we may suggest that his journe covered the territories of Tibet, Assam, This possibility is seen from the fact that from Lahsa owing to political disturba 1959. In the 5th century A.C. there m above-mentioned areas which were used If that be the case, the possibility of Budd Turkestan to Indo-China cannot be rule that the itinerary of Buddhabhadra is th the Buddhist missionaries to the Far East
While at Changan Buddhabhadra glad to receive him, and on many an O. doctrines. As Buddhabhadra devoted h of meditation as well as the observance was quite different from that of Kumar.
-x prophecy made by Buddhabhadra,
advantage of it and expelled him from li Sańgha at Changan.
During his stay in southern China, into Chinese by him. Amongst his (Nanjio No. 87) and the Mahasanghikaof the important works which have influ extent. He passed away in 429 A.C. at
IV. Guņav
Among the Kashmirian teachers v Gunavarman achieved greater success as of his contemporaries. His missionary dhism in South-East Asia and the Far E
specifically directed towards China.
-
201

MISSIONS
h-western frontiers of China, and reach the Shangtung province in e correct, it poses the problem as kestan to Chiao-chih (Tonkin) in ny Buddhist missionary or pilgrim is route before. As his biographer r from Chinese Turkestan to Indoty from Central Asia might have Burma, Thailand and Indo-China. the 14th Dalai Lama, who ran away ince, reached Tezpur in Assam in ight have existed foot-paths in the by caravans for trading purposes. habhadra's travelling from Chinese d out. We must admit, however, e most strange and unique among
met Kumārajīva. The latter was ccasion consulted him on Buddhist imself to the teaching and practice of the vinaya rules, his way of life tjiva. It is said that on account of the disciples of Kumarajiva took ving among other members of the
many Sanskrit texts were translated translations the Avatarihsaka-sutra vinaya (Nanjio No. 1119) are some lenced Buddhism in China to a large the age of 71.
af111a11
who took the sea route to China, a Buddhist missionary than most zeal took him to propagate Budast, although his original plan was
If we accept the statement of his

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UNIVERSITY
biographer, it appears that he b As he was greatly interested in practice of meditation he scorned mir. To avoid further trouble, of time he reached Ceylon (Sir composed by himself before hi. Sakadagamin Fruition at the K Ceylon. It appears that helivedi as a saint must have spread far ar
" Offerings heaped up i poison. My mind was gre turbance I embarked on a s Owing to the effect of kari the Sung Dynasty (420-479 I propagated Buddhism acco
The few lines quoted above under which he was forced to essentially a dhyana master of popular in Kashmir at that time regarding his missionary activitie we have details about his success
Before the arrival of Gunav, was chiefly Brahmanic and ther This is clearly stated in the Tra reached Java from Ceylon in 413 the Buddhist religion there was no ing. Therefore, it is very likely (Vadhaka ), the king of Java an ning, both of them received the king went a step further expres tended to renounce the throne a subjects strongly objected to his continue to be their ruler. Final agree to his following conditions 15A. In the 8th century A.C. there was
pura. See Epigraphy Zeylanic, Vol. V. (p called. I am indebted to Mr. D. T. Devind
16. Kao-seng-chuan, Ch. 3.

DF CEYLON REVIEW
longed to the ruling family of Kashmir. the study of Buddhist literature and the the idea of being made the ruler of Kashhe decided to leave Kashmir, and in course hhala country). According to the verses death, we are told that he attained the a-po-li (Kapara or Kapiri 15) village in h Ceylon for a very long time, and his fame d wide, because he said :
n large piles, but I regard them as fire and atly distressed, and to get rid of this diship . . . . . . . . I went to Java and Champa. na, the wind sent me to the territories of A.C.) in China. And in these countries rding to my ability. . . . . . ’16
indicate to us the causes and circumstances carry on his missionary activities. He was the Sarvastivadin school which was still There is no record available to us now s in Ceylon and Champa, but fortunately in Java and China.
سلیم arman in Java, the religion in that country e was hardly any influence of Buddhism. fels of Fa-hsien. We know that Fa-hsien or 414 A.C. He was of the opinion that st of sufficient importance worth mentionthat Gunavarman converted P'o-to-chia his mother to Buddhism. In the begin: five precepts from him. However, the sing the wish to his ministers that he inld become a member of the Sangha. His intended departure, and entreated him to ly he yielded to their request, if they could
a Kapara Parivena (next to the Twin Pond) in Anuradhart 1.) Of course there is a village Kapirigama, now so a for this information.
2O2

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BUDDHIST
1. That the people throughou to the venerable Gunava
། 2. That all the subjects in hi
the taking of life of livir 3. That the accumulated we be distributed among th
It is needless to say that the people conditions and received the five prece King erected a Vihara for him. It is sai sonally for the construction of the n mendous success of the spread of Budd 5th century A.C. Naturally the credit
His journey from Java to China is of Gunavarman's missionary activities before 424 A.C. In 424 A.C. the Chi by Hui-kuan requested Emperor Wu-ti ( to write to Gunavarman and the King o of inviting him (Gunavarman) to Ch chang, and other Buddhist scholars to Ja invitation to him in person. Howeve sengers in Java, Gunavarman had alrea
to a small country. But fortunately th the shores of Canton in southern China
hsin for quite a long time. It was onl A.C.) that he reached Nanking at the ri His advice to the Emperor on benevole ated by the ruler. Among his propa dharmapundarika-Sutra and the Dasabl translated more than ten works of whic
Upali-paripariccha-Stitra. Upasaka-pañcasilarupa-stit Dharmagupta-bhiksuni-ka Sramanera-karmavaca. Nagarjuna-bodhisattva-Sul
Another important contribution given by him towards the conferment o in China in accordance with the specifi
203

MISSIONS
it his kingdom should show respect 1121. s kingdom should completely stop ng beings and alth in government treasury should e sick and the poor.
in Java willingly agreed to all the pts from Gunavarman. Later the ld that the King carried timber permonastery. This indicates the trehism in Java in the early part of the goes to Gunavarman.
also of unusual interest. The news
in Java reached China sometime nese Buddhists in Nanking headed 424-452 A.C.) of the Sung Dynasty fjava (Vadhaka), with the intention ina. Later, the Emperor sent Favain order to extend the Emperor's r, before the arrival of these mesdy left Java by boat and was going a seasonal wind caused him to reach . He stayed at a place called Shihy in the 8th year of Yiian-chia (431 speated request of Emperor Wen-ti. nt government was greatly apprecigation activities, he preached Sadhimi-stitra to a large audience and h the following five are still extant:
(Nanjio No. 1109) a. (Nanjio No. 1114) rima. (Nanjio No. 1129) (Nanjio No. 1164) urillekha (Nanjio No. 1464)
f Gunavarman was the assistance f higher ordination to the Bhiksunis rations of the Vinaya. The rormal

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UNIVERSITY OF
practice is that Bhiksunis should rec both the Bhikşu and the Bhikşuni The institution of Bhiksunis in Chil historical annals inform us that to the rulers and members of the roy the Buddhist Bhiksus and Bhiksu Mu-ti (345-361 A.C.) who built th Tan-pi, and Emperor Hsiao-wu-ti
of Bhiksuni Maio-yin, though the This shows that by the middle oftl number of Buddhist nuns. Ho Bhiksuni Pratimoksa was done by F and the formal proceeding for Karman, Nanjio No. 1129) was tr. A.C. This being the case, it is vei were properly ordained before th Therefore, there arose the necessity he should help the Bhiksunis perf for the second time. At this jur capital of the Sung Dynasty at Nank with the intention of conferring As their number was less than ten : the required age after the Upasam them to invite a fresh batch of Bh new delegation was Theri Trisara for a long time, he was possibly th fortunately he could not live to see in 432 A.C. at the age of 65. T arrival of the second batch21 of Bl
him a verse of 36 stanzas regarding and missionary CaCC1.
17. See Pi-ch'iu-mi-chuan or the Biographi 18. Ibid. The life of Miao-yin : Tsin-sh of Tao-tze.
Also see T’ang-yung-t’ung’s : Han-wei 453-4.
19. See Bhiksumi-sanghika-Vinaya-pratim 19A. Mahāvagga, I, 31, 2-6, 20. See W. Pachow : Ancient cultural Ceylon Review, Vol. XII, No. 3, 1954. Ka
21. See the Life of Sańghavarman. Kao

CEYLON REVIEW
seive their Upasampada ordination from Sanghas. Otherwise it is incomple i. na has an early beginning. The Chi aske wards the end of the 4th century A.C. all family showed great respect to both nis. Take for instance, the Queen of le Yung-an-SSü17 Nunnery for Bhiksuni (373-395 A.C.) who was a great patron latter 18 was unworthy of the honour. he 4th century A.C. there existed a large wever, the earliest translation of the a-hsien 19 and Buddhabhadra in 414 A.C. he Bhiksuņīs (Dharmagupta Bhiksuņī anslated by Gunavarman himself in 431 ry doubtful that the Bhiksunis in China e arrival of Gunavarman in 431 A.C. (and a request was made to him) that orm the rites for the higher ordination icture there came from Ceylon to the ing, a batch of eight Sinhalese Bhiksunis, higher ordination to the Chinese nuns. and some of them had not yet completed pada ordination, 19 Gunavarman helped
liksunis from Ceylon, the leader of this
na.20. As Gunavarman was in Ceylon e most suitable person to do it. But unthe fruit of his labour. He passed away his sad event took place just before the nik Şuņīs from Ceylon. He left behind his views on meditation, his attainment
es of Bhikşuņīs, Nanjio No. 1497. u, or the Annal of the Tsin Dynasty, see the Biography
-liang-tsin-nan-pei-ts'ao-fu-chiao-shih, p. 349 and pp.
ksa-sutra, Nanjio No. 1150.
relations between Ceylon and China. University of
D-Seng-chuan, Ch. 3. eng-chuan, Ch. 3.
204

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BUDDHIST N
V. Guņab
Gunabhadra was known as the M to a Brahmin family in Central India.
too, had spent sometime in Ceylon and He reached Canton22 in 435 A.C. and by Emperor Tai-tsu of the Sung Dynas the period of his voyage from Ceylon experienced great difficulty owing to th tunately Nature came to their rescue, shower of rain. This was said to be the Avalokitešvara Bodhisattva.
He stayed in southern China for 33 at the age of 75. He translated more th Hinayanic and Mahayanic forms of B the Srimala-devi-Sirihhanada (Nanjio N (Nanjio No. 544) are very popular.
VI. Saińghapāla
Both Sanghapala and Mandra (or


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UNIVERSITY OF
Mandra went to China at the 557 A.C.). He worked jointly w texts such as Ratnamegha-sutra pāramitā (Nanjio No. 23 °46) and that time was very familiar with translations were not satisfactory be ledge of Chinese.26
VIII. I
Paramartha or Gunaratna was in China who contributed extensiv yāna Buddhism by translating man However, the way of his going to by him with the intention of return had no idea of going to that coun happy there.
He belonged to Ujjayini (Ujjai siastic in travelling to distant lands t We are not very clear as to how he but we know how he went to Chi nan, the Emperor Wu-ti of the Lia to Fu-nan, to pay a return visit durin This Emperor also requested the Mahayana texts and invite eminent that his envoy would accompany king of Fu-nan, and 240 bundles of to be taken to China. He arrived at and two years later he reached Nan tical upheaval in the country, he col time to devote himself to the task Chinese. He had to move from p. Nanking and Canton. This upset disappointed and wanted to seek a dhism in the South Seas-that is he (now the northern part of Malayan However, he was earnestly requeste
26. Ibid. 27, Ibid.

CEYLON REVIEW
beginning of the Liang Dynasty (502th. Sanghapala in translating Buddhist Nanjio No. 152). Saptasatika-prajnas
so forth. This indicates that Fu-nan at
Mahayanic literature. However, his Cause he did not possess a good know
Paramārtha
one of the well-known Indian teachers ely towards the propagation of Mahay important Sanskrit texts into Chince.
China, and the several attempts made ning to India, indicate that originally he try; and apparently he was not very
h) of western India and was very enthuD propagate the teaching of the Buddha. went to Fu-nan (Cambodia) from India, na from Fu-nan. While he was in Fung Dynasty sent Chang-fan, his envoy
g the period of Ta-t'ung (535-545 A.C.). -
king27 of that country to collect : Buddhist teachers to go to China, so them. Paramartha was chosen by the Buddhist texts were entrusted to him : Nan-hai in southern China in 546 A.C. king in 548 A.C. Owing to the polild not settle down, and had hardly any of translating the Buddhist works into lace to place in the regions of Kiangsi, ; his plan. Therefore, he was rather more fertile soil for the spread of Budhad the intention of going to Lankasuka Peninsula). This happened in 558 A.C. d by both the members of the Sangha
ܐܡܝܢ ܓ .
206
ܬܐ,


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BUDDHIST M
and the laity to stay on in China, Again Ocean-going ship at the port of Liangan i. tie, he must have felt very happy that home land. But unfortunately, unfavou to the port of Canton in southern China useless in trying to escape from the effec settle down in China for good. During A.C.) in that country, he translated 64 wo Among his translations29 the MadhyantaMahāyāna-samparigraha-śāstra (Nanjio N. śāstra (Nanjio No. 1249) and so forth ar most of the śāstras translated by him fo doctrine of Asanga and Vasubandhu in this, we see the establishment of the Dha in the 7th century A.C.
He passed away in 569 A.C. at the a
VIII. Punyc
Punyopaya was known in China a He was comparatively less fortunate in Country. He came from Central India. 655 A.C. he had been to the Lanka Moun the Sirinhala country), and visited theco purpose of propagating the Buddhist tea heard of the name of China ; therefore, both Mahayana and Hinayana texts an he brought these texts along with him to Dynasty. He stayed in the Tz'u-en-SS engaged in the task of translating Budd glory and fame of Hstian-tsang at this Punyopaya was put into shade. Moreo learning. Hstian-tsang laid emphasis on Consciousness while Punyopaya follov Nagarjuna and his accent was on Sinya unhappy situation, he was requested by to go to the Kun-lun regions (or the Pu
28. Ibid. 29. See Nanjio's Catalogue of the Chinese Buddhis 30. Ibid., p. 438.
ܓ .
2O7

ISSIONS
in 562 A.C. he embarked on an intending to return to India. This he was finally going back to his rable winds brought his boat back Since then he' thought it was st of one's karma, and decided to his 23 years' stay (from 546 to 569 orks of which 29 are still extant.28 vibhaga-sastra (Nanjio No. 1428), o. 1183). Mahayana-Siradhopadae very popular. It is obvious that rmed a nucleus of the Yogacara China, and on the foundation of rmalaksha school of Hstian-tsang
ge of 71.
bpaya
s Nadi, the master of Tripitaka. his missionary endeavour in that Before his arrival in China in tain (The Adam's Peak) in Ceylon untries in the South Seas for the ching. While in these regions he he collected over 500 bundles of lounting to 1,500 works. Later, the capital (Changan) of the Tang i Monastery where Hstian-tsang hist Works at that time. As the uncture reached dazzling heights, ver, they differed greatly in their Dharmalaksna or the doctrine of ved the traditional teaching of philosophy. To add fuel to this Emperor Kao-tsung in 656 A.C. lo Condore30 Island in the China
t Tripitaka, Appendix II, p. 423.


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UNIVERSITY O
Sea) to gather some rare medicina seven years to go and return. In tery where he used to stay, he fo manuscripts he had brought with that time the latter was staying it at a loss and could not translate an texts.31. Sometime in 663 A.C., t the wish to the Chinese emperor their old spiritual teacher, to be granted. He went to Cambodia .
IX. Vajrabod
Vajrabodhi and his pupil A1 the establishment ofa separate Eso early part of 8th century A.C. TI of the Malay region in South Indi. king of Conjeevaram. He studie western India. He was famed for Buddhism. We have a distinct journey from his home town in Ma (the Adam's Peak) in Ceylon. L. he passed through the Nicobar Isl. countries over 20 in number in China and reached Canton in 719 performances used to take place, an regions in China. There are 11 found in the Catalogue of Nanjic the Tantric Dharanis. He passed:
Amoghavajra was possibly th Not only he succeeded him in put by popularizing it among the mer public, but the large number of mission undertaken by him in se Ceylon should be regarded as an i
31. See Nanjio Nos. 462 and 521. 32. See Su-kao-seng-chuan, Ch. 4. 33. See Sung-kao-Seng-chuan, Ch. 1.

ER CEYLON REVIEW
herbs for him. This mission took him 63 A.C. when he returned to the monasund to his dismay that all the Sanskit him were taken by Hsüan-tsang, and at the Yi-hua Palace. Naturally he was work of importance except some minor he king of Chen-la (Cambodia) expressed hat they would like to have Punyopaya, with them, and the request was duly ind never returned to China. 32
hi and Amoghavajra
noghavajra were chiefly responsible for i.eric School of Buddhism in China in the he former belonged to a Brahmin family a, and his father was the preceptor of the at the Nalanda University as well as in his mastery in the Tripitaka and Tantric record of his itinerary. He started his lay heading towards the Lanka Mountain ter, embarking on an ocean-going ship,
ands, Srivijaya (Palembang) and other
the South Seas. Then he proceeded to A.C. Through his effort many religious di Tantric Maņçdalas were made in various works ascribed to be his translations as ). These texts are chiefly pertaining to away in 732 A.C. at the age of 71.
e most successful disciple of Vajrabodhi. ting Tantic Buddhism on a firm footing hbers of the royal family and the general Tantric texts translated by him, and the arch of the Buddhist texts in India and mportant event in the history of Chinese
208


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BUDDHIST M
Buddhism. According to his biograph family in northern India, but according to his in-ting-shih-chiao-mu-lu or a Buddh period (785-804 A.C.), it is said that hi. Silminhala dountry) in South India. Proba correct, because Ceylon has never been a we understand the expression, up to the It is stated in his biography that after th vajra went to China with his uncle on a came a disciple of Vajrabodhi. This pa plicated. If he were really of a Brahm with trade, what was the purpose of goin Granted that was so, then why should he an early age 2 These are points yet to b
To carry out the wishes of his late t to India and Ceylon in order to collect journey in 741 A.C. with the assistance The route he followed was from Cant Kalinga), and then from Ceylon to India companions encountered with a terrific was tossed about in the mountain-like another stage. They managed to escap While in Ceylon he was respected by K such an extent that the King himself bath day, during his stay in the King's palacc known Sinhalese Tantric Master Sam. perform the ceremony of the two M. Garbhadhatu, and initiate him as well as found mystery of Tantrism. It is said t of Sutras, Sastras and Trantric texts in completed his work in that country, he he returned to China. 36 From that time he engaged himself in the performance He was the spiritual teacher to three er
34. Ibid.
35. See W. Pachow : Ancient cultural relation Ceylon Review, Vol. XII, No. 3. pp. 184-5, July, 195
36. Nothing has been mentioned of his return tril
ܡ .
209

ISSIONS
ar,34 he belonged to a Brahmin Yiian-chao, author of Chen-ytianist Catalogue of the Chen-yüan native country was Ceylon (the bly the former statement is more part of India in the sense in which time with which we are dealing. 2 demise of his parents, Amoghavisit, and at the age of 15, he bert of his biography is rather Comin family, and had nothing to do g so far on a tour to the Far East : become a Buddhist novice at such 2 answered.
eacher, who instructed him to go more Tantric works, he began his of Chinese government officials. on to Ceylon via Java (Ho-linOn his way to Java, he and his storm at one stage, and their boat waves caused by a huge whale at e from these dangers unharmed. ing Silāmegha (Aggabodhi VI) to ned him with scented water every'.35 Later, he requested the welluntabhadra (Pu-hsien) Ảcārya to aņdalas, viz., the Vajradhātu and his Chinese disciples into the prohat he collected over 500 volumnes the Island of Ceylon. When he roceeded to India, and in 746 A.C. onwards till his death in 744 A.C. of Tantric rites and ceremonies. nperors of the Tang Dynasty, i.e.
between Ceylon and China, University of


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Hsiian-tsung, Shu-tsung and Ta the Tantric practices dealing w exhibition of supernatural power
According to his statement consisting of over 120 fasciculi, there are 108 works ascribed to editions of the Chinese Tripit Tantras and Dharanis.
ན་ ایر
This teacher may be regard went to China by the sea route. the Hīnayāna, Mahāyāna and TI India and at Nalanda. While he Bodhisattva had his abode in Ch ship sailing for that country. I vicinity of Canton, an unfavour Ceylon (Sirinhala Kingdom).38 to the actual position of his boa was close to the shores of Ceylon close to Indo-China or Cambod after sometime he collected funds extensively all the countries in th he was not very far from Canto
arose a sudden storm and his boat
himself from drowning and salv city of Canton in 780 A.C., anc 786 A.C. In 792 he was und
(779-804 A.C.) who asked man in his task of translating Sanskrit
In Nanjio's Catalogue.9, th amongst which the Mahayanabh
37. See Sung-kao-seng-chuan, Ch. 1. 38. Ibid., Ch. 2. 39. See Appendix II. p. 447.

OF CEYLON REVIEW
i-tsung. It was under his influence that fith talismanic forms and the occasional S gained currency in China. 「 -
made in 771 A.C. he translated 77 works but according to the Catalogue of Nanjio. him, and they are extant in most of the aka. His translations chiefly deal with
K. Prājna
ed as one of the unhappy travellers who
He was a native of Kapisa. He studied antic literature in northern and southern was in South India he learnt that Manjusri ina, therefore he decided to embark on a t is said that when he was almost in the able wind brought his boat to the east of No clear indication is given with regard t. It may be very doubtful that his boat ... It may be that his boat was somewhere ia. This is strengthened by the fact that and built a large boat, and then he travelled e regions of the South Seas. Later, when in for the second time, we are told, there t was capsized, though he managed to save taged his Sanskrit texts. He reached the | six years later he arrived at Changan in or the patronage of Emperor Teh-tsung y Chinese Buddhist scholars to help him Works.
ere are four translations ascribed to him uddhi-shatparamita-sutra is well-known.
onnetime after 792 A.C.
1_
210


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BUDDHIST
★ ★ ★
The foregoing passages show some Indian, Central Asian and South-East A took théir journey by the sea route to especially China, for the propagation of deals with those teachers who were cc others like Bodhidharma, who was knc dhism, also went to China by the sea I reached the territories of the earlier southern China, and then proceeded to I China. Similarly, Pan-la-mi-ti (Param went to China by the same route. H 705 A.C. and stayed at the Chih-chihthe Surangama-sutra (Nanjio No. 446) to India by boat. The cases here cove about 150 A.C. to the end of the 8th cei route leading to India has been very po 30 Chinese and Korean monks underto either to India, Siam or the South Seas. on a Persian boat from Canton in 671 Palembang for learning Sanskrit or the S
**Malayu (Sumatra), Kedah, Nicobar Isla
in eastern India. On his return journey in 689 A.C.
All this shows that upto the midd communication between India and Chi Persians42 or other Western nationals, a and other nearby places were to a large through the Indian colonists. Otherwis Sanskrit at Palembang.
40. W. Pachow. Zen Buddhism and Bodhidha 41. See Eminent Buddhist teachers of the T'ang Regions.' By 1-tsing. Nanjio No. 1491.
42. It is stated in the Life of Amoghavajra that in chu-lin, an important minister summoned I-shi-pin (Ibr to give instruction to the Captain of the boat by which should be well-looked after. This would indicate tha ping agents, chiefly from Persia or Arabia, were in
211

MISSIONS
of the more well-known cases of sian Buddhist teachers who underthe South Seas and the Far East, Buddhism. However, this chiefly Innected with translation. A few wn as the founder40 of Zen Budoute in 480 A.C. He, first of all, Sung Dynasty (421–479 A.C.) in oyang and other places in northern iti), a teacher from Central India e reached Canton sometime before sli monastery in order to translate into Chinese. Later he returned r a period of over 600 years from tury A.C. We notice that the sea pular, so much so that more than bok their journey 41 by this route I-tsing tells us that he embarked A.C. He stayed for six months in Sabdavidya, then he passed through nds and finally reached Tāmrallipti he stayed for sometime in Malayu
le of the 8th century A.C. the Sea la was chiefly monopolized by the Ind the regions of Malaya, Sumatra extent influenced by Indian culture e -tsing would not be able to learn
ma, IHQ. Vol. XXXII, 1956. Dynasty who sought the Dharma in the Western
741 A.C. before his departure for Ceylon, Liuhim ?) chief of the foreigners residing at Canton Amoghavajra was travelling that Amoghavajra t a large number of foreign merchants and shipthe ports of China. See Sung-kao-seng-chuan,


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Regarding Buddhism in Java, who introduced the Hīnayānic fori) early part of the 5th century A.C. existed till the end of the 7th cent |-tsing in this regard is very valua of the Islands including Java (Ho-1 in the South Seas followed the Mi There was not much of Mahayan extent in Malayu (Sumatra). Hoi what form of Buddhism existed i there were no monks in that count out by the evil kings. From the to China from Fu-nan in the begin lated many Mahayana texts into ( Prannartha went to China from Fu Mahayana works from that count centre of Mahayana literature. M. Fu-nan to the court of the Liang D in their country there were hairs of All this indicates that Buddhism i century A.C. was chiefly Mahayanic Till then, the influence of Pali Bud
Thus, the voyage of Buddhist and to China gives us valuable ev. Buddhism in those regions. Furth of the Cultural relations of these Col and India on the other.
43. Cf. J. Takakusu : A record of the Bul pelago.
44. See Liang-shu or the Annal of the Lian

CEY LON REVIEW
it was due to the effort of Gunavarman in of Buddhism into that country in the This school of Buddhism must have ury A.C. The observation43 made by ble. He was of the opinion that most in), Malayu or Śrīvijaya Borneo etc. ilasarvastivadin and Sainmitiya Schools. a Buddhism there except to a certain Wever, I-tsing did not mention clearly in Fu-nan (Cambodia) at that time, as ty on account of the persecution carried fact that Sanghapala and Mandra went ning of the 6th century A.C. and transChinese ; and later in 546 A.C. when -nan, he took with him 240 bundles of ry, it shows that Fu-nan was a strong oreover, in 539 A.C. the envoy44 from ynasty (502-557) told the Emperor that the Buddha measuring 12 feet in length. in Fu-nan in the early part of the 6th ; and the Buddhist texts were in Sanskrit. dhism had not yet begun.
missions to South-East Asian countrics -
idence of the historical development of er it provides us with specific instances Intries between China on the one hand,
W. PACHOW
ldhist religion as practised in India and Malaya Archi
g Dynasty, the chapter on Fu-nan.
212


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-
Some Aspects of the fina Enterprize in 1 9th
HE early history of capital inv a field economic historians have perennial questions relating to t of the funds sunk in the Island's first answers have still to be given. The I what is now reckoned by common co. in the story of Ceylon’s economic grov relevant statistical data is of so limited a describe it as practically non-existent. lative calculation there, an occasional contemporaneous with the period; t research has uncovered. Yet, it is time together and interpreted as best they appears sufficient justification for the att
One cannot write of early capital
--immediately of coffee. For coffee cult
duced capital in its modern form into t of enterprize which dominated econo1 had almost run its course. So all-im rightly describe it as the sole avenue of 1800 to 1880. An inquiry into the fil largely representative of the general p mercial enterprize in 19th Century Cey
The Peasant Sector
Any investigation into the investin has necessarily to be conducted under in the peasant sector, and (2) Investmei of these, there is an almost complete l peasant coffee was haphazardly cultiv. that date a good many growers follo
good management set by plantation-o
21

Incing of Commercial
Century Ceylon
stment in 19th Century Ceylon is left virtually unexplored. To those he origin, volume and profitability t commercial enterprizes, adequate responsibility for this persistence of insent to be one of the biggest gaps vth, is not difficult to establish. The nature that it is no exaggeration to
A passing reference here, a speculexpression of view by some writer his is all that the most painstaking these meagre records were brought can be. Their very scarcity alone Chpt.
investment in Ceylon and not think ure was both the agent which introhe Island's economy, and that mode mic activity until the 19th Century portant was it, that one can quite substantial capital investment from nances of the coffee industry is thus roblem of the financing of Comvlon.”
ent of capital in the coffee industry two broad heads, i.e. (1) Investment it in plantation coffee. On the first ack of data. It is known only that ated until the 1850's, and that after wed the examples of economy and WnerS, by turning to Systematic and
3.


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UNIVERSITY C
scientific cultivation. It follows invested in the early stages, som industry after 1850.
The amount expended by have been great since coffee c employment carried out on a si however, was probably of fair pr a few thousands of peasants enga extent of the peasant coffee secto there was produced on these smal quantity of coffee shipped annual the total quantity produced be periods an annual average incon investment which produced this which the capital was secured ca fact unable to make even an appr figures relating to the area under haphazard and systematic cultiva about the cost of bringing an acre
On the question of profits True, we are aware of the total i but one simply cannot decide w costs, or how it was divided up a
The Plantation Sector
More information, (though subject of plantation coffee. The who invested in the industry a from which they obtained their output, acreage etc., to enable on quantity of capital invested.
Type of Investor
When the rush for coffee la
were principally Government off
and commercial agents in Colom
1. C. o. 54.333, 8th January 1858: C. 2, C, O. 54, 328. 20th June 1856; Ferg

)F CEYLON REVIEW
therefore, that even if no capital at all was : quantity of it must have gone into the فیر
_ܓܠ
he individual peasant grower could not ultivation to him was normally a byenall-holding. The aggregate investment oportions, for there must have been quite ged in the cultivation of the shrub. The - is best realized when one considers that 1-holdings as much as 1/3-1/4 of the total ly between 1849 and 1869, and about 1/8 tween 1869 and 1886,-giving in both le of about (300,000.2 The volume of high yearly income, and the sources from nnot however be discovered. One is in oximate calculation of the former. The peasant coffee do not distinguish between tion, and in any case, nothing is known : of peasant coffee into bearing.
one is confronted by a similar picture. income annually earned by peasant coffee, hat proportion of this figure representede ---- mongst the individual producers.
(not very much more) is available on the re is some evidence on the type of person ld an occasional reference to the sources capital. Enough is also known about e to make a rough calculation of the total
ld began after 1835, the early purchasers cers and military men. A few merchants bo also bought up estates, but were geneO. 54, 335. 5th July 1858.
1son, " Ceylon in the Jubilee Year." p. 62.
214 امر


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COMMERCIAL ENTERPRIZE IN
rally so doubtful as to the success of the
cautious in their investments. The Go
ever were bolder, and many purchased 3,000 acres in extent.3
After the coffee experiment had be other types of investors began to come C lists from India, Scotland and England, the cultivation of coffee, but a great mar of the category normally described as Sn lists began to appear in Ceylon in 1840 industry in considerable numbers until 5 sh. to 20 sh. the acre in 1844. After was the minimum needed to set up as a not inordinately large, it probably clc of would-be investors.4 Of those who proportion must have possessed the bare few large estates were opened after 1844 end of the prosperous 1850's, showed t
istence were on an aVerage only 200 aCr
Though the Company-owned estat the end of our period, it is nevertheless
riot at any time dominate the industr
coffee culture in Ceylon had reached its looking after their own estates account in production. Out of a total of 1,21 than 800 were owned by individual resided on and managed their own est in the Island, but left the management o
Where was the capital obtained ?
It is very unlikely that the first co employees, military officers etc., borro were no banks in Ceylon in those early that financial institutions abroad, or pri
3. The Economist (1846). p. 961. 4. Ibid.
5. Tennent. " Ceylon' Vol. II, pp. 238-243.
.1875 ".Ferguson, " Ceylon Directory ;0ح
215

19th CENTURY CEYLON
venture that they proved extremely vernment and military men howtracts of land between 2,000 and
en well tried and proven a success, but to Ceylon. Some were capitaprepared to sink large amounts in ly were men of moderate means,— hall capitalists. These small capitaand apparently entered the coffee the price of land was raised from that date, a sum of about (3,000 coffee planter, and though this was sed the door to a large number did enter the industry, a very big minimum of capital necessary, for A survey conducted towards the hat the 403 plantations then in exes in extent. 5
te was becoming common towards true that the Coffee company did y. Even in the mid 1870's when highwater mark, individual planters ed for almost two-thirds of those 5 plantations in cultivation, no less proprietors, who in 250 instances ates. Of the remainder, 400 lived f their plantations to others.6
offee planters, i.e. the Government wed much of their capital. There r days, and it is highly improbable
vate persons, both within and out


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UNIVERSITY OF
side the Island, would have made on what was then regarded as a private savings accumulated by th majority of cases, have been used and since land was cheap, these savi a long way.
The small investors who poure the 40's, and who form what one wave of investors, were in most which they obtained by utilizing th crops. By this system, planters London or Colombo on the unde a claim on the future crops of the es been paid off. Nothing howevel charged, the nature of the collater for non-fulfillment of the contract. 7 have started off quite independently to depend on the agency. Being unable to weather a succession of difficult were obliged to apply to advance. As in the case of those w these loans were given on the plante in that they were usually for a sing been quite willing to lend, but befo tive to make an approximate valua from the look of the bushes and bl safely covered when the coffee was known as the Visiting Agent, and it advance was made to the applicant. coffee should all be hypothecated to whatever the crop ultimately amou agents, who Sold it at what marke selling, and repaying themselves th
10%, added.8
7. The Economist. (1846). p. 961 ; Bak
8. The terms granted to those who began more severe. For here, creditors did not have t possessed a plantation, or of actually examining

CEYLON REVIEW
oans to people who wished to embark onparatively risky undertaking. The ese men must therefore, in the great to finance their planting experiments : ngs even if small, could have gone quite
'd into Ceylon with the coffee mania of might appropriately term " the second cases dependent on borrowed capital e old West India plan of advances on were given loans by agency houses in rstanding that the agencies would have tate until the debt and interest due had I, is known about the rate of interest al demanded, or the penalties imposed
Some small capitalists must, of course, 7, but many of them also came in time men of limited means they were often bad seasons, and when times became the agency houses in Colombo for an sho had started off on borrowed capital,
trs forthcoming crop, but were differents
le season. The agencies appear to have ire doing So, normally sent a representation of the expected crop, and estimate ossoms what sum of money would be realized in the market. This officer was was on the strength of his report that an A stipulation was always made that the the firm that had made the advance, and inted to, it had to be sent down to those t they chose, charging a commission on Le money advanced with about 8% to
er... * Eight Years in Ceylon.” pp. 85 & 86.
planting on borrowed capital must have been much he advantage of dealing with a borrower who already the crop before making the loan.
и
216


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e
COMMERCIAL ENTERPRIZE IN
These terms were not particularly they had no alternative when coffee ( ther to see their estates rapidly over-gr repair, or to work with borrowed ca the latter. The agencies for their pa advances, for not only did they get a go also at the same time secured to thems attendant lucrative gains of commission
The agencies were by no means planters were able to borrow their fin time had passed, a number of banks 1. The first of these was the Bank of C. Thompson, a London merchant, 10 and established in the colony, branches of the Oriental Bank, (1843), the Mercanti (1854), the Bank of Madras (1867), and
The Bank of Ceylon did not lastle heavy advances to the planting fratern were called were forbidden by the rul the early 1840's the rule was disregard whole of the bank's paid-up capital ca The results were disastrous. The depr
heavily involved that it was unable to
imminent, when the Oriental Bank, through the crisis, stepped forward and were then formally amalgamated by a Oriental Bank Corporation in 1851.12
The Oriental Bank Corporation : remained the chief financial houses in was set up in 1867. All three instituti
9. " Fickle fortune in Ceylon.” by F.E.F.P. 10. C. O. 54. 187, 13th February 1841 ; p. 103.
11. The efforts made by several foreign banks to and 1877, were all attended by failure. e.g. In 1865 tions but was closed down in October of the follow Hindustan in July 1864, was wound up in Novemb business in Colombo in March 1865, but left the Islal de Paris, came in 1877, but left two years later-See Sh 12. Shenoy. op. cit, p. 105 ; C. O. 54. 274. 301
.71 .Information. p "0"لام
217
 
 

19th CENTURY CEYLON
advantageous to the planters, but ould not pay its way. They had own with jungle and ruined beyond pital -not surprisingly they chose it were quite ready to make the od percentage on their money; they
lves the business of selling, with its 9
the only places from which early ancial requirements. Before much hade their appearance in the Island. ylon,-set up in 1841, by William in the years that followed there were certain foreign financial houses, i.e. le Bank of India, London and China the National Bank of India (1881).
ng, but during its short life, it made ity. " Block debts, as these loans es of the Bank, but in the boom of
ed by the managers, and almost the me to be locked up in this fashion. ession of 1845-49 found the bank so meet its liabilities, and its failure was which had come almost unscathed took over its debts. The two banks resh charter, under the title of the
und the Chartered Mercantile Bank, Ceylon until the Bank of Madras ons made financial accommodation
pp. 20 & 21. Shenoy " Banking and Currency in Ceylon.”
establish themselves in the Island, between 1864 a branch of the Asiatic Bank commenced operaving year ; the branch opened by the Bank of er 1866 ; the Royal Bank of India commenced ld in December 1866; the Comptair d'Esconnpte enoy, op. cit, pp. 108-110.
h May 1850; Ferguson " Ceylon, Summary of


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UNIVERSITY OF
available to plantation owners and banking business in the Island until rivals were the Chettiar bankers (or at different times during the coffee were complementary rather than India, founded in 1881, could not ha business, since the industry was ther tea and cocoa, as Ceylon's main sta
The unavailability of plantation banks to open their files to historia mation relating to the terms on whic but it is not unreasonable to suppos as those given by the agencies. Lit to the banks, and it is well known t the Bank of Ceylon, and later the siderable financial accommodation t
The companies which appeare were of two distinct types, viz. E companies. They had come by 18, plantations in Ceylon, 14 but for all is of a very limited nature. One c. were ; how or where they raised panies, like many an individual pro from banks and agencies in times companies command however, mu adversity with greater strength, and bad seasons (as distinguished from a turn for help to a financial institutic
Total Amount Invested
On this aspect of the question t Many of the agencies and banks wh are now defunct, and their record which are still in existence, i.e. the disposed to give access to their files
13. Shenoy op. cit, pp. 104-108; C ( in the Jubilee Year." p. 26 ; Bremer " Memo
14. Speculum. " Ceylon, her present ( Directory.' 1875.

CEYLON REVIEW
Ossessed an almost complete control of the end of the coffee era. Their ea 3 money lenders) who came into Cey%. eriod, but the activities of the Chettiars competitive. The National Bank of ve handled much of the coffee planters' being rapidly superceded by cinchona, ple.
accounts and the unwillingness of the ns has led to a complete lack of inforh bank-advances were made to planters, e that these terms were at least as good tle business would otherwise have gone hat at least two of these institutions, i.e. Oriental Bank Corporation, gave cono the coffee industry. 13
d in the later stages of the coffee era rivate companies and limited liability 70 to control about a third of the coffee that, the information relating to them unnot say how many of each type there their capital, and whether some comprietor, were obliged to seek advances of difficulty. The larger capital at the st have given them the ability to resist
it is unlikely that a mere succession of
depression) could have forced them to )1.
~
he available information is even sparser. ich made advances to plantation owners } cannot be traced. Those institutions Mercantile and National banks, are not to investigators, and hardly any reliable
D. 54, 437. 28th October 1868 ; Ferguson. “ Ceylon irs of a Ceylon Planter's travels.” p. 139.
ondition.' pp. 22 & 23 ; Ferguson. " Ceylon
ܗܘܝܘ ܓܝ.
218


Page 97
COMMERCIAL ENTERPRIZE IN
conclusions can be arrived at through individual coffee planters. The only
ke some scattered references made by t the early coffee years, and the calculat Ceylon for the greater part of the 19th (
The writers, Mr. D. Wilson, a plai in the Island in the 1840's, and Sir J. E from 1847-49, both refer to the rate of ir as the ' Coffee mania. The former st cult to arrive at a precise statement o during the period, we may safely estin Tennent put the total investment at a millions sterling are said to have been su but this estimate is probably exaggerat the amount actually invested lay somewl for in 1847 a paper laid before the Ho reference to investment in Ceylon put annum during each of the last five years
The Journalist, Mr. J. Ferguson, c 1849-86. Faced with the same shorta historian is, Ferguson calculated the a
plantation sector, through dividing the to
coffee between 1849-86, by the sum need tain an acre of coffee land over the sal 320,000 acres in the aggregate, -after abandoned i and the latter, including t The total invested between 1849 and th estimated at (8 million sterling. 17
Ferguson's calculation is, of course, must therefore suffer from the drawb normally subject. Yet, it is the best w mation prevents the utilization of any
15. Wilson.- Tracts on Ceylon. -see tract on and wants of Ceylon.' Tennent. " Ceylon' Volume 16. B. P. P. of 1847—48. Volume XLII. p. 49. 17. Apart from numerous articles in his newspape familiarity with the workings of the coffee industry in equently published '' Ferguson's Directory and Plan
219

19th CENTURY CEYLON
the few statements left behind by evidence available to the historian wo writers contemporaneous with ions of a journalist, who lived in Century.
hter and businessman who resided 5. Tennent, the Colonial Secretary vestment during the period known ates that while it would be difff the money sunk in. . . . . . CStatCS late it at two millions sterling.'s somewhat higher figure, -' Five nk within less than as many years : ed. One is inclined to think that here between these two assessments, use of Commons made a passing ing it at nearly one million per
’’ 16
onfined his attention to the years ge of statistics as the present-day mount of capital invested in the tal acreage brought under plantation led to bring into bearing and mainme period. The former he put at making due allowance for lands he purchase price at C.25 per acre. e end of the coffee period, he thus
something of a generalization and acks to which generalizations are 2 have, since the shortage of inforother method of assessment. All
" Facts connected with the present conditions II. p. 231 ; C. O. 54. 228. 4th November 1846.
r “ The Observer,” Ferguson also showed his his monthly "Tropical Agriculturist,' and the lation Guide.


Page 98
UNIVERSITY O
important in the Calculation are til of maintaining an acre over the gether 320,000 acres were broughti It is on the veracity of these figures One is inclined to accept Ferguso approximation to the truth, for
was easily Ceylon's most compete economics of the coffee-planting it
If to this sum of C8 million years 1840-46, it would appear that in plantation coffee between 1840-4 cover the entire coffee era, (which s during the periods omitted could plantation coffee was in its infancy than that disposed of during the si that neither Wilson nor Tennent the years prior to 1840.
The other period not accoun depression, and we have it on Go a very restricted amount of capital The total invested in the plantatio not therefore have been very 1 figure, based as it is on general stat nothing more than a rough and a be the best available, and will have
Profits
The lack of planters accounts from making an evaluation of the but here again it is possible to fall personal knowledge of the industry available to produce an estimate by the plantations.
18. Ferguson. “ Ceylon in 1903.” pp. 8 19. Land sale returns for these years were
1836 - 3,920 acres. 1S 1837 - 3,662 , , 1838 - 10,401 , 1839 - 9,570 , ,
Total 27,553
20. C. O. 54. 235. 10th May 1847.

FR CEYLON REVIEW
e Writer's estimates that the average cost eriod 1849-86, Was AC 25, and that altointo and kept in bearing on the plantations. hat the validity of his conclusion depends. n's calculation as being at least a close as his numerous publications show, 18 he nt authority in the 19th century on the ndustry.
were added the estimates given for the a total of about (12 million was invested -6 and 1849-86. This does not, of course, tretched from 1836-1886) but investment not have been large. Between 1836-40 I, and the total acreage of land sold, less ngle year 1840.19. It is noteworthy too, mentions any substantial investment in
ted for, i.e. 1847-49, was one of severe vernor Torrington's authority that only found its way into the coffee industry.20 in sector over the entire coffee era could much over ( 12 million sterling. This Iements and broad estimates, is obviously pproximate assessment, but it appears to to serve until fresh evidence is discovered.
, bank statements etc., also prevents one I profits earned by the plantation sector, | back on Ferguson, who because of his , was able to make use of the few statistics of the probable amount of profit earned
3-85. as follows :- 40 - 42,582 acres.
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Page 99
COMMERCIAL ENTERPRIZE IN
Ferguson estimated that after 1849 were raised on the plantations alone, an 100,000 cwts. had been produced, -n cwts. Including interest and all items ( coffee had been produced at / 2.5 sh. pe: realized at least (3 per cwt. -thus giv Ween 1837-86 therefore, about A 17,6 profits by the plantation sector of the in
It is impossible to say how this to individual growers, (even Ferguson dic evident. If the total capital invested in A 12-A, 13 millions, the total profit earl no more than C 4 - A 5 millions, -a, be described as being inordinately large. it is therefore not difficult to agree wit those who invested in the coffee indus return for their capital. 22
There is no evidence of what ultin of the plantation sector of the Ceylo reasonably expect these profits to have r of the estate owners regarded Ceylon attitude apparently resulted in practical
--out of the Colony. Ferguson makes t
shortly after the death of King Coffee.
he lamented, that the accumulated pr
perity, which elsewhere, e.g. England, f to enable the sufferer from present ad were so far as the planters were concern no reserve fund of past profits to fall ba peans enriched by former times of pros products of former industry, when the arrived. . . . . . . . Ceylon in fact, in the cubator, to which capitalists sent their good many of them received from time sometimes but the shells for our local p
21. Ferguson.-op, cit, pp. 83-85. 22. Ibid., p. 82. 23. Ferguson. “ Ceylon in 1903, pp. 82 & 8
221

N 19th CENTURY CEYLON
, about 22,500,000 cwts. of coffee that previous to that date, at least aking a grand total of 23,500,000 flocal costs, he calculated that this cwt. and that it had on an average, ring a profit of 15 sh. per cwt. Bet25,000 must have been earned as dustry.2
tal profit was divided up amongst I not attempt it) but one thing is the plantations was something like led over the entire coffee period, was sum which cannot by any standards,
On the basis of these calculations, h Ferguson's assertion that " of all try, only about 1/10 secured a fair
nately happened to the net earnings in coffee industry, but one cannot emained in the Island. Few, if any, as their permanent home, and this y all their net earnings being taken his quite clear in a work published
In a post-mortem on the Corpse, ofits made during the time of prosorm a reserve fund of local wealth, versity to benefit by past earnings, ed., wanting in Ceylon. There was ck upon, no class of wealthy Europerity. . . . circulating the liquidated period of adversity and depression best days, used to be a sort of ineggs to be hatched, and whence a to time an abundant brood, leaving Drtion.’23
IAN VANDEN DRIESEN


Page 100



Page 101
The Finance Committe Constitution
HE Manning Constitution provi
government which was difficult it established a permanent execut for its actions to the legislature owed a bility through the Governor to the Sec1 its responsibility to either under any c other hand it provided for a legislature w opponents of this executive-namely the a restricted electorate. In effect, the ( legislature which enjoyed some amoun expressing that power in a constructive moveable executive which was entrust( government of the country but with v responsibilities entrusted to it. Such a of suspicion and ill-will, have given rise sense prevailed and co-operation betwe helped to maintain the administration
through which this co-operation was act
the Finance Committee.
Before an examination and analysis piece of constitutional machinery is un go into its historical background. Stu of the Island know quite well that fina the Governor and his party of Officials and critics on the other fought their ma during the greater part of the nineteent lative Council in its early days, until 1 the budget. The budget was not ever but after 1838 the Council was granted revise the budget. But this right was tingent expenditure, the Secretary of S to sanction the fixed civil and military
-- 1. Mills, Ceylon Under British Rule, 1795-1932, (
223

under the Manning of 1924
ded for a complicated system of to operate. On the one hand ive which while being answerable measure of more ultimate responsietary of State and could not resign ircumstances whatsoever. On the hich had in it a majority of potential elected unofficial representatives of Constitution brought into being a t of power but with no means of way. It also provided for an irre'd with responsibility for the good ery little means of discharging the situation would, in an atmosphere to a series of deadlocks. But good an the legislature and the executive as a going concern. The device hieved was the institution known as
of the working of this interesting dertaken, it will be worth while to Idents of the constitutional history ince was the main issue over which on the one hand, and his opponents or battles in the Legislative Council in century. The Colebrooke Legis338, did not have any control over submitted to it for its comments the right to criticise and to partially confined only to the annual contate retaining to himself the power expenditure. In a despatch dated
D.U.P. 1933, p. 114.


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UNIVERSITY OF
July 17th, 1848, the Secretary of Si that the control of the budget woul it had passed an Ordinance pern the Colony the fixed expenses be a reply to the agitation Conduct Ackland Who clamoured for Contro tary of State was not willing to coi tinction should be maintained wit that a legislative measure should be regard to other items of expenditu by the Legislative Council before a sufficient time was not given by Go appropriation ordinance. The Se that ample time should be provided
The Unofficial Members of th satisfied with these concessions. how revenue should be distributed on carrying on a persistent agitatio to provide permanently for the al but as no decision was made about given control over the Budget. T what the exact amount on military
Fresh agitation began in the e The European Unofficials were in they were dissatisfied with the am rail Communications. The Secreta of the budget but only after agreer be expended on the military establ instructed the Governor to the effe for the upkeep of its military esta would fix the amount but till the to pass a provisional ordinance fixir There was opposition to this pro despite this the proposed ordinanc majority. The reply of the Unoff tion en masse On November 15,
2. For the text of the comments of the S put forward by Mr. Ackland, in a despatch t Manual, compiled by C. Dickman, third editio

CEYLON REVIEW
tate, Earl Grey, informed the Governor d be given to the Council but only after hanently charging upon the revenue of th civili and military. This was in part - 2d by a Legislative Councillor named bl over all fields of finance. The Secrecede this claim. He insisted that a dish regard to the fixed establishments in necessary to alter any item in it. With re, these could be carefully scrutinized doption. Ackland also complained that vernment for the discussion of the annual cretary of State agreed with Ackland
to members.2
e Legislative Council were however not Chey demanded the right to determine 1 and for this purpose they were intent 1. In 1858-59 they passed an Ordinance nnual payment of the civil expenditure the military expenditure, they were not There was failure to reach agreement on
expenditure should be.
ܓܝܐܐ ܓ arly sixties for control of the Budget. the forefront of this agitation because ount spent by Government on road and ry of State was willing to transfer control ment had been reached on the amount to ishment. In 1864, the Secretary of State :ct that the Island should henceforth pay blishments. A Commission of Inquiry n, the Legislative Council was required ng the military expenditure at / 135,000. posal from the Unofficial Members but 2 was passed with the aid of the Official (cials to this arbitrary action was resigna1864. The proposed Commission of
ecretary of State, Earl Grey, on the various suggestions o Governor Torrington vide The Ceylon Civil Service in, Colombo, Government Press, 1883, pp. 38-41.
شـــــ٦ .
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Page 103
THE FINANCE
Inquiry was appointed the following y cost of the military establishment migh permanent Ordinance was passed by Colonial Office thereupon transferred
budget. 3
From 1867 to the time of the arrival in 1907, the Legislative Council exercise of the annual contingent expenditure, . exercised with care and persistency. E carry on their opposition to the point the reason that the latter possessed a m To the Unofficials this was an unsatisfact of the budget was limited to the exten curred by the Government without th Council. Further this latter provision forward the needs of the country befor out its programme of expenditure. Th in urgent cases where money was need not in session to sanction expenditure warrant authorise such expenditure. T it met approve the expenditure that had by special warrant.
ক */
There was criticism of this method prior sanction of the Legislative Council, confined to the European Unofficials but century, the more politically conscious began to express uneasiness over the way was exercised. There were demands fo more, there was a demand for the intro that the Legislative Council may be opinion in the country. To satisfy the McCallum introduced the device of the
The Finance Committee as constitu sisted of (1) three Official Members, viz troller of Revenue and the Colonial T
3. For further information on these matters ref
.111-117 .pp ,1933 " ليلطخ
225

COMMITTEE
'ar and it reported that the annual t be fixed at ( 160,000. In 1867 the Legislative Council and the to the Council the control of the
of Governor Sir Henry McCallum d the right to scrutinize every item right which Unofficial Members ut Unofficial Members could not of defeating the Government-for ajority in the Legislative Council. Iory state of affairs. Their control : that no expenditure could be ine prior sanction of the Legislative snabled Unofficial Members to put e Government proceeded to carry here was however a provision that 2d but the Legislative Council was , the Governor could by special he Legislative Council would when been authorised by the Governor
of expending moneys without the This criticism was at first largely i towards the end of the nineteenth sections of the Ceylonese public in which control over expenditure ir greater consultation. What was duction of the elective principle so representative of educated public ise demands, Governor Sir Henry Finance Committee.
ted by Sir Henry McCallum con, the Colonial Secretary, the Conreasurer and (2) all the Unofficial
er Mills, Ceylon Under British Rule, 1795-1932,


Page 104
UNIVERSITY OF
Members of the Legislative Cou officio Chairman and the latter and mittee Constituted a quorum. Tl considering all votes entailing o su from public funds for which the san say but did so only when the L when the Council was in session bi period exceeding twenty days. At the Chairman of the Finance Con Council for its formal ratification (1) the items of expenditure approx (2) any expenditure which had bec not been approved by it. The re with expenditure which had been 1 to grant approval, was to be put without debate. Three members even on a matter which had receive
The introduction of this Finan mental system did indeed constitute privileges of the Legislative Counci one thing it did away with the sys special warrants issued on the autho) when the Legislative Council was that there would be greater scrutiny there was any expenditure of pub officials found themselves in a ma officials to three Officials) and free financial powers which they were possessed. But there were gloomy with suspicion. True, they admitt in a Committee which now exercis Mr. A. Padmanabha, a representat couraging comments to make about in an article entitled Reform of t Ceylon National Review, Mr. Padr
"He (i.e. Governor McCallum the fulfillment of his wish will be in under which the Unofficial Membe

CEYLON REVIEW
Icil. The Colonial Secretary was exthree Unofficial Members of the ConLe Committee met for the purpose o pplementary or unforeseen expenditure ction of the Legislati e Council is necesegislative C uncil was not in sessio or ut had been adjourned sine die or for a the meeting of the Legislative Council, hmittee was required to present to the the report of the Committee indicating red by it since the Council last met and 'n proposed to the Committee but had port of the Committee, unless it dealt proposed to it but for which it declined to the Legislative Council for adoption present could however request a debate 'd the approval of the Committee.
ce Committee into the Island's governa substantial advance on the powers and | especially in the sector of finance. For ten of expenditure of public funds by ity of the Governor during the intervals not in session. For another it ensured -
of votes by Unofficial Members before lic funds. For the first time the Unjority against the Officials (eight Unto exercise in a more realistic sense the hitherto supposed to have, in theory, I prophets who viewed this innovation ed the Unofficials possessed a majority cd considerable financial authority, but ive spokesman of these critics had disthe new device. Writing in May 1908 he Ceylon Legislative Council in the nanabha remarked inter alia :—
) is too new to the Island to know that peded in no small measure by a system rs are chosen by the Governor and not
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THE FINANCE
by their constituents. Men who owe and whose continuance in office under t is wish can hardly be expected to be as fi of their views as elected members, ex consideration on which Government, imperfect knowledge of the people's in set their hearts on. It is a false positio1 be relieved in the interests alike of the G selves.”4
The Finance Committee was a libe ment but it had its drawbacks. There w criticism that nomination detracted frc Besides, at this juncture, the Governme European Unofficial Members. The la what they had hitherto been fighting foi in the plantation areas, medical amenit better educational facilities for the childr districts. They were therefore content the Government as against the Ceylonese were now in the forefront of the opposit In Finance Committee therefore the Gov sition of Ceylonese were precariously b
Official Members to five Ceylonese U
officials holding the balance but tending the Official Members. The forces on C finely divided as to admit of any racia Europeans but this tendency was there an of this constitutional innovation. It
Officials and Unofficials were often div sition in the Finance Committee. The two sectors and quite often attempts wer arrive at compromises. But as was men nation left room for the Criticism that t Council with favourites or at the worst another defect in this new device. The official Members. According to Clause Legislative Council (of 1911) the Chairn
4. Vide “Reform of the Ceylon Legislative CC Eiguv, Vol: II, No. 6, p. 172.
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COMMITTEE
heir appointment to the Governor he new Five Year Rule depends on ee in their advice and the expression pecially when measures are under with the best intentions but with beds, conditions, and wishes, have from which the members should bvernment, the public and of then
'ral Concession to nationalist Sentias much truth in Mr. Padmanabha's m the independence of members. nt had very little to fear from the tter had by now obtained most of -a network of roads and railways es for their estate populations and en of the labour forces in the estate to rest satisfied and even to support : Unofficials. It was the latter who ion against the colonial authoritiess fernment and the Unofficial Oppoalanced against one another, three nofficials, with the European Ung to be more sympathetic towards pposite sides were however not so l division between Ceylonese and d it did much to spoil the usefulness must also not be supposed that ided into Government and Oppoare was co-operation between the e made to reconcile differences and tioned earlier, the system of nomie Governor packed the Legislative lukewarm critics. There was still rules were loaded against the Un45 of the Rules and Orders of the an of the Finance Committee who
uncil by A. Padmanabha in Ceylon National


Page 106
UNIVERSITY OF
was the Colonial Secretary had no confirmation the items of expendi last met, but also any expenditur meant that if the Unofficials persi the Government could always have its Official Majority. There might where the Unofficials had to be s rather than have gone without any
Under the Crewe-McCallum Committee made considerable hea to keep in close touch with the ad great deal of interest in its proceedi will and co-operation between the first Unofficial Members were suspi to delegate to it too much of pc Committee on the Rules and Orde sidering the revision of the rules of at the time, Mr. P. Ramanathan, w minor votes under a certain sum Finance Committee and that the la Council. The Colonial Secretary h as constituted was potentially capa the sphere of its jurisdiction was le in line with the views of the Color Finance Committee expanded its p mate sphere. For instance in 191 Legislative Council, when he prese approval, that he had called a meet Council was in session to conside penditure listed in the bills. The r Committee could be summoned o While the Council Was not in Sessi sanction to a new practice when he time for the purpose of considering members of the Committee. Ag Committee was utilized by the A. Address to the departing Governor,
5. Hansard 1912-13, pp. 231 and 232. 6, ibid, p. 295.

CEYLON REVIEW
t only to present to the Council for its
ture approved by it since the Council
: disallowed by the Committee. This
sted in their opposition in Committee, ܓܠ its way in the Council with the aid of
I therefore have been many an occasion
atisfied with half a loaf in Committee
bread in Council
Constitution (1912-1920), the Finance dway. It enabled Unofficial Members ministration and many of them took a ngs. It helped to foster a sense of goodOfficial and Unofficial Members. At cious of its purpose and were not willing wer. This happened when the Select ers of the Legislative Council Was conthe Council. The Ceylonese Member anted to introduce a provision that only of money should be dealt with by the urger votes should be discussed in open lowever pointed out that the Committee ble of exercising considerable powers if ft undefined. Members ultimately felt rial Secretary. The result was that the owers in directions other than its legiti2, the Colonial Secretary informed the inted a list of supplementary bills for its ing of the Finance Committee while the - papers dealing with the items of exules of procedure stated that the Finance nly for the purpose of voting moneys on but the Colonial Secretary gave his stated that it could be summoned at any papers which might be laid before the ain, during the year 1913, the Finance cting Colonial Secretary to approve an Sir Henry McCallum, a function which
ܐ ` ̄ ܓ
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THE FINANCE
properly belonged to the Legislative summoned as the Governor was ill and as a substitute. The Acting Colonial S to the Council for the purpose of obtai on the Minutes of the Council, but in guilty of a technical irregularity. 7
It was however in the matter of Committee came to wield considerable of the Crewe-McCallum period, the Su 1914-15 were referred at the end of the s consisting of a few Official and Uno Governor.3 An important departure w estimates for 1915-16 were being prepar Secretary summoned the assistance of the annual estimates even before they w to the Legislative Council. The reason turbed conditions in the country during and the subsequent postponement of the left the Legislative Council with very The Colonial Secretary felt that this co official Members with an opportunity their presentation to the Council. The
下。 ibid, vide pp. 345-47 for a full account of the
8. Note.
(a) The Select Committee on the Supply Bill
(Chairman), the Acting Controller of Revenu Western Province, the European Urban Mem Member, the Burgher Member, the Senior Tamil Member vide Hansard 1912-13, p. 149. or a Muhammadan representative in it.
(b) The Select Committee on the Supply Bill foi tary (Chairman), the Controller of Revenue of the Western Province, the European Rur: Sinhalese Member, the Second Tamil Membe 1912-13, p. 495. There was once more no representative was, however, included but or Low-Country Sinhalese interests. (c) The Select Committee on the Supply Bill
The Colonial Secretary (Chairman), the Cor Government Agent, Western Province, the Member, the Burgher Member, the First Lov Member and the European Rural Member vi no Kandyan or Muhammadan representative to consider the Supply Bills from 1915-16 onv full and adequate representation to all section *─ mination of the Government's annual financi
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COMMITTEE
Council. The latter could not be so the Finance Committee was used ecretary later presented the Address ning its approval to have it entered
so doing he admitted that he was
the annual budget that the Finance : influence. During the early part pply Bills of 1912-13, 1913-14 and econd reading to Select Committees fficial Members appointed by the tas made however when the annual ed. On that occasion, the Colonial the Finance Committee to consider ere presented for their first reading for this departure was that the disg the months of June and July 1915 meeting of the Legislative Council, little time to devote to the budget. uld be made up by providing Unof examining the estimates before a Colonial Secretary appeared to be
proceedings.
for 1912-13 consisted of the Colonial Secretary te, the Treasurer, the Acting Government Agent, ber, the European Rural Members, the Ceylonese Low-Country Sinhalese Member and the Senior
The Select Committee did not have a Kandyan
1913-14 consisted of the Acting Colonial Secre, the Treasurer, the Acting Government Agent al Member, the Burgher Member, the Kandyan r and the European Urban Member vide Hansard Muhammadan representative. The Kandyan this occasion there was no one to represent the
or 1914-15 comprised the following members: troller of Revenue, the Colonial Treasurer, the Principal Collector of Customs, the Ceylonese v-Country Sinhalese Member, the Second Tamil de Hansard 1913–16, p. 80. This time there was
The employment of the Finance Committee wards, however, solved the problem of providing s of the Ceylonese community in the final detertal policy.


Page 108
UNIVERSITY OF
so satisfied with this change in pro reading of the Supply Bill for 1915the practice and utilize the services C for future years.9 This was inde utilize the services of the Finance C for which it was intended when Callum. But there were Ceylone suspicious eyes. The Ceylonese M to these sentiments when he expr result, Government reverted to the 1916-17. But when the Bill came Committee, the members of which or, the Colonial Secretary moved all the Members of the Finance C. of the Council, granted his approva procedure was followed when the 1919-20 were considered by the Li ment had found in this Finance C. lating a financial policy accepable t
The Crewe-McCallum Cons writer has chosen to all " the Ter the handiwork of Governor Sir W there was very strong opposition this but wished to save himself en the Ceylonese Nationalists to agre the Constitution a chance but afte note the unsatisfactory features that and recommend changes and alt Governor also agreed to give due C that Unofficial Members of the L. after they had given this new Cons | 9. Hansard 1913-16, p. 362
10. Hansard 1916, pp. 179-180.
11. Vide o Government Pledges o as sign Government on 6th December, 1920, in The Ha by S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, pp. 245-246. A “ Proceedings of a Deputation which Waited c Monday 29th November, 1920 at 10 a.m. in cc constitution of the Legislative Council.

R CEYLON REVIEW
ocedure that when introducing the first 16, he stated that he wished to regularise of the Finance Committee in like manner ld evidence of Government's desire to ommittee for purposes other than those it was first instituted by Governor Mcise who looked upon this change with tember, Mr. P. Ramanathan, gave vent issed disapproval of the change. As a old procedure for the Supply Bill for to the stage of being referred to a Select were usually nominated by the Governthat the Committee be composed of ommittee. The Governor, as President l to the change. 10 Thereafter, the same Supply Bills for 1917-18, 1918-19, and egislative Council. Evidently, Governommittee an efficient device for formulo the Legislative Council as a whole.
titution was uperseded by what the mporary Constitution of 1921". It was Villiam Manning. From the beginning to this Constitution. Manning realised barrassment. He, therefore persuaded e to a compromise. They should give 'r reasonable lapse of time, he would might em rge from its practical wo king erations to remedy any defects. The onsideration o an proposals for reform egislative Council might bring forward titution a trial. 11
ed by the Attorney-General on behalf of the Ceylon ndbook of the Ceylon National Congress, 1919-1928 edited lso refer ibid, Appendix C, p. 85 for an account of the in His Excellency the Governor at Queen's House on onnection with certain matters connected with the re
230


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THE FINANCE
The new Council under his Const Iune 1921. It met for the last time on
period of little more than three ye. Committee was able to strengthen its made during the Crewe-McCallum dis this improvement. Under the Tempo a fair quota of territorially elected me was in a minority in the legislature wit not expect to have all its own way unle which appealed to the political sense of Members (2 Europeans, 1 Burgher), t (1 Indian, 1 Muhammadan, 1 Burgher Sinhalese, 2 Kandyan Sinhalese), the r European, 1 Low-Country Sinhalese members (9 Sinhalese and 2 Ceylon Ta Government had to indulge in some s its projects through. In general the Gov in the manner of its approach to polit that it lacked the steady stream of vot decisive action. It must however not officials, especially the territorially elec into two camps and engaged in bitter co than the rule. The general tendency w committee room to prevail. Further, constitutional significance had begun precincts of the Finance Committee di came an accepted practice under the N Finance Committee had begun to outli the financial path of the Government Legislative Council was not in session. original purpose, it began to become the Executive sought to test the type (
to its legislative projects before these v debate in open Council.
Affairs were in this state when the inaugurated. This lengthy historical order that the reader might be better
of the change in the position of the Fin
Constitution of 1924. Here, for the fir;
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COMMITTEE
itution met for the first tinne on 7th August 28th 1924-lasting in all for ars. During this time the Finance position and consolidate the gains pensation. There were reasons for tary Constitution of 1921, there was mbers. Morever, the Government h only fourteen members and could ss it endeavoured to act in a manner the communally elected Unofficial he Nominated Unofficial Members , 1 Ceylon Tamil, 1 Low Country epresentatives of special interests (1 ) besides the territorially elected lmils). There were occasions when ectional bargaining in order to get ernment tended to be more cautious ical problems for the simple reason es which are necessary for bold and be assumed that Officials and Unted among the latter, were divided mbat. This was more the exception as for the cordial atmosphere of the a far more important change of vital to develop within the sequestered uring this period. This change beAanning Constitution of 1924. The ve its original purpose of controlling luring the twilight period when the
Instead, in addition to serving its more a consultative chamber where of reception that would be accorded vere presented for consideration and
Manning Constitution of 1924 was introduction has been provided in able to comprehend the significance ance Committee under the Manning st time in the history of constitutional


Page 110
UNIVERSITY C
development in Ceylon, the Of position of a decisive minority t in the Finance Committee. Ther bargaining as under the previous CC could be avoided by some judici Officials were defeated in the Final that the same fate would await territorially elected Unofficials ove and the Legislative Council. TI in a Council of 49, while of the
and 3 were nominees of the Gover to grope its way in the legislature. of the legislature converted the Fin for voting funds for the Governme. was not in session to a chamber of c. voured to so fashion its projects as minority or the majority if not th the Finance Committee. As a resi effort on the part of the Executiv Committee came to be a misnon into a Chamber where the polici were discussed in full and complet was a matter of imperial and para ant product of joint exertions on th of Unofficials. The Finance Cot cutive's subterranean approach to
An examination of the consti Finance Committee will provide th as to the manner in which the busi Committee consisted of 3 Official Controller of Revenue and the C. officio members. They were als The Colonial Secretary was ex-of rest of the Committee consisted O. of the Legislative Council. Thes seven, three were nominated by Unofficial Executive Councillors. territorial constituencies and of the areas. In strictly communal term
 

)R CEYLON REVIEW
icials found themselves relegated to the oth in the Legislative Council as well as : was not much opportunity for sectificii institution whereby complete annihilation bus surrender of minor essentials. If the Ice Committee, there was a fair possibility them in the Legislative Council. The rwhelmed in both the Committee Room hey were 23 as against the 12 Officials remainder, 11 were communally elected nor. A weak Government had therefore The changed nature of the composition ance Committee from a mere mechanism nt during the periods when the legislature onsultation where the Government endeato enable these to be acceptable to a fair he entire body of Unofficial Members in ilt legislation in effect became a collective e and the legislature. The term Finance her. The Committee transformed itself es and programmes of the Government e detail. Each act of legislation, unless it mount importance, came to be the resulthe part of both Officials and a fair numbers mmittee in effect had become the Exethe legislature.
tution, composition and functions of the e student with a great deal of information ness of government was carried on. The Members, viz the Colonial Secretary, the olonial Treasurer. These three were exO members of the Executive Council. icio Chairman of the Committee. The f the entire body of Unofficial Members numbered thirty seven. Of the thirty the Governor of whom two were also Twenty-three were representatives of se seven belonged to the Tamil speaking s, the Unofficial Members of the Con:
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THE FINANCE
mittee were distributed as follows: 16 peans, 3 Burghers, 3 Muhammadans an ইhe composition of the Committee w; for sectional bargaining. The Govern1 tures to any particular group or to Sec thereby enlist support for a policy whic through the Legislative Council. In fac ment to make such overtures. Governmei went in Committee and if it could be ce more members, it could be fairly certai Legislative Council. For there was g communally elected European Membe too to support the Government. 12 Be s Executive Councillors also either supp disagreed with the Government, absta extreme cases that they voted against the since they were aware as Members of th stances which led to the formulation o supported the Government in the Con endeavoured to put across that policy t
ל
The Finance Committee of the Le come a sounding board for the legislati rt The reception accorded in it to Gover to judge for itself the possibility of g
legislature. This resulted in policy b. Unofficial opinion. The Finance Co merely to the voting of supplies duri was not in session. In addition it standing Committee of the Council me
12. On December 11, 1929 when Mr. F. A. Obey motion regarding the Reform of the Constitution, between Mr. Obeysekera and Mr. G. A. Wille (one o Mr. F. A. Obeysekera :-" I say, Sir, that the C enable the twelve Official votes, if they get adhesion frc to obtain a majority in this House. We have seen that At this stage Mr. Wille was seen whispering to M ۔۔۔۔ “ The Honourable the Burgher Member (Mr. Wille) s. I am glad that he thinks so. That is an explanation o December 1929, p. 1760.
†The parts of the House indicated by the Hono earlier part of his speech were "largely the votes of Ho added to the twelve Official votes and the votes of t
encil," ibid, p. 1759.
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COMMITTEE
Sinhalese, 9 Ceylon Tamils, 4 Eurold 2 Indians. It would be seen that as such as to provide opportunities ment could at any time make overtions from any of these groups and h might then have found a passage it there was no necessity for Governit could always watch how the voting rtain of support from about seven or of pushing a project through in the generally a tendency for the three rs and the three Burgher Members sides, the two nominated Unofficial orted the Government or if they ined from voting. It was only in a Government. Generally however e Executive Council, of the circumf a particular policy, they not only hmittee and the legislature but also
their fellow members.
gislative Council thus tended to beve programme of the Government. ment policy enabled the Executive etting its measures through in the eing formulated in the climate of mmittee ceased to confine itself ng the period when the legislature
tended to become a permanent eting in camera in order that most
Sekera was speaking on the Colonial Secretary's
Hansard records an interesting aside that occurred f the Burgher members) viz :—
onstitution is so devised. . . . . . . . . . . . . aS to »m those parts of the House that I have indicated f illustrated time and again within this Chamber.' (r. Obeysekera. Mr. Obeysekera then stated : lys, Sir, sometimes we save the situation thereby. f his own conduct. . . . . . . . ” Vide Hansard July
urable Member (Mr. F. A. Obeysekera) in the snourable Members of the minority communities he two Nominated Members of the Executive


Page 112
UNIVERSITY OF
of the legislative projects of the
members for their consideration Legislative Council for final sanctic the Executive Council that entrus additional duties. At no time did t their powers or to diminish the a fact it was their contention that ti them with duties which were outs cutive intended to make this a p should be made for this in the C were opposed to Government util the opinions of Unofficial Member the decisions of the Committee or o that prevailed in the Committee to bers.14 Their opposition to these ment was also tied up with their elected members of the Legislative terial responsibility and be includ Ceylonese themselves might gain administrative system and a training
13. Note the statements of Unofficial Mem Select Committee appointed to revise the Rules of Hansard 1927. Mr. D. S. Senanayake stated cussions in Finance Committee but at the same t tions of the Finance Committee are....' (ibid, things : " But the Finance Committee whos Council is not sitting, has been made the mediu the views of this House in an unorthodox fash claims of Colombo are preferable to Kandy as matters which are referred to it. But these matte If the Committee is to consider these matters, th (ibid, p. 638).
14. Vide speech of Mr. F. A. Obeyesekera i Select and Finance Committee meetings when knowledge that sometimes arrangements are en Heads of Departments and individual Membel certain Members speak on them with full know acquiesce because they are to an extent ignora (Hansard, 1927. p. 245).
15. Refer The Handbook of the Ceylon Nation naike, pp. 207-213 for the full text of the resolu Congress including the resolution asking for the to the Executive Council. Also refer page 517 seconded by Mr. C. S. Rajaratnam at the session requested that three of the six members of a 1 Governor from the Unofficial Members of the territorially elected members and be placed in c Illine,

CEYLON REVIEW
Government may be submitted to its before these were introduced into the
in. It was however the Governor and
ted the Finance Committee with these he Unofficial Members desire to expand uthority of the Executive Council. In he Executive was attempting to entrust ide their proper province. If the Exeermanent arrangement, then provision onstitution they protested. 13 But they ising the Finance Committee to gauge without it in any way binding itself to f Government making use of the secrecy enter into 'deals with Unofficial Memimprovisations on the part of Governdemand that some of the territorially Council should be invested with minisad in the Executive Council so that the some insight into the working of the 2 in responsible government.15
bers on the occasion of the debate on the Report of the and Orders of the Legislative Council in pp. 638-651
inter alia :— I realise the advantage of having disime I think it is very necessary to know what the fun
p. 643). Mr. E. R. Tambimuttu stated among other e legitimate purpose it is to pass urgent votes when im through which the Government of the day ascertain hion. They have been used to find out whether the
the site for the University, and there are hundreds of ars do not come within the purview of that Committee. 2 Committee should be given the power to do so... ."
on the motion regarding Publication of proceedings in he Stated inter alia : “ . . . . . . . . is it not within Our tered into between Menn bers of Council and between 's, and that when subjects are brought before us and
vledge and advocate certain courses, other Member
ial Congress 1919-1928, edited by S. W. R. D. Bandarations passed by the first session of the Ceylon National appointment of some of the elected Unofficial Members for the text of a motion proposed by Mr. G. A. Wille and of the Ceylon National Congress in 1925 where it was reformed Executive Council should be chosen by the Legislative Council two at least of whom should be harge of such Departments as the Governor may deter
/ ܓܠ
- ܢܓܝ
234
ܐܢܐ


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ج
THE FINANCE
This gradual accretion of power to to mistaken conclusions as to its positic
country. The most notable of these C
missioners. In their report, they stresse ment were unwilling to risk the occurr might be taken in Executive Council a that decision refused by the Finance C one way to ensure that the decisions of run counter to those of the Executive C at any final decision in the Executiv consult the Finance Committee and as plated would meet with the Comm inevitable result has been the diversior Executive Council to the Committe prestige in proportion as the Council gross exaggeration of the actual situ:
period of the Manning Constitution
establish better relations between the E Council, and the Finance Committee tive. Indeed under the Manning Const ant members of the Executive Counc Committee. This section comprised The Colonial Secretary, the Controller
surer and the two Nominated Unoff
were also occasions when a territorial tioned for a temporary period as a Mei that, in general, there were at all times d existence, at least five important Memo were also members of the Finance C. question of diversion of business from Rather, a means had been found in the for the Executive Council to think all action and judge for itself the type c would be accorded in the legislature Finance Committe were in no way bir for the Government in the Committe f r it in the Legisla ive Council. Th ment with a means of discovering how tive Council and thus a way out was f
P-a 16. Vide Donoughmore Report, pp. 23 and 24.
23.

COMMITTEE
the Finance Conninnittee led observers on in the constitutional set up of the ritics were the Donoughmore Comd the point that since " the Governance of a situation in which a decision nd the supply necessary to carry out ommittee . . . . . . . . there was only the Finance Committee should not Douncil, namely, that before arriving a Council, the Government should (certain whether the action contemlittee's concurrence . . . . . . . . The of all important business from the 2 which has gained in power and has lost. 16. This statement was a ation. What happened during the was that there was an attempt to xecutive Council and the Legislative helped towards achieving this objecitution, a group of the more importil was found places in the Finance the three ex-officio members viz. of Revenue and the Colonial Treacial Executive Councillors. There y elected Unofficial Member funcmber of the Executive Council. So uring the period of the Constitution's bers of the Executive Council who ommittee. There was therefore no one organ of government to another. device called the Finance Committee oud about its future programme of f reception which that programme of the land. The decisions of the lding on the Government. A defeat e did not necessarily mean defeat 2 Committee provided the Governthe voting would go in the LegislaDund by a minority Government for


Page 114
UNIVERSITY OF
avoiding the humiliation of defeat ment was still determined on gettiin because of the urgency or importa standing the fact that these had fail Committee, it had recourse to more opposition from Unofficial Membel work on what was allowed and w a supplementary estimate to the
The Members were informed tha come to a standstill if they did no Members in their desire not to en often gave in to such applications f such a procedure was when the AC that the report of the Standing Con be adopted. Mr. E. R. Tambimu especially on an item which asked f in the Medical and Sanitary Depart ment had brought the matter befo1 got it through with the aid of the Mr. Tambimuttu, that a vote 1 Finance Committee and be brough nobody looks into it carefully. . . . another Unofficial Member, Mr. F. those Unofficial Members who h; Committee, he stated inter alia that we were going to hold back the mai I joined those Members in the majc a and I think it is the duty o
A second method was to pres that it would obtain from the Un turned down but obtained the su Government did not hesitate to in the assistance of the balance of the Official Members were members ol Committee on the Budget) there w; would go through.
17. Hansard, 1927, p. 889.
18, ibid. p. 891. 19, ibid. p. 901.

CEYLON REVIEW
in open Council. However if Governg the sanction of the Legislative Council nce of its legislative proposals notwithd to obtain the approval of the Finance subtle methods in order to circumvent S. One method was to accept cuts and hen the vote was exhausted to present Finance Committee for further funds. : the work of the Department would t vote the funds asked for. Unofficial barrass the work of Government very or further funds. A typical instance of ting Colonial Secretary moved in 1927 Imittee on Finance dated June 17th 1927 Ittu demanded a debate on the report or an increase of the vote for travelling, nent. He pointed out that the Governe an attenuated House, at dusk, and Official votes. 17 Is it fair, asked ike this should be rushed through the there as a supplementary supply when . . . .18 When it came to the turn of A. Obeysekera, to speak on behalf of ud supported the vote in the Finance '' we had to vote some amount unless Chinery of Government. Consequently ority in approving of the vote asked for this Council to vote that sunn. . . . . . ’19
ent an estimate and gauge the support official Members. If the estimate was *- pport of a fair number of members, roduce it in open Council where with Official Members (only 3 out of the 12 the Finance Committee and the Select is generally a possibility that the measure
236


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THE FINANCE
Sometimes Members opposed a 1. public was not looking and So Governi
Members had either to vote for
risk of courting unpopularity. Such Government’s proposal to make a gra hostel which the Y.W.C.A. proposed to the Colonial Secretary who moved t had come up before the Finance Comim and in view of the great divergence of innatter before the Council so that the c what the position was.20 Mr. D. S. that the Colonial Secretary wished to sc contra published.21 The Colonial Sec1 such an intention. Whatever the intel motion in open Council had the desired to 7 with one abstention.
Still another method was to ask f keep to definite details of expenditure a was the usual procedure followed in r result was that once the outlay was sa calling a halt to the work initiated. F be made from time to time and Unoffic
crpelled to grant their approval. This w
Hydro-Electric venture. The Govern up to Rs. 12 million but ere long, revise were ultimately approved by Unoffici Government however did not encour: moneys. Mr. (later Sir) A. G. M. Fl some important criticisms to make,
Council on June 16th 1927, on the subje things Fletcher stated that at least in
notice, there had been a tendency to tre. to seventy three million rupees as an of made to subject expenditure from th particular he drew attention to two pro Hydro-Electric Scheme where estima various sub-heads had been presented to
20, ibid. p. 2303.
-21, ibid, p. 2304.
23,

COMMITTEE
heasure in Committee because the nent introduced it in open Council the measure or to oppose it at the procedure was followed over the nt towards the building fund of a to erect in Colombo. According he proposal for the grant, the matter ttee where it was "hotly debated pinion, he had decided to bring the puntry at large would know exactly enanayake objected on the ground e the names of those voting for and retary, however, denied that he had tions were, the introduction of the effect. It was adopted by 31 votes
or an open vote and thereafter not s provided for in the estimate. This egard to major undertakings. The inctioned there was no question of urther applications for funds would cial Members were reluctantly comTas the procedure followed over the (ment was given authority to spend destimates were presented and these al Members though under protest. ge this method of spending public etcher, the Colonial Secretary, had when he addressed the Legislative ict of Open votes. Among other the instances that had conne to his it the Country's loan fund amounting en vote and that no effort had been is fund to the usual controls. In jects, the Batticaloa Railway and the tes of expenditure detailed under the Council and approval obtained


Page 116
UNIVERSITY OF
for the expenditure of a certain a struction work began, the Engineer instructed to confine their expendit fixed under the various sub-heads.
hand and had been permitted to dr to the original allocation. This ma an inspection of the Hydro-Electric discovered that against an approved temporary buildings respectively, s. under each sub-head without refe Secretary pointed out that similar in regard to moneys voted for repai case of the Batticaloa Railway Pro had stated before a Commission of I placed in charge of the Construction known what sum of money had bee The Colonial Secretary in conclusic would be tightened and that in the fu
There were times when G procedures in order to placate Uno measures. For instance there was an a motion in the Legislative Council a Medical Entomologist at a salary procedure would have been for Gov Committee and if the latter had appr to the legislature for sanction. Ev jected the measure, Government coi Council for its views. In the case i to retain the services of a Mr. Carte mittee had refused to grant its appro The proposal therefore to retain the was abandoned and a motion was si Medical Entomologist. There wa quarters when it was introduced in time. An Unofficial Member alle to retain Mr. Carter's services at a introduced in Council in order to c
22. For a fuller account of the Colonial Secr 23. Hansard 1926, p. 95.

CEYLON REVIEW
mount of money, but that when conin charge of the projects had not been
re to the various details of construction
Instead they had been allowed a free aw on the total sum without reference tter stated Fletcher came to light when Works was made in April 1926. It was
estimate of Rs. 150,000 for roads and me Rs. 450,000 had already been spent rence to Government. The Colonial iolations of procedure had taken place is to the Victoria Bridge and that in the ject, the Chief Construction Engineer nquiry that the Engineer who had been of the Mahaweli-ganga bridge had not 1 allocated to the work by the Council. on assured the Council that procedure ture there would be strict supervision.22
overnment resorted to unorthodox official Members and carry through its occasion when Government introduced for the creation of a permanent post of
of A 1,000 per annum.23 The usual *-
rernment to have consulted the Finance oved of it to have submitted the measure en if the Finance Committee had reld have presented it to the Legislative in question Government had attempted as Malariologist. The Finance Conval to the proposal on several occasions. services of Mr. Carter as Malariologist 1ddenly introduced to appoint him as a s opposition to this from Unofficial the Legislative Council for the first ged that Government was determined ly cost and that the motion had been ompel Members to express their views
tary’s statement vide ibid. pp. 599 and 600.
38


Page 117
THE FINANCE
and vote in public.24. Another Unofficia moved an amendment that ' the moti Committee for their recommendation. the rising opposition and suggested a mover whether, if the Government members who are not Members of the the motion, he is prepared to withdra agreed to although an Unofficial Memb it desirable to put such a bar on the vote stated Mr. Freeman, " I shall abstain fr at all.'27 But in spite of the Member's to. The procedure was unorthodox in t tive Council was suddenly changed int Committee and Government Member Finance Committee were debarred from
On another occasion the Acting motion asking the approval of the Co amounting to A. 292,998 in connection W Electric Supply and Distribution System and the inclusion of the necessary provi the motion was, as the Acting Colonial mation to the Council of the heavy expe opportunity of fully discussing the m: Mr. W. Duraiswamy objected to the im been introduced. His view was that mot into the House in the shape of a Supply supplementary provision. If this latter pro Members could have had the motion ref Whole House composed of Members of they would have had the opportunity and also of questioning Heads of Depa the project. In the case of supplemen mittee would have investigated the matt the Honourable Member averred that th
24. These views were expressed by Mr. A. Maha
25. ibid. p. 106. Mr. Tambi muttu earlier charac the motion as " confoundedly clever” and added th manner.' ibid. p. 104.
26, ibid. p. 109.
27. ihid. p. 119. .733 .Hansard 1927. p *ܣܛܔܧ .
239

COMMITTEE
1 Member (Mr. E. R. Tambimuttu) in be referred back to the Finance 5 The Colonial Secretary noticed compromise. " I would ask the indertakes that the Government finance Committe will not vote on w his amendment. 26 This was ar, Mr. H. R. Freeman asked : "Is of Members : ' ' If this is done, om voting. I do not like the idea ppposition, the proposal was agreed hat a normal meeting of the Legislao a public meeting of the Finance ; who were not Members of the
voting at the final stage.
Colonial Secretary introduced a uncil for the expenditure of sums rith the taking over of the Colombo under the Hydro-Electric Scheme sion in the Budget. The object of Secretary stated, to give early inti2nditure involved and to give it the atter. 28 An Honourable Member proper way in which the motion had ions of this kind should be brought Bill or in the form of a request for ocedure had been adopted, Unofficial erred to a Select Committee of the the Finance Committee and there of inquiring fully into the project rtment who were concerned with tary provision, the Finance Comr. But on the Occasion in question, ough the motion spoke of including
leva, ibid. p. 100.
erised the Government's method of introducing at it was brought up in an "unconstitutional


Page 118
UNIVERSITY OF
the necessary provision in the Budg Council, it would not be quite prop Committee. The Officer Adminis not agree with the Unofficial Mei mittee stage of the motion, a most u 1ment officials like Mr. Parry (an surendra (the Chief Electrical Engir into the Council Chamber before a ding all Official Members and U1 Certain items regarding the purchase motion was approved. This was public servants had never before the Legislative Chamber and made by Unofficial Members of the Legis
Sometimes the Government w; cut. Government adopted two cour gave in, accepted the cut and later mittee with a supplementary vote f result in serious dislocation to the in Members as was stated earlier in or such dislocation usually voted the occasions, Government restored the before the Committee of the Whol Government may have succeeded in of the Official Group of twelve and Select Committee stage and were ever, on how the voting went in t the Finance Committee Sitting un was decisive there was no purpose But if there was a fair measure of st with the aid of the full Official str. through the Council. (In the Fina Government Officials , in the C members of the Official Group Cou ings). A last resort, if both these certify the measure as one of paral the Constitution. This procedure period of the Manning Constitutio
29. Refer ibid. pp. 760-769 for a fuller acci

CEYLON REVIEW
et, once the vote was approved in open er to turn the Vote down in the Finance tering the Government, however, die mber's contention. During the Comnusual procedure was adopted. GovernElectrical Engineer) and Mr. Wimalateer) were summoned for the first time Committee of the Whole House (inclunofficial Members) and questioned on of the proposed electrical plant.29 The something quite un precedented, for been summoned into the precincts of
to answer questions asked from them slative Council.
as beaten in Committee and votes were ses to recover lost ground. It sometimes in the year presented the Finance Comor approval stating that rejection would lachinery of administration. Unofficial der to avoid being held responsible for supplementary provision. On other cut when the Budget was brought up 2 House. In Committee of the Whole, in getting through an item with the aid some of its supporters who voted in the in a minority. Much depended, howhe Select Committee which in fact was der another name. If the opposition in attempting to have the cut restored. 1pport, then there was a possibility that ength of twelve the estimate might go ince Committee there were only three onmittee of the Whole, all twelve ld participate and vote in the proceeddevices failed, was for the Governor to mount importance under Clause 54 of was used only once during the whole in when Unofficial Members refused to
punt of the proceedings. ہ{
*
240


Page 119
  


Page 120
UNIVERSITY OF
Governor Manning, however, took the opinion of the Governor has to of the Constitution. His Excellenc
" Parliamentary Colonial Sec what they consider to be the funct but it is amply clear that in the C. was distinctly wrong. What he Council was, that in so far as it is p clusions Come to by any Finance C also included the Select Committe saying that during my period of Ol of salaries and its adjuncts, the Gov Finance Committee. Therefore C and he was correct possibly in stati rulings. But he was incorrect in the position of the Finance Comn These illustrations serve to show t all altogether ceased to be the c. difference was that under the nex came out more into the open and ( tives of a limited electorate where. most of their projects within the Council.
34, ibid. p. 456.
35. Vide Sessional Paper XXXIV of 1929 W of his Despatch to the Secretary of State for the Executive Council is in fact very fully consulte Government's policy and decisions. I am not Commissioners base their conclusion that all in Council to the Finance Committee of the Leg instance in which I have caused the Finance CO the Executive Council, and in papers which has such a practice was habitually or ordinarily foll occasions when the Executive Council has adv. decided by the Legislative Council, but convers against the acceptance of some resolution or ame lative Council, and the Government has acted Council, similarly to the authority of the Govc prior to the transfer of power in the Legislative it has not undergone the almost complete eclips of State in paragraph three of his reply to the with the latter regarding his views about the fi stated inter alia : “.................... I agree with you tha laid undue emphasis on the difficulties of worki of achievement of the last four or five years refle of the Members of the Legislative Council. . . . .

CEYLON REVIEW
a different view. In the circumstances be accepted as the Correct interpretation :y replying to Mr. Perera stated :- is
مصر .
retaries may, if they choose, lay down ions of any Committee or Constitution; ase under consideration Colonel Amery said was, and what I have said in the ossible the Government accepts the ConDommittee. (Note, Finance Committee e on the Budget) I think I am right in fice, with the exception of this question fernment has accepted the rulings of the olonel Amery was to an extent correct, ng that the Government did accept these his appreciation of the functions and of littee with reference to this Council. 34 hat the Executive Council had not after entre of Governmental activity.35 The W dispensation the Governor's advisers liscussed their plans with the representais formerly they had tended to plan out 2 enclosed atmosphere of an exclusive
بیلجئیے۔-
here Governor Sir Herbert Stanley in paragraph eleven Colonies dated 2nd June, 1929 stated inter alia : " The d by me, and it exercises a very potent influence on the aware of the grounds on which the (Donoughmore) portant business has been diverted from the Executive islative Council. . . . . . . . . . . . I cannot recall a single mmittee to be consulted before I referred a question to fe come before me I have seen nothing to indicate that lowed by my predecessor. No doubt, there have been ised that Some particular question should be left to be
ply on other occasions the Executive Council has advised
ndiment adopted, or likely to be adopted, by the Legisi upon that advice. The authority of the Executive }rnor, has of necessity become less absolute than it was Council from an official to an unofficial majority, but e ascribed to it by the Commissioners.' The Secretary Governor, dated 10th October 1929, seemed to agree indings of the Donoughmore Commissioners when he at the Special Commission may well be thought to have ng of the existing Constitution and that the sum total acts credit on the enthusiasm and co-operative goodwill
..' ibid. p. 24. __
242


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THE FINANCE
An examination of the rules, regu Committee will also help to determine into the territory of the Executive Cou the tasks allotted to it from time to till will reveal that the Finance Committee period not due to any conscious exertic ment stipulated in the Constitution b the Executive to utilize the services of than those mentioned in the Constitut Members of the Finance Committee diminish the authority of the Executiv when Unofficial Members complained to entrust then with duties which W. The evidence therefore points to the Donoughmore Commissioners were no
According to Rule 43 of the rules a the Chairman and 3 Unofficial Mem quorum. This provided the Governn through a good deal of its work in a de were either not too keen on attending when there was some item of business v of their constituents, or even if they de
--time table did not give them the opportu
tion of the meeting. The Unofficial Mei Eastern Provinces were among those aff seldom, the agenda was so arranged as business being taken up for consider. meeting. The result was that more ti discussion on the less important part of business was taken up for consideratic members began to leave for their trains many of its supplementary votes etc., p. over, not all Unofficial Members took Finance Committee unless the items Ol ents or the interests that they represente 36. Note the statements of UnOfficial Members C
Select Committee appointed to revise the Rules a 638-651 of Hansard 1927.
37. Vide coinninnents of Mr. E. R. Tannbillinnuttu í 1.
ibid.
2
4.
3

COMMITTEE
lations and functions of the Finance whether the Committee encroached ncil or whether it merely carried out ne by the Executive. The evidence increased in importance during this in on its part or to any legal requireut because political sense persuade
the Committee for purposes other ion. At no time did the Unofficial lesire to expand their powers or to e Council. In fact there were times that the Executive was attempting ere outside their proper province. 30 conclusion that the findings of the st based on facts.
ind orders of the Legislative Council, bers were sufficient to constitute a lent with an opportunity of getting pleted Finance Committee. Members meetings of the Committee except which directly concerned the interests cided to attend meetings, the railway Inity of staying on for the entire durambers representing the Northern and ected by the railway time table. Not to provide for the more important ation during the latter half of the me was spent in lengthy debate and the agenda while the more important in just at the time when outstation ... Government was thus able to get assed in a depleted house. 37 Morethe trouble to attend meetings of the n the agenda affected their constitud.38 Even then they tended to feel
in the occasion of the debate on the Report of the ld Orders of the Legislative Council in pages
pp. 723 and 725 of Hansard 1927.


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UNIVERSITY OF
that they could raise a discussion W brought up for confirmation before 45 provided for this. It stated that rep of expenditure should be put up for debate but if at least three membe should take place then this would happened however was that the rep through legislative twilight general forfeited their opportunity of raising
The functions of the Finance ( the Rules and Orders of the Legisl: inition the Committee was to conside expenditure when (a) the Legislative the Council was in session but had exceeding twenty days. Normally would have been necessary for the a enabled the Government to obtain ap out formally summoning the Coun was thereby saved. Mr. D. B. Jayat device when speaking on the subject tive Council. Inter alia, he said “" Council if every item, which is no is to be brought up before this Council Will be SO enormous and t insufficient, that we may have to sit days in the week . . . .' 39
The consideration of Votes for su was thus the only function entrust Rules and Orders of the Legislative Committee found that it had to de sider such votes because these tende of each year. This was especially s instance in 1915-16, the supplement Committee amounted to Over 6 mil rupees ; in 1918—19, 14,634,000 rup The reason for the continued increas
40. As contained in a statement of the Colol

CEYLON REVIEW
then the report of the Committee was the legislature. For sub-section 2 of Rule orts of the Committee which approved confirmation by the legislature, without rs present demanded that a discussion have to be allowed. What normally orts of the Finance Committee slipped ly unnoticed and Unofficial Members ; a debate at the appropriate moment.
Committee were defined in Rule 44 of ative Council. According to this defi'r votes for supplementary or unforeseen ! Council was not in session or (b) when been adjourned sine die or for a period the sanction of the Legislative Council doption of these votes but this provision proval for this type of expenditure withcil for the purpose. A great deal of time laka bore testimony to this time-saving of the Rules and Orders of the Legisla... what would be the position of this w discussed in the Finance Committee Council : . . . . . . The work of this རྩལ་ he time you can devote to it will be so not two days, but perhaps four or five
upplementary or unforeseen expenditure led to the Finance Committee by the Council. In carrying out this task, the 7ote more and more of its time to con'd to increase in amount with the lapse O during the pre-Manning period. For rary estimates approved by the Finance ion rupees ; in 1917-18 it was 7 million ees and in 1919–20, 14,180,000 rupees.40 se was, according to the Colonial Secre
lial Secretary in Hansard 1921, p. 286. <ం
244


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THE FINANCE
tary, the tendency on the part of U. estimates of the Heads of Departments
to come to the Finance Committee for
of the Manning Constitution too ther except for 1926–27, in the amount of su by the Finance Committee. In 192. rupees ; in 1925–26, it was 11,477.551. to 10,590,942.86 rupees and for 1927-2
The Finance Committee's functic consideration and confirmation of Su expenditure. The minority situation persuaded it to extend the functions C this count that there arose some controv given to the rules and orders of the Rule 42, the times for the sittings of determined by its Chairman, i.e. the ( that not less than forty hours notice of members. Rule 44 on the other hand to consider votes for supplementary or Legislative Council was not in session o but had been adjourned sine die or for a question arose as to whether these rul
dependently of each other, at the dist
whether they should be taken together when the legislature was not in session die, or for a period exceeding twenty C Mr. E. R. Tambimuttu in the Legislati the Finance Committee dated Octobe the Council for its confirmation. Mr that he had raised the question in the C Attorney-General was of opinion that it was open to the Council Secretary to when the Council was in session. It that if this was so, there was no purp Rules and Orders of the Legislative C. Manning, who was at the time also (under the Temporary Constitution ruling. He stated :-
ru 41. Hansarā 1929. p. 898.
24

COMMITTEE
nofficial Members to cut down the to such an extent that the latter had additional funds. During the period e was an increase from year to year upplementary expenditure sanctioned 4-25, the amount was 6,513,136.89 67 rupees ; for 1926–27, it amounted 9, it was 13,873,841.94 rupees.41
ons however did not end with the pplementary votes or of unforeseen in which the Executive found itself if the Finance Committee. It is on ersy regarding the interpretation to be Legislative Council. According to the Finance Committee were to be Colonial Secretary, with the proviso each meeting should be given to the laid down that the Committee was unforeseen expenditure when (a) the r (b) when the Council was in session period exceeding twenty days. The es (42 and 44) should be applied incretion of the Colonial Secretary, or and the Committee summoned only , or when it had been adjourned sine lays. The moot point was raised by ve Council in 1921 when a report of r 20th 1921 was brought up before Tambimuttu informed the Council Dommittee but had been told that the Rule 42 governed the case and that Summon a meeting at any time, even
was Mr. Tambimuttu's contention ose in having Rule 44 as part of the ouncil. The Governor, Sir William President of the Legislative Council of 1921) did not give a conclusive


Page 124
UNIVERSITY OF
" It appears to me that those tw. the Custom has been for the Finan CC convenient to the members Of that C that when the Council is sitting the that the members, having to be in C Committee. . . . . . . . 242
Ultimately however Rule 44 Convention under the Manning Co to meet even when the Legislativ Members who lived in outstations charge their responsibilities during t such occasions generally coincided W
The non-observance of Rule 44 mittee being arranged on days whi before the latter assembled or just was after the adjournment, member due to the exigencies of the railway kept away due to exhaustion afi Unofficial Members did not care vei proceedings were confidential and w Their non-attendance would pass u not be in a position to take them to ta Government was thus able to get its
The situation was about the san Legislative Council was not in Sessio lived out of Colombo tended to pla among their constituents or in the Usually it was only when matters a matter of national importance was their attendance at Committee meet in Colombo on the other hand ger of them however happened to be the -Europeans, Burghers and others. to eye with the Government, thoug sition to Government policy general but as has been mentioned earlier,
42. For a full account vide Hansard 1192, pp

CEYLON REVIEW
D clauses clash with one another. Again Committee to sit at such times as are ommittee, and I think it has been found re are occasions when it is convenient olombo, should attend a meeting of the
became a dead letter and it became a Institution for the Finance Committee e Council was in session. Unofficial preferred to fulfil their duties and disthe times they were in Colombo—and ith meetings of the Legislative Council.
led to meetings of the Finance Comen the Legislative Council met, either after its adjournment. If the meeting s from the outstations failed to turn up 7 time table while members in general ter a hard day’s work. Moreover y much to attend meetings because its ere therefore not available to the public. innoticed and their constituents would
isk for any neglect of duty on their part. . .
business through in a depleted house.
ne When the Committee met While the in. Then too Unofficial Members who y truant, preferring to spend that time pursuit of their professional activities. concerning their constituents or when placed on the agenda that they marked ings. Unofficial Members who resided erally attended these meetings. Most representatives of communal electorates This group in many matters saw eye h not always. Criticism of and oppoly came from the territorial membersthey were not always in Colombo to
677-679. ఇ_-
246


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THE FINANCE
participate in Committee meetings.
meetings of the Finance Committee t through most of its business without tioning of supplementary or unforesee Government was able to gauge the vie been mentioned elsewhere it helped the of support it would get for its legisla in the Legislative Council. Sometime were modified or improved in the light Committee meetings. The Committ of Consultation—though this position v
The Government was however no of the Finance Committee. Rule 45 o lative Council made the position quite C of the Committee should present to the detailing the items of expenditure appl proposed to the Committee but not unforeseen expenditure was not howev attention of the Finance Committee. submitted most of its legislative projec mittee. Unofficial Members took up accept the decisions of the Committee
to some form of compromise. Gov
commit itself to any set procedure. preferred to leave the Unofficial Mei next do if defeated in Committee. * never say die.” Usually a compre between the two sectors. The secre helped Unofficial Members to desist f flesh. The confidential atmosphere o necessary for members to indulge in There was no necessity for them to the vitriolism of rhetoric or to score di as in open Council. Generally the spi prevailed on both sides. 43 Hence the the occasion when the report of the S the Rules and Orders of the Legislative
43. Vide Sessional Paper XXXIV of 1929, wh
Despatch to the Secretary of State for the Colonie of the points raised and some of the things said in th
24

COMMITTEE
The absence of these members at hus helped the Government to get much difficulty especially the sancexpenditure. On the other issues, ws of Unofficial Members. As has Government to ascertain the amount live projects if these were introduced s programmes, policies and projects t of discussions that took place at the ee thus developed into a chamber was never regularised by law.
t in any way bound by the decisions if the Rules and Orders of the Legislear. It provided that the Chairman Council the report of the Committee roved by it and also any expenditure approved by it. Supplementary or er the only question that engaged the As stated earlier, Government also its for the consideration of the Comthe position that Government should on all these matters or at least agree 'ernment however preferred not to It improvised as occasion arose and mbers guessing as to what it would
It generally followed a policy of omise helped to resolve differences cy of the Committee's proceedings rom insisting on their full pound of f the Committee room made it unvituperative assaults on the Officials. magnetize admiring constituents by ebating points over the Government rit of reasonableness and compromise Attorney-General was able to say on elect Committee appointed to revise Council came up for consideration:- ere Governor Stanley in paragraph twelve of his
dated 2nd June 1929, state inter alia :— “ Some 2 Finance Committee might not have been raised or


Page 126
UNIVERSITY OF
* The powers and functions of well known and are laid down in th of finance ; but a practice has grow harmless and useful practice, where to the Finance Committee more th Council. It is a very convenient wa and opinions of the Council. . . . . . . .
Mention must also be made of a more than advisory capacity to th Public Works Advisory Board. It Legislative Council and exercised C sphere. 45 It was however not gi Manning Constitution. It was app 16th 1925 replacing the Consultati functioned in a similar capacity but previous Constitution until Septemb
The Board at first consisted oft man and 9 Unofficial Members, one fo of Railways, the Assistant Colonial S Public Works (Secretary) were also in 31st 1925, a European Unofficial Me
Contd. from Page 243.
said in the publicity and more formal atmosphere On the other hand, proceedings conducted in priv ness like, and it would be easier for members to rec they had not committed themselves publicly. No my knowledge, should I be disposed to say that t reasonably and generously with most of the financ there have been, occasional delays, occasional decis ate, but they have been the exception rather than t
44. Vide Hansard 1927. pp. 641 and 642.
45. Note the remarks of Mr. C. H. Z. Fernal occasion of the Colonial Secretary's motion on alia : — “ We have had instances in the past whe: various Boards. There is the Public Works Advis we who are not on that Board feel that it is runn stituencies have come up in Finance Committee al the Public Works Advisory Board. I myself han and the reply has been that the Public Works Advis 1927, pp. 1903 and 1904.
46. Vide Administration Report of the Director for further details.

CEYLON REVIEW
the Finance Committee are perfectly i rules. They are to deal with matters in up, which I venture to suggest is a by the Government open their hearts an it is practicable for them to do in
of ascertaining informally the wishes 44
legislative committee which acted in le Finance Committee. This was the was a permanent Committee of the onsiderable influence in the financial ren statutory recognition under the ointed by the Governor on October ve Committee on Roads which had with more restricted powers under the er 1925.46
he Director of Public Works as Chairreach province. The General Manager secretary and the Assistant Director of hembers of the Board. On December - smber was appointed to the Board to
of the ordinary Committee of the whole Council. rate were likely to be less rhetorical and more busionsider, in the light of discussion, opinions to which or, upon a broad general Survey of the facts within he Finance Connittee had deat otherwise than ial business referred to it. Occasional disagreements ions, which the Government has thought unfortunhe rule.
do when speaking on November 17th 1927, on the the Price of Electric Current' when he stated inter e the Government has handed its functions over to Dry Board, which is doing a great deal of work but ng the whole Colony. Matters affecting our conld been accepted by Government but thrust out by re brought several matters before the Government bry. Board has decided otherwise. . . . . . . . Hansard
of Public Works for 1925, page. A 5, paragraph 12
་་
18


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THE FINANCE
represent the European interests. In Ju for the Western Province was includ, tirector of Irrigation was given a place
The functions of the Board were b tary, Sir A. G. M. Fletcher in the course more Commission. In response to a Fletcher stated inter alia that the Böaj appointed by the Governor, an advisory with public works on the programmes - - - - - - the practice has recently grov to a Public Works Advisory Board. . Board was to consider the public estin others in respect of development pro regarding the inauguration and impro parts of the Island.
The reason for the formation of public works estimates of the Island ha nineteen twenties. Numerous requests for the improvement of their constitu to how best the nation's funds could be without causing unnecessary hardships
Works Advisory Board was constitute
between the rival claims of Various Un
The proceedings of the Board lik were private and confidential. In 192 16th, it met once a month. In 1926, it was spent on considering and criticisir extent, it helped greatly to facilitate t In 1927, the Board held 11 meetings, an for the specific purpose of making reco by Heads of Departments and others in to be included in the forthcoming bud the activities of the Board during this
47. vide Oral Evidence taken by the Donought:nore C 48, ibid. p. 19.
49. As stated by the Director of Public Works v Administration Reports during the period 1924 to 193
P-50. Administration Report of the Director of Public
249

COMMITTEE
ly 1926 an additional representative ed in the Board and in 1927, the
in it.
est described by the Colonial Secreof his evidence before the DonoughJuestion from Sir Mathew Nathan, rd ' .... is a standing Committee I committee on all matters connected .47 Continuing further, he added wn up of referring all the estimates ... '48 In short the function of the nates of Heads of Departments and jects and also to consider matters vement of public works in various
this board of advisors was that the d increased considerably during the were made by Unofficial Members encies. The question then arose as a shared out in an equitable manner
to any constituency. The Public i for this purpose-to act as arbiter bfficial Members.
e those of the Finance Committee 5, after its constitution on October held 9 meetings and most of its time ng schemes and estimates. To this he transaction of public business.49 d in the second week of May, it met immendations on applications made regard to proposals for public works get. S0 There was an expansion in year for in September, 1927, the
ommission, Volume I, p. 11.
who was Chairman of the Board, in each of his
5 Works for 1927, p. A 12, paragraph 36.


Page 128
UNIVERSITY OF
Government decided that the Boar Committee for matters concerned pose appointed the Director of Irrig 1928, the Board held 18 meetings.
May for the purpose of considering ments and other officials in respect of into an annual feature-for this was after every year till the dissolution Board held 12 meetings, in 1929, 10
In general the Public Works A dealing with votes on public works before the Finance Committee and A perusal of the Administrative Re for each of the years 1924 to 1931 v occasions when the Board held up p ings and squabbles between the Unt to some major question of special i between Members were however I to produce deadlocks or feuds so as tive machinery. Further, the Gove the decisions of the Board. There and the Government prevailed beca end had the right to initiate and aut the Colonial Secretary moved the 1928–39 on July 12th, 1928, he thank rendered, " both in connection wi nected with works, throughout th that the Government had no alte
51, ibid. page A. 13.
52. Mr. V. S. de S. Wikramanayake when s subject : " Donoughmore Commission : Govel
** With due deference . . . . . . . . . . . . to the must say that there are times when a Member tr say that that is the case generally. It is human ni on that Board. I know of one case where a Me some other road in another district was accepted to get this road, which was turned down at first, a
- - - - - - - - - - - - ” Hansard 1928. p. 1475.
Refer also the evidence given by Sir A. G. more Commission when he Stated inter alia :—
“ the practice has recently grown up of ref Board and they have revised the list too late for whichit is Certain about. . . . . . . . . . . . Oral Ely

CEYLON REVIEW
d should also function as an Advisor with irrigation works and for this puration as a member of the Board.51. In The practice of meeting in the month of the public estimates of Heads of Departdevelopment projects began to develop repeated once more in 1928 and thereof the Board in 1931. In 1928, the meetings and in 1930, 6 meetings.
Advisory Board helped to expedite the when these came up for consideration the Select Committee on the Budget. ports of the Director of Public Works vill confirm this vie W. But there Were ublic business due either to petty bickerDfficial Members of the Boards2 or due importance. These differences of views lot a regular feature nor did they tend to baulk the working of the administra}rnment did not on all occasions accept were times when there were differences ise it was the Government which in the horise expenditure. For instance whe
First Reading of the Supply Bill for red the Board for all the assistance it had th this Budget, and in all matters conis year . . . . . . but regretted the fact rnative but to curtail the programme
peaking on 23.10.28 in the Legislative Council on the Iniment by Committees,” stated inter alia :—
Members of the (Public Works) Advisory Board, I ies to get as much as possible for his district. I only ature and I would do the same thing, perhaps, if I was mber who when a certain road was turned down and got another meeting of the Board held and managed ccepted by the Board. Such things are not uncommon
W. Fletcher (Colonial Secretary) before the Donough
arring all the estimates to the Public Works Advisory the Government really to put forward a programme dence taken by the Donoughmore Commission, Vol. I. p. 2.
250


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which the Board had passed. 53 This Usually the Government and the Unoff Agreement and there was very little roo
There were also occasions when the Works Advisory Board had differences were vital, the Government brought u Legislative Council and a vote after deba This was the procedure followed with the headquarters of the Assistant Go of Mullaitivu to that of Vavuniya. I opinion that the headquarters should re repairs in the building there should be The Assistant Government Agent and ever seened to favour the tr nsfer to the decision of the Finance Committee the Government to refer the matter foi mittee. The Government then decide decision in open Council as no agree occasion, some Members of the Finan Board had exceeded its rights in ignor and referring the subject for the furth Eventually a compromise was reached *óf Inquiry should sit on the whole ques that such disputes or differences betw. were few and far between. On most decisions of the Board even when the Committee. It was evident during the the Board had come to function as an forward by Unofficial Members of the came to look upon the Board as the claims and disputes.
The Public Works Advisory Boa important mechanisms of the Manning يسمح all its limitations, to function in a sm زی evidence of the desire of Unofficial Me co-operate and collaborate with the GC
53. Vide Hansard 1928. p. 975. - 54. Refer Hansard 1929, pp. 372, 386-389, 394, 39
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was not however a regular feature. icial Members of the Board reached m left for complaint or controversy.
Finance Committee and the Public of opinion. On such issues, if they p the matters in dispute before the te and discussion Settled the question. regard to the subject of removing vernment Agent from the town he Finance Committee was of the main at Mullaitivu and that certain effected without unnecessary delay. the Director of Public Works howVavuniya. The Board overlooked ', called for estimates and requested further consideration to the Comld to bring the matter up for final sment could be reached. On that ce Committee complained that the ing the decision of the Committee Sr COnsideration of the Committee. by a suggestion that a Committee tion. 54. It should however be noted een the Board and the Committee matters the Committee accepted the se ran counter to the Wishes of the latter years of the Constitution that umpire between the rival claims put a Finance Committee and the latter ultimate arbiter of these conflicting
rd was therefore one of the more Constitution which enabled it, with ooth and efficient manner. It was timbers of the Legislative Council to vernment without embarrassing the
6 and 408-409 for a full account of the dispute.


Page 130
UNIVERSITY O.
latter or causing unnecessary hard was no evidence available to show Works Advisory Board were hars with Government Officials nor wa official Members were eager or in cut down recklessly the estimates for the consideration of the Board Director of Public Works for each testimony to this conclusion. Th any evidence of any bitter contr Members of the Board.
In fact the Board acted with such a thoroughly businesslike ma enjoy its comparatively anony verdict on the work of the Bo: system with 1eference to the occasion of the debate on this Sul September 1928, is worth quoting to the work of the Board. He sta
“ . . . . . . . . Take the case oft is one of the most useful Boards relating to the way a road should should be spent on a road, what bui should be erected, and so on, com exception every one of its recom and Without discussion—that is Council. It conduces to the spee I feel in this matter that it is wort Departments with these Committee House, and as far as possible be bou are acting in a spirit of obstruction interests of the Colony. There c.
55. Vide statement of Sir (then Mr.) Franc on 19.10.28 on the subject :— ‘ Donough Among other things he stated :- "I wish t again they deliberate and give the Head of the best advice they can give, and those on that boc Officials who have come in contact with the B

F CEYLON REVIEW
ships to administrative officials. There that Unofficial Members of the Public and ruthless in their manner of dealing s there anvi evidence to indicate that Untent on acting in a concerted fashion to put forward by Heads of Departments 1.55. The Administration Reports of the of the years 1924 to 1931 bear adequate e Hansards of the period contain hardly oversy between Officials and Unofficial
such efficiency and went about its task in inner that many preferred to leave it to mous existence. Mr. A. MahadeVas ard when speaking on the Committee Donoughmore Constitution, on the bject in the Legislative Council on 18th here as typical of the Unofficial approach
ited (inter alia) on this occasion:
he Public Works Advisory Board which I know of. There nearly every matter be constructed, what amount of money ldings should be erected, where a hospital es before it, and I believe almost without mendations is accepted by Government, an important point-accepted by this dy despatch of public business ........ in asking whether in associating Heads of s, so that they may know the views of this Indby the wishes of these committees, we or because we think that it is in the best in be no doubt in my mind that, unless
is Molamure when speaking in the Legislative Council more Commission : Government by Committees. o refer to the Public Works Advisory Board. There : Department, the Director of Public Works, the very y have had very many encomiums paid to them by the oard . . . . . . . . . . . . Hansard 1928, p. 1436. *"
252


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THE FINANCE
we wish to paint ourselves as sickly hy manner with the intention of promotin dhe most useful manner possible. 56
Thé Finance Committee and its Advisory Board were thus the indispensa The Committee did not become in an was a regular trial of strength between a permanent and frustrated band of U and seductive atmosphere of the Comm both sides an excellent opportunity fo formulae and compromises or of narrow was impossible. It is true that in this officials in the public service and Unc Council clashed, leading to strained rel: blame could not be wholly attached t situations. The Constitution was so d be held responsible for any lapses or faul and in the carrying out of policy, were, the Officials themselves. There were should have been placed on the Govern Legislative Council, the Colonial Secre patently obvious that the fault lay not (
midead óf Department because of his de
the wishes of the legislature, there was in of the Legislative Council but to direct cerned. Colonel T. Y. Wright who Council during this time in his autob Ceylon entitled Ceylon in my Time Support to this view when he wrote tha mittee 'gave an opportunity to some times may be deservedly and at other however, will be served by placing t Unofficial Members or the governmei blame for any bitterness that developed to note that much of the ill-will was i stances. The officials concerned had where they had been accustomed to ha
56, ibid, p. 1412. -57,p.159。
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COMMITTEE
Ocrites, we have been acting in this 2, the despatch of public business in
lesser version, the Public Works ble driving belts of the Constitution. y way a battleground where there three Officials on the one hand and Jnofficials on the other. The sane ittee room on the contrary offered r arriving at reasonably acceptable ing out differences where agreement process, there were occasions when official Members of the Legislative tions between the two sections but the Unofficial Members for such evised that the persons who could its in the daily task of administration in the absence of elected Ministers, some who argued that the blame or or his chief representative in the tary. But when at times it was so bn the Governor but on a particular liberate unwillingness to adhere to b option left for Unofficial Members their Criticisms at the oficials conwas a member of the Legislative biographical account of his stay in 1889-1949 appears to lend some t the existence of the Finance Commembers to bait Civil Servants, at times not. '57 No useful purpose, he blame exclusively on either the it officials. Both sections were to But it might also be worthwhile in part due to the changed circumserved under earlier dispensations ve their way because they were as


Page 132
UNIVERSITY OF
sured of a majority in the Legislati the changes introduced under the longer have the independence they were now expected to pay due atter in the Legislative Council. A goo to the changes but there were quit and refused to accommodate thems
The views of the Donoughmo public servant under the Manning different. On page 126 of their re.
* The abuse of the Governmen 1menon. In the Council, in the Ses public platform and in the Press at heaped on criticism. Policy was frt ties and the discussion carried at t courteous or decent. The imputa disagreement with particular action against those who had little opport Departments were naturally the wo officer was exempt from these pai receiving that Co-operation from e reasonably have looked, public offi they must expect their endeavours their decisions to be greeted by per stood in greater need of support by
The above statements were, h the situation prevailing in the Serv but it was not so widespread as to hamper their initiative and undermir from the Unofficial sector in the leg ceasing so as to cause a complete C In fact the reports of the Select C signed by the Colonial Secretary, Colonial Treasurer contain no Co. treated or subject to any indignitic the local Press but this could not ha
58. As stated by the Donoughmore Commis

CEYLON REVIEW
ve Council. They failed to appreciate Manning Constitution. They could no had been accustomed to have. They tion to the representatives of the people d many of them reconciled themselves e a few who were bitter and obstinate
lves to the new situation.
e Commissioners on the position of the Constitution was, however, altogether bort, they wrote :
Official (thus) became a familar phenoions of the Finance Committee, on the tack followed attack and criticism was squently discussed in terms of personaliimes beyond the bounds of what was tion of doubtful motives accompanied and allegations of all sorts were made unity for reply. Though the Heads of rst sufferers, no class or grade of public inful experiences. Instead therefore of lected members for which they might cers found that under the new regime. to be met by ill-informed obstruction, sonal disparagement. Never had they a strong Executive.
OWeVer, nOt an aCCurate aSSCSS1ment Ot rices. There was discontent no doubt dishearten the Ceylon Services, to le their morale. '58 There was criticism islature but it was not frequent and unr even partial breakdown in efficiency. ommittees on the Budget which were
the Controller of Revenue and the implaints that public servants were ills. There was virulent criticism from
ve in any case been avoided. What is
sioners in their Report, vide p. 127.
254


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important to note was that the relation administration was on a level which e satisfactorily. Governor Sir Herbert S perspective in his Despatch to the Secr 2nd June, 1929. The following extracts ship that existed between the legislatur
"The Unofficial Members probab tude which in the ventilation of these s ations they adopted towards the Gover was liable to misconstruction outside t be made for political exigencies, for l forensic antecedents and for the embe easily be assessed as by those in charge the Council . . . . . . . . Some harm has have been expected by an observer unf and I do not think that the harm done
255
 

COMMITTEE
ship between the legislature and the nabled the Constitution to function tanley put the situation in its proper stary of State for the Colonies dated gives a fair impression of the relatione and administration :-
bly did not appreciate that the attiuspicions or grievances or representnment and some of its senior officers he Council, where the allowance to habits of diction derived from local lishments of rhetoric could not so of the Government's business within been done, but not so much as might amiliar with our local circumstances, need prove irreparable. . . . . . . .
A. J. WILSON


Page 134



Page 135
The British Radicals
Socia.
familiar tactic of the political Α clear of real events is the retreat
of Cambridge spoke to the Uni subject of Democracy , he said that Kingdom made a full and free choice objected that the Conservative Party, fi when there was gross inequality, with up, and that therefore the choice was plied that he wasn't there to discuss t political parties—his subject was pu pure democracy to be found ? what coi able for inspection a Such a way of th history. We get nowhere, we remail notions, unless we think all the time of situations.
Thus it seems to me misleading t
role of the philosophic radicals (e.g from any such phase in the history use, increasingly with a capital letter, definite political movement in Britain was even a group of that name in th Joseph Hume, the mouthpiece of Fra1 definite things. Of course these thing political movement that while it may changes with the growing society it ex least the rise of Chartism the Radicals the most forward body in their society late spokesmen for the changes in class ward. After the Napoleonic War, th Reform : working-class Radicals like
hard to win a reform which directly be ach a move was, objectively, progres
257

Fathers of British
|lism
historian who wants to keep safelly into philosophy. When Dr. Ewing versity at Peradeniya in 1959 on the the variety of parties in the United ossible for the voter. When it was or instance, had its origin in a period but which it could not have grown only nominally free, Dr. Ewing rehe merits and demerits of particular re democracy. But where is this Intry can claim it 2 where is it availinking is only an escape from actual distracted with merely theoretical specific ideas as they arose in specific
o stress, in defining radicalism, the ... the utilitarians), or indeed to start f ideas. " Radical was in actual
to name a well-known and very
early in the 19th century. There 2 House of Commons, for example cis Place, and they stood for very s changed. It is the essence of any stay the same nominally, its content lists in. But from the first until at had this in Common, that they were and the most conscious and articu, in economy, that were going fore Radicals were for Parliamentary Cobbett and Orator Hunt Worked nefited only the bourgeoisie, because sive, an advance without which the


Page 136
UNIVERSITY OF
next stage might never have bee break-up of Chartism and the repe. were progressive mainly in that the against the hereditary land-owners other sense that, out of the whole and the trade unions hailed Lincoli slaves. So the movement chang loped, or got left behind. But alv who make up the political Vanguar
This has implied that the forv clear, not smoothly continuous. forms survive into a changed age, of a glacier. Old-fashioned illusion forever replaced condition of socie blems. A most influential one in In 1813 there were mass executic makers who had smashed and burn flooding the market with shoddy These men sang on the scaffold, no done a century later, but-Metho in his recent Primitive Rebels, " the descends from that of a bourgeois r ideology had reached the middle called the first of British socialists. was named the Society of Ratic known as Social missionaries. A in 1838 was even called a sacred in a formula. Once there were the later 19th century there arose really meeting places for lectures there are plain socialist meeting
1. E. H. Carr, Karl Marx (1938 ed.), pp. 2. E. P. Thompson, ' Homage to Tor Briggs and John Saville (1960), p. 290, n.1. Th knitters Wrote in an appeal for charity were als their spirit of dutiful meekness (see The Commo pp. 118—9).
3. E. Frow, Robert Owen : Marxist, A People's History of England (1956 ed.), p. 434.
4. In 1848 there was a Continuinist Chui collapse : see G. D. H. Cole and Raymond Pos Wallas, The Life of Francis Place (1925 cd.), p. 3

CEYLON REVIEW
in reached. By mid-century, after the all of the Corn Laws, the official Radicals
y stood for the new big-business interests
. Yet they were still progressive in the of England, only John Bright's Radicals l's proclamation emancipating the negro ed, split up, moved forward and deveways it is radicals of one sort or another
vard movement in the country was not The husks of outworn ideas and social like rocks and other débris on the back s, utopias, wistful regressions to a former, ty remain, masking the actual new prothat Britain was religion, or religiosity. Dns of the Luddites-the old stockingled the new stocking frames which were goods and driving them out of work. it the International as they might have dist hymns.2. As Eric Hobsbawm said : ideology of political labour movements evolution fought and won before secular
classes.” Thus Robert Owen might bei
Yet one of his early propaganda bodies inal Religionists and its agitators were general strike proposed by the Chartists month. This whole trend can be put ust chapels, e.g. Methodist chapels. In what were called socialist chapels - on politics and Society. And nowadays places. In this way the true political
116, 182. in Maguire : sce Essays in Labour History, cd. Asa e pamphlet-poems which the Nottingham framework
o hymn-like-in their metre, their turn of phrase, and i Muse, 1957, ed. V. de Sola Pinto and A. E. Rodway,
n Today, October 1958, pp. 298-9; A. L. Morton,
ch' ; and a Chartist Church arose after the Chartist tgate, The Common People (1956 ed.), p. 321 ; Graham 78. ويخحتاجية
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impulse, arising out of actual events, mu the outworn ideology it has been disguise
nge eternally in consequence of the tent. '5 The Church form of institutio as the true social nature of its content en
This overlapping of historical stage the Radical movement, by William Col as to the possible lines of progress took t or stay in, the healthy rural England Cobbett did hanker after a rural England too much of a diehard countryman whi and proletarian movement. Yet he w; against the selfishness of the wealthy, wh country workers who were starving on poor-law regulations to work virtually or with the town workers toiling in the l ature of 85%. To assess Cobbett fairly and what was he against . He was for . one. He was for Parliamentary Refor1 if it would help to feed and clothe and h a means to extract profits for the benef against all means whereby unproductive toil of others—against Stock-Exchange s a standing army ; and also against e Malthusian method of coping with star tution. Cobbett did hark back too mu most influential, most telling writings, W of the crucial period leading up to the R ters, the contemporary struggle against stand he took on these things was progr advance, not only of the Cannings and S Mill or Francis Place.
A passage of characteristic Cobbett It is from his article in his Political Regi. the Combination Laws in the year befor
5. G. V. Plekhanov, The Development of the Moni. cow, 1956), p. 108.
-6. Cobbett, Rural Rides (Everyman ed., 1940), II,
259
 
 
 
 
 

RADICALS
st struggle to shake of the husk of *d in. As dialectics puts it, " forms higher development of their conn is transformed out of recognition erges ever more openly.
is is strikingly embcdied, early in bbett, a Radicals whose unclearness he form of an urge to get back to, which was now being despoiled. now irretrievably changed, he was olly to go with the new industrial as an out-and-out radical-bitterly oleheartedly sympathising with the a diet of potatoes or forced by the as slaves for the better-off farmers, inaccustomed factories in a temper, we must ask: What was he for : a minimum living wage for everym. He was for machine industry ouse the people, and not be merely it of non-workers.6 And he was drones could live in luxury on the windlers, against sinecures, against migration, as the easy, inhuman, lvation, unemployment, and destich. But the whole burden of his hich made him the Radical agitator eform of 1832, is contemporary matreaction and privilege. And the essive, forward-looking, far, far in idmouths but of Bentham or James
will show his instinctive radicalism ster for August 30, 1823, analysing e they were repealed :
it View of History (trans. A. Rothstein, ed. Mos
p. 53 (entry for August 30, 1826).


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Well, Wilberforce; the co of Correction, to the former latter for not more than two 1
Now, you will observe. inflicted in order to prevent V such union, to obtain an addi Ryding and Horrocks, to pri Every man’s labour is his pro sell or otherwise dispose of. sell or otherwise dispose of: pretty free to sell it before thi: their labour to sell. The pu wanted them to sell it at what order to be a match for the 1 agree to assist one another, and can obtain what they deem : wrong in this a What was th attacked either in the market millers be attacked with a view ties at a price lower than they c and are hanged In 1812, assisted to seize a man's potato Compelling him to sell them a for them : this poor woman, at home, was hanged by the neck crime worthy of death to atte 1 t a Crime 1:n a CottOn Splinner ti his labour from him at a price
This Combination Act do not combine against the work Act is . . Does not the law two Justices to send the nasters rection ? No, the devil a bit thing does it do. However oppressive ; however cruel; thousands of persons ; though tended) to produce breaches ( consequences ; though such in

CEYLON REVIEW
mbiners are to go to gaol or to the House for not more than three months, to the months, for the first going off. . . . . .
Wilberforce, that this punishment is workmen from uniting together, and by tion to their wages, or, as in the case of event their wages from being reduced. perty. It is something which he has to The Cotton spinners had their labour to or at least they thought so. They were s Combination Law of 1800. They had Irchasers were powerful and rich, and the spinners deemed too low a price. In ich purchasers, the Sellers of the labour thus to live as well as they can ; till they a proper price. Now, what was there here either unjust or illegal 2 If men be or in their shops; if butchers, farmers, V of forcing them to sell their commodilemand, the assailants are deemed rioters, a poor woman who seized, or rather, bes in the market at Manchester, and, in t a lower price than that which he asked who had, very likely, a starving family till she was dead! Now, then, if it was a :mpt to force potatoes from a farmer, is o attempt to prevent others from getting
lower than he asks for it . . . .
es, however, say that the * mnasters shall Innen.” Oh ! well then, how fair this say this ; and does it not empower the to the common gaol and the House of Cordoes it do such a thing No such a
flagrant the combination ; however though it may bring starvation upon it may tend (as in numerous cases it has of the peace, insurrections and all their hay be the nature and tendency of these
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combinations of the masters, the Justices can inflict, is a fine of twent) difference. Mark it, Wilberforce happiness of your free British la cannot be called upon by the Justic and their associates.7
Cobbett writes as he must have sp absolute literalness of one accustomed simple people. At the same time the unsophisticated ; and Cobbett is conce way with the conditions of the town w unmistakably why the early Radicals socialism in Britain. The impulse in fellow-feeling for poor workers caught as well as Marx that the proletarian wor power. And he fearlessly applies to th as to the worker. Cobbett's spirit is s Press is full of hints about the dangerou next to nothing of the truly sinister pov
So Cobbett was in the political va. form he took his rightful place as a I
Oldham, then a new industrial centre.
through with streaks of the out-of-date implication that runs through the Histor Rural Rides that the needy should be ca. in the days of the monasteries). It co early a stage of the progressive movem and grieve over the loss of the harmonic owner and worker, and sigh for the ret is, he could not see that an age of class often speaks, in the old pre-socialist wa were inevitable, as though they provid hard work, and so on.9 But he was
looking to be properly classed with t
7. Quoted from J. L. and Barbara Hammond, 127-9.
8. See Asa Briggs, The Language of " Cl Essays in Labour History, pp. 45-6.
9. E.g. Rural Rides, II, pp. 233, 294.
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RADICALS
utmost punishment that the two pounds But, and now mark the ; note it down as a proof of the bourers : mark, that the masters les to give evidence against them Selves
oken ; and his arguments have the to driving home a point before economics in that passage are not arning himself in the most detailed orkers. In that passage we can see are to be viewed as the fathers of Cobbett's argument is his humane in the vice of capitalism. He sees ker lives solely by selling his labourhe owner exactly the same standard till needed to-day, when the British s power of the trade unions but says wer of the monopolies.
nguard of his time. And after ReRadical Member of Parliament, for
Of course his radicalism was shot , the unrealistic, the cranky (e.g. the y of the Protestant Reformation and the red for by charity, as they had been uld not have been otherwise at so ent. Cobbett was wont to deplore ous ‘ chain of connection o between urn of this idyllic harmony. 8 That struggle had come to pass. And he y, as though poverty and inequality 2d the only conceivable incentive to too effective a radical for his pasthe hearties, the Merrie-Englanders,
The Tolph Labourer, 1760-1832 (1920 ed.), pp.
ass' in Early Nineteenth Century England :


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the laudatores temporis acti pure anc in a way that suggests his relation then going forward. Thus a rece writes in his Social Change in the I.
In terms of the social di de-differentiation of roles. economy-which fused econd erase that great complexity C roles. In this sense Cobbetti of a less differentiated form o quently when social roles ar The appeal had an unrealistic impossibility of such a mighty in population and social stru
English values of the day.
And he explains how in this (
The appeal of Cobbettis for the weavers and other di release of weavers from the Crowding, the wage-cuts, an with some reason, attached t Furthermore, the radical refol some powerful arguments i
grandiose appeal to restore a could flourish.10
There, then, is how an idea appeal. Yet it would be misleadin amongst thinkers in the early day accepted industrial change and t countryman ; yet he finished up N gone objectively-whatever he w shift of the balance of power to the the rise of urban-Centred ideas. II became naked and conscious, the accepted industrialism as a source
1 () (1959), p. 251.

FR CEYLON REVIEW
simple. It should rather be formulated ship to the new developments that were nt American sociologist, Neil J. Smelser, dustrial Revolution :
vision of labour, Cobbettism represents a The re-establishment of the domestic mic with other family functions—would f artificial commercial and industrial m was regressive ; it was an idealisation Society. Such idealisation appears free under pressure in different directions. ring, furthermore, because of the sheer retrogression in the face of recent changes Icture and in the face of the dominant
Dobbett was at one with a whole class :
m had an appropriate symbolic appeal ying artisan groups after the war. The military aggravated the effects of overd the Irish immigrants. The weavers, heir woes to the new industrial society. in of Parliament for which there were n any case—represented a simple yet society in which the outmoded artisan
which, historically, is futile can keep its g to say, as it often is said, that the division s of Radicalism was between those who hose who resisted it. Cobbett was a M.P. for Oldham, and his life's work had is trying for himself-to forwarding the towns : the industrialists, the proletariat, I this age in which the class struggle first basic division was between those who of private wealth and those who wanted
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to secure its whole product for the wor
in all kinds of ways. But ther
classifications; they should be, indeed
historical developments. In effect the F posive workers' movement; hence it w socialism ; and as the lead was taken ov thinkers were coming out explicitly w great deal of what was shortly to be giv
This radicalism was very much the that is surely the best way to approach individuals so much as the coming into i powerful new forces in society. So I new state of society which was creatin early 19th century was a time of violent opposite pole to that was greater organ Thus in 1797 came the Nore mutinies : a strike of the Durham miners ; in 1811 Derbyshire ‘ Insurrection ; in 1818 s slaughter of the worker demonstrator Lancashire against the powered looms tingham-a non-stop series of most vic industrial capitalism. To contemporar
government) it seemed as though the d
gates would give ; civilisation was doc necessitated by it, indeed another face of organisation. After the Napoleonic W acute, people realised with bewilder whether the population was getting bi far-flung administrative machinery they in 1801 the first comprehensive census v Owen was pioneering the planned soc housing, employment, buying and selli gether, for the common good. Co-C was set up in Brighton in 1828, then C in a year or two there were five hundr Exchanges, where men could buy outs means of labour notes, were grow University of London, the first alternati
Y – 11. Elie Halévy, The Liberal Avakening (1949 ed
26

RADICALS
kers. Of course one can divide up e should be good reasons for one's l, in line with the main course of Radical movement wrs the first puras the source of the later, conscious Ter by Chartism, the most advanced ith a programme that anticipates a en coherence by Marx and Engels.
e natural ideology of its age. And it not as the brain-child of a few deological consciousness of the most had better say briefly what was the g the necessity for socialism. The : disorganisation, civil upset; but the sation : the two occur side by side. in 1798 the Irish rebellion ; in 1810 the Luddites in 1817 the so-called trikes in Lancashire; in 1819 the s at Manchester ; in 1826 riots in ; in 1831 riots in Bristol and Notplent troubles, the growing pains of ies (to Wordsworth and to the Tory lay of wrath had come ; the floodmed. But in the midst of turmoil, the same whole process, there arose ar, as famine and destitution became nent that they didn't even know gger or smaller. Statistics, and the involve, were in their infancy. But was taken. At the same time Robert ciety, in which industry, schooling, ng would all be planned and run tooperatives spread rapidly : the first )wen took over the movement, and ed. 11 At the same time his Labour de the profit-making retail trade by ing up. In 1826 was founded the ve to Oxford and Cambridge, which
), pp. 281-2.
3.


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then did little more than polish or
intended to succeed their fathers, c clergymen with the necessary mi also making itself more and more fate of the people. In 1833 an Ac spection. In 1837 the registration o compulsory. 12 Communications penny postage Came in, So that con in another county was no longer the
The sides of organisation most last. First, the growth of towns i though it seemed at the time. In population doubled. In 1790 there workers; by 1840 the reverse was early Radical movement the indust average three or four times. 13 Eve that resulted from this-one which be able to avoid. But when peopl minimum control and forethought water, municipal housing, the lightil must be laid down officially and-u —even enforced. For example, Ma invaluable in writing Capital; and, legislation was actually implementec
The kind of organisation whic the organisation of labour-the rise class-consciousness. The men Whi about the herding of people into to profits made by operating expensive in the congested town or on the fac learn to co-operate. By welding 1 masses-by socialising productionver own system, the means wherel 12. Dr Wakley, the Radical coroner of One such died scalded in a workhouse copper and by the coroner's jury, sneered that “ The jury h
body.' Said Wakley, " If this is not the body many paupers have you boiled ' ' (Cole and P.
13, Cole and Postgate, The Common People,

CEYLON REVIEW
finish the sons of landed gentry who r supply intending Church of England imum of Classics. Government was is responsible for keeping a check on the I was passed providing for factory inbirths, marriages, and deaths was made ecame rapid and far-flung : in 1839 municating with a fellow-countryman privilege of lords and their hangers-on.
important for my theme I have left till itself a kind of organisation-chaotic the century up to 1821, the density of were twice as many country as town the case. And during the life of the ial towns increased their population on pryone knows the appalling social mess the now-developing countries should e are so crammed together, a certain becomes indispensable-sewage, piped ng of the streets. All kinds of standards sually after a gap of a good many years rx found the Factory Inspectors' reports
after a further lag, some of the factory
h belongs at the heart of our subject is of the trade unions and of proletarian b were developing industry brought wns and factories so as to maximise the machines. But under such conditions, tory floor, the workmen could not but men together in mutually dependent the capitalist was building, inside his y, sometime in the following century, West Middlesex, held inquests '' even on paupers.' was quietly buried. The workhouse master, censured lve found a verdict, but they have not identified the
of the man who was killed in your vat, pray, sir, how Istgate, The Common People, p. 315).
op. 136, 305-6. *
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that system would be overthrown.14 were held when the tiny combination oney to live without wages for a w strike was barely distinct from the ric at intolerable living conditions.16 Bu learn. Unions accumulate funds, and mating, to set up a solid front against as Chartism was petering out in the late growing up to carry on the work of the miners were organised nationally. a year to fight every case that involv unions, soon to be organised as the fought together for shorter hours a Associations, for the Protection and fo formed, led by the Sheffield craftsmen joint President of both was—a Radical even considered founding a trade-uni working-class party based on the trade
The declared object of the Associa shows how a quite formed and consc British radicalism. It aimed to revive since 1834, and ' to aid the members v.
i dy self-employment, with a view to the u
system of competition.” 18 This is ve the workers are now fully aware of wil vague as to means. It has the shortc seed, defined by Marx with regard to
during the revolution of 1848 :
The first draft of the constitut contained the droit du travail, the rig
14. This basic trend in modern development is di minist Party (Moscow, 1957 ed.), pp. 62-4; Marx, Marx, Capital (ed. Engels, trans. Moore and Aveling, Beatrice Webb, My Apprenticeship (Pelican, 1938 ed. (Moscow, 1959 ed.), p. 462.
15. E.g. Wallas, Life of Place, pp. 8-9. 16. See Lenin, What Is To Be Done 2 (Moscow, 17. Cole and Postgate, The Common People, pp. 18. Ibid., p. 317. Compare the remark made i powerful British Transport and General Workers Un Kaive under capitalism, but to do away with capital
265

RADICALS
So, at the start of this period, strikes s' or early unions had saved enough eek or two. 15 And sometimes the ot-the outburst of desperation it from every incident the workers experience. They think of amalgathe employers. For example, even : 1840s, unions of trade unions were solidarity. Throughout the 1840s They could pay a lawyer (, 1,000 ed their interests. The engineering Amalgamated Society of Engineers, ind higher wages. Two National r the Employment of Labour, were and the Yorkshire miners, and the M.P. The Protection Association on political party—the first time a unions had been mooted. 17
tion for the Employment of Labour ious socialism was now the core of : co-operative production, dormant vage-struggles by means of collective ltimate supersession of the capitalist ry bold and drastic ; it shows that hat their interests are. But it is also omings, but also the revolutionary the constitution proclaimed in Paris
ion, made before the June days, still ght to work, the first clumsy formula
efined in Marx and Engels’s Manifesto of the ComThe Poverty of Philosophy (Moscow, n.d.), p. 172; New York, 1906 ed.), I, pp. 257-8,552, 836-7; ), p. 395 : Lenin, cit, N.K. Krupskaya, Lenin
1952 ed.), p. 51. 316-7, 318.
in July 1960 by Frank Cousins, secretary of the ion : " Our object is not to enable the worker ism.” (London Observer, 28.8.60).


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wherein the revolutionary den It was transformed into the dr. and what modern state does no The right to work is, in the bou pious wish. But behind the capital ; behind the power ove of production, their subjectio1 therefore, the abolition of wag relations. 19
So now, in considering the co we have to note that it is both dra short-winded, doomed to false start in a few years every time. For o engendered the need for a militant tically, the masses were still playir who also were fighting, against th and power. And wherever the bo the radical movement, they soft-ped sold it to the governing class. Ha industrial unrest :
The riots of 1812 had beer the incoheren rising of a dis immediately united against it a riots of 1815, on the Other han even directed, by leaders of inc
were bitterly hostile to the pol lists.20
But of course the Reform mani contained not one item clearly in fav in 1842 near Manchester some firm provement, with the aim of forcii conveniently pressuring the governi incriminating the bourgeoisie. But discussed-not the Corn Laws-bu work.'21. In general at this perio
19. The Class Struggles in France, 1848-185 20. Elie Halévy, England in 1815 (1949 ed.),
21. Engels, The Condition of the VWorking Britain (Moscow, 1953), pp. 266-7.

CEYLON REVIEW
lands of the proletariat are summarised. it d'assistence, the right to public relief. feed its paupers in some form or other rgeois sense, an absurdity, a miserable, right to work stands the power over capital, the appropriation of the means to the associated working class and, elabour, of capital and of their mutual
intent of radicalism during this period, stic and incoherent, both dynamic and s, glorious sweeping hopes that founder he thing, the new form of society had party of the working masses-yet, polig along with the industrial employers e hereditary landlords, for more scope urgeoisie were allowed to participate in alled it, led it aside from the main track, lévy says about the changing nature of
merely the revolt of misery and want, organised and leaderless rabble, which ill the wealthy and ruling classes. The ld, were tolerated, encouraged, perhaps lustry, bankers, and stock-brokers, who icy of the landowners and agricultura
esto which emerged from these troubles four of those rebellious masses. Again, S reduced wages, in spite of a trade imng the workers out on strike and thus ment to repeall the Corn Laws—without the mass meetings held by these workers it "a fair day's wages for a fair day's i the demands in the People's Charter ) (Moscow, 1952 ed.), p. 103.
pp. 149—50.
Class in England in 1844: see Marx and Engels, Оп
AV
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vere treated as the end, the terminu Were only the beginning for the militaj the mass campaign for universal suffrag seemed on the verge of leading to rev along with the leaders of the General skilled workmen, were already develo off from the unskilled and also unorgan the government, and the rising was be
Thus the truly radical movemer from outside and by its own primitive ism was right from the point of view of an expression, a herald of the class wh the beginning of the twentieth centu putting an end to capitalism and irresis At every point what the original Radic guise, is the later clear socialism. The e Douglas, one of the live wires of th drafting a petition for working men's height of the Chartist agitation he was two million men, drawn, like a Ches in a cart of white horses to the House C vision of abundance is amazingly akin
ཞི། ། -what Shakespeare shows us in the s But there are also at this time clear ant ism. Thus Bronterre O'Brien, the out ment, the editor of the Chartist Poor M
mated trade unions as the basis of a 1. Parliament would be replaced by a Ho to the guild socialism which devel the Great War. And there was also a trade union movement to this day) th politics and trust to purely industrial a 22. Ibid., p. 270. Morton, People's History of E 23. Marx and Engels, Selected Correspondence (M
24. Lenin, Two Utopias” (October 1912):
p. 309.
25. Asa Briggs, The Local Background of C pp. 22, 24.
26. Part II, Act IV, Scene ii, e.g. “ There shall peny ; the three hoop’d pot, shall have ten hoopes, al ܵ 27. Poor Mary's Guardian for 19.10.1833 : cit. BI
26

RADICALS
s, by the bourgeois Radicals. They nt proletariat.22 Finally in the 1860s ge was at a point of near revolt which olution. But the bourgeois Radicals Council of Trade Unions (who, as ping a craft snobbery which cut them ised labourers) made their peace with trayed from the inside.23
it was jeopardised both by Sapping incoherences. But utopian Socialworld history, as it was a symptom, ich, born of Capitalism, has by now, ry, become a mass force capable of stibly proceeding in that direction.”24 alism foreshadows, often in a fantastic 'ditor of the Birmingham Journal, R. K. e provincial movement, thought of rights in biblical language, and at the s dreaming of a petition signed by hire cheese of twenty feet diameter, of Commons.”25 That almost comic to the utopianism of medieval times peeches of Jack Cade in Henry VI.26 icipations of modern, scientific socialstanding mind in the Radical movean’s Guardian, thought of the amalganew kind of social organisation where use of Trades. 27. That is very close oped as a wing of the Fabians during trend of opinion (still flavouring the at the workers should keep clear of ction as a means of fighting for their
England, p. 433.
oscow, n.d.), p. 221 and n.
see Selected Works (Moscow, 1952), I, Part 2,
Dhartism in Briggs (Ed.), Chartist Studies (1959),
be in England, seven halfe peny Loaves sold for a
nd I will make it Fellony to drink small Beere. ... ”. riggs, Chartist Studies, p. 13.
7


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rights. After the collapse of the tr. as Henry Hetherington and Willian tical arm (universal suffrage) their m Leeds trade-unionists were still talk as the hammer-blow which would S of the syndicalism which was so stro Tillett in the later 19th century, a General Strike of 1926, to which m:
These workers in the Chartist This shows both in the reactions to t in their own demands. Let us consi to the dog-in-the-manger Reform ( by the Glasgow workers on Glasgo Whig. They recognised that in tw freed slaves, reformed the Court of duced municipal self-government in Poor Law.29 But none of this upon the condition of the British l. upon the bread of life (the Corn lowed restriction on the acquirement on periodicals), and a host of pensio. of our toil.” What they wanted abo feeling into the legislature. 30
There is the immediate progral of theory which contains a host of property of socialism later in the ce the idea of Surplus value as the mea of the working class, the need for a system. In 1832 John Doherty, mo leaders, brushed aside Francis Place got anywhere politically without til mark " that they were now resol
28. G. D. H. Cole, Attempts at General Unic
29. I put reformed in commas because th the 1834 Poor Law, was in practice so harsh a universally known as “ Bastilles,” orders were gi spread.... The attempt to apply the New Po population than did the privations consequent of p. 11).
30. W. L. Mathieson, Church and Reforni in

CEYLON REVIEW
de unions in 1834, Radical leaders such Lovett realised that without the polivement was helpless. But some of the ng dramatically about a general strike mash all resistance.28 That is the spirit ng in the days of Tom Mann and Ben ld it was still influential as late as the iny workers pinned such hopes.
tra were, however, thorough socialists. nem of the philosophic Radicals and der those demands. The usual reaction f 1832 is given in a petition presented V Green to Lord Durham, an advanced to years the Reformed Parliament had Chancery and the Irish Church, introScotland, and reformed the English bore, except with additional burdens, abourer. There was a “base embargo Laws), unequal taxation, an unhalI of useful knowledge (the Stamp Act ners "still left to fatten upon the fruits ve all was 'a greater infusion of popular
nime. The movement also had abody the key points which were common ntury : labour as the source of wealth, ns of exploitation, the propertylessness complete change of economic and class zt militant of the Lancashire trade union argument that the workers had never e help of the bourgeoisie, with the rered to have their rights... They were
(1953), p. 143.
t brain-child of the utilitarian philosophic Radicals, measure. "The workhouses which it set up were en by local leaders to destroy them, rioting was wideLaw did more to sour the hearts of the labouring all the actual poverty of the land.’ ” (Chartist Studies,
cotland, 1797-1843 (Glasgow, 1916), p. 234. నై
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now organised, were determined to br possible they could fail, it were better in as their enemies, the Wealth accumu unmitigated, and as they intended, pe: desperate and insanely optimistic (" ifi ment also had its matured theory. Th issue : Bronterre O'Brien wrote in "Where the few make the Governmei for the few... In England the Gover and upper classes alias for those who liv industry of the poor. So long as the ( neither Mr. Owen nor anybody else change. 32. They knew the economic Owenite Grand National Consolidated you fully acknowledge that labour is those who labour have an unimpeachal for their own disposal, all its benefits the terms of the famous Welsh miners Miners Next Step 34 and they are ji socialist constitution which the Webbs
The Radical movement as early thinkers who already, even in the he
A had begun to work out an equalitari.
say, a century or more in advance of Malthus or the Mills. William Thon titled his book Labour Rewarded (182 whole product of its exertions. Th Defended Against the Claims of Capital of the proletariat: "There is no lon natural reward of individual labour.
part of a whole, and each part, having nothing on which the labourer can sei
31. Wallas, Life of Place, p. 266. 32. Quoted by Betty Grant, Robert Owen a November 1958, p. 338.
33. Quoted by E. Frow, ' Robert Owen : thinkers have seen that there is a drawback to the p cialist society must keep back a proportion of the proc to the people as a whole (see, e.g., Engels, Anti-Dührini product demand is coloured by utopianism: it repr 34. See A. L. Morton and George Tate, The Bri
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RADICALS
ng the matter to issue, and if it were to be slain in the attempt than to go lators, now made them go, in misery petually. 31 That is reckless-both I were possible...). But the movee Radical thinkers knew the political the Poor Man's Guardian in 1835 : t, the Government will govern only nment is made by and for the middle : by fraud and force on the plundered Government continues in such hands,
will effect the slightest practical issue : part of the catechism of the Trade Union ran as follows : 'Do he source of all wealth : And that ble right to secure to themselves, and and advantages 233 Those are just syndicalist manifesto of 1913, The 1st the terms of the thoroughgoing drafted for the Labour Party in 1918.
as the 1820's also had its economic yday of classical political economy, un economics which was, we might anything thought out by Ricardo or pson, the Owenite economist, sub7), How to secure to Labour the lomas Hodgskin, author of Labour (1825), defined the property lessness ger anything which we can call the Each labourer produces only some no value or utility in itself, there is ze, and Say : It is my product, this
ld Co-operative Production : Marxism Today,
Marxism Today (October 1958), p. 297. Later opular demand for the whole product. A soluct to pay for the facilities that are made available g, Moscow, 1959 ed., pp. 277-8). I.e. the 'whole sents the level of scientific socialism then possible.
ish Labour Movement, 1770-1920 (1956), p. 239.


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UNIVERSITY OF
I will keep to myself.' 35 That is, production has superseded private 1 although he cannot yet draw the Cor going over to property in Common.3 surplus value : " Before a labourer a quantity of labour more than the pays the profit of the farmer, the Cor profit on all the buildings they use ; produce of his labour the rent of the
This most searching and drastic these Radicals because they went th movement. Their fullness of ecol inseparable from their full militancy of property and privilege clouds the -Radicals in effect, in practice. Ar Radicals could not stomach. Cor one-time breeches maker and master manoeuvres from the War to the London National Union of the Wo lowing, its ideas were taking root. excitement was a general persuasion t and workmen's hands should remai though it were self-evidently absurd his correspondence with James Mills as he saw the working-men moving ground of a philosophic · Radicalism -objectively, if not consciously, in sie.39 On the eve of Reform, Plac the Reform Bill to prevent revoluti bring about revolution 40 (an excelle abort in those early days). But of get the Bill moved. He and Benth Radicals, no doubt. But in that cas 25. Quoted by Marx, Capital, I (op. Cit), XIV
36. As was noticed at the time by William Morris (Ed.), From Cobbett to the Chartists (1948),
37. Quoted Ibid., p. 76. 38. Wallas, Life of Place, p. 266, n. 2.
39. E.g. Wallas, Life of Place, 274 n., 352, 354. by Brian Simon, Studies in the History of Education
40. Wallas, Life of Place, p. 290.
2

CEYLON REVIEW
Hodgskin sees that the socialisation of property for the mass of the people : clusion that it has thereby necessitated And he also defines what is virtually can have a loaf of bread he must give loaf costs, by all that quantity which in dealer, the miller and the baker, with and he must moreover pay with the
landlord. 37
socialist theory arose in the minds of he whole way with the working-class nomic and political understanding is No sneaking adherence to the party air vision. They were active Radicals ld this was just what the philosophic sider the record of Francis Place, the tailor, who was behind so many Radical 1830s. At the time of Reform, the rking Classes was getting a great folSays Place, The consequence of this hat the whole produce of the labourers in with them.'38 Place states this as l, far-fetched, even scandalous. And a hows how Mill even more shrank back further and further away from the safe l, with its programme of petty reforms the interests of the liberal bourgeoisaid that the middle classes wanted Dn, the workers wanted to block it to nt militant tactic, although doomed to Course Place worked night and day to ham and the Mills were philosophic e we cannot dodge the conclusion that
, 4, p. 390, n.1.
Thompson in his Labour Rewarded : quoted in Max ... 81.
See also Halévy's Thomas Hodgskin, p. 128 : quoted 1780-1870 (1960), p. 156.
s
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a philosophic Radical is a bourgeois rad side-stepper of those thorough-going which alone can “secure for the work of their industry (to quote from that constitution which its right-wing lead of, in the teeth of trade-union oppositic the forerunners of the Fabians-similarly a similar drag on the full onward forc
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RADICALS
cal—an inveterate soft-pedaller and
demands, political and economic, }rs by hand or brain the whole fruits clause 4 of the British Labour Party irship is at present trying to get rid n). The philosophic Radicals were equivocal, similarly Compromising, of the workers radical movement.
DAVID CRAIG


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OBITUA
OBITUARY. David Hussey died on Septemb in 1924, at the age of 21, as Lecturer in English, afte where he read History and English. H -er Leigh Smith. He retired in 1935. At his death h. worked for 18 years. His students will remember judgement and insights, his trenchant and pithy comme responsive. The essential warmth of the man was sh his students whom he was always delighted to meetin on Ceylon and World History and of a book of short and tradition entitled The Empty Bowl. He also wrote visited Ceylon in 1957 and was preparing to come he stations in the Far East when he suddenly fell ill and (
OBITUARY. Upali Amarasinghe died in Lon standing ability and accomplishments. He obtained the Government Arts Scholarship, and was appoint Downing College, Cambridge in 1952 where he wash He was awarded the Ph.D. and returned to the Univ. he accepted a Senior Lectureship in English in the Un
His brilliance was not confined to his studies; h both as a student and as a member of the staff. He Cambridge he was awarded a blue for boxing and wo College.
He was a very successfullecturer; his students love ness gained him many friends. In character and perso man Ceylon could well be proud of.
-ܬ݂ܐ
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RY
er 9th, 1959, in London. He came to Ceylon r a distinguished career at Emmanuel College, e was appointed Professor on the retirement : held high office in the Air Ministry where he is extraordinary intellectual gifts, his brilliant :nts, the stimulus of a mind at once sceptical and own in the lasting friendships he made among England. He was the author of a series of books
stories on subjects drawn from Ceylon history
three novels and a number of short stories. He e again while on an official inspection of R.A.F lied in a few months.
don on January 24th. He was a person of outFirst Class Honours in English in 1951, winning bd Assistant-Lecturer in English. He went to eld in high regard by his tutors and supervisors. ersity as Lecturer in 1955. In December 1957 iversity of Malaya.
e played a full part in the life of the University was a first rate athlete and rugger player. At in his colours in Cricket and Tennis at Downing
!d and respected him. His warmth and friendlihality Upali Amarasinghe was the kind of young


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Reviews
Archive for History of Exact Sciences Edit
THE aim of the Archive for History of Exact depth, scope and permanence. The article on Mechanics of the Age of Reason by C. Truesd matics. It is a short survey of the riches waiti and read them. The author quotes the famous
Nature and Nature's Laws 1 God said, let Newton be, a
and then proceeds to show that it was an exagge mortals rejoice that such and so great an ornam Far from completing the formal enunciation of Mach had stated, Newton only began it.
The contributions of the famous nathemati of rational mechanics are mentioned. James B. areas of mechanics not touched by Newton w approaches and the methods of the two great p While Newton's approach led ultimately to m required to clarify and develop the Newtonian new ideas and to demonstrate how real problems ( and Lagrange are some of the other great men v
The author maintains that classical mechan experimental discoveries were made they were n matical theory. This theory was created by a to put into Mathematical form laws governing will open his eyes to it.
ACKNOW
Received for review-Pierre Laporte, The

ed by C. Truesdell, Vol. 1. No. 1. Berlin, 1960.
Sciences is to give publication to writings of exceptional * A programme towards rediscovery of the Rational ell will be read with interest by all students of Matheng for any one willing to take down the dusty volumes epitaph of Newton by Pope,
ay hid in night, nd all was light,
Bration. The epitaph cut upon Newton's tomb, Let ent to human kind has been,” gives a correct estimate. the mechanical principles now generally accepted, as
cians of the 17th and 18th centuries to the development brnoulli contributed almost as much as Newton. The rere those which James Bernoulli cultivated, and the ioneers were different in principle as well as in datail. odern mechanics, most of the life work of Euler was concepts, to supplement them by equally important can be solved. John and Daniel Bernoulli, D’Alembert who helped to build the structure.
ics was not discovered by Physicists. Although fine ot of a kind to influence directly the growth of Mathehandful of geometers and algebrists, who strove the daily physical experience evident to any one who
S. NADARASERé
XVLEDGEMENT,
: true face of Duplessis (Harvest House)
274


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3, by H. B. Perera and published by S. C. Block, of Ceylon, Peradeniya.