கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: University of Ceylon Review 1962.10

Page 1
ΠO &= C_) C
PUBLISHED FOR THE
BY THE CEYLON
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

kmェ必释
。、、。、。
ER 1962
----蒋シ
※
**)
JNVERSITY OF CEYLON
UNIVERSITY PRESS
CEYLON

Page 2
Editors P. E. E. FERNANDO
K. W. COONE W ARDENA
Octobe
CON
An Inscription of circa 200 B. C.
memorating Saint Mahinda
by S. Paranavitana The Deportation of King Śrī Vikrar
his Exile in India
by P. E. E. Fernando
The Philosophy of Relations in Bud
by D. J. Kalupahana
The Changing Structure of Consul
Ceylon 1947–60
by F. R. Jayasuriya and Ananda
Some Sources of Data and Aids foi
Towns of Ceylon
by B. L. Panditharatna
School Commissions of Ceylon 1834
by T. Ranjit Ruberu
Mahanama, the Author of Mahavan
by S. Paranavitana
Who was Vallabha, the invade
by W. M. K. Wijetunga
Some Phonological Features of the
Tani.
by S. Thananjayarajasingham
Relevis
UNIVERSITY OF
The University of Ceylon was establishedo Medical College (founded 1870) and the Ceyl at present the Faculties of Oriental Studie Agriculture and Veterinary Science. The Uni of Ceylon the publication of the Ceylon Jou its chief means of contact with Scientists else of Medical Science. The University of Ceylo contact with scholars in literary subjects, to pro in those subjects conducted in the Unive Ceylon. The Review is published twice a ye. melcome. Correspondence regarding excha University of Ceylon, Peradeniya. The ani copy Rs. 2.50, post free.
 

Manager THE LIBRARIAN UNIVERSITY of CEy. ON
, 1962 ENTS s"ر
PAGE it Rajagala com
159 la Rajasinha and
- 163 hism (2)
188 her Imports into
Meegama 209 r a Study of the
222 |-1867
244
Sa
. 269 orth Ceylon
a . . 287 affna Dialect of
292
303
CEYLON REVIEW
the 1st July, 1942, by the fusion of the Ceylon in University College (founded 1921). It has Arts, Science, Engineering, Medicine, and ersity has taken over from the Government all of Science, which has been developed as here and has also started the Ceylon Journal
Reier was founded in order to make similar Vide a medium of publication for the research ity, and to provide a learned review for , in April, and October. Exchanges are ges should be addressed to The Librarian, |al subscription is Rs 5.00, and a single

Page 3
University of C
V«M. XX, No. 2
An Inscription of C Rajagala COIMIme InOrC11
N 1935, Mr. W. E. Fernando, then Department as Second Draughtsm ancient site named Rajagala or Rass Batticaloa District, and to copy the Bra a number of caves there. At that time, and camping out there, in order to erect of the inscriptions on the drip-ledges o very trying conditions. Mr. Fernan నా inscriptions in early Brahmi, five of స్కో- records in the Sinhalese script of about - in early Brahmi engraved on a rock, wh paper. The estampage of the last men showed a deficiency towards its end. writing in that part of the document bei covered with moss so as to be unnoticea
Since then the area round the site, has been opened up for cultivation, and one can now motor to the very foot o remains of buildings scattered over a lar of jungle by Mr. P. C. Dabare, the offic by the Gal Oya Board. The site has b it was possible to do in 1935 by the Arch ages have been prepared of nineteen caves, besides those of several later interest on rock. At the same time, a
1. See Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey Vol. IV, pp. 169—176.
159
 
 
 

eylon Review
October 1962
irca 200 B.C. at ing Saint Mahinda
employed in the Archaeological an, was sent by me to inspect an
hmi inscriptions known to exist in the site was very difficult of access, scaffoldings and prepare estampages f the caves, had to be done under do discovered twenty-two cavewhich contain royal names, three : the eighth century, and a record ich forms the subject of the present tioned inscription prepared in 1935 This might have been due to the
ng totally effaced, or being faint and ble. 1
coming under the Gal Oya scheme, roads have been constructed so that f the Rajagala hill. The numerous ge area at the site have been cleared er detailed for archaeological work ten explored more thoroughly than aeological Department, and estampmore early Brahmi inscriptions in Brāhmī records of great historical resh estampage of the rock inscrip
1. of Ceylon for 1935, p. 9, and Epigraphia Zeylanica,
#-

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UNIVERSITY (
tion in early Brahmi copied by N letters towards its close had not Dr. C. E. Godakumbure, the pr very Courteously given me the op of newly discovered inscriptions, record under discussion, and I a reproduced to illustrate this paper.
The inscription, as now copi The letters vary in height from 1 served for 13 ft. from the beginni between, for a length of about til Weather, and the letters in this par not become altogether illegible. The tubular form of ma, which is tions of Ceylon and South India, have the form of that letter nor i, on the other hand, is of the type stroke with two dots on either side the stroke on the left which in vertically above that on the righ latter. In one example, the top
than that of the right hand stroke.
Before we discuss the signific translation.
මෙය ඉම දිප පටමය ඉදිය අගත
TRANS
Ye ina dipa patamayaidiyaag
TRA
This is the stipa of the Elde to this Island by its foremost good

OF CEYLON REVIEW
Mr. Fernando has revealed that about ten been noticed when it was first copied. esent Archaeological Commissioner, has
portunity of examining these estampa together with the new estampage of the m indebted to him for the photograph
ed, consists of one line 185 ft. in length. ft. to 5 in. The record is very well preng, and for about 2 from the end. In hree feet, the rock has suffered from the it of the record are badly worn, but have The script is the earliest type of Brahmi. common in the earliest Brahmi inscripis not found in this record; instead, we mally met with in Asoka's edicts. The peculiar to Ceylon, i.e. a straight vertical . The form of the pa is also noteworthy; the normal form of this letter extends t, is here about the same length as the 2 of the stroke on the left is in fact lower
tance of the record, we give its text and
TEXT
න ඉඩික[තෙර මjහිදෙතරඟ තුබෙ
LITERATION
atana Idika-tera-Malhida-teraha tube
NSLATION
Idika and the Elder Mahida, who came 717,ܢ - fortune. 160 ༈
کہ بیٹھے

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University of Ceylon Review, Vol. XX, No. 2,
 
 
 

PLATE I
October 1962

Page 6

Bili< 'r
e

Page 7
AN INSCRIPTION COMMEMO
REMA)
The most significant part of the in sing five words stating that the stipa, b I in 2sed, was that of the Theras Idik - Mahinda). It is therefore to be regrett so well preserved as the rest of the insc tube are satisfactorily preserved. Of the the upper part of the letters, hi and major portions of them, which are qui to their identity. The letter which foi the second and third are hi and da, resp. quite certain of the reading even if the altogether lost. But the general outline o the rock is weathered here. Of the th all are well preserved except the right-h ka. Between this letter and na of the w sufficient for more than two letters, ar. read ra, and the letter te has also left en
Mahida, of course, is the form wil would have assumed in early Sinhales شعي * - Mahavarisa as Itthiya.2 In an inscript also, the name occurs in this form. 3 T
this inscription with Itthiya-thera, and they came to this Island, presumably fr leave no room for doubt that the refe came to this Island from India to preach chronicle that half of the bodily reli mation of Mahinda-thera, were distrib to be enshrined in stupas built for the pu record was thus one in which the relics companion Itthiya, were enshrined. It built shortly after the death of Mahind. indited at the same time. The palaec nothing that militates against this view.
2. Mahavamsa, chapter xii., v. 7.
3. No. 20 of E. Müller's Ancient Inscriptions in Miller admits of improvement; that scholar has als ܬܐ .
/ー
record. ༈ | 4. Mahāvaminsa, chapter XX, v. 45.
16.
 
 
 

RATING SAINT MAHINDA
KS
scription is its second half, comprif the side of which it was no doubt ì (Pali Itthiya) and Mahida (Pāli td that this part of the record is not iption. The last two words teraha : three letters which precede teraha, la are somewhat damaged, but the e clear, leave no doubt with regard ims the first of a name, of which :ctively, must be ma, and we can be letter which precedes hi had been f the letter is discernible even though ree letters forming the word Idika, and side of the horizontal stroke of ord Mahida, the space available is not ld just preceding ina, we can easily ough for its recognition.
nich Pali Mahinda (Skt. Mahendra) e. Idika is the name given in the on of Bhatika Abhaya at Mihintale The association of Mahinda-thera of the statement contained therein that Dm abroad, due to its good fortune, rence is to the Saint Mahinda who Buddhism here. It is stated in the Cs, which remained after the creuted to viharas all over the Island, rpose. The stipa referred to in this of Mahinda, as well as those of his is not impossible that the stipa was l, and that the inscription was also graphy of the inscription contains
* 。。ーリ 。 。
Ceylon. The text of this inscription given by o wrongly identified the king who set up this

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UNIVERSITY C.
The phrase in a dipa patamaya teraha. Agatana is equivalent to genitive plural of agata one who singular of idi, Corresponding to taken here in its primary meani The word patamaya, agreeing in equivalent to Sanskrit prathanaya, to mean foremost', 'excellent, The best known meaning of iddhi word patamaya, which qualifies id of the word, though it would be i the Mahavanisa of Mahinda comin haps it is due to a misunderstandi this record, which gave rise to the also noteworthy that, while agata qualified by, it, Mahida-teraha, is iu not occur after Idika-tera; we may joined together in a copulative c singular termination, but the qual plural, as it refers to two personage
The word ye, with which the be nominative singular of the relat yah (yo) and P. yo, or the nomin Paliye. But the construction of th interpretation as a relative prOn Oun lese form of Sanskrit ayarih, in wh to which the nominative singular ti
It is also possible to interpret and to translate the text accordin
The record thus is of the utm ricity of Mahinda-thera, and his also that the account given in the ch to Ceylon is based on a genuine h record also indicates that the anti Rajagala goes back to the days of this Island.
孪
5. Mahdiwanisa, chapter XIII, vv. 8ff.

F CEYLON REVIEW
idiya agatana qualifies Idika-tera-MahildaP. ågatånati, Skt. ågatånåm, being the has come. Idiya is the instrumental Pali iddhi, Sanskrit radhi. The word is ng of prosperity', 'good fortune', etc.
case, gender and number with idiya, is ez
'ali pathanaya. The word is taken here breeminent, as Sanskrit prathama does. in Pali is 'supernatural power', but the ya, would not fit in with that meaning in accordance with the account given in g to Ceylon by air from Vidisa.5 Perng of phraseology like that occurring in egend of Mahinda Coming by air. It is na is in the genitive plural, the word the singular. The case ending does
therefore take that the two names are ompound. It may therefore take the ifying phrase ends with a word in the S.
ive pronoun, corresponding to Sanskrit ative plural, equivalent to Sanskrit and he sentence does not appear to justify its It is therefore taken as the old Sinhaich the initial a has been elided, and armination -e has been added.
agatana as ‘of those who have come, gly. »st importance as evidence of the histocompanion Itthiya-thera. It establishes tonicles of the introduction of Buddhism istorical tradition in its essentials. The
quity of the religious establishment at the first introduction of Buddhism to
S. PARANAVITANA
162
record begins, appears at first sight to *。

Page 9
The Deportation of
Rajasimha and his ?" سطح
were captured by British forces C of a petty headman in the villag of Dumbara. His other queens, two i at a village called Hamvilla close by, a family were brought together at Telc Colombo. They arrived in Colombo
S. VIKRAMA Rajasimha, King
Soon after the King and his fam Robert Brownrigg, the Governor of C King and his family moved out of the the Right Honourable Hugh Eliott, - Madras, drawing his attention to the ne with his family deported from the Islan كغريم where they could be accommodated. Governor suggested, would best be se in the areas from where they had mig
1. This paper is based mainly on three bundles MUTINY PENSIONS, deposited in the Governmen
1. Serial No. 39/12, General No. 18375. 2. Serial No. 39/13, General No. 18376. 3. Serial No. 39/14, General No. 18377. I had the occasion to examine these documen leave in India.
2. For the capture of King Sri Vikrama Rājasi cription of the Island and Its Inhabitants, London, 1846,
A more detailed account is found in P. E. Pei Edition, Colombo, 1939, pp. 158-161. According captured in a large cave, near what in 1884 was the \ Colombo, E. L. Siebel, Deportation of the Last King of F
1884, p. 63. In a letter dated 17th February, 1815, Chief Commissioner of the Kandyan Provinces, the Pohath, How the Last King of Kandy was Captured by Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XIV, p. 114. A few mor
ܬܐ ܠ
Rajasinha, the Last King of Kandy, Orientalist, Vol. I, is found in J. P. Lewis, Scene of the Capture of the Last Register, Vol. V, Colombo, 1919-1920, pp. 202-204.
16.
 

King Sri Vikrama
Exile in India
of Kandy, and two of his queens in 18th February, 1815, at the house of Madamahanuvara in the district n number, were taken into custody tid later all the members of the royal leniya, whence they were taken to on 6th March.2
ily were brought to Colombo, Sir eylon, took urgent steps to have the Island. Accordingly he wrote to the Governor of Fort St. George, cessity of having the King together d and inquiring after a suitable place
The King's distant relatives, the ttled amidst their own kith and kin rated to Ceylon. Certain strangers
of records, classified as NORTH ARCOT PREit Record Office, Madras. They are :
is in 1961-62 when I spent a part of my sabbatical
mha, see, Henry Marshall, Ceylon, A General Despp. 156-157. -
ris, Tri Sinhala-The Last Phase, 1796-1815, 2nd to a version published in 1884, the King was vell known coffee estate of M. C. H. De Soysa of Candy from Ceylon, The Orientalist, Vol. I, Bombay, written by Sir John D'Oyly who later became the King was captured on 17th February, 1815, T. B. the British, Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the details are found in T. B. Panabokke, Sri Vikrama p. 235-236. A description of the scene of capture King of Kandy, The Ceylon Antiquary and Literary

Page 10
UNIVERSITY C
of South Indian origin, Brownrig would be sent to the coast throug Kandy when all these persons of S to India would be a few Malays a as the King was concerned, the G be to entrust him, immediately up some military officer such as the adj may be paid a suitable consideratic was suggested that the King might own caste. Four separate lists oft classified according to the degree
with this communication to the G
About the same time Brownri Fort St. George setting out particul to him in making arrangements f Referring to the King's caste Bros privileges attached to it. The Ki Naik who was the son of Bedda N the five daughters of Moodoo Nay of the two last deceased kings Raj. Śri Vikrama Rājasinpha's succession —as Rajadie Rajasinga’s first wife v sister of Perumal Naik, the depose is given as Vishnoo. The King's f the northern districts of the coast language. Payment for the King' family should be sufficient and m anything that may be called stately
3. Letter from Robert Brownrigg, Gover in Council, Fort St. George, Madras, dated 8th following names: 1. Gample Naike, King's f law, 3. Venkette Samy Naike, King's brother to daughter of King’s sister, 5. Ayyely Naik
7. Kaunir, son of No. 6, peon, 8. Naunnan 10. Ammatany.
These families of Nayakkars lived in va offices in the government and thus causing a fi minds of the Sinhalese chieftains. In the reign resented the so-called Malabars so much that th to assassinate him.
4. Letter from Governor Brownrigg to ti

F CEYLON REVIEW
g informed his counterpart in Madras, sh Mannar. The only strangers left in south Indian origin have been removed ld Caffreas and some Bengalis. As far
overnor suggested, the best plan would on arrival in Madras, to the charge of utant of the Fort at Madura. This officer
in for this additional service. Finally it be made to reside among people of his he relatives and followers of the King of relationship to him were enclosed overnor of Fort St. George.3
gg addressed a letter to the Governor of ars about the King which may be useful or the King's accommodation in India. Vnrigg stated that there were no special ng was the son of one Vencataperumal Nayik and the latter had married one of ܠܐ܂ rker who was the uncle (father's brother) * die Rajisinga and Kertesinga Rajesinga. to the crown was on ground of allianca was the daughter of Bedda Naik and the d king's father. The caste of the King amily of Naiks derived themselves from of Coromandel. They use the Telinga maintenance and for that of the King's 1st provide for decent comfort but not 4.
nor of Ceylon to the Rt. Hon. Hugh Eliott, GovernorApril, 1815. In list No. 1, Immediate Family, are the ther-in-law, 2. Chinnedegal Naike, King's father-in by second bed, 4. Jagadeavy Aligery Samy, married e, nephew of Mottal Samy, 6. Perumal Naike, peon, a, King's aunt, 9. Venkemma, King's sister-in-law,
savvas situated along Malabar Street, holding various eling of strong, resentment against themselves in the of King Kīrti Srī Rājasimha the Sinhalese chieftains ey organised a rebellion against the king and attempted
Le Rt. Hon. Hugh Eliott, undated.
164

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THE DEPORTATION OF KING
In response to the enquiry of the Strachey, Chief Secretary to the Goven to the magistrates of Coimbatore, Kur uchirapalli inquiring into the possibil - of the King of Kandy in their districts,
- for the provision of pecuniary assistanc cerned. On the same day Mr. Strac Zilla of Chingleputinquiring of him w to accommodate the ex-King of Kandy the magistrate that facilities similar to of Travancore could also be provided t
While these inquiries were being George, the Rt. Hon. Hugh Eliott, wro! ed by great caution, in which he pointed measures that might disturb the tranqu a permanent charge on the company. not advisable to keep the King at Mad he would already have some measure o ༽ལྔ། and that it was not prudent to entrust t to the possible publicity that might be Governor was finally informed that inq ``mးfites of some districts to ascertain the accommodation of the King's relati was also asked to report on the conditio nephew of the Rajah of Travancore an necessary in the event of the ex-King in Chingleput.7
Before long, however, the prop Chingleput was abandoned, as this di purpose, but further inquiries were bein:
batch of prisoners of war, of south In
5. Letter from George Strachey, Chief Secreta of the places named, dated 26th April, 1815.
6. Letter from George Strachey to the Magistra
The eliah rajah was the heir to the throne. The king's eldest sister's eldest son succeeded to the t
7. Letter from Fort St. George, Madras, to th - The letter is signed by Hugh Eliott, R. Fullerton and
~ 8. George Strachey to John Rodney, Chief Sec
7 May, 1815.
16.
ང་།
 
 
 

SRI VIKRAMA RAJASIMHA
Governor of Ceylon, Mr. George ment of Fort St. George, sent letters mbakonam, Tinnaveli, Madura and ities of settling some of the relatives o that arrangements could be made è and passports to the persons conley wrote to the magistrate of the hether arrangements could be made in his districts. He also informed hose provided for the Eliah Rajah
the King.6
made, the Governor of Fort St. e to Brownrigg a letter characterisout that they should not adopt any ility of our own districts or entail He further pointed out that it was ura, as had been suggested, because finfluence among the people there, he King to a military guard owing attracted by such a measure. The uiries were being made through the
the suitability of their districts for Ves. The magistrate of Chingleput ns of accommodation offered to the l the security measures that may be of Kandy too being accommodated
sal to accommodate the King in strict was found unsuitable for the g made in other quarters.8 A further dian origin and associated with the
ry, Fort St. George, Madras, to the Magistrates
te of Chingleput, dated 26th April, 1815.
In Travancore the succession was matrilineal.
1ΙΟΙ1C, e Governor of Ceylon, dated 26th April, 1815. R. Alexander.
retary to the Government of Ceylon, dated 13th

Page 12
UNIVERSITY C
King, was despatched on 17th M brig Eliza.9
On 23rd June, 1815, the Chi St. George informed the acting in the Governor-in-Council had final of Kandy in the Fort of Sidhout. full details of a suitable house in t the use of the King and his family also the opinions of other officers, permanent magistrate. 10 These r. by the magistrate of Cudappah on
By this time Governor Brow and on 19th August he wrote in Secretary at Madras asking him t accommodation of the ex-King an ship that existed then with the inte to detain the King at Colombo an happened so far. 12
In the meantime the proposal Sidhout was abandoned as the pla vernor Brownrigg was informed in Fort St. George till a more suitab George now at the disposal of Mr. Ceylon, had been found and the re. This house had been formerly occi St. George. 13
Somewhere about the first w at Madras abandoned all plans so f:
9. Letter from James Sutherland, Secreta in authority, dated 17th May, 1815. In this b. children. Some of them might have been Nay 10. Letter from George Strachey to the A June, 1815.
11. Letter from T. Newnham, Magistrate o 12. Letter from Robert Brownrigg to Chie 1815
13. Letter from Fort St. George to Rober is signed by Hugh Eliott, T. Hislop, R. Fullerto 1815, from George Strachey to George Arbuth

F CEYLON REVIEW
ly, 1815, to Tuticorin on board the
af Secretary to the Government of Fort agistrate of the Zilla of Cudappah that y decided to accommodate the ex-King -
The magistrate was asked to transmit - le Fort that might be requisitioned for together with a sketch of the house and particularly those of Mr. Newnham, the
ports 2S requested were sent to Madras
18th July, 1815.11
nrigg's patience had become exhausted a somewhat urgent tone to the Chief D make a final resolution regarding the pointed out that in the state of relationior of the Island it was not at all prudent further, though nothing untoward had
to accommodate the King in the Fort * fܓܠ ce was again found unsuitable, and Gothat the King should be accommodated ble place was found. A house in Fort St. Arbuthnot, Agent to the Government of nt demanded was 90 pagodas per month. upied by the Naval Commander at Fort
reek of November 1815 the authorities tr made in regard to the accommodation ry, Kandyan Provinces, to all Magistrates and Persons
itch of repatriates there were 25 men, 3 women and 5 akers.
cting Magistrate of the Zilla of Cudappah, dated 23rd
f Cudappah, to Fort St. George, dated 18th August, 1815. f Secretary, Fort St. George, Madras, dated 19th August,
Brownrigg, dated 11th September, 1815. This letter . in and R. Alexander. Also letter dated 11th September, 罩 not, Chief Secretary, Government of Ceylon.
166

Page 13
THE DEPORTATION OF KINI
of the King and his family, and decid pose at Vellore. Accordingly the P asked to find a suitable place for the - family, and to send full details of the th. January, 1816, the Paymaster w مینیہ - personal consultations. 15
In the meanwhile His Majesty Captain O'Brien, which at the time v sioned to carry the King and his fami for Colombo on 27th December, 181
At Colombo the King and his far Cornwallis on 24th January, 1816. Governor Brownrigg that no parade embarkation or disembarkation of t requested to communicate all orde during which the prisoners could con the manner in which their quarters or Mr. William Granville of the Civil Se the prisoners to Madras. 17 Mr. Gran from the Governor through James S
14. Letter from the Chief Secretary, Fort St. dated 11th November, 1815.
15. Letter from the Chief Secretary, Fort St. dated 5th January, 1816.
16. Letter from Robert O'Brien to A. Strach dated 27th December, 1815.
17. Letter from Governor Brownrigg to C Cornwallis, Colombo Roads, dated 24th January, prisoners as follows: The departure of the king fr about quarter after four on the 24th day of January, 1 near the south gate to the Custom-house in a phae by two thorough-bred Arabs belonging to His E accommodated with palanquins, in which they we Custom-house alighted from the phaeton, and ac General, and Mr. J. Sutherland, Deputy Secretary
hand) walked up to the palanquins and desired his 蒙 tantly. Their natural timidity or modesty induc decline to leave them, until forced to do so by the ness to convey the royal party to H. M.'s ship C intended for the king and his queens was very richl mented with gold spangles all glistering in the si covered with a valuable white carpet, and the bo
- handsomely dressed set of rowers. . . . . . When h:
2 the king, divesting himself of his sandals, stepped
to heaven, engaged in meditation. The king the
boat pulled off from shore followed by other boats
1
 
 

G SRI VIKRAMA RAJASIMHA
id to find a suitable place for the puraymaster of Stipends at Vellore was accommodation of the King and his place to Madras.14 In a letter dated as required to come to Madras for
's Ship Cornwallis, commanded by vas berthed in Bombay, Was commisty to Madras. The ship left Bombay
5.16
mily were embarked on board H.M.S. Captain O'Brien was instructed by
or public honour should attend the he royal prisoners. He was further rs and instructions regarding hours he on deck to exercise themselves and board should be kept clean, through }rvice, who was appointed to conduct ville too received his own instructions utherland, Secretary of the Kandyan
George, to the Paymaster of Stipends at Vellore,
George, to the Paymaster of Stipends at Vellore,
*y。 Chief Secretary to the Government of Bombay.
aptain O'Brien commanding His Majesty's ship 1816. E. L. Siebel describes the embarkation of om our shores took place on Wednesday afternoon 316. He was conveyed in great state from his residence Eon of the Governor.... The phaeton was drawn xcellency. The ex-queens, four in number, were re carried to the wharf. The king on reaching the Companied by Colonel Kerr, Deputy Commissaryto Government (who were holding him by either queens to descend.... which they did very reluced them to stick close to their palanquins, and to ir liege lord and master. Four boats were in readirhuvallis, then in the offing; and the boat or barge y decorated, and had an awning of green satin ornaInshine like so many stars. The quarter floor was at itself was manned with a very neat-looking and s royal consorts had been safely placed in the barge, into it; and standing erect was observed to look up n sate down smiling, and, upon a given signal, the which contained the king's baggage and attendants.
67

Page 14
UNIVERSITY OF
Office in Colombo. In the Cours requested Mr. Granville that the Kir every demonstration of kindness a orders were founded on the establi Service and would never be issued issued, they could not be objecte Granville was generally to follow th who guarded the royal family in copy of these instructions.
Mr. Joseph de Silva, Muhandi Colombo, was appointed Mr. Gral was employed in the King's House Conicoply and to assist in Malabar in
The ship left Colombo on the February. The journey thus took I eventful. Granville, however, has perhaps have relieved the monotony break Granville heard somebody be coming from the direction of the K own. On inquiry it transpired that wives on some provocation. Gran the queens removed from the sectio practice. On another occasion Gl apartments by the watch on duty. in a fit of wild rage, attacking a be and reducing it to bits. With pe removed the hatchet from the King it was revealed in due course, had sle sometimes used to recline. The in the bedstead no longer fit for the Ki the attempt to destroy it. When was a very large Concourse of people assembled on the shore. Some of across the water and even attempted being brought to the shore, there
18. Letter from James Sutherland, Kandyan January, 1816. See Appendix 1.
19. Ibid.
 

CEYLON REVIEW
e of these instructions the Governor g might be made to understand, using nd attention, that Captain O'Brien's shed customs of His Majesty's Naval -
ص
without positive necessity, and, being d to nor in any way debated. Mr. le instructions issued to Colonel Kerr Colombo. He was furnished with a
am of the Chief Secretary's Office in ville's interpreter, and a person who in Colombo was appointed to act as iterpretation.19 -
25th and reached Madras on the 22nd early a month, but was otherwise unreported a few incidents which may of this long journey. One day at day ing physically assaulted, the disturbance ை ing's cabin which was not far from his the King had been beating one of his ville told the King that he would have in set apart for them if he repeated the anville was summoned to the royal On arriving there he found the King lstead that was nearby with a hatchet rfect self-assurance and tact Granville 's hands. An attendant of the King, pt on the bedstead, on which the King solence of the attendant had rendered ng's use. Hence the King's anger and the Cornwallis reached Madras, there , who had heard of the King's arrival, the more enthusiastic of them waded o carry the boat in which the King was y, even endangering the King's safety.
Office, Colombo, to William Granville, dated 24th al
68

Page 15
THE DEPORTATION OF KING
When the King reached the short Major, and Mr. Mariott were introdu by the Right Honourable the Governo
-->
ܡܝ̈ܐ.
ܓܠ エ
According to arrangements made to be paid a sum of 200 rix dollars : Colombo. Messrs. Arbuthnot & . C Colombo, would have supplied the in soners. Provisions and allowances to by Messrs. Arbuthnot & Co. in consult they were entrusted on their arrival in
The Paymaster of Stipends at V Mariott who met the King on arrival his family to Vellore, and on this occ Chittor and Herdachellam were req visions to the party on their way to V
No details are available in the reci where the King and his family were re
later come to be known as the Gumsur Mahal, the Patcha Begum Mahal at being derived from the names of the mansion.23
The ex-King of Kandy and his fai guard, but their residence being situ evidently well guarded, there was pi
20. T. B. Pohath, op. cit. p. 114. Granville's niscences relative to the Late King of Kandy, when on h of War on board His Majesty's Ship Cornwallis, by V Service. Colombo: Printed at the Wesleyan Press 3, 21. Letter from James Sutherland, Kandyan C January, 1816. See Appendix 1.
22. Circular letter from George Strachey to th 5th February.
23. Madras District Manuals- North Arcot Dis revised by Harold A. Stuart, Vol. II, Madras, 1894, the King was lodged in the palace formerly occupie When Tipu Sultan was killed in battle in 1799 his st maturity were sent with their families to Vellore removed to Calcutta being accused of instigating th and Tipu Sultan, Oxford, 1899, p. 201.

SRI VIKRAMA RAJASIMHA
2, Captain Macdonald, the Town ced to him as the gentlemen ordered ir to receive him.20
by the Kandyan Office the King was annually as had been the practice at Do., agents to the Government of ecessary provisions to the royal prithe prisoners were to be regulated ation with the officer to whose charge
Madras.21
allore, Major Mariott, the same Mr. at Madras, conducted the King and :asion the magistrates of Chingleput, uested to supply the necessary proellore.22
ords examined of the house or houses strained. It would appear, however, which were all in a line. These had Mahal, the Kandi Mahal, the Tippoo ld the Palkondai Mahal, the names
distinguished prisoners held in each
mily were not placed under a military lated inside a fort whose gates were actically very little danger of their
Diary was published under the title Journal of Remiis voyage from Colombo to Madras in 1816, a Prisoner William Granville Esq. of His Majesty's Ceylon Civil , 1830.
fice, Colombo, to William Granville, dated 24th
e Magistrates of the places mentioned above, dated
trict, compiled by Arthur F. Cox, New Edition, p. 421. According to T. B. Pohath, op. cit. p. 114, 'd by Futeh Hyder, the eldest son of Tippoo Sultan. ons were made prisoners and those who had reached to live in the Fort. In 1806 some of them were e troops to mutiny, Lewin B. Bowring, Haidar Ali
69

Page 16
UNIVERSITY OF
being able to effect an escape. In fac of movement inside the fort and at with a palanquin to move about ins
The royal prisoners were adeq whom at least may have been requir eye on the conduct of the prisoners. were employed on a monthly pay o of the royal prisoners was strengthe door-keepers and four sweepers, po later on 29th March, the Paymaster to employ a native doctor on a mor on a similar salary of Rs. 5 to attend
Towards the end of March, a King arrived in Madras, and becau were conducted to Vellore to live w
At the very early stages of the s and his family it was agreed between that the prisoners should be provide should be made available to the K buying food. Brownrigg forward their guidance a statement showing food supplied to the King and to t stay in Colombo.30 Judging from 24. Letter from the Chief Secretary, Fort St. ( dated 17th March, 1817.
25. Letter from the Chief Secretary, Fort St. 27th January, 1816.
26. Letter from the Chief Secretary, Fort St. ( 27. Letter from the Chief Secretary, Fort St. 29th March, 1816.
28. Letter from the Mayor's Office, Madras dated 21st March, 1816. The names of the rela 3. Dorresamy, 4. Wengadasobbeya, 5. Willa, 29. Sometimes spelt retib, an allowance of p 30. From Robert Brownrigg, Governor of
St. George, in reply to a query from the latter. to the King daily at Colombo is stated as follow
measure butter 1 dry fish
6 komb e luas

CEYLON REVIEW
t they were given considerable freedom one stage the King was even provided de the fort for pleasure.24
lately provided with servants, some of - Ed to keep an unobtrusive but watchful
At the very outset eighteen hircarrahs Rs. 8 each.25 Later the domestic staff led by the appointment of four female ssibly to serve the four queens.26 Still of Stipends at Vellore was authorised thly salary of six pagodas and a barber on the King.27
mall batch of the near relatives of the se of their close relationship they too ith the royal family. 28
earch for accommodation for the King the governments of Ceylon and Madras *
with a ratih29 in kind and that no cash ing and his family for the purpose of T - ed to the Government of Madras for the quantities of the different kinds of
these lists it is evident that they were
George, Madras, to the Paymaster of Stipends, Vellore,
George, to the Paymaster of Stipends, Vellore, dated
eorge to Mysoor Stipends, dated 16th February, 1816. George, to the Paymaster of Stipends, Vellore, dated
to Major Marriott, Paymaster of Stipends, Vellore, ives are: 1. Gumpal Nayekar, 2. Samy Coomara,
6. Rangaya, 7. Modde.
ovisions. The word is of Persian origin.
Ceylon, to Hugh Eliott, Governor-in-Council, Fort Jo date is given. The amount of provisions supplied
RS. 1.
1.
170 ܙ ܡ

Page 17
THE DEPORTATION OF KING
adequately provided for in the matter and quality, though what was supplied
with what they were accustomed to in
7 Whatever were the steps taken by
life as comfortable as circumstances pc: began to gall the King while the rest of to have resigned themselves to the new was brought to the notice of the autho tary, George Strachey, wrote to the P the Government was much concerned captive King, but that the Government ness the Paymaster would be able to rec
An incident that may have adde visit paid to him by two adherents w
6 coconuts 8 sorts of vegetables currystuffs - betel, tobacco and areca 1 calengu cardamon
calengu cloves } calengu mace 3 bottles milk 5 king coconuts 8 oranges *5 Pomplemos
3 (?) soft sugar
sugar kandy 1 seer fish 4 coconults
Total expenses per d
Total expenses per in
Money per month
* Shadock or Pumplerose (Citrus decumana L.)
size.
Daily allowances for king's mother and four գն
20 seers Mootoo saba 1 measure butter 10 dry fish 10 kombiletuvas 10 coconuts 4 sorts of vegetables currystuffs Betel, Arrecanut, Tobacco, C 5 callengus cardamums Extra monthly allowances were given in the f
and mats. Varying allowances were given to the other Na 31. Letter from George Strachey to the Payma
17
 

SRI VIKRAMA RAJASIMHA
of food both in respect of quantity would not have compared favourably
the palace at Kandy.
I the authorities to make the King's rmitted, soon the new life at Vellore the family such as the queens appear situation. The King's dissatisfaction cities at Madras, and the Chief Secreaymaster of Stipends at Vellore that at the discontent manifested by the trusted that by steadiness and kindDncile the King to his new situation.3
d to the King's restlessness was the ho were suspected of working upon
1 2 10 0 4. 2 3 - 1 2 1. O 3. O 3 O 2 2 4 () 1 3景 3 O 6 O 2 10 () 1. O
ay 9 1. 1 nonth 273 1. 2 200 O O
both of white and red varieties and of a very large
CC11S :
2 6 () 11. 1.
1. 8 () 2 2 2 2
1. 3 O
1. 3 - O
alypakoo 11. 1.
3 0
orm of articles such as pots, pans, knives, needles
Lyakkars. Cf. P. E. Peiris, op. cit., pp. 201-202. ster of Stipends, Vellore, dated 10th May, 1816.
(1.

Page 18
UNIVERSITY OF
the King's mind. The Paymaster C the authorities at Madras to report
repeated their visits to the King the
as prisoners of war.32 The Paymas sons of the Nayiks who were attend had attempted to influence the Kir Consequently the Paymaster receiv services of these young Nayiks in appointed to take their place, if th inessential by the Paymaster.33
Perhaps the circumstance that C was that he was thwarted in an atte ornaments for his queens and his in desire of the King was conveyed to Brownrigg wrote to Strachey in the beaten gold that the King possessed view of being made up into a hat fo of a Crown, Brownrigg suggested, V troublesome pretensions or genera allowed to subside. Suggesting th a restricted value, Brownrigg obseı impressed with the conviction that partake more of personal Comfort splender or Royal State will be fount with his situation as a Prisoner of \ ness.'35 To add to the King's diff of Ceylon suggested that the adhe to the nearest relatives essential for quence Strachey informed the Pay October, 1816, that a crown could n get any other ornament made with
32. Letter from George Strachey to the Pay 33. Letter from the Chief Secretary, Fort dated 22nd September, 1816.
34. Letter from the Chief Secretary, Fort dated 23rd August, 1816.
35. Letter from Governor Brownrigg, Kir Governor-in-Council, Fort St. George, dated 11t 36. Letter from Governor Brownrigg, Kin Governor-in-Council, Fort St. George, dated 11t
37. Letter from George Strachey, Chief Sec Vellore, dated 5th October, 1816.

CEYLON REVIEW
f Stipends at Vellore was requested by the names of these miscreants. If they Paymaster was instructed to arrest them ter, however, thought that some of the
ing upon the King according to custon
g and thereby added to his distemper. red instructions from Madras that the light be dispensed with and servants e services of the Nayiks were deemed
aused the greatest vexation to the King :mpt he made at this time to get some other, and a crown for himself. This Madras and thence to Colombo,34 and : second week of August, 1816, that the had been purchased with the immediate r the King. An ornament in the form as entirely inadvisable, as encouraging ting reflexions which had better be lat some ornaments could be made of
rved, "Upon the whole I am strongly r*.
a style of Dress and living which may than any tendency to appearances of most safe and eligible, most consonant War and most conductive to his happiiculties, in the same letter the Governor rents living with the King be reduced the comfort of the King.36 In consemaster of Stipends at Vellore on 5th ot be permitted but that the King could the gold he had,37
master of Stipends, Vellore, dated 10th May, 1816. St. George, to the Paymaster of Stipends, Vellore,
St. George to the Paymaster of Stipends, Vellore,
g's House, Colombo, to Rt. Hon. Hugh Eliott, h September, 1816.
gos House, Colombo, to Rt. Hon. Hugh Eliott, h September, 1816. -
retary, Fort St. George, to the Paymaster of Stipends
172

Page 19
THE DEPORTATION OF KINC
Towards the end of the year the the number of Nayiks living with the to recompense the King for this incon St George inquired from the Paym. ls at the King should be indulged wi
Paymaster who appears to have been the King and to have done all that he on him by the office he held, readily g. in March the Madras Government at a palanqueen for the use of the King a it.39 About the same time approval v making of ornaments worth 500 pago and his queens. 40
About the middle of the year 181 rities at Madras that the King of Kan released or on the alternative their c consistent with the requirements of sect upon by the Governor of Ceylon, an the Kandyan Provinces, communicate in a communication dated 15th Septen explained that His Excellency had n of the Nayakers though he apprehend Majesty's possessions in Ceylon to dis of their proceedings to such an extent undertaken for their return to Ceylon Excellency, stated Sutherland, to fee deposed King in a more comfortable danger which was contemplated fron in the instance of the King, from the his case and the known impetuosity o of weakness which could hardly fail to of the Nayakers for the prosecution recovery of the Kandyan provinces
38. Letter from George Strachey, Chief Secret Vellore, not dated.
39. Letter from the Chief Secretary, Fort St. G 17th March, 1817.
40. Letter from Robert Brownrigg, Governor Council, Fort St. George, dated 15th May, 1817.
 
 
 

G SRI VIKRAMA RAJASIMHA
Paymaster was authorised to reduce
King, and as if he were attempting venience, the Chief Secretary of Fort aster whether he would recommend th the use of a palanqueen.38 The ver concerned with the happiness of could, under the limitations imposed lve his assent. In the following year, Ithorised the Paymaster to purchase ld to employ twelve bearers to carry vas received from Brownrigg for the das for the use of the King's mother
7 proposals were made...by the authody and the other prisoners should be onfinement be relaxed to an extent arity. These proposals were frowned d James Sutherland, the Secretary of d the Governor's reactions to Madras hber, 1817. In this letter Sutherland D desire to protract the confinement led it would be highly unsafe to His continue the supervision and control as to prevent or frustrate any plans It would be most gratifying to His it himself warranted in placing the position were it not obvious that the the Nayakers was infinitely greater uperior temptations which existed in his temper, combined with a degree render him an instrument in the hands of any designs having for object the and the restoration of the Malabar
ary, Fort St. George, to the Paymaster of Stipends,
eorge, to the Paymaster of Stipends, Vellore, dated
of Ceylon, to Rt. Hon, Hugh Eliott, Governor-in
73

Page 20
UNIVERSITY OF
Dynasty.4 The whole set of prop and his family settled down to a pe of Vellore.
The Velassa disturbances which in Ceylon had their own repercus James Sutherland, Secretary to the G 27th October, 1817, acquainted the tion relating to these disturbances a the presence in Velassa of a strange ex-King. The letter referred to a Mr. D'Oyly, the Chief Commission person alluded to was one Doreswa panied the King to Madras in the s diately made from the magistrates Madura and Tanjore, where some o at the time, as to the whereabouts of
George Lusignan, Secretary t Strachey in June, 1818, requesting his in regard to the outbreak of disturb the King or any member of his fami if so, from whom and when. St. opinions as to the person of the pret in the disturbances and the part pl disaffection in the Country.43. Majc at Vellore, however, felt that it was King of the situation in Ceylon of and further action on this matter w the Secretary of the Kandyan Provi
41. Letter from James Sutherland, Secretal Secretary to the Government of Madras, dated, K 42. Letter from James Sutherland, Chief S Secretary, Fort St. George, dated 27th October, 1
43. Letter from George Lusignan, Secretary, Chief Secretary, Fort St. George, dated 7th June 1. Ahalepola Mahanilame, 2. Molligoda Mahan Disawa of the Seven Korales, 5. Madugalle, Nilame, 7. Millava, the late Disava of Vellass Unanse, 10. Wellewita Anu Naik Unanse, and 44. Letter from Secretary for the Kandyan dated Kandy, 10th August, 1818.

CEYLON REVIEW
sals was finally rejected and the King riod of long confinement in the Fort
ܐܣܛܘܢ܂ 13 occurred towards the end of the year
ions in the Kandi Mahal at Vellore. overnment of Ceylon, in a letter dated Government of Madras with informald described them as originating from of the Malabar caste, a relative of the rumour that had reached the ears of er of the Kandyan Provinces, that the my, one of the Nayakers who accomhip Cornwallis. Inquiries were immeof Trichinopoly, Tinnaveli, Nellore, f the relatives of the King were living
Doreswamy.42
D the Kandyan Provinces, wrote to m to ascertain the reactions of the King
ances in Velassa, to find out whether
ly had heard of these disturbances, and tachey was also required to seek their 2nder, the person principally concerned ayed by certain chieftains in creating or Marriott, the Paymaster of Stipends not prudent at the time to acquaint the which he might otherwise be ignorant, as abandoned with the concurrence of ices.44
y, Kandyan Provinces, to George Strachey, Chief andy, 15th September, 1817. ecretary, Kandyan Office, Colombo, to the Chief 817. Office of the Kandyan Provinces, to George Strachey, 1818. The chieftains mentioned in the letter are : illame, 3. Kapuvatte Mahanilame, 4. Pilimatalavve ormerly Uda-gabada Nilame, 6. The Gajanayaka a, * 8. Mampittiya Nilame, 9. Komakaduwe Naik | 1. Malama Unanse.
Provinces, to the Chief Secretary, Fort St. George,
174

Page 21
eتحصہ
THE DEPORTATION OF KING
Aopayındra Amma, one of the Wiv 1818, at Tanjore...45
One of the ways in which the K refuse to accept the ratib given to him.
- to accept it, and he is stated to have be
whom is not mentioned in the records. a considerable volume of correspondenc of Stipends at Vellore and the authorit ances, provisions and articles of clothin and his family. The Paymaster was tr other prisoners whatever little comfort for them, but the authorities at Madras persuaded into accepting the Paymast the Paymaster was even gently reprima prisoners. However occasional indul, keeping the King in good humour. worth Rs. 1,000 was authorised by the to enable the King to hold a religious
ceremony of his first daughter. An
S- made by the King on the occasion of ア ー daughter.48
༈ -
During this period the King's der
Augustus Andrews, the new Paymaster to have had an unusual degree of sym
to comment in the course of a commur as follows: “The demands of the cap is impossible to comply with them, b my power to render his situation as Com He further assured the authorities at Fo in behalf of the King seldom amounted
45. Letter from W. Blackburne, Resident of Ta 46. Letter from the Paymaster of Stipends, Vell 15th October, 1819. Also letter from A. Andrews, in Department, Fort St. George, dated 19th July, 1820.
47. Extract from Minutes, Madras Government are severely damaged. Among the articles provide broadcloth, shawls and brass pots.
48. Letter from George Lusignan, Secretary, K. Fort St. George, dated 13th August, 1821; and letter Secretary Edward Woods, Fort St. George, dated 22 ment of requirements for the ear-ring ceremony.
17

SRI VIKRAMA RAJASIMHA
is of the ex-King died on 16th June,
ng expressed his discontent was to
Sometimes for months he refused in forced to borrow what or from (vailable.46 In July, 1820, there was e exchanged between the Paymaster es at Madras concerning the allowand furniture supplied to the King ying to secure for the King and the s that he could legitimately procure were very strict and were not easily er's recommendations.47 At times inded for his interest in behalf of the gences were made with a view to For instance the provision of articles Secretary of the Kandyan Provinces feast on the occasion of the ear-ring application for a similar grant was the ear-ring ceremony of his second
mands became so very frequent that of Stipends at Vellore, who appears pathy for the King, was constrained lication addressed to Fort St. George tive King are so very frequent that it llit . . . . . . . . I use every means in fortable as the circumstances admit'. rt St. George that the disbursements to more than Rs. 1,000 monthly and
jore, to Fort St. George, dated 9th July, 1818.
bre, to the Civil Auditor, Fort St. George, dated aw Paymaster of Stipends, Vellore, to the Political
for 17th October, 1820. Other relevant letters to the members of the royal family are carpets,
undyan Provinces, to E. Wood, Chief Secretary, rom the Paymaster of Stipends, Vellore, to Chief ld December, 1823. See Appendix II for state

Page 22
UNIVERSITY O
that if he had acceded to all his re Rs. 3,000.49 Probably the latter cc assuaging any fears that Fort St. G. that the Paymaster was too indulge
Within a few months, howe making further demands of the P 1822, the King requested that he b a monthly allowance of Rs. 2,000 a the Paymaster assured him, would Fort St. George. They were the requests forwarded to Madras, v follows: "I have to observe that Office the expenditure for the captis less monthly and in consideration Governor may be pleased to compl demands were, nevertheless, unab: and therefore demanded a larger pal Provinces readily agreed to grant th for the funeral of the King's mothe by the Paymaster in compliance wit desire to give, stating that he saw n. be given then than in the case of th
On 14th August, 1822, one o A few days later Gumpaul Naik, th master of Vellore communicated to nopoly a 'Gentoo memorandum t son-in-law of the deceased, Kumm living at Trichinopoly under the ch
About this time the King beca quarrelled with his brother-in-law
49. Letter dated 16th June, 1821. a 50. Letter from A. Andrews, Paymaster of probably before March, 1822. The figure 2000 been 200.
51. Letter from George Lusignan, Secreta Secretary, Fort St. George, dated 22nd May, 182 52. Letter from the Paymaster of Stipends. 14th August, 1822.
53. Letter from the Paymaster of Stipends, of Trichinopoly, dated 31st August, 1822. Gun conveying the news of the death of Gumpaul Nai Memorandunn.’

F - CEYLON REVIEW
quests his disbursements would exceed ymment was made with the intention of orge authorities might have entertained
nt towards the King.
F
ver, the King was again persisting in ܢܝܠ ܐܝܬ aymaster. In the beginning of March, e provided with a horse and also with s pocket money. Both these demands, not be allowed by the authorities at refore expunged from a statement of wherein Paymaster Andrews stated as since taking charge of the Stipend Pay e King and his adherents is considerably of this possibly the Honourable the y with the requisitions."50 The King's ated. He had become obese by now anqueen. The Secretary of the Kandyan is request but directed that the expenses r, in the event of her death, be decided h any orders that Fort St. George might o reason why a larger allowance shoulde funeral of the King's aunt. Sl
f the queens gave birth to a daughter. 52 le King's father-in-law died. The Paythe Collector and Magistrate of Trichito be conveyed to the brother and the ama Naik and Dasen Naik, who were large of the Collector and Magistrate.53
ime ill-tempered once again. He even , Coomaraswamy Naik, but when the
Stipends, Vellore, to Fort St. George, date not legible, is probably a clerical error. It might possibly have
ry. Kandyan Provinces, to Edward Woods, Chief 2.
Vellore, to Chief Secretary, Fort St. George, dated
Vellore, to the Collector and Magistrate of the Zilla
npaul Naik died on 27th August, 1822. The message kis written in Telugu, hence the reference to a "Gentoo
176

Page 23
. ¬
THE DEPORTATION OF KING
Paymaster attempted to remove the lat opposed the change stating that in the e daughter, both of whom were ill at the could conduct the essential ceremonies. persistent that the Paymaster was forced disposition of the King is too well knc any comment from me. I need therefor me is not always very ceremonious wh wishes. 55 -
The King was ever concerned with and children and he might have been longer in a position to provide his fam that they were accustomed to enjoy at more fortunate circumstances.
One day in April the following ye some pieces of valuable cloth that he h; him to dispose of them so that he coul jewels for his wives and children. The
power to do so but promised to comm
The King's elder daughter had at thi ܓ ¬
and so had some children of Gumpal Na King. Accordingly the King sought per to Vellore his relations from places such a suitable brides and bridegrooms could b children of his kinsman. He also reque money necessary to meet the expenses C King made a request for a sum of ten t Paymaster of Vellore, Lieutenant Lewis, ostentation and because he did not wis)
54. Letter from the Paymaster of Stipends, Vell 13th January, 1823.
55. Letter from the Paymaster of Stipends, Vellor - - - - - - November, 1823.
56. Letter from Lieut, Col. Augustus Andrews, Pa of Madras, dated 16th April, 1823.
57. Letter from the Paymaster of Stipends, Vello of Madras, 3rd June, 1825.
58. Letter from Paymaster of Stipends, Vellore letter from the acting Paymaster of Stipends, Vellore,
177
 

SRI VIKRAMA RAJASIMHA
ter from Velore to Chingleput he vent of the death of his mother or time, he was the only person who 54 The King's turbulence was so to report to Madras stating, "The wn to the Government to require e only add that his conduct towards en I find it necessary to oppose his
showing his affection for his wives even grief stricken that he was no ily with the comforts and luxuries Kandy when they were placed in
ܓ
lar the King showed the Paymaster ad brought from Ceylon and asked d use the money so realised to buy Paymaster said that it was not in his unicate his request to Madras.56
is time reached the age of nine years lyik, a near kinsman of the captive mission from the authorities to invite is Trichinopoly and Tanjore, so that e chosen for his child as well as the sted the authorities to grant him the if the consequent weddings.57 The housand pagodas, which the acting thought was made from a spirit of in to be satisfied. '58 The statement
ore, to Chief Secretary, Fort St. George, dated
re, to the Chief Secretary, Fort St. George, dated
ymaster of Stipends, Vellore, to the Government ire, to David Hill, Chief Secretary, Government
to Fort St. George, dated 7th August, 1825; to Fort St. George, dated 9th September, 1825.

Page 24
UNIVERSITY C
of requisites given to the Paymastel girls and payments to Brahmins.59
The original request for per: daughter was communicated to th at Madras and the former approv of the Governor-in-Council in M. ့ဝံ့f Cash to the King was also approv distribution. However the autho the expenses for the proposed mai arrived at.00. The statement of rec at Vellore was an exhaustive and of Fort St. George, possibly on t replied that he did not wish to sanc daughter and the Paymaster was r the proposed expenses were limite this time the King and his far Chitrapurnami festivals, and certair to pass through the gates of the take part in the festivities.63
Towards the middle of the yea relsome and ill-tempered. He qua Swamy Naick who was living in Stewart, who had assumed duties in fact, proposed that Coomara Sw outside the fort or to his relatives wrote to the Chief Secretary at violent in temper and incapable o not level himself to his situation being made to remove Coomara S his kinsman and for some time be once again.64
59. Letter from the acting Paymaster of Sti 1825.
60. Letter from George Lusignan, Secretal Secretary, Fort St. George, dated 2nd June, 182
61. See note No. 62. 62. Letter from David Hill, Chief Secretar Vellore, dated 23rd September, 1825.
63. Guide to the Records of North Arco 14th April, 1826.
64. Letter from Lieut. Col. P. Stewart, P Fort St. George, dated 27th June, 1826.

)F CEYLON REVIEW
contained items such as pandals, dancing
mission for the marriage of the King's e Governor of Ceylon by the authorities ed the marriage subject to the approval -- idras. A reasonable monthly allowance ed subject to certain conditions as regards ities at Colombo wanted an estimate of riage before any final decision could be (uisites sent by the King to the Paymaster xpensive one61 and the Chief Secretary he advice of the authorities in Ceylon, tion the proposed marriage of the King's equested not to renew the subject unless d by the strictest moderation.62 About nily celebrated the Dasarah and the dancing girls and singers were permitted Vellore Fort to the King's residence to
r 1826 the King became extremely quare. irrelled with his brother-in-law Coomar. an adjoining house. Lieut. Col. P. A. as the Paymaster of Stipends at Vellore, amy Naick should be sent to some place living at Trichinopoly. The Paymaster Madras that the King had then become flistening to reason and that he would ... When, however, arrangements were wamy the King reconciled himself with came quiet and equable in temperament
pends, Vellore, to Fort St. George, dated 9th September,
ty to the Government of Ceylon, to David Hill, Chief 5.
y, Fort St. George, to Officiating Paymaster of Stipends,
it District, Madras, p. 187, summary of letter dated
aymaster of Stipends, Vellore, to the Chief Secretary,
178

Page 25
THE DEPORTATION OF KING
A month or two later the King's as the Paymaster, taking timely action, sou; at Fort St. George to employ a party ofs he royal lady, in the event of her deatl t Government to sanction the expendiر
The authorities at Madras saw no ot being employed to accompany the ren cremation ground in the event of her d to regulate the expenses at his discretio) to spend Rs. 3,000 or Rs. 3,500 pending
The King appears to have become middle of the year 1827. He demande his residence to prevent rain from gett house. This was granted and a sum o purpose.67 A few months later he reful
In October 1827 Paymaster Stew authorities at Madras the question of th and pointing out that the royal family i 2'- meet the necessary expenses of a marria: ༄། 5,000 for the purpose,69 No dec adras authorities in regard to this prop for some considerable time.
An event that brought some measl royal family was the birth of a daught 1829.70 To assist the family the Payma the ratib given to the King and his fami that jewellery could be bought for the
was the custom. This letter was refer
65. Letter from Chief Secretary, Fort St. George, October, 1826.
66. Letter from the Chief Secretary, Fort St. Gec 24th November, 1826.
67. Letter from the Chief Secretary, Fort St. Ged July, 1827.
68. From the Paymaster of Stipends, Vellore, to October, 1827.
69. Letter from the Paymaster of Stipends, Vello: " 31st October, 1827. The letter is damaged and it is .
70. Damaged letter dated . . . . . . February, 1829,
179
 
 

SRI VIKRAMA RAJASIMHA
red mother became seriously ill and ght permission from the authorities oldiers to accompany the remains of l, to the cemetery. He also asked ture necessary for the funeral.65
jection to a party of native officers tains of the King's mother to the eath and requested the Paymaster 1. Later he was given permission sanction from Colombo.66
: petulent once again towards the that a verandah be constructed in ing into the living quarters of his f Rs. 2,000 was sanctioned for the sed to accept the ratib once again.68
art once again took up with the e marriage of the King's daughter, in their then state had no means to ge, suggested the grant of a sum óf ision, however, was made by the osal and the matter lay in abeyance
ire of cheer to the members of the er to the third queen in February ster inquired from Madras whether ly could be commuted for cash, so new born baby and the mother as ed to Colombo for a decision and
to the Paymaster of Stipends, Vellore, dated 6th
rge, to the Paymaster of Stipends, Vellore, dated
rge, to the Paymaster of Stipends, Vellore, 31st
the Chief Secretary, Fort St. George, dated 24th
e, to the Chief Secretary, Fort St. George, dated
ot clear whether the figure is 5000.
The exact date cannot be made out.

Page 26
UNIVERSITY (
in a letter dated 22nd September, Chief Secretary Office in Colon priated to buy jewellery. "With said Eden, referring to the prop "I am directed to state that it is no consideration-but politically His to perpetuate by marriage amon family claims to the throne of Kanc gave formal approval to the propos sum of money for the purchase o infant,72. In fact the authorities : Rs. 3,000 for this purpose.73
At this stage the condition of what alarming and Lt. Col. Stewa "It is customary with Hindoos of of the captive's rank to preserve in of deceased relatives or to erect ove the latter has been the usage of the F a drawing of the family tombs at K suggested that a piece of land situa road from Vellore to Chittore shoul a Brindavanam.74
The death of the King's mo week of January, 1831. Arrange1 men—all Hindoos—commanded b a Fifer to escort the remains of the on the banks of the river. The e per man of blank ammunition.75
71. Letter addressed to David Hill, Chief S.
72. Letter from P. Anstruther, Deputy Sec Secretary, Fort St. George, dated 20th Septembe 73. Letter from Fort St. George to the Payr 74. Letter from the Paymaster of Stipends, A. M. Hocart states: ' Mr. W. R. Hanco Kandyan kings: they are simply topes. I made called Aradhana Maduva, but the tombs have d to Matale was built. See Note on the Origin of (G), Vol. I, Colombo, 1924-1928, p. 101. The correct. This site where the remains of Kandyar cremation terrace. The place is situated close to see Major Forbes, Eleven Years in Ceylon, Vol. I.
75. Letter from Fort St. George to Colonel, and the date cannot be made out. Probably be

DF CEYLON REVIEW
1829, Thomas Eden, Deputy Secretary, bo, objected to the ratib being approregard to the concluding paragraph, Osed marriage of the King's daughter t so much a matter for His Excellency's Excellency cannot consider it desirable st members of the Ex-Kandyan royal ly.'71 Later the Government of Ceylon ed marriage, and also approved a suitable fjewellery for the third queen and her approved the expenditure of a sum of
the King's infirm mother became somert wrote to Fort St. George as follows: listinction and particularly with persons tombs or transmit to Benares the bones
rashes a building . . . . . . Brindavanam: andyan family and . . . . . . king possesses andy . . . . . . The Colonel, therefore,
ted near the river and to the left of the
ld be acquired for the purpose of erecting
ther took place somewhere in the last ments were made for a party of fifty y a native officer and a Drummer and : deceased lady to the place of sepulchre
scort was provided with three rounds
ecretary, Fort St. George. retary, Chief Secretary's Office, Colombo, to the Chief er, 1831. laster of Stipends, Vellore, dated 8th November, 1831. Vellore, to Fort St. George, dated 20th January, 1831. ck kindly showed me an old print of the tombs of the : inquiries about them and found the site at a place isappeared, having been destroyed when the railway the Tope by A. M. Hocart, Ceylon Journal of Science laime of the site as given above by Hocart is not quite kings were cremated was known as Adahana-maluva, the Asgiriya Monastery in Kandy. For an illustration
London, 1840, opposite p. 300. H. Q. A. Taylor, commanding Vellore; letter damaged ore 28th January, 1831.
180
ா

Page 27
|-
* 〈-
THE DEPORTATION OF KING
In October the same year the first born, and Paymaster Stewart wrote to ment of Madras suggesting that some ceasion to the King, the mother and che införmed the Chief Secretary, had app letter the infirm nature of the King's he Reporting that the King's health had certain, Stewart says, "he suffers from o rently, has but little appetite and his lim
In December the King's health had this circumstance to Madras in a letter letter has been severely damaged by in The legible sections read as follows: breathe, and that swellings which were the chest. He became very unwell on was much relieved yesterday and this feebled and confines himself to his couc
On 19th January, 1832, Paymaster St Chief Secretary to the Government of
had declined the further assistance of Y Sunday and had again applied to th
malady had gained ground, and Stewar precarious state. Contemplating the demise Stewart desired to have author military escort to accompany the King's to fire three volleys in the customary m. necessary expenditure sanctioned. He adequate for the purpose, and anothel adequate for the annual Ceremony. Fi Chief Secretary to the need to purchase the King, in the event of his death, coul
In a letter written in January, 1832, read as the paper is severely moth-eaten,
76. Letter from the Paymaster of Stipends, Vello 29th October, 1831.
77. Letter from the Paymaster of Stipends, Vellor 19th December, 1831.
78. Letter from the Paymaster of Stipends, Velle George, dated 19th January, 1832.
181
 
 

SRI VIKRAMA RAJASIMHA
and the only son of the King was the Chief Secretary of the Governmoney should be offered on this infant. The parents, the Paymaster ied for such a grant. In the same alth is mentioned for the first time. latterly become enfeebled and unccasional fits of fever, sleeps indiffebs puff and swell.'76
not improved and Stewart reported dated 9th December, 1831. This noths and only parts can be read.
“. . . . . . much from difficulty to before ...... limbs have reached Saturday night . . . . .... causes; he
day he continues better but is en
h'77
Iewart reported to Henry Charmier, Fort St. George, that the ex-King Mr. Surgeon Reid on the previous e native medical attendants. His t considered his life to be in a very probability of his early or sudden ity from the Chief Secretary for a remains to the burial grounds and anner. He also wished to have the considered a sum of Rs. 5,000 sum of Rs. 3,500 he considered nally he drew the attention of the a piece of land where the bones of d be entombed.78
of which the exact date cannot be the Paymaster of Vellore commu
re, to the Chief Secretary, Fort St. George, dated
', to the Chief Secretary, Fort St. George, dated
re, to Henry Charmier, Chief Secretary, Fort St.

Page 28
UNIVERSITY OF
nicated to Madras that the report medical attendants on the health of and in some instances alarming, he of a European surgeon. The rest of of the name Reid suggests that Su requested to attend upon the royal become dangerously ill and Stewa yesterday frequently insensible and he has since recovered sufficiently t in a most precarious situation.'80
On 31st January, 1832, Stewart St. George that the King had died three o'clock. He reported furthe the family the body was conveyed under the escort of a military guar male relatives and servants all of wh On the same day the Paymaster of living in places such as Trichinopo intimating to them the death of t Telugu. At the same time the Pa cerned at these places requesting the the obsequies of the King.82
A few days later Stewart wro the royal family as existing after th At the last interview he had with th wanted the same care and liberal pi had been bestowed upon him. T released after his death; whether be his son any harm or because his rel master was unable to determine. noted, was a person of talent and
79. Letter from the Paymaster of Stipends, January, 1832.
80. Letter from the Paymaster of Stipends. 27th January, 1832.
81. Letter from the Paymaster of Stipends, 31st January, 1832.
82. Letter from the Paymaster of Stipends, 31st January, 1832.

CEYLON REVIEW
s for some days past from the native the ex-King being very unsatisfactory had decided to request the attendance the letter is illegible but the occurrence rgeon Reid may have once again been prisoner,79. By the 27th the King had it reported as follows: “The King was | considered to be in imminent danger; express his wishes, but he still remains
; reported to the Chief Secretary at Fort the previous day in the afternoon about r that at the request of the members of to the place of burning before sunset d and accompanied by the late captive's om returned to the Fort in the evening.81 Vellore conveyed to the King's relatives lly a letter from Coomaraswamy Naick he King. The message was written in ymaster sent notes to the officers oo"- m not to send prisoners of war to attend
te to Madras reviewing the situation in e death of King Śrī Vikrama Rājasimha. e King, Stewart reported, the latter had rovisions to be bestowed upon his son as The King did not want his son to be cause he felt that his relatives would do lease might cause disturbances, the PayThe King's eldest wife, the Paymaster intrigue and was not friendly towards
Vellore, to the Chief Secretary, Fort St. George,. . . . . . .
Vellore, to the Chief Secretary, Fort St. George, dated
Vellore, to the Chief Secretary, Fort St. George, dated
Vellore, to the Magistrate of the Zilla of Trichinopoly,
182

Page 29
THE DEPORTATION OF KING
the third wife who was mother of the under other circumstances this enmity 1
The news of the King's death was c
3rd February, 1832. He had been
earlier. In a letter dated 13th Februar concurred with the arrangements ma remains,84. A few days later P. An Government of Ceylon, addressed a le St. George informing him that he cor late King's son should remain at Vellc best education possible for which pur where his intriguing relatives w Anstruther, however, wanted a report any decision could be taken.85 Later
that the ex-King's son should stay in t ment. It was suggested by them that revenues of which the boy might in suggested that the boy might live in t native of respectability during his mi
the Madras Government could not be
ment of Madras, however, was asked to
80.Aon the proposals now made ܠ
In the meanwhile proceedings had in Vellore where the remains of the late of the family could be entombed. In Arcot acquired 10 Cawnies of ground in and Conavuttam from some cultivat in-Council at Madras approved of this vicinity of Vellore for the sum of Rs letter dated 30th July, 1832, the Gov
83. Letter from the Paymaster of Stipends, Ve February, 1832.
84. Letter from P. Anstruther, Deputy Secretar Fort St. George, 13th February, 1832.
85. Letter from Deputy Secretary, Government dated Kandy, 19th February, 1832.
86. Letter from Deputy Secretary, Government 1832.
87. North Arcot Bundle 39 (2-IVa), letter date 88. Extract from minutes of Consultation-Pol.
18
 
 

SRI VIKRAMA RAJASIMHA
King's only son. But he felt that night cease.83
onveyed to the Governor of Ceylon kept informed of the King's illness 7 the Governor of Ceylon generally de for the disposal of the King's struther, Deputy Secretary to the etter to the Chief Secretary at Fort Isidered it highly necessary that the re and that he should be given the pose he might be sent to Calcutta build not have access to him. on the aptitude of the boy before the authorities at Colombo decided he territories of the Madras Governan estate should be bought on the ow be supported. It was further he estate under the supervision of a nority. Other proposals made by basily put into effect. The Governsend to Colombo their observations
been instituted to acquire some land King and those of the other members June, 1832, the Collector of North a place called Aroogundum Poondy ors living there.87 The Governorpurchase of land in the immediate 186, 2 annas and 3 paisas.8 In a 'ernment of Ceylon approved this
illore, to the Chief Secretary, Fort St. George, 2nd
y, Government of Ceylon, to the Chief Secretary,
of Ceylon, to Chief Secretary, Fort St. George,
of Ceylon, to Fort St. George, dated 27th March,
d 30th June, 1832. tical department, Fort St. George, 6th July, 1832.
5

Page 30
UNIVERSITY OF
purchase.89 Arrangements for the July, 1832, and the Paymaster sent t the buildings proposed to be erected
Brindavanam for the King Brindavanam for his moth
Choultry
These estimates were frowned in Colombo, who stated that His approve so considerable an outlay t King's remains. The Colombo auth Madras, to incur whatever was abso several buildings.9
It may be mentioned in conclu Vikrama Rājasimha emerges as a mai as a father he was ever concerned v their future and as husband he W his wives, constantly thinking out tunate plight. His occasional outbu be understood When One COnsiders t at Vellore, both in respect of his p amenities of life that he and his fa Was, however, fortunate in having a of officials who tried with commend as comfortable and as least irksome ted in them. Some of he Payma incurring the displeasure of the aut be indulgent to the captive king and authorities in Madras and in Ceylon with only two aspects of his exile at any unnecessary hardship on the pri that the King should not by any me
89. Letter from P. Anstruther, Deputy Sec 30th July, 1832.
90. Letter from the Paymaster of Stipends, \
91. Letter from Chief Secretary's Office, Co No remains of the monuments erected in memor to be found today. Within the limits of the subt of several members of the family of Tipu Sultan. als-North Arcot District, compiled by Arthur F. C Madras, 1894, p. 421.

CEYLON REVIEW
purchase of land were completed in O Madras the following estimates for
on the land :
RS. 500 Cr RS. 150 D
RS. 50090
upon by the Chief Secretary's Office Excellency the Governor hesitated to o erect tombs and a choultry over the orities asked the Governor-in-Council, lutely necessary in the erection of the
ision that in these ducuments King Śrī n of not altogether unlikable character: with the happiness of his children and as anxious to promote the happiness of Vays of pleasing them in their unforirsts of temper and petulance can easily
he restrictions he was subject to in exile ersonal freedom and in respect of the mily may have wished to enjoy. He
s his immediate custodians a succession able patience to make the King's exile as was possible within the powers vessters at Vellore, in fact, even risked horities at Fort St. George in trying to his family. On the other hand, the appear to have been concerned mainly Vellore. While they did not impose soners they were nevertheless anxious ans be enabled to return to Ceylon or
retary, Government of Ceylon, to Fort St. George,
fellore, to Fort St. George, dated 4th July, 1832.
lombo, to Fort St. George, dated 7th August, 1832. y of King Sri Vikrama Rajasinha and his mother are Irb of Vellore named Arikandampundi are the tombs
For the latter monuments see, Madras District Mantiox, new Edition revised by Harold A. Stuart, Vol. II
184
உ

Page 31
THE DEPORTATION OF KING
otherwise assert his claims to the thron was that the Paymaster at Vellore in
placed should at all times exercise the the needs of the Kandyan prisoners objectives they were indeed quite succ ר
18
 

SRI VIKRAMA RAJASIMHA
e of Kandy. Their second concern whose custody the prisoners were strictest economy in providing for
In the pursuit of both of these Þssful.
P. E. E. FERNANDO

Page 32
UNIVERSITY OF
APPE
Extract of a letter addressed by the Secreta appointed to conduct the late King of Kandy to
The late king and his followers will be emba cription of person specified in the annexed abstra
His Excellency wishes, with regard to the rei and their landing at Madras, in so far as concer Captain O'Brien by a letter of this date, of which
You will perceive that all communication v king or any of the prisoners will be made througl to the cleanliness of that part of the ship in which their lights at night, and to the times at which th the ship to which they may be admitted on those
In all these, and any other unforeseen instan may distinctly be made to understand (using at th and attention towards him, his family, and follow established customs of His Majesty's Naval servic and being issued they cannot be objected to, nor
Your general management of this charge will tions originally enveyed to Colonel Kerr, by His Malabar prisoners from the Kandyan country to change will be the omission of all such parts as has
Provisions and all needful supplies, calculated will be put on board by the Deputy Commiss receive them under your charge and direct their
In the measure of these allowances the accom but it is not His Excellency's wish to restrict the iss advisable for the comfort of the king, his family cannot be entirely provided against in a sea voya
On the arrival of His Majesty's Ship at Mad the shore, you will be pleased to report the arriv of the Government, and forward a letter, with W Governor to the Right Honble. the Governor of the landing of the king and the prisoners, and as orders of the Honble. the Company's Governme
As soon as this change takes place, you will measures for your return, but so long as you m. good as continue to afford information to the A pecting which inquiry may be made; and His E. your stay, communicating for that with the offic
His Excellency recommends your immediat should be entered.
Joseph de Silva, Mohandiram of the Chic and a person now employed in the King's House interpretation. They will draw rations of sub

CEYLON REVIEW
NDIX I
y for the Kandyan Provinces to W. Granville Esq. Aadras, with his family and suite.
Kandyan Office, s Colombo, 24th January, 1816.
ked this day, according to numbers, rank and dest.
eption and treatment of the king and his dependants, ns. His Majesty's Ship, have been communicated to
a copy is enclosed for your information.
hich Captain O'Brien may wish to be made to the you. These will probably relate, for the most part, the prisoners will be lodged, to the extinguishing of e prisoners may be abroad for air, and those parts of
OCC3S1 OS.
ces His Excellency has only to request, that the king : same time every demonstration of personal kindness ers) that Captain O'Brien's orders are founded on the e, and will never be issued without positive necessity in any manner debated.
best be guided by observing in substance the instruc
Excellency's orders, on the removal of the king and ) Colombo. A copy will be annexed and the only ve no relation to the situation of things on board ship.
for the subsistence of 60 prisoners during one month, ary General from whom you will be so good as to being issued.
panying schedule will serve for your general guidance le to precise rule, where any deviation may be deemed or suite, under the circumstance of discomfort, which ՀC.
as, and as soon as communication can be made with 1 of the king and the prisoners to the Chief Secretary hich you will be furnished, from His Excellency the Fort St. George, whose orders you will wait for as to o their being transferred to proper custody under the lt.
onsider yourself as relieved, and may take immediate y be necessarily detained at Madras, you will be so gents and proper officers there, in all particulars rescellency also desires you should visit the king during r who may have him in charge.
ily opening a diary in which all material occurrence
Secretary's Office, will attend you as interpreter ;
ill act as Conicoply of provisions and assistin Malabar istence from the provisions shipped by the Deputy
186

Page 33
THE DEPORTATION OF KING
Commissary General, and will receive such advances, holding in view their present pay as noted in the mar all extra expenses, which you judge to have been neces duty, and until their arrival again at this place.
The Governor wishes you to take the earliest орр
yed will interest yourself to procure a passage back
delay as possible. *
You will not fail regularly to report your proc information. . ܝ ܗ
APPENDI
The following list of articles is found in the bundle of p. but it is not stated anywhere for what purpose the articles 1 occurs, it is most likely that the list represents a statement of of the ear-ring ceremony of the King's daughter.
800 seers Raw Rice
14 seers Sugar Candy 28 seers Sugar
7 seers Honey 70 seers Jaggery 70seers Ghee 30 seers Dhall 30 seers Green Gran 30 seers Ginger seeds
60 seers Lamp oil
30 seers Black gram 10 seers butter 40 seers milk 30 Seers tyre 2500 young Coconuts 61 plantain trees with bunches 2000 sugar cane 3000 plantain fruits 1OOO coconuts 1500 linnes 200 Candles 30 bundles of betel 28 seiers betel nuts 50 nutmegs 12 palums Mace 30 palums Cardanuns 30 palums Cloves 200 eggs 30 large tank fish 30 large salt fish 30 hares 3 hogs (Rs. 15) 3 deers (Rs. 15) 300 different kinds of birds (Rs. 30) 30 bundles fire wood 30 jack fruits (Rs. 11) 1000 mango fruits (Rs. 35) 50 pineapples 50 Hurd biolodzis fruides (RS. 8)
All this quantity of food and drink and a few ot
18,
 

SRI VIKRAMA RAJASIMHA
either here or at Madras, as you may apply for gin, and the intentions of indemnifying them of arily incurred in the performance of their present
rtunity of returning to your duties, and requests for the interpreter and Conicoply with as little
Bedings to this department for His Excellency's
Χ II
pers bearing Serial No. 39/13, General No. 18376, vere required. But from the position in which the list the requirements in food and drink etc. on the occasion
300 Country oranges (Rs. 6) 15 pagodas weight of saffron .
5 pagodas weight of musk 10 pagodas weight of Jereadoo 15 pagodas weight of Cewit 15 Palums Muddy paul 15 pagodas weight of fine camphor 15 pagodas weight of Coubeezer 15 pagodas weight of Sambrany Tylum
6 bottles of Atter 6 bottles of Rosewater
plantain leaves
- - - - - - - - - - illegible
salt chillies Tanarind Bitters seeds Cunninnin seeds linnustard Pepper Onion 40 seers Garlick 30 seers 2 palums Hing 15 seers Gasagasah 10 sheep 50 fowls 30 bunches young coconuts 17 seers dates 82/4 seers cadjure nuts N | 82/4 seers raisins
8 2/4 seers almond 173 seers sweet meet (sic) 30 country paper globes 2 pagodas weight of gold for ear-ring 5 pagodas weight of gold for forehead pendent 2 sets of Tom Tom beaters
2 sets of dancing girls.
her articles and services cost Rs. 1,989 - 10 as.

Page 34
The Philosop, in Budc
THE THEORY OF RELATIONS A LAW OF DEPE
HE theory of Dependent Al factors is, no doubt, anteri as is evident from the Nik outward forms they may appear to suppose them to be two different t Buddha, according to whom causa world and there cannot be two th discussion! these two, i.e., the theor of Relations are two facets of the the things that are related and the lated. Therefore the two constitut menting the other.
Again the theory of Relations of causality discovered and propoul said that the theory of Relations w in an attempt to place the theory o sophical foundation. To find out mikas had been a success is the purp
Taking the theory of Depender let us see how decay (jarā), death (mai suffering (dukkha) and dejection (dom in the first place is related to the r paccaya) for the latter are nothing b birth. It also serves as a contiguous diately after birth the rest follow b which it passes on to the immediatel
I. See U.C. R. Vol. XIX, No. 2. p.

hy of Relations thism (2)
ND THE TWELVE FACTORS OF THE ENDENT ARISING
ising (paticcasamuppada) with its twelve or to the theory of Relations (paccaya) ayas. Taking into consideration their be two different theories. It is wrong to heories in view of the discovery of the lity is the one reality of the sensuous eories. As is evident from a previous y of Dependent Arising and the theory same doctrine. The former describes atter, the ways in which things are ree one consistent whole, the one supple
is the final development of the theory lded by the Buddha. And it was also as formulated by the Abhidhammikas f Dependent Arising on a more philohow far the attempt of the Abhidhamose of the present chapter.
it Arising in its reverse order (patilona), ana), grief (soka), lamentation (parideva), anassa) are related to birth (jati). Birth, est by way of effect-condition (vipākaut the fruitioning of the cause which is
condition (anantara-paccaya) for immeecause of impermanence or dissolution y following psycho-physical personality
188.
188

Page 35
PHILOSOPHY OF RELATI
as paccaya Satti. Then as pre-existent-cC absence (nathi) and abeyance (vigata) con suffering etc.
The relation that exists between be - 8%ئر C appears to be that of effect (vipaka) for of the desire to be born that is manifested fore becoming too assists the arising of by way of effect. Clinging (upadana) st for becoming (bhava). If one does not c state of becoming, then there would be craving (tanha) serves clinging as a root-c the root of a tree which draws up sap fro to nourish the tree and as a result the tree so craving rooted in desirable objects dr pleasure so that at last man clings (upad Craving (tanhä) also serves 2s Sustenanceas a dominance-condition (adhipati-pacca desire for pleasurable objects one clings C
Sensation (vedana) while giving rise in many other ways. It serves as a not tor Craving to arise and develop it must beܓ `
assists the arising of craving by way paccaya), since craving is controlled or de of the object. If the object is a less pl craving that one develops is very slight. from which one is able to derive an innin for that object would be unlimited. If one develops no craving at all for it. L continuance-condition (avigata-paccaya) tion is absent one does not crave for it.
Contact (phassa) is said to result in ser (anantara-paccaya) appears to prevail here arises sensation. There seems to be no g on the other hand, the nature of the ( (sukha), detestable (dukkha), or indifferen - sensation as pacCayasatti. Contact also S `y (nissaya-paccaya) for the arising of sens
189

DNS IN BUDDHISM
indition (purejata-paccaya) and also litions, birth serves the consequent
oming (bhava) and birth (jati) too it is the effectiveness of becoming in the birth of a new being. Therea new psycho-physical personality rves as food or sustenance (ahara) ontinue to cling on to this or that
no rebirth. On the other hand ondition (hetu-paccaya) for just like m earth and water and Carries it up blossoms forth and bears fruit, even aws up the essence in the form of iyat) to those pleasurable objects. Condition (ahara-paccaya), and also ya) for dominated by the strong
in to them.
to craving (tanha) assists its arising Irishing-condition (ahara-paccaya); : fed by pleasurable feeling. It also of controlling-condition (indriyatermined by the pleasurable nature easurable one, then the degree of If on the other hand it is an object lense lot of pleasure, one's craving the object is a detestable one then astly sensation may appear to be a because once the pleasurable sensa
sation. The relation of contiguity
Immediately after contact there up or pause between the two. And ontact, whether it be pleasurable i (adukkhanasiukha), is passed on to erves as the dependence-condition ation, for, the latter cannot arise

Page 36
UNIVERSITY C
without having a foot-hold on the sensation and craving, that is, there here, since the nature of the sensatic
According to the formula, Co. spheres of sense (salayatana), and th of the psycho-physical personality these three factors are given in t consideration. On the other hal existence of the six spheres of ser It is more the clash between the i. sented by the six spheres of sense. dual as an objective support (aramm (araminana-paccaya). On the other may serve as the pre-existent cond focussing of the mind of the inc becomes aware of it.
Then comes the relation exis sonality (namaripa) and consciousn of reciprocity (airiamania) is obtain exist without the other. Then co, development and growth of the ps physical personality, on the other (nissaya) on which to stand. Col condition (adhipati-paccaya) for the lity depends or is dominated by sciousness wherein bad volitions individual with evil dispositions. that the individual inherits, the ma the better or for the worse, by the it. Hence the relation by way o Lastly, consciousness and the psych other (annamarina) by way of t continuance (avigata) because there
wise the individual will perish.
Dispositions (sankhara) assist t being a kamma-condition. It is th to consciousness. Finally, ignor

F CEYLON REVIEW
ormer. The relation that exists between lation of control (indriya), is also obtained n is determined by the nature of contact.
tact (phassa) is said to be due to the six
ise in their turn are due to the existence (nama-rupa). The sequence in which he formula should not be given serious ld contact is due to the simultaneous se and the psycho-physical personality. hdividual and the external world repreThese six spheres of sense serve the indiviiņa) and Contactas an objective-condition hand the individual, i.e., the percipient, lition (purejata-paccaya) for it is with the lividual on the external world that he
sting between the psycho-physical perss (viiiana). In the first place a relation ed between these two, for the one cannot nsciousness serves as food (ahara) for the ycho-physical personality. This psychohand, serves consciousness as a support nsciousness also serves as a dominancenature of the psycho-physical personathe nature of the consciousness. Conare accumulated would give rise to an Nay even the very physical framework iterial body itself, could be moulded for nature of consciousness which influences fkamma is also obtained among these. o-physical personality are related to each he relations of association (sampayutta) : must be continuous association; other
hê arising of consciousness (viññāna) by
e activity of the volitions that gives rises
ince (avija) serves as the dominance
190
ܡܲܝ
1 ܐܡܝܢ

Page 37
PHILOSOPHY OF RELATIO
condition (adhipati-paccaya) because the ac dominated by ignorance. Dominated by and then accumulates dispositions.
- the above remarks would clearly bri
نومي . ܓܠ
༡
between the theory of Dependent Air twelve factors and the theory of Relatio Abhidhammikas to place the theory of D philosophical foundation had thus been p formulation of the theory of Relations, t how the things that are given in the t related and in what way, is very consister
The Synthetic Value c
The foregoing analysis of the indi important characteristic of the Buddhist interest of the Buddhists, as is evident from They were not at all interested in explai existence or in any such other problem. how psychological life is causally conditio. body of the individual is referred to only of doing so with a view to explain psych
From the earlier discussion it becor Dependent Arising (paticcasamuppada) exp. (dukkha). Since the Buddhists conside personality to be a machine of suffering. the causality of suffering were led on to e. physical personality. Again, the averag view that this personality is nothing but mense quantity of pleasure, of lust, of nature etc., that life offers. How dar How can one shut one's eyes to it 2 AC life is suffering. In spite of the suffering and worthy of being enjoyed.
According to the Buddha, the averag
in his judgement of the content of life a
2. Vism. p. 532.
191

NS IN BUDDHISM
Cumulation of volitions is always ignorance one performs actions
ng into light the relation existing ising (paticcasamuppada) with the ls (paccaya). The attempt of the ependent Arising on a more firm roved to be a success. With the he problem raised by some2 as to heory of Dependent Arising are
tly solved.
f the Relations
vidual relations reveals one very theory of causality. The main nit, lies in psychological causation. ning how the universe came into Their main attempt was to show ned. The causality of the physical whenever they felt the necessity ological causation more clearly.
nes very clear that the theory of lains only the causality of suffering Pred this entire psycho-physical they in their attempt to explain xplain the causality of this psychoe man would revolt against thesuffering, because he sees an imthe purer joys of family life, in 2 one overlook all these things a Cording to him not everything in that is there, the world is beautiful
ge man has made a terrible mistake icording to its actual value. This

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UNIVERSITY C
of course is quite true. For, the 9 off-hand simply from clear and p fixed and certain. But this judge of the material offered by percept o of the activity of reason. The par is immense; and knowing this the perception showing how thirst ( worldly things are caused. Wror ception is thus the cause of this e. Dependent Arising with its twelve
lity of the individual life-process
giving rise to attachment and clin of repeated births, which itself is su
In the previous chapter we r theory of relations (paccaya) supple (paticcasamuppada). But a careful would reveal that it explains fully, life-process, and the causality of ps
I-Psychological Life
The analysis of the psycholo moments, though it enabled the Bl in the existence of a permanen en problems. The analysis of mental clear traces of overlapping. As N out consciousness (viiiana), which within itself all the other three agg actual nature of mental facts. C -homogeneous, a continuous whol cannot be broken up into separate languor, determination etc. This s fully explained by the relation o a problem created by the analysis in the Nikayas and followed up in t
Consciousness according to th for its arising. . The bases (ayatana) arising of consciousness by way of

F CEYLON REVIEW
testion of life's value cannot be answered ure perception, in which everything is ment represents only a bringing together
hinto a relationship of concepts by means
t that error plays in the action of reason
Buddhists had to analyse the process of
anha) and hence clinging (upadana) to 1g grasping depending on Wrong perIntire mass of suffering. The theory of factors therefore explains only the causaalong with the causality of perception ging thus paving the way for the cycle (ffering.
made an attempt to show how far the ments the theory of Dependent Arising examination of the theory of relations
by itself the causality of the individual ychological life.
gical life or mental facts into discrete Iddhists to show the futility of believing tity such as a soul, yet created immense phenomena into four aggregates reveals Ars. Rhys Davids has correctly pointed itself is one of the aggregates, includes regates. This is nothing but due to the onsciousness, as pointed out earlier, is : or a continuum. It is something that parts to be labelled as feeling, tooth-ache,
homogeneous nature of consciousness fassociation (sampayutta-paccaya). Thus of mental phenomena into various states he Abhidhamma, can thus be explained.
e-theory of relations has to have a basis
of sense are, therefore, said to assist the
dependence (nissaya). This alone is not
192
w

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PHILOSOPHY OF RELATI
enough, for according to Sumangala, ex like dependence (missaya), and immedi cannot be consciousness without an ob defined by him as the knowledge of th Seing aware of an external object. consciousness is thus the objective-co relation preserves the Realism of early the Idealists6 who hold that consciousn support.
The greatest problem with regar solved. Not only Buddhism, but even in India recognized that the immediate of the external world are transitory w continual change, the incessant dissol becomes quite different when the imm in that which we call our personality, Co. said the Upanisadic seers, is the only th the realm of transitoriness, either entire man, neck and crop, as it were, would least its kernel should be permanent a they said is the soul (atman): others as is the will manifesting itself in the perso position, Buddha, from the very outset make clear that everything connected personality itself, is without exceptions ness, and thereby, of dissolution and d its whole extent. On the other hand nuity of psychological life. Reconcili transitoriness with that of continuity v
indeed, that the Buddhists had to face.
Thus being compelled to psycholo dhists explained the thought process; ho
without an interval yet not giving up t relations of contiguity (anantara), imm 3. Abovin. p. 39–Sati"pi nissayasama cittamuppajjatiti tassa tam lakkhanata vu
4. ibid. p. 30-Visaya-vijananalakkhan: " 5. ibid.–Arammanam vijănătiti attho
y 6. ibid. p. 40-Etena nira lambanavadi
193

ONS IN BUDDHISM
ren with the existence of Conditions ate contiguity (Samanantara), there jective support. Consciousness is e object.4 It has the characteristic
That which assists the arising of ndition (ārammaņa-paccaya). This Buddhism and refutes the claims of ess can arise without an objective
to psychological life is not yet other orthodox schools of thought objects of Our Willing, the objects ithout exception, because here the Ition is evident. But the matter 2diate manifestation of our willing, mes into question. This personality, ing in the world which lies outside ly and to its whole extent, so that be immortal, or partially so, if at nd thus imperishable. This kernel Schopenhaur and his disciples, said hality. As against this substantialist , took every imaginable trouble to i with personality, and therewith ubject to the iron law of transitoriecay, therefore painful throughout the Buddhists recognised the contiation of the doctrine of change or was a problem, a colossal problem
gize without a "psyche' the Budw thoughts arose one after the other heir characteristics by means of the ediate contiguity (samanantara) and
hantarãdipaccaye na vinā ārammaņena
tt
an cittan.
matan patikkhittain hoti.

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UNIVERSITY (
continuance (avigata). While the unbroken continuity of consciou thought moment gives rise to th thought moment that becomes the i.e., the preceding consciousness, is as are similar to its own to succe Thus though the preceding though and characteristics are passed on to in appearance there is hardly an moments. In this manner psycho a break or a pause. The philosop guity and immediate contiguity is dhists to dispense with the concept which according to the Buddha, is
The explanation of the caus. manner would lead to a determ Since it is the commonly held vie every event which has occurred, is completely determined, 7 then th that determinism reigns supreme life, with the result that there wou advocated by thinkers like Makk removed by the formulation of which explains the part played thoughts, i.e., in psychological life something that belongs to the past. volition is a factor in the determina participate in the bringing about C events are mechanically caused. T to play in this matter of human be become mechanical or determinist relation of kamma, determinism is refuted and instead freedom of will is recognised to be a feature of
7. Korner, S. — Kant (Pelican Bo C
8. D. I. 53-Natthi atta kāre n’at natthi viriyam natthi purisathamo in på nå sabbe bhütå sabbe jivå avaså
- - - - - etc.
9. U.C. R. Vol. XVII. p. 87.

)F CEYLON REVIEW
last mentioned relation accounts for the sness the other two explain how one ; other without a pause or a gap. The : contiguous-condition (anantara-paccaya), able to cause such states of consciousness 2d in the immediately following instant. Urs it moment passes away, yet all its features the succeeding thought moment so that y difference between the two thought ogical life flows on changing yet without hic importanse of the relations of contithus immense, for they enable the Budon of an unchanging imperishable entity, detrimental to religious consciousness.
ality of psychological life in the above inistic view of psychological causation. w that "Determinism is the doctrine that occurring or will occur was, is, or will be, e above analysis would lead to the view in psychological life, as it is in physical ld be no freedom of will, a view of life hali Gosāla.* But this inconsistency 最 the relation of kamma (kamma-paccaya) by volitional activity in the arising of It has been observed9 'Volition is not It is a faculty that is ever present. This tion of events. If volition does not itself fevents then it can be said that all such To the extent that volition also has a part haviour, to that extent events cease to ic. Thus with the formulation of the in the sphere of psychological causation will is made possible. Once freedom of psychological life, then the stage is made
s
ks), London, 1955, p. 132.
hi parakäre natthi purisakäre n'atthi balam atthi purisaparakkamo. Sabbe sattå sabbe balā a - viriyā niyati-safigati-bhāva - pariņa tā
194

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PHILOSOPHY OF RELAT
ready for the introduction of another til bility of training the mind gradually t
the normal flow of consciousness.
There are yet two other problems w - the Buddhist had to solve. First is the p
the possibility of gradually perfecting or of the relation by way of habitual recurr on account of the consistent manner in of memory. To quote the simile of a 1 reads the book he gathers more and in that book. Every other reading of the more and more proficiency. Every re energy and force because of which what Repetition, according to the Western establishment of what they call the hab remembering a person, a place, or a t repeatedly perceiving the object in quest quoted above each reading serves as a hab paccaya) to the knowledge that he has ga therefore explains causally the phenome and realistic manner. 3 ܓ
ܓܠ ܐ .
The analysis of mental phenomen created yet another problem which the is this analysis of the psychic life into Mrs. Rhys Davids to make certain re dared to make if the Buddhists had ni manner. The analysis alone, withou misled Mrs. Rhys Davids, inasmuch a personality, consisting of several aggr perfection. Hence she was forced to m: the rejection of the divinity in the self, t the spirit using mind and body was a aggregates attain divinity was a probl again the relation by way of habitual rescue of the Buddhists. Without reco,
IO. Broad, C. B.-The mind and its place | 11 11. Book of Kindred Saurings. Vol. III, vi
y 12. b) pol.
195
 

ONS IN BUDDHISM
eory which accounts for the possiattain perfection, thus cutting off
ith regard to psychological life that roblem of memory and the second, raining the mind. The importance nce (asevana) becomes quite evident which it explains the phenomenon man reading a book, every time he ore knowledge of the contents of same book helps the reader to gain ading imparts a certain amount of he reads is registered in his mind. psychologists, 10 is helpful for the it-memory-power. The power of ing is in some way improved by ion. Thus in the case of the simile itual recurrence-condition (āsevanathered subsequently. This relation non of memory in a Very consistent
a into aggregates, in the Nikayas, Abhidhammikas had to solve. It several aggregates that prompted 'marks which she would not have ot analysed the personality in that it she synthesis, appears to have is the was unable to see how this gates could attain to growth and ake the following statement. “With he self himself, the man, the person, lso rejected.'ll How these several lem that had to be solved. Once reccurrence (asevana) comes to the gnising the existence of a permanent
in Nature. p. 225. ii -

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UNIVERSITY (
self, the spirit or divinity in man the Buddhists, with the help of th explained how man, consisting of to such divine stature as Buddhaho
It is true that man or personal insubstantial aggregates, but manl fleeting and transcient, could, if ex this personality consisting of the fi thing could be accomplished Ta us say a man who knew nothing knowledge in that subject With to read all books written on the ones) With the reading of every and new vistas of thought would cultivate this habit of reading boo to gain a specialized knowledge of
In the same way a man is ab such great powers as may appear to fore the relation of habitual rect
difficult labours have reached co Buddhahood has been attained
From this it becomes clear hov beyond the theory of dependent : the important problems pertaining
II-Doctrine of Personal Continuity
The doctrine of personal co
Buddhist thought and on which t dependent, found treatment in the t earlier. The same problem was o elucidation in the Abhidhamma th
In the first place, the causality comes into existence at the mome explained by the relation of kami activity of past volitions, the indivi (rupa) arises. Even if the present

F CEYLON REVIEW
which being potential becomes actual, 2 relation by way of habitual occurrence the five fleeting aggregates, could attain Od, by a process of gradual training. .
ty could be dissolved into transcient and - y zeal and effort, which themselves are erted for a long period of time, develop ve aggregates to such a degree that anyking the same simile, quoted earlier, let of philosophy wanted to gain a specia great determination he would continue subject (start ng from very elemnetary book he would gather new information be open to him And if he goes on to ks on that subject, in no time he is sure that subject
e to train his mind gradually and attain the ordinary man to be wonders. ThereIurrence explains how many great and mplete accomplishment and how even
ܐܝܠ
v the theory of relations (paccya) has gone arising (paticCasamuppada) in solving all
to psychological life
intinuity which was a corner-stone in he whole of religious consciousness was heory of dependent arising, as was shown nce again taken up for examination and Bory of relations.
of the psycho-physical personality that nt of conception (okkantikkhane) is fully ha. According to it, depending on the lual consisting of mind (nama) and body
sycho-physical personality is due to the
196

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PHILOSOPHY OF RELAT)
working of past kamma, how is one ti
traits of the character of the previous
and consistently solved by the relations suity (anantara and sananantara). It - thought moment passes away leaving ti - ceeding thought moment. In the sam of an individual serves as a contiguous. rebirth consciousness (patisandhi-citta) of All the characteristics of the dying tho dition for the arising of the rebirth con so that the consciou ne s of the newly and characteristics of the individual tha kept going, each thought moment bein How mind (nama) and body (ripa) which have come into existence in the above in explained in detail by the relations of ainamania), dependelce (misaya), postpresence (atthi) and continuance (aviga individual is explained by the relation o
III-Causality of Ethical Life
Three very important relations have mikas to explain the causality of motal the relations of ufficing-condition (upa recurrence (asevana).
সু
The first describes how behaviour tioned by several factors, internal as wel relation of sufficing-condition it was po of this relation, to wit, object-suffici condition and natural sufficing-conditio describe the way in which factors ex moral behaviour. A man who practi with due regard. He may reflect these objects of thought may give rise haviour which too are moral. Thus objective his moral behaviour is condit
Again the natural sufficing-conditi - moral as well as immoral behaviour existences and wealth, and attaining th
197
 
 
 
 

ONS IN BUDDHISM
account for the continuity of the xistence. This problem was easily of contiguity and immediate contivas pointed out earlier how each he stamp of its character in the suca way the dying thought (cuti-citta) condiion (anantara-paccaya) for the the being who comes into existence. ight by virtue of its being the consciousness, is passed on to the latter born babe inherits all the features t preceded him. This continuity is g conditioned by the previous one. constitute the individual and which hanner, are related to each other are Co-existence (sahajāta), reciprocity existence (pacchajata), effect (vipaka), ta\. Lastly the sustenance of this f food" (āhāra).
: been formulated by the Abhidhambehav out or ethical life. They are nissaya), of kamma, and of habitual
moral as well as immoral, is condi1 as external. In the analysis of the inted out that there are three forms ng condition, immediate sufficingn. Out of these the first and the last ternal to the individual condition ces charity etc. may reflect thereon on his past good behaviour and to other forms of thought and beby conceptions which appear to be oned.
on also accounts for the causality of The hopes of acquiring happy
fruits of Nibbana serve as natural

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UNIVERSITY (
sufficing conditions, related to the vation of meritorious deeds such a ther person, by way of respecting who had given alms to the poor, trodden, would also perform sin. moral life is conditioned by thes natural sufficing conditions. In bot from within which prompts the other hand the instinct comes fr account for the automatic form: are wholesome (kusala).
On the other hand the imm nissaya-paccaya) as well as the habit describe how ethical life is deter first, a preceding thought momen the immediate sufficing-condition had just arisen. The preceding t according to the relation of contig to the succeeding thought moment characteristics of the former. Th again give rise to another moral ti continuity of moral consciousness is forms of consciousness. Accordi recurrence (asevana) an instance o instance of a moral deed by way of describe how ethical behaviour is nation of these Would reveal that t giving a new impulse to moral actio of moral or immoral consciousne: be automatic forms of consciousne
If the Abhidhammikas had been have been incomplete. The impo well as in immoral behaviour, in th to formulate some theory to accou formulation of the relation of kan behaviour, bodily, verbal, or ment by them to be a kamma-conditiol
18. Abhis, p. 1,

)F CEYLON REVIEW
present generation of men for the culticharity, beneficience, virtue etc. Anothe trasitions of his beloved predecessors looked after the welfare of the downilar virtuous deeds. In these instances, . : external circumstances which serve as in h these cases there is no volitional activity - Iultivation of the ethical life but on the Dm Without. Therefore these relations of consciousness (asaikharika) 13 which
ediate sufficing-Condition (almanitara-upalal recurrence-condition (asevana-paccaya) mined from within. According to the t, whether moral or immoral, serves as to a succeeding thought moment which hought moment, if it is moral (kusala), uity (anantara) passes its characteristics on The latter inherits all the features and us a moral thought moment may once hought moment and in this manner, the preserved. The same applies to immoral ing to the relation by way of habitual f moral deed helps another subsequent proficiency. These relations, therefore, conditioned internally. But an examihe real function of these conditions is not nsbut justa preservation of the continuity is. Therefore these too may appear to
ss (asankharika).
satisfied with this explanation, it would rtance accorded to volition in moral as e Nikaya texts, was so great that they had nt for the same. This was done by the ma. That which serves an instance of al, by way of kamma is thus considered (kamma-paccaya). This is nothing but
198

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PHILOSOPHY OF RELA
volition (cetana). It is volitional acti performance of some deed.
Thus by the formulation of the r
EE impulse as oppoر - The process called volitional conscio
All
plained causally.
IV-Problem of Moral Responsibility
Along with the problem of the Abhidhammikas had to explain the pri question may be raised: "It is true that is causally conditioned, but how is it t own previous bad behaviour, or enjo good behaviour because it is a new pe existence after death: ''
In the theory of Dependent Ari was made to explain the problem of n from the addition of two more factors
ignorance (avija), to the formula whic
", Here dispositions (sankhara) are
(viiiana). 16 Elsewhere in the Nikayas, both good and bad, one accumulate v. nature, could mould or give individual of this consciousness on the psycho-ph new existence18 accounts for the suff born being has to undergo.
A similar explanation is given by place they, like the earlier Buddhist tea consciousness, and explained that cor relation of contiguity (anantara) as poi
Il 4. S. II. I.
Il 5. D. II. 34-35. Il 6. Saňkhāra-paccayā viññāņam.
7. M. I. 389 f. 18. D. III. 32-33.
19. D. III. 105 — . . . . . . . . viññārņaso idhaloke patițțhitaiñ ca paraloke patițțhita
19

TIONS IN BUDDHISM
vity that instigates or prompts the
lation of kamma they were able to sed to the externalimpulse, to action. Isness (sasarikharika-citta) is thus ex
causality of moral behaviour the oblem of moral responsibility. The behaviour, moral as well as immoral, hat a man suffers on account of his is happiness as a reward for his past rsonality (namaripa) that comes into
sing (paticcasamuppada) an attempt horal responsibility. This is evident 14 to wit, dispositions (sankhara) and h earlier consisted often factors. 15
said to give rise to consciousness it is said that by performing actions, blitions 17 which, depending on their ity to consciousness. The influence ysical personality (namarupa) of the ring or happiness which the newly
, the Abhidhammikas. In the first chers, 19 recognised the continuity of tinuity by the formulation of the ited out above. This consciousness
jam pajanati ubhayato abbhocchinnam fi ᏣᏋu
)

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UNIVERSITY C
which preserves an unbroken cont on by the psycho-physical persona the earlier psycho-physical persona not to gain a foothold on another would not grow or exist. On t continuously fed by consciousness exist. Therefore according to the relation of reciprocity (airiamania) ness (viiiana) serves the being (satt an unbroken continuity of Consci born being must be affected by t which in its turn is determined by gets a regular supply of good manu so a being who is fed by healthy or be of healthy disposition and enjo the happiness or suffering of the n of consciousness that feeds his psych ness is full of evil dispositions then of good dispositions he is bound to dhammikas the form of this mater activity which they considered to Volitions have the power or poten Consciousness (viiiana) but also to the present psycho-physical person
the previous volitions.
The Abhidhammikas were thu responsibity very consistently with without positing an unchanging, p be the doer (kartā) as well as the enje did.
V-Causality af Social Behaviour
The theory of Relations (pacca. question which is not treated in t contribution of the Ābhidhammika the causality of the individual ex status to social evolution and religi
| Society according to the Budc where events occur without being

F CEYLON REVIEW
nuity then depends on and is depended lity (namaripa). On the dissolution of lity at death, if this consciousness were ersonality (namaripa) then consciousness e other hand personality (namaripa) is -
otherwise it would not continue to - Abhidhammikas there is to be found a . etween these two factors. If conscious) as food or nourishment and if there is usness, then it follows that the newly he nature of the present consciousness ast consciousness. Just as a tree, which re etc., grows well and bears fruit, even wholesome (kusala) consciousness would , the fruits of virtuous conduct. Thus wly born being depends on the nature o-physical personality. If his consciousle would suffer in this life and if it is full be happy. According to the Abhiial body itself is moulded by volitional
೦೮೩ kamma-condition (kата-рассауа). །--། ༤ tiality to give individuality not only to matter (rapa). Therefore they said the ality (namaripa) is the result (vipaka) of
is able to explain the problem of moral the help of the theory of Relations, ermanent entity which is considered to yer (bhokta), as the Upanisadic thinkers
a) accounts for another very important he theory of Dependent Arising. The lies in this that they explained not only stence (attabhava) but also gave causal us consciousness.
ha is neither a haphazard phenomenon elated to the past, nor is it a creation of
200
این مسیر

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PHILOSOPHY OF IRELATI
God. The first is, popularly known
samuppada) and the second refers to th N nimmanavada) both of which are conden dogma of divine creation (၃့် SC and functional origin of kingship,"20 - society. His was a dynamic concept
as it was with the Vedic Brahmins.
While showing the absurdity of applied the universal theory of causatio This is done by the formulation of the missaya-paccaya). Our fore-fathers, in teachers, wise monks and brahmins, er the succeeding generations by way of 1. the cultivation of good or of evil, or for They established various laws and say worldly institutions both for the welf generations. The future generations all customs by doing acts of charity by ob. practising the moral and social laws of religious beliefs; by taking up various k Arious branches of arts and science; by g. by being agriculturists in the field and accumulating wealth. Thus the world
This shows to what extent the pa - of present social consciousness. It doc old tradition and thus give a static co hand it shows how the past leaves an generation so that they could improve
1n 1 t.
This relation brings into light anot i.e., the Supremacy and pre-eminence haviour. The world is led by the m that the individual is influenced by his not mean that he is solely governed by
20. U.C.R. vol. XVII. p. 90.
21. S. I. 39.
201
f །

IONS IN BUDDHISM
as Fortuitous Origination (adhiccae dogma of divine creation (issaranedby the Buddha. “He countered ociety with a doctrine of the popular
and emphasised the evolution of of society rather than a static one,
the current theories, the Buddhists to explain the evolution of society. relation of sufficing-condition (upatheir respective capacities as parents, minent kings, are causally related to latural sufficing condition, either for the experience of pleasure or of pain. ings, moral and immoral, and also are and otherwise of the succeeding so follow their paths and adopt their serving the precepts and so forth; by the world; by adhering to various inds of occupations; by studying vabverninghamlets, villages and towns: on the farm, and by seeking for and
has developed unceasingly.
st traditions influence the evolution 's not point to a preservation of the nception of society. On the other impress on the mind of the present upon it and thus bring about a change
her salient feature of early Buddhism of the mind in regard to human beind: cittena niyati loko. 21 It is true environment but then influence does that environment. The past, which

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UNIVERSITY O
exists only in the form of memory a on the evolution of society. This the relation of sufficing condition (i.
VI-Religious Life
Lastly the religious life starting nating in the attainment of Nibbana by a gradual course of training, is gi
Faith (saddha), the initial step C conditioned. The tradition about spiritual powers serves as a sufficin who are confined to various forms This initial faith which is so very esse of the higher life is thus condition disciples serving as a sufficing-condi then serves as the sufficing-conditic this gradual path to spiritual perf condition (magga-paccaya) too serv observed earlier that each precedi serves as the path-condition for ti Lastly, the factors of contemplation of contemplation-condition (jhanato develop the higher contemplati by the culture of the mind.
From the foregoing account it of Relations (paccaya) while placing samuppāda) on a more philosophica contains something more, in that it religious consciousness culminating
The theory of Relations (pacca) problems created by the analysis of The Buddha analysed phenomena i act the substantialist position of the the substantialist position gathere contemporary with early Buddhis substantialist view of man that gav turn was the root cause of all the su

CEYLON REVIEW
ld concepts, also exerts its own influence evolution is very clearly explained by panissaya-paccaya).
from rational faith (saddha) and culmi- - - , the highest state of spiritual perfection, ven causal status in the Abhidhamma.
in the path to realization is also causally the Buddha who had attained great g-condition to the mind of the people of suffering in this Sarhsaric existence. ntial as an inducement for the embracing :d, the tradition of the Buddha and his ion. The rest of the Buddha's teaching in for the attainment of other stages in :ction. The relation by way of pathes in the same manner. It has been ng stage in the Noble Eightfold path he attainment of the succeeding stage. 4 (jhananga) serve the religious life by way, paccaya) as a result of which one is able ons and thus attain spiritual perfection
would become evident that the theory he theory of Dependent Arising (paticcabasis, also includes it within itself and also explains the evolution of society as in Nibbana.
a) also presents itself as an answer to the phenomena, mental as well as physical. to discreet moments in order to counterUpanisadic thinkers. But we see that d momentum even in the Upanisads (m. Knowing fully well that it is the e rise to ego-Consciousness which in its - fering in the world, the later Buddhists,
202

Page 49
PHILOSOPHY OF RELATI
carried the analysis of phenomena to a The accusation levelled at the activities Davids, when she said that with the an the divinity that lay concealed in him Still founded if the Abhidhammikas we lytic method. But the importance of th that it solved all the problems created b of exposition of the Abhidhammikas, with the synthetic method that is giver we gain a real understanding of the E earlier, whatever was the attitude adop leading the religious life and teaching done their best to think and they have t
Verification of the Tru
Before making any attempt to see verified, a word must be said about rea
It was pointed out in an earlier disc that the Buddha discovered, was beyo vacara). Therefore the Buddha made features at least approximately, for Suci convincing the ordinary man about t him on to the virtuous path. Reality its proper perspective (yathabhitan) sensory powers (abhirina). It could be 1 The philosophy of the Buddha begins v i.e., to put down in language as approx open only to religious experience.
This gives rise to another problem be described by words, if it does not thinking, then what is the value that co we had been discussing so far: If t approximately then it becomes evide as it is. This leads us to another prob of knowledge imparted by a descri sense perception. "This type of knc
22. U.C. R. Vol. XIX. No. 2. p. 173.
20
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

ONS IN BUDDHISM
greater extent than the Buddha did. of the later Buddhists by Mrs. Rhys lysis of man into component parts ame to be denied would have been e to rest satisfied only with the anaa theory of Relations is everlasting in y an analysis. The analytic method therefore, should be supplemented
in the Patthana and then only can uddha’s philosophy. As remarked ed by the Abhidhammikas towards their fellows how to live, they had hought well.
th of the Causal Law
how the truth of the causal law is lity and the nature of the causal law.
Bussion22 that the dhamma, the truth nd the realm of reasoning (atakkå
an attempt to describe the salient a description was so essential for he nature of reality and thus lead according to the Buddha is seen in by the development of the extraeached by religious experience only. with the attempt to state the problem timately as possible, the truth that is
If reality is something that cannot come under the sphere of logical ld be attached to the causal law that he causal law describes reality only ht that it does not represent reality lem i.e., the problem of the content ptive language which is based on wledge, according to a modern

Page 50
UNIVERSITY O
philosopher, 23 **would be quite i active or wholly passive, if we eith representing them, or alternatively likeness on us and our mind did n( merely accepted what was given. partly active in that it assumes the of thought, partly passive in that
data given from without.'24. The clusion that concepts like substance: ledge, yet neither substance nor c. we must suppose them to be laws clusion he raises still another prob how can we justify their applicatio selves '25 And lastly, he makes a so compatible with the conclusions “Such concepts seem neither to pro to which they are applied.
The view held by rhe Abhid from this. According to them th empirical (lokiya) and the transcend within itself mind (citta), mental while the second is the supra-mu. empirical reality, as pointed out e. spective by the extra-sensory facul to analyse the reality of concepts wh to this in the analysis of language concepts. Analysing the concepts which point to some reality (a parinatti).S26 But in describing th for reality cannot be presented by sentations should be called actuality reaction of the external stimuli on we find not only the reality but als in speaking on the concept of caus to produce nor to be produced by 23. Ewing, A. C.-Kant's Treatment
24. dibid.
25. bid. 26. Abhs. Ip. 89.

CEYLON REVIEW
intelligible if we were either wholly her created the objects of knowledge by if these objects merely impressed their it actively add to the representation but
But neither is the case-our mind is applicability, to things, of its own laws it cannot have knowledge unless it has
same philosopher then draws the conind cause are essential factors in all knowause is given as data of sense, therefore of thought. After drawing this conem, "If they are only laws of thought, in to a reality external to our individual in inference which does not seem to be to which he came earlier, for he says
Dduce nor be produced by the objects
hammikas appear to be quite different ere are two degrees of reality, i.e., the ental (lokuttara). The first comprehends Co-eficients (cetasika) and mater (rūpa) ndane state called Nibbana. Even the arlier, was perceived in its proper perties. Then the Abhidhammikas go on ich they callpaññatti. They were ledon , the medium of representation of the they said that there are certain concepts tthapaññatti and viijamānena viijamānaem we cannot explain them as reality symbols. On the other hand such prer. Actuality (fr. Lat. actus) refers to the the mind. Therefore in what is actual o the activity of the mind. Therefore, 2, it cannot be said that it seems neither I the objects. On the other hand, it is
of Causality (London) 1924, p. 37.
204

Page 51
PHILOSOPHY OF RELAT
something that is produced by the activi reality, and since the activity of the min. fr. klp = to arrange) this reality is also to ately callit actuality. Thus causality is t
tòtality (cf. Latin res= what exists). ৰািখ ।
With this view of causality and real in which the truth of the causal law is philosophy the truth of a causal law is of induction. "If in a great number of is associated in a way with a thing of that a thing of the one kind is always a kind and as the number of instances ir indefinitely near to certainity.”27 Henc ple of induction, rather than the law of all inferences as to the existence of thing Russell says that "With the principle of inferences can be proved; without it all
It must be mentioned that this is no
of causality. The Buddhist theory of c. - depending on the principle of inductio bf induction. As was said earlier it was their proper perspective (yathabhuta sensory powers. But to the man who who could not see reality eye to eye, the method of verification. Buddha reci Standpoint, i. e., extra-Sensory perceptio] time he clearly foresaw the difficulties the perception of truth. He knew that a sudden. According to him, only by mind (anu pubbasikkhā ainupubbakiriyā ana,
insight into the nature of reality. Hen of degrees of knowledge in Buddhis1 value of other sources of knowledge (yoniso nanasikara), the Buddha recogn of knowledge. Though these forms of tions yet for the sake of the oridinary
27. Bertrand Russell-Our Knowledge of
2S. 56 ibid.
9. M. I. 395; 479; III. 213; S. II, 224 e
205
 

ONS IN BUDDHISM
ty of the objects which can be called d which orders or arranges (kalpana, be found we can more approprihe actuality of this world as opposed
ity we can go on to analyse the way verified. Accordingly to Western verified by applying the principle instances, a thing of a certain kind a certain other kind, it is probable issociated with a thing of the other LCreases, the probability approaches te according to them it is the princicausality which is at the bottom of is notimmediately given. Bertrand induction all that is wanted for such
such inferences are invalid.’28
it the case with the Buddhist theory usality is not one that is formulated n, nor is it verified by the method formulated only after seeing things nu) by the development of extrahas not developed such powers and principle of induction becomes the ognised only one epistemological h, as being valid. But at the samethat lay before an ordinary man in realization would not conne all of a gradual process of training the pubbapatipada)29 one is able to gain an ce the recognition of the existence m. Therefore, seeing the practical such as perception and induction ised them as partially valid sources knowledge have their own limitaman, the Buddha recognised their
the Eacternal World. p. 225.
tG.

Page 52
UNIVERSITY O
validity. Thus induction or yon, Buddha to be the method by whic into the deepest truth which is seen truth of causality could best be ver
We see therefore that the Bud on induction but is only made clea
30. D. II, 31 ff.

F CEYLON REVIEW
so manasikara 30 was considered by the h the oridinary man could get a glimpse only by extra-sensory perception. The ified only by this.
জািন dhist theory of causality does not depend .1 1 ܓܠ
r by that.
D. J. KALUPAHANA
206

Page 53
3
PHILOSOPHY OF RELAT
BIBLIO
PALI
Anguttara, Nikāya (PTS), 5 volumes.
Abhidhammatthasaṁgaha by Anuruddha | .)1884 ,the Pali Text Society ܓܥܬܐ.
Aidhammatthavibhāviņī — commentary Sumangala, edited by D. Parifiasara Attiasalini-commentary on the Dhamma Dhammapadatthakatha (PTS) 4 vols. Digha-Nikaya (PTS) 3 volumes. Dhammasahganī (PTS).
Itivuttaka (PTS). Jataka tthakatha (PTS) 6 volumes. Majjhima-Nikaya (PTS) 3 volumes. Manorathapūraņī—commentary on the Ań Milinda-Pafi ha-edited by Trenckner, 1928 Papañcasūdanī—commentary on the Majjh Sanyutta-Nikaya (PTS) 5 volumes. Saratthappakasini-commentary on the Sa Sumaňgala vilāsinī—commentary on the Dīg Sutta-Nipata (PTS). Thera-, Theri- gatha (PTS). Tikapat thana, including the commentary o Udāna (PTS) Vinaya-Pitaka (PTS) 5 volumes. Visuddhimagga (PTS) 2 volumes.
SANSKRIT
Abhidharmakośa, edited by R. Sankrtyaya
.o Upanisad, (see S. Radhakr - 1 ܡ
--
śabhumika, Sütra. Lalitavistara, edited by P. L. Vaidya (PST Mãdhyamika, Kãrikã of Nãgãrjuna, edited | Rig-Veda, edited by Max Muller.
Švetāšvatara, Upanisad, (see S. Rādhakris)
TRANSLATIONS
The Buddhist Philosophy of Relations-Tr: of Ledi Sayadaw, by Sayada w U N
The book of Kindred Sayings-Translation
Davids, Volumes I & III.
MODERN WORKS Belvalkar & Ranade-History of Indian P1 Broad, C. E.-Mind and its place in Natur Dutt, S. - Buddha and five after-centuries ( Ewing, A. C.-Kant's Treatment of Causal Grimm, George–The Doctrine of the Buda tation, translated by M. Keller-Gril Höffding, H. -A Brief History of Modern P Korner, S.-Kant (Pelican Books) (London Marshall-Mohenjo-daro and the Indus Civil Murti, T. R. V. — The Central Philosophy oj
20.
 

TIONS IN BUDDHISM
GRAPHY
edited and published in the Journal of
on the Abhidhammatthasangha by and P. Vimaladhamma (Colombo) 1933. sangani (PTS).
guttara-Nikaya (PTS) 5 volumes.
ima-Nikaya (PTS) 5 volumes.
ủyutta, Nikāya (PTS) 3 volumes. gha-Nikaya (PTS) 3 volumes.
f Buddhaghosa (PTS).
Ilau. isnan. — Principal Upanişads).
" I) 1958. by Louis de la Valle Poussin.
an-Principal Upanisads).
anslation of the Pat thanuddesadipani yana, (Rangoon), l935.
of the Sahyutta-Nikaya by Mrs. Rhys
Vilosophy, Vol. III (Poona) 1927.
2, 1937.
London) 1957.
ty (London) 1924. lha, The Religion of Reason and Medimm and Max Hoppe, 1958. hilosophy, 1922.
), 1955.
ization, (London), 1931.
Buddhism, (London), 1955.
7.

Page 54
UNIVERSITY (
Ñānātiloka-—A Guide Through the Ab Pande, G. C. — Studies in the Origi,
Series, l) (Allahabad), 1957. Radhakrisnan, S.-Indian Philosoph
(London) 195l. Rhys Davids, Mrs. C. A. F.-Buddh
1914 and 1924. Robertson, G. C.-Elements of Psychic Rhine, J. B.-The Reach of the Mind
Eactra-sensory Perceptic Russell, Bertrand-Our Knowledge of Saratchandra, E. R. — Buddhist Psych Thomas, E. J.-The Life of the Budd,
- A History of Buddhist Wheeler, M.-The Indus Civilization,
MISCELLANEOUS WORKS Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics Journal of the Pali Text Society-l9) Pali-English Dictionary (PTS). University of Ceylon Review, Vol. X

hidha}}) }), a Ptaka.
DF CEYLON REVIEW
ls of Buddhism (Ancient History Research
y (Muirhead Library of Philosophy) Vol. I,
ist Psychology, (The Quest Series), (London),
logy (ed. C. A. F. Rhys Davids), 1896. (London).
n (London).
the Bacternal World. ology of Perception, (Colombo), 1958. ha, as Legend and History (London), 1949. Thought (London) 1949.
1953.
–ed. by Hastings, Vol. X. 5-16; 1884.
VIII.
208

Page 55
The Changing Stru
Imports into Ce)
|-
HE recurring balance of paymen
during the last two or three y entire import policy of the gov needed capital investment is held up o
difficulties has made it a matter of urge existing import structure of the countr
Imports can broadly be classified i for consumption purposes and those, goods, which are used in the producti analyse the components which make u, the first category, namely those used fo
Consumer imports into this coun
the ordinary tobacco leaf imported foi
high powered Cadillac specially order affluence of the richer classes was refl. period which saw an unparalleled ris other consumer durables.
In view of the very large number purposes, we have classified consumer
(1) Food and drink (essentials). (2) Food and drink (luxury).
(3) Manufactured consumer go (4) Manufactured consumer gC (5) Durable consumer goods.
The basis of the above classification h: into essentials and luxuries according to
1. The detailed composition of the different cl
20
 
 

ture of Consumer
7 Ion 1947 -6O
ts problems which Ceylon has faced bars has brought into question the ernment. The fact that even much wing to so called foreign exchange nt importance for us to examine the
y.
into two categories viz. imports used
like raw materials and investment on process. In this article we shall p the total of goods imported under r purposes of consumption.
try during this period ranged from r the production of the beedy to the ed for the wealthy customer. The ected in the customs returns of this e in the imports of motor cars and
of articles imported for consumption imports into five broad categories.
pods (essentials). pods (luxury).
as been to divide consumer imports their pattern of consumption. Thus
asses is given in the appendix.
9

Page 56
UNIVERSITY C
those articles consumed by all sectio essential imports while those used in been labelled luxuries.
The first problem was to find t categories for the years 1947—1 the customs returns were as follow
Value
Food Food Year and Drink and Drink C
Essential Luxury
1947 452 45 1948 492 27 1949 496 21 1950 565 30 1951 646 50 1952 734 55 1953 741 55 1954 617 47 1955 574 50) 1956 652 50 1957 671 62 1958 650 60 1959 729 83 1960 692 72
It will be seen from there figure goods imported is larger than the is yet comprise a significant fraction C
Value i.
E Year.
1947 1948 1949 1950 1951. 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960
In fact during the period Su imports as a percentage of total con expense of essential imports.

)F CEYLON REVIEW
ns of the population have been classified as hainly by the higher income groups have
he total value of imports of each of these 960. The figures as added up from
S
in Rs. Million
Manufactured Manufactured Consuliner onsumer Goods Consumer Goods. Durables
Essential Luxury
160 62 20
156 43 22
168 54 21
190 71. 21. 250 107 49 248 121 51 202 118 45 185 131 27 210 118 42
231 127 52 244 150 57.
247 169 60
257 214 83
256 261 87
s that although the total value of essential
mports of luxury commodities, the latter
f total consumer imports.
in Rs. Million
Essential Luxury imports Imports
61.2 127 648 92 664 96 755 122 896 - 206 982. 227 943 218 802 205 784. 210 883 229 915 269 897 289 986 380 948 420
rveyed, the share of luxury consumer Sumer imports has been increasing at the
210

Page 57
THE CHANGING STRUCTURE
Luxury Imports as a Percentage (
1947
1948
1949 | წ *s 1950 _హో 1951 = 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960
This would have been an encouraging si for essentials was fully satisfied for in su in the expenditure on luxuries would h; commodities other than the basic necessi thus that the standard of living of the m nately this is not the position with regard
We have so far examined the statist ܋ܨ Rhese figures are not sound indicators ( due to the fact that changes in series of values of imports. Thus the pri to measure the changes in the volume o inport value, we could not directly a returns because each category included cars and radios are included under cc Conceivable way of directly adding up til goods. We have approached this prob first constructing an index to describe five categories into which imports have index we can estimate an index of quant its respective price index.
Let us consider how we are to constr say of durable consumer goods. We estimate of the movements in price o constructing an index which includes ol Y category. By looking at the values of it
211
 

OF CONSUMER IMPORTS
of Total Consumer Imports
17.1 12.4 12.6 13.9 18.7 18.8 18.8 20.4 21.1 20.6 22.7 24.4 27.8 30.7
gn in a country where the demand ha situation a percentage increase ave meant that the expenditure on ties of life was on the increase and asses was on the rise-but unfortu
to Ceylon.
ics pertaining to import values, but of the volume of goods imported price are also reflected in the oblem arose of constructing indices f imports. Unlike in the case of dd up figures from the customs different commodities- thus motor nsumer durables and there is no he quantities imported of these two lem by the traditional method of the changes in price of each of the been classified. Once we have this ity by dividing each value index by
uct an index of the changes in price have assumed that we can have an f all durable consumer goods by nly the major commodities in this mports we found that motor cars,

Page 58
UNIVERSITY C
radios and sewing machines were
into the country during this per
commodities for the period 1947
C.I.F
Year Motor Cars
1947 4606 1948 4311 1949 4277 1950 4574 1951 5681 1952 6409 1953 5558 1954 5566 1955 5711 1956 5906 1957 6296 1958 6827 1959 6600 1960 6386
Now to construct a composite we must weight each of them acco of imports. Before we weight the transformed into indices which are
This can be done by transforming c mon base year 1947=100.
C. I. F. Price Index
Year Motor
Cars
1947 100 19A.8 86 1949 86 1950 91 1951 114 1952 128 1953 111. 1954 111 1955 114 1956 118 1957 126 1958 136 1959 132 1960 128
The next problem is to weig 3 sample years from each of the 1957-1960 and found the values during these years.

F CEYLON REVIEW
the major consumer durables imported iod. The C.I.F. prices of those three 1960 are as follows :
Prices (Rs.)
Radios Sewing Machines
289 170 250 244 282 226 163 290
45 262
31 225 153 241. 146 293 137 287 135 290 126 286 124 300 137 284 130 283
price index of these three commodities rding to their importance in the pattern m in this manner the price series must be comparable with one another.
ach price series to an index with a come
with Base Year 1947=100
Radios Sewing
Machines
100 100 87 144 99 133 57 171 16 155 11 133 54 142 51 173 48 169 47 171 44 169 43 177 48 168 45 167
ht these indices; we selected at random periods 1947–1951, 1952-1956, and of the selected commodities imported
212

Page 59
THE CHANGING STRUCTURE
Import Value (I
Year Motor Ra Cars
1949 15.78 1. 1953 30.23 3 1960 53.12. 11
Average 33.0
From these figures we can obtain an est value of each of these commodities. to be given to each commodity in const
Commodity
Motor Cars --
Radios
Sewing Machines ܛܠ
price index of motor cars x.745 -- pr index of sewing machines x .129.
The price index for consumer d
Price Index of consumer durab
1947 1948
1949
1950 1951
1952
1953
1954 1955 1956
1957 1958
1959
1960
21.
ܓ ܒ .
 
 

OF CONSUMER IMPORTS
Rs. Million)
dios Sewing
Machines
47 1.11
63 5.45
60 10.48
5.6 5.7
imate of the average annual import We can now determine the weights ructing the price index.
Weight
33.0
33.0 - 5.6 -- 5.7
కా
0.745
5.6
0.126
Ec
44.3
5.7
0.129
44.3
urable goods is then given by the ice index of radios x .126 -- price
les with base year 1947=100
100 94
94
97 107 114
108 -
111
113 116 121
130
126 123

Page 60
UNIVERSITY OF
In a similar manner the price it were calculated as follows:
Price Indices with
Food Food Year and Drink and Drini
Essential Luxury
1947 100 100 1948 104 109 1949 108 132 1950 106 153 1951 121 161 1952 142 175 1953 134 175 1954 124 167 1955 111 166 1956 108 151. 1957 115 151 1958 99 144 1959 101. 143 1960 101. 153
Once the price indices have beer of estimating the quantity indices i index of each category by its respect
Year
1947 1948
1949
1950
1951
1952
1953
1954
1955
1956
1957
1958
1959
1960
Quantity indices w
Food Food M and Drink - and Drink Col
Essential Luxury
100 100 104 53 101 35 117 43 117 68 114 69 122 69 110 62 114 66 132 72 129 91. 144 93 158 127 151 104
Analysing these figures it is clea phenomenal increase in the imp the period under survey the index increased from 100 in 1947 to 361 it increase is all the more remarkabl which last for a considerable peri
ሥ
4.

CEYLON REVIEW
dices of the other categories of goods
base year 1947=100
鹭 、 Manufactured Manufactured .. .. .. .. ܬ ݂ Consumer goods Consumer goods
Essential Luxury
100 100
87 100
70 97
77 115
94 125
82 160 72 121
65 105.
67 126
65 124
73 130
65 114
66 178
68 143
obtained in this manner, the problem s easily solved by dividing the value
lve price index.
ith base year 1947=100
anufactured Manufactured Consumer * nsumer goods Consumer goods. Durables *○"
Essential Luxury
100 100 100
107 68 118
144 89 113
148 98 108
160 137 234
182 121 228
168 155 211
171 200 125
188 149 190
214 163 228
200 185 238
228 237 235
233 193 334
227 294 361
r that their most striking feature is the rts of consumer durables. During of imports of these commodities has 1960 an increase of over 250%. This a since these by definition are goods bd of years. In the result consumer
14

Page 61
THE CHANGING STRUCTURE
durables like the radio, sewing machine : on easy credit terms and the instalmen occupy a more and more important place
ܣܛܦܬܐealy afford them. The fantastic
-
- machines :
Year
1947 1948
1949
1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956
1957
1958 1959 1960
risen can be seen in the figures relating t
Imports of Radios and Sewin
Radios
5,971 4,006
5,207 13,423 106,579 141,088 23,740 21,358 32,122 47,623 40,293 50,522 71,857 90,784
We can proceed, similarly, to construct - imports of all essential commodities and ready have the total value of imports (
have only their respective price indices indices. The price index ofessential c weighting the price indices of (1) Foodal goods essential by the respective average classes of goods. The price index of lux.
from the price indices of (1) Food and
luxury and (3) Consumer durable goods
Average Annual Value of Imp
Food and drink Essential
622.2
Food and
drink
Luxury
50.5
Year
1947 1948 1949
Manufactur Consumer ge Essential
214.6
Price Ind
Essential Goods
100 100 98
215
 

OF CONSUMER IMPORTS
and even the motor car, purchased it buying arrangements, came to in the budget of many who could evels to which these imports had b the imports of radios and sewing
ng Machines (Numbers)
Sewing Machines
4,967 4,033 4,905 4,815 14,107 22,921 22,587 13,847 19,953 26,055 31,363 32,696 44,429 37,385
: two quantity indices, one of the the other of all luxuries. Since we of each of these categories we need in order to estimate the quantity Dmmodities can be constructed by ld drink essential and (2) Consumer annual import values of these two iry commodities can be constructed drink luxury (2) Consumer goods by weighting in a similar manner.
orts (Rs. Million) 1947–1960
ed Manufactured Consumer
pods Consumer goods. Durables
Luxury "ރ
124.7 45.5
ices
Luxury Goods
100 101 104

Page 62
UNIVERSITY Ol
1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1. 1958
1959
1960
The quantity indices then obt by their respective price indices, are
Quantity Indices v
Year ESSer Comm
1947 1( (1 1948 ܗ 1949 11 1950 12 1951 2 1952 12 1953 13 1954 12 1955 12 1956 14 1957 14 1958 16 1959 1, 1960 16
As we can see from the above f of luxury commodities has been mu If we compare the average impo average imports of the years 1958– ofessential goods has risen from 10 increased from 81.7 to 202.7.
Volum
Average of 1947-1949 Average of 1958-1960 Percentage increase
Thus in the period 1947-49 modities have increased by 59 creased by nearly 148%. As was po ofessentials have been increasing rath

CEYLON REVIEW
9. 120
4. 130
27. 154
8 131
)9 120
)0 132 。臀 )7 129 * )4 133
}() 124
159
)3 141
lined by dividing the value of imports
as follows:
vith base year 1947= 100
tial Luxury
Odities Commodities
)0 100
)6 72
O 73
24 80
28 125
26 116
30 131
20 135
28 126
8 140
3. 160
52 184 本─ 75 189 56 235
igures the rate of increase of the imports ch greater than that of essential imports. rted in the years 1947–1949 with the -1960, we see that the index of imports 5.3 to 167.7 while luxury imports have
e of Imports
Essential Luxury
105.3 81.7 167.7 202.7 59.3 148.1
to 1958-60 imports of essential Com% while luxury imports have ininted out earlier the fact that the imports er slowly does notmeanthat the demand
216

Page 63
THE CHANGING STRUCTURE
for them has reached an upper limit, in
these commodities were produced in survey of Ceylon's consumer finances o
see to revise the cost of living index dirences in the per capita consumptic
- - - the different income groups.
1953 Consumer Finance Survey Mo
Income group of Rice Sugar
family
0 - 50 3.82 10250 - 100 4.53 1.09 100 - 200 6.38 1.48 200 - 400 7.47 1.73 400 - 800 9.30 2.56 Over 800 9.12 2.72
The existence of these wide differe
ofessential commodities is adequate pri modities would increase if there was a g lower income groups. The increase by 5'
essential commodities during the peric I mainly the increase in demand due to t
million in 1946 to an estimated 9,651 in 45%. Therefore the increase in the qua a significant increase in their per capita living standard of the majority of the country has during this period made
growing outflow of money on account which could have been better spent o satisfy the basic requirements of the pec ly. The waste of national resources in flow can be gauged by a compariso consumer durables and the value of mat
Value of Impo
Years Machinery
1947 11 1948 15 1949 21 20 1950 ¬ܐܘܨܢ 30 1951 آنه y 1952 34
21
ܓ ܒ .

OF CONSUMER IMPORTS
or does it mean that substitutes for this country. The Central Bank f 1953 and the Report of the Comin 1958 indicate that there are wide on of essential commodities among
nthly Expenditure Rs. per Head
Milk Estimated Percentage Products Clothing of population in each
income group
.06 1.15 6.9 .05 1.65 28.0 .05 2.29 39.3 .10 3.42 19.2 73 5,66 4.4 2.28 9.18 2.2
snces in the per capita consumption bof that the demand for these comeneral increase in the incomes of the 9% of the quantity of imports of these d. 1947 '49 and 1958-60 reflects he growth of population from 6.657 1959, a percentage increase of nearly ntity of these imports was not due to consumption. Thus although the population was extremely low, the practically no attempt to curb the of the import of luxuries, and money in the development of industries to ple have beenfrittered away aimlessthe form of a foreign exchange outn between the value of imports of shinery imported during this period.
rts Rs. (Million)
Consumer durables
20 22 21 21 49 51

Page 64
UNIVERSITY O
1953 2. 1954 2. 1955 1. 1956 - 2. 1957 2 1958 4. 1959 5. 1960 38
It will be seen from the abov machinery during these years wa consumer durable imports which its value of luxury imports. Now an in the present context, will depend The insignificant place which these it structure of the country is a fair ind growth of the economy. As we proportion of the population has b can ill afford. Thus planned eco mean a tightening of belts and a curl point of view the decision of the go of luxury commodities, is an esse direction of economic developmen living for the population as a whole rate of population growth.

R CEYLON REVIEW
45 27 42 52 57 60 spid
e figures that the value of imports of s consistently less than the value of elf was only a small fraction of the total 7 industrial development in this country principally on the imports of machinery. nports have so far occupied in the import ication of the chief cause for the lack of lave shown above this is because a Small een living at levels which this country nomic development will automatically D on many types of imports. From this vernment to clamp down on the imports ntial, if somewhat belated, step in the t in a situation where low standards of are combined with an abnormally high -
{ "ےي
F. R. JAYASURIYA S. A. MEEGAMA
218

Page 65
N
....
THE CHANGING STRUCTURE
APPEND
Detailed classification of c
Food and Drink (Luxury)
Animals, Chiefly for Food
Mea: Fresh, chilled, Canned or Frozen.
Milk cream.
Butter.
Cheese and Curd.
Natural Honey.
Dairy Products.
Fish Live.
Fish Fresh.
Fish Frozen or Refrigerated. Fish and Fish preparations, canned. Barley.
Maize.
Cereals, other than Wheat and Rice. Cereal preparations.
Fruits and Nuts.
Raisins, Currants etc.
Fresh Fruits.
finned and preserved fruits.
ܓ ܦ .
candy. Syrups.
Sugar Confectionery and other Sugar
preparations.
Coffee.
Cocoa.
Chocolate and Chocolate Preparations.
Tea. Margarine and Shortenings.
Food preparations N.E.S. Non-Alcoholic Beverages. Alcoholic Beverages. Cigars.
Cigarettes. Smoking Tobacco.
Snuff
Vegetables preserved and vegetable
preparations.
219

OF CONSUMER IMPORTS
IX I
ommodities by classes.
od and Drink (Essentials)
ill Cream Condensed Milk.
[ilk Foods.
|ilk Powder-Full Cream.
alted Milk.
ried and Smoked Fish.
heat.
ice. teal and Flour of Wheat.
reCalmultS.
ateᏚ.
annarind.
otatoes. ans, Peas, Lentils and other Legumes. etel leaves.
ecdy leaves.
nions.
arlic.
eet Sugar (refined or not) eet Sugar (other sorts) ulm Sugar
ices (all)
bedy Tobacco. obacco, un manufactured (Other).
eedies.

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UNIVERSITY C
Manufactured Consumer Goods (Luxury).
Cutlery.
Photographic Films.
Clocks.
Watches.
Clock-parts.
Batteries (Wireless). Electric Cooking and heating apparatus. Electrical goods and apparatus N.E.S. Woollen and Worsted. Manufactures of Mixed Materials. Silk and Satin Manufactures. Manufactures of other Textile materials. Textile manufactures N.E.S. Apparel.
Soaps. "
Varnish.
Writing Paper.
Boot Polish.
Other Wax Polish.
Stationery.
Playing Cards. Spare Parts for Cars, Cycles and Scooters. Tyres, and Tubes (Motor Cars and Motor Cyc Golf and Tennis Balls, Works of Art.
Baskets, etc.
Brooms and Brushes. Artificial dentures.
Coins.
Jewellery.
Images.
Imitation stones. Parts of musical instruments. Gramophone Parts. Painters' materials.
Perfume.
Pictures and Prints. Spirits Perfumed.
Plastic goods. Sports and Athletic materials. Miscellaneous articles.
Toys. Petroleum-motor cars and taxis. Drugs, patent medicines. Hollow are (Household). Torch Bulbs.
Batteries. Cotton Yarn and Manufactures.

)F CEYLON REVIEW
Manufactured Consumer Goods (Essentials).
Kerosene Oil. Exercise Books. Cycles. Cycle tyres and tubes. Books. Cinematograph Films. ز Glass Beads and Bangles.
Haberdashery.
Lamps and Lanterns.
Matches.
Umbrellas.
Duty Free Goods.
Stationery.
Artificial Silk. Petrol for omnibuses and motor wagons.
les).
220

Page 67
THE CHANGING STRUCTURE
Durable Consumer Goods.
Sewing Machines, Household. Air Conditioning and Refriger Refrigerators, Electric, Gas
Radio Receivers, Complete. Radiograms, Complete. Electric Fans, Complete.
Motors Cars.
Motor Cycles.
Gramophones and Phonograph
Radiograms. Pianos, Automatic and non aut
Organs, Automatic and non A
Musical Instruments Complete
221
 
 

OF CONSUMER IMPORTS
ating Equipment, or Mechanical.
s Excluding
omatic.
tomatic.
-Other.

Page 68
Some Sources of Da of the To
I. General Remarks
A classification of Ceyl administration.1 This, in an
Town Councils Urban Councils Municipal Councils
The Minister of Local Gover town, urban or municipal status ( town council, town to urban, urb has a large population, possesses cer civic problems which require an a requirements for town, urban anc defined nor written. The Min widely.2 In the absence of writte town, it is necessary to attribute cc distinguish a town (an urban settle Some characteristics of an urban s lation of 5,0004 and an average de compact form and texture especial buildings, street system and open equipment providing commercial retail stores etc.); transport yards secondary Schools, and places of re
1. Report of the Commission on Local G 2. Recently, there has been a proposal to a population about 16,598 (1953). Although, i rather a low position in the Ceylonese urban Matara and Trincomalee should be raised to mu 3. B. L. PANDITHARATNA, “A - geograp The Ceylon Journal of Historical and Social Studie 4. Many Ceylonese settlements with les. because these are raised to town or urban status administering its own affairs.

ta and Aids for a Study
عمر
Vns of Ceylon
onese towns is recognised for local
ascending order comprises of:-
36
35
8 (Fig. 1)
nment, in fact, is empowered to confer Dr raise such status (a village council to an to municipal) provided such an area tain facilities and utilities and has certain ppropriate civic organisation. The basic municipal status, however, are neither lister's discretion, consequently varies in or accepted definition of a Ceylonese }rtain minimal characteristics in order to pment) from a village (rural settlement). ettlements are : (1) a minimum popunsity about 8-25 persons per acre; (2) a ly in the core area where the component spaces are tightly woven ; (3) minimum facilities (market or bazaar or fair or (bus-stand or railway station), hospital, ligious worship (vihara or kovil, church
overnment. Ceylon Sessional Paper, XXXIII-(1955).
confer municipal status on Ratnapura, a town having t is a regional centre and the provincial capital, it holds hierarchy. It may be pointed out Moratuwa, Kotte, unicipal status before Ratnapura. phical Description and Analysis of Ceylonese Towns.” s. Vol. 4, January–June, 1961, No. I, pp. 71-95. s than 5,000 people are, in fact, considered as towns, by the minister. In each of these, there is a local body
222

Page 69
تښتي .
ܡܹܐ ܕܡܝܬܐ
A STUDY OF THE TO
or mosque); (4) minimum urban utilitie (either pipe borne or any other arran disposal of refuse etc., maintained by the
T_in respect of population numbers, and 24 town councils) do not deserve second feature is associated with urb variety is seen in the Ceylonese urban shows block building development, stor skyline. Besides, morphological areas su are distinctly recognisable. Each mor spatial associations emphasising specific f and district towns on the other hand, d morphological areas as in the national cap textural variety and associations, archit This contrasts with the typical string-li predominantly ground-floor buildings feature in the small towns, also called th researches would enable us to recognise varieties in the different townscapes, a
a town hierarchy in Ceylon. Urban eq
鬣一
*
linent of a variety of functions so char ending on the nature, quality, range a assessing the impact and nature of inter. the surrounding regions, a classification garding the fourth, electricity seems to b a pipe borne supply of water, sewage an mental sanitation are lacking altogether
II. Sources : Maps and Photograph
A Conventional method is the studi of three types. (a) Historic maps, (b) T. InapS.
Historic maps are available either the Museum Library or the Surveyor G
5. B. L. PANDITHARATNA, “The Colombo To University of Ceylon Review. Vol. XIX, No. I, pp. 45
6. Appendix I gives a selected list of maps found
7. Most of those at the Surveyor General's Offic Lai, Maps and Surveys, Vols. I and II.
223
 
 

WNS OF CEYLON
s, at least electricity, water service gement), conservancy System and
local council.
one 35 towns (11 urban council to be designated as towns. The an morphology. Morphological landscapes. Colombo townscape ey-variation characterising a high ich as the core and the integuments phological district shows special unctions. 5 The provincial capitals o not possess such well-developed ital. Besides, the building density, ectural features are very different. ne development or radial plan of with mixed functions, a common e junctions Centres. Detailed field different morphological areas and n important basis for establishing luipment contributes to the developacteristic of a service centre. De ind usefulness of such services and -relationships of such services with of towns may also be made. Ree available in all the towns, whereas d satisfactory standards of environin most towns.
S
y of town maps. Town maps are own Survey series maps, (c) Special
at the Government Archives, or eneral's Office.7 These help to re
wnscape : Some Aspects of its Morphology.' 56.
at the Government Archives, Gangodawila. e are printed and reproduced in R. L. Brohier,

Page 70
UNIVERSITY C
construct the historical geography aspects: (1) the morphology oft the map); (2) its areal extent, the na of the ground plan. ; (3) any uni which may give a clue to the func sequently vanished from the prese in relation to different stimuli.
Both the energising stimuli a effectiveness through time and so, be considered in relation to specific
Town Survey series maps (ava basic in town studies. Cartograph plan comprising its component ele or special morphological areas suc class housing zones have to be dra maps that the researcher reconstru intends plotting details of the urbar Town Survey series maps. The sc to one chain to one inch to sixtee are available on the scale of one i. chains. Details may be studied in data may be plotted on a useful bast chains. For Kandy, Galle, Jaffina a inch to two chains may be used for may be on the scale of one inch to towns, those less than 1,000 acres in scale as the published map. The individual garden plots, households physical structures. After detailec group Certain areas showing Com morphological areas or regions wi however, are too unwieldy and m of reproduction.8 In Ceylon, ma graphic or photostat methods are 8. For example, if it is required to reduce it may not be possible without sacrificing the d
of little cartographic value.
9. There are a few commercial photogra reduction and enlargement). The Surveyor The Archives at Nuwara Eliya undertakes map re are extremely limited.

F CEYLON REVIEW
of a town in respect of the following he town at a specific date (date given in ature of the buildings and other elements que feature peculiar to specific periods tional aspects and which may have sub‘nt face; (4) the changing morphology
ind the restricting factors vary in their for purposes of comparison, they must : time or period.
ilable at the Survey General's Office) are ically, sketches of either the whole town ments (roads, buildings and open spaces) h as core, slums, middle class or high wn to scale. It is with the aid of these icts his base map or maps on which he survey. Appendix 2 is a full list of the ale of the maps varies between one inch in chains. For Colombo, detail surveys
nch to one chain and one inch to four
these large scale maps, but the relevant a map on the scale of one inch to sixteen ind Negombo, maps on the scale of one detailed assessment, but final base maps ten or twelve chains. For the smaller area, the base map may be on the same large scale maps are useful to identify , fences, roads, paths, alleys and other reconnaisance, it may be possible to mon characteristics and thus delineate thin the townscape. Large scale maps, ay not be easily reducible for purposes p reduction processes either by photoavailable only in a few places.9 It is
a large scale map for reproduction in an article, then etails shown, blurring of letters etc. Such a map is
phers who are able to handle this type of work (both General's Office handles only governmental orders. 'production by photostat method. Elsewhere, facilities
224

Page 71
A STUDY OF THE TOV
advisable to select a medium size base me town is small in area, and one inch to plotting details.
,- . ܣܛܢܔie Town Survey series are revised sequent changes in the townscapes. Diff these changes in the built-up areas, then has subsequently taken place and the spati different areas. These maps are then a evaluate comparative morphology at difi changing face of the townscape.
There is a third type of special ma offices. Some of these are published in S Sessional Papers. Others are published Department of Town and Country Planı for ad hoc purposes such as housing, sanitation, drainage and planning. The about the nature and plan of present devel extensions. A recent search in the Record Kandy, brought to light a very useful collec of Ceylon. It would be very rewarding the other district kachcheries. Unfor catalogued or systematically arranged. for reasons of security and secrecy are no the academic researcher. It is a pity inde remain closeted and their study denied to
Maps are two dimensional and are c ventional symbols. A vertical aerial pho amenable for stereoscopic study of the san other hand gives a three dimensional and landscape. The stereo pairs reveal the tex
details of the physical forms and thus h certain similarities and differences. The
10. Since the Department is in charge of aspects of
useful collection of town maps. The officials there, fr. very willing to help any student of urban areas and prob
11. It is required to obtain written permission fron Affairs, in the first instance, secondly, the permission of and finally the goodwill of the Record keeper.
225
 
 

WNS OF CEYLON
p (one inch to eight chains, if the sixteen chains for Colombo) for
and published incorporating sub'rent editions of these maps reveal ew areas where the urban spread al and textural relationships of the in essential requisite and help to erent times and the nature of the
ps available at the local council pecial reports such as the Ceylon for planning purposes by the hing. 10 These maps are designed
slum clearance, urban renewal, se reveal up to date information opment and the proposed future Office of the Government Agent, tion of town maps of the Highlands indeed to search for similar maps tunately, those at Kandy, are not Further, some maps and records, it available to the public, even to ed that these maps and documents.
the researcher. 11 臀丁蟹
rawn according to accepted contograph or a series of such photos he area as shown in the map, on the an accurate picture of the urban tural, structural and even cultural elp to group them according to : Canadian Hunting Air Survey physical planning of our towns, it has a very
om the Town Planner to the Geographer are lems.
the Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Home the Government Agent of the local kachcheri

Page 72
UNIVERSITY C
Corporation has made available a C landscape. For urban studies, h usually on the scale of 1:40,000 ne The enlarged aerial photographs the survey maps. The importanc because some of these town surve been revised. 12
Oblique air photographs ta. photographs taken from comma may also be used. In addition, p buildings and their architectural de ristics, relics and monuments ar complex, heterogeneous and som of the urban scene.
III. Documents
| Documents relevant to the sti categories : (1) published Sources
Published sources include (1) the administration of the municip also those based on studies of s control, harbour extension, sanitat about specific urban problems, ( articles where references are fount
Unpublished sources are ma ceedings which record the persor council, expressed as decisions for of their respective towns.
Most of the published source Library, Archives, University of libraries. Regarding the use of de it must be pointed out, that the fig
12. If we examine carefully Appendix 2,
maps available for use have been published te air photographs to incorporate the features of

)F CEYLON REVIEW
omplete coverage of the entire Ceylonese lowever, these photographs which are ed to be enlarged by about 8 or 10 times. will thus complement in many respects
2 of these photographs may be emphasised y maps are sadly out dated and have not
ken at considerable altitude or oblique inding heights such as tops of buildings hotographs of distinctive features such as stails, features of lay out, textural charactee useful aids to portray accurately the etimes not too easily describable features
ldy of the towns of Ceylon fall into two , (2) unpublished sources.
the Ceylon Sessional Papers dealing with alities for the different years. There are pecific problems such as housing, flood ion etc., (2) other public reports and books 3) Ceylon Census Reports, (4) books and d about towns etc.
inly the local Council minutes and proal choices and prejudices of members of the civic welfare and material prosperity
are available for reference at the Museum Ceylon Library and some of the research ta in the Ceylon Census Reports for 1953, 1res given in the report printed in October
it is seen that most of the editions of the Town Survey
an or twenty years ago. Thus, the necessity to refer to the present urban landscapes.
226

Page 73
A STUDY OF THE TO
195313 differ considerably from the rep advised to use the latter. Although th data, 15 yet they do not give the acreages
the census. This data is important for of apulation, housing and spatial relation may have to go through either the releva year and this is limited to the Municipali or the unpublished data available in the unpublished sources is rather difficult if 1 present one's bona fides 16 and establish data would be used purely for academic these offices are not kept in systematic set may even be missing. The researcher, for patient and determined search somet of missing data which certainly should current data about Ceylonese towns a published, they are sadly out of date.7 useful than published sources because oft contemporary urban scene.
IV. Some Selected Readings in Ur
* リー
The researcher should possess a soun
and also the methods and techniques ܐܸܬܓܲ
and techniques of Urban Geography, t
are well established in some of the avdan
for this reason that one has to study sc
selected readings may be classified into tw cles, monographs and documents.
সূত্র
An admirable book which summar Urban Geography is The Geography introductory chapters trace the origin ar blems of their classification and ranking setting of towns, in its aspects of site and si
13. K. WILLIAMS, Census of Ceylon, 1953. Printed
14. N. MANICKAIDAIKKADAR, Census of Ceylon, 19.
15. These include population numbers, density, grc
to age, sex, religion, race and nationality, place of birth and literacy.
16. It would be best to obtain a personal introduct
কেৰ । 17. The Administration Report of the Colombo
February, 1962.
227
 

WNS OF CEYLON
Drts printed in May 1958.14 It is ese reports contain demographic of the wards of towns at the time the computation of ward densities ships. For this data, the researcher it sessional paper for the respective ties of Colombo, Galle and Kandy town council offices. Access to not tricky. Obviously one has to beyond reasonable doubt that the research. The records in most of Juence and are often misplaced or however, should never lose faith, imes may lead to the rediscovery prove rewarding. In fact, most re unpublished or when these are Thus unpublished data are more he relevance of the former in the
ban Geography d grasp both of the theory, princiof Urban Geography. The scope hough little developed in Ceylon ced countries of the west, and it is me of the foreign sources. The vo categories : (1) Books, (2) arti
ises and illustrates the contents of of Towns by A. E. Smailes. Its nd bases of towns and discuss pro, followed by a discussion of the tuation. Towns are also examined in October, 1953, Colombo. -
53. Printed in May, 1958, Colombo.
owth of population, the classification according , movement, conjugal conditions, orphanhood
on to the officials. : Municipality for 1956 was published only in

Page 74
UNIVERSITY
as expressions of different cultur internal geography, the nature within the structure of urban area relations with its surroundings is towns and the districts they servi Social Geography. 18. The W. gives a methodological approach and interpreting them in the ligh ment. 19 City, Region and Re geographical region as a social ut as a centre of regional intes edited by H. M. Mayer and C. F with geographical concepts, prin functions, structure, distribution aid.21
Other studies, mainly article methods of analysis which are use morphology attracts our attentio of St. Albans'.22 M.J. Wise's Quarters in Birmingham 23 an the Geographical Description a useful. Some of these methods applied to Ceylon because of th economic factors and different g "The Colombo Townscape: attempt in the application of suit of the city and to divide it into 1 of segmentalisation based on cult language, architectural and other - 18. A. E. SMAILES, The Geography of Tot in 19. R. E. DICKINSON, The West European 20. R. E. DICKINSON, City Region and Re
21. Readings in Urban Geography, edited 22. H. S. THURSTON, “ The Urban Re Transactions and Papers, 1953, pp. 107-21.
23. M. J. WISE, "The Evolution of the E of British Geographers, Transactions and Papers,
24. A. E. SMAILES, "Some Reflections o scapes.” Institute of the British Geographers, T
25. B. L. PANDITHARATNA, The Colo: University of Ceylon Review, Vol. XIX, No. I

OF CEYLON REVIEW
is and considerable attention paid to their and development of distinctive regions s. Finally, the importance of every town's amphasised and the intimate links between ; are shown to provide a regional basis în st European City by R. E. Dickinson
in the study of forms of dwelling-place - t of their functions and historical developtionalism deals with the idea of the hit, the functions and structure of the city ration.20 Readings in Urban Geography ... Kohn, a symposium of topics concerned ciples and generalisations related to urban and growth should prove a very useful
s in the learned journals suggest different ful with appropriate modifications. Urban 1. In this respect H. S. Thurston's "Study The Evolution of the Jewellery and Gun d A. E. Smailes' " Some Reflections on nd Analysis of Townscapes '24 are very and techniques have to be modified when le varying and dissimilar historical, socioeographical environments. My paper on Some Aspects of its Morphology is an able methods to describe the morphology morphological areas.25 The phenomenon iral elements such as community, religion, culture forms is an unique feature in urban
-
ins, London, 1953. . .
City, (A Geographical Interpretation). London, 1951. gionalism, London, 1956. by H. M. Mayer and C. F. Kohn, Chicago, 1959. zions of St. Albans. ' Institute of British Geographers,
Jewellery and Gun Quarters in Birmingham,” Institute 1949.
the Geographical Description and Analysis of Townansactions and Papers, 1955.
nbo Townscape: Some Aspects of its Morphology pp. 45-56. - .
228

Page 75
A STUDY OF THE TO
morphology. E. Jones in his A Social e Segregation and segmentalisation o areas of Belfast.26 In my paper on
alysis of Ceylonese Towns, commu RRim and Tamil communities in cert; 「 cate、27 - =
The American morphological studi Central Business District) based on lan values, values of sales etc. by Murphy ar. significance for these techniques are dif and social factors seem to play rather a out and subsequent spread of our tow administrative forces and imperial polici neating "The Functional Zones of Colc
Data on occupations, business and our towns are not available. Thus th classification becomes difficult. The stu however, tend to stimulate field work .data based on sampling surveys and c ܆ on this topic by C. Harris, 30 Sellwood, and M. Aurousseau.34 should be cons The Basic-Non-Basic Concept of Urb presented by J. W. Alexander.35 The plained as follows: The term function
26. E. JONES, A Social Geography of Belfast, London 27. B. L. PANDITHARATNA, " A Geographical An: The Ceylon Journal of Historical and Social Studies, Vol. 4 28. R. E. MURPHY AND J. E. VANCE, "Delimiting T 1954.
29. B. L. PANDITHARATNA, The Functional Zones C Vol. XIX, No. 2.
30. C. HARRIS, ' A Functional Classification of To 1943.
31. SELLWOOD, An occupational classification of to of 1931.
32. L. L. POWNALL, “ The Functions of New Zeal: Geographers, Vol. 43, 1953.
33. H. J. NELSON, 'A Service Classification of An 34. M. AUROUSSEAU, “ The Distribution of P. graphical Review, 1921.
35. J. W. ALEXANDER, "The Basic-Non-Basic C nomic Geography, 1954.
229
 
 

WNS OF CEYLON
Geography of Belfast, tpointed out f Irish catholics in he residential A Geographical Description and nal segmentalisation especially the in wards of certain towns is indi
es, especially those of the C.B.D. d use, land values, block frontage ld Vance,28 are of limited practical icult to apply. Besides, historical prominent role in the location, lay Ins. Historical, social, economic, es have all been considered in deliombo City”.29
* 、 other functions covering most of e task of attempting a functional dies cónducted in other countries, in the direction of collecting such Dmputations. For instance, papers 31 L. L. Pownal,32. H. J. Nelson33 ulted. Another important aspect, an Economic Functions is clearly essence of the concept may be exall structure defines the division of
1960. is, lysis and Description of Ceylonese Towns. ** 1, 1961. ; ..مي he C.B.D.” Economic Geography, Vol. XXX,
f Colombo City. University of Ceylon. Review, wns in U.S.A.' Geographical Reviae, Vol. 33, wns of England and Wales based on the Census and Towns. ' Annals of Association of American
herican Cities.” Economic Geography, 1955. opulation, A Constructive Problem." Geo
oncept of Urban Economic Functions. Eco

Page 76
UNIVERSITY (
urban population into active (bas The differentiation into basic and butions to the foundation and dev includes people employed in estab reaches beyond the town and so r in its region. The members of th the town itself, especially the basi a secondary character and appears functional approach has been devel and town planning. Geographers recently, but it is already yielding i In contrast to the studies of the fun economic Stimulation of Small ti igeographical studies. Although slowly than the large ones, neverth or stagnancy are important to ass Again, since the majority of small of local centres, it is also important ing agricultural economy and its with their possible effects for the ti
The problem of classifying to has been undertaken by A. E. Smail in England and Wales. 36 He re. single service rendered by a town. without adopting certain indices o a branch of a wellknown depart Spencer's), a cinema, a secondary as the minimum endowment of a based on banking facilities in the ruthers grouped the towns of Engl: order service centres based on th zones, (grocery), the limits of the thest places from which the peopl and services.38 The minimum et
36. A. E. SMAILES, "The Urban Hierarchy 37. R. E. DICKINSON, “ The Distributio Anglia.” Geography, 1932.
38. I. CARRUTHERS, ' A Classification of Journal, 1957.

DF CEYLON REVIEW
C and non-basic) and inactive members. non-basic groups relates to their contriclopment of the town. The basic group tishments and institutions whose activity sflects the position occupied by the town le non-basic group serve the residents of C group. The non-basic group thus has only when the proper stimuli exist. The oped within the framework of economics have shown interest in it only relatively interesting results in geographic research. ctions of towns, research on the basis for owns does not belong to conventional the small towns tend to develop more eless their processes of growth or decline ess the general progress of urbanisation. towns will continue to perform the role to analyse the condition of the Surround
possibilities for development, together OW1).
wns and establishing an urban hierarchy. es in his paper on "The Urban Hierarchy, garded retail trade as the most important
This, however, was difficult to measure t criteria. He chose three or four banks, ment store (Woolworth's or Marks and school, a hospital and a local newspaper town. Dickinson made a similar study rural towns of East Anglia. 37 I. Carund and Wales into first, second and third e limits, size and extent of the delivery local newspaper circulation and the fura came to the town for regular purchases juipment of a Ceylonese town has been
in England and Wales.' Geography, 1944. in and Functions of the Smaller Settlements of East
Service Centres of England and Wales. ' Geographical
230

Page 77
A STUDY OF THE TC
suggested elsewhere in this study, but urban hierarchy has yet to be accomplis
-- Regarding the urban field40 (refer ವಾಲ್ವmge 42 and hinterlando) Western which form the pivots of inter-relations example, C. Harris'4 has selected twel City such as retail trade, wholesale groce broadcasting, newspaper area, religious bakery distribution, oil distribution t services. F. H. W. Green45 studied the network on the basis of bus services. a centre of bus services, it may prove delineate town regions with special ref senger mobility. Data about bus rou daily tickets may be obtained from th work is essential to assess the dynami traffic, the adequacy or inadequacy of to facts of social geography in the tow be possible to obtain information frc about the ‘origin-destination” traffic su junction with the United States Operat * movement of in-commuters and outstudy of "The Geography of Commutir This provides us with a technique of pattern of Colombo, involving the mo
The concept of conurbation propo tion studies, especially those of Great Bri
39. L. WJAYAPALA, (formerly Geographer, is at present researching in this problem.
40. A. E. SMAILES, “ The Analysis and Delimitati 41. E. VAN CLEF, “Hinterland and Umland.“ ( 42. F. H. W. GREEN, “ Urban Hinterlands in Er 43. E. W. GILBERT, “Urban Hinterlands.“ Geo 44. C. HARRIs, Salt Lake City, A Regional Capital 45. F. H. W. GREEN, op. cit.
46. R. E. DICKINSON, “ The Geography of Geographical Review, 1957.
47. P. GEDDES, Cities in Evolution, London, 19 48. C. B. FAWCETT, “The Balance of Urban a
༣ 49. G. PoweLL, “Recent Developments in Gr ή for the Advancement of Science, 1960.
23
 
 

DWNS OF CEYLON
the task of establishing a Ceylonese hed. 39
red to also as umland, 41 sphere of geographers have selected criteria ship between town and region. For ve services performed by Salt Lake try trade, wholesale drug store, radio sphere of influence, telephone area, ogether with three less important town as a centre of communication Since every town in Ceylon is also successful to adopt his technique to erence to bus commuting and pastes, time tables, season tickets and e seventeen regional depots. Field cs of flow, nature and volume of such transport services, in relation n-region under study. It may also om the Public Works Department Irveys conducted by them in conion Mission. The dynamics of this commuters is shown in Dickinson's ng: the Netherlands and Belgium.”40 approach to study the commuting vement of 200,000 people daily.
unded by P. Geddes#7 and conurbatain by C. B. Fawcett,48. G. Powell, 49
Town and Country Planning Department)
on of Urban Fields. ' Geography, Vol. 32, 1947 Geographical Review, Vol. 31, 1941. gland and Wales.” Geographical Journal, 1950. raphical Journal, 1950. . University of Chicago, 1940.
Commuting : the Netherlands and Belgium''
15. nd Rural Populations,” Geography, 1929. ater London ”, Journal of the British Association

Page 78
UNIVERSITY C
Sir Patrick Abercrombie50 and T The first plan of Colombo city dr city in reference to a 'Greater Col. shape into suburban centres. 52
rapidly spreading out especially S. plan. The concept of planning the in the proposals of Sir Patrick A a study of the Colombo conurbatic field investigations are essential to population numbers, housing dens corresponding growth of civic am value of new areas, the pattern of c provision of public utilities and a
The studies of eastern towns , be ignored. For instance, R. H Geography; 54 O. H. K. Spates "Cities of the Gangetic Plain '56; and Country '57 and R. H. Huge provide many useful suggestions a Singham's "Urban Geography of A Study in Urban Geography' especially suitable to the study of C
v. Field Data
A reconnaissance survey of th detailed surveys of parts of it wo
50. P. ABERCROMBIE, The Greater Elondon R 51. T. W. FREEMAN, The Conurbations of G 52. P. GEDDEs, “ Town Planning in Co
Paper III, 1921. 砷 、 LI ».
1947 ... P. ABERCROMBIE AND O. WEERASINGE
1940.
54. R. H. SINGH, Banaras: A Study Ur
55. O9 H. K. SPATE, “Rangoon : A S Vol. 32, 142.
56. O. H. K. SPATE, “Five Cities of the G. 57. E. G. H. DoBBY, "Singapore, Town an 58. R. H. HUGES, “Hongkong: An Urbaj 59. W. L. JEYASINGHAM, Urban Geography University, 1958, (unpublished). . . .
60. B. L. PANDITHARATNA, Colombo: A to the University of London, 1960, (unpublishe
See also: C. Holliday, City of Co
** リエ . . . .
 
 

R CEYLON REVIEW
W. Freemans provide useful reading. fted by Geddes envisaged planning the imbo, where the garden suburbs would Since 1921, Colombo has developed uth and south east irrespective of any city in relation to its region was adopted percrombie and O. Weerasinghe.53 In n, these reports are invaluable. Besides,
assess the changes, especially those of ty, spread of houses into new areas, the nities, new road systems, the increasing nanging land values, changes of land use, ost of other problems.
vhich would help us directly should not
Singh's Banaras : A Study in Urban "Studies of Rangoon '55 and the E. G. H. Dobby's Singapore Town 's Hongkong: An Urban Study,'58 ind methods. In addition, W. L. JeyaJaffna '59 and the author's ' Colombo: 0 attempt to establish a methodology Deylonese towns. 1
- 2 . " -
امة ، .
2 entire town (under study) followed by ld provide an intimate knowledge so gional Plan, 1944.
eat Britain, 1959. lombo: A Preliminary Report." Ceylon Sessional
E, The Colombo Regional Plan npublished) Colombo
ombo. Memorandum on Town'
ning. Colombo,
(11 Geography, Banaras, 1955. udy in Urban Geography." Geographical Review.
ngetic Plain. Geographical Review. Vol. 40, 1950. i Country. Geographical Review. Vol. 30, 1940. Study. Geographical Journal. Vol. 117, 1951: .
of Jafna. Doctoral Dissertation submitted to Clark
,、
Study in Urban Geography. Doctoral Thesis submitted 1).
ーリ 、
232

Page 79
A STUDY OF THE TI
essential to understand the complexity the start, the acreages under the uses framework of detailed inquiry and st
urban land uses that would help the d SAppendix 3.
A method usually considered as fractional notation may not be followed ing to this method, details of any buil three figures in the numerator and t the numerator presents a functional pi denominator, structural details and ag with practice, is easy to operate since second in the numerator and first and discernible. In the actual process of of specific fractions that may repeat c the salient types of buildings together of the fraction from one part of the city sions of the character and extent of the
Field work is also required to c functions of the town or towns within
life outside towns depends upon the to
to ascertain to what extent the equipn itself suffices the needs of the local inha to larger towns (districts, provincial features. Appendix 5 is a tentative conditions,ol based on indices which field of towns.62 -
In conclusion, the problems of Cey received any attention. There is some planning of our towns-the task of the Planning. If this paper in some way o promotes the study of our towns an amply rewarded and aims fully realised
61. This is partly based on the Questionnaire Spheres of Influence under the auspices of the Geogra
62. It has to be circulated in the surrounding vill: the urban field of the particular town under study fai
23
 

OWNS OF CEYLON
and variety of the townscape. At of urban land provide the skeletal udy. Such a grouping of different issection of the townscapes is shown
uitable for western towns based on | except for Colombo city. Accordlding are reduced to a fraction with hree in the denominator. Broadly, cture of the building concerned, the e. (see Appendix 4). This system, some of the digits as the first and second in the denominator are easily recording data, one becomes aware onstantly, enabling one to recognise with their unctions. The change to another gives clearly the impresdifferent urban zones.
letermine the nature and range of the region and the extent to which wn's resources. This is with a view nent of services centred in the town bitants and to what extent they look and capital city itself) for special questionnaire relevant to Ceylonese may portray effectively the urban
flonese urban geography have hardly interest shown in aspects of physical : Department of Town and Country r the other stimulates interestin, and d related problems, my efforts are
B. L. PANDITHARATNA
prepared by the Standing Committee on Urban phical Association (Great Britain). ܢ ܘ ܐܠ
tges and when completed, it is possible to delineate rly accurately.
3

Page 80
UNIVERSITY O
AP.
SOME SELECTED HISTORIC GOVERNMENT ARCHIVE
Description
Colombo
1.
2.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24. 25.
27.
Fortress of Colombo in 1518 Indication of the important Places and of Colombo Colombo at the time of the Siege by the The Castle of Colombo as it is Toda
1697) showing what works remain to b shed
The Haven of Colombo and the West of Ceylon
Map of the Fortress, the old Tov Colombo
Plan of the Castle and of Colombo Plan of the Harbour of Colombo on the Coast Plan of the City and of the Fort of Col in the Island of Ceylon at the time surrender to the English on 16th Feb 1796
Ground Plan of the City and Cas Colombo Maps of Colombo-4 chains to an inch City of Colombo Plan of the Fortress of Kalutara built in Plan of the Fortress situated in Kalutara View of Galle
Galle fortified in 1663 Ground Plan and Castle of Point de Gal Point de Galle Plan of the Fort of Galle and the de relating to the project of 1787 Plan of the Fortress of Galle
The Galle Harbour with Surroundings
Plan and Profile of the Fort of Matara Plan of the Matara Fort and the surrou
aCa Projected Plan for the improvement of The Fortress of Batticaloa Trincomalee in the East Coast of the Isl Ceylon Plan of the Bay and Harbour of Trince

CEYLON REVIEW
ENDIX I
AL MAPS AVAILABLE AT THE DEPARTMENT, NUGEGODA.
Roads
Dutch (Jan. e fini
Coast
rn of
West
ombo of the
ruary,
tle of
1661
le
fences
nding
Matara
und of יי -
malee
234
Author, Editor or Date -
Publisher Fè ܀ 1,ܐܸܵܠ
Printed (S.G.O.)
1656 Baldeus 1670
Van Keulen 1750
P., Foenlander 1785 1790
1790
Delineated and engraved by
Taedien 1796.
*ی
-
ܐ ܓ 1906 1927-34 1681 Dutch Period 1670 Martinus Neyhoff 1670 1744 Van Keulen 1750
1787 Major Reinier and
G. E. Schneck 1790 G. E. M. McDougall
and H. Harris 1860 Van Eck 1766
Dutch Period Dutch Period 1698 Van Keulen 1750
1762 --

Page 81
-->
28.
29.
30.
i. |-
33. 34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49,
A STUDY OF THE TI
The Bay of Trincomalee The Bay of Trincomalee
Harbour of Trincomalee
Plan of the Wharf and the Jetty Plan of the Fort Ostenburg Jaffna, inserted in the Mss. Atlas General Map of Jaffnapatnam and Wanny. Jafnapatnam Fort and Castle at Jaffnapatnam
Picture of the Town and Castle of Jaffna patnam
Mantota
Mannar
Plan of the Fort, the channels and gardens a Mannar
Kalpentyn Plan of the Fort and road situation at Kal pentyn. Special Map of the Fort, Old City and furthe the road situation of Negombo The Fort at Sitawaka
The Fort at Hakimana The Fort at Ruanwella The Fort at Hanwella
Plan of Kandy together with the encampmer. of Gov. Van Eck
Map of Kandy Town, congested area an northern suburb
Entrance to the River Hoogly, the Harbou of Colombo, the Harbour of Point de Gall (1818) and the Harbour of Trincomalee
Monumenta Cartographia
Photostats of Ceylon Maps and Plans at th States Archives, Holland.
23.
 

OWNS OF CEYLON
Van Keulen 1794
Copied from the plan of D’apre de Manvillette Lieut.
James Cannon and
Hector Loring
1813
Dutch Period Johannes Vingboons 1665 1720
Dutch Period
Dutch Period
Dutch Period 1719
1719
Dutch Period
Dutch Period
Dutch Period Dutch Period
Dutch Period Dutch Period
t
1766 d
Done under the order of
G. K. Thornhill
le
1820 Dr. F. C. Weider
園。
5

Page 82
UNIVERSITY,
OF
APPE
SCHEDULE DESCRIBING THE NAMES, S. THE TOWNS FOR WHIC
No. Naine of Town
1. Colombo
2. Jafna
3. Kandy
4. Negombo
5. Matara
6. Kalutara
7. Panadura 8. Batticaloa 9. Matale
10. Trincomalee 11. Badulla See 43 below
12. Anuradhapura
13. Ratnapura 14. Nuwara Eliya See 42 below
15. Chilaw
16. Gampola 17. Puttalarının 18. Nawalapitiya
19. Mannar
20. Madampe
21. Bandarawela
22. Gampaha
23. Kadugannawa
See 46 over 24. Minuwangoda
Nature of Plan, S
Skeleton survey Details filled in No tenement list Skeleton survey Assessment survey* Assessment survey* (Congested area) Skeleton survey (Assessment survey based on the 1 chain
Skeleton) Skeleton survey (Assessment survey* based on the 1 chain
Skeleton) Skeleton survey Assessment survey* Assessment survey* Skeleton survey Skeleton survey Assessment survey Skeleton survey Cadastral Survey (old) with Tenement list
Detail survey with Tenement list Assessment survey* Cadastral survey (Qld) with contours No. Tenement list Skeleton survey Assessment survey* Assessment survey* Assessment survey* Detail survey No Tenement list Detail survey with Tenement list Detail survey with Tenement list Assessment survey*
Details survey with
contours and Tenement list Detail survey with Tenement list Assessment survey*

CEYLON REVIEW
NDIX 2
CALES, DATES AND MAPS PUBLISHED OF
H TOWN SURVEYS EXIST.
Scale of Map Published
cale and Date
Remarks is ܐ ܝܠ ܓ ܐ A
chain scale 1917-1923 4 chains 1931-1932, 16 chains
chains scale 1929 chains scale 1929 chains scale 1932 chain scale chain scale 1916 chains scale 1927
chain scale 1920 chains scale 1928
chains scale 1929 chains scale 1929 chains scale 1930 chain scale 1924
chains scale 1924
chain scale 1921
chains scale 1907-1908 10 chains* Revised by Plane
chain, 2 & 1923-1924 12 chains* T.S.P.P.14, 14a chains, scale and 1926
chains scale 1930
chains scale 1899-1900 12 chains* Revised by Plane
chains scale 1926 chains scale 1927 chains scale 1930 Chains scale 1929 hain scale 1920
lains scale 1911 & 1920
chain scale 1919
hains scale 1930
chain scale 1923
hain scale 1918
hains scale 1930
236
chains scale 1924-1925 8 chains* -
10 chains
12 chains
6 chains* (Congested area) 10 chains*
8 chainsk Revised in 1941
8 chains* Revised in 1939
8 chains 10 chains*
8 chains* Revised in 1949
8 chains
Table 6-10-1934
and 14b 8 chains* Revised see 69.
Table 18-2-1935
8 chains
6 chains* 10 chains* 5 chains*
- Final T.S.P.P.15.
5 chains T.S.P.P., 12.
5 chains* Revised with
ContOurs T.S.P.P. 23.
T.S.P.P.. 8
6 chains

Page 83
25. Nattandiya
26. Mawanella i.
27. Matugama
פייר 28. Undugoda
Detail survey with Tenement list Detail survey
with Tenement list
Detail survey with contours and Tenennent list
Detail survey with Tenement list
29. Kendangamuwa Block survey
30. Diyatalawa
31. Panwilla
32. Haldummulla
33. Padiyapalalla
34. Bogawantalawa
35. Ella
36. Koslanda 37. Welinada
38. Erukkalampiddi
39. Passara
* 40. Lunugalla
- i. Dehiwala-Mount
Lavinia 42. Nuwara Eliya
43. Badulla
44. Lindula
45. Wattegama 46. Kadugannawa
47. Galle
(selected areas) 48. Galaha
49. Norwood
50. Maskeliya
51. Ja-Ela
52. Horana
53. A Vissavvella
Detail survey with Tenement list
Detail survey with
Tenement list
Detail survey with
Tenement list Detail survey with Tenement list Detail survey
with Tenement list
Detail survey with Tenement list Detail survey with Tenement list Detail survey with Tenennent list Detail survey with Tenennent list Detail survey with Tenement list Detail survey with Tenement list Detail survey
with Tenenment list
Detail survey
with Tenement list
Detail survey with Tenement list Detail survey with Tenement list Detail survey Detail survey
with Tenement list
Detail survey
with Tenement list
Detail survey
with Tenement list
Detail survey with Tennent list Detail survey with Tenement list Detail survey with Tenement list Detail survey with Tenement list Detail survey with Tenement list and Contours
A STUDY OF THE TO
1 chain
2 chains
2 chains
-
2 chains
2 chains 2 chains
1 chain
2 chains
2 chains
1 chain
1 chain
1 chain
1. chain
2 chains
1 chain
1 chain
2 chanis
2 chains
2 chains
1 chain
1 chain 1 chain
1 chain
1 chain
1 chain
1 chain
2 chains
2 chains
2 chains
237
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

WNS OF CEYLON
scale 1919 . 「リー T.S.P.P.13 scale 1922-1923 T.S.P.P. 27
scale 1921. M.S.P.P. 18
scale 1923 - T.S.P.P. 17
scale 1932 - V. P. 691, Sab... ,
scale 1925–26 4 chains T.S.P.P. 28
6 chains Revised by plane
Table in Sept.
:: - . 1934. scale 1920 - T.S.P.P.9
scale 1924, 1926 Final T.S.P.P. 26. scale 1924 - T.s.p.p. 30
scale 1920 |- T.S.P.P. 10 scale 1920 T.S. pp. 11 scale 1925. Final.T.S.P.P. 29 cale 1937 T.S.P.P. 38 scale 1935 王 M.S.P.P. scale 1937-1938 - T.S. pp. 39
scale 1937-1938 -- T.S.P.P. 40
scale 1938-194() 12 chains T. S.P.P. 41
scale 1938-1940 see 14 T.S.P. 12
scale 1936-1941 see 11 T.S.P. 43
scale 1939-1940 - T.S.P. 44
scale 1939-1940 - T.S.P. 45 scale 1939-1940 - T.S.P. 46
scale 1940-1941 - T.S.P. 47
scale 1940-1941 - T.S.P. 48
cale 1941 - T.S.P. 49
scale 1941-1942 T.S.P. 50
scale 1945-1946 - T.S.P. 52
scale 1947 - T.S.P. 53
scale 1949 T.S.P. 55

Page 84
UNIVERSITY C.
54. Wattala Detail survey
Mabole with Tenement list Peliyagoda 55. Hambantota Detail survey
with Tenement list 56. Rakvana Detail and Contour
survey with T.L. 57. Kurunegala Detail survey with
Tenement list 58. Alutgama Detail survey
with Tenement list 59. Rambukkana Detail survey
with Tenement list 60. Anuradhapura Detail and Contour
New Site Survey 61. Haputale - 62. Kirilapone Detail and Contour
Detail and Contour
63. Kotte Detail survey with T.L. 64. Medawachchiya Detail survey with T.L. 65. Polgahawela Detail survey with T.L.
66. Kekirawa -- Detail survey with T.L. 67. Kolonnawa Detail survey with T.L. 68. Moratuwa Detail survey with T.L. 69. Ratnapura Detail and Contour 70. Panadura Detail with T.L.
Revision 71. Trincomalee 72. Galle -
* Documents in the Office of the Commissioner

DF CEYLON REVIEW
2 chains scale 1949
2 chains scale 1947
2 chains scale 1951
2 chains scale 1952
2 chains scale 1951 2 chains scale 1954 1 chain scale 1954
2 chains scale 1956 1 chain scale 1954
2 chains scale 1954-1959
2 chains scale 2 chains scale
2 chains scale 1953-1957 2 chains scale 1958-1961
2 chains scale 1958
2 chains scale 1958
2 chains scale 1961
1961 1916 1961
of Local Government.
T.S.P. 56
T.S.P. 54
T.S.P. 57
8 Ch. Map T.S.P. 58
1 ch. sheet
T.S.P. 60
T.S.P. 59
T.S.P. 61
4 ch. reduced
plan
No number; part
of Colombo
T.S.P. 62 T.S.P. 63 T.S.P. 64 T.S.P. 65 T.S.P. 67 T.S.P. 68 T.S.P. 69 T.S.P. 66. T.S.P. 70 T.S.P. 70 T.S.P. 70
(From the Surveyor General's Office, Colombo)
238

Page 85
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suosaed ooos4°^O - ST10NQOD NANOJ.�

Page 86

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Page 87
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『もちせて『
W <>T)// 系WWW.0]]|\s|\[/))1
.....................
 
 
 
 
 

I "OIH
-터科詩넓혀 『
四Y%

Page 88
A STUDY OF THE TO
APPENDIX
TENTATIVE SCHEME FOR DISSECTING TOWNS
Total Arc
Developed Area -<--
Privately Developed Area
I. Commercial | Α. (1) The Core area B.
(2) Secondary cores (3) Other retail areas
II. Residential
(1) Contiguous dwellings (lines) (2) Contiguous households (single family) (3) Detached houses (4) Detached houses with compound C. (5) One-storey residences (6) Multi-storey dwellings (flats)
III. Industry
(1) Heavy industry (2) Light industry D. (3) Dangerous and Offensive
Recreation
(1) Playgrounds E. (2) Swimming pools
(3) Other open spaces.
239
 

WNS OF CEYLON
3.
CAPES INTO DIFFERENTURBAN USES
a.
Vacant Area
Publicly Developed Area
Administration (offices and institutions) Public Utilities (1) Roads
(2) Railways
(3) Water reservoirs (4) Gas and Electricity (5) Public parks and playgrounds.
Residential (1) Ministry of Housing housing areas (2) Department owned housing areas (3) Local council owned housing areas (4) Owned by company or corporation
Industrial (1) Industrial areas (2) Industrial estates or zones.
Open spaces (1) Unused crown land (2) Marshy land (3) Water bodies.

Page 89
UNIVERSITY C
A.
MORPHOLOGICAL SURVEY OF TOWN
Numerator-presents a functional picture of th
Denominator-structural details and age.
Numerator :
1st digit-major functional group. 2nd digit—to show function in further di 3rd digit-shows the number of floors o
| Denominator :
1st digit-details of material used for Wa 2nd digit-details of material used for rc. 3rd digit-period during which it was co
Numerator-1st digit-major functions.
1. Commercial (wholesale, retail and w
Manufacturing. Institutional (administrative and socit Residential. Recreational. Transportational. Agricultural. Vacant spaces. Numerate-2nd digit-functional detail, for
in 2nd digit, 15-means commerc
1. (commercial) :
Wholesale trade and shops. Retail shops, depots, stalls etc. Markets.
Banking services. Insurance services. Estate agencies. Business offices.
Legal offices.
(In case of 12 (commercial, retail) a f -a, b, c, may designate further descriptions
barber shop).
Ex. 12:
Restaurants, cafes and taver Ins. Hotels with residence, resthouses and Laundries, dry cleaners and dyers. Barber shops, beauty saloons and the Photo studios.
Funeral undertakers. Miscellaneous-boutiques, kiosks, sta
2. (manufacturing) mostly dealing with agricu
1. Tea firms.
Rubber firms.
Coconut firms.
Firms dealing with minerals and mir
Engineering, assemblage plants.
Motor garages and repair yards.
Light industries (like 12, 27, has seve

F CEYLON REVIEW
PENDIX 4
SCAPE BASED ON FRACTIONAL NOTATION
a building concerned.
س ܚ
etail. Ccupied by the function.
Llis. of. nstructed, (periods chosen to suit the town under study)
arehousing).
-civic).
example, 1-with the combination of any category ial, insurance.
Irther detailing of the function is necessary. Thus, of the 2nd digit. (12d means-commercial, retail,
boardings.
apy clinics.
Ils etc.
(tural raw materials.
e products.
al details, such as --
240

Page 90
A STUIDY OF THE TIC
1. Printing. b. Tailoring. c. Rice milling. d. Grinding mills.
e Aerated waters.
f. Bakeries. g. Cigarettes, cigars and beedi manufacturil
(Thus 27e means—manufacturing, light, aera
(institutional) :
1. Government offices. 2. Local government offices.
3. Churches.
4. Schools. 5. Hospitals, clinics, nursing homes.
6. Homes for the aged, asylums, retention hon
7. Cemeteries and cremation grounds.
4. (residential):
Residential flats. Storeyed houses. Houses with separate compound.
Houses without compound. Contiguous houses. Contiguous tenements (lines). Shanties and hovels.
5. (recreational) :
Cinemas and theatres. Parks and playgrounds. Public houses, halls. Swimming pools. Clubs.
ܢܠ
6. (transportational) :
Port yard. Railway yards, sheds, and other properties. Bus stands, garages, depots. Air field and other facilities (if any).
7. (Agricultural):
1. Garden (mixed). 2. Horticulture (vegetables, legumes and grass).
31 ܕ+1_1 ܨ ܒ ܢ- ܢ +1 - )
es
--ssocਨs: ܂ ܕsc-ܡܬܐ
two-storey.
three-storey.
four-storey.
Denominator—1st digit-walls :
1. Reinforced concrete.
Brick.
Stone.
2
241.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

WNS OF CEYLON
ം
9. ted waters).

Page 91
UNIVERSITY C
4. Timber. 5. Corrugated iron or asbestos. 6. Clay and sand mixture.
2nd digit-roof:
Concrete (flat). Tile. Corrugated iron. Asbestos. Thatch.
3rd digit-period of construction :
1. Pre-European. 2. Colonial period upto 1870. 3. 1870 to 1945. 4. Post war period.
352
= instituti 344 COS
Thus any fraction, say

)ER CEYLON REVIEW
onal, hospital, two-storey, stone, asbestos roof, post war truction.
242

Page 92
A STUDY OF THE TC
APPENDIX
NESTIGATION TO DELINEATE THE
Retail Services :
Name the place (town or village) to which lowing: (a) Rice, flour, sugar, salt and other currys (b) Green groceries and oilman goods. (c) Fish and beef. (d) Hardware goods. (e) Textile and apparel. (f) Bank, pawn brokerage, loans etc. (g) Professional services (i) Doctor. (ii) Lawyer. What town is commonly visited at least onc or any market day for shopping 2 What towns are visited occasionally for spec To what markets do farmers in the immedi; From what towns or farm organisations do feeding stuffs, machinery and advice 2
II. Governmental Services :
A. B
C. த D.
Ε
P.
G
III. TI
A.
B
C
D
What secondary schools do pupils attend ? Where are each of the health services obtain
(i) Government dispensary. (ii) Cottage hospital or maternity clinic. (iii) General hospital. Where is the closest District Revenue Office Where is the closest Police Station ? Where is the closest Kachcheri (Governmen Where is the closest Magistrate's Court I Where is the closest Town/Urban/Municipa
ransport Services :
At what time is the earliest bus or train to t At what time intervals do the buses or train What time does the last return bus or train
Give the names of towns to which people tr numbers travelling to each place, or say whi
Recreation and Religious Services:
there are the popular places of worship m
there is the cinema hall most commonly v
C. There are the playgrounds most commonly
243
 

)WNS OF CEYLON
5
URBAN SPHERES OF INFLUENCE
R. * . . .
people most commonly go for each of the fol
uffs. *、
e a week either on the day of the fair, Saturday
rial shopping ? ate locality send their general produce 2
the farmers obtain supplies of seed, fertilizers,
r’s Office located 2
t Agent's Office) : District Court?
Council's Office
he nearest town 2 s operate to the nearest town 2 leave the nearest town 2 avel to work. If possible give the approximat ather the number is large or small.
Dst commonly visited 2 isited 2 F visited 2
。 。
リ 。リ
stri, 2,
* 。 。 リ ー

Page 93
School Commissions
A Discussion of th
LTHOUGH the education. ΑΕ Commission 1 were
the Governor of the Colon suggestions of the Commissioners alterations were made to the existi following two years. In the abse was also the Principal of schools charge of the Government School
The Parish schools3 which w ment maintained in the villages ( by 1883 they almost ceased to exi schools can be attributed to the re of the country. The Parish scho soon found no place when the cry mentum. The decision of the C. the official language, and to co1 schools expedited the dissolution o
The Academy or Seminary,s English school of the Governme Rev. J. P. Horsford who had been was succeeded by J. C. Arndt, w enter priesthood in 1833. The A a small establishment described a departure J. A. Hesse became the
1. For a description of the recommendat Education in Colonial Ceylon, Kandy Printers, L
2. C. O. (Colonial Office, London, Rec September, 1832.
3. Ranjit Ruberu, op. cit., pp. 59-64, als
4. L. J. Gratiaen, The First School Co. Pamphlet 11.
5. Ranjit Ruberu. op. cit, p. 234.

of Ceylon 1834 - 1867 eir Educational Policy يسة
l reforms recommended by the Coleaccepted by the Secretary of State, and y was instructed "to put into force the at the earliest opportunity'2 no tangible ng system of government schools for the ince of any change, the Archdeacon who and King's Visitor, continued to be in
Establishment. --
are the only kind of schools the governor the parishes) dwindled gradually and st.“ The cause for the failure of Parish Cognition of English as the lingua franca
ols, primarily being vernacular schools
for English education was gaining moplebrooke Commission to make English hvert the existing schools into English f the Parish schools.
リ。。".. 。
which was as a matter of fact the only nt, also faced the same calamity. The the principal of the Academy since 1831
o in turn gave up the appointment to rademy by this time had been reduced to s the Hulstdorf school. With Arndt's principal. The removal of the Sinhalese
ions of the Colebrooke Commission, see Ranjit Ruberu, td. 1962. pp. 248—257.
ords) 55, 74, Letter of Secretary of State to Horton, 14
pp. 229-234. nmission (1832-1841), Colombo Historical Association
244

Page 94
SCHOOL COMMISSIONS O
master of the school to Moratuwa, to b
government school under the Chaplain during the last years of its existence.
The School Commission (1834-1841
The implementation of the recomm mission on educational reforms comme Island of Sir Robert Wilmot Horton6 as direction of educational reform was the sion on the lines recommended in the The School Commission, so established May 1834, was comprised of the foll (President), the Treasurer to the gover Government Agent of the Western Provir Church) resident in Colombo. Provisi nominate additional members, 'not exc members as may appear expedient'.
established in the four principal towns C malee. These sub-committees had the ( as the President with the District Judge
Yblished Church) as the other members.
The duty of the School Commissi the school establishment generally thro the Governor on “the measures they coi establishment of efficient schools and for outstation sub-committees were to ac Colombo upon the efficiency and ma pective areas.
The School Commission was also of distributing whatever money the g purposes of education in the provinci were given the authority only of superint management of the schools in their are was to be done on the recommendatio) qualification of schoolmasters for app
5. Sir Robert John Wilmot Horton (1784-1841) 7. Ceylon Government Gazette, 19th May, 1834
r | Scork L. de Livera and S. H. Dias to the Commis
ܢܨܬ݂ܳܐ
is Ceylon Government Gazette of 19th May, 18.
245
 

F CEYLON 1834-1867
e in-charge of a newly established there, left Hesse as the sole teacher
) and its educational Policy ledations of the Colebrooke Comnced only after the arrival in the the Governor. The first act in the appointment of a School CommisColebrooke Commission report. by a gazette notification of 19th owing members: the Archdeacon inment, the Auditor-General, The ce and the Clergy (of the established on was made for the Governor to eeding half the number of official Subordinate committees were also of Kandy, Galle, Jaffna and TrincoGovernment Agent of the Province and resident Clergy (of the esta
on in Colombo was "to supervise ughout the Island' and, to advise insider it expedient to adopt for the the extension of education'.8 The vise the School Commission in nagement' of schools in their res
entrusted with the responsibility overnment was to appropriate for es. The sub-committees therefore 'nding the working and the financial as. The appointment of teachers of the Commission and the basic bintment was that they “possess a
was the Governor of Ceylon from 1831 to 1837.
In December 1836, the Governor hominated sion. 54 リ

Page 95
3 : UNIVERSITY (
competent knowledge of English the purpose of popularising Engli recommended by the Colebrooke
The progress made by the CC rather slow, and for some time record of any noteworthy achieve of government schools went upfro of any systematic work being carri regular meetings were held, and it proved to be also its last-was pub Rev. Joseph Marsh as its Secretary
This report attributed the C of education to the 'difficulty of appointment of Marsh as Secretary, One significant work of the Sch Marsh, was the adoption of a Cod guidance of the sub-committees a Commission, for the implementatic These Rules and Regulations whic a uniform system of Government
1. All government schools v it was desirable to consider C supervision of the schools in t
2. In the absence of a Chapl. the District Judge of the area
3. New schools were to be condition that:
(a) the people ofthe area asko (b) the attendance of at least f
(c) some government officers
the school.
'9. See Ranjit Ruberu, op. cit, pp. 251-25 10. First Report of the School Commissio * 11. Khid.
12. The Ceylon Chronicle, 24 July, 1837.
13. L. J. Gratiaen-The First School Con Pamphlet 11.
 

)F CEYLON REVIEW
.9 This apparently was designed for h education in the country, as had been Commission.
mmission during the first few years was ince it began to function there was no ment to its credit. Although the number m fifteento thirtynine10 there is no record ed out by the School Commission. No is significant that its first report-which lished only after the appointment of the in August, 1835.
ommission's tardiness in the expansion obtaining suitable masters'.11 Since the the Commission showed signs of activity. tool Commission during the tenure of e of rules and regulations framed for the nd the school masters employed by the on of which Marsh was held responsible. 12 n were enforced with a view to “ensure 。 schools' 13 included the following: . ܐܚܝ¬¬
של vere under the School Commission, but Dhaplains as invested ex-officio with the he areas where they functioned.
in the Assistant Government Agent and to be the superintendents of the schools.
established by the Government only on
d for them, orty to fifty children was assured, and
residing in the area would superintend
1, 1835. -
mission, 1834-1841. Colombo Historical Association,
霹 (
246

Page 96
جیسے
SCHOOL COMMISSIONS C
4. The School Commission (in th the sub-committees (in the other masters before appointment.
Salaries of schoolmasters were .5 ܓ
ision or the sub-committees.
It is apparent that the purpose ofen the Commission a greater control ove schools and school masters. Neverthel regulations being seriously applied.
A change in the mode of paying sala in June 1837. The practice hitherto with no check on the work they had do to pay the salary in two parts, describ fixed salary was a monthly amount t entitled irrespective of the condition of contingent salary, on the other hand, w; of the examiners appointed for the pur schools. 14. This required a regular syst all probability the Commission could n.
It is evident that, the Commissio primarily due to lack of personal ha instance the Archdeacon, the Ven’ble J. the appointment of Marsh as the Secret personal accusations against Marsh on it ings. 15 There was again friction with re upheld the view that as King's Visitor accounts of the Commission. The Co this claim and the Governor had to iss of interference with the administratic Archdeacon claimed to possess as the from the Commission, apparently ow rivalry, chiefly due to the exclusive 1 accorded to the Clergy of the establish Vit1eS.
14. Ibid.
15. At a meeting held in January 1837, Glenie C sent to him. Marsh's explanation was not accepted b
247

DF CEYLON 1834-1867
e case of the Western Province) and provinces) should examine school
to be fixed by the School Commis
forcing such rules was to secure for r the management of Government less, there is no indication of the
ries to schoolmasters was introduced was to pay them a monthly salary ne. The Commission now decided ed as Fixed and Contingent. The to which every school-master was the school or the work he did. The is paid only on the recommendation pose of Superintending government Iem of examining schools which in Ot Organ1Se.
in worked under stress and strain, rmony among its members. For M. S. Glenie, was not in favour of tary of the Commission. He made regularities in the conduct of meet'gard to accounts. The Archdeacon he was empowered to deal with the mmission, however, did not accept ue a minute superseding the power on of the Commission which the
King's Visitor. He too resigned ring to such disputes. Missionary epresentation on the Commission led Church, also hampered its acti
omplained that a notice of the meeting was not y the Commission and this led to his resignation.

Page 97
UNIVERSITY C
Although there were such shor of schools under the Commission number, whereas the vernacular government being to spread Engl a decrease in the number of gover
The establishment of a Colle Commission had recommended, years after the creation of the S started under the name Colombo , pose a private school which had b. The college started to function as tw school and a higher or Classical sch soon gained considerable prestigel
Judging on the progress of edu it can be concluded that the School Opinion gained ground that it was Mackenzie's own observations bea last two years made anxious inqui in the Island, I cannot undertake ti under the School Commission is alt(
Several reasons can be suggest of the School Commission. In t formed of government servants w. where rather than in the administ not devote the time and effort the ( able administrative body. The fac or when held had to be adjourned defect of having "an unpaid and i running of government schools.
16. By 1841 there were 38 English schoo
Thus the number of Vernacular schools had d maintained to 39. See Ranjit Ruberu, op. Cit., 1
17. The Colombo Academy was the fore
18. After leaving the secretaryship of the S private school.
19. Governor Mackenzie's address to the L.
20. Evidence of John F. Dickson, to the S Committee), 15th May 1866.

R CEYLON REVIEW
comings, the founding and maintenance ontinued. English schools increased in schools decreased.16 The policy of
sh education, it is not surprising to see
ment vernacular schools.
e in Colombo, which the Colebrooke materialised only in January 1836, two chool Commission. The college was Academy, 17 by taking over for that puren conducted by Marsh in Colombo.18 O schools under one roof -a Preparatory ool. It was popular from the start and cally.
cation in the country during the period, Commission did not justify its existence. not functioning properly and Governor r testimony to this - "having for the
ry into the state of education generally
o say that the machinery set in motion
se
ogether adequate for that great work'.19
ed as factors responsible for the failure he first instance the Commission was hose primary responsibilities were elseration of schools. Such officers could Dommission required to function as an t that meetings were not held regularly due to lack of a quorum showed the responsible Board'20 to undertake the
s and 39 Vernacular schools under the Commission. creased from the 97 Parish Schools the Government
230.
inner of present day Royal College. hool Commission in January 1836, Marsh opened this
gislative Council, 16th December, 1839. b-Committee of the Legislative Council (the Morgan
248.
.

Page 98
SCHOOL COMMISSIONS (
A situation where clergymen of represented made the Commission to brought severe criticism from other r ten the government schools were lo > Sກ. Schools. Petty quarrels : ce who ran the schools, and those the Commission a battle field. Only a of different sects as well as an adequate faction.
Governor Mackenzie's Attempted
Disatisfaction with the working o Mackenzie to introduce several reforms administration. In his address to the August 1839, he indicated the imprac Commission without the approval of th he was convinced of its inefficiency, and ing the existing situation he had commu on the question of organising educati occasion he reported to the Legislative munication with the Bishop of Madras, nh this all-important and interesting su natives of Ceylon ... the results of the c of Madras and myself... have proved on Described in brief, the reforms sugg following:
1. “The establishment of a Tra! and elementary works in Sinhalese of the importance he attached to te
2. The establishment of Normal
each for Sinhalese and Tamil. training masters, he declared, wi leading to the indefinite improv teaching the masters the branches C deficient in, but (also), ... by instru 2. G. C. Mendis, Ceylon Under the British, Colo
C Governor's address to the Legislative Counci 23. Governor Mackenzie's address to the Legisla
249
 

DF CEYLON 1834-1867
he established Church alone were narrow in composition, and this ligious sects in the country. Very ked upon not as State Schools but ind conflicts between the Anglican of other denominations21 rendered in even representation of the clergy Section of the laity could give satis
Reforms
the School Commission prompted to the existing machinery of school Legislative Council on the 16th of ticability of abolishing the School e Home Government, even though that, with the intention of remedyinicated with the Bishop of Madras on in Ceylon.22 On a subsequent Council : "I was placed in Comsince his Lordship's arrival in India, bject-the general education of the ommunications between the Bishop the whole to be very favourable.'23 ested by Mackenzie included the
islating Committee of educational and Tamil. This is an indication aching in the vernacular languages.
-Schools for training teachers, one “... To plant these seminaries for lbe an invaluable gift to the colony, ement of education by not only flearning and science they are now cting them in . . the didactic Art– mbo Apothecaries Co. Ltd., 1944, p. 44.
l, 16th December, 1839. ive Council 17th November, 1840.

Page 99
UNIVERSITY C
the mode of imparting to oth acquire, the method of traini regards both temper, capacity,
3. **The appointment of a SI the Government Commissio appointment ... the success of instruction will very much c Commission regular and accu it will form no unimportant to assist the Commission in the where they do not exist or imp which can be alone adequatel and inspections."
4. "... to select from the C educated and maintained at Bi of Colonial revenue.'26
These measures could have b in the administration of schools as v By appointing a superintendent to c in the third clause above, work in
closely.
A majority of schoolmasters competent to teach. This was the expressed by the Inspector of scho "there being no facilities for learn such thing as a class of trained teac from men of an inferior stamp. doubt that a great deal of conscic chers', 27 Governor Mackenzies as training colleges for teachers was
In spite of Mackenzie's foresig the working of government schoo
24. Ibid.
25. The idea of sending students to the Bish nor Barnes in 1823. See Ranjit Ruberu, op. cit
26. Governor Mackenzie's address to the L 27. Sessional Paper VIII of 1867,

R CEYLON REVIEW
}rs knowledge which they have or may g and dealing with children in all that and habits’.24
- - perintendent to visit the schools under all over the Island, ... upon which the whole attempt to extend universal epend; for besides transmitting to the late reports of the state of each school, art of the visiting superintendent's duty selection of places for founding schools roving them where already established, , accomplished by his constant visiting
olombo Academy two scholars to be hop's College, Calcutta25 at the expense
rought about significant improvements fell as the quality of work done in them. 'Xamine schools in the manner suggested schools could have been watched more
employed by government were not opinion of conditions several years later ols, W. J. Sendall. His comment was ing the profession of a teacher, and no hers, our ranks are necessarily recruited unhappily my experience forbids me to us incompetence exists among the teaproposal to establish Normal Schools a valuable step to remedy this situation.
ht and enthusiasm no improvement in is could be made as long as the School
p's College, Calcutta, was envisaged earlier by Gover, p. 194. *gislative Council, 17th November, 1840.
250

Page 100
,ང>ག་
s
SCHOOL COMMISSIONS C
Commission remained the Centre of cont versies on the composition of the Com without the Commission. The public
leaving the management of governi Board which was dominated by clergym Apart from the regrettable events whic endeavours of the Commission did not
The Central School Commission (1
Policy
The disorganised State of the Schc it was revealed that the success of any Commission "depended on depriving of Control, in the Commission.28 Th and a dissolution of the School Commi ingly, in March 1841 at the very cl Mackenzie issued a minute dissolving th of nine members appointed by himself
The minute of 27th March 1841 dis greated the Central School Commission of Ceylon'. The Central School Col "not exceeding nine members, three of of the Church of England, a Presbyteri. priest or a layman'.30 In addition, "ap. to the Commission and Inspector of Sc the Conmission.
It was made an obligation on the mission (a) to keep a diary of the proc had to be submitted to the Governor (b) to print and publish a half yearly re. May and laid on the table on the Leg annual grant for the support of schools i
28. Ceylon Almanac, 1844, p. 490.
29. Ibid. 30. Minute of Governor Mackenzie, 27th March, 31. Ibid.
251
* ܢ

FR CEYLON 1834 — 1867
rol. Disappointments and contromission prevailed both within and viewed with suspicion the policy nent schools to the authority of a en of the established Church alone. h occurred from time to time, the ustify its further continuation.
841 - 1867) and its educational
Ol Commission was motorious and : reforms to be introduced to the he Archdeacon and the chaplains e situation continued to deteriorate ission became inevitable. Accordose of his government, Governor
e Commission and substituting one
29
solved the School Commission and for the education of the population mmission was to be composed of whom... (were) to be, a clergyman an minister, and a Roman Catholic aid officer who shall act as Secretary hools was also to be appointed to
part of the Central School Comcedings of the Commission which monthly for his inspection and port "in the months of January and islative Council . . . . . . before the s voted'.31
1841.

Page 101
UNIVERSITY C
Again, in a minute of 26th observations for guidance of the S. can be listed as follows :
(i)
(vii)
"The Government Agent because, through his agenc actions should be conduc sub-committees at outstati
"The Government Agent niary transactions of the C
“members have been sele the missions in Ceylon, in their duty by every means in the English language opinions in the Colony."
"It is highly desirable tha ... and one hour daily sh . . . , but it is not obliga conscientious objections, t hour set apart for religious
"Besides the establishment will be at liberty to grant they may consider deserv condition that they shall nation.’
“The Commission should communication with all Colony and obtain permi any private school that m this duty the Secretary of appointed Inspector of Sch
“. . it will also be a most mote the religious educati to the Christian faith, and therefore be equally applic
32. Minute of Governor Mackenzie, 26th

)ER CEYLON REVIEW
May 1841, the Governor made further chool Commission. These observations
for the Western Province is a member
By it is desired that their pecuniary trans- -,
ted. It will be necessary to constitute ons on the same principle.”
in each province will conduct the pecuommission.’’
Cted .... from the clergy and some of addition to the lay members . . . . it is in their power to promote the education of their fellow subjects of all religious
t Sunday Schools should be established ould be set apart for religious instructions ory on any one, being found to hold Io attend the Sunday Schools or at the ; instructions.
of government schools, the Commission sums in aid of any private schools which ing of encouragement; but always on have full right of inspection and exami
endeavour . . . . to maintain a friendly educational institutions throughout the ssion to inspect their schools, as well as ly be established. For the execution of the School Commission has also been ools.
important portion of their duty to proon of such of the community as belong the funds under their management will able to this purpose.'32
May, 1841.
252

Page 102
SCHOOL COMMISSIONS O
Such precautions taken by the gove School Commission indicate that the constituted with planning and foresight the School Commission were remedied st-completely. Apparently the gove - is School Commission and took precauti Commission more workable and accepta be regarded a perfect administrative bo better administration of schools were inc
A significant feature was the provi to support Christians, particularly of policy was undemocratic, as well as unjus only of particular religious groups, but unrest in the minds of the underpriviles continued to be the bone of contentio Commission's period of school administ
The first Central School Commiss
included the following members.
President : Philip Anstruther (T Members : Rev. J. P. Horsford
Rev. G. J. Mac Vica] Rev. C. Antonio (R. Rev. D. J. Gogerly ( Rev. Joseph Bailey ( | John Armitage (U1
Соитсil) Sir P. Oliphant (Chi P. E. Wodehouse (G
The Postmaster-General, George I the Commission and Inspector of Schoo with an additional travelling allowanc constituted continued to function until were effected in 1845. In this year An as President by Dr. James Chapman, the 33. Lee had served in 1837-1838 as the editor of the
34. Governor Mackenzie's minute, 27th March, 18
35. The other members who replaced some sitting | ` Rev, A. Renaud (Roman Catholic), G. Crabbe (Legisl. Auditor General), Emerson Tennent (Colonial Secretar ཅ།
253
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

FR CEYLON 1834—1867
rnment on the appointment of the Central School Commission was
The defects and flaws found in to a considerable extent although inment learnt a lesson from the ons to make the Central School ble to many. Although it cannot ly, several valuable safeguards for orporated.
sion made for using public funds the established Church. Such a tifiable. Such provision in favour lenied to others, caused alarm and ged sections in the country. This in throughout the Central School tation.
ion nominated by the Governor
he Colonial Secretary) Colonial Chaplain).
(Presbyterian Chaplain) man Catholic Priest) Wesleyan Mission)
Church Mission)
official Member of the Legislative
fJustice)
overtinent Agent, Western Province)
ce, 33 was appointed Secretary to ls on a salary of (200 per annum 3.34. The School Commission so some changes in the membership truther retired and was succeeded Anglican Bishop of Colombo.35
Government newspaper, The Ceylon Chronicle. 41. Ceylon Almanac, 1844, p. 130.
members were Rev. J. D. Palm (Presbyterian), tive Council Member), W. C. Gibson (Acting 7).

Page 103
UNIVERSITY O
With Anstruther as President, niously with the Government, but standings were bound to occur. T ment of Rev. Andrew Kessen, a W the Governor. 36 Legally such app mission itself. The dispute over minute dated 14th August 1847 t masters, administration of funds, the expenditure of money were sub more, appointments carrying an a made in the first instance by him.3 government caused Bishop Cha Tennent, the Colonial Secretary, to
The Bishop's resignation cre co-operation of some of the clerg sectarian jealousies emerged again School Commission. A policy of ment over a body which had bee damage to the Commission.
Dr. MacVicar is said to have for the maintenance of Christian p the keeper of Government Record (later Sir Charles MacCarthy) serv to be followed by W. C. Gibsor Brooke Bailey as the Secretary, s during the last years of its existenc
Although the composition of powers vested in it differed widely the administration of schools by same or a similar manner. The Sch in its work by sub-committees in inted superintendents in their areas, regarding the work of schoolma behalf. The superintendents work 36. Lord Torrington, Governor of Ceylon
37. Governor's letter to the Central Schoo 38. Central School Commission Report, 1

F CEYLON REVIEW
the Commission worked quite harmo- de I with the Bishop as its head misunder- 1- ܨ he first such conflict was on the appoint- C 'esleyan Missionary, to the Academy by pointment had to be made by the Corsi,
this made the Governor to declare by--in
hat the Commission's appointment of of and all its proceedings which involved by jects which needed his approval. Furtherinnual salary of over (100 were to be 7 Such interference and restrictions by pman to resign. Sir James Emerson ook his place as President.
ated new problems, such as the nony on the Board. Apart from this, petty and disrupted the proceedings of the enforcing unwanted control by governn Working on a voluntary basis caused
made a voluntary surrender of his office eace'.38 He was replaced by J. Fraser, s. Fraser’s successor, C. J. MacCarthy ed as the President till the end of 1859 L. Gibson as the President, with Rev. erved the Central School Commission
�م
the Central School Commission and the from the School Commission it replaced, the new Commission proceeded in the ool Commission in Colombo was assisted outstations. The sub-committees appowho advised the Colombo Commission sters and also inspected schools on its ed as liaison officers by carrying out the
1847-1850. Commission, 14th August, 1847. ש - ר 348.
254

Page 104
SCHOOL COMMISSIONS OF
decisions of the Commission to the scho with information on the working of the Commission maintained 103 governme
cost of A 14,673. 13s.6d.40
s ختيجP |
One innovation of the Central Schoo of a system of grants-in-aid for non-g by Governor Mackenzie in his minute d on this principle, the Central School C 18th September 1843, to pay grants-in-aic for the education of boys or girls thro age'.42 The following are some of the eligible for grants from government.
Such schools “shall contain at least is establishing the schools "shall be the "shall be appointed and dismissed by currence of the Central School Commissi by the Commission "as in other school the recommendations of the Inspector C of the province, in which the school is í inspect and examine the schools with re. ja structions”.
Besides Such conditions, the Centra power of withdrawing whatever allow. and when the schools do not continue School Commission”. They were to bere superintending and placed under another of the master holding that appointment.
Additional provision was made in schools maintained by chaplains who re schools. The arrangement was that if expenses of his school by subscriptions
39. This was the last year of the Commission's adı 40. Central School Commission Report, 1866. 41. See above, p. 42. clause V. 42. Resolution passed by the Central School Con. 1843, Ceylon Almanac, 1844, p. 135.
43. Resolution passed by the Central School Comm 1844, p. 135.
ܓ̇ܔܼ
255
 
 
 

R CEYLON 1834-1867
bls and supplying the Commission : schools. By the year 186639 the nt schools with 5291 pupils at a
| Commission was the introduction overnmental schools, as indicated lated 26th May 1841.41 Working OmniSSiOn passed a resolution on to schools which were established Lugh the medium of English languconditions which rendered schools
30 pupils and the minister who a sole superintendent. Teachers the Superintendent with the conon, teachers' salaries to be decided s under their direction' based on f schools, and the sub-committee found. The sub-committee “shall spect to both secular and religious
School Commission retained the ances it made to such Schools ; if to give satisfaction to the Central moved from the care of the minister
superintendent without the consent 43 霹
1846 for the payment of grants to :fused to superintend government a chaplain raised a quarter of the
or fees, made monthly returns,
ministration of schools.
mission at a meeting held on 18th September
ission on 1st September, 1843. Ceylon Almanac,

Page 105
UNIVERSITY
taught up to a minimum standar salaries, and allowed inspection, of the school's expenditure. The Schools.44
Governor Mackenzie in his a November 1840, indicated his p schools, when he stated "... still fu to education on the part of a ni from... the Baptist Missionary So from me a grant towards erecting the Catholics in 1838 “they wer ninety scholars46 attended. The A 6 and C7, but the cost47 was to cover such gaps that these gran
By a circular dated 5th Febru extended grants-in-aid to Christial provided such schools were ma regulations outlined by the Comn
Only those schools "in whic and established "not in the neig entitled to grants. The grant c received from other sources and certain specific purposes such as t apparatus, subsidising salaries of teachers to the existing staff.
44. L. J. Gratiaen: The Central School Co. Ceylon Branch, Vol. XXXI, p. 500.
45. Governor Mackenzie's address to the 46. 74 Catholics, 14 Protestants and 2 His 47. Details are as follows :-
House F Principa 1st Assis 2nd Ass Simhales Servant
48. Governor Mackenzie's address to the

OF CEYLON REVIEW
d, kept within the Commission's scale of the government would give three-fourths se schools came to be known as Chaplain's
* 、
། ddress to the Legislative Council on 17th ractice of giving grants to some mission rther calls were made on me for assistance umerous body-the Catholics, as well as ciety. They both have formerly received schools.45 By such grants he made to e enabled to establish a school at which school had a monthly income of between more than double that sum'.48 It was ts were given.
}
*
lary 1861 the Central School Commission in mission schools as well as private schools intained in compliance with rules and mission.
_ . ܐ ܐ
h some fee is exacted from the scholars' hbourhood of an existing school, were ould not exceed the amount the school he granted money had to be utilized for he purchasing of furniture, books, maps, teachers as well as the addition of new
mmission, 1841-1848 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,
Legislative Council, 17th November, 1840.
dus.
AG. S. d.
ent 1 - - -
l's salary 8 6 8
tant Teacher 3 O - O
stant Teacher 1 10 0
2 Teacher - 12 O - 7 6
Legislative Council, 17th November, 1840.
256

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SCHOOL COMMISSIONS OF
For a Mission school to be entitled t with the following rules with regard to th the first hour of the day was to be employ tion, (b) religious instruction had to be
the sible and the leading tenets of Chris * I - as to avoid the exclusion of any schola teaching, (c) any child whose parents or religious instruction shall be permitted to
period.49
Although the payment of grants to these rules and conditions prevented some of the grants. The rules were also regarde The Rev. J.J. Stephen, vicar of Jaffna, des at regulating the nature and the mode, a religious education to be given as "insuf
In spite of such discontent with the extension of grants-in-aid, several missio of their schools. It was in Jaffna that the There, the English schools which had bee closed chiefly due to difficulties in superin the government discovered a way to et sidising missionary effort. The Ameri Mission in Jaffna, which were the two act to the tune of A 200 and (, 100 a year re
The depression of the 1850's had its e under government. The need to introdu boats and so on, and the government's de resulted in its instructing the Central Sch on schools for the year 1848 from A1C to run schools "on a reduced scale of ex as possible. A 'system of self-support sudden shock to schools was prescribed.
49. Circular issued to schools by the Central Schoo
50. Letter of Rev. J. Stephen to the Sub-Commit mittee), 1865.
51. Central School Commission Report, 1846. 52. Central School Commission Report, 1848.
257
 
 
 
 

CEYLON - 1834-1867
O grants-in-aid, it had to comply le teaching ofreligion :: (a) Only ed for imparting religious instruc:onfined to simple explanation of tianity conducted in such a spirit ur on ground of denominational guardians object to his receiving stay out of his class during that
mission schools was welcomed, missions from availing themselves d as strict or even "objectionable'. Cribed the Commission's "attempt ind at limiting the amount of the Ferable”.50
a conditions which governed the is obtained such grants in support : grant system "really took root'. ) opened by the Commission were tending, and in the grants system stablish schools in Jaffna by subcan Mission and the Wesleyan ive missions there, received grants spectively.51
ffects on the progress of education Ce new taxes on dogs, guns, carts, termination to cut down expenses ool Commission to slash the vote ,634 to C6,000. It was advised pense but with as great efficiency to a certain extent without any 52
1 Commission, 5th February, 1861. ee of the Legislative Council (Morgan Com

Page 107
UNIVERSITY C
Emerson Tennent as the Pres was responsible for putting this organise the schools on a reduced by retrenching teachers and rais deterioration in government schoo country's recovery from the depr
The Parish schools had provi schools of the two Commissions, V fees from their inception. The C place to place. In a majority of fannams a month.53 But schools six pence were found, particula collected for the year 1866 is recor sum which the government rec inconsiderable.
There is a significant event w mission memorable. This was system in 1862, by which student ment schools could sit and get q parts. The first part which was grammar, arithmetic, geography which was to be taken a year after candidate could offer from two awarded certificates which quali service. The top few at the exa Academy. The local examinatic candidates came from schools oth
Schools Organised by the Sch
The schools of the School CC kinds. Under the School Comn ment schools were started accord well as the government of the co schools took a definite form and
53. There were exceptional cases where fi 54. Central School Commission Report, 55. English including Conaposition, Hist metic and Algebra, Euclid, Trigonometry, Me
56. Reports of the Central School Commi giving the question papers set, marks scored b

DF CEYLON REVIEW
ident of the Central School Commission policy into practice. He started to re| scale of expence with greater efficiency ing school fees. Such action caused a
ols which did not disappear even after the
assion in the 1850's.
ded instruction free of charge. But the
which replaced the Parish schools, charged harge fluctuated from time to time and schools the fee was three pence or two with monthly fees as high as one shilling rly the girls' schools. When the fees ded as (183054 it becomes clear that the overed by way of school fees was not
hich rendered the Central School Comthe inception of a Local Examinations is in government as well as non-govern|ualified. The examination was in two
compulsory included reading, dictation,
and English history. The second part, , included several subjects of which the to four. Successful candidates were fied them for appointments in public mination were given scholarships at the ns gained popularity, but most of the }r than government ones.50
tool Commissions
mmissions (1834-1867) fell into different hission (1834-1841) in particular, governing to the whims of the Commission as lony. But in course of time government shape, and began to be organised into a
ree tuition was given to poor and deserving children. 866.
ory, Geography, Latin, Greek, Sinhalese, Tamil, Arithinsuration and Mechanics.
ssion since 1863 describe in detail these local examinations - y candidates, and pass lists.
258

Page 108
SCHOOL COMMISSIONS OF
school system which served a particular brief analysis of their structure and funct discover the educational policy pursued b
- Esentary Schools ܓ¬ ܐ
These were the original English sch the inception of the School Commission schools. At the early stages such schools towns, but in course of time their num there were sixty of these schools with a the Western province.
Elementary schools usually were sm ceeding fifty. Twenty to thirty pupils seen in Colombo schools where numbers a fee of three pence a month but stationel was under a headmaster who was often pupil teachers were appointed after an e. English. The curriculum included Engli and religious knowledge. The Element.
in English for children of poor classes, wilܢ
~~
private schools where school fees were mentary schools in large numbers hel among the people.
Normal-Schools and Normal-Classe.
The establishment of Normal-sch Mackenzie in his proposed plan of educ. He recommended Normal-Schools as 'sc in the subjects they were going to tea teaching them. Inefficient teaching, f were notorious, was attributed to teach of the subjects they attempted to tea
57. No attempt will be made here to describe in di missions. For such description see the series of valuab Schools: the First School Commission, 1832-1841, (Colon The Central School Commission, 1841–1848, (Journal oft XXXI, pp. 488-508); The School Commission, 1848-1 Last Years of the Central School Commission, 1858-1869, (
58. See above, p. 39.
59. This criticism was repeated 25 years later in let Legislative Council (Morgan Committee).
259

CEYLON 1834-1867
function required of them. A ton as attempted here can help to y the Commissions.57
ools which were established after and took the place of the Parish were opened only in the principal bers went up. In the year 1848 larger concentration of them in
all, with an attendence never exwas the rule but an exception was were larger. All of them charged ty was supplied free. Each school assisted by pupil teachers. The xamination of their knowledge in sh, arithmetic, history, geography, try schools provided an education no were not in a position to attend high. The establishment of Eleped to spread English education
S
bols was suggested by Governor ational reforms discussed earlier.58 hools for training native teachers' ch as well as in the methods of or which the government schools ers being untrained and ignorant th.59 The Normal-schools were
tail the schools organised by the School Comle articles by L. J. Gratiaen: The Story of our bo Historical Association pamphlet, No. 11); he Royal Asiatic Society, Ceylon Branch, Vol. 859, (idem, Vol. XXXII, pp. 37-54) and The dem, Vol. XXXII, pp. 328-346).
ter of Louis Nell to the Sub-committee of the

Page 109
UNIVERSITY (
designed with a view to remed indicated his intention to start two and Tamil teachers as early as 183 the need to establish Normal-ch started so early.
The first step in this directiol Class' at the Colombo Academy (under the name of Normal-stud instruction in English. These N the Central Schools established i added for the purpose. The N. period of three years during whi a year. As for the teaching done sued in the Normal Seminary of (
Conducting Normal-classes pattern for some time, and a maj The policy of training teachers w; as well, and in 1845 a Native N teachers was started in Colombo two classes with twenty student Normal students remained for til examined by a board of examin Central School Commission, thi guished officers of Governmen Secretary.
The Normal-Schools mover in the country and even before th mission the Normal-Schools ceas failure to gain popularity was in cognised as an attractive vocatio
60. Mackenzie's address to the Legislative
61. This was an attempt to transplant into idea of Normal-Schools for training teachel committee of the Privy Council, appointed
education, formulated Normal-Schools as scho for the poor classes may acquire the knowle The committee had been acquainted with th David Stow (1793-1846), who outlined a trail in 1836. For a description of the NormalEnglish Education 1789-1902, Cambridge Univ

)R CEYLON REVIEW
y this situation. Governor Mackenzie Normal-schools for instructing Sinhalese .60 Although the government recognised bols there is no indication of their being
was the commencement of a "Normalin 1842 where a group of twelve students ents) who were to be teachers, received ormal-students were later transferred to in Colombo where a Normal-Class was brmal-students received instruction for a ch they were paid an allowance of C 10 in the Normal-classes the method purGlasgow' was followed.61
attached to Central Schools became the ority of Central Schools had such classes. as later extended to the vernacular section formal Institution for training Sinhalese The Native Normal Institution had ts each ; ten of them were women. hree years at the end of which they were ers which included the President of the 2 Inspector of Schools and even distinsuch as the Governor and the Colonial
ment did not receive much recognition e dissolution of the Central School Com2d to exist. The possible cause for their tainly the fact that teaching was not reon. Because of the low wages paid to
Council, 16th December, 1839.
Ceylon a devicein vogue in contemporary England. The is originated in contemporary England when the subby Queen Victoria on 10th April, 1833 for promoting ols where “candidates for the office of teachers in schools ge necessary to the exercise of their future profession'. e work of the Glasgow philanthropist and educationist ling system in the Glasgow Normal Seminary he started School system in England see John William Adamson,
ersity Press, 1930, pp. 124-135.
260

Page 110
SCHOOL COMMISSIONS Ol
teachers, teaching was looked down upor trained in the Normal-Schools and Norn livellihood in some other profession, to ac e offered them on leaving the Norm:
`à held the same view when he si
Schools ... produce no good results was paid. Most of the students after they ha
department for other offices of greater er
The importance of training teachers v Yet its efforts met with little success ov against teaching as an ill-paid profession.
Central Schools (or Superior School
The origin of the Central Schools by the Central School Commission of existing system of education in the co education provided in its schools 'was Commission decided to establish Centr The Commission expressed the hope thܢܝܠ practical education in the Island, and til în future avail themselves of it to quali other lucrative employments'.64
The first Central School was starte William Knighton with forty boys on another in Galle, 65 and the third in Kaj Central School that the Normal-Class
later.
All headmasters appointed to the Ce from England. Knighton, Millar and N had been trained in the Glasgow Norma
62. Letter of John Hill to the Sub-committee of the 63. Letter of Rev. B. Boake to the Sub-committ Committee).
64. Central School Commission Report, 1842. 65. Established in 1844 by J. Millar. 66. Established in 1844 by Murdoch.
261
 
 
 
 

CEYLON 1834-1867
by many. Even those who were hal-classes "preferred seeking their scepting the meagre salaries which l-Schools'.62 The Rev. Barcroft tated "the reason why Normalthat teachers were not sufficiently d been appointed teachers left the molument”.63
was recognised by the Commission. ving to the prejudice entertained
s)
can be traced to the recognition the short-comings found in the untry. It was realized that the by no means practical and the al Schools to remedy this defect. at an impetus would be given to hat "the Ceylonese youths would fy themselves for agricultural and
d in Colombo in August 1843 by the roll. This was followed by ndy,66 It was into the Colombo of the Academy was transferred
ntral Schools were those got down Aurdoch who headed these schools |-School referred to earlier.
Legislative Council, 1865, (Morgan Committee). tee of the Legislative Council, 1865, (Morgan

Page 111
UNIVERSITY
The curriculum of the Cen: School Commission had a practic this curriculum the Central Schoo education, the Country was den happened; and as the Morgan subject required to be taught in th not to have had a place ... substitt introduced in the curriculum, the desired results and in Course of ti By 1867 the Central School in C and Galle continued to function. substantial contribution to the Cou
Mixed Schools (Anglo-Vernac
The term Mixed School, alt was a misnomer, because these sch as the name would indicate, bu English were used in teaching. teaching during the first few year English in later years, were call charged a fee of six pence which mixed schools did not succeed, an that, although on principle they years of a child's schooling and in throughout. Thus the Mixed scho originally intended.
Female Schools
Female education in Ceylon re missionary societies than from go School Commission also made so the principal towns. However, t 1)Ot 黜 The Inspector of Sc children attending the mixed and v 67. The curriculum suggested by the Com
General geography and history. Commercial arithmetic and book-keeping Mathematics including algebra, geometry
guaging, surveying and navigation. Outlines of Natural philosophy and chemi 68. Ranjit Ruberu, op. cit., pp. 209-215.

DF CEYLON REVIEW
ral Schools as outlined by the Central l bias. If the schools adhered strictly to ls would have imparted a useful practical led of. But in reality something else Dommittee pointed out later, "many a 'm (was) omitted and others which ought ted”.67 With such modifications being Central School could not produce the me they began to show signs of decline. olombo was closed but those in Kandy The Commission did not make any ntry by its Central Schools.
ular Schools) -
hough it was used by the Commission, ools were not schools for boys and girls, it schools where both Vernacular and All schools of the Commission where is was in Sinhalese and changed over to ad mixed schools. The mixed schools was later reduced to three pence. These d the criticism levelled against them was vere to teach Sinhalese during the early English later, they began to use English bols lost the purpose for which they were
ceived more attention from the Christian vernment.68 Nevertheless, the Central me attempts to establish girls' Schools in he girls' schools of the government did hools, J. Sendall pointed this out. "The ernacular girls' schools in 1864. ... have
mission included the following subjects:
und trigonometry, and their application to mensuration,
try and their application to agriculture.
262

Page 112
SCHOOL COMMISSIONS C
been 510 in number against 3306 in Sendall was of the opinion that apart fr "nothing worth recording had been ac ད། in imparting female education in
Although the Central School Con promoting female education, its achiev a low level. The prejudice of the paren female teachers, remained obstacles to t same difficulties were confronted by t but they being a more enterprising lot, and were able to achieve more on the e
Vernacular Schools
The Colebrooke Commission disap ment vernacular Schools, and advoca made Christian missions the sole author country-a field in which the missions :
A change in this attitude of the gO time of Mackenzie's administration in th
Government on the desirability of the g
bility for the teaching of the vernacular discouraged in 1846 by the Secretary of committed to the exclusive use of Eng was changed, and attempts were made the government. The Commission vernacular schools by taking over for some of the missionary schools and by students of the Normal Institution w Vernacular schools.
The Vernacular schools of the time found only in the western province. Schools included reading, writing, arit marity of them were for boys, but
Thus, vernacular education which the
Sedal to the Sub-committee of the Legislati 7. Rajit Ruberu, op cit., pp. 209-215.
263

DF CEYLON 1834, 1867
the same classes of boys' schools.” om the girls' schools of the missions hieved by the efforts of the governthe country.69
mission did recognise the value of rements in such work remained at its, as well as the difficulty of finding he spreading of girls' schools. The he missions engaged in such work,
overcame most of the difficulties70 ducation of girls.
proved the continuation of governted their abolition. Such actions ities for vernacular education in the chieved considerable success.
vernment became evident from the e suggestions he made to the Home government's taking some responsilanguages in the Country. This was State as incompatible with a policy lish. In 1847 however, this policy to establish vernacular schools by undertook the establishment of i the Commission's administration opening a few others afresh. The ere appointed as teachers to these
were exclusively Sinhalese schools, Instruction imparted in Vernacular hmetic, geography and history. A a few girls' schools also existed. government refused to support in
ve Council-(Morgan Committee).

Page 113
UNIVERSITY OF
the thirties, received favourable a spreading in the fifties. The numb twentyfour in 1848 to forty five in
The Colombo Academy
The apex of the governmen Colombo, which gained a reputati for children of well-to-do parents best education available in the co students "for the higher profession mission deemed it "necessary to st and present it to the public as an schools of the Commission by the keeping with such a policy, the cur what was prevalent in Grammar to impart "a sound classical and ma
The progress of the Academy the period of the depression, Ten1 Academy rather adversely. When monthly fees in the upper section of ten shillings hitherto charged, and masters, the Academy was reduced thirty students. It was on the ver to ten shillings a month brought an
Restoration of the Academ of the Queen's College section to
begun as a part of the Academy University entrance examination.
into a college affiliated to the Calcu the intermediate and the final exami the expansion of the Academy into the lower section, the Academy pro
The Queen's College remained students. The lower school was students. The Rev. Barcroft Boak Academy throughout its existence t 71. Central school Commission Report, 18
72. Ibid. 73. Ihid.

R CEYLON REVIEW
ttention in the forties, and was well er of Vernacular Schools went up from 1862.
%ہ
t school system was the Academy in
on as an institution meant particularly who were interested in receiving the puntry.71 As an institution preparing is and positions in Society, the Comtrip the Academy of its inferior classes institution distinguished from all other specific education it afforded'.72 In riculum was planned on lines similar to schools in England. The sole aim was thematical education'.73
7 was uneven, and particularly during hent's retrenchment policy affected the he abolished the lower school, raised the Academy to a pound instead of the retrenched three of the English school to a school with only two teachers and
ge of collapse; but a reduction of fees
influx of students and kept it going.
y was accelerated by the addition it in 1859. The Queen's College was or preparing students for the Calcutta
But in course of time it developed tta University and prepared students to nations of that University. This caused two sections, the Queen's College and per. | a small unit with sometimes only two always large and in 1868 it had 313 e continued to be the principal of the inder the Central School Commission.
52.
264

Page 114
SCHOOL COMMISSIONS (
The Commission's Policy on Vern
Vernacular education in Ceylon w the Christian missions, and their hold or
seven the government felt reluctan
I This was evident in the observation
extension of vernacular education by ( what delicate in consequence of the fi occupied by missionary Schools....Gov at a much greater expense, cannot co, schools in the same field.'74
The School Commission's policy o continued uninterrupted until 1847, wl an advisable policy to pursue it furthe warning on the undesirability of this p the Legislative Council: "before English learn to read his native language.”75 also held similar views as is apparent education has now been extended as far it, thus leaving the government free, efficiency of the present English educ
efforts towards the extension of educa
e natives.'76 Governor Torrington such a policy by opening Sinhalese sc paring and publishing of school books undertaken at the same time by the Tr such work. The Vernacular schools i into existence only after the Commissic of vernacular education.
It would be of interest to discuss th policy. Following the recommendati government had given its support excl English was taught to all and sundry. by way of producing a group of peop of English shunned manual occupations: 74. Letter of Torrington quoted in George Barro 75. Mackenzie's address to the Legislative Counc
76. Letter of Torrington, George Barrow, op. ci 77. D. D. de Saram, Social class difference in educati
of Ceylon Review, Vol. XVII, pp. 99-105.
265
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

DF CEYLON 1834-1867
acular Education
as for some time the monopoly of vernacular education was so strong t to compete with mission schools. s of Governor Torrington. "The Government is also rendered someeld being to a considerable extent 'ernment schools, though conducted mpete successfully with missionary
f supporting only English education hen it was realised that it was not r. Governor Mackenzie sounded a olicy as early as 1839 when he told shall be taught each scholar should His successor Governor Torrington from his observations. "English as there is a legitimate demand for while it merely provides for the tional establishments, to direct its tion in the vernacular language of went even further than advocating hools in the country. The "prein the Sinhalese language” was also anslation Committee appointed for which were described earlier came on's attitude had changed in favour
e causes which led to this change of on of the Colebrooke report, the usively to education in English and This procedure had some ill-effects le who after getting `a smattering ind became misfits in the Society'.77 w, Ceylon Past and Present, London, 1857, p. 164 il, 24th December, 1839.
., p. 163. on under the Central School Commission, University

Page 115
UNIVERSITY O
A realisation of this situation mac education only to those of whom S a calamity.78 In other words the cation a way out of the problem of to all. By establishing vernacular some section of the population to education to a few, particularly to c
Although vernacular schools v ment on the use of the Vernacular ) division of opinion. While some sole medium through which Weste to all people alike, others were of completely alien, and unsuitable. quite clearly. It was contended Communicate any instruction Wort only impart quite new knowledge through a new medium; others of cation of this kind, imparted by me language, would at least be but a fee root in the native soil, much less of
The Commission arrived at a to make English language the prin tion' in the Commission's schools. by introducing instruction in the schooling as a preliminary stage to later. The Mixed Schools describ first few years was in vernacular ar existence only after deciding on suc
Failure of the Central School
Although some progress in ed of its administering schools, the C. the prestige and confidence of the of the inefficiency and apathy for the original School Commission in not bring the desired results anticip 78. Central school Commission Report, 18
79. George Barrow, op. cit, p. 171. 80. Ibid, p. 172.

R CEYLON REVIEW
le the Commission to restrict English uch education was "a boon....and not Commission found in Vernacular edu
giving an unrestricted English education.
schools, the government could divert those schools and thereby limit English hildren of rich parents.
were started, the policy of the governlanguages was not decided. There was considered that English should be the rin knowledge should be made available the opinion that such an education was George Barrow explains this situation by some that, to do any good at all, or h acquiring or retaining, we must not to the native mind, but also impart it the contrary maintained that an edutans of English books and in the English ble and sickly exoticincapable of taking bringing forth any fruit.'79
compromise by which it was decided
cipal but not the sole vehicle of instruc80 This policy was to be implemented vernacular during the early years of English education which was to follow ed earlier, where teaching during the ld later continued in English, came into ch a policy.
Commission ucation was achieved during the course entral School Commission did not win ublic. It was criticised, chiefly because which it had been noted. Recasting of to the Central School Commission did ated by its creators.
58.
266

Page 116
SCHOOL COMMISSIONS (
Evidence given before the Sub-co of 1S65 (Morgan Committee)81 provide that prevailed in the working of the C
led that it consisted of those memb did not agree on important issues, wit action vary according to the tempo
opinion'.82 There was also the crit amongst the original members have be it was suggested that "men of educatio Island should be invited . . to a seat
Adverse criticism on the Central Colonial Chaplain the Rev. S. O. Gle the experience of upwards of 20 years I as worse than useless: as real obstruct Ceylon. He condemned the policy education to a voluntary body such as pointing out the tabsurdity of expect from a forced union of members of jar modification or improvement of the ex lete abolition as the first step toward of education in the country.85
Besides such inherent defects, som Central School Commission for admin For instance, the inspection of schools, of grants to them, invited considerable ( It should be recollected that there was inspect and report on Schools all over described as being "of a most superfic
hasty glance into the interior of a few Provinces, a glance only cast on them C
See Sessional Paper VIII of 1867. Ibid, evidence of W. W. Cairns. (Morgan C Ibid, evidence of F. W. Willisford, M.D. (M. Ibid, evidence of Louis Nell, Deputy Queen' Ibid, evidence of Rev. S. O. Glenie. The Ceylon Observer, 15th July, 1844.
267
 

DF CEYLON 1834-1867
mmittee of the Legislative Council 'd sufficient proof of the inefficiency entral School Commission. There tion of the Commission. It was ers having different interests who th the result that "the principles of rary predominance of individual icism that "several Superior men en replaced by inferior men'83 and in wherever resident throughout the on the Commission'.84
School Commission Came from the nie when he remarked that “from look upon the School Commission tion to the spread of education in of entrusting the administration of the Central School Commission by ing harmonious enlightened action ing sects'. He believed not in the tisting Commission, but in its Coms any improvement in the progress
e of the methods employed by the istering schools were also criticised.
on which was based the payment Briticism and was deplored by many. only one Inspector of Schools to the country. His inspections were ial character consisting mainly of a schools in the Central and Western ince a year'.86
Dommittee). organ Committee). s Counsel.

Page 117
UNIVERSITY O.
For these reasons it became ev. in the country could no longer be essentially of volunteers preoccupi to remove this outmoded form Sub-Committee of the Legislative appointed in 1865. This Commit Central School Commission and t Instruction in its place, with a Di A more centralized form of educati implementation of the recommend a new chapter in the history of edu
87. It was appointed to “inquire into and rii Island: the amount of success which has attended any improvements that may be deemed advisable

F CEYLON REVIEW
ident that efficient control of education assured in the hands of a Board formed ed with other responsibilities. It was of educational administration that the Council (Morgan Committee)87 was tee recommended the abolition of the he creation of a Department of Public rector of Public Instruction in charge. onal administration originated with the lations of the Morgan Committee and cation in Ceylon opened.
T. RANJIT RUBERU
eport upon the state and prospects of Education in the the working of the present System of Education and to make thereon”. See Sessional Paper VIII of 1867.
268

Page 118
Mahanama, the Aut,
OR about a thousand years, it h; Ceylon that the Mahavamsa, the w was the work of a thera named
to Mahanama's authorship of the Maha kāsinī (Vpk), the commentary (tīkā) of til calls the main work 'the Great Chr padoruvaisa), which was composed, been taken as Mahanama by his seniors. caused to be built by the general Digh the meaning and context of the Gr (Pali) for the language of the Sihalatha Sinhalese language, but taking (as it w in consonance with the spirit of the tra has not yet been determined. Geiger the tenth century.2 Though this vie evidence, one can be certain that this c. the time of Parakramabahu I. The au posed his work at a time when the Isl. bulations, including domination by a fo can apply, before the time of Parakrar occupation in the first half of the eleven conclude as the date of the Vpk.
| l. Mahăvansatthakusalena DighasandaMahanano ti guruhi gahitanamadheyjena theren bhasantaran eva vaijiya atthasaram eva gahetva va minsassa (Vpk., p. 687).
2. Malalasekera’s attempt to ascribe the V reasoning. He would identify the author of tl the Bodh-Gaya inscription (about which more the second Mahanama, a pupil of the former's identify this Mahānāma II with the Mahānām pakāsinī, commentary to the Pațiisambhidāmagg The author of the Saddham mappakdisini has de in the third year after the death of Moggallana, Ipk. has a reference to Dathopatissa the nep clear that V plc. cannot be earlier than the reig. 3. Videsissariyabhaya-dubbuțțhibhaya - roga Ipk, p. 687).
269
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

nor of Mahavaimsa
is been accepted by the literati of all-known Pali chronicle of Ceylon, Mahanama. The earliest reference varisa is found in the VanisatthappaLe chronicle, which, in its colophon, onicle in versified words (Padyaby the thera whose appelation has
who resided in the Mahaparivena asanda and who was well versed in at Chronicle, merely substituting katha which existed in the ancient as) the essence of the meaning, and dition'. The exact date of the Vple is of opinion that it was written in w is not based on any conclusive Dmmentary was written earlier than thor of the Vpk states that he comand was going through various trireign country. The last condition nabahu, only to the period of Cola th century, which we may therefore
зетdpatinä kärdpita-таһdparivena-väsind a pubba-Sihalabhasikaya Sihalatha-kathaya tantinayānurūpena katassa Padyapadoru
pk to an earlier date is not based on sound he Mahava rin sa with the first Mahdinama of in the sequel), and the commentator with upil, of the same document. He also would who was the author of the Saddham mapa (The Pali Literature of Ceylon, pp. 142 ff.) initely stated that his work was completed the First) i.e. in or about 515 A.C., and the new, i.e. Dāțhopatissa, II. (659-667). It is
of Dāțhopatissa II.
bhayadi-vividhantaraya-yutta-kali-kale'p

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UNIVERSITY O
The Ciūlavariusa (Cv), in its ac that this king in his boyhood was adopted the religious life and was by Dighasanda.4 The name of the but in its account of the reign of M sena, it is stated that the rock of granted to the Elder named Maha that Dighasana is a variant of, or proposed to identify the Mahanan gifted by Moggallana I, with Dhatu Mahānama, the author of the Mal the Mahavamsa was written in th passage in the Cv under the reign Dipavamsari samadisi, has been inter to the composition of the Mahav. of the Mahavamsa, accepted that N was the same as the uncle of Dh: opinion. Says he: 'I am fully cons Mahānāma, author of Mahāvaminsa,
Two inscriptions of a Sthavi discovered in 1880 at Bodh-Gaya, ducted at that site by General C published by J. F. Fleet, at first in ti p. 356 ff, and later in his monumen these two epigraphs, the shorter on and states, in not very correct Sanski Bhikşu, Sthavira Mahānāman, a connection with Ceylon is not evi stated in the longet one, which is a Stone slab, and Consists of nine stal
4. Chapter xxxvilii, W. 16.
ܐܝܣ
5. Chapter xxxix, V. 42. 6. Coula opaminosa, xxxvili, V. 59. See J. W. Geiger, Calavanisa, translation, part i, 7. The Mahdivanisa, with the Translat duction, p. liv.
8. W. Geiger, Dipavarisa und Maháv English Translation: Dipavamsa and Mal 1908, p. 42,

ER CEYLON REVIEW
Count of the reign of Dhatusena, states brought up under his uncle, who had living in the monastic residence founded thera has not been given in the chronicle, Moggallāna I, the younger son of DhātuSigiri, converted into a monastery, was nāma of Dighãsana-vihāra.5 ASSuming an error for, Dīghasanda”, it has been a-thera to whom the Sigiri-vihara was sena's uncle, and to take that he was the availsa. It has thus been assumed that le reign of Dhâtusena (459-477). The of Dhātusena, datvā sahassami dīpetun reted by an eminent scholar as a reference arisa.6 G. Turnour, the first translator Mahanama, the author of the chronicle, itusena, 7 but Geiger was of a different sinced that we must entirely separate the from the uncle of Dhatusena.8
ra named Mahanaman of Ceylon were in the Course of the excavations Con
Dunningham and J. D. M. Beglar, and he Indian Antiquary for 1886 (Vol. XV), tal work on the Gupta inscriptions. Of e is indited on the pedestal of an image, it, that the image was a gift of the Sakya resident of Amradvipa. Mahanaman's dent in this record, but is categorically inscribed in North Indian characters on nzas of various metres in elegant Sanskrit.
F. Fleet in the JRAS for 1909, p. 5, n. 1 and p. 35, note 2.
tion subjoined, Cotta, Mission. Press, 1937, Intro
amsa und die geschichtliche Uberlieferug in Ceylon. advamsa, by Ethel M. Coomaraswamy, Colombo,
270

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MAHANAMA, THE AUTHOI
The purpose of the document was to r for the Buddha at the Bodhi-manda
described as born in Ceylon and residi suscession of this Mahanaman is traced ... through Rahula, Upasena I, Mahanaman
is dated in the year 269 of an unspecifie era, would give the equivalent of 588-89
The discovery of an inscription of: naturally raised the question whether he author of the Mahavatisa. Hence, in ec The chief interest of the inscription, lies Mahānāman mentioned in it, is the perso more ancient part of the Pali Mahavari identification is accepted, it opens up a p of dates. On the one hand, there can be
sent inscription has to be referred to the 588-89. On the other hand, from the arrived at A.D. 459 to 477 as the peri Ynephew (sister's son) Dhatusena; and it wa | compiled the history. The recorded dat Gre shows—if the identification sugg details of the Ceylonese chronology are supposed to be; or else that a wrong s working them out, and that they now When he prepared the Index of his Corpus that the date of the Bodh-Gaya inscriptio to the Gupta era, and admitted the poss having been used. The equivalent in ti
be 518 A.C.9
A Sthavira of Ceylon named Mahan a name beginning with Upa, are also in the travels of Wang Hiuen-ts'e who visi
9. J. F. Fleet, Inscriptions of the Early G.
Inscriptionum, Indicarum, Vol. III), pp. 275-6 an
10. M. Sylvain Lévi, Les Missions de Wang
figue, 1900, pp. 297, 331 and 40l-468. The port
been translated into English by John M. Senev ΧΧΙV, pp. 74-123.
271.
 
 

R OF MAHAVAMSA
scord the construction of a shrine by Sthavira Mahanaman, who is ng at Amradvipa. The pupilary
from a Sramana named Bhava, [ and Upasena II. This inscription d era, which, if taken as the Gupta A.C.
a Sthavira Mahanaman of Ceylon could have been identical with the iting the record, Fleet remarked: in the probability that the second in of that name who composed the sa, or history of Ceylon. If this oint of importance in the question no doubt that the date of the preGupta era, with the result of A.D. Ceylonese records, Mr. Turnour od of the reign of Mahanaman's is during his reign that Mahanaman e of the present inscription, therested above is accepted–that the not so reliable as they have been tarting point has been selected in require considerable rectification.” , however, Fleet was not so certain n of Mahanaman has to be referred ibility of the Kalacuri (Cedi) era he Christian era in that case would
aman and his Companion who had entioned in a Chinese account of ted India in the seventh century. 10
'pta, Kings and Their Successors (Corpus
325.
Hieun-tse dans l’Inde" in Journal AsiaLion of this paper relating to Ceylon has iratne and published in JOBRAS, Vol.

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Says the Chinese traveller:- Fo named Chi-mi-ka-po-mo, which (Koung-to-iun) (Sri Meghavarma bhikkhus to visit this monastery (t of the Bodhi tree and later enlarge nan, which means 'great name means "giver of prophecy" (che made homage to the Throne of The monastery did not offer them to their native land. The king your homage to the holy places, \ O Bhikkhus : They replied:
there is no spot where one can l words, sent some people with pr King San-meou-to-lo-kiu-to (Sar this day, it is the bhikkhus of the
monastery.11
Hsuan Tsang also refers to the "The younger brother of a king of to the holy places, met with a bad native isle, he persuaded his elder with the consent of the king of Inc to Sinhalese monks. 12 Hsuan Ts of Ceylon concerned, nor of his yo But Wang Hiuen-ts'e enables us who permitted the building of a the great Gupta emperor Samudr. of Srimeghavarman, 13 and has be Mahasena who began his reign in
Sylvain Lévi, who for the fir synchronism between Indian and larity of the event reported by the
11. JCB RAS, Vol. XXIV (No. 60),
12. Beal, Buddhist Records of the Vol. XXIV, p. 75.
13. The Chinese form of the name Indian Ksatriya, names.
14. The dates as settled in the pap University of Ceylon, Review, Vol. XVIII,

DF CEYLON REVIEW
brmerly, the king of Cheu-tzeu (Ceylon), means in Chinese “Cloud of Merit n), an Indian (fan) king, directed two he monsastery built by Asoka to the east d). The elder monk was named Mo-ho(Mahanaman); the other Iou-po, which ou-ki) (Upa...). These two bhikkhus Diamond (Vajrasana) of the Bodhi tree. assylum, and the two bhikkhus returned questioned them: "You went to pay what good fortune do the Omens declare, "In the great country of Jambudvipa, ive in peace. The king, hearing these ecious stones to offer as presents to the nudragupta). And that is why, up to kingdom of Ceylon who reside in this
monastery of the Sthaviras at Mahabodhi. Ceylon, who had gone on a pilgrimage reception at the place. Returning to his brother to build, near the Bodhidrunnia,
lia, a monastery intended to give lodging
ang does not give the name of the king unger brother, nor of the Indian monarch. to understand that the Indian monarch Sinhalese Monastery at Bodh-Gaya was agupta. The Ceylon king had the name ten taken to be same as the elder son of or about 303 A.C. 14 -
st time drew attention to this important Ceylon history, was struck by the simi2 Chinese traveller, to that recorded in
p. 75.
Western World, Vol. II, pp. 133ff: JCB RAS,
contains the element varman, found in many
er New Light on the Buddhist Era, in Ceylon,”
No. 3, pp. 129-155.
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the Bodh-Gaya inscription of Mahana who built a shrine for the Buddha at BC identical with Mahanaman mentioned by to the latter's junior Companion Upa
alterion of the names Mahanaman and of the Sinhalese monk, would lead us to here in question. Is But the date of the to the Gupta era, would be a serious C Sylvain Lévi proposed to deal with this he: "The dilemma, as almost always ha and we must have recourse to a third soli gupta and of Śrī Meghavariņa as conten henceforth the assignment of the date 2 parisa, in fact, makes Kitti Siri Meghava and if Sinhalese chronology is not irrepr very little room for correction. In orde tion raised by Mr. Fleet, I have consulted the Chinese annals, a translation of whic accuracy of the Sinhalese annals is triump There can no longer be any question of animan's inscription to the Gupta era.
himself, seized with doubts, suggests as a Corpus (s. v. Mahānāman II) is Scarcely m
is impossible, as is the year 588. The m the circumstances, is to consider the date which gives us 347 A.D. It falls thus ii the date, it must be confessed, is fifteen-y nāman according to the chronology of til any discredit to these venerable Annals slight, in regard to an epoch so remote.
If the Bodh-Gaya inscription under there can be no possibility of the Sthavi being identical with the author of the pointed out that palaeographically the i than Saka 269. He also cites against Sy.
15. JO BRAS, Vol. XXIV (No. 60), p. 76.
16. Ibid., pp. 77-79. Though Sylvain Levi's Bodh-Gaya inscription has not been able to pre and Chinese history (JCB RAS, Vol. XXIV, pp. fication of that hypothesis, remain as a most valu
A.
273
 
 

R OF MAHAVAMSA
man. The Sthavira Mahānāman dh-Gaya was taken by him to be Wang Hiuen-tse. With regard ..., Sylvain Lévi Stated: "The Upasena in the spiritual genealogy believe that another Upasena is Bodh-Gaya inscription, if referred bstacle to such an identification. obstacle in a bold manner. Says ppens, presents a means of escape, ution. The mention of Samudraporaries of Mahanaman excludes 59 to the Gupta era. The Mahānna reign from 304 to 332 A.D., oachably accurate, it at least gives }r to decide the preliminary questhe references to Ceylon found in his annexed to this memoir. The hantly vindicated by this test. ... carrying back the date of MahaThe Kalacuri Era, which Mr. Fleet in after thought in the Index to the ore apposite. The year 518 A.D. ost likely hypothesis, therefore, in 269 as expressed in the Saka Era, the reign of Samudragupta, but ears posterior to the date of Mahahe Mahavatisa. It is by no means
to attribute to them an error so 6
discussion is dated in the Saka era, ra. Mahanaman mentioned therein Mahavanisa. But V. A. Smith has inscription must be of a date later vain Lévi's hypothesis, the unlike
hypothesis with regard to the date of the Vail, the synchronisms between Ceylonese 82 ff), which he brought to light in justiable contribution to Sinhalese chronology.

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lihood of the Šaka era being used view, Mahanaman of the Bodh-G: from the Sthavira of that name me
Two commentators of Pali te Mahanama, who could have been pupil, though not expressly stated Ceylon during the period to which assigned. Of these, Upaselha-the pajjotikā (Spj), the commentary o. work, Upasena-thera states that he Mahävihara at Anurädhapura, Wrc to the west of the Mahathüpa, bu which he was made the incumber tWenty-sixth year ofa king Sirini\ Siripala are given as epithets of pasadika was written by Buddhag form of Siripala, occurs as a tit The Spj was thus written in the the throne in 410 A.C., i.e. in 43 to the chronicles, ruled for only tw confusion following his death,21 Tamil invaders. As there was 1. for some years after Mahanama, hi dating purposes even after his dea used in documents, after that mona the twelfth century.22. According also the author of the Samantabhad valmiinsa. This work is stillin manusc are in a corrupt state. But it can b
17, Indian Antiquary for 1902 (Vol. X 18. Saddhammapaijotika, edited by A. London, Vols. I-III, 1931, 1939 and 1940.
19. Samantapdiscidika, P.T.S. Edition, of Ceylon, Vol. I, p. 390.
20, Ceylon Journal of Science, Section thera, unaware of the inscriptional evide gone astray in his views about the age of E 21, Nicholas and Paranavitana, Concis 22. Epigraphia, Zeylanica, Vol. V, p, l 23. Anāgata - vai saga, edited by Vata 1934, p. iii.

F CEYLON REVIEW
at that time in that part of India. In his ya inscription was a personage different intioned by Wang Hiuen-tse. 17
க் XtS, O1ne named Opasena and the other is related one to the other as teacher and so, are also known to have flourished in the author of the Mahavanisa is generally ra was the author of the SaddhammaIf the Niddesa. In the colophon to that , a resident of the Mahaparivena of the ote the work when residing in a parivena ilt by a minister named Kittisena, of it. The work was completed in the Vāsa Sirisanghabodhi. 18 Sirinivāsa and he king in whose reign the Samantanosa 19 and “Tiripali,” the old Sinhalese le of Mahanama in his inscriptions.20 26th year of Mahanama, who came to 6 A.C. Mahanama, however, according enty-two years; but there was political - which led to the capture of power by to legitimate occupant of the throne s regnal years would have been used for th, just as Jayabahu's regnal years were rch had ceased to rule, in the first half of to a Burmese source,2. Upasena was dikā, the commentary of the AnāgataIript, and the verses forming its colophon e gathered from them that the author of
XXI), pp. 192-197.
P. Buddhadatta Maháthera, Pali Text Society,
See Colophon, Vol. III, pp. 151-152.
part VII, p. 1415; University of Ceylon, History
G, Vol. II, p. 19. The late Buddhadatta Mahāhce about Mahânâma, being called Siripâla, has uddhaghosa (Pali Sâhityaya, Part I, p. 167 ff.) e History of Ceylon, pp. 94 and 22.
7. ddara Medhananda-svamin-vahanse, Colombo
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the work lived in the Kalavapi-vihara possible that an author who had alread was still active in the reign of Dhatusena
अतः Mahanama was the author of t ཁོན་ལན་ commentary of the Pațiisambhidāmagga.
work was composed by the thera name the third year from the passing awayo in a parivena in the Mahavihara establish A senapati named Uttara figures in the re of a religious establishment.26 but not it monarchs who bore this name. The ref whose reign ended about 512 A.C. ' 514 A.C., seventy-eight years after the which are common to the Introduction verses are in a metre different from the r of the former work, but in the latter the fore appears likely that the verses in Spk and interpolated in the Spj at a himself, or one of his pupils. This m জন্ম compunction if the two authors belor the canonical works commented up been attributed to Sariputta, there was the Introduction of the Spj would not s away. Of the two authors Upasena and the superior in literary style, at least so concerned. There are also some comm two works.
Sylvain Lévi has evidently accept V. A. Smith against the hypothesis til
24. Kälaväpi-vihäraтhi тӑтӑrukkhüpasobhit Kärite Dhätusenena raiöä Lankäya sän Kalavapi-vihara is the modern Vijitapura. thera, Pali Sahitya, Part i, p. 153; W. A. de Vol. II, p. 128. The Gandhavanisa ascribes the An Upatissa, not Upasena. But the two names Up one with the other, as has indeed been done by introduction, he refers to the author of the Spy name of the author is given in two places in the
25. Saddham mappakdisini, edited by C. V. J அ- Vol. 111, 1940, p. 703-4.
26. Citlanyaminosa, chapter xxxix, V. 58.
275

DR OF MAHAVAMSA
built by Dhatusena.24. It is quite ly produced a work in 436 A.C., , whose reign began in 459 A.C.
ne Saddhammappakāsinī (Spik), the In its colophon, it is stated that the 2d Mahānāma (Mahābhidhānena) in f King Moggallana, while residing led by a minister named Uttara.25 sign of Moggallana I as the founder in the accounts of any of the other erence therefore is to Moggallana I The Spk was thus written about Spj. There are a number of verses is of the Spj and the Spik. These est of the verses in the Introduction by are in the same metre. It therequestion have been taken from the later date, possibly by Mahanama light have been done without any ged to the same spiritual lineage. on by the two authors have both room for such interpolation, but how a gap if these verses are takeh Vahanama, the latter is undoubtedly far as the Introductory verses are on passages in the colophons of the
'd the arguments put forward by hat the Bodh-Gaya inscription of
β.
-vihāra. See Buddhadatta MahanayakaSilva, Catalogue of Palm Leaf Manuscripts agatavamsa-atthakatha to an author named asena and Upatissa can easily be confused 7 the editor for P.T.S. of the Spj. In his as Upatissa, in spite of the fact that the colophon as Upasena.
oshi, P.T.S. Vol. I, 1933; Vol. II, 1940;

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Mahanaman is dated in the Saka containing that hypothesis was pu another paper on the document, th His unrivalled knowledge of the dhist literature, and his acquainta suggest better readings of the text point out the exact significance of been correctly understood by Fle details, interesting though they ar. there is a reference by dhvani (sugs to the well-known work of Vas siderable importance for an inves Sthavira Mahanaman who set up
Vyāpto yenāprameyah saka Ksunnah pasandayodhas si Sampūrnino dharmakoŞah Śāstuh Śākyaikabandhor ij
Fleet translates this as: Victoric replete with fame, of the Teacher, lustrous as the moon, the inscrut been pervaded in all directions; b obstructive of the path of beatitt assailed with the weapon of logic religion, that has been stolen by been recovered for the welfare of
Now, as Sylvain Lévi argues. the expressed meaning of the word is suggestion. It is patent to any inscription are meant to be poetry tions of the suggested meaning. doctrine, coming with emphasis a the numerous meanings of whic doctrine that has been adopted in koşa, occurring in the third line, su title of the book meant by the pe
27. 'L' Inscription de Mahanaman
Epigraphie Bouddhique” in Indian Studie. University Press, 1929, pp. 35-47.

DF CEYLON REVIEW
ta; but, twenty-five years after the article blished, the eminent French savant wrote is time studying it from a different angle.27 Sanskrit, Pali, Chinese and Tibetan Bud
། nce with Sanskrit kavyas, enabled lim to - of the record in one or two places, and to certain words and phrases which had not . t. We need not pass in review all these , but the recognition by Sylvain Levi that estion) in the first verse of the inscription bandhu, the Abhidharmakosa, is of Conigation into the identity and date of the he record. The verse is given below :-
laśaśiru cā sarvatah satvadhātuh gatipatharudhas tarkaśastrābhiyuktāh raktirpuhrtal sādhito lokabhūtyai ayati cirata rari tad yaSaSsaratanttramm.
us for a very long time is that doctrine the chief kinsman of the Sakyas, by which, able primary substance of existence has y which the warriors, who are heretis, ade, have been broken to pieces, being ; (and) by which the whole treasure of the enemy which is original nature, has mankind.
this is an excellent translation so far as ls goes, but in Sanskrit the soul of poetry one that the stanzas which comprise this And the poet has given many indicaIn the first place the word used for t the end of the stanza, is tanttra, among are treatise, a book, in addition to Fleet's translation. The word dharmaggests to the discerning reader's mind the het, namely the Abhidharmakosa. Then,
Bodh-Gaya : Essai d' Exégèse, Appliquée a l'
in Honour of Charles Rockwell Lannan, Harvard
ܨܠܗܿ܂
276

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MAHANAMA, THE AUTHC
the word used to denote the Buddha,
else, the Well-knoWn epithetS of the Bu first member of a compound being Sak
Sakyamuni, the Sage of the Sakya c | - Song the Sakyas, and Adiyaban member of the compound. The poeth meaning the Chief kinsman of the Sak the reader the word bandhu in the name 4bhidharmakośa. The description in t Abhidharmakosa, refers to the fact that the logical descriptions of existence (sattva) second line refers to the refutation in t doctrine of pudgalavada. The word san
the word usually coming at the end of at pleted. Sylvain Lévi also thinks that the Vasubandhu's treatise had revived the suffered an eclipse since the days of the J
Even though we may not agree wir his argument, few who are acquainted will deny that in this verse there is a Abhidharmakosa. The chronological im af great importance, for on palaeograph naman has to be assigned to a period co Vasubandhu is believed to have flourishe that naturally arises in one's mind, that is, and his work embodied by dhvani in an from Ceylon, in a monastery intend Sthavira monks from that Island. Vasub; Abhidharmakosa from the standpoint of of the sects considered as heretical by the became a convert to the Vijñānavāda scl
In my opinion, the eulogy of Vasuba and has been purposely brought in by th with regard to a work which, in the of Vasubandhu. The crux of the sugges bandhoh, used to refer to the Buddha.
suggested the name of Vasubandhu by
28. Sir Chas. Eliot, Hinduism, and Buddhism
277
 

DR OF MAHAVAMSA
Sakyaika-bandhu, occurs nowhere ddha with the word Sakya as the yasimha, the Lion of the Sakyas, lan and Sakya-pungava, the Bull ihu with bandhu as the second as evidently coined this compound yas, so as to evoke in the mind of of Vasubandhu, the author of the he first line, when applied to the a treatise gives physical and psychoin the whole world (dhatu). The he Abhidharmakosa of the heretical pirmah before dharmakosah suggests reatise, to say that it has been comphrase prakrtiripuhrtah indicates that Abhidharma system after it had ñanaprasthana etc.
th. Sylvain Lévi in all the details of with the ways of Sanskrit poets suggestion of Vasubandhu and his plication of this conclusion is not nical grounds the record of Mahainsiderably later than that in which d. More important is the question why was an eulogy of Vasubandhu inscription set up by a Sthavira 2d primarily for occupation by andhu, as is well-known, wrote the the Sarvastivada, which was one } Theravadins of Ceylon; he later hool of the Mahayana.28
indhu and his work is only apparent, e poet to create a deeper suggestion pinion of the poet, excelled that of tion is the phrase Sastuh Sakyaika
which, as has been pointed out, sound (Sabda-dhavani). But when
, Vol. II, p. 89.

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the meaning is further analysed,
person a name quite other than tha it has been correctly rendered as Sakyas' by taking Sakyaika-bandha But the phrase can also be analy bandhoh as qualified by the prec In that case, the meaning of the p of the Teacher (Buddha). It is w among the Śākyas as well as the II the Sakyas, his father Suddhodan hardly come in for consideration it the most important Sakyan noble
nama.29. By means of arthadhvani, bandhoh would create in the mir Mahanama, which, taken togethe treatise of Mahanama. With this verse means Victorius for a long ti with fame. The first three lines C pronoun yena by which has appl. by that treatise. We take the th, pirmah dharmakosah sadhitah. Lea consideration, the rest of the senter (sādhita) the complete treasury (ko from the root sadh, among the 1 Williams, s.v.) is to establish a tru taken as applicable in this context. named Mahanama wrote a comi to the Patisasmbhidamagga which is buted by Theravada tradition to no disciple of the Buddha, and whic called a Dharma-kosa. Dr. Barua damagga has treated of the same to as the Jnana-prasthana, the princi vadins, 30 from which is ultimately bandhu's Abhidharmakosa. The ref or complete Dharmakosa, implie neither full nor complete. By
Mahanama has established as autho
29. For references to Mahanama, the sekera, Dictionary of Pali Proper Names,
30. B. C. Law, A History of Pali Lite

)F CEYLON REVIEW
it evokes in the mind of the knowing of Vasubandhu. Applied to the Buddha, Df the Teacher, the chief kinsman of the has a samanadhikarana-pigesana of Sastuh. sed by taking the compound Sakyatkading Sastuh in the possessive relation. hrase is the preeminent Sakyan kinsman ell-known that the Buddha had kinsmen Coliyas. Of the notable figures among a was more than a kinsman, and would this connection. Next to Suddhodana, mentioned in the Pali Pitakas was Mahatherefore, the phrase Sastuh Sakyaikald of the knowing person the idea of r with tantra, Conveys the meaning the suggested meaning, the last line of the me be that treatise of Mahanama, replete if the stanza, to each of which the relative cation, describes what had been effected ird line first: (yena) prakrtiripuhrtah saning the phrase prakrtiripuhrtah for later ce means by which has been established sa) of the doctrine (dharma). Sadhitatis many meanings of which (see Monierth, to substantiate, prove, demonstrate,
We have already seen that a Sthavira mentary called the Saddhannappakasani a work of the Khuddaka-nikaya, attrilessa personage than Sari putta, the chief l, considering its contents, can truly be has pointed out that the Pali Patisambhipics, though the arrangment is different, ball Abhidharma work of the Sarvastiderived the material contained in VasuPrence, by dhani, to this work as the full s that Vasubandhu's Abhidharmakosa is writing a commentary to that work, ritative the statements contained therein.
Sakyan in the Buddhist scriptures, See MalalaS.V.
ature, Vol. I, p. 337.
278
لي -

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The phrase prakrtiripuhrtah admits taken as referring to the Patisambhidam nāma-thera in a commentary. We after the second council, the Vajjiputta
septures, which was known as the
opposition to the Theravada. In their some books which were considered as Patisambhidamagga was one of these.3 the various innovations in doctrine a Mahasaringhikas, uses the phrase pakat the original state (Skt. prakrti-bháva) their sect was the original Sangha and in form of the Buddhist doctrine and C
them may therefore be referred to as by these non-Theravada sects may be taken away (hirta) by the opponents This explanation of the phrase makes ficant. The achievements referred to
verse have as much application to the dharmakosa. The Opening stanza of t naman may thus be taken as containin
of a treatise by an author named Mahi | မျိုး compendium of Buddhist doct which corresponds to this description,
nāma-thera, the commentary of the Pa
An allusion of even greater signif Mahanaman who set up the Bodh-G: 7 which, after eulogising him, record
Buddha by him. The first half of this reads:-
Āmradvīpādhivāsī prthukulajala Laminkādvīpaprasūtah parahitanin
- 31. Dipavarisa, chap. V, vv. 30-37. Refer Chaddetvä ekadesai ca suttari vin Patiriuipamin, Sutta-Vinayanin ta min ca Pardovāramin, Atthuddhāramin, Abhidhc Patisambhidam ca Noddesannekad Ettakari vissajjetväna aiäni aka 32 Chap. v, v. 44.
Nämari lingan parikkhärari äka Pakati bhawa min vijahetiva ta fi ca aiii)
27
 
 

OR OF MAHAVAMSA
of satisfactory interpretation if it be agga of which the treatise of Maha
are told by the Dipavamsa that, kas made their ovn collection of the Mahasaringiti, and formed a sect in collection of scriptures, they rejected canonical by the Theravadins. The
The Dipavamsa also, in recounting ind observances introduced by the ibhāvam vija hetvā, having discarded 32. According to the Theravādins, hay be called the Prakriti, the original rganisation'. The sects opposed to Prakrti-ripu, and a scripture rejected : described as "one which has been of the original Nikaya (Prakrti-ripu). the word sadhita all the more signiin the first and second lines of the Saddhammappakasini as to the Abhihe Bodh-Gaya inscription of Mahag an eulogy by suggestion (dhavani) inama, which has established a comrine. The only work now extant, is the Saddhammappakasini of Mahatisambhidamagga.
icance in establishing the identity of aya inscription is contained in verse ls the foundation of a shrine of the stanza, in which the allusion occurs,
dhis tasya sisyo mahiyan ratah san mahānāmanāmā.
2nce may be made in particular to vv. 36-37. uyami ca gambhīrami, aññamin karininsu, te Immappakaranari. esami ca, Jditakari rimin.Sau te
pakarandini ca, žami akcamin.Sau te
'9

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Fleet's translation of these two isthavira's) disciple, greater (eventha name of Mahānāman (III); an inhab mighty family. 33 To anyone act Fleet's rendering of the metaphor e jaladhi (a very ocean of a mighty fall something. It would, for example. person as the full moon which swel but it does not betoken a poet wor the person eulogised as the ocean compound in its direct meaning, th blemish. To leave an apparent ble a poet to draw particular attention intended meaning is not on the su deeper. When we give more tha prthu-kula-jaladhi, it does not take us of maha and kula of vanisa. Thus a name which has a special relations in itself, does not complete the me kula with jaladhi (ocean) will furthe Buddhist Cosmology the poet’s inten word kula not only means variśa (fa in Buddhist cosmology, denote the | Meru, which rise from the Ocean, in the Ocean called Sidanta-sagara. example of śleșa (double entendre), the with prthu which precedes it, but a meaning of the compound intended Ocean to the kula-parvata which is th rise from the Ocean, so has the M. intellect of Mahanaman. Stated it author of the book named Mahavari
The identity of Mahanaman, V for the Buddha at Bodh-Gaya, and
33. J. F. Fleet, op.cit. p. 278.
34. The seven kula-parvatas in uddh Karavika, Sudarstana, Nemindhara, Vinat edited by Dharmakīrti Šrī Dharmārāma. Nā pare also the Abhayagiri Slab-inscription o of Transcript : piriyar var-piriven kula-gal-n

CEYLON REVIEW
lines runs as follows: His (Upasenain himself), (is) he who has the excellent itant of Amradvipa, a very ocean of a quainted with Sanskrit alaikara-sastra,
Expressed by the compound prthu-kila
mily) would at once strike as lacking in be quite appropriate to describe some ls the ocean of a family that is named: thy of the name to simply characterise of a mighty family. If we translate the erefore, the metaphor has an apparent mish is one of the methods adopted by
to a passage or a phrase of which the rface, but for which one has to probe in passing attention to the compound long to realise that prthu is a synonym we have a periphrasis of Mahavamsa, hip with that of Mahanama. But this, 'taphor. The association of the word r Suggest to any one Conversant with tion with regard to the metaphor. The mily), but also the kula-parvatas which, circles of mountains concentric with being like Meru itself half submerged 4. It is thus clear that we have here an : word kula being connected not only lso with jaladhi which follows it. The it by the poet, thus, is he who is the Le Mahāvariśa’. Just as the kula-parvatas hapanisa risen from the Ocean of the plain language, Mahanama was the S(1.
who caused the foundation of a shrine set up an epigraph recording that fact,
st Cosmology are : Yugandhara, Išadhara, aka and Ašvakarna. See Dharmapradipika, yaka Sthavira, Sixth Edition, 1951, p. 61. Comf Mahinda IV., Ep. Zey., Vol. I, p. 22 l, l. 8 ändhi Ruvan-maha-paha Ruvan-suner te vina.
28 ()

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Q*
ང་།།
MAHANAMA, THE AUT
with the author of the Mahavahisa, i. are certain of the date of that inscri Mahavarisa could also be precisely Bodh-Gaya inscription of Mahanaman date given therein has to be referred. whether the author of the Mahavatis comes one of great chronological sig the opening stanza of the Bodh-Gaya of the Spk of an author named Mahar being the work of Mahānāman II hi inscription, or of the earlier Mahanam. of the second Mahanaman. In my vi the first of these two alternatives, tho excluded. Should one prefer the seco written the Spik in 514 A.C., Mahana wrote the Mahavatisa, could very well of the Bodh-Gayå inscription if the er: is the Gupta. This would make the the reign of Aggabodhi I, much later varisa is usually assigned. The reign siderable length in the Calavanisa;35 sp
of twelve Sinhalese poets who flouris
difficult to believe that the fact would celebrity as the author of the Mahavati
If we adopt the first alternative, t varisa completed his other work in the gallana II, i.e. 514 A.C., would admir. the Bodh-Gaya inscription, if the unsp Kalacuri or the Cedi epoch. This w Guptas was rapidly declining, and it is Gupta came to be used in regions v suzerainty. According to Kielhorn, records of the Maharajas of Ucchakalpa not very distant from Bodh-Gaya, ar era. More recently, Professor V. V. these inscriptions are dated in the Gupt
35. Chapter XLII, vv. 1-39.
28
 
 

HOR OF MAHAVIAMSA
thus established. If we, therefore, tion, the date of the author of the letermined; but, unfortunately, the does not specify the era to which the In the circumstances, the question I was also the author of the Spk beificance. We have seen above that inscription contains a veiled eulogy āma. This may be due to the Spik mself, who was responsible for the n, who was the teacher of the teacher ew, the greater probability lies with ugh the second cannot be altogether nd alternative, Mahanaman I having man II, the pupil of his pupil, who have flourished in 588 A.C., the date a to which its date has to be referred author of the Mahavahisa flourish in than the period to which the Mahaof Aggabodhi I is dealt with at Conscial mention is made in the chronicle ned in his reign, and it is somewhat have been ignored if such a literary lsa also shed lustre on his reign.
he fact that the author of the Mahathird year after the demise of Mogbly fit in with 518 A.C., the date of ecified era to which it refers was the as the time when the empire of the not unlikely that eras other than the thich had once acknowledged their Fleet and D. R. Bhandarkar, the who exercised sway over a territory e dated in the Cedi or the Kalacuri Mirashi has expressed the view that I era; but, in my opinion, the reasons

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UNIVERSITY O.
adduced by Bhandarkar and other
been satisfactorily refuted.36
Thus we conclude that the a with the author of the Spik, and th shrine for the Buddha to be built it impossible for the thera who was author of the Mahavamsa, as was Dhatusena was taken away from place of safety by his uncle for fear between 432 and 437 A.C. The incumbent of a parivena and to ord wrote his Spk in 514, and was act eighty years after the advent of Pa possible that Upasenia II of the Bodh. nāman II, was the same as the authol The Calavarisa does not give the n uncle, but states that he resided in th to the Parivena built by Dighasanda. in his Spi, says that he was a resident ( thera wrote this work in the 26th y the actual ruler at Anuradhapura w; was living under the care of his unc sena himself, Upasena-thera was liv king, and it is not impossible that it age, that Dhātusena went for consola as described with such pathos in the The interval between the date whe and this date is forty years, not too and the same person. Upasena II epigraph set up by his pupil: 'who the kind that is felt towards offspri to him for protection, and of any a destroyed by the continuous flight in conformity with the disposition who might seek to do (him) harm; actions, the whole world was th passage thus translated by Fleet mig Thera of the Dighasanda-parivena h:
86. See D. R. Bhandalkar, List of Inisc graphia Indica, Vol. XX), p. 159. Epigraph
37. J. F. Fleet, op.cit., p. 277.

R CEYLON REVIEW
in favour of the Kalacuri era have not
uthor of the Mahavatiisa was identical e Sthavira from Ceylon who causedia at Bodh-Gaya. This conclusion makes the uncle of Dhatusena to have been the elieved by Turnour. The young boy the Dighasanda-Senapati-parivena to a of Pandu, the period of whose rule fell thera was then old enough to be the in a samanera as his pupil. Mahanama ive at Bodh-Gaya in 518, more than indu. On the other hand, it is not im-Gaya inscription, the teacher of Mahaof the Spi, and was Dhatusena's uncle. ame of the thera who was Dhatusena's e Dighasanda-parivena. The Vpk refers is the Mahaparivena, and Upasena-thera, of that monastic establishment. Upasenaear of Mahanama, i.e. 436A.C., when as Pandu, and when the boy Dhatusena le as a samanera. In the reign of Dhatuing in the Kalavapi-vihara built by that was to this thera, then in advanced old tion during his last tragic days (circa 476), Cillavariusa, (chap. XXXVIII., VV. 93 f). n we first hear of Upasena (436 A.C.) long to fall within the life span of one is eulogised in superlative terms in the se special characteristic of affection, of ng-for any distressed man who came flicted person whose fortitude has been of the arrows of adversity—extended of a kinsman (even) to any cruel man and) by whose fame arising from good is completely filled .37 The Sanskrit ht well apply to the relations which the d with Dhatusena, and the tragic events
iptions of Northern India, (Supplement to Epiia Indica, Vol. XXIII, p. 171.
282

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ܥܒܼܝܼ؟
MAHANAMA, THE AUTH
which he witnessed in his old age due ti
kinsinen.
The above interpretation of the B possibility, put forward by Sylvain Levi was the same as the Ceylon Sthavira M. panion, visited the holy places in India recorded by Wang Hieunit'se. The e traveller and the inscription are not quit tion of a sangharama by the emissaries o building of a shrine of the Buddha by Mahanaman I of the epigraph being id tioned by the Chinese traveller is wo possible if the Ceylon king referred to as writer be identified as Sirimeghavanna now accepted by all writers on Ceylon from 303 to 331, and thatperiodis obviol of a Sthavira who was active in 518 A. San-meou-to-lo-kio-to by Wang Hiuen. gupta. When Sylvain Levi made the Sinhalese king of the period with a n. transcription was of course Sirimeghav, tion of several inscriptions of kings of know that the title 'Sirimegha was born to the well-known Sirimeghavanna, the element in the king's name transcribed not to vanna but to varnan, the norma meghavanna's younger brother, referre is called Sirinneka (Sirimegha) Jettatisai cessor, Buddhadasa. 38 The last name Upatissa, has also been referred to as U his found at Anuradhapura.39 Upatis, so that the first twelve years of his reig gupta, who was on the throne up to abc possible that the Sinhalese monarch w and obtained permission to build a Sahg.
38. Epigraphia, Zeylanica, Vol. III, p. 122f. 39. University of Ceylon Review, Vol. XVII)
40. History and Culture of the Indian People: dar, Bombay, 1954, p. 16.
283

OR OF MAHAVAMSA
o the unbridled cruelty of his royal
todh-Gaya inscription excludes the , that Mahānāman III of that record ahanaman who, with another comin the reign of Samudragupta, as lvents referred to by the Chinese e the same. The first is the foundaf the Sinhalese king, the second the a Sthavira. But the possibility of entical with the Mahānāman menrith considering. Even this is not ; Chi-mi-kia-po-mo by the Chinese , the elder son of Mahasena, as is history. Sirimeghavanna reigned 1sly too early for the teacher's teacher C. The Indian ruler referred to as -ts’e can be no other than Samudrase identifications, the only known ame corresponding to the Chinese aņņa. But now, after the publicathe fourth and fifth centuries, we e by a number of rulers, in addition elder son of Mahasena. And the as po-no in Chinese corresponds Il ending of Kşatriya names. Sirid to as Jet thatissa in the chronicles, n an inscription of his son and sucd king's eldest son and successor, patisa Sirimeka in an inscription of sa reigned from 368 to 410 A.C., In fall within the reign of Samudraut 380 A.C.40 It is therefore quite ho sent envoys to Samudragupta harama at Bodh-Gaya was Upatissa.
(, p. 131.
The Classical Age, edited by R. C. Majum

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A point in favour of this identificat the Sthavira from Ceylon who wel Indiaand met with an inhospitablere the founding of the Sinhalese vihara of the king.41 We do not know of who had become a bhikkhu. But bhikkhu during that king's reign, an the same as that of the Sthavira frc to India in the time of Samudragu that land. This Mahanama gave throne after his elder brother had be out his instigation. It is possible til known by the name he bore as a King Mahanama by that name. T it when he was wearing the yellow
If Mahanaman II of the Bodh Mahanama, the younger brother of nāman mentioned by Wang Hieunwhose name began with Upa—cani: the pupil of the first Mahanaman a naman I's pilgrimage (assuming that Mahanaman) could have been unde years that were common to the rei Even if the pilgrimage was underta reign, i.e. 380 A.C., the companiol about 20 years of age so as to unde could not have lived up to 477 A.C. which Upasena II should have been him with the uncle of Dhatusena. not refer to the younger Companion there is no certainty that the name there is no reason against Upasena paijotika, identified above with Up. being a pupil of Mahanaman I, if the Mahanama remained in robes up to if he ordained a boy of twelve ye robes, that samanera would have be
41. Beal, Buddhist Records of the Weste) 42, Coulaua minisa, chapter xxx vii, WV. 209

CEYLON REVIEW
ion is that, according to Hsuan Tsang, it on a pilgrimage of the holy places in ception-the circumstance which led to at Bodh-Gaya-was a younger brother
a younger brother of Sirimeghavanna
a younger brother of Upatissa was a d his name was precisely Mahanama, 42 m Ceylon who went on a pilgrimage pta, and failed to receive hospitality in 1p the religious life and ascended the an slain by the queen, perhaps not withat after coming to the throne he was hikkhu. Buddhaghosa never refers to he reason perhaps was because he had obe. -
-Gaya inscription was identical with Upatissa, as well as with Sthavira Mahatse, the companion of the last named, lot be identical with Upasena-Sthavira, ind the teacher of the second. Maha
; he was the same as Wang Hieun-tse's
-
محصے
rtaken between 368 and 380 A.C., the
gns of Upatissa I and Samudragupta. ken in the last year of Samudragupta's of Mahanaman must have been then rtake such an arduous journey, and he c., the end of Dhatusena's reign, up to alive according to our identification of Moreover, the Chinese source does of Mahanama as the latter's pupil, and was Upasena. On the other hand, -thera, the author of the Saddhannasena II of the Bodh-Gayā inscription, latter was the brother of King Upatissa. 410 A.C., the last year of Upatissa, and ars two years before he gave up the come a thera, 40 years old, in the 26th
'n World, Vol. II, p. 133. -20.
284

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MAHANAMA, THE AUTH
year after the accession of Mahanama, the Spj. And this thera could well hav S1, when Dhatusena died 41 years later हैं। Amradvipa, of which Mahanama-S in the inscription on the image-pedest has been taken by Cunningham as C pointed out, no such name of Ceylon is it would have been redundant to state til (Larikaduipa-prasütah) ifÂmradvipa alır. Obviously, Amradvipa was not advipa Sometimes the word divipa is found i high land surrounded by stretches of pa of Amradvipa, applied to Mahanaman. there was a monastic establishment in Superior. It might have been in Ceyle Bodhimanda. The story of Silakala gi dvipa was in the vicinity of the Bodhi to India when Kassapa I was king, an the Bodhimanda-Vihara, and was know reverted to the lay life, as Amba-Sanna his appelation was bestowed on him l bccasion gave the gift of a mango. 44 inadequate and unsatisfactory ; the lik shortened form of Amba-dipa (Amra Amradvipa. Perhaps the establishment Sinhalese Sangharama at Bodh-Gaya, ments of the latter.
The spiritual linage of Mahanaman foremost among the disciples of the E parinirvana. Verse 2 of the inscription in which there is a reference to the bel be preserved up to the time of the Maitr in Sanskrit Buddhist writings, is not k is found in the apocryphal text called
43. Cunningham's interpretation of 'Amra in old geography books, the Island of Ceylon w:
44. Coullanoaminosa, chap). XXxix, VV. 44-48. 45. Buddhadatta, Mahãnãyaka-thera, Pãlo ,
285
 

HOR OF MAHAVIAMSA
i.e. 430 A.C., when Upasena wrote e been alive, at the advanced age of
thavira is said to have been a resident, tl as well as in the longer epigraph, eylon. 43 But, as Sylvain Lévi has found anywhere else and, in stanza 7, hat Mahanaman was born in Ceylon ady mentioned denoted that Island. of the same category as Latinkadvipa. in toponyms indicating unirrigable ddy fields. The expression adhivasi would indicate that at Amradvipa, which that Sthavira resided as its on, or in India in the vicinity of the ves us an indication that this Amramanda. This prince, it is said, fled ld adopted the life of a bhikkhu at in in later times, even when he had pera. The Cillavafisa explains that by the Sangha to whom he on one
This reason for the name is very elihood is that Amba-Samanera is a divipa)-samancra, i.e. the novice of at Amradvipa was subsidiary to the and constituted one of the endow
is traced back to Mahakasyapa, the Buddha at the time of the Master's contains an eulogy of Mahakasyapa lief that the corpse of the Saint will eya Buddha. This belief, contained nown to canonical Pali books, but the Sanpinda-Haha-nidana.45 The
divipa was perhaps due to the reason that as compared to a mango in shape.
Sāhitya, part ii, p. 453.

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UNIVERSITY OF
bhikkhus of Ceylon who traced th were custodians of the Sathyukta-nil number who had adopted the religio This school of monks is said to have of Mount Larinka (Larihkacala). In name Larinkaparvata46 is given to well-known as bearing a Footprint Mahanaman's inscription meant thes Mahavarisa may be taken as having Island. If not, the mountain now kn« by Latihkacala. In any case, if we id naman II, as the uncle of Dhatusena, decided to have Dhatusena brought Lankacala that he directed his cour by his crossing of the Kala Oya on t
46. JCBRAS, Vol. XXIV, p. 88. 47. University of Ceylon, Review, Vol. X
ام
4.

CEYLON REVIEW
eir spiritual ancestry to Mahakasyapa taya, and counted among them a large is life after renouncing royal splendour. had their headquarters in the vicinity he Chinese history of Vajrabodhi, the Samantakita (Adam's Peak), which is of the Buddha. If the Lanhkacala of ame sacred mountain, the author of the had connections with that part of the own as Lag-gala was probably indicated entify Upasena II, the teacher of Mahāwe may conclude that when that thera up in agonisadi monastery,47 it was to se from Anurādhapura, as is indicated he way.
ܓܠ
کا شہر
S. PARANAVITANA
s
ܓܐܠ
V, pp. 127-135. -
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Who was Wallabha North C
Vallabha took place during there
Mahinda IV2 was the last notable pura kings. The Ciūlavanusa, has devoti to Mahinda, and many of his achievemen in his inscriptions. Mahinda is also the a Kalinga princess. 4 L. S. Perera has s was perhaps meant as a safe-guard agains have been concluded sometime before to in the Cillavansa.
CCORDING to the Cīlavasa
To begin with Mahinda had to fac ever did not assume serious proportic development was the arrival of a force in This army had been sent by a Vallabha peeting this challenge and sent his con army. Sena defeated the foreigners, a field. Then, "as the kings with Valla vanquish our king (i.e., Mahinda), the ruler of Lanka'.6
The identity of this Vallabha (king) considerable attention.7 The most ob was the Rastrakutaking Krsna III, wh
1. Ciūlavamsa, (Co), LIV. 12-16. 2. In the Sinhalese chronicles Sena IV is si appears to be the successor of the latter. His I confused with those Of Sena III.
3. Epigraphia Zeylanica (E.Z.) Vol. I, no 4. Ov., LIV. 9-10. His inscriptions make f Kaliňga) families, E.Z., II, no. 2iii A.; II, no. 1 (
5. History of Ceylon, (Ceylon University) 6. Cv., LIV. 12-16. 7. Ceylon. Historical Journal, IV, pp. 13-1 Tarancore Archaeological Series, III, pp. I Intro. pp. 14-5; K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, The ( A. S. Altekar, The Raistrakatas and Their Times
287
 

the Invader of 2ylon ?
the invasion of North Ceylon by gn of Mahinda IV (956–972 A.C.). ruler in the long line of Anuradhad one whole chapter (Chap. IV) ts described there find confirmation first king on record to have married iggested that this marriage alliance tforeign enemies, and that it would the invasion of Vallabha, referred
2 a threat of rebellion, which howns. The next important political Naga-dipa, in the north of Ceylon. (king). Mahinda was not slow in mander Sena to fight the Vallabha ind remained master of the battlebha at their head, were unable to y made a friendly treaty with the
has been a matter which has received vious solution seems to be that he o after his decisive victory at Tak
1cceeded by another Sena, and Mahinda IV ame and the length of his reign seem to be
2iii.A., 19 and 20. equent references to officials of the Kilingu
fol. II. pt. I, pp. 339-340.
; History of Ceylon, I, pt. I, pp. 340, 347; 3-4; South Indian Inscriptions (S.I.I.), 6las, Madras, 1955, pp. 154-5.
Poona, 1934, pp. Il 18-9; E.Z., V, pp. 107-8.

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UNIVERSITY (
kolam in 949 A.C., led a triumph to the Karhad plates9 he was alread in Saka 880 (c. 958 A.C.) after til Here he claims to have received the king of Ceylon. Another inst the Sinhalese king among those His claim to have subdued South II in a contemporary work, the Yasa seem less definite than one would be considered as only a part of the rulers. The Cilapausa also does Vallabha himself. Therefore it c. himself. Perhaps it is more likely Rastrakita forces who had come a
The Sinhalese sources 12 are Mahinda (Kudā Midel) of a brillia to as Tamils who had come from t king came with a large force to traditions can be reconciled becaus Sinhalese works were written the more intelligible by identifying V most in their minds as the frequent
that the king himselfled the invasi
What complicates matters, h. themselves in Ceylon about this whom specially Nilakanta Sastri, il the Vallabha (i.e., Valavan for CC Sundara Cõļa Parāntaka II (c. 956tions from South India refers to th in Ceylon, in the ninth year of Par
8. Rastrakitas and Their Times, pp. London, 1960. pt. VI. pp. 294-5; Histo) 9. Epigraphia Indica, IV, pp. 278-29 10. E. I., XXXII, pot, II, p. 56. ll. Yaśastilaikā, ed. Sivadatta, pt. I. 12. Pajavaliya, chapters 33-34, ed. de Silva, p. 33; Rãjãealiya, ed. Gunasel
13. The Colas, pp. 154-5; History of IV, pp. 21-2, S. Pandarathar, History of th
14. Annual Reports on Epigraphy (A Е. І., XII, pp. 124-6.

F CEYLON REVIEW
unt march to Ramesvaram. According
y encamped at Melpadi (in North Arcot)
e conclusion of his southern campaign.
nvoys and gifts from his vassals, such as
ription 10 belonging to his reign includes
vho bowed down at the feet of Krsna. dians and the Sinhalese is also mentioned
stilaka of Somadevastiri. 11 These claims
expect of such an achievement, and may
stereotyped claims of some of the Indian
not categorically speak of the defeat of innot be construed as a defeat of Krsna
that it was a raid made by some of the
far as Ramesvaram.
also unanimous in their attribution to int victory, but the enemies are referred he Cola country. It is said that a Tamil
Uratota (Kayts). These two different e it is possible that at the time when the authors may have tried to make it look
labha with the Colas, who were upper
invaders of Ceylon. And the statement on may be an exaggeration.
Dwever, is the notice of Cola activities
time. A number of scholars, among have persistently expressed the view that la) in the Calavausa was no other than 973 A.C.). 13 One of the Tamil inscripe death of a Siriyavelar on a battle-field intaka II (c. 964). 14 Another inscription
118-9; G. Yazdani, Early History of the Deccan,
y of Ceylon, I, pt. I, p. 340. 0.
ii, 246-7, p. 439. uraweera, p. 104; Rajaratnakaraya, ed. Simon ara, p. 42.
terlon, I, pt. I, p. 347; Ceylon Historical Journal, 2 Later Colas Annamalainagar, 1949, pt. I, p. 72.
R. E.), 1896, no. Il 16; S.I.I., III, p. 255;
288
1 4 ܥ
༥༦, །

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WHO WAS WALLABHA, THE IN
refers to a Bana (Bali) chief who along in battle in Ceylon. Is Siriyavelar was to be a son-in-law of Parāntaka II, an of the Cola army. The Bana chief, on t
of the Cola monarch. Nilakanta Sastr
ducted a successful invasion of the Pand an invasjon of the north of Ceylon. 16.
line in contending that this was a resur the Cõịas and the Pändyas and the Sinh to his ally Vira Pandya. 17 There seems assumption that Siriyavelar led an exped it is possible that he may have had to had undertaken an expedition to Ceyl senapati would however suggest that he ties in Ceylon against the local ruler.
met his death or the exact circumstanc came to grief in Ceylon remain unknow made an abortive invasion into Ceylon Parāntaka II, unlike his great predecesso no claim to any success in Ceylon. Hi of Pandya. If his attempt to invade Ce too would have militated against any su
The date of the invasion of Vallabha ܣܛܐܢ
but according to the inscriptions of Ma by his commander Sena is for the first t which also corresponds to the ninth yea however that the exact year in which by this inscription, but if it is assumed (c.965) it would provide an interesting in South India and Ceylon. Howev slab-inscription of Mahinda 19 which is as makes particular mention of the fact that the Tamil (Demel) foes, while the Vessa which is dated in the ninth year also re India (mulu-Dariabdiv) which was brough
15. S. I.I., XIII, no. 197, Intro., pp. iv -vii. 16. The Colas, pp. 154-5. 17. The Later Colas, I, p. 72.
is. History of Ceylon, I. pt. I, p. 340; E.Z. 19. E.Z., II, p. 221. *“... Lak-aminburen Demel
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VADER OF NORTH CEYLON
with others also seem to have fallen a Kodumbalir chief and appears d was also a commander (senapati) he other hand, was a brother-in-law i assumes that Siriyavelar had conya country and followed it up with S. Pandarathar also takes a similar nption of the old struggle between alese, with Mahinda IV sending aid to be no evidence, however, for the ition to the Pandya Country, though ass through Pandya territory if he on. The fact that he was a Cola was engaged in some hostile activiBut the place in Ceylon where he es under which he and the others in. It is, however, possible that he It may be noted, however, that r or equally great successors, makes is only conquest appears to be that tylon was such a dismal failure that ch claim.
I is not mentioned in the Calavamsa, hinda, the defeat of his Indian foes ime mentioned in his eighth year, 18 ir of Parāntaka II. It may be noted this event occurred is not revealed to be the eighth year of Mahinda a synchronism between the events er the Jetavanārāma (Abhayagiri) Sumed to belong to the eighth year he removed the darkness caused by giriya inscription of the same ruler fers to the wealth of the whole of it (to Ceylon) by the valour of his
, I, pp. 30-1. -rupu-andur härä....”

Page 139
UNIVERSITY C
commander Sena. 20 We may als claim would even imply that (as S. have despatched Sinhalese forces to Sundara Cõļa Parāntaka II.
El All these rather inconsistent di the identification of Vallabha, or t as generally assumed. It is inconc Calavamsa would refer to a Colar Nor could one understand how th event as a defeat of the Colas by N the Cola and Sinhalese epigraphica ever, was not an exclusive biruda, by rulers of Western India, such a was used by kings in other parts of author also uses this title in all p
ruler.21 The Rastrakita inscriptic ference to Krsna and many other used it to denote the Calukyas ar the Cūlavansa that the Vallabha ki: rulers is however significant, beca invaded the Cola country at the princes.24 According to the date have to date any Rastrakuta inter 958-9 A.C. (i.e., Śaka 880). But 1 in the reign of Mahinda referre assume that those events in the la before the first mention of it in as we have assumed above) but c. 956-9 A.C.). Thus the availabl of assumptions and not to any de in the Ciūlavansa in all probability bably Krşņa III himself, in whose : demonstration gainst Ceylon, or w envoys and gifts, which may have
20. E.Z., I, pp. 30.5. 2l. Co., XLVII. 15.
22. E.I., IV, p. 289; VIII, p. 194; XXVII, p. 231; XXV, p. 234; S.I.I., IX
23. S. I.I., III, pp. no. 28. 24. B.Z., I, pp. 29-38, 238.

)F CEYLON REVIEW
venture to suggest here that the latter Pandarathar also assumes) Mahinda may South India to help Vīra Pāņdyaagainst
歴
ཚོ་དྲུག་། 《ཡོད་དེ། ites and references to events suggest that 美 he events themselves, are not as obvious eivable, no doubt, that the author of the uler by the name or epithet "Vallabha. le Calavamsa could have missed such an Mahinda IV, as it could be inferred from 1 and literary sources. "Vallabha' howbut was one which was frequently used is the Rastraktitas and the Calukyas. It India and Ceylon too. The Calavausa robability with reference to a Calukya ons22 themselves use this title with reof the same dynasty. The Colas also ld the Rastrakutas.23 The statement in ng was at the head of a number of other use as said in the Karhad plates, Krsna head of many feudatories and aloed
of the same plates (Saka 880) we may ference in Ceylon to some time before this date may not agree with the events i to in his inscriptions unless we also tter's reign took place not immediately his inscriptions (i.e., 8th year-965 A.C. in the first few years of his reign (i.e., e evidence only lends itself to a number 'finite conclusions. The Vallabha king 7 is a ruler other than a Cõļa, and protime there may have been some hostile ith whom Mahinda may have exchanged been asserted by both rulers in turn as
A.R.E. 1902, no. 428; 1913, no. 236; E.I., K, no. 59, etc. -
290

Page 140
WHO WAS VALLABHA, THE INV
an acknowledgement of one by the oth of Krşņa III, which we have already se Fabulous presents offered to him by vari C. tile other hand it can be assumed, as
was a Cola invasion too. This
of the Calavamsa, but has been noticed literary sources. It is possible that the time may have led to much of this cont in the Calavamsa or in the records from v And ifone considers the disabilities un from about the time of the death of Mah stand such lapses in the monastic records
| Z. II, p. 225, see also pp. 34-5 for a refe rere brought to his feet by means o.
291.
 
 

ADER OF NORTH CEYLON
r. Thus we have, like the claims en, the claims of Mahinda to the ous kings of Jaṁbudipa (India). 25 the Cola inscriptions indicate that seems to have escaped the notice by the Sinhalese epigraphical and repeated foreign invasions at this usion, and resulted in its omission hich the latter derived its material. ler which the monks had to exist inda IV it is not difficult to under
rence to the riches of the whole of Damba
the valour of his Commander Sena.

Page 141
Some Phonologic Jafna Dia
NHE Jaffna district which fi inhabited mainly by Tamils The total population of the to the Census Report of 1953. resourcefulness made a strong mau endowed with natural resources in
of the island.
*
The Jaffna district is very clo narrow stretch of sea called the Jaffna was one of the earliest to ha of the continual contact with Indi: centuries become a distinct peopl several respects from the South describes some of the phonological in the Jaffna district.
Let us first take the vowels in
I Vouvels :
a > i арpati> a
1ppat.1 D 1.
աppat1> t
This may be explained by When a the central vowel it also becomes a palatal vo
> Ull iruntatul>
tatatu>
Valitat Ull>
 

Dal Features of the
ーイー。
lect of Tamil
orms the peninsula in north Ceylon is who form 93.7 of the total population. Tamils of this area is 417,794 according the Tamils have with their energy and rk on their little homeland which is not such abundance as are most other parts
pse to South India being separated by a Palk Strait. Because of this proximity, ve Tamil settlers from India: but in spite a by sea, the Jaffna Tamils have over the e developing a dialect which differs d Indian dialects of Tamil. This artis features of the Tamil language as spoken
o consideration.
Meaning. ppiti “in that manner piţi "in this manner
6. - 3. լpp1t:1 in this manner
vowel harmony or assimilation of vowels. is followed or preceded by palatal vowels, wel, i.e. front high unrounded vowel “i”.
iruntutu 'it was antutu. "it was given Van tutu it came
292

Page 142
SOME PHONOLOGICAL FEATURE.
In akrinai singular verbs -atud ceykutu etc., where -tu comes afte -ku. This is a case of assimilatio
豔 . ܠ ܐ 器 C - (ј) canmam - cenn. V - Ig karvam - kerva |d taņtam > teņgan
- [b) balam> pelam -
'a' following a Sanskrit voice comes 'e' in Tamil.
arpami> ерpam
This is an instance where the T 'alpa' undergoes a complete phon
a palatala ai This is according to t
ataku> ataivu vāțakai > vāțali nacittu> naiccu
Therefore ai > a in other instal general rule which is expressed b (short ai). But in the final syllab
aimpatu > ampa ainnuru> aniti aippaci> arp.
kuraivu> kurav alaikkalivu> al: nilaimai> nilan
utaimai> utam itaiñcal> itañca
293
 
 

OF THE JAFFNA DIALECT
utu on the analogy of varukutu, the root along with the formative of a to 'u' in the next syllable.
an 'birth
l “haughtiness“
岁岁 i “fine pelan "strength'
plosive in the initial syllable be
"a little"
amilised form of the Sanskrit word
etic change.
he literary language and grammar
99
paWin, "rent, hire' "having destroyed,
crushed'
ices as well. This has become the y the concept of aikarakkurukkam le ai is retained.
LtUl 'fifty
ն five hundred
Lici 'the seventh Tamil
month October
November
"Ul deficiency
kkalivu continued trouble
llai 'state, as of affairs, of
one's mind.
ai jewels, property
obstruction, trouble

Page 143
UNIVERSITY O
i> a ța
In the following instance 'a' after t. One of the clus is lost.
av vitatilē ivvitatilē evvitatilē i> u arivāļ> ar pittu> pu
tirappu> t miļakāy>
This again is a case of ve by back or central vowel ii back rounded vowel 'u' or comes the back high round
i> e ini> eni
ilavu> eļa
ninaittu> ·
Initially, the palatal front front mid unrounded vowel
iyaldel iyalum> ö
This is a change in relatio)
mli[r>i tannir > ta n Vennir > V
lļanīr> iļa
The long palatal vowel . dental nasal in and the alveo
i> iy iyam> iyy
The long palatal vowel 'i vowel 'i' and palatal semi v.

CEYLON REVIEW
s, ‘i’ becomes influenced by the vowel er of two voiced labio-dental fricatives
> avatatilē in that place
>ivatatilē in this place
> evatatilē in which place
vāļ bill-hook, sickle
tu “a kind of confec
tionary
urappul key
muļakāy chilly
wel assimilation. When i” is followed the next syllable, it becomes the high the front high unrounded vowel 'i' be'd vowel 'u' in the root syllable.
- "hereafter vu~ iļavu i ‘death, trouble” hChaCCUl "having thought
d high unrounded vowel 'i' becomes lie 'e'.
lum possible
to the word iyal and not a general one.
ņņi 'cold water enni "hot water ըi 'tender coconut milk
between the retroflex nasal in and the ar flap r is shortened and r is lost.
al 'white lead”
becomes the cluster of the palatal short well 'y'.
294

Page 144
SOME PHONOLOGICAL FEATURI
us i
The back rounded vowel ub
the following instances.
puraļi> piraļi
puraţțu> piraț puţaivai> piţa puranpu> pir:
で>3 koțţappețţi> k
cavappetti> ca neruppuppetti (
When the front mid unround vowel or the central vowel, it we shall say that the advancem to the preceding back or central
-ey > ai eņņey> eņņai
Dr. Caldwell points out that result of hyperurbanisation, en nounced as ennai. There are s el-nai.
ce v > a. ceval > caval
The long front mid unround and a voiced labio-dental 'v' be
Consonants: -k-> c ifikē> ificē
The voiceless velar stop is p.
front high unrounded vowel. homorganic palatal nasal ñ.
-k-> y kataikald kata piļaikaļ> piļ kākitam > kāy
29
 
 
 
 

ES OF THE JAFFNA DIALECT
etween p and r, t, r becomes ‘i’ in
"mischief tul prevarication Vai “saree" , anքtl that which is separate
or exclusive Ottappatti 'a small basket of pal
myrah leaves or
fibres' vappatti 'a coffin' D Bruppatti 'a box of matches
鲇
ed vowel 'e' is preceded by the back becomes the central vowel 'a'. So, ent of the tongue is backwards due
vowels.
“oil
G. s.9 - s 'ai is pronounced as 'ey and as a
ņey was probably written and procholars who will derive ennai from
cock'
ed vowel 'e' between an affricate 'c' comes the long central vowel 'a'.
"here, in this place
alatalised into 'c' on account of the The velar nasal h becomes then the
- s iyal stories, speeches aiyal 'children
itam "epistle written on
paper, paper

Page 145
UNIVERSITY O
This is a case of the loss o ceding ai' ora and y come
—k-> v. | ataku> ata
pataku> p:
Here also the medial plosi -kiratu> kutu In akrinai
See atu > utu.
irukkiratu varukiratu natakkirati
-ki-> φ põkira> pi
colkira > c
-ku-> g. atankukira vāṁkukira viļankukir
The formative -ku- is los the tense sign I-kirus etc., or be taken then as an instance
ñāyam > n ñāyirrukki nāyittuk
Initially, the palatal nasal dental nasal.
-țk-> ļkk ketkira>k 1十k> gk is an old gramm onwards, --ki>kk in the
influenced the Ceylon Tan following plosive doubles as
-n-> anappu > a

F CEYLON REVIEW
the medial plosive because of the preS as a glide.
s 1Vl paW1) ltaVu 'small boat 5 ܐܫܥ
Ve is lost and 'v' comes as a glide.
singular finite verbs -kiratu> kutu.
> irukkutu it is > varukutu "it is coming 1> natakkutu 'it is happening, walk
- 1ng
5ra 'going blra 'saying
> atashkira 'subordinating >vānkira buying a > vilahkira being understandable
it in the Colloquial dialect when taking it may be a case of kir> ir > r. It may of a loss of the medial plosive.
āyam justice, reason lamail> "Sunday, the first day
kiļamai of the week
after a long central vowel becomes a
ēļkkira that which hears
atical rule. From the fifteenth century South Indian dialects and it must have hills as well. The is retained and the
it does after itaiyinam sounds.
ļāppu to deceive, cheat
296

Page 146
SOME PHONOLOGICAL FEATUR
The intervocal retroflex n l retroflex ļ.
-yk-> fik kankatai>kań kaņkāņi> kail ܓܘ Z
This is a case of an assimilation
-րp-> ոք Cņpatu > empa
I When the cluster of a nasal a with the following stop and thu
i to c peritu > pericu u
putitu> puticu
mulutu> muļi ai || tt> cc maraittu > ma.
Vaittu> VacCu
The dental plosive 't' is palata vowel ‘i’ or ‘ai’ or rarely a bac is also typical of the South India
-tt- > t. Oruttar > Oriut:
Intervocally, one of the gemin
tē> tēļ têvai> têvai
This is an instance of an intr a long front mid unrounded vo
ai nt> fic arintu> ariñcu y muțintu> mu kulalintu> kul:
alaintu> alañc piyntu > piñcu
āyntu>āficu
297
 

ES OF THE JAFFNA DIALECT
ises it nasality and becomes lateral
katai 'sense of decorum
kāņi overseer, supervisor of
coolies in plantation
of the nasal to the following plosive.
tul eighty
ind stop occurs, the nasal assimilates is becomes the homorganic nasal.
that which is great,
big "that which is new or
uncommon lCUl 'all, whole
g -- 9. aCCUl having concealed
9 having kept
lised into 'c' when following a front k rounded vowel 'u'. This change in dialects of Tamil.
r 'a person, male or
female lated plosives is lost.
compelling need or
necessity
usion of the lateral retroflex after wel 'e'.
"having known
ţificu "having finished
añcul "having become
dishevelled
Ul having wandered
having torn
"having plucked

Page 147
UNIVERSITY O
When the cluster of dental by palatal semivowel 'y or vowel 'i', it is palatalised. comes respectively the palat
they disappears, the diphth
-p-> V irupatul > iiI arupatul > a elupatu> e tapāl> tavā
kõpam>k
The inter vocal voiceless st a voiceless fricative. In this has become voiced labio-den
pirayõ> purõ pirayõcana puku-> pū ~ pūr pukuntu>
The stop which comes int. vowels and the first vowel . intrusion of the alveolar flap
pukai-> po pukaiyilai>
Here too, intervocally the
peyar- > pē peyarntu>
The palatal semi vowel w as a result the vowel in the
alveolar flap disappears after formula as follows :-
y] tt> cc vāytu> vā
piyttu > pic moyttu > n

R CEYLON REVIEW
homorganic nasal and stop is preceded diphthong 'ai or front high unrounded Che cluster of dental nasal and stop beal nasal and stop. After palatalisatiop, ong 'ai is shortened to 'a'. .ܬܢ
ULVa tUll twenty
ru Vatu 'sixty
luvatu seventy * '' I
2.
letter
5 Vann anger
op will become either a voiced stop or : case, inter vocal voiceless bilabial stop tal fricative.
m> purocanam 'usefulness, profit
plintu ~ purnitu having entered as into a hole or narrow place
rvocally disappears leaving a cluster of is lengthened. Sometimes, there is an r. * -
- poyilai 'tobacco
velar stop disappears and u > O.
pēntu afterwards'
hich comes intervocally disappears and
cluster of vowels is lengthened. The the long vowel. We can put it in a
V,-4- S.v.V> V,
CCUl having favourably
occurred CU1 having torn
G1 OCCUl having crowded as
flies, bees, ants
298

Page 148
SOME PHONOLOGICAL FEATUR
The geminated dental plosiv palatalised into ‘c’ and after pala
. F-yt-> ñc ceytu> ceńcu
tu> peñCu реуtll> p
The palatal semivowel y its assimilates the following dental in a homorganic cluster offic.
-r->1 kotari> kotal
Intervocally, the alveolar flap
-r= > r piccaikkāran >
paņakkāran>
contakkaran>
is
The Sanskrit (-kara/ which ܥܼܲ ܫܢ
for certain nouns in Tamil is pr
karanti> karaı tírupti> tirutt piriyam> pur
Curuttu > Curu
These are other instances whe trill r have coalesced in the Jaffn
-r-> g. pārttu> pāttu
vaļartu> vaļa
irkku> ikkil
uņarntu> uņa nimirntu> nir
29C
 

ES OF THE JAFFNA DIALECT
es after the palatal semi vowel are Italisation 'y' disappears.
having done "having discharged as
urine
elf becomes the palatal nasal and also stop into a palatal stop thus resulting
‘an axe”
r becomes the lateral flap 1.
piccaikkāran
'a beggar paņakkāran
a wealthy person contakkaran
owner, a relative
has become a masculine termination onounced as /-kara/.
nţi spoons
'satisfaction
iyam 'fondness, thing desired"
lţțu cigar
re the alveolar flap r and the alveolar a dialect.
G s having seen
ttu "having brought up as a child; animal, plant 'the rib of a palmyrah,
COCOnut, etc. 1tul "having felt
mintu "having become erect

Page 149
UNIVERSITY OF
In the colloquial dialect, th plosives or homorganic nasal and pl
--V-> 11ղ villittal > mu
vēytal > mē
The initial voiced labio-de becomes bilabial nasal 'm'.
of the tongue is towards the
--> tamill> tam vālaippalan
valakkam>
kōli> kōļi
This is a characteristic feat the southernmost districts of
-lnt> nt kavilntu>k
tālntu> tāņ avilntu> av
-ltt-> ţț kavilttu> k
tāltu> tāt
avilttu> av.
The lateral 1 which is pro the following cluster of denta two dental stops and they b flexation, the laterall disapp sonants is reduced to the clus are past verbal participial for while the remaining three be

CEYLON REVIEW
e alveolar flap r is lost after geminated Osive.
ļital 'opening the eyes,
waking from sle . ytal roofing . בר ܠ ܐ
ital 'v' when followed by front vowels So, we shall say that the advancement ips due to the following front vowels.
'tamil language > vāļaippaļam
plantain fruit valakkam practice, custom
gallinaceous fowl
ure of the Ceylon dialect and some of Tamil land.
avinţu having turned upside
down, capsized
ţu having immersed
inţu having untied
avițţu having caused to turn
upside down, capsized
Ul having caused to be
immersed
iţțu having caused to be
untied”
nounced as retroflex lateral, assimilates l, nasal and dental stop or the cluster of recome retroflex sounds. After retroears and thus the cluster of three conter of two consonants. The first three ns of verbs in the tanvinai or intransitive long to the piravinai or transitive class.
300

Page 150
SOME PHONOLOGICAL FEATUR)
-lutu> gö ippollutu> ipp - appollutul> ap eppolutu> ep
Ippolutu> ippԾtu> ippԾ> ipp with the other two utterances.
1 - φ avai> ava
vantāļ> Vantā connavall> Col
irukkiral > iru
The bound morpheme - de dropped when speaking respec when referring to subordinates
-rp-> pp Inārpatu> nāpi
When the cluster of two diff sonant of the cluster is assimilat
ཚོ་ -rr-> țţ kalarri> kaļat cularri > Cuļaț alarri> alatti
Intervocally, the geminated . retroflex stop. According to SC change. Tolkappiyar, the an r being articulated as a retrofle pronunciation is retained in the
III Hyperurbanisation ce lid i The general rule is that in th
celavu > cilavi
ud o is the us totańki> tuta tolai> tulai
30
 
 
 

ES OF THE JAFFNA DIALECT
a now, at pesent
- Da. then, at that time D2 "when, at which time
a in course of time and similarly
"she
she came laVa she said kkirā she is
notes the feminine singular and it is tfully of females. But it is retained and others junior in age.
patu forty
rent consonants occur, the first coned with the second.
ti "having dismantled ţi "having swung round
"having talked unceas
ingly
alveolar trill becomes the geminated yme scholars, this is not really a sound cient Tamil grammarian speaks of x stop. Hence we may say the old
Jaffna dialect.
e colloquial dialect i> e as in ini> eni. Ll expense
ual feature in the colloquial dialect. ńki "having begun
is distance, to become
extinct

Page 151
UNIVERSITY OF
-pp-> rp The original rule of collo as in narpatud nappatu
aippaci> ar
--> rThe alveolar flap changin characteristic feature of the si
kalala > kala

CEYLON REVIEW
quial change or assimilation is rp> pp
'forty
paci 'the seventh Tamil
month, October-November
g into the lateral flap 1 medially is us
boken dialect.
2. 'to become loose as a
fastening nail, etc.
S. THANANJAYARAJASINGHAM
302

Page 152
Reviews
Vedic Bibliography. Second Volum
夔 <_ona. 1961 ; pp. 760. ܒܐܝܡܡܐ
- The first volume of the Vedic Bibliography by til appeared in 1946. The marked increase in the resear during the intervening years has definitely made the . task. Consequently, this second volume is not a m improved undertaking for which the author deserves the field.
The present volume contains nearly 6.000 entri matter in twenty chapters. The author's modest clai critical register of all significant writings dealing, dirt quities including the Indus Valley Civilization, which justice to the magnitude of the undertaking. Apart fro not only in English but also in other media like Fre Marathi etc. in India have been investigated and cr least, is a veritable masterpiece of scientific bibliography.
The comprehensive nature of the bibliographica a glance at the table of contents. Every conceivabl treated in a methodical manner : Rigveda, Atharv nisads, Vedahgas, Vedic Literature (as a whole), Le Religion and Mythology, Philosophy, Sociological st of Concepts, History and Culture, Indus Valley Civ there is a Supplement, an Index of authors and a most
Professor Dandekar has taken pains to give the g paper, monograph or treatise. Its precise value as r trating insight and critical acumen. All this implies are evidenced on every page of the work. Thus the searcher is greatly enhanced. It is undoubtedly an ind
Last but not least, a word has to be said of the Sup books brought out in India. The proof-reading has b hardly any error in all these 760 pages. The printin is not only clear but appropriate to the context. As a rank as one of the best. Priced at only thirty rupees valuable store-house of knowledge.
Kingship and Community in Earl Published by Stanford University Pres Press, Bombay, 1962 ; pp. ix -- 369 ; P
It is a sign of the times that, after several decad important aspects of Indian culture as the social, pol the attention of acknowledged specialists in those res meier of Stanford University is primarily a political Indian social thought and political philosophy from th the lead given, although in a less significant mannel
JVV hite Unbrella.
303
 

2. By R. N. Dandekar. University
he reputed Indian Sanskritist Professor Dandekar ch output among Indologists and allied workers author change his technique and approach to his ere continuation of its predecessor but a vastly the highest commendation from all scholars in
es, classified and arranged according to subjectin that this is a " more or less comprehensive and actly or indirectly, with the Veda and allied antihave been published since 1946...' does less than m the fact that all the varied research publications nch, German and Italian in the West and Hindi, itically commented upon, this work to say the
Ա
| data collected in this volume can be seen from e subject in Vedic and ancient Indian studies is aveda, Samaveda, Yajurveda, Brahmanas, Upaxical works, Literary studies, Linguistic studies, udies, Arts and Sciences, Study of Words, Study tilization and miscellaneous topics. In addition
useful Index of words.
ist ofevery contribution registered whether it be esearch is brought out in a few words with penelaborious search and analytical skill, traits which value of the bibliography to the student and reispensable aid to every serious worker in the field.
erior excellence of this publication among similar een attended to with scrupulous care, there being g is meticulously neat and the type-face selected University publication in India this volume must it certainly provides a 'cheap passage' to a most
O. H. de A. W.
y India : By Charles Drekmeier. s, California & Oxford University rice Rs. 25/-.
les of neglect by professional Indologists, such itical, legal and economic have begun to receive pective branches of knowledge. Professor Drekscientist who in this work attempts to analyse e modern scientific standpoint. In this he follows , by Professor D. Mackenzie Brown in his The

Page 153
UNIVERSITY O
Professor Drekmeier's method of approach be succinctly described in his own words: “Iti us to supplement the institutional approach and th method. An analysis of the dynamics of socials cesses of human beings' (p. 283). According to only in the light of prevailing belief and religio the success of the author's endeavour derives fro culture the burden of which is largely religious.
A glance at the contents of this treatise wi evolution of Indian political ideas is. He starts and abstracts a dynamic view of the evolution of zation of the period. The Second Part deals with an analysis of the thought and culture reflected philosophy and the socio-political ideas of the subjected to analysis on the basis of the author's the ascendance of royal authority and the devel Arthasastra school along with the Sukranitisar are taken in turn and subjected to criticism and ap the most important to the political scientist, dea and nature of regal authority, the diffusion of P author's conclusions on the origins and evolution
In the Preface itself the author dispels any historical and scientific value of Indian political the political fertility of the Orient and turned to government and public life. But there are pro 'all Oriental history is one unceasing round of , discovering that the subject is neither that rom the value of this work lies in the novel approa symbolic data presented by the Vedas, Brahma. like the Bhagavadgita. This 'approach is base the sociological to the mythological, the religiou generally shares this attitude, but, in the present would emphasize the importance of the linguistic (see Indologen Tagung, 1959, pp. 223 ff.)–approad archaic phases of Indian culture such as the Rig semantic' analysis of the hymns of the Rigveda is of Vedic India.
Although the author begins by professing t logical pursuits' the reader will find several inst knowledge of Indological problems in this worl are based on the writings of Jolly, Sylvain Lévy, reputed Orientalists. This is only to be expecte the last century or two have touched practicall author uses a large number of sources both textu. sophy. A few omissions are however worthy of a scientific outlook and philosophical critici for an equivalent of that philosophical criticism being “to the new learning of such as Anaximan the philosophical impetus for Western thought'. Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy in which the W Vedic thought with the philosophy of Anaxima due emphasis on the contribution of the Vedas India. It may, however, be pointed out that for India it would be futile to go to the philosophy o are beginning to discover, such scientific and pos heterodox schools, particularly Buddhism as fou

CEYLON REVIEW
to the subject is both novel and instructive. It may s not only the need to fill historical lacunae that leads lat of the history of ideas with a psychological-cultural ystems must concern itself with the motivational prothis, political and social thought can be comprehended is practice (p. 295). It may be admitted that much 13f m the aptness of his method in the analysis of
ܨܧܨ܁ܫܠܡ¬ܐܡܗܝܐ
I show how comprehensive the author's grasp of the (Part One) by delving into the myths of the Rigveda its tribal culture, as well as of the Aryan social organithe decline of this tribal culture, providing historically in the Brahmana texts. Then Buddhism as a social other heterodox systems are strikingly described and psychological-cultural method. Part Three deals with opments of Hindu political theory. Kautalya and the a, the Law books and the polity of the Dharmasastras praisal. Part Four on the forms of authority is perhaps ling as it does with the origins of kingship, the limits 'ower, corporations etc. A final chapter sums up the
of Hindu political ideas.
doubt that the Western student may have about the thought. “Historians have generally discounted the the Greek city-state for the origins of speculation on bbably few today who would say with Gibbon that falour, greatness, degeneracy and decay. For we are antic, nor that futile.” For the orthodox Indologist ch to the analysis of the religious, mythological and las, Upanishads, the Epics and the later religious texts i, in the author's own words, on the attempt to relate is and the philosophical. The present reviewer himself state of our knowledge of Indian literary sources, he :-what he has had occasion to call the 'socio-semantic' has the more basic, at least in uraderstanding the more Vedic. It is becoming increasingly clear that a 'socioa sine qua non for any psychological or cultural studies
hat this study "has not led him into professional Indoances of the indication of an authoritative background k. Of course many of the ideas expressed in this book Hopkins, Norman Brown, Coomaraswamy and other d since the contributions to Indological science during y every topic of major importance in the field. The land critical in his study of Indian religion and philoof notice. For instance, in discussing the emergence sm in the ancient period he remarks "we look in vain which originated in Ionian Asia Minor,” the reference der, Democritus and Anaxagoras which was to provide The author does not seem to be familiar with Barua's festern student may find an excellent comparison of nder, Democritus and other early Greek thinkers with to the emergence of the 'scientific attitude' in ancient the development of a truly scientific outlookin ancient f the Vedas and the Upanishads, for, as modern students itivistic tendencies begin to appear only with the early nd in the PaliCanon, and, to some extent, Jainism.
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REVIE
In attempting to indicate 'relationships between vailing ideas and values' (p. 282) the author has been religion such as Buddhism particularly in its psycholo of the author constitutes the first serious attempt by a of Early Buddhism with anything like academic earl "ნამnd 16, is bound to have a distinctive impact both
list in Buddhism. This, however, should not litten on Buddhism is likely to win general acci guestionable character. On p. 94 Professor Drekme probably a slip of the pen The characterization of th (p. 66) presumably reveals the author's preoccupation may be said of his reference to a "group karma' on p. he opines "may attest to the strong influence of tribal A student of Buddhism may ask where the reference even if the validity of the method (of deducing the fi mitive religious phenomena) be granted. Furthermor with the Universe” (p. 102) and "oneness with the U is not confusing the Buddhist ideal with the spiritual g philosophies. The author appears to share the view must be coterminative with the worldly or empirical; is a social ethic in Buddhism its ultimate ideal, namely the world, a liberation from the suffering the world i ethic leading to Nirvana with the relative, worldly s Professor Drekmeier alone is guilty. Scores of writ wilderment. Early Buddhist Writers who apprehen terms of a difference in view-point, namely the absolu the relative or worldly view-point (lokiya-vohdra).
However, these and other debatable points in t aspects of Indian society and culture should not be and philosophical value of the author's analysis. In fa the essential contribution of the social philosoph rofessor Drekmeier :
Economic change and the incorporation o“ {{{ܢ ܐ
had rendered the traditional agencies of social institutions are challenged, old certainties are justifications, men are faced with the need to a unsaid. In such a time many men must have E own needs and those of the collectivity to which poise and integrity began to arise. The Budd the old ways, and the answer he proposed was in
Prof. Drekmeier is to be congratulated on the su promote the deeper study of Indian culture which pr The subject is being introduced into the curricula of l excellent work will provide not only the data of In reliable and fruitful method of approach. The book
Introduction to Polities: Benoyen 1962, (eighth edition) 152 pp. Rs. 6/-.
Many books of an introductory nature have bee Some tend to deal with the subject in a broad and g. interest. Others try to treat the subject in detail wi can be said about both these approaches to the subject to give the reader an introduction to the details of th
30:
 
 
 

|WS
social organization, styles of thought and predrawn into an analysis and discussion of Indian gical-cultural aspect. In my view this endeavour Western scholar to consider the social philosophy estness. As such, this work, especially Chapters on the student of political thought and on the be taken as implying that everything the author 'ptance. There are, in fact, several statements of ier refers to Pali as a "dialect of Ceylon'-most le Buddhist spiritual goal as "death in the sacred' with studies in primitive religion, and, the same 99 (cp. "group karma (dhatu" on p. 112), which ideology on the shaping of Buddhist doctrine'. to a group karma occurs in Buddhist literature, cts of advanced philosophical religion from prie, the author's equation of Nirvana to "harmony niverse” (p. 104) makes one wonder whether he oal set forth in the Upanishads and other mystical of some modern writers that the goal of religion hence he is puzzled by the fact that while there Nirvana "is fundamentally a turning away from imposes' p. 7). This confusion of the 'absolutist ocial ethic of Buddhism is not an error of which ers before him also have fallen into the same beded this difficulty characterized the problem in ite or purely spiritual viewpoint (paramatha) and
he presentation of the evolution of the various allowed to detract from the great sociological ict, it would be difficult to find a better statement ly of Buddhism than this balanced estimate of
findigenous peoples into the Aryan community integration inadequate. When old values and gone, and new social relationships demand new rticulate that which earlier could have been left become acutely aware of differences between their they belonged. Such questions as how to live with tha is the most famous of those who questione
essence psychological' (p. 283).
ccess of his undertaking. This work is bound to esent-day circumstances are urgently demanding. Bading Universities and to such Prof. Drekmeier's dian social and political thought but also a most is neatly printed and excellently brought out.
O. H. de A. W.
dra Nath Banerjea. Jijinasa, Calcutta,
n written on the theoretical problems of politics. bneral way in the hope of stimulating the reader's h a view to making them the last word. Much There is however still a third method and that is he subject leaving it to him to decide whether or
5

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UNIVERSITY OF
not he should read further. It is precisely this m work and it must be said that there is much in it to the serious student of politics.
The present edition is an abridged version of a 1. in a footnote to his preface stated, been reduced wit colleges in India. This is where this study become introduction, written in clear and simple language a basic grasp of the English language.
The book is divided into four sections: “The ship: Democracy in Action, and Political Ideals some of the topics included in certain of the sectic For instance Law and Liberty may have been mol modern state is examined than in the fourth sectio instead of finding a place under “Citizenship: Dei "Theory of Government'. These however do not
This work is primarily intended as a basic text of view it covers the beaten track and is therefore ti African circumstances and experience call for a dif tutions in Asian and African countries, the nature variety of electoral behaviour, the type of local g all these need to be studied and analysed in the cont therefore for Asian and African writers to give up t gamut of politics afresh. The author who has had and as a U. N. Advisor on Public Administrationi take such an examination and it is therefore to be would pay some attention to the suggestions made
· පුරාණ යුගය, ශාස්ත්‍රිය ලිපි, පළවෙනි කාණ දෙහිවල, 1962, මිල රු. 6.50 යි; පෙර වදන,
· මෙම ශාස්ත්‍රීය ග්‍රන්ථය පරිවර්තනවලින් යුක්ත වේ වශයෙන් පළවූයේ පොලොන්නරු යුගය පිළිබඳ ඇතුළත් ඒ ග්‍රන්ථය පසෙක තිබියදී ඉහත සඳහන්
මෙම ග්‍රන්ථයට අඩංගු හැම ලිපියක් ම කලින් ශත වර්ෂයේ මුල් කාලයේදී පළවින. මෙසේ කාලය තිබූ මෙම ලිපි කීපයක් හෝ මෙසේ මුද්‍රණදවාරයේ ලිපි හිඟකම නිසා සිංහල පාඨකයන්ට මුහුණ පාන් හෝ ක්‍රියා කිරීම ගැන ද මෙම ලිපි සංග්‍රහයේ සංස්කු
මෙහිදී අප බලාපොරොත්තු වන්නේ මෙසේ ස් එකිනෙකක් පාසා ගෙන ඒවායේ අඩංගු කරුණු සාක පරිවර්තිත ග්‍රන්ථයක් වශයෙන් මෙය කොතරම් සා
මෙම ග්‍රන්ථ පෙළේ සැකැස්ම අනුව ලංකා ඉ; සිට 1505 දක්වා පුරාණ යුගය ද, 1505 සිට 1796 දක්‍ෂ නූතන යුගය ද යන වශයෙනි. මෙම යුග බෙදීම සම අනුකූල නොවනු ඇත. ඒ නිසා මෙම බෙදීම යොද

CEYLON REVIEW
athod that the present author has employed in his to be commended to the general reader as well as
more detailed earlier work. Its size has, as the author
h the switch to regional languages in undergraduate: is relevant to our local circumstances. It is a coff SS and therefore readily accessible to anyone who .
: Civil Society, "Theory of Government," "Citizen. Though this arrangement is largely satisfactory, ons may have been better included in other sections. re appropriately placed in the first section where the in on Political Ideals. Similarly, local government mocracy in Action might have been treated under in any serious way affect the quality of the work.
for use in educational institutions. From this point rue to type. It must however be said that Asian and Ferent approach to the subject. The place of consti
of public opinion, the role of political parties, the government and the functions of the administrator, ext of a different setting altogether. There is a need he conventional approach and to deal with the whole experience both as a university teacher of the subject in several African countries seems equipped to underhoped that when he brings out a further edition, he
here.
A. J. W. s
ජීඩය, තිසර පොත්, ඉතිහාසය, අංක 2, පිටු 251 යි;">~~
එස්. ඩී. සපරමාදු. -
¬ ¬
පොත් පෙළක දෙවෙනි කාණඩය යි. 1 වෙනි කාණඩය ශාස්ත්‍රීය ග්‍රන්ථයයි. විශේෂ ශාස්ත්‍රීය ලිපි පෙළක් ග්‍රන්ථය පමණක් මෙහි අප අවධානයට ලක්වෙයි.
ක් ඉංග්‍රීසියෙන් පළ වූ ඒවාය. ඉන් සමහරක් මෙම සත් සමඟ අමතක වී, සිංහල පාඨකයින්ගෙන් බැහැරව යන් පිට කිරීම පැසසිය යුතු කටයුත්තකි. ශාස්ත්‍රීය ට වී තිබෙන මූලික බාධාවක් දුරලීමට සුළු වශයෙන් කාරක මහතාට කාගේත් කෘතඥතාව හිමි විය යුතුය.
සෑහෙන පමණ කාලයකට පෙර ලියන ලද මෙම ලිපි ච්ඡා කිරීම නොවේ. මෙහි දී සලකා බලනු ලබන්නේ ඊථක වී ඇද්ද යන්නයි.
තිහාසය යුග තුනකට බෙදා ඇත. එනම්, ආරම්භයේ ක්වා අන්තර් යුගය සහ 1800 සිට 1948 දක්වා කාලය හර විට දැනට සාමාන්‍යයෙන් පිළිගත් යුග බෙදීම්වලට ; ගැනීමට තුඩු දුන් කරුණු සුළු වශයෙන් හෝ පෙර
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වදනෙහි සඳහන් කළා නම් මැනවැ යි සිතමු. ඒ අත{ ලැබ ඇති අතර පුරාණ යුගයෙහි එන ලිපියක ’’ ගම්ල යන්නට දී ඇති අර්ථය සහ කාලසීමාව එතරම් පැහැදිලි
| "මෙමෙම ග්‍රන්ථයට ඇත්තේ ඉතාම කෙටි පෙර වදනෙ
లో වැදගත් ලිපි රාශියක් හැඳින්වීමට සහ ඒවා මේ
· ඉඩක් නොලැබීම පුදුමයක් නොවේ. එවැනි දීර්ඝ පෙ
මෙන්) නැතිවීම තරමක පාඩුවකි. -
පෙරවදනෙහි සඳහන් පරිදි මෙම ලිපි හැම එකක් ම කියැවීමට නොලැබෙන බව කොතරම් සත්‍යදැයි සොයා විදෙසාරෝදය සහ විද්‍යාලංකාර සඟරා ආදියෙහි මීට කලින් පක් තැනක, කාණඩයක් වශයෙන් පළවීම තව බොහෝ
ce.
*’ පුරාණ යුගයෙහි '' ප්‍රධාන ලිපි දහයක් ඇත. ලංකාව සහ පිටරටවල් සමඟ පැවැති නානාවිධ සම් ආගමික ඉතිහාසය, පුරාණ සිංහල සභාපත්වය කෙරෙ විජයබාහු රජතුමා සහ ගම්පොළ ඉතිහාසයයි. මෙම ලි: එසේ වීම ඓතිහාසික ග්‍රන්ථයකට නොගැළපේ. මෙ එම පරිවර්තන කියවා බැලීමට එම ලිපි සම්පාදකයන් භාෂාව අතිනුත්, කරුණු අතිනුත් ඉංග්‍රීසි ලිපිවල නො සම්පාදකයින්ගේ ලිපි පවා ඒ අතින් වැඩි වෙනස්
• භාෂා දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ විශේෂ කොමසාරිස් නන්දදේ నె. ඒ. උපාධිධාරී බී. ජේ. පෙරේරා මහතාගේ ලිපියත්
මෙම ග්‍රන්ථය පළ කිරීමේ දී එයට සංස්කාරකගෙන් නොලැබී ඇති බව කණගාටුවෙන් වුව ද එකහෙලා කිව සහ පරස්පර විරෝධි දේ මෙහි ඇතුල්වීමට අවකාශ | මිට වඩා සැලකිල්ලෙන් කටයුතු කරනු ඇතැයි අපි සිංහලෙන් පළවන හැම දෙයක් ම ඉහලින් පිළිගන්නා නොකළ හොත්, එයින් ශිෂ්‍යයන් නොමඟ යනු ඇත.
නන්දදේව විජේසේකර මහතාගේ ‘පුරාණතම අව විදේශීය සම්බන්ධතා පිළිබඳ ඓතිහාසික පසුබිම' න සහ සංස්කාරක දෝෂ දැක්වීම සඳහා ගත හැකි හොඳ ලක්ෂණ මෙහි එමටය. 15 පිට, ‘’ පැතිරෙන සොළි බල 22 පිට ‘’ භද්දකච්චානා ’’ වෙනුවට ’’ හද්ද කච්චාන්‍ය මෙසේ පටන් ගෙන ඇත: '' මෙරට ජනයාද ක්‍රියාත්ම අංග නයට ගත් නමුදු බොහෝ සෙයින් එකිනෙකට වෙ. යන වචනයට ‘‘ ඒකකය ' යනුවෙන් මෙහි යෙදීම කෙ යක් වැන්න, තවත් එවැනි තැන් කිහිපයක් පහත දැන්
’’ වෙළඳ පක්ෂය සංවිධානය වූ ඒකකයක් { ‘‘ කිස්ට්නා පෙදෙසත් සමඟ සමීපතම ආශ්‍රය
'' පිටරටින් ගෙනෙනු ලැබූ වෙළඳ ද්‍රව්‍ය (
පිරුනු නැව්. . . . '' (27 පිට)
30,
 

EVX/S
ර, මෙම පොත් පෙළ මෙසේ යුග තුනකට බෙදනු පොළ යුගය ’’ ගැන සඳහන් වීම නිසා ' යුගය ’’ ලි නැති බව හැගේ.
නකි. මේ වැනි කෙටි පෙරවදනකින් සමහරවිට තjරා ගැනීමට තුඩු දුන් කාරණා පැහැදිළි කිරීමට වදනක් (පෙර වදන ලියූවන්ගේ ඉංග්‍රීසි ප්‍රකාශනවල
) ඉංග්‍රීසියෙන් ලියැවී ඇති බැවින් සිංහල පාඨකයාට බැලීම ද වටී. මා දන්නා තරමට මෙයින් සමහරක් න් සිංහලෙන් පළවී ඇත. ඒ එසේ වුවත්, මෙසේ හා දෙනෙකුට මෙම ලිපි කියවීමට අවසථාව ලබා
මේවාට මාතෘකා වී ඇත්තේ භූගෝලීය සාධක, }බන්ධතා, ලංකාවේ ආර්ය සභාපත්වය පිහිටුවීම, Øහි සංස්කෘතික සභාපත්වයේ බලපෑම, පළමුවෙනි පි පළ කර ඇති අන්දම කාලානුරූපයයි නොපෙනේ. මේ ලිපිවලින් වැඩි හරියක් සිංහලට පෙරලීමේ දී ՀC) නොහැකිවීම පාඩුවකි. මේ නිසා මේ ලිපිවල ආදක්නා දෝෂ දක්නා ලැබේ. සිංහල උගත් ලිපි සක් නොදක්වයි. උදාහරණයක් වශයෙන් රාජ්‍ය ද්ව විජේසේකර මහතාගේ ලිපියත්, සිංහල පිළිබඳ
සඳහන් කළ හැකියි.
බී. ලැබිය යුතු සැලකිල්ල සහ අවධානය නිසි අයුරු 2 යුතුය. මතු දක්වනු ලැබෙන නොයෙක් අඩුපාඩු ලැබී ඇත්තේ එහෙයිනි. ඉදිරි ප්‍රකාශනවලදී වත්
අවබෝකව බලාපොරොත්තු වෙමු. විශේෂයෙන් නගා මෙවැනි අවධියක අප පරීක්ෂාකාරීව කටයුතු
}ධියේ සිට 12 වෙනි ශත වර්ෂය දක්වා සිංහලුන්ගේ මැති හරබර ලිපිය මෙම ග්‍රන්ථයේ ඇති පරිවර්තක ද උදාහරණයකි. නොසැලකිලිමත් පරිවර්තනයක ලය '', 19 පිට ඉක්ෂවාකු '' වෙනුවට ' ඉක්ෂුවකු ''', න '', ඉන් සමහරෙකි. 22 පිටේ අලුත් ජෙදයක් 9ක විය. දෙවර්ගයාම එකිනෙකාගෙන් නොයෙක් }නස් වූ ඒකකයන් ලෙස පැවතුනි. '', '* entity '' ලින් ම පාරිභාෂික පද මාලාව බලා කළ පරිවර්තනකර්‍වෙයි.
විය '' (24 පිට) ක් පැවැති. . . ... ’’ (19 සහ 24 පිටු) අත්හරින ලද) නොයෙක් වර්ගයේ මැනික්වලින්

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UNIVERSITY OF
* විද්‍යාමාන ලේඛනවලින් පෙනී යන පදි ක්‍රි.ව. මුල් අවුරුදුවල සිට බොහෝ කල බල පෑවේය. '' (30 පිට)
සංස්කරණය අතින් ද මෙම ලිපියෙහි කැපී පෙ. රාජ කුමාරිත්, වෙනත් කුල කුමරියනුත් සමඟ නැව් පුරය ' සඳහන් වීම සඳෙස්ය. එසේම වරක් '' මඟ (78–83 පිටු) යනුවෙනුත්, ' ටෙවාලමි ’’ (83 පිට) තිබේ. 13 පිට, '* මොවුන්ගෙන් පස්දෙනෙක් මෙර යන තැන ද පරිවර්තනය සැක සහිතය. 14 පිටේ පම යයි කීම කරුණු රහිතය. තවද, වරක් ' වූලවංශය ' වංශය ' කියාත් (එම පිට) යෙදීම පාඨකයින් වෙහෝ ** චෝල '' — ‘’ සොළී ' තවත් එවැනි යෙදුම් ය.
ඊලඟට සිංහල පිළිබඳ විශේෂ පුහුණුවක් ඇති ගෙන බලමු. මෙය ද සාවද්‍ය යෙදුම් නිසා පලුදු වූ ත Godócs** (79 83ao) c3ãS SC33ệS) **rise of Colomb ( දෙවෙනි නොවේ. “ මෙසේ සිදුවී ඇත්තේ කෙළින් ** දෙමළුන්ගේ සංගම් සාහිත්‍යය '' (79 පිට) වැනි ලේ උරුවෙල් සඳහා ' ඌරුවෙල ' කියා යෙදීම (82
· අල්පතාව ' තවත් අමිහිරි යෙදුමකි. ’’ මුතු අප බව '' (91 පිට) ආදිය ද පාරිභාෂික යෙදුම් විනා තැන සිංහල උගතුන් දෙදෙනෙකුගේ ලිපිවල පමණක් ලෙ සෙසු ලිපිවල කොතරම් අඩුපාඩු ඇද්දැයි සිතාගත හ විට මේ දෝෂවලට වගකීම පැවරිය යුත්තේ ද සංස්ක
| පරිවර්තනයක් වශයෙන් ඉතාම සරලවූත්, { ඒ. පී. බුද්ධදත්ත හිමියන්ගේ බුද්ධයෝෂපාදයන් : තිබුනා නම් මේ ග්‍රන්ථයෙහි අගය වැඩි වනු නේ
· සෑහෙන පමණ හොඳ පරිවර්තනයකි.
මෙම ග්‍රන්ථයෙහි ඇති විශේෂ ලක්ෂණයක් න{ ආකාරයයි. මෙතෙක් සිංහලෙන් පළ නොවූ පො එතරම් යෝග්‍යයයි අපට නොහැඟේ. සමහර විට , වලින් ප්‍රයෝජනයක් නොවනු ඇත. ඉංග්‍රීසියෙන් වීමෙන් සිංහල පාඨකයන්ට කවර නම් උපකාරයක් හොඳය. ඒ අතර මහාවංශය, දීපවංශය, ආදී සිංහලේ එම පොත්වල ඉංග්‍රීසි පරිවර්තන ඇතුල් කිරීම ද සිං
මෙම පොතෙහි මිල ගැන ද වචනයක් කිව යුතු පළවුනු ග්‍රන්ථයක් නිසා මීට මඳකින් හෝ අඩු ගැනීමට මඟ සැලසීමට සංස්කාරක මහතා කෙරෙහි

CEYLON REVIEW
}දී වඩා ප්‍රාණවත් වූ තුන් වැනි බලපෑම මූලසථානය 9ක් පැවැති අතර ලංකාව කෙරෙහි බොහෝ සෙයින්
܌܁
නොන දොස් කිහිපයක් ඇත. 9 පිට, ‘’ මේ දූත පිරි මාං වලින් මධුරා පුරයට පැමිණියෝය.' මෙහි '' ". |pතිත්ත '', (10 පිට) කියාත්, තවත් වරක් මහාතිත්ට } ''' ප්වෝලමි '' (27 පිට) කියාත් වැරදීමෙන් යෙදී ට නැවතී එක එකා මුරයෙන් මුරය රාජ්‍ය කළොjය ’’ }ණක් වූලවංශයේ එන කරුණු '' පරම්පරාගත පුවත් ‘’ " කියාත් (15 පිට) ඊට පසුව එම ග්‍රන්ථයට ම ' මහා
හස කරවන්නෙකි. ** පරන්ටක ('' — ‘’ “ ජරන්තක ’’,
කෙනෙකු වන බී. ජේ. පෙරේරා මහතාගේ ලිපිය ද වත් ලිපියකි. ‘Buried city’’ යන්නට '' වැළලුනු )' යන්නට 'කොළඹ නැගීම’ (81 පිට) යයි යෙදීමට ම ඉංග්‍රීසියෙන් සිංහලට පරිවර්තනය කිරීම නිසාය. ×යදුම් ද ශිෂ්ට නොවේ. පාළි - උරුවේලා, සිංහල - පිට) පරිවර්තකයාට නිගා දෙන්නකි. 85 පිට ඇති 3නයනය කිරීම '' (82 පිට) , ** මැනික් නිර්නය කළ ට ගැලපෙන යෙදුම් දැයි සැක සිතේ. මේ පිළිවෙළට මතරම් සංස්කරණ සහ පරිවතන දෝෂ ඇති කල්හි, දැකිය. පරිවර්තකයන් නිර්නාමික වීම නිසා සමහර කාරක මහතමාටමය. ܓ
ලෙහෙසියෙන් කියවිය හැකි වූත් ලිපියක් නම් േ. පිළිබඳ කෙටි ලිපියයි. සෙසු ලිපි ද ඒ තත්වයෙන් , ගොඅනුමානය. මාර්ටින් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතාගේ ලිපියත්
ම් මෙහි පිටු අග ඇති ආශ්‍රිත ග්‍රන්ථ ආදිය දක්වා ඇති ත් පත්වල නම් සිංහලට පෙරලා දක්වා ඇත. එය මෙම පොත් පත් සිංහලෙන් පළවූ දාක මෙම සටහන්පළ වූ පොතක නාමය පමණක් සිංහලට නගා දැක්| ද? එමනිසා ඉග්‍රීසි නම් පමණක් දුන්නා නම් වඩා ප්‍රීන් ලබා ගත හැකි පොත් තිබිය දී, මෙහි සටහන්වලට හල ප්‍රකාශනයකට නොගැළපේ.
)ය. වැඩි වශයෙන් ශිෂ්‍යයන්ගේ පරිශීලනය උදෙසා මිලක් නියම කළා නම් වැඩි දෙනෙකුට ප්‍රයෝජන } තිබූ අභිලාෂය ද ඉටුවන්නට කිබුණි.
කරුණාරත්න විජේතුංග
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the Ceylon University Press, Colomb. of Ceylon, and published by K. D. Som
 

ty of Ceylon.
IVՇՐՏ1
Librarian, Un