Page 1
"இ" S**ے۔۔۔۔۔***** ※※※※※※※※※※※
OCTOB
UNIVERSITY PERAD CEY
Vol. XXI No. 2.
營※
 

※※※※※※※※※※※※※※※
RSITY CYLON IEVWV
ER 1963
OF CEYEON ENYA
LON
Rs... 2-50
纥※※※
تقرية" همومة
లో ※※
SS
※
戀
※
| 292 ||
SM) {
※
※
※粉器
※ ※

Page 2
Editfors P. E. E. FERNANDO W. J. F. LABROOY K. W. Goon RWARDENA
Princess Ulakudaya's Wedding
by S. Paranavitana
The Eccentric Horace
by A. C. Seneviratine
The Choice of Research Projects
by Joseph K. Hichar
W. M. G. Colebrooke: Two Unpubl
by K. M. de Silva
Pythagoras, Birth-Rememberer
by Merlin Peris
Book Reviews
UNIVERSITY OF
The University of Ceylon was establishedo Medical College (founded 1870) and the Ceylo at present the Faculties of Oriental Studies Agriculture and Veterinary Science. The Uni of Ceylon the publication of the Ceylon Jour its chief means of contact with Scientists elsew of Medical Science. The University of Ceylon contact with scholars in literary subjects, to pro in those subjects conducted in the Univer Ceylon. The Review is published twice a yea welcome. Correspondence regarding exchar University of Ceylon, Peradeniya. The ann copy Rs. 2.50, post free.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

Manager THE LIBRARIAN UNIVERSITY OF CEYLON
1963
ENTS . 1 ܐܝܼܓ݂
PAGE
103
as a 139
s a a 147
ished Memoranda
*三多、 is 153
a a 186
213
CEYLON REVIEW
the 1st July, 1942, by the fusion of the Ceylon in University College (founded 1921). It has Arts, Science, Engineering, Medicine, and ersity has taken over from the Government all of Science, which has been developed as here and has also started the Ceylon Journal
Review was founded in order to make similar vide a medium of publication for the research ity, and to provide a learned review for , in April, and October. Exchanges are ges should be addressed to The Librarian, ial subscription is Rs. 5.00, and a single

Page 3
University of C
Vol. XXI, No. 2.
jr. Princess Ulakudo
HE Sinhalese literature of the figure of Parakramabahu VI; his of Candravati, or under the titl three poems of Sri Rahula, the greatest historical references in literary works of nor very clear; conflicting opinions scholars who have investigated them, w the date of the accession of this impor stumbled upon certain documents of a many disputed points about Parakrama welcome light on many obscure point literary, of the century or two preceding These documents are not without inte India and South-East Asia.
བས་འག་། In 1934, I inspected an inscribed stc. -* for an agricultural settlement in the vil Ambalanto ța in the Māgam Pattu of til ང། pillar, which stood 4 ft. 6 in. above gr side, and 9 in. On the narrower side, wh
ninth or tenth century. The record is Rohana, issued in the seventh year of I the prince who issued the edict, who Mahinda, the son of Kassapa V (914-9 been discovered in Rohana, one at
Kirinda.4 The object of the edict w estate, subject to a quit-rent to be paid Interesting as this document is, it is no
As the inscribed stone could not be the Colombo Museum, where it has be
1. See History of Ceylon, published by the pp. 660 ff and 776 ff.
2. Annual Report of the Archaeological Sur .57-60 .Ep. Zey, Vol. II, pp .3 ܝܶܚܵܐ *hy 4. Ep Zey., Vol. V., pp. 270-280
103

Dr. GEORGE 『リ\。
Ceylon Review
October, 1963
yas Vedding
Kotte period is dominated by the daughter, under her proper name 2 of Ulakudaya, is eulogised in the literary figure of the age. But the the Kotte period are neither copious have, therefore, been expressed by
ith regard to the descent, career and
tant ruler. Recently, I have almost Inique nature, which not only settle bahu and his family, but also throw ES in the history, political as well as the accession of Parakramabahu VI. rest to the student of the history of
ne slab brought to light in a clearing lage of Bõlāna to the north-West of he Hambantota District.2 The slab ound, measures 21 ft. On its broader lich are inscribed in characters of the an edict, presumably of the Apa of King Abha Salamevan, the father of himself is not named, but must be 23). Two edicts of this prince have Mayilagatota, 3 and the other near as to grant certain privileges to an to the great hospital at Mahagama. t the subject of the present paper.
preserved in situ, I had it brought to
en for the last thirty years. Recently, University of Ceylon (UHC), Vol. Ipart 2,
Jey of Ceylon for 1934, p. 19.
H

Page 4
UNIVERSITY O
I had a fresh estampage of this ins the Epigraphia Zeylanica, and in th in addition to the writing of th comparatively large size, the stone sides, with writing in smaller chara In some places, writing in letters of size and type.
At first sight, this writing app observation, the script is seen to fifteenth century, and the languag writings in a script which appears earlier than the fifteenth century. T of several lines revealed that this royal pedigrees which begin or ei statements: viz. “Candra vatī, the da stands (here), having taken the har Pāņçdya, or “Sundara Pāņçdya, son ( taken the hand of Candravati, etc. that the pedigrees had been recite Candravati, the daughter of Parakra students of Sinhalese literature.
We know that the recital of t and bridegroom was an important of a royal wedding in India, as it v the description of the wedding of R pedigree of Sita's father as well as poet expressly mentions that, on daughter in marriage, by a person family, the details of the family tre
In addition to the pedigrees, the in Sanskrit, which may be called th rative records. After the discovery I also discovered, on several other the tenth to twelfth centuries, si wedding, superficially incised in th epigraphs, and also going over the
5. Prodine tu muni-śresha kulan ni, Vakitayam, kullajatena tan, nibodha-mi

F CEYLON REVIEW
cription prepared, in order to edit it for le course of studying it, I noticed that, e tenth century, which is in letters of ܐ is covered from top to bottom, on both -
Lcters of Varying size, some Very ini, tute. one size is engraved over that in another
ears to be all in a jumble, but after close pe Sinhalese or Grantha of about the e Sanskrit. There are, however, some palaeographically to belong to a period he decipherment of a continuous passage ater writing has recorded, in Sanskrit, ld with one or other of the following ughter of the great king Parakramabahu, nd of Sundara Pāņçdya, son of Sundara of Sundara Pandya, stands (here), having . These statements definitely establish d on the occasion of the wedding of
mabahu VI, the monarch best known to ad
. . ܵܒܪܠܧܢ܂ * ܫ
he pedigrees of the families of the bride : part of the ceremony on the occasion. vas indeed in many other countries. In ama and Sita, the Ramayana has given the that of Dasaratha, Rama's father. The the occasion of the giving away of a who could boast of being born in a good e should be recounted.
are are also inscribed on the stone a poem e wedding hymn, and short Commemoof this writing on the slab from Bolana, stones bearing Sinhalese inscriptions of milar writing relating to Candravati's e spaces between the lines of the original sm. Some of these are: (1-2) two slabs αυαέesαίαή. Уаһатитте. Ramayana, Book I, Canto 71, v. 2.
104. ܕܫܡܗܡ

Page 5
University of Ceylon Review, Vol. XXI, N
 
 
 

o. 2, October 1963 PLATE
Slab, Side A

Page 6


Page 7
PRINCESS ULAKUD.
in the Abhayagiri area at Anuradhapure
(3) a slab from Vessagiri at Anuradhapu
slab from Rambiva in the Anuradhap - Anuradhapura Museum (Ep. Zey, Vol
an aublished) edict relating to the hos
(6) an unpublished inscription recently discovered in the neighbourho District; (7) an unpublished inscriptior duluvava in the Tamankadu District; eleventh century found at a place ne District; (9) the pillar inscription at May (10) an unpublished pillar-inscription o the neighbourhood of Amparai; (11) site in the Gal Oya Valley. The last specially prepared for the recording of is visible on it.
Fragments of one of the pedigrees ar. the Sinhalese inscription of Nissalink. (Ceylon Journal of Science, Section G, Vo stone-of Nissarinkamala's record, as w ཕྱིས་ག་ laer On the earlier Writing—is Said to il
fact that the pedigrees recited on daughter have been recorded on this st
Island of Ramesvaram was under the co
ബ
Nos. 1, 2, 4 and 5 and several others Sinhalese writing, historical accounts in the original lines of writing. The fifteel over, sometimes obscuring, the earlier of Such a character that it can easily est concentrated on the original writing in indeed happened in the case of NoS. 1— these pedigrees are written twice over, and again in letters of Very minute si, the bridegroom is written over that ( Bolana slab, the pedigrees are written in lese characters, one going over the otl
passages are written also in the Naga Chinese characters are also visible on so
105

AYA’S WEDDING
(Ep. Zey., Vol. I, Nos. 19 and 20); ra (Ep. Zey, Vol. I, Plate 10); (4) a ura District, now preserved in the ... II, No. 12); (5) a slab containing pital at Madirigiri (Ep. Zey, Vol. II, of Nissalinkamala on a stone asana od of Giritale, in the Tamankadu of Vikramabahu I near the Kavu
(8) an unpublished edict of the ar Virakatiya in the Hambantota ilagastota (Ep. Zey. Vol. II, No. 11); f about the tenth century found in an unpublished slab-pillar from a named slab appears to have been the pedigrees; no earlier inscription
2 faintly visible on an estampage of amala discovered at Ramesvaram l. II, p. 105). The writing on this ell as that of the pedigrees inscribed pe altogether obliterated at present. the occasion of the wedding of his one indicates that, at that tinne, the ntrol of Parakramabahu Vl.
also bear, in addition to the original Sanskrit incised between and over nth century writing has been incised palimpsests. This later writing is rape notice when one's attention is the course of deciphering it, as has 4 and 9. On some of the Stones,
once in a script of a larger size ze. In some cases, the pedigree of f the bride, or vice versa. In the the Grantha as well as in the Sinhaher. On some stones, the Sanskrit ri script. Traces of Persian and me stones. In all these stones, this

Page 8
UNIVERSITY C
writing of the fifteenth century w. ciable depth, and sometimes is no in many places. But, fortunately made out on the other, so that the recovered in full. Thus, thought of the texts reproduced below, the of the writing on all or most of th
I do not, in this paper, propos my comments will be limited to t. standing them. ܟܝ
Pedig
This starts from the very top Over the kalasa shown in relief an up to the end of the area of line 5 The Sinhalese and Grantha versions preserved and legible in most plac of the record engraved in the Sinh places is based on the Grantha, Or til
(1) Svasti * Šri-Parakramaba(3) Sundara-Pandya-putrasya St sthi-(5) - tā * Sundara-Pāņdya Sundara - Pāņdyas = tu Sundara Pāņdyas = tu Sundara. — Pāņçlyas = tu Sundara - Pandyasya pu Sundara - Pandyasya putras = Su - Pandyasya putras = Sundara -P. putras = Sundara (12) Pāņdyas = = Sundara-Pāņçdyas = tu Sundara Pāņdyas — tu Sundara Pā — (15) – ņ Su - (16) - ndara - Pandyasya pu Parākramabāhu-mahārajasya bhāg rājas = tu Vijayabāhu - mahārājas = tu Parākramabāhu mahārājasya : = tu Vijayabāhu – mahārājasya

DF CEYLON REVIEW
hich has not been engraved to an appret more than mere scratches, is illegible , what is illegible on one stone can be pedigrees and other documents have been he slab from Bolana is given as the saurce readings are a result of the examination e slabs enumerated above.
e to discuss these pedigrees in detail; and he barest minimum necessary for under
gree No. 1
of side A of the pillar, and is continued d over the writing of the tenth century, of the original record, 2 ft. from the top. run close together, the latter being better es. The text is given following the lines talese script, though the reading in many he writing on the other stones referred to.
;sحیر
Text
(2) -hu-mahārājasya duhitā Candravati Indara-(4) Pāņçdyasya hastañ = grhitvā s = tu Sundara-Pāņdyasya (6) putras = - Pandyasya (7) putras = Sundara - ya putras = Su (8) -ndara - Pandyas tras = Sunda - (9) – ra - Pāņdyas = tu Indara - Pā — (10) – ņdyas = tu Sundara iņçdya – (11) — S = tu Sundara — Pāņdyasya = tu Sundara - Pandyasya pu - (13) tras - Pandya - (14) - sya putras = Sundaradyasya putras = Sundara - Pāņdyas = tu Tras = Sundara - Pa- (17) - Indyas = tu gineyah Parākramabāhu, ma - (18) – hāya putro Vi - (19) —jayabāhu – mahārājas putrah Parā - (20) – kramabāhu – mahārājas putro Vija - (21)-yabahu-maharajas =
106
t
¬ ¬¬ܓܪ ܐ

Page 9
University of Ceylon Review, vol. XXI, Nc
Lower half of Bolana Slab, Side
 

). 2, October 1963 PLATE III
A. l. 7-15 of original inscription.

Page 10


Page 11
PRINCESS ULAKUDA
tu Vijayamalla - mahārājasya putro V Gajabāhu - mahārājasya putro Gajabāh bāhu - mahārājasya putro Vikramabā bāhu- mahārājasya putro Vijayabāhu- na - maharajasya putro Maudgalyayan: (26 tālasya putrah Kāsyapa - mahārājas Sena - (27) maharajas = tu Sundarayal duhitā Srī - (28) māras = tu Varaguņ mahārājas = tu Srīmāra — mahārā — mahārājas = tu Varaguņa — mahārājasya tu Rājasirinha - mahārājasya putro Rājasin maharajasya putro Jatila - maharajas = putro Arikeśari — mahārājas = tu Phalay rājasya putrah Phalayāgaśāla — Mūrdha mahārājasya putrah (34) Paņdu-mahārāja Candra — mahārājas = tu Candra-vanihśa (eight times repeated) (36) Sundara-Pan Parakramabahu - maharajasya (37) duhi sthitah (38). The above passage rep
Transl
May it be well! Prosperity Can king Sri Parakramabahu, Stands (here), Pāņdya, the son of Sundara Pāņdya.
Sundara Pāņdya (XI) is the son C Pāņdya (X) is the son of Sundara Pāņd the son of Sundara Pāņdya (VIII); Sun Sundara Pāņdya (VI); Sundara Pāņd Pandya (VI); Sundara Pandya (VI) wa Sundara Pandya (V) was the son of Sun (IV) was the son of Sundara Pāņdya (III of Sundara Pāņdya (II); Sundara Pāņdya (I); Sundara Pāņdya (II) was the Son-in Parakramabahu - maharaja was the Vijayabāhu — mahārāja was the son Parakramabahu - maharaja was the Vijayabāhu-mahārāja was the son of V mahārāja was the son of Gajabāhu — m
107

YAS WEDIDING
Vijayamalla — mahā — (n) rājas = tu Lu – mahārājas = tu Vikrama- (23) 1u - mahārājas = tu Vijaya – (24) mahārājas = tu Maudgalyāya (25) - – mahārājas = tu Kāśyapa - mahā = tul Sena - maharajasya putraS = 1 putras = Sundrai tu Srīmārasya - mahārājasya putro Varaguņa - (29) - jasya putras = Srimara - putro Varaguņa - (30) mahārājas = hha - mahārāja- (31) — S = tu Jațilla - = tu = Arikeśari — (32) mahārājasya īgašāla - Mūrdhacūda - (33) mahā— cūda — mahārājas = tu Paņçduas — tu Candra – mahārājasya putraś – sya (35) pratisthapayita (*) Svasti iyasya-putras-Sundara - Pandiyah tuš = Candravatyã hastan grhitvã eated, and Svasti written twice.
ation
dravati, the daughter of the great having taken the hand of Sundara
f Sundara Pandya (X); Sundara ya (IX); Sundara Pāņdya (IX) was dara Pāņdya (VIII) was the Son of ya (VI) was the son of Sundara s the son of Sundara Pāņdya (V); dara Pāņdya (IV); Sundara Pāņdya | ; Sundara Pāņdya (III) was the son (III) was the son of Sundara Pāņdya -law of Parakramabahu-maharaja; son of Vijayabāhu - mahārāja;
of Parākramabāhu — mahārāja ; son of Vijayabāhu — mahārāja ; jayamalla-maharaja; Vijayamalla - ahārāja : Gajabāhu - mahārāja vas

Page 12
UNIVERSITY O
the son of Vikramabāhu-mahārāja of Vijayabāhu — mahārāja ; Vijayal galyāyana – mahārāja; Maudgalyā — mahārāja ; Kāśyapa-mahārāja W mahārāja was the son of Sundari; Śrimara was the Son of Varaguņa son of Śrīmāra-mahārāja; Śrīmāli mahārāja; Varaguņa-mahārāja wa sininha-mahārāja was the Son of Jați of Arikesari-maharaja; ArikesariMürdhaclida-maharaja; Phalayagas of Pandu-maharaja; Pandu-maha Candra-maharaja was the founder (eight times repeated).
Sundara Pāņçdya, the Son of taken the hand of Candravati, the bahu. May it be well (4 times repe:
Co.
The name Sundara Pāņdya ha vati's groom from father to son f that this pedigree is intended to tr to which the Pandya kings belong descent through the mother on whose daughter Sundara Pandya (t espoused, can easily be recognised: Polonnaru as his capital after havi Pandya king Maravarman Kulase. Pandya in the family, must have bec conqueror and founder of the seco Pandya (1251-1268). It is throug Pandya's connection with the Pan pedigree. It is thus apparent that t to the Pandya stock. The two p Darinbadeni period, the Cillavafisa 34) introduce Vijayabāhu III, the
6. O'ʻiila va nihsa, chap. 90, vv. 48- 58; U
too much for the period from Parakrama possible, which could easily have crept in d

F CEYLON REVIEW
; Vikramabāhu – mahārāja was the Son bahu - maharaja was the son of Maudyana – mahārāja Was the Son of Kāśyapa Tas the son of Sena-mahārāja ; Sena - Sundari was the daughter of Srimara; -maharaja; Varaguna-maharaja was the a-mahārāja was the Son of Varaguņas the son of Rājasirinha-mahārāja; Rājala-mahārāja; Jatila-mahārāja Was the Son mahārāja was the son of Phalayāgaśāla — iāla —Mūrdha-cūda-mahārāja was the Son rāja was the Son of Candra-mahārāja; of the Candra-varihsa. May it be well!
Sundara Pandya, stands (here), having : daughter of the great king Parakramaated).
lanets
s been adopted in the family of Candraor eleven generations. It is no Wonder ace his descent from the Candra-varihsa, ed. This has been done by tracing the two occasions. King Parakramabahu, he second in the family to bear the name) as Parakramabahu III, who reigned with ing obtained the Tooth Relic from the khara.6 His father, the first Sundara an given the name in honour of the great ld Pandya empire, Jatavarman Sundara gh the Dariabadeni kings that Sundara dya lineage has been established in this the Da ṁbadeņi kings claimed to belong rincipal sources for the history of the (chapters 81–90) and the Pitjavali (chapter first king to reign from Darinbadeni,
JIHC, II, p. 632. Ten generations appear to be
bāhu III to Parākramabāhu VI. An error is lue to the repetition of the same phrase.
108

Page 13
PRINCESS ULAKUD
without Saying anything about his par vaulsa alone informs us that the father mala; this authority too does not Surely, the authors of these works 1. connections of Vijayamala. Those of یhچو Cillavarisa dealing with the his Wရှီး(Ābilitး I to the accession of Parak why the writers of the Darinbadenip Vijayamala's father, when they learn personage about whom these Writers Gajabāhu-mahārāja, i.e. Gajabāhu II.
Kasyapa-maharaja of this pedigre 54, v. 69 of the Cillavatisa. His fathe of Mahinda IV by his consort referred The pedigree is continued, not throug mother, called Sundari. More about called Pandyan will be stated in the sc Arikeśarī, the pedigree ascends quite i manur plates.9 The king named here not figure in the Pandya genealogy of name figures in the Velvikudi grant; 1 as a ruler who flourished before the ad thical ancestors of the Pandya kings in mentions two, Pandya-maharaja as the maharaja as the founder of the Cand to as a human personality, not as a d eight generations separated Candra-m of whose accession was 862, our ped founded about the beginning of the s of our pedigree has indulged in some of the Pandya kings have identified a h and taken the origin of the dynasty of is also interesting to note that the fe ascribes to Paidu-iiidu are related of a the bigger Sinnamanlir plates. As ol
7. UHC, II, pp. 6I3-15.
8. Calavansa, chap. 54, v. 57.
9. South, Indian Inscriptions, Vol. III, p. 4
10. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XVII, p. 29l f called after a famous king of an earlier date.
11. South Indian, Inscriptions, Vol. III, p.
109

) AYA’S WEDDING
entage. The Hathavanagalla-viharaof Vijayabāhu III was King Vijayaay who Vijayamalla's father was.7 must have known about the family who are familiar with the chapters tory of the Island from the death of ramabahu I, will readily understand eriod did not mention the name of that according to this pedigree the had been silent was no other than
2 is the prince referred to at chapter r, Sena-mahārāja, is Sena V, the son to in the Cillavafisa as Kalinga-devi. 8 gh Sena V's father, but through his t this princess and her right to be quel. From Varaguna-maharaja to n agreement with the bigger Sinna: as Phalayaga-Sala Mirdhactida does that document, but a ruler of this he is mentioned in that document lvent of the Kalabhras. Of the myamed in their charters, this pedigree father of Mūrdhacūçda, and Candra |ra-vanihśa. Candra is here referred ivine being (Moon God). As only ahārāja from Varaguņa II, the date ligree visualises a dynasty that was eventh century. Either the framer : rationalisation, or the genealogists uman personage with a divine being, their kings to a hoary antiquity. It ats which the Kavsilumina (v. 769) mythical ancestor of the Pandyas in ir pedigree proves that the Darinba
尘43ff。 f. It is not impossible that a later ruler was
460.

Page 14
UNIVERSITY OF
deni kings claimed Pandya descent, Kavsilumina being taken as a work o lineage.
Pedigr
The next pedigree, which is also Sinhalese script, traces the descent of pura kings in the direct male line. T by line 5 of the Sinhalese inscription
T
(1) Svasti * Ambalatīrtha - rājy. Pāņdyas = tu Pāņdya-maņdala - paramparānuyātaḥ| ||*|| Svasti ||*||
putro Mahadipada-(5) Kasyapas = ta: maņdala - (6) — nih m = vijitya Vara Pāņdya (7) - maņdalain Laikā-rājy (8) - s = tasya putro mahārāja - Kā (9) jitya stihitvā mrtas = tasya putro sthānam = la - (10) - bdhvā sthitvā Javam = gatva tatra sthi – (11) – t tu tatra sthitva mrtas = tasya putro . tunga = rājen = Ānuradhapuram Buddha - mala - (13) - s = tu Sa bhūtvā Suvairņņamalayam = prā sthāpitvā Vijayabāhunā Pulastipur: putro Mahendras = tu tatra sthitvā mas = tu Parakramabahu-rajas ya krtva parajito mrta (16) - S = tasya - par Vvate durgarin = kg tvā Roha tasya putras = Sundara - (17) Pandy bāhu - rājasya vipakso bhūtvā yudc tasya putras = Sundara - Pandiyah Svarnnamānikyärin Samüdhe * (19 tasya putras = Sundara - Pāņdyas
tasya (20) putras = Sundara - P Pāņdyas = tasya putras - Sundara — Pā — (21) ņdyas = Suvarıņņa - r

CEYLON REVIEW
there should be no objection to the f Parakramabahu on the ground of his
ee No. 2.
s written in the Grantha as well as the Sundara Pandya from the Anuradhahis starts at the top of the area occupied and ends at 1. 10.
ext
asya pratistha - (2) - payita Sundara -
vijetus = (3) Sena - maharajasya (4) Svasti * Mahāraja-Dappulasya sya putro Maharaja-Senas=tu Pandyaguņa - mahārājan Sva-rājye sihāpitvā asya vaše vartayitvā stihitvā mirta - Syapas = tu Pandiya - mandalarin viMahendras = tu Rohana = adipāda - Mahendreņa yuddhain kg tvā parājito vā mirtas = tasya putrah Kāšyapas 2 Mahendras = tu (12) Samara - Vijayot= prāpya stihitvā mirtas = tasya putro mara - Vijayoturīga - rājasya vipakso pya Maudgalyāyananih = rājye (14) um = prápya Sthitvã mrtas = tasya mrta (15) — S = tasya putrah ParākraMañju — daiņdanāyakena yuddharih = putro Bhuvanaikabāhus = tu Govinda ņe rājyanin = kgtvā stihitvā mgtas = as = tu Sundaragiri-pure Bhuvanaikahanh = krtva parajito mrta – (18) s =
Parākramabāhu - rājasya duhitaranih ) Tasya putras = Sundara Pāņdyas = = tasya putras = Sundara - Pāņdyas andyas = tasya putras = Sundara - - Pāņdyas = tasya putras = Sundara nalayam = prāpya stihitvā - pun ar =
10
ܝܬܐ
ܛ3ܢ

Page 15
PRINCESS ULAKUD
againya Ambalatirthe purah = krtv mirtas = tasya (22) putras = Sundara - P pure rajyah = karayati Parakramaba Tasya Sundara - Pandyasya putra bāhu — rājasya duhituś = Candravatyā
7 2# ܢ
Transl
Hail! Sundara-Pandya, the founde had come down in succession from the Pandya Country.
Hail! Maharaja Dappula, his s Maharaja Sena conquered the Pand maharaja in his own sovereignty, mad kingdom of Lanka and, having remai His son Kāśyapa-mahārāja (also) Conque remained (in power), died (in due time position of Adipada in Rohana, remaine was defeated, went to Java, remained also remained there (i.e. in Java) and d Anuradhapura with King Samara-Vija is Son, Buddhamalla, became an C arrived in Suvarninamalaya, 13 establishe arrived in Pulastipura with Vijayabah son Mahendra also remained there an war with Manju, the dandanayaka of and died. His son, Bhuvanaikabahu, parvata, reigned in Rohana and died. opponent of King Bhuvanaikabahu of war (with him), was defeated, and died Svarnnamanikya, the daughter of King Pāņqdya; his son Sundara Pāņçdya ; il Sundara Pāņqdya; his son Sundara Pāņ« son, Sundara Pançdiya, Vent to Suvar. back again, built a city at Ambalatirth: and died. His son Sundara-Pandya Ambalatīrtha as a territorial magnate o
12. Ambalantota. 13. Ranmalakanda, called Hirafia-malaya
111

AYA’S WEDDING
ā Rohaņe rajyarin = kŗtvā sthitvā āņdyas = sampraty = Ambalatīrthahu - rajasya mandalliko (23) bhütva S = Sundara - Pāņdyah Parākrama(24) hastaih = grhitva sthitah *)
ation
r of the kingdom of Ambalatirtha, 12 Sena-maharaja, the conqueror of
on Mahādipāda Kāśyapa; his son ya country, established Varaguņae the Pandya Country subject to the ned (in power), died (in due time). cred the Pandya country and, having ). His son, Mahendra, obtained the d there, waged war with Mahendra, there and died. His son Kasyapa ied. His son, Mahendra, arrived at yottunga, remained there and died. opponent of Samara Vijayottuńga, d Maudgalyayana in the Sovereignty, nu, remained there, and died. His d died. His son Parakrama waged King Parakramabahu, was defeated, constructed a fortress at GovindaHis son, Sundara Pāņdya, became an Sundagiri-pura (Yapavu), waged . His son, Sundara Pāņdya, wedded Parākramabāhu. His son Sundara his Son Sundara Pāņçdya ; his son dya; his son Sundara Pāņdya. His ana-malaya, remained there, came a (Ambalantota), reigned in Rohana now administers the kingdom in f King Parakramabahu.
in the Calavarisa.

Page 16
UNIVERSITY OF
Sundara Paindya, the son of thar taken the hand of Candravati, the da
Con
This pedigree furnishes us wi known. From Dappulato Adipada. with the genealogical information C ficant that the name of the Pāņdya ki with the assistance of Sena II, was sti it has not been given in the Cillava the son of Kasyapa, who was Ādipi Apa of the Mayilagatota and Kirinda at whose hands his namesake suffer Kataragama (Dețagamu) inscription. information when it says that Adi (a kingdom in the north of the Mal.
King Samara Vijayottuńga wit Adipada Mahendra, returned to Cey a few months ago. Recently, how on a slab in the Abhayagiri grounds: to the Sinhalese inscription of the enlightened us as to who he was. the ruler of Sri Vijaya mentioned Rajendra Cola, 18 who married the d queen. 19. He drove the Cola force Rajendra-Cola and, soon after this In co-operation with Prince Kasya Highlands, he conducted a campaign from them. He remained in Ceylo reignty of the Island to Kāśyapa, anc succeeded by a brother of his, nam the next ruler of Rājarațțha and rei 14. Chap. 51, vv. 27.51. About the na Sena II to obtain the throne of Madhura, st
15. See notes 3 and 4 above. l6. Ep. Zey, Vol. III, p. 224. 17. Ep. Zey., Vol. I, No. 20. 18. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXIII, p. 2, l9. O'aila va nihsa, , chap... 54, V v. I 0. I l.

CEYLON REVIEW
t Sundara Pandya, stands (here), having aughter of King Parākramabāhu,
linents
th historical information hitherto inMahendra, the pedigree is in agreement Ontained in the Calavatisa. It is signing who secured the throne of Madhura ll remembered in court circles, though irisa. 14. The prince named Mahendra, ida of Rohana, is the same as Mihiridu inscriptions. The prince Mahendra, 2d defeat, is the Lamani Mihind of the 16 The pedigree furnishes us with new pada Mahendra found refuge in Java ay Peninsula) after suffering defeat.
th whom Mahendra, the grandson of lon, has been unknown to history until bver, a document in Sanskrit, engraved at Anuradhapura, 17 at a date subsequent eleventh century engraved on it, has He Vas the Son of Māra Vijayotunga, in the well-known Leiden grant of aughter of Mahinda IV by his Kālińga es from Sri Vijaya after the death of event, came to Ceylon with his army. pa, the son of Sena V, who was in the against the Colas, and wrested Ceylon n for five years, handed over the SoveI returned to Sra. Vijaya. Kasyapa was ed Sena, whose son Mahendra became gned for seventeen years. He was sucme of the Pandya prince who was assisted by ee. Ep. Zey., Vol. V, pp. 105f、
57.
112

Page 17
University of Ceylon Review, Vol. XXI, N
Upper half of Bolana Slab, Si --ܡ
 

PLATE IV
No. 2, October 1963
de A. l. 1-6 of original inscription.

Page 18


Page 19
PRINCESS ULAKUI
ceeded by his son, a prince named Kā after which Vijayabahu was anointe reason or other, all these events hav Cūlavaminsa.
u Buddhamalla, figuring in this pec and the Panakadu inscription.20 The been described at length in the chrc learn that Prince Maudgalyayana w; Buddha. This explains the reference Vijayabahu's father by the throne nar who lost his life in waging war wit mabahu I, is not known from othel document, for the first time, that Bhus his stronghold at Govinda-parvata,23 name Sundara Pandya borne by the cates that he must have carved out a
allegiance to Jatavarman Sundara P. flourished at this time. The fact that vanaikabahu of Yapavu suggests that And the Sundara Pandya of the next gel alignment, espoused a daughter of Pa
bāhu IV. The reasons which led Sunc
ment at Suvarıņņamalaya are not stated the troubles which preceded the access
Pedigree
Written in characters averaging the upper rule demarcating the area o and continued downwards for 1 ft. 5 Grantha characters over the Sinhales legible and helps to decipher the rec places where the latter is indistinct. collation of the readings on the other the Mädirigiri slabs.
20. Cūļa varisa, chap. 57, vv. 45 ff. and Ep.
| 21, Ep, Zey, Vol. II, p. 215.
22. See U. H.C., Vol. I, part 2, p. 492 (No. 23. C'zila va nihsa, chap. 8l, vv. 5-6.
113

DAYA'S WEDDING
Syapa who reigned for only one year, ed in Anuradhapura. Due to some 2 been passed over in silence by the
digree, is mentioned in the Cillavatisa : events briefly referred to here have nicle. But, from this pedigree, we as established in the sovereignty by : in the Arinbagamuva inscription to ne of Abā Salamevan.21 Parākrama, h Manju,22 the general of Parakra- sources. We also learn from this anaikabahu, who ruled Rohana from was a descendant of Sena II. The son of Prince Bhuvanaikabāhu, indiprincipality for himself by declaring indya, the Pandya conqueror who he lost his life fighting against Bhuhe took the side of Vijayabāhu IV. neration, in keeping with this political rākramabāhu III, the son of Vijayalara Pandya IX to remain in conceal, but must have been connected with ion of Parakramabahu VI.
No. 3.
in. in height, beginning just below fline 7 of the Sinhalese inscription, in. The passage is also written in The Grantha is generally more ord in the Sinhalese script in many The text has been the result of the stones, notably the Virakatiya and
Zey, Vol. V., pp. 1-27.
40).

Page 20
UNIVERSITY OF
Te
(1) Svasti |* Parakramabahu - m. Jayamālas = tu Jaya-mālasya bhāg kramabāhu — mahārajasya bhāgine (4) — S = tu Vijayabāhu – mahārājas tu (5) Candrabhānu - mahārājasya p tu Gaņda - (6) gopāla — mahārājasya tu Māgha — ma – (7) — hārājāsya – pru nārāyaņa-mahārājasya (8) putras = Pralambahasta - mahārājasya putrah tu Jayagopa — mahārājasya putro Jay, nārāyaņa-mahārājasya putras = Sūry (11) sthāmaprāpta – mahārājasya put = tu Mānā — (12) - bharaņa — mahā rājas = tu Samara-Vijayottu — || Samara-Vijayottuńga – mahārājas = rājasya putro Māra - Vijayotunga mahārājasya putro Guņārņņava-mah (16) – jasya putrah Kauņdineya - n rajasya putras = Si- (17) - ddhayati rājasya putrah Kāśyapa – mahārājas putras = Sena-mahārājas = tu Kāśya mahādipāda — (19) —S = tu Dappularājas = tu. Udaya (20) — Mahārājasya 1 dra-maharajasya putro Mahendra - maharajasya putra = Agrabodhi-mah: (22) — trah Kāśyapa-mahārājas =
Mānavarmma-mahārājas = tu (23) K mahārājas = tu Šilāmegha-mahārāj (24) — S = tu Malaya - rājasya putrc naya - (25) - kasya putras = Maudgalyāyana – mahārājasya (26 = tu Silakala - maharajasya putra Maudgalyāyana — mahārājasya SvaS1 rājas = tu Dhātusena-mahārājasya
= tu Danihşțraināma-mahārājasya put: = tu Mayūra-mahārājasya putro Ma rājasya (31) putro Mayūra-mahārāj putro Lambaka — (32) rņņa-mahārāja
1.

CEYLON REVIEW
※t
uhārajas = tu Jayamālasya (2) putro ineyo Jayamālas = tu Parā — (3) — Dyah Parākramabāhu – mahāraja - ya putro Vijayabāhu – mahārājās*= utraś = Candrabhānu — mahārajas = putro Gaņdagopāla - mahārajas = ito Magha - maharajas = tu SiryyaSūryyanārāyaņa — mahārājas = tu Pralamba - (9) hasta - maharajas = agopa — mahārājas = tu (10) Sūryyaryanārāyaņa — mahārājas = tu Mahātro Mahā-sthāmaprāpta – mahārājas irājasya putro Mānābharaņa - mahā(13) – ńga mahārājasya putras – tu Māra-Vijayottuñiga – (14) mahāmahārājas = tu Gunārņņava – (15) ārājas = tu Kauņidineya – mahārā — hahārājas = tu Siddhayātra — mahāra – mahārājas = tu Kāśyapa-mahā= tu Se - (18) - na – mahãrãjasya pa – mahādipādasya putrah Kāśyapamahārājasya putro Dappula – mahāputra - Udaya-maharajas = tul Mahen- mahārājas = tu (21) Agrabodhiarajas = tu Kasyapa maharajasya pu - tu Mānavarmma-mahārājasya putro āśyapa-mahārājasya i putrah Kāśyapa
asya putras = Silamegha-maharaja o Malaya-rajas = tu Sirinhala-daņdaSirinhala — daņdanāyakas = tu
5) putro Maudgalyāyana-maharājas — (27) – ś – Šilākāla-mahārājas = tu iņo (28) Maudgalyāyana - mahāputro (29) Dhātusena - mahārājas ro Darihştranama-mahara — (30) — jas iyūra-mahārājas = tu Mayūra-mahāas = tu Lambakarņņa-mahārājasya S=tu Larihikāśoka-mahārājasya putro
14
־קציר

Page 21
PRINCESS ULAKU
Larinkasoka-maharaja - (33) - S - Kalabhra-mahārājas = tu Mu - (34) — mahārājas = tu (35) Kalabhra-mahā tu Muruņda — (36) mahārājasya put (37) i bhra-mahārājasya putrah Kalabh (38) -sya putro Murunda-maharajas putrah Kalabhra-mahārājas = tụ h Muruņda-mahārājas — tu Kalabhra-I bhra-mahārājas = tu, Puņdra-mahā-rā (42) Mahadarinstrika-Mahanaga-mah, Mahānāga mahārājas = tu (43) K Kuțakarņņābhaya-mahārājas = tu M rājasya putro Mahācūçdika — Mahāti Naga-maharajasya putrah Khalata - ddhatisya-maharajasya putraś = Śrad tişya — mahārājasya putrah (47) Kāka va bhaya-maharajasya putro (48) Gosthy Tiş ya mahārājasya putro Yaşțyālaya. nāgoparājasya putro Mahānāgoparāja rājasya vanšasya pratisthāpayitā Pāņdyasya putras = Sundara-Pāņdy duhituš-Candravatyā hastai grhītvā st .¬
Transl
Hail! Parakramabahu-maharaja the son-in-law of Jayamala; Jayamala V maharaja; Parakramabahu-maharaja v Vijayabāhu-mahārāja was the Son of C: mahārāja Was the Son of Gaņdagop: was the son of Māgha-mahārāja; Māg narayana-maharaja; Siryyanarayanahasta-maharaja; Pralambahasta-mahar. Jayagopa-mahārāja Was the Son of nārāyana-mahārāja was the Son of Mal maprāpta-mahārāja was the son of M. mahārāja was the son of Samara-Vija tuńga-mahārāja Was the Son of N Vijayottuńga-mahārāja was the son of mahārāja was the Son of Kauņçdine was the son of Siddhayātra-mahārāja
11

DAYA'S WEDDING
= tu Kalabhra-mahārājasya putrah ruņda - mahā-rājasya putro Muruņda ājasya putrah Kalabhra-mahārājas = ro Murunda-maharajas = tu Kala - a-mahārājas = tu Muruņda-mahārāja= tu Kalabhra mahā — (39) rājasya Muruņçda — (40) mahārājasya putro nahārā — (41) – jasya putrah Kalajasya putrah Puņdra-mahārājas = tu īrājasya bhāgīneyo Mahādāṁşțrika uțakarņņābhaya-mahārājasya putrah ahā — (44) cūdika-Mahātişya mahāşya-mahārājas = tu Khallāța — (45) Nāga - mahārājas = tu Šra - (46) dhātişya-mahārājas = tu Kāka varņņaurņņa-Tişya-mahārājas = tu Goșțhya"abhaya mahārājas = tu Yaşțyālaya-Tişya (49) mahārājas = tu MahāS = tu Parākramabāhu (50) mahāSvasti Svasti Svasti. (51) Sundaraah Parākramabāhu mahārājasya (52) hitah Svasti Svasti Svasti.
ation
is the son of Jayamala, Jayamala was was the son-in-law of ParakramabahuVas the Son of Vijayabāhu-mahārāja; andrabhānu-mahārāja; Candrabhānuila-maharaja; Gandagopala-maharaja ha-mahārāja was the son of Sūryyamahārāja was the son of Pralambaja was the son of Jayagopa-mahārāja; Sūryyanārāyaņa-mahārāja; Sūryyahāsthāmaprāpta-mahārāja; Mahāsthāinābharaņa-mahārāja; Mānābharaņayottunga-maharaja; Samara-VijayotMāra-Vijayotuiga-mahārāja; MāraGuņārņņava-mahārāja; Guņārņņavaya-maharaja; Kaundineya-maharaja ; Siddhayātra-mahārāja was the son
5

Page 22
UNIVERSITY OF
of Kasyapa-maharaja , Kasyapa-ma Sena-mahārāja was the son of Kāśy was the son of Dappula-mahārāja; D maharaja; Udaya-maharaja was the mahārāja was the son of Agrabod the son of Kāśyapa-mahārāja; Kāś Varmma-maharaja; Mānavarinninnamaharaja; Kasyapa-maharaja was megha-mahārāja Was the son of M Sirinhala-dandnaayaka; Sirinhala-dana mahārāja; Maudgalyāyana-mahārāji Silakala-maharaja was the brother-i yana-maharaja; Maudgalyayana-ma maharaja; Dhatusena-maharaja was Darinstranama-maharaja was the mahārāja was the son of Mayūra-m; of Lambakarnna-maharaja; Lambak Šoka-maharaja; Iarnkasoka-maharaj Kalabhra-mahārāja was the son of M was the son of Kalabhra-mahārāja Murunda-maharaja; Murunda-maha Kalabhra-mahārāja was the son of rāja was the son of Kalabhra-mahāri Murunda-maharaja; Murunda-maha Kalabhra mahārāja was the son of Pi the son-in-law of Mahadarinstrika-l Mahānāga-mahārāja was the son of KU' bhaya-mahārāja was the son of Mah Mahātişya-mahārāja was the son ( Nāga-mahārāja was the son of Śradhë was the son Kāka varņņa-Tişya-mahā the son of Goșțhyabhaya-mahārāja of Yastyalaya-Tişya-maharajı; Yaşı Uparāja Minhānāga; Uparāja Mahār the great king Parakramabahu.
Sundara Pāņçdya, the son of S taken the hand of Candravatī, the dau
1.

CEYLON REVIEW
haraja was the son of Sena-maharaja; apa-mahadipada, Kasyapa-mahadipada appula-mahārāja was the Son of Udayaon of Mahendra-maharaja: Mahendrahi-maharaja: Agrabodhi-mahara *尘 vapa-mahārāja was the son of Mānamahārāja was the son of Kāśyapahe son of Šilāmegha-mahārāja; Šilāalayarāja; Malayarāja was the son of dināyaka was the Son of Maudgalyāyanawas the Son of Šilākāla-mahārāja; -law (sister's husband) of Maudgalyahārāja was the son of Dhātusena
the son of Danihştirānāma-mahārāja; son of Mayūra-mahārāja ; Mayūraahārāja; Mayūra-mahārāja was the son urņņa-mahārāja was the son of Laminkāa was the Son of Kalabhra-mahārāja; Aurunda-maharaja; Murunda-maharaja ; Kalabhra-mahārāja was the son of
rāja Was the Son of Kalabhra-maharaja.
Murunda-maharaja; Murunda-maha ija; Kalabhra-mahārāja was the Son of rāja was the son of Kalabhra-mahārāja; undra-maharaja; Pundra-maharaja was Mahānāga-mahārāja ; Mahādāminstrikatakarņņābhaya-mahārāja; Kutakarņņāācūdi Mahātişya-mahārāja; Mahācūdiof Khalata-Naga-maharaja; Khalatatisya-maharaja: Sraddhatisya-maharaja rāja; Kāka varņņa Tisya-mahārāja Vas ; Goșțhyabhinya-mahārājn was the Son yālaya-Tişya-mahārāja was the Son of laga was the founder of the family of
undara Pandya, stands (here), having ghter of the great king Parakramabahu.
16
ܢܓܪܐ

Page 23
PRINCESS ULAKUDA
Comm.
The more recent forebears of Para in the next pedigree with the necessary PagÃirámabāhu up to Māgha, are of per From the father of Magha, Suryyanara ages figuring in the pedigree were rule are known to us from sources hitherto tunga, mentioned in the Leiden grant, a has mentioned in his inscriptions as his f tunga's father is given in the Leiden g1 as Gunarnnava. It is clear that “Clilan a prOper namn C.
The father of Siddhayatra, Kasy Kassapa V of Ceylon. Siddhayātra hin as Siddhatha, the Malayaraja. From cestors of Parakramabahu figuring in rulers of Ceylon, and their relationship data gathered from the Cillavatisa. T with information not mentioned in th father of Malayaraja was named Sinha Maudgalyāyana-mahārāja, son of Sil was Moggallāna II. According to the the kings of Ceylon from the seventh to cended from the Malaya-raja who was t tissa II.24 The chronicle, however, d. origin.25 Now we learn that Malaya-ra Sinihhala-daņçdanāyaka, the Son of Mc succeeded on the throne by Kittisirimeg Wrested by Mahanaga, a Scion of the N a son of Moggallana II, not named in th in foreign lands, and his son came back of the dynasty which held the Sinh. years. The name Sirinhala-dandanayak. was not in Ceylon.
24. See U.H.C., Vol. 1, Genealogical Table
25. Calavanisa, chap. 44, v. 8 and 43. 26. C'ül'avansa, chap. 41, vV. 64 ff.
117

AYA’S WEDDING
ents
kramabahu will be referred to again. historical details. The names from sonages who held power in Ceylon. yana, up to Siddhayatra, the person
rs of Sri Vijaya; of them, only two available. They are Mara-Vijayotind Jayagopa, whom Nissarilkamala ather. The name of Mara-Vijayotrant as Cuillaimani-varman, but here hanivarman was a title, rather than
apa-maharaja, was no other than nself finds mention in the Cillavatisa Kasyapa to Darinstranama, the anthe pedigree, excepting two, were is given here are in accord with the he pedigree, however, furnishes us he chronicle, when it says that the la-daņçdanāyaka, who was a son of akala. Maudgalyayana, therefore, genealogical data in the chronicle, the twelfth centuries were all deshe commander-in-chief of Sanghaoes not tell us anything about his ja was the son of a personage called oggallāna II. The last named was ha, from whom the sovereignty was Moriya clan.26 It now appears that e chronicles, had sought his fortunes to Ceylon to become the founder lese throne for over six hundred indicates that his sphere of activity
No. IV,

Page 24
UNIVERSITY C
Two personages, father and given as the grandfather and great not known from other Sources, bu was no doubt due to them. The 1. karnina and Latinkasoka. The firs appelation of the royal race to whi after Vasabha. Latinkasoka was mentioned in Chinese annals as Cola,27. Whether the region got we cannot decide as yet. Beyond alternating with four Murunda-ma Kalabhra is a name well-known India,28 and we know from Chin earliest Hinduised State in Indowith a Murunda king of India and t the throne of Fu-nan. 29 On slabs Rambiva are found statements a fifteenth century Ceylon about families, which we cannot discuss nately long. The earliest in date C of a Puņdra-mahārāja who was til dānstrika (Mahādāthika) Mahānā the pedigree ascends up to Uparāja s data in the Mahavatisa.
Pedig
The pedigree of Parakramabah historical information about some This pedigree, also written in the C begins at the top of the slab, on sid the Sinhalese inscription. The tex that on Abhayagiri slab No. 2.
27. For Lankasoka or Lankasuka, pp. 1-15, part iii, pp. 71 ff. and Vol. XVI) criptions, Vol. II, pp. 105 ff.
28. The History and Culture of the Inc
Majumdar, pp. 265 f.
29. G. Coedès, Les Etats hindouisés d']

CEYLON REVIEW
on, both named Mayira-maharaja, are -grandfather of Dhatusena. They are t the name Moriya of Dhatusena's clan ext two in order of ascent were Lamba; of these names is well-known as the ph most of the Sinhalese kings belonged
a kingdom in the Malay Peninsula, well as in the inscriptions of Rajendra its name from the ruler, or vice versa, Lathkasoka, five kings named Kalabhra harajas, take their places in the pedigree. to the students of the history of South ese sources that a ruler of Fu-nan, the China, maintained diplomatic relations hat a Murunda prince probably occupied referred to above from Madirigiri and bout the opinions which prevailed in the origin of Murunda and Kalabhra here without making this paper inordiif the Kalabhra kings is given as the son ne son-in-law (or sister’s Son) of Mahāga (circa 9—21 A.C.) ; from this point Mahanaga agreeing with the genealogical
ree No. 4
u is also given in a shorter version, giving of the personages mentioned therein. Grantha script overlapping the Sinhalese, e B, and is continued up to line three of t has been ascertained by collation with
see J RAS, Malayan Branch, Vol. XV, pt. 1, ... part ii. pp. 52 ff. See also South Indian Ins
Vian, People, Vol. IV, The Classical Age, ed. R. G.
ndochine et d'Indonésie, 1948, pp. 75-6.
118

Page 25
PRINCESS ULAKUD
Text
(1) Svasti | *) Magha-rajasya putro i putras = Candra - bha (3) - nus = tasya (4) bhrātā Vijayabāhurj - Jāvarā sthzvā punar = āgamya Hastigiripu yuddharin = krtvā jayai = grhītvā F mrtas = ta (7) — sya putras = tu
pure (8) rajyanin = krtva Vira - Alakeśv cakravartti - Mārttaņdena yuddhań = | gatva tatra Rohana-viharaň = krtva “p: sthito mṛtas = tasya bhāgineyo Dhaj Jayamalas = tasya bhagineyo JayamaParakramabahu-maharajas = ta - (14) – Pāņdya – putrasya Sundara - Pā -
sthitā * Svasti *).
Translat
May it be well. The son of Mag son Was Candrabhānu; his son was Sūr: bahu obtained the sovereignty of Java, these (for sometime), came back later, w; of Hastigiripura (Kurunägala), obtained (residing) in Hastigiripura and died. Hi the kingdom (residing) in Jatigramapura Alakesvara, waged war with the Ary defeated. (He) went to Rohana, establ at a later date went to Jāva, and died wil was Jayamala, the son of King Dharmm: His son is Parākramabāhu-mahārāja. (here), having taken the hand of Sun Pandya. May it be well.
Comme
Gandagopala of this pedigree is no now. According to a statement in Sansl in small characters between and over t writing on a stone slab at Madirigiri, and
119

AYA’S WEDDING
Ga - (2) - ņda - gopālas = tasya tasya putras = Sūryyanārāyaņasyanih labdhvā tatra gata – (5) — S = e Parākramabāhu - rā- (6) — jena Hastigiri-pure rājyan krtvā stihitvā Parākramabāhurj = Jātigrāma - rarasya paksaih grhitva (9) Aryyakrtvā parājito Rohaņa - (10) - i = re kāle Jā-(11) - vai = gatvā tatra Immāśoka - rā — (12) – ja-putro
(13) – las = tasya putras = Sri - sya duhita Candravati Sundara (15) - Indyasya hastan = grhitva
tion
ha-maharaja was Gandagopala; his yyanarayana. His brother Vijayawent there and, having remained aged war with King Parakramabahu victory and governed the kingdom s son, Parākramabāhu, administered (Dädigama), took the side of Vira ra-cakravartti Marttanda and was ished the Rohana-vihara there, and lile residing there. His son-in-law isoka; his son-in-law was Jayamala. His daughter Candravati stands dara-Pāņdya, the son of Sundara
1tS
t known to the history of Ceylon rit on the reign of Magha inscribed he lines of the original Sinhalese another in the Abhayagiri grounds,

Page 26
UNIVERSITY O
it is said that Magha, who came fro long period of success, in which he He was at last defeated by the co second, of Daṁbadeņi) and Sunda pura and gave the tidings of these e with Sundara Pandya by conceding Magha, thereupon, returned to Cey on the throne of Subhapattana (Ja entered the monastic order. Gand It is he who is referred to in the Ku as the Jāvaka’s son. 30 Candrabhān Javaka ruler of that name who twic kramabāhu III.31 It is this Cand Marco Polo.32
The Vijayabahu of this pedigre Parakumbaisirita.33 No historical w say about his origin, and the circu kramabāhu IV of Kurunägala. C that has hitherto been lacking on explains the epithet Săvulu pro the son of this Vijayabahu, was the f Tisara-sandesa and the Vuttamala. the political scene in Ceylon, as we are confirmed in their essential in this pedigree. Jayamala, the s same as the Jaya-mahalina of th pancika refers to the king named Di Jayamala, but the printed edition O. him with the Maurya emperor. 36 Jayamahalina of the Pirakuin basi pedigree, reference may be made t Part II, of the University of Ceylor
30. See U. H. C., Vol. I, part ii, p. 685. 31. Ibid, Vol. I, part ii, pp. 620-629. 32. The Book of Ser Marco Polo, trans Vol. II, pp. 313-5.
33. Verse 27, U.H. C., Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 34. U. H.C., Vol. I, pt. ii, pp. 626 ff. 35. Canto XV, v. 20, U.H.C., Vol. I, ]
36. Vrtaratnaikara-paijika, edited by 1908, p. 20. See also U. H. C., Vol. I, pt. i

CEYLON REVIEW
m Suvarnnapura (Sri Vijaya), enjoyed a was engaged in works of religious merit. mbined efforts of Parakramabahu (the ra Pāņçdya. Māgha went to Suvarņņavents to the Maharaja, who made peace to him the kingdom of Anuradhapara. lon, installed his son Gandagopala-deva fina), went back to Suvarnnapura and agopala was thus the first king of Jaffna. dumiyāmalai inscription of Vīra Pāņdya 1 of this pedigree was different from the :e invaded Ceylon in the reign of Pararabhanu who is called Sendemain by
e is the Savulu Vijayaba-niriidu of the ork hitherto available has ?nything to mstances in which he supplanted ParaDur pedigree supplies the information these points. His origin given here fixed to his manne. Parākramabāhu,
ifth of that name, and is eulogised in the
The events which led to his exit from : have reconstructed them elsewhere, 54 features by the information given on-in-law of Parakramabahu V, is the e Kavyasekhara. 35 The Vrittaratnakaraharmmasoka, who was the father of this that text has a reading which identifies The second Jayamala is the same as the ita (v. 27). In connection with this ) the Genealogical Table VIII in Vol. I, , History of Ceylon.
lated and edited by Colonel Yule, 3rd edition,
661.
pt. ii, p. 66 l.
C. A. Seelaskandha-mahasthavira, Bombay, , p. 66l, fin. 3.
120
3ܓܝܔܟ=" ܘܢܬܒ̇ܪܢ

Page 27
PRINCESS ULAKUDA
Pedigree
In the pedigrees given above, P kings of Ceylon and Sri Vijaya is given t
حو to the relationship which his father as
ancies of the preceding generation.
two Jayamalas, though each of them is sonage coming before him, were direc Magha, and hence of Kassapa V as w side B, starting from top and coming do
Text
(1) Savsti * Maharāja - Gu - (2) - ņā -Mara-Vijayo - (4) - ttuingas = ta Samara - Vijayo - (6) -ttuńgas = t; - nābharaņas = tasya putro Mahā - (8 ta - (9) - sya putro Maharaja - Su - (1 (11) – tro Mahārāja — Jayago – (12) — p. Pralambahastas = ta – (14) – sya (15) -yanas = tasya putro Maharaja-(16 (17) Gaņda-gopālas = tasya putro Mah putrah Parakrama (19) bahus = tasy (2i - sya bhrata Sagarajasekhara - (21) tasya (22) bhrātā Šagarājašekharas = ti mahārājas = Suva – (24) – rņņapure rā Tasya putro Jayamalah Parakramaba - Sva – (27) – rinna – manikyanih sanhüdh mahadevin (29) Sundara-Pandya - putrc Sundara — Pāņçdyas = tu Pararājaśe rājaśekhara - (32) — S = tu Šagarāja - ga – rajasekharas = tu Parakramabahu kramabāhu - rājas = tu (35) CandraSvasti.|*
Translat
May it be well! The son of Ma Māra-Vijayottuńga. His son was Ma son was Mahārāja Mānābharaņa. His prāpta. His son was Mahārāja Jayagopa hasta. His son Was Maharaja Süryya
121.

AYA’S WEDDING
No. 5
'arakramabahu's descent from the through the female line with regard well as his grandfather had to the The next pedigree shows that the given as the son-in-law of the perit descendants in the male line of ell. This pedigree is written on own to a depth of 1 ft. 2 in.
irņņavasya putro Ma - (3) -hārājasya putro Ma - (5) - haraja — asya putro Mahārāja — Mā – (7) 3) - rāja - Mahā sthāmapraptas = 0) — ryyanarayanaS = tasya pu — as = tasya putro Mahā - (13)rājaputro Mahārāja - Sūryyanārā - ) Maghas = tasya putro Maharajahārāja — (18) Candrabhānus — tasya ya putrah Pararājaśekharas = ta — s = tasya putrah Pararajasekharasasya (23) bhrata Dharmmasoka - yarn = karayama - (25) - sa ||*] (26) - hu maharajasya duhitarranin e. Tasya (28) duhitaranih Sunetrā) Jayamalas = sa - (30) - midhe[*] - (31) - kharasya putrah Para
Sekharasya putras = Sa - (33) -
· - raja - (34) - sya putrah Parabhānu — mahārājasya putrah || ||*||
ion
hārāja Guņārņņava Vas Mahārāja haraja Samara-Vijayottunga. His son was Mahārāja MahāsthāmaHis son was Mahārāja Pralambanārāyaņa. His son was Mahārāja

Page 28
UNIVERSITY O.
Māgha. His son was Mahārāja
Candrabhānu. His son was Parākr His brother was Sagarajasekhara. F was Sagarajasekhara. His brother reignty at Suvarnnapura. His SC the daughter of ParakramabahuPāņdya, Wedded his daughter Sune son of Pararājaśekhara. Pararājaśe Šagarājaśekhara was the son of Pai was the son of Candrabhānu — mah
Coĩ
Parakramabahu, whose daugh king of that name who resided at of Candrabhānu, comes within ou ment. The two names Pararājaśekh had been adopted by the Arya-C These names have no doubt been from their Javaka predecessors. already been commented upon.
Pedig
The very name of the queen ( any of the literary works compose eulogies of the king himself and his queen of Parakramabahu VI was a District), but does not give her nan not been met with hitherto in any G the reason which made the poets she could not have been forgotter wedding, and we duly find a pec regard to her descent, inscribed on more prominent Copy, in Comparati of the spaces taken by lines 8–14 the last line invading the area of lit in smaller Sinhalese characters in the tion, where it is also written in Gra
37. U. H.C. Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 643. 38. U. H.C. Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 693 f.

F CEYLON REVIEW
Gaņdagopāla. His son was Mahārāja amabāhu. His son was Pararājaśekhara. His son was Pararajasekhara. His brother Dharmmašoka-maharaja exercised soveIn Jayamāla vedded Svarņņamāņikyā, mahārāja. Jayamāla, son of Sũnčaratramahadevi. Sundara Pandya was the khara was the son of Śagarājaśekhara. takramabahu-raja. Parakramabahu-raja araJa.
11 inefits
ter the first Jayamāla Wedded, was the Dädigama. 37 Parākramabāhu, the son ken for the first time from this docuara and Sagarajasekhara, occurring here, Dakravarttis of Jaffna at a later date.38 adopted by the later potentates of Jaffna the Dharmmasoka of this pedigree has
ree No. 6 ؟--سS-
of Parakramabahu VI does not occur in d during his reign, which are so full of s daughter. The Rajavali states that the princess from Kiravala (in the Kigalla le. The name of this king's consort has 'pigraphical or other source. Whatever gnore the very existence of the queen, on such an occasion as her daughter's ligree giving considerable details with this stone in more than one copy. The vely large characters, occupies the whole on Side A of the Sinhalese inscription, le 15. The pedigree has been inscribed area of line 10 of the Sinhalese inscripntha characters over the Sinhalese script.
122
ܨܗܝܐ
హ

Page 29
PRINCESS ULAKUD
Text
(1) Parakramabahu – rajasya mahisi Sv pure Rajaputra - Thakurasya duhità o
- Thakuras = tu Jambudroni - pure
pag-an5arānuyāto Jambudroņīpure(5) Rā pure Bhimarajasya putras = Tu (6) parājito Lankām prāpya Vijayabāhu-( māņikyāni samūdhe*Tasya (8) putras putras = tu Rājaputra - (9) Thakura Thakuras = tasya putras tu Rā — (1( putras = tu Rājaputra - Thakuras = Thakuro Jātigrāmapure Parākrama - ( stihitvā punar = āgamya Bhuvainaika - bhūtvā Ratnapura - rājyan krtvā - (1. tu Rājaputra — Thakurah Parākramab: bhūtvāJātigrāma - pura-rājyan = krtv (16) Svarņņamāņikyām Parākramabāhu (17) duhitā Candravatī Sundara - Pāņģ ya hastañ=gr-(18)-hitva Sthita* Svasti Pāņçdyas = tu Rājaputra - Thakurasya Rājaputra - Thakuras = tu Sundara - sa Rudhe Rājaputra - Thakurasya pitā = svasāraṁ samūdhes|*] Sundara - P. Thakurasya pitus = svasāram (24) samūd putra - Thakurasya (25)jamatuh putrah
Translat
May it be well. The Queen of Kin (Ram Manike), is the daughter of Ra (Dädigama). Rājaputra Thakura ofJāti descent from Rajaputra Thakura of Jam putra Thakura of Jambudroņīpura was a pura. He waged war with the Turusk Lanka and wedded Svarmnamanikya, the His son was Rājaputra Thakura; his son X Rājaputra Thakura; his son was Rājapu Thakura. His son, Rājaputra Thakura, kramabahu 39 and, having stayed there, re
39. The flight of Parākramabahu V of Dädi
.4 .in Pedigree No - قم
-
123

YAS WEDIDING
urņņa — māņikyā (2) tu JātigrāmaJāti - (3) grāmapure Rājaputra - Rā — (4) — japutra - Thakurasya aputra. Thakuras = tv = Anhilvada - - ruşkair = yyuddhanin = kpitva ) maharajasya duhitaranih Svarnina= tu Rājaputra — Thakuras = tasya S = tasya putras tu Rājaputra — ) - japutra - Thakuras = tasya ta – (11) Sya putras = tu Rājaputra - 2) bāhu - rājiena Rohaņam prāpya (13) bāhu - mahārajasya maņdaliko 4) stihitvā mrtas = Tasya putras - hu - maharajasya (15) mandaliko isthitva mrtas = Tasya duhitaran - maharajas = samtidhe|*] Tasya lya - putrasya Sundara - PandyaşSvasti Svasti Svasti* (19) SundaraSwasarah sa - (20) - midhe ||*] Pandyasya svasa – (21) - ranih tu Sundara – (22) Pāņdyasya pitus āņdyasya (23) pitā tu Rājaputra – he * Sundara-Pandyas =tu Raja
* Svasti Svasti Svasti*.
ion
g Parākramabāhu, Svarņņamāņikyā aputra Thakura of Jātigrāmapura grāmapura had come down in lineal budroņīpura (Dainbadeņi). Rājason of King Bhima of Anhilvādaas (Turks), was defeated, arrived in : daughter of Vijayabahu-maharaja. vas Rājaputra Thakura; his son Was tra Thakura; his son was Rajaputra
went to Rohana with King Paraturned and governed the Ratnapura
2ama to Rohana has also been mentioned

Page 30
UNIVERSITY O
kingdom as a mandalika of Bhuvana Thakura, governed the kingdom o kramabahu-maharaja. His daugh maharaja wedded. Her daughter, the hand of Sundara Pandya, the S. (five times repeated). Sundara P Thakura. Rajaputra Thakura wedi father of Rajaputra Thakura wed Pandya. Sundara Pandya is the Thakura.
Col
As has been pointed out by Co. in the king's army at Darinbadeni title of Thakura. It was the comm in the Cullaw atilisa, who slew the ger Bodhisattva Vijayabāhu IV and at view of Codrington is confirmed to Thakura as a Rajaputra (Rajput) Thakura I of Darinbadeni, was the at Anhilavada from 1178 to 1239. Delhi, invaded Gujarat with a pox that city, destroyed and desecrated the city's population. Bhima fled years. Qutb-ud-din appointed a Delhi43. In course of time, the N returned to Anhilvad. The fightin took part could have been the sac whose daughter this Rajput prince was proclaimed kirg in 1232, afte Tooth Relic. He must have been t three decades before 1232. It is, the Turuskas (Turks) referred to here t Anhilvad in 1197. In that case, Th. must be the son of the Rajput prin fled to Ceylon. Bhuvanaikabahu
40. This must be the fifth king of the 41. Ceylon, Antiquary and Literary Reg 42. O'ili laʼa'a nihsa, chap. 90, v V. l-30.
43. H.C.I.P. V., The Struggle for Emp

F CEYLON REVIEW
ikabāhu-mahārāja. 40 His son, Rājaputra fJātigrāmapura as a mandalika of Parāer Svarnnamanikya, ParakramabahuCandravati, stands (here), having taken on of Sundara Pandya. May it be well andya wedded the sister of ူမျိုး ded the sister of Sundara Pandya. The ded the sister of the father of Sundara on of the brother-in-law of Rajaputra
11 nents
drington,41 the Arya soldiers who served were Rajputs, and their leader had the ander of these Rajputs, called Thakuraka eral Mitta after the latter had murdered tempted to capture the throne. 42 The by this pedigree, which pointedly refers
King Bhima, the father of Rājaputra Caulukya king of Gujarat, and reigned
In 1197, Qutb-ud-din, the Emperor of
werful army, captured Anhilvad, sacked its temples, and slaughtered 50,000 of and remained in concealment for many governor for Gujarat and returned to Muslims were driven away and Bhima gin which the prince who fled to Ceylon of Anhilvād in 1197. Vijayabāhu III, married, was of advanced age when he r he had obtained the possession of the he de facto ruler of Mayarata for two or refore, possible that the fighting with the ook place in connection with the sack of akuraka figuring in the episode of Mitta ce, who was the son of Bhima III, and referred to here is the first of that name.
name who reigned from Gampala. ister, Vol. X, p. 88.
ire, pp. 79 and 121.
124
ܠ

Page 31
1,ܐ
PRINCESS ULAKUDA
The first Rajaputra Thakura had
Rājaputra Thakura II. This was Virab events of the reign of Parakramabahu flourished in the reign of Parakramab. Queen. The pedigree of the Queen is the necessary modifications. This ped: ofline 14 of the Sinhalese inscription. pedigree up to sarnīdhe fasiya putras tu. line 7.
(7) Svarnnamanikyanin samudhel*]. Tas (8) bāhu- rājas ya duhitaraṁ Svarņņamā tu Virabāhu - (9) — S = tasya putras =
(10) Virabahus - tasya putras = tu Vi Virabāhus = tasya putras = tu Virabāhu (12) samprati Parākramabāhu - rājasya - rajyan kāryati*.
Translation.... . Vedded Svarņņa wedded Svarmnamanikya, the daughter son was Virabahu (II); his son was Viral his son was Virabāhu (V). His son, Vi tiè Rājagrāmapura (Rayigama) kingdon
āhu.
The fourth Rajaputra Thakura, it Parākramabāhu of Hasti-giri-pura (Ku: of Yapavu, where he and his descendan sentative of this branch of the Thakura varti against Parakramabahu, was defe:
References to
There are a number of passages C the king, of which we give only the con VI, Jayamala, remained in Java and re Sundara Pandya, whose son, of the same at the time of Candravati's wedding. kramabahu, reigned as king of Suvar
44. C'ülavarisa, chap. 83, vv. 4l ff. chap. 87
125

AYA’S WEDDING
at least another son in addition to ahu who took a leading part in the II. 44 Viirabāhu’s descendant who ahu VI was thus a kinsman of the therefore given a second time with igree of Virabahu occupies the area The text is the same as in the Queen's We, therefore, give the text from
ya putras = tu Virabāhuh Parākramaņikyān samūdhe. Tasya putras = tu Virabāhus = tasya putras = tu labāhus = tasya (11) putras = tu IS = tasya putras = tu Vīrabāhus = maņdaliko bhūtvā Rāja grāmapura
mānikyā. His son, Virabāhu (I), of King Parākramabāhu (II). His ɔāhu (III); his son was Virabāhu (IV); rabahu (VI), at present administers in as a feudatory of King Parakrama
t is said, made war with Pandita runigala), and wrested the fortress its ruled as feudatories. The reprefamily took the side of Ārya Cakraated and was in prison at the time.
Relatives
ontaining references to relatives of tents. The father of Parakramabahu bigned there as king. His son was : name, was reigning as king of Java Jayamala, the grandfather of Para"ņņapura. His son was Purandara
7, v. 13; chap. 88, 5 ff. and chap. 89, vv. 11.

Page 32
UNIVERSITY OF
who had a son of the same name, Sundara Pāņdya, then reigning as ki: pura tO attend Candravatio's Weddi Pandya, Candravati's husband, an (Sranana-bhimi). That this renunc in a document which will be given
One of Parakramabahu's bro Java and died there. Of this pri brother of Parakramabahu, name duties of the Yuvarāja at Ambulu referred to in the Paravi-Sandesa, V. to keep the Udarata loyal to the K born of his Queen Svarmnamanikya, In his memory, Parakramabahu ul Svarņņamāli-mahāstūpa (Ruvanvälis
Reference will be made in the born before he arrived in Ceylon
died while he was still a youth.
Campaka-perumala, introduce time administering the kingdom of told that Campaka-perumala was, from the kingdom of Java, was ad kramabahu. Panikkala was the sc kramabahu, who has already been thus a direct descendant in the male ditary right to the sovereignty of C younger brother of Sapumal is als This prince, named Parangpasirinha, Sundaragiri (Yapavu) at the time information that Sundaragiri used t Thakura, a kinsman of the Queen. in spite of his relationship to the Kotte, went over to the side of the in battle, and was at the time unde was given the offices which formerly

R CEYLON REVIEW
This second Purandara's son-in-law, ng of Suvarnnapura, came to Anuradhang, gave over his kingdom to Sundara d himself entered the monastic order iation was not voluntary, is indigated in the sequel. \ Tسے یہا
thers, named Purandara, remained in ce, more will be said later. Another d Paranrpasirinha, was discharging the giri (Ambulugala). This is the prince 202. No doubt, he was stationed there õțțe king. Parākramabāhu’s Own Son, was named Purandara and died young. indertook the repair and gilding of the säya) at Anurādhapura.
sequel to a son of Parakramabahu VI, , who also was named Purandara and
d as son of Parakramabahu, was at that Subhapatana (Jaffna). We are further in fact, the son of Panikkala who came opted as son, and brought up by Paraon of Purandara, the brother of Parareferred to. Sapumal-kumaraya was line of Sena II, and had as much a hereDeylon as had Parakramabahu VI. The o introduced as son of Parākramabāhu. was the commander of the fortress of Here we are given the important o be under the command of a Rajaputra But this feudatory of Parakramabahu, Queen, proved disloyal to the king of Arya-cakravartti of Jaffna, was defeated }rgoing imprisonment. Paranrpasirinha
belonged to the traitorous Thakura.
126
స్ళా

Page 33
PRINCESS ULAKUD,
After the recounting of all these pe of the king, we have, in the area occup original inscription, the names of the the auspicious Swasti, written in letters
Parakramabahu - maharajasy 19)ع (1) Sundara-Pāņdyasya putras =
In addition to these pedigrees and from Bolana, as well as on several others written in very small letters, concerni Parakramabahu is said to be the conti of these passages has not made enough of them. From what has already been information that would be of great valu
All this writing, in letters of varyi the word swasti, in minute letters incised v Before any of the other Writings was ei its sides, was covered with these incisic occupied by one line of six letters of measuring 15 in. by 2 in., I have count ird swasti. The other stones, on whic relating to the wedding of Ulakuda subjected to the same treatment. The Zey., Vol. I, No. 20) measuring 8 ft. by written not only in the empty spaces writing, but also over that writing.
Written in letters of a slightly lar writing consisting of the word swasti, car a set of Sanskrit stanzas which occurs : IV's slab-inscription (Ep. Zey. I, No. 19 This Sinhalese inscription records the in king, and ends with an account of a fes lation of a statue of Saint Mahinda at (Kaligu Vathiibu). The poem of two descent of the Queen, and the events whic IV. Briefly stated, the story contained was a king of Java named Siddhayatra, V
127

AYA’S WEDDING
ligrees and the references to relatives ied by the figure of the crow in the pride and bridegroom, followed by of a comparatively larger size.
a (2) duhitā Candravatī. Svasti.
Sundara Pāņdyah. Svasti.
relationships, there are, on the stone stones, somewhat extensive passages, ng various royal dynasties of which nuator (pravarttayita). The reading progress as yet to give an account read of them, they seem to contain ue to the historian.
ng size, is engraved over a layer of with a very sharp pointed instrument. Kecuted, the entire stone on both of Dins of the word svasti. In the area the original Sinhalese inscription, ed more than 250 repetitions of the sh these pedigrees and other records yadevi are found, have also been whole of the Abhayagiri slab (Ep. 3 ft. 3 in., is covered with this word, between the lines of the original
ger size, over this basic layer of be seen on some parts of the stone, after the Sinhalese text of Mahinda ) in the Abhayagiri-vihara grounds. any works of religious merit of the tival in connection with the instalthe instance of the Kalinga Queen 2nty-four Sanskrit stanzas gives the th preceded her espousal by Mahinda in this poem is as follows: There who became the Maharaja and ruled

Page 34
UNIVERSITY O
the earth. From his Queen, Tara, son was Guņārņņaya whose daught a Pāņdya prince, Šrī Māra, son of saking his own land. Some time a was killed in battle, and the army enemy. Gunarmnava himself went fight from the back of an elephan Kamboja king. Hearing that his the Kamboja king himself came to ever, caused the death of the Kamb of warfare. In time, Gunarmnaval iņapura (Śrī Vijaya). The Kamboja p iņapura with a mighty host to av was defeated, and fled in haste to C Yuvaraja Mahendra, after escorting to Suvarnnapura, obtained victory and there married Sundari, the daug Returning to Anuradhapura, he rest Prose passages in Sanskrit, engrave add interesting details to the story g invader came to Suvar:nnapura, Sur king of Malayapura (Malayiru), in his life in the fighting that ensued. into the power of the Kamboja prii were in great distress and danger w his armada, drove the Kamboja f the princesses. Gunavati, with he thank Mahendra for their delivera fell down at Mahendra's feet andr and gave her a precious jewel whi amoured of her and with the conse Sundari had been betrothed, mari queen.
This Sanskrit poem, about the been written on every stone on whi of Candravati's wedding have be between the lines of the original Sin over the Sinhalese writing. In th
45. This poem, called Sundari-writtainta Asiae.

F CEYLON REVIEW
he had a son mained Kaundineya. His er, Gunavati, Was given in marriage to Varaguna, who had come to Java for
fter his marriage to Gunavati, Sri Mara
commanded by him was routed b the i to face the enemy and, after a desperate t, captured Rudravarman, a son of the son had been captured by the Javakas, rescue his son. The Javaka king, howoja ruler by resorting to unfair methods became Maharaja and resided in Suvarnrince, after some years, arrived at Suvarn/enge his father's death. Gunarmnava eylon when Sena III was reigning. The 2. the fugitive king to the capital, went over the enemy who was occupying it, hter of Sri Mara, with a golden necklace'. ored to the Maharaja his own kingdom. don. Some of the slabs referred to above, iven in the poem. Before the Kamboja dari had been betrothed to a son of the amed Sūryanārāyaņa. This prince lost Gunavati and her daughter Sundari fell nce, and were kept in prison, where they when Mahendra came on the scene with broes, occupied the palace and rescued 2r daughter, came bearing presents to nce. At her mother's bidding, Sundari emained there. Mahendra consoled her ich he had with him. He became ennt of the brother of the prince to whom tied her and brought her home as his
wedding of Sundari to Mahinda IV, has ich the pedigrees recited On the occasion en recorded.45. In some it is written nhalese writing. In others, it is written 2 Bolana slab, in addition to the poem
in one place, will be published in the Artibus -
128

Page 35
PRINCESS ULAKUD
being inscribed in small characters mo, of the poem has been written over the the original inscriptions on Side A. T
Sa Suvarnaparam prapya Vi
■ *
Sundarinih Srimāra-sutānih sami
(He arrived in Suvarnnapura and of Victory. He also wedded, by me the daughter of Srimara.)
On side B, towards the close of th names of the bride and bridegroom, times. On the other stones also, this repeatedly written.
From the manner in which the poe there is reason to believe that it has serv We know that the wedding hymn in the of the goddess Siiryya. In the Janakih ments for the wedding of Rama and wedding of Saci (Indrani) to Indra.46
wedding, and the imitation of its ritual,
as blissful and happy as that espousal ir lying this recital of the Vedic weddi priests who arranged Candravati's mi Vedic poem about a god in whom the believe, they have substituted a poem, wedding of an ancestress of the bride, w years before the day of her marriage. change in the symbolic act by which solemnised. In Brahmanical usage, thi lation of the Sacred Fire by the bride a have recommended itself to Buddhists be a deity or sacred. In place of the
46. Tatraiva, paryasya yathā sutãyã
Nrpasya vittäni jano vidhijňah Ādyam vivāhasya tatāna Šacyā Nāmāntareņa prathitarin vidhānam.
Jāna kā ara 47. History, Culture, of the Indian People, V
129

AYA’S WEDDING
ce than once, the penultimata verse Sinhalese writing on every line of his verse is:
ayasriyamaharat
ūçdhe svarņņamālayā.
obtained for himself the Goddess
ans of a golden necklace, Sundari,
e pedigrees and the recording of the this verse has been repeated several verse or its separate padas have been
m has been inscribed on these stones, red the purpose of a wedding hymn. : Rgveda is an account of the marriage larana, we are told that the arrangeSita were made in imitation of the the recital of an account of a divine would make the union of the couple heaven has been. The idea underng hymn had been adopted by the arriage ceremony; but instead of a Buddhist king and his court did not in classical Sanskrit, on a historical hich took place about five hundred And there had also been a similar the marriage was considered duly S symbolic act was the circumambuind bridegroom.47 This would not , who did not consider the Fire to circumambulation of the Fire, the
viņa, Canto, IX, v. 45.
ol. I, Vedic Age, p. 389.

Page 36
UNIVERSITY OF
Buddhist wedding ceremony Subst groom around the neck of the brid wedded Sundari, specifically states
(svaruna-malaya). In this manner hara) banidima come to signify marr
From the manner in which th swasti have been written on the slab f of the royal wedding. From a b. Parakramabahu written on one of th the wedding of Candravati took pl for the purpose near the Bodhi tree decorations, the pomp, the show c such occasions, must Of Course hav the relatives of the royal family, roy sons honoured with invitations forth seats, the parents of the bridegroom the king and queen being seated or come to the dais and stand holding comes forward and, facing the asser followed by the announcement that Sundara Pandya or vice versa. The with their alliterative repetitions, purohita, would have exercised a ma who all the time were muttering t attendant priests seated on either sit a low voice the Sanskrit poem refer the pedigrees. At the close of the announces the names of the bride : word swasti. The whole of the au purohita by uttering svasti, not in lo In the meantime, the attendant pri the poem about Sundari would hav verses which they repeated several t berating with the words Sundariri the bridegroom, who had all this the hand of the bride, would hav, tied on the neck of the bride. A acclaimed by peals of music and oth such occasions.

CEYLON REVIEW
ituted the tying of a necklace by the le. The poem, in stating that Mahendra that he did so with a golden necklace aS the Sinhalese phrase kara-kara (i.e. 1age . ` ܝܢ̈܃ ܐܢ̱ܬܐ
ese pedigrees, the poem and the word from Bolana, one can visualise the scene rief historical account of the reign of he above mentioned slabs, we learn that lace in a pavilion specially constructed : (Bodhi-manda) at Anuradhapura. The of military might, music, etc, usual on e been there. The dignitaries of state, alty from friendly states, and other perhe occasion having taken their appointed having occupied their special seats, and their thrones, the prince and princess each other's hands. Then the purohita mbly, recites the pedigrees, preceded or Candravati stands holding the hand of Sonorous Sanskrit words and phrases recited in the stentorian voice of the gical effect on the assembled multitude, he word swasti (May it be well). The de of the purohita would be chanting in red to above, while the purohita recited a recital of the pedigrees, the purohita and bridegroom, each followed by the dience would have responded to the ow tones as before, but in a loud chorus. ests who were chanting in a low voice 7e so timed it as to recite the two last imes. While the pavilion was reverŚrīmāra-sultāni samādhe svarnnamālayā, time been standing motionless holding e been handed the necklace, which he ind the prince and princess would be her manifestations of rejoicing usual on
130
འོ།།

Page 37
PRINCESS ULAKUD
We havegiventhe title of this papera In the pedigrees, the princess is calle which is the earliest of the poems ( (Saidavat) as the daughter of Parakra the Sällalihinisan désa and the Kāvya-śekh is referred to as Ulakudaya. There Parakramabahu had two daughters, on Ulakudaya. That Candravati was he established by the following inscription the slabs mentioned before. On the the area occupied by the outline dr. inscription. It is very indistinct there, a of a collation of the readings found on pura and the Kavuçlulu Oya slabs.
Tex
Svasti ||*|| Śrī Sańghabodhi – Śri Parākra Varșe trayastrininśatime Buddha – var: ika - navutitame 'nuradhapuram =
Ulakudaya - nāmnā rājye Sundara-Pāņdyasya prādād=Vaišākhavāre PuSya-naksatre Vaņija-karaņe E Svarajya-sthairyaya Svasti.
Transla
May it be well! The great king S came to Anuradhapura in the thirty-th. Thousand Nine Hundred and Ninety C Consecrated in the sovereignty his daug Ulakudaya, gave her (in marriage) to Pandya, for the stability of the kingdon the month of Vaisakha, on Wednesda fortnight when the naksatra was Pusya, was that of Budha. May it be well.
131.

AYA’S WEDDING
Sthe wedding of Princess Ulakudaya. d Candravati. The Paravi-sandesa, of Sri Rahula refers to Candravati mabahu. In the other two poems, lara, the daughter of Parakramabahu are some scholars who take that named Candravati and the other rself known later as Ulakudaya, is which is engraved on several of Bolana slab, this record is incised in awing of the dog of the original nd the text given below is the result the Mädirigiri, Virakäți, Anurādha
t
mabahu - maharajas = tu-sva-rajyaşa = eka - sahasra – nava – śataprāpya. Sva-duhitarañ = Candrabhisincya Sundara-Pandya-putrasya mase suklapakse saptamyam BudhaBudha-horayari rajayoga-muhirtte
tion
rī Sańghabodhi Śri Parākramabāhu ird year of his reign, which is One ne of the Buddhist Era and, having ghter Candravati with the name of
Sundara Pāņçdya, son of Sundara 1, at the moment of the Rajayoga in y the seventh (tithi) of the bright
the karana was Vaņija and the horā

Page 38
UNIVERSITY OF
This recordis also ofimporta of the date of Parakramabahus acces the date in the Buddhist Era. The moment given above are correct fo date was in the thirty-third year (Cl have been in 1415/16.
On the Bolana slab, just below three short records:
Svasti. Sundara-Pändya-putras = tam = Ambalatīrtha-rājyaṁ sva-putr bhūmim = prāptab Rohaņa-janapac
Trar
May it be well Sundara Pand to his son Sundara Pāņçdya, the ki which has come down (to him) in monastic order in the hermitage nea
Rohaņa.
T
Suvarņņapura - rājas = Sundara-P: ņapura - rājyan Sundara-Pāņdya śramaņa-bhūmim = prāpata = Anu
Tra1
Sundara Pandya, the king of S of Suvarņņapura to Sundara Pāņdy. the monastic order at Abhayagiri-vi
Svasti. Šri-Sanghabodhi - Šri
Ambalatīrtha - rājye svāmitvai Pāņdyasya prādāt.
48. U. H.C. Vol. I, pt. ii, pp. 669 ff.

CEYLON REVIEW
ce for deciding the disputed question sion. 48 The regnal year is coupled with astronomical details of the auspicious r Wednesday, April 10, 1448. As this irrent) of the king, his accession would
I the above inscription, there are these
ext
Sundara-Pandyas = Sva-paramparayaasya Sundara-Pandyasya datva Sramanale Rambhā-vihāra-samīpāšrame sthitvā.
islation
ya, son of Sundara Pandiya, bequeathed ngdom of Ambalatirtha (Ambalan tota) hereditary succession, and entered the r the Rambha-vihara in the province of
- ཡོང་།
ר
Text
iņdyas - sva-paramparāyāta - Suvarņ- putrasya Sundara-Pāņdyasya datvā 1rādhapure bhayagiri-vihāre sthitvā.
ıslation
uvarnnapura, bequeathed his kingdom 1, Son of Sundara Pāņçdya, and entered hāra in Anurādhapura.
Text
- Parakramabahu-maharajas = tv =
| Sundara-Pāņçdya-putrasya Sundara
ܡܚܝܒ
132

Page 39
PRINCESS ULAKUDA
Transla
May it be well! The great king S granted to Sundara-Pāņçdya, son of Sun Ambalatirtha kingdom.
عظیم
The circumstances under which the his kingdom to the son-in-law of Paral the monastic order at Anuradhapura, which briefly recounts the main events on the marriage of Candravati. This from the top, on side B of the Bõlāna Sla The text given below is according to the beginning from the top, over writing e
Text
(1) Svasti. Parakramabahu-mahārājas maharajena Lanka-rajye sthapito Jina-ra Parākramabāhv = ādipādena yuddhań grāmapure Sthitvā Jayavardhana-puram = Sva-putrah Purandaro mrta iti (2)
pirasya Panikkalasya putran Cai sthapitva Vardhitva Jatigrama - pure Svarņņamāņikyām sarihvāhya Candra var sthitah. Purandaras = tu bālya = eva 1 Pandya-putrasya Sundara-Pandyasya p rājasya (3) Sundara-Pāņdyasya Sandeša Sundara-Pandya-putralih Sundara-Pandy - Pāņdyasya pitā Sundara-Pāņdyaš = ( sandešam prahinot sva hastañ = Can Suvarņņapura rājas = Sundara-Pāņdy, Sundara - Pāņçdyena Sva-duhitre Sunda pratigṛhītun = na pratyalicchat. (4) Su Pāņdyaš = ca Suvarņņapure stihitvā
Pāņçdyasya duhitaranih Sundarīn = drşţvi pitus = sandeśan = na pratyagrhņat.
vatyā sārddhain Suvarņņapuram prāpy Pāņdyan = drstvā Sundara-Pāņdya-put datta-hastasya pratyākhyānam = prat
133

YAS WEDIDING
tion
ri-Sanghabodhi Śrī Parākramabāhu lara-Pandya, the sovereignty of the
: King of Suvarnnapura bequeathed tramabahu VI, and himself entered can be gleaned from a document of the king's reign, with emphasis document is inscribed, beginning b, as well as on several other stones. Rambiva Slab, where it is inscribed ngraved earlier.
= tu Suvarņņapure stihitvā Jīnaja-dūtena sārdhanin Lankām prāpya
= krtvā rājyah = grhītvā Rājan prāpya stihito Jāvarājye stihitas šrutva sva - bhratuh Purandarasya mpaka-perumalam = putra-sthane Rājaputra — Thakurasya duhitaraṁ tīñ = ca Purandarañ = cajanayitvā mrtas = Candravatīn = tu Sundararadâtun = niScitya SuVar1quqapura — m prāhiņot Suvarņņapure stihitai iarh Sva-râjyam preşitum. Sundaraia Sva-putrasya Sundara-Pandyasya dravatyai pradātum = upadiśya. as = tu Sundara-Pāņçdya-putreņa ryai datta-hastasya pratyākhyānam Indara-Pāņçdya-putras = Sundara - Suvarıņņapura — rājasya Sundarai tasyam pratibaddha – cittas = svaParākramabāhu rājas = tu Candraa Suvarıņņapura - rājanih Sundara - teņa Sundara-Pāņdyena sva-duhitre igrhītum abhi-yācanāñ = cakāra.

Page 40
UNIVERSITY OF
(5) Suvarņņapura-rājas = Sundai rājasya tām = abhiyācanān = na pr Sundara-Pāņdya - rājena yuddhań Pāņɖya - rājasy = Änurādhapurar šramaņa-bhūmim = prāptum = Sundara-Pāņçdyas = tu Parākrama grhnat. Sundara-Pandya-putras = drstvā tasyām pratibaddha-citas = yānam pratigrhītun = tām ayācat.
= drst vā tas min pratibaddha-citi Pāņdyena data-hastasya pratyākhy bāhu-mahārājas = tu Sundara Pāņçd duhitra Candravatya ca särddharin sv prāpya Bodhimaņda-samīpe krte m samapya Svarnamali-maha-stupa samāpya suvarņņa - (8) laksarin vi lepanai krtvā Pulastipuram prā bhrtisu stūpesu navakarmmāņi samā sthitvā panca-paicāšad - varsāņi rāji
Trai
Hail! The great king Parakra was established in the sovereignty o arrived in Ceylon together with th war with Parakramabahu Adipada remained for some time at Rajagra at Jayavardhana-pura (Kõțițe). Wih son Purandara, who had remained Then he placed Campaka-perumal son of Purandara, his elder brothe. brought him up. He thereafter V of Rājaputra Thakura ofJātigrāma and Purandara. Purandara died in
Having decided to give Candr son of Sundara Pāņdya, he sent a Suvarıņņapura, requesting that Sunda was in Suvarnnapura, be sent back the father of Sundara Pandya, also to give his promise (of marriage)

CEYLON REVIEW
a — Pāņçdyas = tu Parākramabāhu - atyagrhņat. Parākramabāhul-rajas = tu
= kritvā tam = parājitya Sundara - 1 prāpy = Ābhayagiri - vihāre stihitvā
jñāpayat. (6) Suvarıņņapura - rājas =
bāhu - rājas y = ābhiyācanām prayaSundara Pāņçdyaś — ca Candravatin = Sundarayai datta-hastasya pratyākh– Sundari ca Jāva-rāja putram Purandaran Sundara - Pāņçdya-putreņa Sundara7ānam pratyagrhņat. (7) Parākramaya-putrena Sundara-Pandyena ca sva – a-rajyam pratyagamya Anuradhapuran ahā-maņçdape Candravatyāḥ pariņayarih -prabhrtisu stūpesu nava-karmmāņi spjya Svarņņamāli-mahāstūpe svarņņāpy a tatra ca Svarninamali-Stüpa-praipya Jayavardhana-puram pratyāgamya yan krtvā paralokam agamat. Svasti.
1slation
mabahu, having been at Suvarnapura, fLaikā by the Emperor of China, an e Imperial Chinese envoy. He waged and obtained the kingdom. Having mapura (Rayigama), he came to reside en residing there, he got news that his behind in the Java kingdom, was dead. a, the son of Panikkala, who was the r, in the position of his own son, and Vedded Svarmnamanikya, the daughter pura (Dätigama) and begot Candravati
his childhood.
avati (in marriage) to Sundara Pandya, message to Sundara Pandya, king of ra Pandya, son of Sundara Pandya, who to his own country. Sundara Pandya, sent a message to his son, advising him to Candravati. Sundara Pandya, the
134
 ܼܲܢܠ

Page 41
PRINCESS ULAKUDA
king of Suvarninapura, did not consent promise of marriage given to his daug Son of Sundara Pāņdya. Sundara Pā while at Suvarıņņapura, had seen Sunda]
the king of Suvarnnapura, and being
the linessage of his father.
King Parakramabahu (thereupon) w Vati and having seen Sundara Pandya, t request to him to accept the repudiation to his daughter by Sundara Pandya, S Pandya, the king of Suvarnapura, did Parakramabahu. Thereupon, King Par Sundara Pandya, defeated him and dic Pandya, to the effect that he arrive in An order remaining at the Abhayagiri Vil king of Suvarnapura, entertained the re
Meantime, Sundara Pāņdya, son Candravati, and being enamoured of h the repudiation of the promise (of marria also had (in the interval) seen Purandara enamoured of him, accepted th arriage given her by Sundara Pandya,
The great King Parākramabāhu rei Sundara Pāņçya, Son of Sundara Pāņdya to Anuradhapura and celebrated the in pavilion erected in the vicinity of the works of repair at the stipas, including ti painted the great Stupa of Svarninam hundred thousand gold Coins. He proce he carried out the works of repair to the stupa. He then returned to Jayavardh and, having reigned for five and fifty ye.
米 2:
Parakramabahu must have been acco force when he went to Sri Vijaya, for hi plete one. The king of Sri Vijaya, Sun
135
 

YAS WEDIDING
to accept the repudiation of the inter, Sundari, by Sundara Pāņdya, ņçdya, Son of Sundara Pāņdya, i, the daughter of Sundara Pandya, enamoured of her, did not accept
tent to Suvarnapura with Candrahe king of SuVarnapura, made a of the promise of marriage given on of Sundara Pandya. Sundara not entertain this request of King ikramabahu waged war with King tated (terms of peace) to Sundara uradhapura and enter the monastic lara. Then, Sundara Pandya, the 'quest of King Parakramabahu.
of Sundara Pandya, had seen ter, begged Sundari to accept the ge) given to her by him. Sundari l, the son of the king of Java, and Le repudiation of the promise of son of Sundara Pāņçdya.
turned to his own kingdom with , and Candravati. He proceeded uptials of Candravati in a great Bodhimanda. He carried out the he great Stupa of Svarninamali, and ali with gold, having spent one eded to Pulastipura and there, too, stipas, including the Svarmnamaliana-pura (Kotte), remained there ars, departed to the other World.
mpanied by a strong and numerous s victory over its ruler was a comdara Pāņdya, must have become a

Page 42
UNIVERSITY O
prisoner of Parakramabahu, for he 1. of abdication, but also renounced descendants, and bequeathed it to t Ceylon king's treatment of the Sri cause of the war was only what i Pandya not agreeing to the repudi. to his daughter by the prince who1 to his own daughter. But, from ( only the immediate cause, and tha Vijaya were strained during sever the ruler of Sri Vijaya, was a kins descendants of Magha. In spite of have given his support to the Empe vartti of Jaffna in their schemes of h the son and heir of Sundara Pandy fought on the side of the Arya Cakr to further his designs on Ceylon t planning to have his daughter marr a prince descended from the ancient
only forestalled him and turned the
By this victory, Parakramabah of the once mighty empire of Sri married to the daughter of the dep gOVern Sri Vijaya as a vassal of Par sent by the ruler of Ceylon arrived their sovereign given by them, has Ko-li-sheng-hsia-la-chi-li-pa-chiaoCeylon on this date but Parakram Chinese characters appears to have This title thus appears to have bee conquest of Sri Vijaya, before the n
The conquest of Sri Vijaya by Parakumba-sirita, v. 73. The expre may be rendered as he who has cap equivalent of the Skt. Katåha, the referred to in Sanskrit literature. I Kataran and Kitaram.

F CEYLON REVIEW
Lot only submitted to the victor's demand | the title of his kingdom to his own the son-in-law of Parakramabahu. The Vijaya ruler appears to be harsh, if the
s given in this document, i.e. Sundara
ation of the promise of marriage given m Parakramabahu wished to be married ther documents, we learn that this was t the relations between Ceylon and Sri al years before this. Sundara Pandya, man of Parakramabahu, for both were this kinship, Sundara Pandya is said to ror of Vijayanagara and the Ārya Cakraostility against Parakramabahu. In fact, ya, by name Purandara, is said to have avartti, and lost his life. It was in order hat Sundara Pāņdya of Śrī Vijaya was ied to Sundara Pandya of Ambalantota, line of Sinhalese kings. Parakramabahu : tables on him.
ru became master of what was then left Vijaya. The son of the king of Jāva, osed Sundara Pandya, was appointed to akramabahu. In the year 1459, envoys at the Chinese Court, and the name of been rendered in Chinese characters as la-jo. There was no other ruler in abahu, and the name thus rendered in s been Kalinga-Sirnhala-Sri-Vijaya-raja. 'n assumed by Parakramabahu after his marriage of his daughter.
Parakramabahu is also referred to in the ssion gat Katara occurring in this verse tured Katara. Katara is the Sinhalese name by which the Malaysian region is in Tamil, the name occurs in the forms
136

Page 43
PRINCESS ULAKUD,
Sundara Pandya, who thus became (Candravati), was entrusted by Parakr, Minister, and it is under the designation is eulogised in the Salalihini-sandesa, v. in a long passage devoted to the recour of-Suvarņņapura (Sri Vijaya). The tex the Rambiva slab, where it is found a inscription, 1 ft. 8 in. from the top.
Text
Suvarıņņapura-rājye sthitvā tu Sundar Pandyas = Candravatyai hastan = dat Vatīrih Sarihvāhya Jayavardhana-puram sanjha - hastam = ity = agramatya - avalokayan sthitah.
Translat
It was while staying in the kingd Pāņçdya, son of Sundara Pāņçdya, gav He arrived in Anuradhap (Afterwards) he has come to Jayavardha the office of Prime Minister under (th satijia-hasta, remains there looking after
The title given here in Sanskrit is the and indicates the dignitary who had the The office corresponds to that of the parlance. The dignitary with this desig nāmāvaliya in Śaka 1343, corresponding bahu, was a predecessor of Sundara Pan
The data contained in the various \ the Genealogical Table given as an App
137

AYA’S WEDDING
: the consort of Princess Ulakudaya amabahu with the duties of Prime attached to this office that the prince 95. This information is contained iting of the glories of the kingdom it given below has been read from ut line 14 of the original Sinhalese
a - Pāņdya - putras = Sundara - vā nurādhapuram prāpya Candra| prapya Naltira - tuna - mani sthānarin labdhvā rājakāryyāņy =
ion
om of Suvarņņapura that Sundara e the promise (of marriage) to ura and there wedded Candravatī. hapura (Kotte) and, having received ne designation) Nallira-tuna mani
the affairs of state.
* Sinhalese Nalluru-tuna-mini-sannas, a custody of the king's signet ring. Lord Privy Seal in English Court nation who composed the Puranato the tenth year of Parakrama
dya in this high office.
Janisavalis have been embodied in endix to this paper.
S. PARANAVITANA

Page 44


Page 45
APPEND.
Pāńdya Rājavamsa
Candra-maharaja
Pandu-maharaja
Phalayagasalamurdhactida-me
Arikesari-maharaja
Jatila-maharaja
Rajasimha-maharaja
Varaguna-maharaja
Varaguna-maharaja
Sundarī

OF ULAK
X - DESCENT ETC.
närӑја

Page 46
)F ULAKUDAYA-DEVE AND HE
Simhala-Šri Vijaya (Kālinga
Mahānāgoparāja
Yastyalayatisya-maharaja
Gosthyabhaya-maharaja
Kakavarmnatisya-maharaja Sraddhatisya-maharaja
Khallatanaga-maharaja
Mahacidimahatisya-maharaja
Kutakarnnatisya-maharaja
Mahadarinstrika-mahanaga-mahi
Daughter = Pundramaha
Kalabhra-maharaja
Murunda-maharaja
Kalabhra-maharaja
Murunda-maharaja
Kalabhra-maharaja
Murunda-maharaja Kalabhra-mahiraja
Lankasoka-maharaj
Lambakarnna-mahal
Mayura-maharaja
Mayira-maharaja
Darinstrainama-mahal
Dhatusena-maharaja
Daughter - Silakala-mahārāja
Maudgalyayana-maharaja
Sirinhaladaņdanāyaka
Malayaraja
Кӑšуара-mahӑrӑја
Manavarmma-maharaja
Kasyapa-maharaja
Agrabodhi-maharaja
Mahendra-maharaja
Udaya-maharaja (1)
Dappula-maharaja (2)

R HUSBAND
| Rājavamsa
irӑја,
rӑја
"ӑја,
'aja
Maudgalyayana-maharaja

Page 47
Sundarapāņdya (3)
Candra-maharaja
Pandu-maharaja
Phalayagasalamiirdhacida-m
a,
Jatila-maharaja
Rajasimha-maharaja
Varaguna-maharaja
Varaguna-maharaja
Srimຄືກ່ອ
Sundarī
Senamahārāija (5)
Kašуара-maharäја
Maudgalyayana-maharaja
Vijayabahu-maharaja (l)
Vikramabahu-maharaja (1)
(2)
Vijayamalla-maharaja
Vijayabahu-maharaja (3)
Parakramabahu-maharaja, (2) Vijayabahu-maharaja
Parakramabahu-maharaja (3)
Svarnnamänik
Rā,
B
Sundarapāņdya (4)
Sundarapāņçdya (5)
Sundarapāņdya (6)
Sundarapāņdya (7)
Sundarapāņçdya (8)
Sundarapāņçdya (9)
Sundarapāņçdya (10)
Sundarapändya (ll)
(Ulakudayade

naraja
Mahen
Kāśya
Mahen
Buddh
Mahen
Pairākir
Buvan
Sunda
7 o Sundar
aputra (Ärya) Rājavamsa Vijaya hīmarāja (Anhilavāda pure) -
Rājaputrathakura c Svarņņamānikyā
| - - Rāja putrathakura Vīra bāhu
Rāja putrathakura
Rāja putrathakura
- - Vijaya Rāja putrathakura
- - Parāk Rājaputrathakura
Rājaputrathakura (Ratnapure)
- - - - Rāja putrathakura (Jātigrāmā pure) Svarņņa
Svarņņamāņikyā
ī) Candravatī Purandara

Page 48
Malayaraja Silamegha-maharaja
Kasyapa-maharaja
Manavarmma-maharaja
Kasyapa-maharaja
Agrabodhi-maharaja
Mahendra-maharaja
Udaya-maharaja (l)
Dappula-maharaja (2)
Mahādipāda Kāśyapa
Sena-maharaja (2)
Кӑšуара-mahärӑја
Mahendara (ādipāda of Rohaņa)
Кӑšуара
Mahendra
Budai-nala
Mahendra
Parãkrama
Buvanaikabāhu
(l)
Sundarapāņqdya; (2)
Vijayabahu (3)
rņņamānikyā Parākramabāhu (2)
Vīrabāhu Svarņņamāņikyā
Vijayabahu-maharaja (5)
Parākramabahu-maharaja (5)
DharmaŠoka-maharaja
Swarnnamanikya = Jayamala
Sunetrāmahadevi C
Parākramabāhu (6)
Purandara, Purandara,

(= Tārā)
Kaundineya-maharaja
Gunarranava-maharaja
Māravij ayottunga-mahārāj a. Samaravij ayottunga-mahiraj a.
al
Mahasthamaprapta-maharaja
Süryanârâyana-madârâja
Jayagopa-maharaja
Pralambahasta-maharaja
Süryanârâyana-mahârâja
Magha-maharaja,
Gandagopala-maharaja
Candrabhanu-maharaja
Parākramabāhu
Šagarajašekhara Pararājaśekhara
Pararājaśekhara Sagarja$ekhara
Sundarapāņqdya;
Jayamāla
aran pasirinha Purandara
Paņikkala
Paranypasirinha Campakaperumālu
(Parākramabāhu, 8) (Buvanaikabāhu 6)

Page 49

نتیجه میر |

Page 50
The Eccentr
the flush of Rome's victory at A of Rome's great enemy
her, she is at first a queen drunk aster, she slinks in fear from the pursu is a brave woman, discrowned yet gra: proudly courting death. That was h; patron, the centrically august Octavian,
With his lady friends, too, Horace to Galatea meditating a journey, he wis against her setting out; and that she ma would like to see overtaking the wive bids her take good care of herself, and Europe. Through more than twenty Galatea about Europēs misery and ren Then he breaks the verse to bring in a tells Europe of her wonderfully good f that :
ܪ
An acknowledged masterpiece is t man of resolute purpose, iustum et tenace man the four opening stanzas are stead away from that steadily centric path. set of translations into English verse of a translation4 of these first few stanzas Horace. It blinks the grand eccentricit
II
Some of those gathered here may re comet fifty-three years ago. It was radi the dawn. Morning after morning w
* A paper read before the Classical Association 1. Odes I, 37.
2. III, 27.
3. III, 3.
. Greek and Latin Anthology thought into English Masterpieces, page 138.
4.
139

● 3ද iC Horace
Ctium, Horace wrote an ode on the , Cleopatra. As the ode presents with Sweet fortune: sobered by dising ships: in the closing stanzas she nd, triumphing over her captors by ardly the climax Horace's imperial could have been expected to relish.
could be queer. Writing an ode2 hes that there may be no bad omens y be safe from such calamities as he s and children of his enemies. He warns her of what befell too trustful 7-three digressive stanzas, he tells norse, Europe's raving and despair. goddess-the goddess Venus-who ortune. How would Galatea take
he odes that begins by praising the m. propositi virum. To the steadfast lfastly devoted; then the ode veers William Stebbing, the author of a Greek and Latin masterpieces, has only. This renders but the centric y of more than twelve stanzas.
member the glory that was Halley's ant in the Eastern sky a little before e watched it approach; then for a
of Ceylon on 26th June, 1963.
Verse, T. Fisher Unwin Ltd., 1923, Part II, Latin

Page 51
UNIVERSITY OF
few evenings we saw it recede. It earth and its centrically kindred pla little rounds of the star that makes cited are, each in its own way, eccen
In the ode that starts with the the first two stanzas are about the up can shake. The third mentions Pol attained immortality by being stea mentioning Bacchus and Romulus, e
Having completed the sentence to the assembled gods. And that sp forbidding the restoration of Troy, g teenth stanza-quo, musa, tendis ?
In attempting to explain this ren from one another. To some, the ext to rebuild Troy suggests a political there had been a rumour that Julius seat of empire from Rome to Alexa the view that the old project was establishing at Troy, or in its neighb ment, with special privileges and pe had favourers sufficiently numerous that Augustus wished to discourag intention in the speech he ascribes to
T. E. Page deems it almost bey Troy Horace refers to the republical ever fallen', and was to be succeede Augustus.6
According to J. H. Rose, “Tro meaning is that, to be great, Rome giving way to the Orientalizing dre: is E. C. Wickham's explanation. T Troy, means, says Wickham, to spoil and vices of oriental life.8
5. The Odes and Epodes of Horace, William Bl 6. Horace Odes, Book III, Macmillan and Co.
7. A Handbook of Latin Literature, Methuen a 8. Selected Odes of Horace, Oxford at the Clar
1

CEYLON REVIEW
has swept beyond our ken; beyond our nets that still keep going their centric our little day. The three odes I have tric as the path of a comet is eccentric.
words iustum et tenacem propositi трит right and resolute man whom nothing lux and Hercules as mortals who have dfast and upright. The fourth, after inds in the middle of a sentence.
, the fifth stanza begins Juno's speech eech, predicting Rome's greatness and oes on and on till the end of the seven
It is Horace who asks the question.
narkable digression commentators differ raordinary emphasis on the prohibition significance. According to Suetonius, Caesar contemplated transferring the indria or to Troy. Lord Lytton is of in the time of Augustus confined to ourhood, a colonial or branch governowers.' Assuming, first, that the idea to raise it to importance, and second, e it, Lytton concludes that Horace's Juno becomes clear.
Ond question that under the image of n form of government, which had for d by the new Principate established by
y stands simply for the East, and the should remain a Western power, not ams of an Antony'.7 Similar to Rose's o “rebuild Troy, to remove Rome to Roman life by introducing the luxury
ackwood and Sons, 1869, page 213.
Ltd., 1949, page 51.
ld Co., Ltd., 1936, page 275.
endon Press, 1938, (Notes), page 38.
40

Page 52
THE ECCENTRI(
These are views of men whose e them may be right: allegory being capal than one, it may be that all these allego. Even so, are we prepared to believe tha through thirteen digressive stanzas merel
** 1,. and horalistic precepts which these exp
Does his monumentum aere perennius stanc
Ilion, Ilion. Those are the openins picture they call to mind of topless towe lips that sucked the soul.
Ilion, Ilion fatalis incestusque iudex e, A Crime against heaven, retribution an those towers, those lips, all turned into d
Yet from the ashes of the old, a nev iras et in visum nepotem Troica quem peper as the utter destruction is accepted wit assured of a fairer prosperity and a greate triumphatisque possit Roma ferox dare iura l
All this is within the ambit of Juli spဇံch has Horace compassed anything an Aeschylean trilogy 2 Troy's prospel the Fire-bringer; Troy's punishment wit resurgence with Prometheus Unbound. T of Job, in the parable of the Prodigal
plays.
Commenting on Shakespeare's Cle that the hints of regeneration in the mir all the dying ecstacies of Antony and Cl that would scarcely be true: to her dyi not apply—ausa et iacentem visere regiam the last three stanzas of Horace's ode, th change.
Without distortion of historical fa single ode all three parts of the trilogy.
9. Shakespeare's Last Plays, Chatto and Windus, 19
141

C HORACE
rudition is indisputable. Any of ble of interpretation on more levels rical interpretations are admissible. t Horace's muse would sweep him y to put across the political opinions Positors think they have discerned? | no higher than that 2
g words of Juno's speech. What a is that kissed the cloud; voluptuous
f mulier peregrina vertit in pulverem. d destruction. vertit in pulverem: ust.
v thing emerges. protinus et graves 't sacerdos Marti redonabo. So long h reconciliation, the new order is r greatness. Stet Capitolium fulgens Medis.
lo's speech. By introducing that less than the complete pattern of ity is comparable with Prometheus th Prometheus Bound; and Rome's here are parallels also in the Book Son and in some of Shakespeare's
opatra, E. M. W. Tillyard notes ld of Othello count for more than eopatra”.9 Of Horace’s Cleopatra ng serenity the word ecstacy will voltu sereno. In the Cleopatra of lere has clearly been a significant
ct, Horace has compressed into a First is a state of sweet but tainted
38, page 21.

Page 53
UNIVERSITY C
prosperity: Contaminato cum grege sperare fortunaque dulci ebria.
Second, there is thorough des vix una sospes navis ab ignibus.
Third is the theme of restorati stanzas reveal a chastened Cleopati phrase Dr. Tillyard uses in anoth recast into something new.
It is true, nevertheless, that in not as fully developed as Horace - cited. The divine assurance of a Cleopatra ode. In the ode that resolute purpose that assurance is g to Galatea.
Between these two divine utte difference of emphasis. Juno's spe part of the trilogy, the theme of dis may rise, fallen Troy must stay fo with Venuss annunciation to Eurc part, the theme of renewal and the more glorious than the first.
The Juno of Horace's ode is bit who, still brooding over the old v hating Troy and the Trojans. In is nothing novel: it reads rather lil passage (Aeneid XII, lines 808 to 8 nomine Troia. However graciousl regal her utterance, she says no mo
With his Venus it is otherwise: and then behaves in the most u daughter 10 of Agenor, has acknow,
10. The Prodigal Daughter is the title of an es October, 1953.

F CEYLON REVIEW
turpium morbo virorum quidlibet impotens
truction of the old order: minuit furoreti,
ية جامعة
محمے
on and reconciliation. The concluding a; a Cleopatra who, if I may borrow a ir context, has been melted down and
this ode, the third part of the pattern is as done it in the two other odes I have better state of being is lacking in the starts by extolling the upright man of iven by Juno: Venus gives it in the ode
III
rances there is, it seems to me, a notable ech places the main strESS On the Second integration and destruction. That Rome r ever fallen. But in the Ode that ends ope, the grand stress comes on the third emergence of a new order happier and
it the mythical, traditional Juno-a Juno yound immedicable, has good cause for ihe speech Horace ascribes to Juno there ke a paraphrase of Virgil's resounding 28) with its occidit, occideritque sinas cum y Horace makes Juno speak, however re than she might be expected to say.
she comes in at an unexpected moment, nexpected way. Europe, the prodigal ledged her transgression in abandoning
say published in University of Ceylon Review, of July
142
سمتیہ =

Page 54
THE ECCENTRI
her filial duty—pater, o relictum filiae ni to her father she cannot. The imagi till she raves. aderat querenti perfidum1 r.
pgfīdu rideris,- Why peridu The deception lies in the fact of Cupid',
How illusive that slackening of C even T. E. Page, who supposes it to purpose. Eminent expositor though bow is unbent because Cupid's shaft h is what Europe has yet to learn. Venus like a Mona Lisa.
The Venus and Cupid of this ode tradition. In presenting them anew, I the Renaissance, daring to take liberties
What is the fabric of this ancient fa to correction by those who must know scene of Venus's and Cupid's activities not Europe's but Jupiter's heart is the t in the old story is there room for Eu Crete.
J. LC Imprière in his Classical Dicti an illustrated Pocket Library edition ha Wechsler's book reproduces a painting moving over the water. But lovelier in the Fifth Book of his Fasti -
praebuit, ut taurus, Tyriae Iuppiter, et falsa Corn illa iubam dextra, laeva re et timor ipse novi cal aura sinus implet : flavos n Sidoni, sic fueras aspi saepe puellares subduxit al et metuit tactus assilie
11. Op. cit, page 117.
143
 

IC HORACIE
omen pietasque. Arise and go back ned anger of his rebuke wrings her dens Venus et remisso filius arcu.
Wherein is Europe deceived a sbow being unbent-renisso arcu.
upid's bow can be! It has deceived be symbolical of Cupid's peaceful he is, he fails to see that Cupid's as already sped to its target. This , because she knows, comes Smiling
are not the Venus and Cupid of old Horace paints like a master artist of
with the fabric of ancient fable.
ble : So far as I know, and subject better, Sidon, and not Crete is the in the old story. In the old story arget of Cupid's arrow. Nowhere rope's remorse after her arrival in
onary and Herman J. Wechsler in ve re-told the old story in English. by Titian of the girl and the bull than that is Ovid's word-painting
Sua terga puellae ua fronte tulit; tinebat annictus; Isa decoris erat. hovet aura capillos: cienda Iovi.
aequore plantas, nt1S aquaC;

Page 55
UNIVERSITY OF
saepe deus prudens ter haereat ut collo ft litoribus tactis stabat si Iuppiter, inque de
Picturesque and romantic as O. fabric. The moment girl and bull vanish, the bull disappears, there st cornibus ullis Iuppiter. The scene in and Venus comes on the stage to bri is to be found nowhere but in Hor; a master-hand a
Venus is love personified: in wil moderns—some of us, at any ratenoble passion 2 “In ancient literatu rises above the levels of merry sen be treated as a tragic madness, a persons (usually women) into crin Medea, of Phaedra, of Dido; and su that the gods may protect them.12
Not such is the love of Europ this ode is no tragic madness. This to heal; not to debase but to exalt out the d to that threatened her.
An apprehension of love beyor in the Augustan firmament. Well Well may children of the New Lea have looked and learned and follow
Of ancient writers on love, t was, undoubtedly, not Horace but has to say of Ovid's Ars Amatoria.
* In the piping times of unbanished and the dark the stage-Ovid sat down
12. The Allegory of Love, Oxford University

CEYLON REVIEW
gum demittit in undas Ortius illa suo. ne cornibus ullis um de bove Versus erat.
vid is, he keeps well within the ančient reach the shores of Crete, the horns ands the god. litoribus tactis stabat sine Crete, where Europe raves in despair ng happiness out of impending tragedy, ace. Is not this the authentic touch of
hat light did the ancients view what we —have come to regard as a grand and re', observes C. S. Lewis, love seldom suality or domestic comfort, except to n dt) which plunges otherwise sane he and disgrace. Such is the love of uch the love from which maidens pray
e. The love kindled by the Venus of shaft of Cupid strikes not to harm but ; not to madden Europe, but to drive
ld the ancient surmise, it glimmers first may succeeding ages stand and stare. rning, well may great Shakespeare too, ed the gleam.
he most influential in the Middle Ages ; Ovid. Yet ponder what C. S. Lewis
the early empire-when Julia was still figure of Tiberius had not yet crossed to compose for the amusement of a
Press, 1938, Page 4.
144

Page 56
THE ECCENTRI
society which well understood on the art of seduction. The presupposes an audience to wh cadilloes of life, and the joke writing a treatise, with rules a - conduct of illicit loves. It is fi
gentlemen over their wine is the oldest jokes in the world; is to be very serious about the tone of the Ars Amatoria flows.
And from this attitude flows also, Horace's odes. Is it Horace the jokery just before the one about Europē. He ha seriousness, his warfare in the lists of love dedicating his sword and his spear, he lover's lute which has done with the ser lighted the lover's night-march to the professes to make one last prayer to Ven for her pride. regina, sublini flagello tang
Lift on high o'er that arrogant * And by one Smarting touch
Between the Venus Horace invokes i on the stage in the closing scene of his difference. In juxtaposing the one with been to point the contrast : The real c between two Venuses as between two H the other magnificently eccentric.
13 Ор. cit. page 5. 14. Odes, III, 26. 15. Lord Lytton's translation.
145
 
 
 

C HORACE
| him an ironically didactic poem : very design of this Art of Love tom love is one of the minor pecconsists in treating it seriously-in nd regulations en régle for the nice Inny, as the ritual Solemnity ofold funny. Food, drink and sex are and one familiar form of the joke
m. From this attitude, the whole '13
may I say, the tone of some of 7 ou want ? turn then to the ode 14 is finished, Horace says with mockIn the manner of an old warrior professes to dedicate to Venus the vice of love and the torch that has gates of his lady. And then he us-that she should chastise Chloe e Chloen semel arrogantem.
Chloe thy scourge, 1 fright her into submission.15
in this ode and the Venus he brings
Europe ode, there is a world of the other, could his purpose have listinction is perhaps not so much oraces—the one playfully serious,
A. C. SENEVIRATNE

Page 57
UNIVERSITY O.
I am grateful to Professor C. attention to a most interesting a Poetry by L. P. Wilkinson (Cambri the three odes cited in my paper Wilson has noteworthy comments, that Horace may have aimed at con of an Aeschylean trilogy and, in on of romantic love happily rescued fi that these suggestions have been a with Porson like an angel nor “curs
My belief is that Renaissance v rather than by propounding them, the gleam, they paused not to theor common knowledge about Hora preface, is due to Renaissance sch pertinent to quote an extract from Mr. S. L. Bethell, Lecturer in Engl College of South Wales :-
Is it possible that Horace which caused them to into It would be interesting to made of this ode.
Mr. Bethell's reference was to th opens as “an Orthodox song of triu the poem and the triumph. In W article entitled Horace’s Cleopatra p No. 3) of University of Ceylon Revi

F CEYLON REVIEW
W. Amerasinghe for having drawn my ld valuable book, Horace and his Lyric dge at the University Press, 1946). On as instances of Horace's eccentricity though he does not go so far as to suggest passing, in each of the three, the pattern e of the three, the gift to Galatea, a story rom tragedy. Were I to find some day liticipated, I would neither weep for joy e more humanly with Donatus.
writers, by working on these suggestions
have indeed anticipated them. Seeing ize but followed. The great mass of our ce', says Wilkinson in his admirable holars. And in this context it may be a letter of 23-11-1951 which I had from ish Language and Literature, University
's ode supplied a hint to the Renaissance erpret Plutarch in this “romantic” way : know what Renaissance commentators
Le Cleopatra ode (I, 37)—the one that mph but in which Cleopatra steals both riting me that letter he had in view an Lublished in the July 1951 issue (Vol. IX,
(I).
A. C. SENEVIRATNE
146

Page 58
The Choice of R
whether profe
institutions, non-profit organiz:
industrial concerns, all aim for su satisfying Curiosity and learning somet position, promotions, Salary increases, success. Some are conscious of this go search project and modify their activitie for success, of course, but pay little atte instead to the immediate problem whic no one undertakes a research project wit conclusion. Most researchers, however problem or question which excites their The judicious choice of direction in whi energy is, therefore, of great importance
Sometimes there is no choice. Circ project on which one will work. The nie the research that the individual W. Or a research director who determines t these cases there is no choice, except, of professor or research director, if this choi theless, someone must decide what resea satisfaction of success or the frustration
be his.
The factors to be considered in cl (1) personal (or personnel, in the case and (3) circumstantial Of these, the f: physical factors. What I am here callins difficult to assess. The personal factors categories because there are Some recog can be used.
Among the personal factors, pro
interest. As used here, the word is 1.
curiosity leading to casual interest, but a -
147

2.search Projects
ssionally affiliated with academic ations, governmental agencies or ccess in their work. In addition to ling new, professional recognition, bonuses, are all dependent upon all throughout every stage of a reS in keeping with it. Others hope ntion to it, devoting their energies his of interest to them. Probably hout the anticipation of a successful , rather than having one absorbing curiosity have a multitude of them. ich to pour one’s concentration and
cumstances may dictate the research institution of affiliation may deterill do. Sometimes it is a professor he research which will be done. In course, the choice of institution or ce is open to the individual. Neverrch will be done and the thrill and
and disappointment of failure will
hoosing a research project include of research directors), (2) physical, ctors most easily evaluated are the circumstantial factors are the most are intermediate between the other nized standards or measures which
bably the most important one is ot intended to mean Sophisticated real and compelling or motivating

Page 59
UNIVERSITY C
interest in the field. If interest is
inspired or at least enthusiastic and 1 that some aspects of research work aspects are sufficiently exciting, h, and sustain enthusiasm during the because of this factor, i.e., because a in research can be routine, it is imp the work, otherwise progress will n actively interested minds. This nately, difficult to be sure of
Another personal factor is kn assumed that a certain level of intel the knowledge necessary for good evidence available for the evalua successfully completed, academic be, to some degree, evaluated and knowledge of the field. Thorough to have some new ideas about the f before. This could lead to very gaining a good knowledge of a fie might have been thought to hav further knowledge shows to be are:
A third personal factor to cor one to be intensely interested in som for it. If an individual has no apti clearly theoretical physics or astro. for that individual. Likewise, if a physics, then work in physiology is has no mechanical aptitude, experi choice as the more theoretical are In this area, also, there are available tion. I personally do not believe t various tests which are available made on the bases of these tests hav other words, to predict the future based on a score is a dangerous t reliable. They can be useful piece

CEYLON REVIEW
Lot intense, work could not possibly be ach some goal. It must be remembered re routine and repetitious. If the other wever, this excitement can carry over routine aspects of research work. But fair number of the clock hours involved ortant that one be intensely interested in it be made. Creative work comes from important factor-interest-is, unfortu
owledge of the field of research. It is ligence will be required in order to gain work in a field. There is some objective ion of this factor. Academic courses legrees, experience, and reading, all can provide an indication of the extent of knowledge of the area makes it possible ield-ideas that have not been expressed fruitful projects. On the other hand, ld can expose areas of ignorance which e investigative possibilities, but which as already investigated.
sider is aptitude. It is unfortunate for lefield but to have no aptitude whatever ude at all for mathematics, for example, nomy or genetics are not suitable fields individual has no feeling whatever for not a good choice. Or, if an individual mental research would not be as wise a as, assuming other aspects are satisfied. so-called objective methods for evalualat one can put too much reliance on the D measure aptitude because predictions e not always proved to be accurate. In ossibilities for one particular individual ing to do because the tests are not that
of evidence to consider, however.
148
ܬܐܵ ܛܢܥܓ

Page 60
THE CHOICE OF RE
The fourth factor of a personal na (There are other resources that are not pe below.) That one must have the boc necessary to perform the operations req worthy of mention, and no more will b iఖestigator, financial factors are, of c. of fiscal support will determine if a pr this factor can decide where a research ment of the independent researcher may generous grants, fellowships, scholarsh points are of concern only to independent not be concerned with these, but woul personnel.
It should be pointed out that in th the personal factors mentioned here n degree. Even if they are equally prese work in a field. That is to say, it may b comings in resources with an abundan, not uncommon for considerable creati
StanceS.
* Physical factors are of concern to research directors, of course. They a facilities including adequate space and
where necessary, as in electronic labora ratus, Supplies, journals and references. personal finances or grants can solve 1 institution or company often solves this as well as directors of research since relev books and laboratory facilities would be Association with a particular professor
problems of this sort for the independer fringe benefit of stimulation and profess the individual by virtue of associatio researchers. It should be pointed out th taken because equipment necessary for
In such cases instrumentation work is n. mising, is decidedly valuable.
یہ جھے
149

ARCH PROJECTS
ure one must consider is resources. 'sonal and which will be considered ly ability, e.g., manual dexterity, ired by the research work is hardly said of this. For the independent urse, important. The availability ject can be done at all. At times froject can be done. This requirebe currently made possible through ps and contracts. Some of these workers. Research directors would I have to adapt the others to their
2 case of the individual researcher, ed not all be present to the same nt, this does not preclude successful e possible to overcome some shortce of interest or knowledge. It is vity to be elicited in such circum
both independent investigators and re proper laboratory and library environment (e.g. air conditioning tories), furniture, equipment, appaAs for the independent worker, many problems in this area. The roblem for independent researchers 'ant equipment, apparatus, supplies, provided for appropriate research. or director of research solves most it worker. In addition there is the ional recognition which accrues to with established and recognized at some research cannot be underthe solution simply does not exist. cessary, and if the project is pro

Page 61
UNIVERSITY OF
The first of the circumstantial relationship of a proposed research other Words, the question to be rai where, i.e., does it have ramificati a circumscribed project dealing or vicinity ? To use an illustration fro something like the study of an asp to other species rather than somethi species : The latter has far-reachi by its very nature. Frequently, rese the ingredients necessary are read approach. One ought first to ask appropriate materials that would he
New equipment, procedures o areas for fruitful research projects discoveries of great significance are O in that area by giant steps. Betwe
1 || GROWTH || N
CD CY
|ق 李| O صص ܐܠ
A L_口”二
TIM
Figure 1. Growth of K A-description by Aristotle of contact of ho B-experiments by Galvani and Volta on a
C-development of galvanometer (1820) a
Matteucci (1840).
D-use of cathode ray oscilloscope in neur

CEYLON REVIEW
factors that one must consider is the
project with the whole of science. In
ed here is, does the project lead somens with other areas of Science, or is it y in the backyard of the inmediate 7 ܢ in biology, the question is, is the project ct of one species with no significance ng like the mechanism that determines ng possibilities, the former is limiting rchers tend to choose a project because ly available. This is not the proper the question, and then search for the p most in getting at the ans Wer.
r techniques frequently open up new
In each area of science, important Ccasionally made, advancing knowledge en these periods of rapid progress are
NEUROPHYSIOLO GY
D
Ο
Β
E -e-
owledge in Neurophysiology rse with Torpedo (322 B.C.). imal electricity (1791 A.D.). ld its use in neurophysiological experiments by
physiology by Erlanger and Gasser (1922).
150

Page 62
THE CHOICE OF RESE.
plateaus or periods of relatively slow pro are filled in. See Figure 1 for an illustra siology. Here can be seen the giant st plateau following for a long period oft observations were made. Then at B . observations of Galvani and Volta, aga virtually no increase in knowledge in th: of the galvanometer and the observatio plateau but rather a continued increase in rate. In other words, knowledge was a not as rapidly. The next giant step was and knowledge has been increasing evers
To see new possibilities in already new techniques or apparatus or equipm nation. Sometimes one can be surround remain obscure for lack of imagination tC
Another important factor that is not of timing. If one has an idea for a resea one has a much better chance for success a project obviously necessitates that most have to refer to the beginning of the area becomes the foundation on which Subse far as success is concerned, this type of pro it also promises the greatest returns if it is
Next to that, one is wise to choose is on the rise; that is, getting more empl portance. In all areas of Science, I suppo of that science dealing with problems ass a field. It still is on the incline, there still number of scientists in this area, good reached a plateau. On the rising phase of geous time to start a project, Second onl new area of investigation. Whether one phase of interest in the field is another fa starts on either the rising or declining success. Of course, fields of declining el they are already getting less and less empl success are severely limited and, in any C.
decreasing emphasis placed upon the field
ܬܐ .
151.

ARCH PROJECTS
ogress during which many details tion from the field of neurophy'p made by Aristotle (A) with a ime during which no significant tre represented the experimental in followed by a flat period of is area. Following the discovery ns of Matteucci (C), there is no knowledge, although at a reduced dvancing in neurophysiology but made by Erlanger and Gasser (D)
ince.
existing equipment, or to devise ent does, indeed, require imagiled by fruitful possibilities which
make use of them.
infrequently ignored is the factor rch project in a virgin, new field, s. Successful completion of such of the investigators who follow of research. Such a project, then, quent research will be built. At ject involves the greatest risk, bus successful.
projects in an area of science that hasis rather than declining in impse one could say that any aspect ociated with space would be such is a lot of emphasis on it, a large iscal support, and it still has not such a field would be an advantay to a project which originates a : starts on the rising or declining ctor to consider. The earlier one phase, the greater the chance for mphasis are least desirable because hasis and therefore the chances for ise, can only be attenuated by the

Page 63
UNIVERSITY O.
One last factor must be mention a research project, i.e., when one k and one ought to drop it and sta virtue in work, but it will not nec Caution must be used, though, th too soon. Much of research work Frequently, however, some of these which can lead to significant new re
After considering these factors, made with reasonable confidence. careful performance of the usual r reviewed, analyzed and studied, a hy designed and carried out, good note are evaluated and analyzed, the cont and published. If these factors hav of research and if the hypothesis procedures used are sound, a succes mean the experiments or observati series of isolated experiments or ol goal which is significant and from faction, a sense of accomplishment a a research project well done.

CEYLON REVIEW
ed: the knowledge of when to abandon nows that the work is going nowhere rt on something else. There may be assarily make one a successful scientist.
at a research project is not abandoned
is unwittingly directed toward failure. failures result in important observations search projects.
the choice of a research project can be This must then be followed by equally search procedures, i.e. the literature is pothesis is formulated, experiments are are taken, the results of the experiments illusions are drawn, the whole is written re been considered in choosing an area is well thought out and the research ful conclusion should result. It should ons in the research will not be just a bservations but ones leading toward a which an individual will derive saticind the exhilaration which comes from
JOSEPH K. HICH AR
152

Page 64
ܝ
W. M. G. Colebrooke
e ” /Memoraܝܢ
Introduct
T is not often that a colonial reform |[fiးfi; in fair detail on the aff
ported on. Such an opportunity C. when Philip Anstruther, the Colonial Sec then on holiday in England, sent an un review of the affairs of Ceylon to the Co then Secretary of State for War and the document to Colebrooke for his comi memoranda, the longer one dated 31st ther's, while the shorter one-recomi Administration of Justice in Ceylon'- 1832, but was sent to the Colonial Offic
Colebrooke's memorandum of 31s issues Anstruther had touched upon, an the order in which the subjects occurre comments, however, are rather disjoin appears to be very much like a patchw useful without being in anyway very el fresh light it throws on Colebrooke's ide
So far the Utilitarian strand of Col the attention, at the expense of other, Recently, the influence of his experience i administration there has been referre evidence of two other influences, that of deal of this in his reports of 1831/2) ar.
1. C.O. 54:185 Philip Anstruther's memorandum printed below, pp. 16-33.
2. See, ed. Mendis, G. C. The Colebrooke-Came, 3. Ludowyk, E. F. C. The Story of Ceylon, (Lol
153

- TWO Unpublished
Inda
tory
er is afforded the opportunity of airs of a Colony he had once reame Collebrooke's Way in 1840– retary of the Ceylon Government, Solicited but quite comprehensive lonial Office. Lord John Russell Colonies thought it fit to send this ments. The latter sent back two December, 1840 reviewed Anstrumendations “for improving the had been drawn up in December, 2 only in January, 1841.
t December, 1840 dealt with the d he submitted his comments “in ad' in the latter's document. His ited, and the memorandum itself ork quilt, and like that article it is egant. It is useful because of the
a S.
ebrooke's outlook has received all
and equally important, aspects.2 in Java during Sir Stamford Raffle's d to. This document provides Evangelicalism (there was a great ud that of the theories of Edward
of November 23rd 1840. This document is
fon Papers, 2 vols. (O.U.P. 1956). ndon, 1962), p. 167.

Page 65
UNIVERSITY Ol
Gibbon Wakefield on land policy fluence is seen in his strong support of temple lands and the dissociatio. Buddhism, and in his exhortation
memorandum that the “ utmost en afforded to those who are engaged of the people ... The Wakefiel commendations on the settlement
and elsewhere; and in his suggestio
land sales should be used for this pu
Colebrooke's memorandum O. of interest. It gives the reader a cl attached to his several recommenc in 1832. He believed that the incr was due primarily to the abolition with the facts, but one which sho measure. Again, despite all the ev the cinnamon industry, reformed staple of the island's economy, and valuable exports if the foreign and S able into England on equal duties' were optimistic in the extreme, obv check his facts. Worse still, his su should enjoy the benefits of a prote indicate that he had not kept abrea principle of protection was under the increasingly influential Free Tra
All this is proof of Colebrook progressive ideas of his day, but th form and were never gathered tog advantages in this as his remarks ( was never Cameron's equal in intelle legal theory was remarkable and h 1833 with cold precision, logically ron's legal reforms for all their w of Ceylon, and in the long run society and an extortionate process was a more tolerant and humane

CEYLON REVIEW
and settlement. The Evangelical inof Anstruther on issues such as the sale in of the state from its connection with in the concluding paragraph of the Couragement and protection should be in the religious and general instruction dian influence is discernible in his reof villagers both in plantation regions that part, at least, of the revenue from rpOSe.
f December 31st 1840 has other points earer idea of the relative importance he lations on social and economic reform easing prosperity of the Colony in 1840
of rajakariya, a conclusion at variance ws the importance he attached to this idence to the contrary, he believed that and reorganized could still remain the that sugar and coffee were “likely to be lave grown Sugars should not be admis. His hopes for the cinnamon industry riously because he had made no effort to iggestion that Ceylon sugar and coffee active tariff in the British market would st of developments at home, where the very effective and systematic attack by
de lobby.
te's remarkable receptivity to the more ese were absorbed in a soft and diffused gether in a logical whole. There were on judicial reform would indicate. He act; indeed the latter's grasp of Utilitarian e applied it in his Charter of Justice of and consistently. Nevertheless, Cameorth were not rooted in the experience they tended to create a lawyer-ridden of justice. Colebrooke's Utilitarianism rariety (Bentham might have refused to
154
ہے۔

Page 66
TWO UN PUBLISHED
call it Utilitarianism) less liable to errors his ideas were more diffused Colebrooke people with a form of justice suited to their experience and traditions. His r the Adipinistration of Justice in Ceylon and theoretical trappings of Cameron's ments and Procedure in Ceylon,'4 but th COInn O)SC)SC.
Cameron was ever the Benthamite approach; his report was a fine piece of Not for nothing did Leslie Stephen descril perhaps the last surviving disciple of Ben
Perhaps the most lasting contributi was the judicial system established in 183 The Charter of Justice of 1833 marks the system in Ceylon. James Stephen, the the Colonial Office, commented that “ innovation. . . based on speculation (chie
“A pure innovation. .. based on would appear to be a very apt description of the judicial system established in 1833 in the country's past. It did not give th a system that would “investigate disput plain and summary manner'. In 1842J. sought to persuade Cameron to pay mo the latter had paid little heed to the sug on the advice of Bentham himself.7 C 1832 focussed attention on this theme, an courts of the Dutch administration in the
4. Mendis, I, pp. 121-185. 5. The Dictionary of National Biography, III, p. 741. 6. C.O. 54:191. James Stephen's minute of Janua 7. ibid. In 1842, Sir Colin Campbell comment Justice is a subject of universal complaint and with the g of justice both in civil and criminal matters are unpa arises from the peculiarities of the Charter increased by proctors than to ensure a speedy decision ... there is no st cases ... The consequence is that justice is in effect all result of a Charter the avowed principle of which is “to decide the poor man's case and the rich.'
C.O. 54:196. Campbell to Stanley, 56 of April, 18
8. Indeed Cameron's Judicial Charter takes no acco
- Mendis I, 172-3.
155

MEMORANDA
of this nature. Precisely because could see the need to provide the their needs, and in harmony with 'commendations “for improving were devoid of the legal niceties report on “the Judicial Establishey possessed the Supreme merit of
jurist, cold, precise and logical in Benthamite judiciary construction. be him as “a disciple and ultimately tham”.5
on of the Benthamites to Ceylon 3 on Cameron's recommendations. beginning of the modern judicial Permanent Under-Secretary at this Ceylon Charter was a pure fly those of Bentham)".6
speculation. In retrospect this
because one of the great weaknesses was the fact that it was not rooted le people what they needed most, es and administer justice . . in a ames Stephen claimed that he had re attention to this problem, but gestion, preferring instead to rely Solebrooke's recommendations in d drew attention to the Landraad Maritime Provinces of Ceylon.8
ry 20th 1842.
'd that the "The condition of the system of reatest reason. The delays and practical denial ralleled in any country. In civil matters this rules of practice far more calculated to benefit Immary form or procedure for small or simple nost denied to the poor and this is the direct
favour the poor by giving the same Judge to
th 1842. punt of his own reflections on this point. See,

Page 67
UNIVERSITY O
Two other points need em would indicate that the gansabhavas in 1832; they might, in fact, have new judicial system by someone w. traditional institutions than Camerc system in Ceylon concentrate on o the classification of juries according how escaped Cameron's attention a
Memorandum of Sir W. M. G. C 31 Dec
MY LORD,
In compliance with your LC Smith's9 letter of the 5th inst. I pr occured to me on a perusal of M condition of Ceylon.
Refering to the reports made b after my return to England it is gr. ments which have been effected a increasing prosperity in that island, buted to the Order of His Late M. for the abolition of all gratuitous lab from the native inhabitants.
The remarks which I have nov in which the subjects occur in Mr.
I entirely concur with him the notion of exclusive privileges on th employments in the island.
In the present state of the Col avail itself of every means whereby be acquired to administer the Civ to fill the offices of (Provincial)10
9. Vernon Smith, at this time Parliament:
10. Colebrooke, inadvertently perhaps, ha changed it to the more appropriate, Provincial.

CEYLON REVIEW
hasis. First, Colebrooke's comments were by no means effete and moribund been given greater prominence in the th a greater reverence for the past and
n. Second, his comments on the jury
ne of its more prominent weaknessesto castes; it was a defect which somend thus survived for a decade after 1833.
olebrooke sent to Lord John Russell ember 1840
rdship's request conveyed to Mr. V. oceed to offer such observations as have I. Anstruther's report upon the present
y me as Commissioner in 1831 and 1832 atifying to me to observe the improveld the prospects which are held out of a result which is primarily to be axiiiajesty in council of the 12th April 1832 jour and Services which had been exacted
v to offer will be submitted in the order Anstruther's judicious report.
it it is very important to discourage the Le part of the Gentlemen who hold civil
ony the Government should be able to the services of competent persons may il Departments of the Government and
Judges and magistrates. The former
try Under-Secretary at the Colonial Office. d used the word Provisional, but the Colonial Office
_-'
156
1 ܝܥܓܡ ܝ
سفیر

Page 68
TWO UNPUBLISHE)
systems of maintaining what was called this object satisfactorily and it thereupol it.
The settlement of European Colon that the higher appointments should by sending out competent persons fro functionaries in the other colonies and th be held out to the Civil Servants of Ce may be acceptable to them and which ti
I consider the heads of the Departm pensions ought to be adequately remune
Some may be induced to acquire p sider to be entirely unobjectionable. 11 claim to public employment and it wo to prefer to them inexperienced person subordinate stations which they may be
Керетие.
I entirely concur in Mr. Anstruthe fevenue may be derived from moderate be regretted that the measures recomin Cinnamon Gardens and the gradual r cinnamon were not adopted by the loca
In regard to so valuable a productio Ceylon might export nearly the who market, I think it is not impossible tha might be induced to speculate and if th price for such of the Gardens as have bec from this source to meet an immediat cinnamon and the terms of agreement in rate of duty was declared.
11. Colebrooke had recommended this line of p. obvious. In the years of Stewart Mackenzie's admini military officers and some of the clergy (including the invested in coffee and sugar properties and concentrat their official duties.
12. He had recommeded this strongly in 1832 bu
辭 Government were inclined to accept it.
157

D MEMORANDA
the “Civil Service' failed to effect in was judged expedient to abandon
ists in the island renders it desirable henceforth be provided for either m this Country or promoting the at preferment should in like manner ylon when appointments elsewhere
hey might be qualified to fill.
ents where they do not retire upon arated.
roperty in the island and this I conThe native inhabitants have a fair uld be equally unjust and impolitic is of European birth in the various competent to fill. 12
br's representation that an adequate : customs duties and I think it is to hended in 1832 for the sale of the eduction of the export duties on l Government at the time.
of which under good management le Supply required in the general t persons of Capital in this country he Government could realise a fair an reserved a fund might be formed a reduction of the export duty on night be entirely adjusted when the
blicy in 1832; but by 1840 its evils were all too stration, the senior civil servants, not to mention : Archdeacon, the Revd. James, J. M. S. Glennie) ed on their planting activities to the neglect of
it neither the Colonial Office nor the Ceylon

Page 69
UNIVERSITY OF
Some portions of the Gardens small allotments suited to the mean the cultivation and preparation of cil made for the settlement of village induced to form communities, whe be procured by the Planters. An enter into such a speculation should the retail prices in the home market. in Ceylon ought not to be delayed.
Land Revenue:
On this subject I adhere to my f be redeemable and I am glad to find Mr. Anstruther does not appear t Cameron's report which are on reco Lord Goderich decided on approv would ask now to refer your Lord anticipate very great advantage fron means will be taken to promote it.
I recommended that the tax s years by annual instalments but th encouraged its redemption in eight enabled to relieve themselves from talists will be attracted who will im revenue will be raised with greater
Customis:
I think the 10% duty on goods
ally reduced as the trade with the
be encouraged and the Revenue ulti
The import duty upon grain v ment in 1796, when the landholders Tax according to the continental n reduction of the duty desirable. T continent to cultivate Coffee and Su. which they prefer to that grown in
13. Strictly speaking this was a Grain Tax; til on Coconut.

CEYLON REVIEW
might also gradually be disposed of in S of native purchasers who understand namon-and especially if reserves were is where this class of persons might be re skillful labourers might at all times y persons in this country who might take measures to effect a reduction of und some reduction of the Export duties
ormer opinion that the land tax 13 should that this measure has been in progress. o have seen my observations on Mr. ird in the Colonial Office and on which ing the redemption of the tax and I ship to my minutes on the subject. I n this redemption and I hope that every
hould be made redeemable in twenty e local Government appears to haye years. The native landholders are thus much vexatious interference and capiprove the colony while a more effective 2conomy through the customs.
imported from India ought to be graduneighbouring continent would thereby mately augmented.
vas first Jevied by the Madras Governresisted the augmentation of the Land node of assessment. I think a gradual he labourers who come over from the zar subsist altogether on imported grain the Island and so heavy a tax on their
here was no Land Tax on commercial Crops, not even
158
܀

Page 70
ܓܝܢܝ2
TWO UN PUBLISHE
subsistence increases the price of labo improvement of the island. From the of the coast and especially of the town from Coromandel and Malabar than th of the island.
مجمی۔
The regulation of duties and the ro Ceylon, and the continent as recommen negotiation with the Court of Director refer in this subject to my reports and t before Parliament in April 1834 relativ to my letter to the Secretary of State of
The fiscal restrictions on the trade O equally unjust and unpolitic with tho Ireland and England and the removal of same beneficial consequences which have
In regard to Sugar and Coffee whi I agree with Mr. Anstruther in the opinio exports if the foreign and slave grown su England on equal-duties. I learn that a ်မျိုနီမျိုး who have already invested a purpose of raising these productions a attempt be made to induce them to ext of cinnamon.
The duty on arrack ought to be full
Expenditure :
I recommend that the annual heavy military chest imposed in addition to relinquished as involving an undue press until these may be more fully developed. 14. The military contribution of G 24,000 was firs of the government showed a small surplus largely becau then on till the mid-1840's the revenues of the govenmen and Sir Colin Campbell made regular appeals for the abc
the Colonial Office viewed these requests sympathetical cessions.
See, Tennent's Report on the Finance and Commerc Finances and Commerce of the Island of Ceylon,
1.59

D MEMORANDA
ur and retards the settlement and want of good roads the inhabitants is can import grain more cheaply ey can obtain it from the interior
:duction of the Salt monopolies in ded by me should be a subject of s and the Government of India. I D a correspondence which was laid e to the Salt-Trade and especially the 20th November, 1833.
f Ceylon and continental India are se which once subsisted between them should be attended with the a been experienced here.
ch are now extensively cultivated in that they are likely to be valuable gars should not be admissable into Company has been formed in this large capital in the island for the ind I should recommend that an end their views to the cultivation
y sustained.
7 contribution of A 24,000 to the other military charges should be
iure on the resources of the Island
14
t imposed in 1837 at a time when the revenues se of a series of successful pearl fisheries. From t showed a perennial deficit and both Mackenzie blition of this military contribution but though ly the Imperial Treasury would make no con
e of Ceylon, October 22, 1846 in Reports on the
(H.M.S.O. 1848), pp. 89-91.

Page 71
UNIVERSITY O.
The opening and repairs of road which were formerly executed w Corvees must result in such relieft of the lands will be augmented and
The improvement of the com directly tend to increase the milita and facilitate the reduction of the G
For the due preservation of th and sudden injury from the effect o pean soldiers should be allowed to r colony who should be stationed alor to execute all minor repairs.
The funds arising from the sale until the country is rendered more a my general report with a view to of the native population who assert and waste I recommend that the of villagers in situations to be chosen
The sites for such villages shot laid out and surveyed with the la publicly sold.
As in my general report I recor or bye-laws [sic] of the native villa opposed in principle to the Laws C mation should be encouraged. I r the lands adjacent including thos English Common Law and Statue recognised subject to future modific
These village communities sho
cipal officers and should be held res.
15. In the margin an official of the Coloni involve difficulties incalculable,' At the botto prosperity of the Principal settlements in the Eas in a material degree attributable to the superior in their just administration by the Supreme Cou

1 CEYLON REVIEW
ls and other public works of importance th great injury to the inhabitants by o the local finances whereby the values their settlement promoted.
ܛܝܢܐ ܠܟ݁ܽܠ ܐ . munications throughout the island will ty security of it as a British possession arrison.
e roads where they are liable to great f tropical rains I recommend that Euro2tire on small pensions to be paid by the (g the principal roads under engagement
of Crown Lands will be inconsiderable (ccessible; and for the measures stated in the protection and the encouragement a claim to such lands though abandoned e funds be applied to the settlement as the most favourable for that purpose.
_ uld be reserved and after being cleared inds adjacent the allotments should be
mmended that the municipal regulations ges should be recognised except where f England to which a gradual approxiecommend that in the new villages and e possessed by European planters the s applicable to the tcolonies should be cation.15
uld have the power to elect their muniponsible for the police of their divisions.
al Office made the comment that "This would surely m of the page he added the remark that "The great Indies (Calcutta, Madras and Bombay) is undoubtedly ity of the laws recognised in them and the confidence rt.ʼʼ
160
ܙܢܡܡܒ .
11 ܢ
. -

Page 72
و
TWO UN PUBLISHE
Such independent settlements wou continental peasantry who are emplo facilitate the improvement of the colon protect the rights of all classes and prov
.habits أعلا"P"
The time has arrived when I think should withdraw from all connections of the interior and where it may be pr of the funds of the establishment for t. English language; the natives would th ledge by which alone can be prevented classes and whereby all might qualify of Society which must be the consequ settlements in the island. 16
With this view I entirely concur wi should be given for the alienation of Te lated for the formation of coffee and su ation of the proceeds would be necessar
I also concur with Mr. Anstruther as surveys of the lands executed and pub
mation.
I regret to observe that although tinction-from slaves being hardly Wor number of slaves has not been dimi mended in my general report. From four shillings and six pence for a slave in delayed and with a view to it an imm
16. cf. Mendis I, pp. 36-38.
It was in 1840 that the issue of the state's connexior Convention first became a major issue.
17. At this time Mackenzie had introduced Orc transfer of lands into Mortmain and to permit the sal In his memorandum of November 23rd, 1840 Anstr "much connected with the interests of the planters .. by Temples as a sort of appendage to trifling spots of little value to the possessors but are well Suited to th the whole of one of the finest provinces, Saffragam is could be alienated they could be speedily sold to the g Mackenzie's Mortmain Ordinance, though it eve
was never actually implemented. ܓܒܐ
161

D MEMORANDA
ld be attractive to the island and 'ed in the plantations and would by means which would effectively ide for the gradual introduction of
it is desirable that the Government with the Buddhist Establishments acticable to induce the applications he purpose of the education in the is be enabled to acquire the knowthe rapid declension of the higher themselves for an improved State since of the formation of European
th. Mr. Anstruther that an authority imple lands which are so well calcugar plantations when the appropriily considered. 17
to the importance of having proper blished with useful statistical infor
slavery is approaching fast to exth the cost of their subsistence-the nished by redemption as recomthe very inconsiderable charge of Ceylon this measure ought not be ediate registration should be made
with Buddhism under the terms of the Kandyan
Linance 2 of 1840 which sought to prevent the e of Temple Lands with the Governor's assent. ther frankly admitted that this Ordinance was Vast quantities of Waste forest land are possessed cultivated fields. These lands are of extremely e cultivation of coffee and sugar, indeed nearly ic) is thus locked up and reduced useless: if they reat advantage of the Public . .”
ntually won the approval of the Colonial Office

Page 73
UNIVERSITY OF
of all persons held in slavery, where fee to be imposed on each slave ex may take place.
In regard to the laws and their a to the recommendation in my gene withdrawn from participation in th the ill-effects of which are noticed the Lt. Governor to the Vice-Presi councils this object may be effected that he should in future withdraw sending home with his observatio or Bills rejected by him copies of all the minutes of the proceedings of th
Under this arrangement the Go executive council in regard to such mend and which in respect to ordir Legislative Council.
It is very important that a revi should be effected in consent with the and that all laws which are repugi England should be abrogated. Su plurality of husbands ought at once
In regard to the administration some observations on the Judicial C 1832 but which I did not then subn to the plan recommended by Mr. C
Mr. Anstruther who has peruse general concurrence in them has inst
Strengthened by his opinion o mend that Assistant Judges should situation the native assessors should
18. The reference here is to the clash between Secretary on issues relating to the Anglican Estab
vide C.O. 54:179. Mackenzie's despatch to See also, Anstruther's memorandum pp. 25-7
1

CEYLON REVIEW
: any title can be proved a registration Cept where voluntary enfranchisement
Idministration I cannot avoid recurring cal report that the Governor should be e discussions of the legislative council by Mr. Anstruther aud by appointing dency in the legislative and executive Dya simple instruction to the Governor from the deliberations of the former, is the ordinances which may be passed communications relative to them and e Councils. 18
vernor would be disposed to consult the measures as he might desire to recomlances he should do by message to the
ision of the Criminal and Civil Codes a Judges and Law Officers of the Crown lant in their principles to the laws of ch a law as that which recognizes a to be repealed.
of the law I transmit to your Lordship Bharter which I drew up in December nit wishing a fair trial should be given 31 Υ1θεIOI).
"d these observations and expressed his arted some marginal notes.
f the measures now required I recombe appointed in the Districts, to which be nominated where competent, that
Mackenzie and George Turnour the Acting Colonial lishment in Ceylon.
Russell, 69 of April 26, 1840. ', below.
62

Page 74
TWO UN PUBLISHE
the local courts should make circuits o juries under Some modification should 1 stration of Justice.
With the object of giving efficiency tiona I recommend that all persons who be duly registered and that juries of ty animous should be empanelled. Accord in the villages all landholders attend, son the parties and may be witnesses in the formerly a part of the system has be institution is required.19
I recommend also that Jurymen sh to caste and that all qualified persons sh serve indiscriminately. This qualificati the native inhabitants.
The establishment of courts of cor the Headmen when qualified might pre and in order that the inhabitants might petent persons to be the heads of the court should be established in every v.
should be deemed fit to hold it.
I recommend that a Grand Jury si principal stations where the assizes are h
The value of this institution like estimated alone in relation to the adım portant in this respect but in countries stered without any direct responsibility t the most unexceptionable means and mo character, an effect which has been fully ri
19. A marginal comment by an official of the follows: "The unanimity of twelve men in a Jury I order to reach some common conclusion and that col but by the strongest will. Yet each man swears that which he believes to be true. Should such a system t Could any illegible reconcile us to the existence of it have given to it a Lillegible in our minds 2'
20. This suggestion was not viewed with much sy randum. He made the marginal note that "Surely a to this illegible irresponsible ignorant tribunal.”
21. This argument did not convince Gairdner (2
did not 'understand this effect.'
163

D MEMORANDA
their districts and that the village e directly associated in the admini
to this ancient and popular instituare qualified to be Jurymen should Velve whose verdict should be uning to ancient practice still observed he of whom may be connected with case and as the ordeal which was 'n abolished some revision of the
ould cease to be classed according lould be registered and required to on in itself is highly appreciated by
ciliation in which the Assessors or side--would also be very desirable be induced to elect the most comvillages, I recommend that such a illage where the resident headmen
hould be appointed at each of the eld. 20
that of the Petit Jury is not to be inistration of Justice however imwhere the Government is adminio the people these institutions afford tives to them to improve their own scognised by the Judges in Ceylon.21 Colonial Office, probably G. Gairdner, reads as iox is in fact a mere compromise of opinion in npromise is formed not by the strongest reason he will give a true verdict-that is the verdict
e introduced where it does not at present exist 2 ere short of those many concurrent causes which
npathy by the official who reviewed this memoresponsible public prosecutor is to be preferred
who observed, in a marginal note, that the

Page 75
UNIVERSITY OF
The diferent qualifications foi impairing the latter, would hold out who might object to be indiscrimin would be an important function of to the Courts of all public nuisances the means of ameliorating the condi institutions in which they would han
The association of the people O deliberate on questions of the highes tion of the laws for the protection unquestionably a means of raising til mation which no other Institution functions are exercised gratuitously ranks of society and in a manner to do against the undue influences wh the Europeans or the natives.
I cannot conclude these observ, utmost encouragement and protectic engaged in the religious and general view that chapels and school-houses proposed to be settled and allowanc that may be formed by the societie or engaged in the conversion and i our possessions abroad.
Recommendations of W. M. ( Administration of justic December 1832 but com
For the future administration o by Mr. Cameron that courts of ori consisting each of a Judge and three as the Jurymen are now in the Mari
This constitution of the Court example of the local judicatures in Assessors take a part in the Proceed Commissioner) at Kandy or the “As

CEYLON REVIEW
the Grand and Petit Juries without a convenient distinction to those classes tely associated with the latter and as it the Grand Juries to make presentments o visit the Jails and they would possess tion of the people and improving these re to interest themselves.
fall classes who are not disqualified to t interest to Society, in the administraof life, liberty and Property hold out nem in their Own and the general estican afford and precisely because these without withdrawing them from the guard as far as human institutions can ich prejudice might occasion either in
ations without recommending that the on should be afforded to those who are instruction of the people and with this should be erected in the new villages Ces granted in aid of the establishme AES s which are instituted with this object instruction of the native inhabitants in
S. Colebrooke for improving the 2 in Ceylon-drawn up in municated in January 1841
Justice in Ceylon it has been proposed ginal jurisdiction should be established : Assessors—the Assessors being chosen time Provinces.
s is improved and extended from the the Kandyan Provinces where Native ings with the European Judge (Judicial gents of Government' in the Provinces,
164
--

Page 76
TWO UN PUBLISHE
It is justly remarked that these As a class being Native Chiefs or Dissaves hottales and Korales.”
This class of chiefs are not in gener customs of the country as the Headmen court to which reference is frequently 1 relating to land between the inhabitant lages). This Court composed of the Lan villages is called “Gansabe' or the Vill. dings of one which assembled near to Ka which had been referred to it. The case against the judgement of the Judicial C Kandy.
The Judicial Commissioner and son spoken of this Institution in terms of res in it by the people.
Accordingly it has been a practice to refer to it certain cases.
The Gansabe (sic) resembles the In five but without the same limitation a attached to their hereditary possessions in of all encroachiments on them, they reta important influence over all decisions of which the Higher Courts in which til to recognise. The Dutch in their judic Provinces established the Landraad Cour those now established in the Kandyan P was a Court of Appeal in which the N of votes.22
All cases were in the first instance or European magistrate or before the N. European resided. There was an appeal raad—or assembly of chiefs in which the
22. On the working of the landraaden see, Pieris, R on the Island of Ceylon under the Dutch Governme New Series, III, Part II, p. 134. See also, Ceylon Gov. Minutes of the Council meeting of June 24th 1789 whic Landraaden. DiSava de Costeos Menoir on the Disava and the Council resolutions and proclamations it refer landraaden.
165

) MEMORANDA
sessors are selected from too small (sic) or Headmen designated “Mo
also conversant with the laws and of Villages who preside in another made (especially in cases of dispute s of one village or of different vildholders of a village or contiguous nge Court. I attended the proceeindy, in a case of disputed Boundary had been appealed to the Governor Dommissioner and the Assessors in
he of the Government Agents have pect and of the confidence reposed
although not expressly enjoined,
dian Panchyat or Village Court of s to numbers. As the people are in Ceylon and are extremely jealous in by means of this Institution an concerning their lands, the utility he chiefs are assessors, are disposed ial arrangements for the Maritime ts which in some degree resembled rovinces, except that the Landraad Native Judges decided by majority
brought before the “Landregent” ative Chief of a District, where no | from his judgement to the LandI regent presided.
... (ed.) "Administration of Justice and Revenue int.' (The Cleghorn Minute) J.R.A.S. (C.B.) 2rnment Archives, Dutch Records No. 206. The h contain a detailed set of instructions for the ny of Colombo (1770) particularly chapter III, 's to throw much light on the working of the

Page 77
UNIVERSITY OF
These courts were expressly administer justice to the Natives in regulations were revised in order tedious process “which had been in has since prevailed also in the Prov Government.
By these regulations of the L Village Courts, but as the Dutch Go of the Lands, the object doubtless w. accuracy in all cases of dispute abou by the sub-division of property an held.
The Registers (Thombos) were neglected by the British Governme years undisturbed possession a valid
The principal advantage which jurisdictions was in a summary dec the trouble and expense attending the means of detecting fraud and in
The institution of the Jury Tria stration of Criminal Justice, but th to caste and having given their ver efficient than they might have o generally been of the caste of the pe has been of another caste a jury h caste. The distinction of “Burghe given a sanction to the prejudices of The Burghers or Native Dutch pal reprimanded in open court for the prejudices of caste prevail strongly the village Court composed of land was that men of superior caste were
KK
23. On these problems see, Perera, E. W. Ceylon Literary Register, 3rd Series, III, pp. 1-6. Report of the Proceedings of the Legislative Counci

CEYLON REVIEW
ordered “to investigate disputes and a plain and summary manner, and the to supersede the more expensive and troduced by the Proctors' and which incial Courts established by the British
ܐܙ-ܓܠܠ`0 .
andraad no reference is made to the vernment undertook to form a registry is to enable the Landraad to decide with t Land which are rendered complicated the various tenures under which it is
not completed and were subsequently int and a law was made to render ten title to land.
the people derived from these minor ision of numerous petty cases without the reference to a distant court where position were not so great. ->
1 is a great improvement in the adminie juries having been classed according dicts by a simple majority they are less therwise been. The Jury chosen has son accused and where the Prosecution as sometimes been taken from a third ir,” “Vellalle,” and “Fisher” Jurors has the people and tended to confirm them. take of these prejudices and have been partiality of their verdicts. Although throughout the Kandyan Provinces-in holders the only distinction I observed
accommodated with higher seats.23
The Jury System in Ceylon: its origins and incidence.” Digby, Forty Years in a Crown Colony, I, pp. 120 fi. -1843 Sessions, pp. 121-156.
166

Page 78
سجو
TWO UN PUBLISHED
The advantages which are acknow Institution of Native Juries in the Marit by the recognition of these arbitrary d as a jurymen he should be regarded as qui rent case, for if the exercise of these fur racter of the people it has been in propor ciate those moral distinctions which are :
The Courts proposed by Mr. Cam over those which have been hitherto est that the assessors should not be exclusive I would recommend however that the should be conducted in a summary m which the people are attached should no
The practice prevailing in some D of villages to nominate their headmen o throughout the country—and by allowi disputes to his decision assisted by a v. cases be satisfied without appealing to jurisdiction would be generally satisfac proved-and in cases where parties mig the opportunity of appealing to a higher
There is one principle in the Dutch to revive. I allude to the amicable adjus duty of Judges to enjoin on the parties an by arbitration before the trial came C differences, to arrest animosities and to people must tend to the public benefit. and expensive system introduced by the B Provinces there has been a great increase in remoter parts of the country often se without referring to the courts at a dista in the headmen they will sometimes refei
167

MEMORANDA
ledged to have resulted from the ime Provinces have been impaired istinctions. If a man is qualified |alified to sit with others of a diffeictions has tended to raise the chation as they have learned to appreat variance with caste.
pron will possess many advantages blished especially as it is proposed tly chiefs or men of superior caste. proceedings of the District Court anner and that the Institutions to
t be superseded.
istricts of allowing the inhabitants ught to be regulated and extended ng the people to refer their petty illage jury-they would in many the regular courts. That such a tory to the people is abundantly ht be dissatisfied, they would have
Tribunal.
system which it might be useful tment of disputes which it was the ld to endeavour in all cases to effect n. Whatever tends to compose save the time and money of the In consequence of the more tedious British Government in the Maritime pf quarrels and assaults—the people ttling their petty disputes by strife ince. When they have confidence their differences to his arbitration.

Page 79
UNIVERSITY O.
Anstruther's Memorand
SIR,
Understanding that the Right
not be unwilling to receive from in Ceylon, I have drawn up a Men Colony, which I fear is very impel Lordship's consideration.
The Under Secretary of State,
Colonial Department.
Although many years have nov sioners' Reports upon Ceylon,24th altered, mainly indeed in conseq though it can hardly be denied, materially improved in almost eve subjects requiring the attention oft
Public Service:
Perhaps the most importants
of the higher branches of the Pub the Civil Service. I wish to avoid tends to foster among the gentleme privileges and a title to promotion o other things tended much to bring t condition in point of efficiency. N with the very inadequate support W of some amendment has become r
24. The reference is to the reports of Colet

CEYLON REVIEW
um of November 23rd 1840
9 Holles St. Cavendish Square,
London, 23rd November, 1840.
一、 卡 ܠ
 ̄ ܢܕ .
Honorable the Secretary of State would he a Report of the present condition of Lorandum upon the condition of that fect but which I beg to submit for his
I have &c.
Signed/P. Anstruther.
V elapsed Since the date of the Commisa state of the Colony is now very much lence of their recommendations: and that the administration has been most ry particular, still there are very many he Home Government.
lbject is at this moment the condition ic Service or as it was formerly called as far as possible the designation for it in to whom I refer notions of exclusive n ground of seniority, which has among he Public Service to its present wretched D Governor can do justice to the Colony hich he now receives; and the necessity lost pressing; but the discussion of the
cooke and Cameron.
168

Page 80
TWO UN PUBLISHED
best means of effecting any amendmer enquiry that I have transferred the whol mode of bringing this Report within suc Lordship to find leisure to look into.
و
ܧܣܼܒ . Rafốue. General Remarks:
Although the Revenue of Ceylon is a Owing to the bad state of the Cinnamor Pearl fisheries, I think there can be no di a few years under the new System of uni
The great resort of Europeans to Ce them in the cultivation of Coffee and S on a similarly liberal footing Cinnamon, richest of our Colonies. It must now f stances but it deserves the most careful at period when its advances are so rapid, earnestly urge that it should not at this m which it cannot bear—viz. the contribu Chest which compels a rigid and ill-ti
རྩ་ execution of the most important public be expected, that speculators will purcha is no prospect of new Roads and Canals funds to keep up those which are already
Папа Керетие:
The Land Revenue does not in Ceyl to the whole, that it does in India. It is abolition of compulsory labor. Mr. Ca of Enquiry gave in after his return a p. burdensome mode of raising a Revenue, a respect for his talents I cannot concur.
25. This 'memorandum on the present condition c 1840 in C.O. 54:185) made a considerable impression of officials there that civil service reform in Ceylon was urg 26. James Stephen commenting on these remarks C colony except Malta and Gibralter which contributes an - and there as in Jamaica local allowances are made from th
increased expenses of living. I do not know the ground it be that there is no popular legislature to remonstrate a
C.O. 54:185. James Stephen's minute of Novembe چ2
169

MEMORANDA
it has led me into so tedious an e to a separate paper25 as the only ha Compass as I could expect your
t this moment somewhat Cramped, Trade, and the suspension of the pubt of its proving most ample in form and moderate custom duties.
ylon and the large expenditure by ugar, and if the Duties are placed
will speedily render it one of the lourish under almost any circumtention of the Government at this and among other points I would oment be burdened with a charge tion of G 24,000 to the Military med economy, and prevents the works. How for instance can it Se Waste Lands if not only, there being opened, but there are not made 226
on bear the same large proportion increased very materially after the meron one of the Commissioners aper advocating that, as the least I theory in which with the utmost
if the Ceylon Civil Service' (November 23rd the Colonial Office; indeed it convinced the gently needed. if Anstruther's noted that "There is no other thing to its military defence, except that here e Colony to indemnify the Troops against the on which Ceylon is made the exception unless gainst it.' r 23rd 1840 on Anstruther's memorandum,

Page 81
UNIVERSITY C
There is an operation now in 1 attracted the notice of the Secretai not only as a financial measure, but of Revenue which is conducted redemption of the Tax upon cultiv
Every exertion has been mad upon the most moderate terms, an of Revenue is therefore likely to c with great advantage to the Colon
About the period of my App that this revenue, being levied in ment of expenses; it was subseque money, and again by commuting i is a Revenue levied with difficult culture as well as by getting rid of its collection the Government wil by its redemption, and I trust it w Couraging the resort of Settlers fri defect of Ceylon is a scanty popula becoming extensive, and I believ considerable when attention is drav exempted from a Tax, which in In produce of the land.
A few years ago a general revi A Minute of the Executive Count immense reduction made upon m Some exceptions is a general Expor 4 per cent ad valorem on Imports on Imports from India.
The success of the measure h; cipations, not only in the Revenu first by the General reduction of d which ad valorem duties are levied no encouragement from any of the
But there are some Duties st convinced that the measure adopt alterations were so sweeping and

F CEYLON REVIEW
apid progress, which perhaps has hardly y of State, important in many respects, also as connected with our Indian system pon very opposite principles, viz. the ated Land.
ܢ ¬÷¬ ¬
: to encourage the Natives to redeem it
i latterly with great success; that source ease in a few years and I am persuaded V.
bintment to the present office, I believe ind, yielded almost nothing, after payntly much improved by receiving it in t for a fixed annual payment, but still it 7. I believe that by encouraging agrithe Revenue establishment kept up for | indirectly gain more than it will lose fill have a most important effect in enom the Continent of India. The great tion but emigration from India is yearly e that it will become very much more wn to the circumstance of Ceylon being dia eats up so enormous a portion of the
ision of the Customs duties was effected. cil, which was sent home, will shew the tny articles—the principle adopted with t Duty of 2 per cent and Import duties
from Europe ten per cent ad valorem
us far exceeded my most Sanguine antie being in no way diminished even at uties made, but also in the facility, with , a measure in adopting which I received
Customs House Authorities.
ill requiring alteration; although I was 2d was founded upon sound views, the azarded so considerable a Revenue, that
170

Page 82
TWO UNPUBLISHE
I was afraid to touch the Import duty right about A 25,000 per annum. I reg duty upon grain, I consider very objectic were diminished one half-I think it is
average years—the Revenue would not
and great relief given. Had I been co being attempted before abandoning th beneficial measure the whole revenue i recommend being a reduction, there
diminution of revenue. The fish tax als
There is also at this moment a stro public papers against the high duties said India to Crown Colonies.
I have never perceived any dispositic ment to look upon Ceylon with favour who make complaints that the East Ind as foreigners, seem to forget that in oth some measure as foreigners, for instance hibitions connected with our Navigatic the staple commodity, a considerable advantage to Ceylon.
Duties upon Imports from India.
The complaint which I have notic duty often per cent upon Imports from I Merchants, wished to make out that th the duties even so low as 10 per cent.
I do not think we could afford to ec Indian goods, but we could make some ( secured an equivalent, particularly, by ti a measure which I am persuaded would b. Revenue than ours—for salt can nowh Ceylon, and above all not in Bengal.
Cinnation.
I except from my general approval
mon. This is one of the few instances
W. Horton acted in opposition to my
.proved most unfortunate ـ چو -
171

) MEMORANDA
upon grain, yielding if I recollect gret that I did not. An ad valorem onable, but if the present fixed duty now equal to about 15 per cent in be materially affected even at first, insulted I would have advised this a fish Tax, for though a wise and s lost, whereas the measure I now would probably be no ultimate so had alrady been greatly reduced.
ng feeling if I may judge from the to be imposed upon Imports from
in on the part of the Indian Govern', but rather the reverse, and those lia Company's subjects are treated er cases they claim to be treated in in being exempted from the proon Laws, but in the case of grain, concession might be made with
ed refers more particularly to the ndia; a few years ago, the European eir Trade was ruined by bringing
Jualize the duties on European and sonsiderable concession, if we were he admission of our salt to Bengal, 2 even more beneficial to the Indian ere be procured so cheaply as in
of the duties, the duty upon Cinnain which the late Governor Sir R. views and the consequences have

Page 83
UNIVERSITY C
He was persuaded that the mo while on the contrary I entertaine Commissioners of Enquiry) that avail unless that monopoly were a measures for its abolition were nev
I understand the present high
1st That Ceylon has a natural may level any duty it pleases.
2nd Cinnamon is so peculiar : not lead to any increase of consun
The first assumption is not wit promise every year to become mo
The second is an assumption that it is a solitary exception to Economy.
What information I have be conclusion that it does constitute : opinion have never produced any a theory of a distinction between the which I think has very little found
My opinion will I fear be thou any little weight to be attached recommend its being just now good reason why Cinnamon shou thing else, and therefore the Gov. duction until that is effected whic
years.
The original instructions fro1 monopoly Were very Wisely con time I approved also of the rate of
Sir R. W. Horton approved monopoly.

FR CEYLON REVIEW
hopoly of Cinnamon was very beneficial, d the opinion (which I expressed to the all their meditated reforms would not bolished); the consequence was that the er heartily Carried out.
ܢܓܕܝܢ ¬
ܐܝܒܝܥ ܝ
duty to be defended upon two grounds.
monopoly and therefore the Government
in article that a reduction of duty would lption.
hout its exceptions, and those exceptions re important. ܟܠܗ
that Cinnamon is so peculiar an article an otherwise universal rule in Political
en able to obtain does not lead to the an exception, and those who are of that evidence beyond their own assertion and : articles of luxury and articles of necessity at Oll.
ght somewhat startling and may diminish to my recommendations, but I do not fully acted upon.-It is that there is no ld be subject to a higher duty than anysrnment ought to look to a gradual reneed not be in less than from 10 to 20
in the Treasury for the abolition of the ceived with this exception—and at the duty.
172

Page 84
TWO UNPUBLISHEI
Reduction of Cinnamon Duty.
I advise most strongly the imme
reduction of duty.-The immediate redu
made extensively known, as well as the
|- fear that no measures now pract Produce that attention and disposition the first news of the monopoly being will now be much more gradual, and f that the Cinnamon Revenue will be eve
Sale of the Cinnation Gardens.
But if there is the smallest prospect no time should be lost in sending out Cinnamon Gardens; they are now selling value.
If they had been sold in compliance high prices would have been given and than they are now selling, under an assu being reduced. This is not the first time made in Ceylon-The Government of valuable Trade in Arecas by imposing e a natural monopoly existed, and his suc Trade in the same way. The duties or 2 per cent, but too late I fear ever to rep
Customis.
I have no doubt the Customs Rex Trade has greatly augmented since the Duties; the exports of coffee and sugar the restrictions against foreign and Sla and the Imports must increase at the san
Arrack.
Of the other branches of Revenue
arrack is very productive; it increases a
with the increase of population and the
Salt is also very important. It is objected to, but I do not think that it b
173

D MEMORANDA
diate commencement of a gradual |ction ought to be considerable, and ultimate vicws of Government.
licable can recall to this Article of to engage in its production which abandoned excited-any reaction or some years it is not improbable in less productive than it now is.
I of such a reduction being effected orders to surpend the sale of the , I understand for almost a nominal
with the first Treasury Instructions, still they would sell much higher Irance of the duty on their produce that a mistake of this sort has been Mr. North lost to Ceylon a most normous duties under a belief that ccessors nearly ruined the Tobacco both articles are now reduced to air the mischief that has been done.
renue must increase annually; the 2 imposition of the new scale of promise to be most important, if ve grown produce are continued; le t1111C.
the duty on the consumption of nnually and will continue to do so 2xpenditure of Planters.
a branch of Revenue frequently ears heavily upon any one, or that

Page 85
UNIVERSITY C
so considerable a sum could be rais some measure should if possible : free of duty.
It may be a question too, w reduction of price, my impression rate of duty is not such as to check further consideration.
Before I left Ceylon, I had m most excellent public servant, the respects his mode of collecting the s poly and making salt more avail. principal feature of which was to : consequently to save the expense ( is not produced, and the expense C plan has I believe entirely miscarri and with proper management oug
Salt is naturally found in man a very low price in others—It is a that it should obtain a market for s Soon become a most important art thousands in the poorest and least great advantage to the Indian Reve
I am not able to point out a
I hardly think after a few years ha
The Revenue from the Pearl F be but casual-looking back even two good fisheries were always - SU 15 to 20 years. The late fisheries years, and were quite as producti fisheries, principally from Our hav poly ofan influencial body of Nati to substitute a continued succession

F CEYLON REVIEW
*d in any other way, so little oppressive; e devised for allowing it to fish-curers
nether the Revenue would Suffēr, byla S that it would, that is to say the present consumption, but the question deserves
.de an arrangement in concert with that late Mr. Gisborne for altering in some alt duties, by rendering it less of a monoble as an article of internal trade, the abandon the monopoly of the retail and of transport to the Provinces where salt f Store houses in those provinces. The ed-I still think it was right in principle ht not to have miscarried.
y parts of Ceylon, and manufactured at n object of great importance to Ceylon alt in Bengal, if this were done it would icle of Trade, affording employment to fertile districts, and I am convinced with
1) UIC.
hy new Sources of Revenue, and indeed
ve passed they will be needed.
fisheries ever has been, and I fear ever will to the earliest records, I find that one or Icceeded by an improductive interval of were spread over a greater number of ve on the whole as any of the former ring succeeded in abolishing the monoves, but we quite failed in our endeavour of small fisheries for occasional great ones.
174

Page 86
TWO UNPUBLISHEI
Expend
Civil Engineers:
I do not think that any diminutio for the necessity of going before the mates to be carefully looked into and fore; large sums have been laid out it but not more than is called for by the that Department requires carefully to A very great proportion of the money efficiently applied and wasted-I hope t will render his Department more efficie
Public Servants:
Some increase of expenditure I t payment of public servants whose sala to secure efficient service-also probab the Revenue will be amply equal to would with economy meet the expend of the Cinnamon Revenue were it no per annum to the Military Chest imp contribution was imposed, two regime 116 relinquished—although I believe in a proportion to the Military expenditur
At present the contribution is ab: preventing the execution of public wo off the Funds required to keep up the time the object had in view will not be nue is not sufficient to meet this dema application to Parliament for Relief wil
The public service too suffers by co in the payment of Public servants that rially deteriorated and ten times the sala efficiency in the collection and less ec TeVemԱC.
It is undeniable that there was grea prior to 1833, and no one saw this m.
more zealously than I did, but it has be
175

) MEMORANDA
ture
n of the expenditure can be looked Legislative Council will cause estiless hastily sanctioned than heretothe Civil Engineers Department, growing wants of the Colony, but e looked to and rigidly controlled. laid out of late years has been inhe Civil Engineer Mr. C. E. Norris nt in future.
hink must be looked for, for the ries are in many instances too low ly for Police. In a very few years every demand and indeed now it iture, in spite of the depressed state t for the contribution of A 24,000 psed upon the Colony. Since that its have been given up, and yet it is other Colony contributes so large 'e as Ceylon.
solutely ruinous to the Colony by orks urgently required and cutting roads already made. At the same : answered, for if the surplus Reveld debt must be incurred, and an
become inevitable.
mpelling such a degree of economy she character of the service is matery saved is lost through diminished onomy in the expenditure of the
troom for economy and reduction bre strongly or enforced reduction in carried much too far.

Page 87
UNIVERSITY OF
Proposition for its modification.
If Her Majesty's Government contribution altogether I beg to sul which would impose upon the Co to be enforced without resorting t My proposition is to fix a minimui revenue should be applied in the fi surplus revenue there shall be after towards the liquidation of the cont other half to the pressing demands relief serious injury must accrue to a Colony nearly as large as Ireland daily—already complaint begins to fit for sugar and coffee near the h expected to purchase Lands to whi a road being opened?
Councils.
The newly established Council doubtless work better upon further
The Legislative Council has I yet gone, it will prove of considera tion and examination of estimatessystem of Legislature. I do not thi
The composition of the Exec substitution of the Auditor General -but the advantage of that alterat of H. M's Government. If it is d considerable portion of the year in act with the advice of any two Me Agent at Kandy being one, with t bably be at the Same station with til always having two of the Executiv one from his duties for that purpos principally as it has hitherto done ferable; in the former case the Goi somewhat different from that at C. the intended functions of the Cou

CEYLON REVIEW
will not consent to relinquish this omit for consideration an arrangement lony the heaviest burthen practicable D ruinous economy or incurring debt. m of expenditure, to defray which the rst place, and to appropriate whatever
defraying this minimum charge, half ribution to the Military Chest and the of the Colony.—Without some such the future prospects of the Colony. In waste lands to a great extent are selling be made that it is difficult to find Land igh roads—and how can a planter be ch there is no reasonable prospect of
ls are yet new to their duties and will experience.
think operated usefully so far as it has ble use in securing the better considera-as well as for the improvement of the nk that any alteration is needed.
utive will I think be improved by the , for the Government Agent in Kandy ion depends much upon the intentions esired that the Governor should live a the interior, and that he should always mbers of Council then the Government ne Colonial Secretary who would prohe Governor would afford the means of : Council in Kandy without calling any e, but if the Executive Council is to sit in Colombo then the Auditor is prefernor would have at Kandy a Council olombo-much also must depend upon
ncil, a point upon which I understand
176

Page 88
ܓܢܝ .
TWO UN PUBLISHE
considerable doubts have recently beer upon which I am myself in some dou in the wording of the Governor's ins instructions to Sir H. W. Horton27 on that the Council should be consulted that the Executive Council should r. Indian Residencies: the later instruction
From the institution being in som in general the Council has been little less used as a Council of advice than i tended that the Executive Council at C South Wales I think it would be usef of Council there, or in some of the ot be sent out as a guide.
In reference to some late occurren as a general rule it is inconvenient and Executive Council and particularly the the Legislative Council against the Gov
The Governor ought, as far as poss in the debates in the Legislative Cou) arise it is a subject deserving the attentic must be something wrong somewhere.
All matters coming before the Le viously discussed in the Executive and Governor voting) should, as a general so far at least that they should be preclud or Government measure, any dissentie opinion in the Executive Council for th
A Governor would not in genera measure opposed by a majority of th nothing but the strongest necessity woul Councillors voting against even such a
27, see, Mendis I, pp. 305-319. The King's Addi 20th 1833, particularly paragraphs 36 to 39.
28. The reference is to the clash between Macke Secretary on issues relating to the Anglican Establishm
See, C.O. 54:179. Mackenzie to Russell, 69 of A See also, Colebrooke's memorandum of Decembe
177

D MEMORANDA
entertained in Ceylon and it is one bt. There has been some variation tructions on this subject. The first the change of system, commanded in all things and appeared to intend ther resemble the Councils at the ls are less imperative.
a degree new the system is unsettled: Consulted and appears to have been in some other Colonies. If it is ineylon should resemble that at New ul if some volumes of the records her similar Crown Colonies should
ces at Ceylon I would observe that
unseemly that the Members of the : Colonial Secretary should vote in ernor. 28
sible, to avoid taking a personal part İncil, but when such differences do on of the Secretary of State for there
gislative Council ought to be prel the opinion of the majority (the rule be binding upon the minority, ed from voting against the Governor nt Member will have recorded his e Secretary of State's information.
| act wisely in bringing forward a le Executive Council, but I think d render it prudent in the Executive
62SUIC.
tional Instructions to Governor Horton. March
nzie and George Turnour, the Acting Colonial entin Ceylon. - pril 26, 1840.
r 31st 1840, p. 10 above.

Page 89
UNIVERSITY OF
I am inclined to think that it arranged for the Executive Counci any importance as a matter of regu and then summoned for a special pu
I observe that in New South before the Executive Council pledg first the opinions of the Council bef
I am bound to say that with th the business of the Colonial Secretary as possible I found it impossible ti punctually and quickly as I desired.
If all matters were to come b. would be increased; on the other h disposed of by the Governor and C upon any measure, but useful opini and there is an awkwardness in goin
they differ.
It is hardly necessary to add, W not clearly see my way in this matt is attended With difficulties, which I left the Colony—and I am unable t a Governor is well-fitted for his off ledge of the Colony, perhaps he wi without a Council but this is hal Governors are changed, and a new acquaintance with the Colony. Ilir very large native population with differs much from any other Crow of the Indian Presidencies. I think Secretary of State if he had it in his of the Executive Council on all happen (indeed I think I may say it a proposal to which the Secretary he would object if he heard what in case by seeing the opinions of the made, the Secretary of State wou

CEYLON REVIEW
would be well if some system were l being consulted upon all matters of lar routine, instead of their being now rpOSc.
Wales the Governor appears to come ed to no opinion and appears to hear ore forming his own.
le most anxious desire on my part that f's Office should be transacted as speedily
D ensure references being answered as
afore the Executive Council this delay and business is more rapidly and easily olonial Secretary alone when they agree ons will some time in that case be lost, g to the Executive Council only when
that these remarks will prove, that I-do dr. I See that the present arrangement I apprehend have much increased since suggest a satisfactory remedy. Where ice and has acquired an intimate knowould execute his duties more efficiently "dly possible considering how frequent Governor hardly ever has any previous this respect I think Ceylon, having a peculiar laws, language and interests, in Colony and is more in the situation it would often be of great use to the power at all times to learn the opinion matters brought before him—it may has happened) that the Governor makes f State sees no objection, but to which light be said on the other side. In any Executive Council upon every proposal
ld have fuller information and would
178

Page 90
TWO UN PUBLISHE)
decide with greater confidence. I rei Glenelg said, in reference to a number H.M.'s Sanction, that every objection a so fully discussed that he had no difficul not begin done they must have been refe the result of a rule I always followed (an been abandoned) of getting the report conversant with the subject upon any
valuable of these opinions were consi might I think be applied to propositi Secretary of State.
Law
Criminal Laup.
The state of the law, civil as well as In regard to criminal law nearly all puni refers to a Code of Criminal Law to framed it is in some degree imperfect. the late most able Justice Stoddart and I difficult to prepare such a code as is r nigmerous avocations and the great difi the want of any competent Law O ice which the duty of drawing the Legislat put it out of our power to undertake it.
needed.
The preparation of any digest of much more serious difficulty-It is very is upon any question or where it is to Dutch law, old custom, Local laws, se Mussulman population, and in the in these, the Judges of the Supreme Cou means of knowing-I doubt if any one is perfectly acquainted with the numerc to the tenures of land: many of the la altered-for instance in certain districts a a slave by mortgaging his services till
some loan which he can never hope to r به هیچ
*
179

D MEMORANDA
Collect that a few years ago Lord of Legislative enactments sent for ppeared to have been suggested and tly in deciding-whereas if this had rred back for information. This was d which seems in my absence to have s of all the principal functionnaries proposed Ordinance, and the most dered and sent home-these views ons made by the Governor to the
criminal, requires serious attention. shments are arbitrary-The Charter be enacted, and till such a code is
I had considered the subject with do not think that it would be very equired in Ceylon-but our other iculty under which I labored from r of the Crown, in Consequence of ive Enactments devolved upon me, -A general Police Act is also much
the law in Civil matters presents difficult indeed to say what the law be looked for-there is the Roman 'parate Codes for the Hindoo and Ierior the Kandian law-many of rt (the Judges in appeal) have no Judge or law Officer of the Crown us and intricate local laws relating ws are injurious and ought to be I man may render himself virtually he repays with exorbitant interest
ерау.

Page 91
UNIVERSITY OF
There is a most injurious tenu division upon all male heirs-a tet which, with the consent of the Crc title of Government to Waste landi contrary to the genius of all easter as the original proprietor of the soi title upon those claiming against the
The Kandyan laws too recogni definite law of marriage exists at all.
To draw up any collction of the when they are Collected, to revise t far as practicable) and rational code, yet it seems urgently necessary. Ith now is strong enough to make the at Court, and the Law Officers of the cularly the former.
The laws of inheritance too req ration, for some persons I believe wo ment—The subdivision of property is carried to an extent I believe qui of landed proprietors whose interest pence-for instance the owner of 1. the full value of which is from six most prejudicial to the interests of as
Prospect of Ceylon.
I will now advert to the future which a very great change has tak
29. The reference is to certain decrees issued to waste lands. Where previously all lands to w. title were considered to be the property of the Cr it was necessary for the government to prove its D.C. Tangalla cases 659 and 675 of 1838 where th claim before the District Court of Tangalla to ab Government and including the Kahanaduwa let The Maha Mudaliyar intended to take advantage ment to prove its title against him. The Court Crown to these lands.
The correspondence on this issue is available 1840. For a fuller treatment of this subject see, :” “The evolution of Ordinance 12 of 1840 a. Social Studies, VII, I pp. 28-42.

CEYLON REVIEW
te of land: Viz—Entail in equal subure very injurious to agriculture but wn might be legally abrogated. The becoming doubtful through decisions law, which recognises the Sovereign ,-and throws the onus of proving a CroWin,29
e a plurality of husbands as far as any
laws as they now exist, and still more he whole and prepare one uniform (as will be a task of considerable difficulty, ink however the Judicial establishment, tempt, both the Judges of the Supreme
Crown have some leisure time, parti
lire revision or at least serious consideuld consider them incapable of amendin consequence of the state of the law
te unprecedented; there are thousands.
in the land could not be valued at six (16th or 1/32nd of a Cocoanut tree, to eight shillings—a state of property griculture.
prospects of the Colony in respect to en place within the last few years. I
by the District Judge of Tangalle on matters relating nich private individuals could not prove a competent own, the District Judge of Tangalla in 1837 held that
title to such land. This decision was confirmed in > Maha Mudaliyar—at that time an Illangakoon—laid out 8000 acres of land supposedly the property of the vaya in the Giruwe Pattu of the Tangalla District. of the rule laid down in 1837 to compel the Governdeciedd in his favour, and set aside the claims of the
in C.O. 54:180, Mackenzie to Russel, 121 of 31st July ny article "Studies in British Land Policy in Ceylon ld 9 of 1841, in The Ceylon Journal of Historical and
80

Page 92
TWO UN PUBLISHEI
think there is now every reason to expec important of our Colonies, she has ever, than any West India Island ever possesse -abundance of free labor at a cost co Slave labor, though much higher th efs the most unsual advantage of to itself (if only it be not prevented by of this most important advantage)—I climate is proved beyond dispute to b and its cultivation is attended with very have hitherto embarked in the cultivat now recent experiment is said to have vation of sugar will be attended with st tracts of uncultivated land, Ceylon app deficit which failures in the West Indies appears equally to favour the nutmegmust, if no untoward event arrest its valuable of our Colonies.
I believe it is considered of pecul juncture that the discovery has been m possession-and I am sure it will richly gouragement of the home Governme - hitherto kept back by misgovernment : done of late years to reform its administ able success but no pains and attention ou its progress. I do not think that now a bring Ceylon into notice-It does, I belie it promises to be covered by Planters.
Some steps are, however, practicabl
I have already mentioned the high p Continent of India. It is of importance be remedied: one important measure I h duty on grain—and this, as I have said I hazard to the revenue.-The resort of lab also perhaps be further encouraged. Be adopted with that view which I believe establishment of a ferry-boat for the gratu the Islands of Mannar and Ramesweram
181
 
 
 
 
 

MEMORANDA
that Ceylon will become the most advantage, more it appears to me, -A climate on the whole healthy nparatively trifling as opposed to n in any part of India as yet.-
product of great value peculiar estrictive duties from making use mean Cinnamon-The soil and
peculiarly favourable to Coffee, great profit. Most of those who on have realised great profits and stablished the fact that the cultill greater Success-with enormous ars capable of itself to supply any may cause. The soil and climate With all these advantages Ceylon progress, soon become the most
iar importance at this particular ade that we have such a valuable repay the watchful attention and int. It has I am convinced been and nothing else-much has been ration and with the most remarkght now to be spared to accelerate tny measures are Very necessary to ve attract sufficient attention-and
for this arrangement.
rice of labor as compared with the that this should as far as possible lve suggested, the reduction of the believe could be affected without orers to Ceylon from India might fore I left Ceylon a measure was has been very successful—viz the itous transport of Natives between this might be further encouraged.

Page 93
UNIVERSITY Ol
But one of the most important of roads, and this cannot be done Military Chest are insisted uponland suited to the growth of Coffe to complain that the best lands near been bought and that ere long set communication-It is of infinite in far as possible be removed.
Much inconvenience is felt fro: the preparation of Surveys, which 1 the end of the fixed period of three is consumed in preparing a surveythe Survey more efficient.
While on this subject however circumstance which appears to me t my impression being that the prac New South Wales and Canada.--W marks out exactly the spot of good bad land which may run through it be as nearly as the features of the E good and bad land as it may chance a lot; I do not know that there is asking to have 50,000 acres put up i should never be larger than one squ
I have recently been informed was to prevent the transfer of lands sale of temple lands with the Gov. the interests of planters. 30 The cir my report on the Ordinance was ca with it was so meagre that there wa
Vast quantities of Waste forest of appendage to trifling spots of extremely little value to the possess of Coffee and Sugar, indeed nearly Saffragam is thus locked up and rei
30. See above, p. 9.

CEYLON REVIEW
of all measures is the further extension the present heavy payments into the Ceylon possesses vast tracts of waste and Sugar, but already settlers begin the roads and the navigable rivers have ters must select lands distant from all portance that this difficulty should, as
in the great delay which takes place in enders it impossible to sell the lands at months notice, nearly twice that time This evil requires a remedy by rendering
it is not perhaps Wrong to mention a o require the direction of Government tice in Ceylon differs from that in the then a settler in Ceylon selects land he and suited to his purpose omitting any ; my impression is that the lots should boundary will admit, in squares taking 2 to be. Purchasers also fix the size of any thing to prevent one individual in a single lot. My opinion is that lots are mile.
that an Ordinance the object of which into mortmain and for permitting the }rnor's assent, is much connected with cumstance did not occur to me when led for and the information sent home s nothing to call my attention to it.
land are possessed by temples as a sort cultivated fields. These lands are of rs but are well suited to the cultivation he whole of one of the finest provinces, dered useless if they could be alienated
182
ཡོད། N
* '*'

Page 94
TWO UN PUBLISHED
would be speedily sold, to the great advanta the great advantage of the Public, and in 1 upon the Governor to authorize the ali exceed the powers exercised by the Kings of deredno invasion of therights of the templ of the donors. I should have thought Government legal under the Kandian law Ordinance. -
Slavery still exists in Ceylon thoug approaching fast to extinction. The considerable number of slaves. I think fi that a close examination of the registers w of the number.
Many years ago when holding the I was enabled to have nearly all the Slav investigating the titles of the supposed mination that so many penalties and forf total neglect of the registration laws that pate all their Slaves to escape further inq very trifling: nearly all the Slaves now Proyinces where labor is particularly ch hiးfily worth the cost of their subsister totally neglected by their owners and ar been brought into cultivation by this cla will soon become nearly extinct from to in that province and the removal of Slav much dearer, being prohibited by Law.
Some years ago I made Particular in the Northern Province with the view of adopted with so much success at Trincor I was advised by those best acquainted v neglected a few years longer as every yea entitled to freedom from non-registrati little more than nominal.
The arrival of Mr. Justice Jeremie in ductive of some ill effect-Slave propriet must have something to do with Slavery
حيخية
183

MEMORANDA
ge of the temples, and cultivated to my opinion the power so conferred enation of Temple lands does not Kandy and therefore can be consies, or departure from the intention the exercise of this power by the without the necessity of a special
zh in a very modified form and population returns shew a very rom 18,000 to 20,000, but I suspect ould lead to a very great reduction
Office of Judge of Trincomalee, es in that District declared free by Dwners. It was found upon exaeitures had been incurred through the owners were glad to emanciuiry. Their loss by doing so was remaining are in the Northern leap and Slaves are consequently hce. Great numbers are therefore e practically free; much land has ss, it seems therefore that Slavery otal neglect-Labour being cheap es to the interior where labour is
quiry into the state of Slavery in causing the process which I had malee to be attempted there: but with the subject to allow it to be augmented the number of those on and in general Slavery was
the Colony was for a time proors fancied that his appointment and began to call in their Slaves

Page 95
UNIVERSITY O
and look to their titles in the hope Consequent Compensation was in pr
Slavery was much harder in still; the state of Slavery there was much harder than in the Northern Province could not be prevailed up pation however gradual andin con up a registration Act which passec the emancipation somewhat unex Slaves. 31
Many of the Slave holders to titles which the Act prescribed be Chiefs having volunteered to eman ment presented him with a Gold was extensively followed.32
Religion.
The Buddhist do not appear particularly in the interior—the Pi the whole the population is in a co But a question of a serious nature W soon to become of consequence in Government with the Buddhist rel
I think that certainly the Gov all connexion with heathen worsh ago by the Secretary of State that made available for education, deser it has met with. I apprehend no di with temper and prudence, but In excite the fellings of the populatic dealt with harshly or imprudently before the Secretary of State I wo
31. Ordinance 3 of 1837 provided for a tri
32. In 1838. Doloswala Dissava of Sabarag generosity, and as an example and encouragen hundred guineas.
33. On the campaign against the Pilgrim India Company with Hinduism, see Ingham, K pp. 33-43.

- CEYLON REVIEW
that some measure of emancipation and OgreSS.
he Central Province and perhaps is so much to be lamented, and still it is I fear Province: Slave owners in the Central on to assent to any measure of emancisequence of their repeated refusal I drew some years ago and which has led to pectedly of a great proportion of the
ook alarm at the strict investigation of fore registry-And one of the principal ipate his Slaves—for which the GovernMedal worth 100 guineas—the example
very warmly attached to their religion, tiests have little or no influence and on indition not unfavourable to conversion. thich has already arisen in India promises Ceylon-I mean the connexion of the igion.33
ernment ought to withdraw itself from p and the proposition made some years the funds of decaying temples should be ves more serious attention than I believe fficulty from the question if it is managed ed hardly say that it is one which might on to a dangerous extent if it should be
If therefore the question should come ld recommend great caution in dealing
annial review of the slave registers of the Kandyan areas.
amuwa freed his slaves, 39 in all. In recognition of his ent to others he was awarded a gold medal worth one
Tax in India, and against the 'connection' of the East . Reformers in India, (Cambridge University Press, 1956)
184

Page 96
TWO UNPUBLISHED
with it and that the necessity of a cau should be impressed upon the Governor the policy of the local Government an measures of this nature may be proper that under a system of studied indiffere approach to persecution, a similar indi inhabitants and the people are now quit Christian faith, but any appearance of Government might, as it has ever bee spirit among the people.
Education.
I have already had the honor of su of education. It is much to be lament will not admit of sufficient funds bein. object.
The desire of education and par language is now become so great among unexampled opportunity now offers o and Christianity the religion of the Cou
The universal diffusion of Educatio measure comparatively with the presen prodigiously accelerate the advancemen that sufficient efforts are made to diffuse fident that if English Schools were est English language would soon be general
(SGI
34. In 1840, Governor Stewart Mackenzie sent ho considerable prominence to education in the vernacula to Russell 124 of August 10th 1840 and 135 of August 1 sent to Anstruther for his comments (he was on leave against education in vernacular; indeed his was the decis of educational reform.
185

) MEMORANDA
Iious and gradual course of policy such has hitherto been on the whole d perhaps the time has come when ly accelerated, but I must observe nce as to caste and religion but no fference has grown up among the e open to the general spread of the lecided hostility on the part of the in the case, create a very opposite
bmitting a report upon the subject ed that the finances of the Colony g devoted to this most important
ticularly of acquiring the English all classes in Ceylon that an almost f rendering English the language ntry.
in and intelligence (I speak in some It condition of the people) would it of the Colony. I do not think the Englishlanguage, and I am conablished to a sufficient extent the ly spoken in the Country. 34
..) p. AINSTRUTHER
K. M. DE SILVA
me a scheme of educational reform which gave rs. See, C.O 54:181. Mackenzie's despatches 2th 1840. When these recommendations Werc in England at this time) he came out strongly ive voice in the rejection of Mackenzie's scheme

Page 97
Pythagoras, B
reincarnation-which are also
Greek teachings of reincarnati with a power of recollecting past future states of existence of himself:
I is remarkable that the earliest
Since Linforth's notable study ( more than ever a matter of doubt w of early Orphic doctrine. Howeve of killing and a regimen of vegetari are taken to presuppose some such in respect of later Orphism, there is tion or birth-recognition associated Pherecydes alleged teaching of met of the soul, first appears in Suidass o and on whose authority we do not with Pythagoras in tradition has su Chios4 and Aristotle. Apparentl (Geodyos) and a miracle-worker as of high moral attainmento and p
1. The Arts of Orpheus, Berkeley, Californi
2. Arist. Frogs 1032; Eur. Hippolytus 952 consequent on a belief in reincarnation, need not Doctrine of Metennpsychosis in Greece from Pythagora pp. 89—92.
3. S. v. Pherecydes. Cic. Tusc. Disp. i. 16. (Note: abbreviation Vors. will be used throughou der Vorsokratiker, (Greek and German) 6th. ed. I otherwise qualified, follows this.)
4. fr. 4. See p. 230 f. below. 5. Vors. (14. A. 7). i.e. vol. I. p. 98= fr. 1' υιός το μεν πρώτον διεπονεί αριθμούς, ύστερον δέ ποτε και απέστη. (. . Pythagoras, the son of Minesarchu not desist from the miracle-working of Pherecydes.)
6. Ion. loc. cit. 7. See Diog. i, 116 = Vors. (7. A. 1), i.e. vo

irth-Rememberer
། references to Pythagoras teaching of the earliest reliable evidence on the on as a whole, -largely associate him births or recognizing the present and und others.
of the evidence on Orphism, it is now hether a belief in reincarnation was part r, even if the allusions to an avoidance anism in the evidence before 300 B.C.2 belief, found sufficiently well attested no hint of anything like birth-recollecwith Orpheus or his early adherents. impsychosis, as against the immortality ine and a half thousand years after him, know. The association of Pherecydes Ipport in the early evidence of Ion of y Pherecydes was a divine of sorts (Tepatototós) who was regarded Ossessed great prophetic powers. But
a. (1941).
–953; Plato Laws 782c. Such observances, though
necessarily imply it. See also H. S. Long A Study of the s to Plato. diss. Princeton, N. Jersey. (1948) append. II,
18, and Apon. In Cant. Cant. v. p. 95 f. = Vors. (7. A.5). t this article for H. Diels and W. Kranz Die Fragmente erlin (1951-52). Fragment-numbering, where not
1 (Rose). . . . IIv6ayópas Munodpyov Ο περί τά μαθήματα каi τους
της Φερεκύδου τερατοποιίας ουκ , first worked at mathematics and number, but later could
I. p. 43.
86
ཀྱི་

Page 98
PYTHAGORASʼ BIR"
even if he was Pythagoras' teacher, as t is no justification from evidence for a power of birth-recollection for which II
Of Epimenides, however, Diogen that he claimed to have been Aeacus and Diogenes’ words clearly imply that Ep born, and there can be no question here of the shamanistic type being suggest knowledge of the distant past appears known to Aristotle.9 while his particu sertions were about the vanished past a anything, support the hypothesis that suc birth-remembring. As Dodds10 rightl unwise to build too much on this.
On the other hand, in fr. 129 Emp knowledge of the past arising from a 1 a man whom, unfortunately, the exta identify, but who, there is good reason goras. Diogenes is found quoting tv the authority of Timaeus, that it referre tation we have here, including the vers Porphyry 12 and again in Iamblichus.13 of phenomenal mental powers in the fol
8. i. 114= Vors. (3. A. 1), i.e. vol. I, p. 29: Xé. Casaubon; αυτός cj. Diels). aŮTòv Aiakò
/ s - τε πολλάκις αναβεβιωκέναι. (Tradition claimed to have lived many times on earth.)
9. Rhet. 1418a24: ệke îvos γάρ περί 7 s V V حـصبر / s / αλλά περί τών γεγονότων, αδήλων δέ the future, but about things of the vanished past.)
10. The Greeks and the Irrational, Berkley, Californ 11. viii. 54. Here he says: ”Акобоat, ö? της ενάτης ιστορεί, λέγων ότι καταγ
V V ܵ y καθά και Πλάτων, τών λόγων έκα V V e 97 - και αυτόν Πυθαγόρου λέγοντα, "Η his ninth book that he (Empedocles) was a pupil of Pythagor
that time, just as Plato, and prevented from sharing in the words, "There was among them....").
12. Vit. Pyth. 30. 13. Vit. Pyth. 67.
187

H-REMEMBERER
e Aristotle-fragment implies, there tributing to him the same psychic ythagoras was reputed.
is Laertiuss preserves the tradition to have lived many times on earth. menides claimed to be Aeacus reof anything like psychic excursions id. The tradition of Epimenides of respectable antiquity and was lar comment that Epimenidesʼ asld not about things to be might, if h knowledge was acquired through observes, however, it would be
edocles talks of just such a kind of ecollection of past incarnations of nt verses of the fragment fail to Io think, is none other than Pythavo verses from it and holding, on id to Pythagoras. The fuller quoes given by Diogenes, is found in
In it Empedocles describes a man lowing manner:
γεται δε ώς και πρώτος (πρώτον レ λέγοι - - - προσποιηθηναι has it that he declared he was first Aeacus ... and
.صي ών έσομένων ουκ έμαντεύετο, (He did not make declarations about things of the
ta. (1951), p. 143. αυτόν Πυθαγόρου Τίμαιος διά νωσθείς επί λογοκλοπία τότε, صبر V υλύθη μετέχειν μεμνήσθαι δε V é TLS . . . s (Timaeus says in
is and mentions that he was caught plagiarizing at 'achings; also that he refers to Pythagoras with the

Page 99
UNIVERSITY C
ήν δέ τις εν κείνοισιν ός δή μήκιστον πρατ. παντοίων Te μάλιστα όππότε γάρ πάση ισι ρεί όγετών όντων καί τε δέκ ανθρώπω (There was among them acquired the extremest u" of wise deeds. For the his intellect, he easily dis even twenty lifetimes ofn
Some doubts seem to have e the allusion was in fact to Pythago some who thought that it was Parr is the only authority given by D Pythagoras, is not the most reliable Iamblichus himself is somewhat sh refer to Pythagoras, either finding i or finding uncertainty in his (and not, Nicomachus.16 Even if the the grounds of improbability and t have been much earlier than Dio. Rathmann.17 points out, the allusic Zeller, 18 to some imaginary persol been born many times before and previous births.19
14. loc. cit. 15. Suid. S. v. Timaeus; Polyb. xii;—an op in this instance, i.e. that Empedocles and Plato b that Empedocles was a pupil of Pythagoras, wh 16. See E. Rohde “Die Quellen des Jamblich II, Tubingen und Leipzig. (1901), pp. 102-172= (1872), p. 23—61 (esp. pp. 136 = Rh. Mus. p. 31 17. Quaestiones Pythagoreae Orphicae Emped 18. Uber die ältesten Zeugnisse zur Gescl 19. See fr. 117 in the light of fr. 129 and th 127, 136, 137, 146 and 147. The lives in fr. 1
carnations the occult-self ( δαίμων ) is cap:
Creatures (παντοια . . . είδεα
by its sinfulness; see R. S. Bluck ed. Plato's
Whether he only inferred this we do not kno' give. Fr. 129 is evidence of his awareness of the for instance, while fr. 112 (see also fr. 111) is sort of being himself. Long's argument, in op punishment unless recollection makes the soul understanding of significance of the belief in r

)F CEYLON REVIEW
ανήρ περιώσια ειδώς, ίδων έκτήσατο πλούτον,
σοφών κτ' » επιήρανος έργων ν όρέξαιτο πραπίδεσσιν,
πάντων λεύσσεσκεν έκαστον ν καί τ' είκοσιν αιώνεσσιν. . ܐܝ ܬ
a man of remarkable knowledge, who had
ealth of the intellect, one expert in all sorts never he reached out weith all the pou er of cerned each one of existing things in ten and 1em.)
kisted among the ancients as to whether ras ; Diogenes 14 remarks that there were nenides who was meant. Timaeus, who iogenes for his own ascription of it to of writers even in the eyes of antiquity.15 aky; he says “it appears (qbalve Tau) to independently cause for some uncertainty, Porphyry's 2) source, more likely than suggestion of Parmenides be rejected on the fact that those who raised it need not genes himself, still it is possible that, as on may be to Empedocles himself, or as 1. Empedocles believed himself to have appeared to be able to recollect these
inion which might be supported by what Timaeus says oth plagiarized the teachings of Pythagoras, and moreso ereas in fact a century divides the life of the two. usin seiner Biographie des Pythagoras, Kleine Schriften Rh. Mus. vol. XXVI (1871), pp. 554—576 and vol. XXVIII ). pcleae, diss. Halle (1933), p. 138. lichte des Pythagoras, S. P. A. W. (1889), p. 989 f. e general doctrine of reincarnation in frr. 115, 125, 126, 17 seem carefully selected to illustrate the range of in
ble of assuming, the 'all manner . . of forms of mortal
θνητών , when pursued from element to element Meno., Cambridge. (1961), p. 69, and n. 55 below. V, but that certainly is not the impression he wished to power of birth-remembering possessed by Pythagoras, 'vidence that he claimed to be a similarly exceptional cit. p. 61 on this point, that reincarnation would be no ware of the blessed condition it had lost, shows a poor ligion.
188

Page 100
PYTHAGORAS, BIR
All that there is then is the actual goras by Timaeus and its confirmatior Iamblichus. But the fact that Time instances does not necessarily impair cularly when the fragment, far from exceptionally likely that the reference of Iamblichus, wherever it originated, no more to go by than the verses oft all, Iamblichus does ascribe it to Pytha, recent writers20 are therefore inclined t reference is to Pythagoras. Rathmar convincing and his own ascription of it to be correct.
Porphyry understood this fragmei with anything more than this existenc fact, thought it an appreciation of a rema by Pythagoras, whereby, for instance, spheres.22 What the verses themselv
20. W. Nestle's review of Rathmann op. cit. in H. Gundert's in Gnom. vol. XIII (1937), p. 339; see al I. 1. Munchen (1929) p. 733, n. 1, W. Stettner Die zur Altertumsw. XXII Stuttgart—Berlin (19 Wurzburg (1938), p. 78, A. Cameron The Pythagorean Wisconsin, (1938), p. 20 f. etc. W. Jaeger The Theolog p. 151 remarks that the presumption that the refere to the Neoplatonists, but adds (p. 152): "Even if he is is very likely that the characteristic feature of the su has been borrowed from the Pythagoreans’ traditional was told about him.'
21. op. Cit. p. 138.
22. loc. cit. He says: αυτός δε τής T
سعی ۔۔۔۔۔بر صي ۔ عبر συνιείς της καθολικής τών σφαιρών
s A/ e A. یA e ۔صير V s άστέρων αρμονίας, ής ημάς μη άκου
/ ۔۔۔صبر ܵ τούτοις και Εμπεδοκλής μαρτυρεί y ۔۔۔۔ αιώνεσσιν. το γάρ περιώσια και τώ
v ـ πραπίδων πλούτον και τα έoικα
s V s / εξαιρέτου KOLU ακριβεστέρας παρα 2y ۔صبرA صبرA ۔صي eJV 7te T"CU) U ôpôiv кай TCUt OKOU6UV h (He heard the harmony of the Universe, apprehending the about them, which we do not hear on account of the pove witness, saying of him, 'There was among them. . . . Fo
things' and 'wealth of the intellect are alike expressions of and hearing and intellect in Pythagoras.) See also Sch. Ar
said he heard the harmony of the spheres in an ecstasy
189
 

TH-REMEMBERER
ascription of the reference to Pytha, if not with complete certainty, by eus is found unreliable in certain is testimony in this instance, partiprecluding the possibility, makes it is to Pythagoras. The uncertainty could well be the result of having he fragment themselves. But after goras and not to anyone else. Most o agree, against Rathmann, that the in’s arguments are not sufficiently to an Orpheotelestes21 hardly likely
it in a sense that has nothing to do 2 and experiences within it. He, in rkable power of perception possessed he was able to hear the harmony of es say, however, is that when he
Philol. Woch. vol. LIV (1934) cols. 407.—409, and so W. Schmid Geschichte der griechischen Literatur * Seelenupanderung bei Griechen und Romern, Tub. 34), p. 16, f, W. H. Thomas ETIEKEINA Background to the Theory of Recollection, Menasha. y of the Early Greek Philosophers, Oxford (1947), nce was to Pythagoras was especially congenial ; not referring to Pythagoras in his description, it perman's knowledge of his own earlier existences tales of their master, for something very similar
\~صبر V e y ۔۔۔۔ Ου παντOS αρμΟνιας η κροατO
/ s s W ـصبر CCLU TCUV KOT CLUTOLS KLиOULLєиСои V V صي. / "ELV διά σμικροτητα Της φύσεως. V هي λέγων περί αυτού ήν ν όντων λεύσσεσκεν έκαστα και
y V ۔هي τα εμφαντικά μάλιστα της
V ›ሃ ί τους άλλους διοργανώσεως
V ۔۔صبر ـــبر ۔بر V και τώι νοείν του Πυθαγόρου. ure harmony of the spheres and of the stars that move fy of our nature. To these even Empedocles bears 'remarkable' and "he discerned each one of existing
the especial and exceptionally keen forming of sight mbros. on a. 371, according to whom Pythagoras
(έξω γενόμενος του σώματος).

Page 101
UNIVERSITY OF
reached out with the full power of of existing things in ten and even thus the wider extent of experienc that of the present life alone with oth a remarkable power of perception learn in one lifetime what other ni twenty lives.
On the other hand, recently Ca of pre-experiential knowledge whic knowledge which was the knowl points out,25 the fragment hardly v not even mean a recollection of “all but simply “everything that happen men'. There is no suggestion that t goras' learning, consisted of knowl disembodied soul;26 nor is his excep general foundation of all knowledg experience.27
A distinction must again be me Pythagoras by this means and the “ Heraclitus, Herodotus and Ion, whic his studies (iotopus) into the scr
- 23. div6pc67Tov alcóveool (in ... life (lifetimes) is used only of human lives. Diels tra Menschenleben, assuming the αιώνες to be
Long (op. Cit, p. 51) takes ανθρώπων as referri on earth in a variety of forms, and understands t of men, that is, in about 1000 years'. But what contrast between this remarkable man and ording same kind of explanation would do for 'ten and finite figure such as 3000 years, (i.e. 10-20=3C or with Long, (see also Cherniss' review of Came: f, and Bluck op. cit. p. 65). 1000 years.
24. op. Cit. p. 21. f. According to him, wh physical world, while his understanding was bas istence. And since, for Empedocles,—as he thir when it was first bound to the human body, it f gradual recovery of the omniscience the divine sc
25. op. cit. p. 359. 26. See Bluck op. cit, pp. 65-66. 27. See L. Robin "Sur la doctrine de la Remi

CEYLON REVIEW
his intellect, he saw with ease “each one twenty lifetimes of men', emphasising : he was abe to draw upon as against er men, 23 and not as Porphyry thought, or observation which enabled him to
- L en could only with as many as ten or
meron understood this to be a recovery h the soul had lost with incarnation, a edge of Number.24 But as Cherniss varrants such an interpretation; it does things that are, i.e. the physical world, ed in ten and even twenty lifetimes of he important part, or any part of Pythacdge that could only be acquired by a tional memory to be understood as the c that is not derived from immediate
ide between the knowledge derived by wisdom (oodburi) accredited to him by ch may to an extent have grown out of iptures and teachings of certain Greek
times of men") is obviously a pleonasm as αιώνες nslates (Vors. I. p. 364): in seinen zehn und zwanzig
/ those of Pythagoras and ανθρώπων explanatory. ng to Pythagoras contemporaries during his long stay he last verse to mean 'in ten and twenty generations we have here is quite clearly a poetic emphasis of the ry men in respect of the power of recollection. The :wenty; there is no attempt here to arrive at any de
lifetimes, with a lifetime reckoned at a 100 years), on op, cit. in Am. Journ. Philol. vol LXI (1940), p. 359.
'n Pythagoras knew ‘all things that are’, he knew the 2d on a power of memory during the course of exks,—the soul of the individual had begun to forget llows that the transmigratory life was, in his eyes, a ul once had before its human experience began.
niscence' Rev. Et. Gr, vol. XXXII (1919), p. 452.
90
s

Page 102
PYTHAGORAS, BIR
and alien religions.28 Heraclitus con (Touadori) which does not yield however, talking of Pythagoras with credits him with mental powers whic is hanbe wielded his prodigious power even transcend the limits of the humani knowledge (περιώσια ειδώς), for great store of knowledge and mastery c by him in a long series of incarnation unique ability to recollect the experien this knowledge itself is purely experient from the experiences of this particular was acquired by the soul in a disincarna
Aristoxenus is associated with
Pythagoreans, and with Hippobotus an
goras experienced metempsychosis eve
and known among the Pythagoreans e
this was consistent with his incarnation :
being abstracted therefrom brought c Pythagoras-incarnation.29
* In view of Heracleides” elaborate ac tins, 30 it is significant that Aristoxent instance of Euphorbus. Not only is this but, while being mentioned by a numbe identified incarnations, it also occurs
28. See Heraclitus fr. 129: Πυθαγόρης
s ανθρώπων μάλιστα 77'OL)/TCU)!/ KOLU έκλ έποιήσατο εαυτού σοφίην, πολυμα γνωμή being an already formulated idea or opinic clearly suggests that he knew them through learning
fr. 40 for Pythagoras” πολυμαθίη. Herodotus ii
teaching of reincarnation from the Egyptians, and ii. iv. 95 associates him with certain teachings and practic Herodotus himself, lived long before Pythagoras.) Se fathered some of his own compositions on Orpheus. the Cambr. Philol. Soc. vol. CLXXXV, (n. S. vol. V),
σοφιή derived from other men.
29. Aristoxenus fr. 12 (Wehrli) = Theol. Arith. p. 30. Heracleides fr. 89 (Wehrli) = Diog. viii. 4. Si
31. See Rohde Psyche: the Cult of Souls and the B W. B. Hillis. London (1925) append. X. pp. 598-599 |
毒— Story.
191
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

TH-REMEMBERER
emptuously calls this a polymathy intelligence (voôs). Empedocles,
respect amounting to reverence, h excelled even such “wisdom', for of concentration, it appears he could tellect! Pythagoras is of “remarkable here is thus at his command a ver all kinds of wise deeds acquired
and accessible to him through his Ces of these past incarnations. But ial knowledge, even if not derived ife, with no hint that any part of it te State.
Androcydes and Euboulides, two | Neanthes as recording that Pythay 216 years, this number being 63 is the psychogonic cube', and that as Euphorbus; for, two such periods ine to the cycle (Tepto8os) of the
count of Pythagoras prior incarnais and these others know only the : better supported in ancient writers, ir of them to the exclusion of other in all and variant combinations.31
Μνησάρχου ιστορίην ήσκησεν εξάμενος ταύτας τας συγγραφάς θίην, κακοτεχνίην, Cf. Ion fr. 4. A
w s V s n, γνώμας είδε και έξέμαθεν from some other source. Cf. also Heraclitus 123 would clearly imply that he adopted his
81 perhaps the taboo on wool at burials, while es of the Thracian Salmoxis (who, according to 2 also Ion fr. 2, where Pythagoras is said to have Sandbach (“Ion of Chios on Pythagoras,” Pr. of (1958—59), p. 36) therefore finds Pythagoras”
40 ASt. 'e p. 223 below where this is quoted in full.
2lief in Immortality among the Greeks, transl. by or a list of the ancient writers who allude to the

Page 103
UNIVERSITY OF
The allusion to this seems to have c goras, to prove the fact of his h; shield of Menelaus by whom Euph
There is reason to think, theref forward at an early date. It wou himself made the claim and that, p. did the anecdote of Pythagoras and in such a way as to imply that th between Euphorbus and Pythago Lucian Gallus 17,--but this may instance, Pythagoras may himself h casually and without implying any earlier or later than Euphorbus; or last human incarnation, or simply Pythagoras. The account here assumes two other incarnations presu and these the resourceful Heracleide and an unknown fisherman, Pyrrh
The act of recognition of Mene Pythagoras reputed power of re instances where identifications such recent times as proof in claims of rel that Pythagoras” power of birth-re back to as many as ten or twenty li incarnation as Euphorbus should ha as that man did, during the war of we may say that there was good re the mind of Euphorbus, being the last thing he saw with the moment
32. Xenophanes fr. 7. See p. 228 below. 33. The notion that he reincarnated every
feat or privilege restricted to Pythagoras. Diog.
ανάγκης ) and an interval of 207 years, the c chronologies of Apollodorus and Eratosthenes, th (i.e. Aethalides 1400 B.C.; Euphorbus 1193 B.C to Apoll. and Erat.); Hermotimus 986 B.C.; Py 7. might indicate immediate reincarnation if the of Pythagoras in that very incarnation of his as suggested by Herodotus ii. 123. The version of religious implications, perhaps the product ( Pythagorean eschatology.

CEYLON REVIEW
Dme down with an anecdote that Pythaaving been Euphorbus, recognized the orbus was wounded in the Trojan War.
ore, that the legend must have been put ıld not be impossible that Pythagoras erhaps, Xenophanes referred to it, as he the dog.32 The story itself is narrated ere were no intermediate incarnations ras, -they are definitely excluded in
be from one of many reasons. For lave recaled the Euphorbus-incarnation thing as to other incarnations, whether
again, he may have recalled this as his r as his last incarnation before that as attributed to Aristoxenus, however, mably human, before that as Pythagoras, s is quick to supply with Hermotimus' US .
claus' shield is not only in character with Collection, but also parallels the many as this have been resorted to or cited in birth. We just had Empedocles asserting 'Collection was strong enough to reach fetimes, so that, on any reckoning,33 his ve been well within that perview, living Troy. As for the shield of Menelaus, ason for it to have impressed itself upon possession of his slayer and perhaps the
of death.
216 years suggests reincarnation to be an exceptional viii. 14 refers to a 'cycle of necessity' ( κύκλος
alculation being probably modified by reference to the ough in fact based on the lives invented by Heracleides D. (-the first year of the Trojan campaign, according rrhus 779 B.C.; Pythagoras 572 B.C.). Xenophanes fr. : friend whose soul is reborn in the dog was a friend Pythagoras. Immediate reincarnation is also what is Aristoxenus appears to be a cold abstraction devoid of if a late mathematical misadventure into original
192

Page 104
莓、
PYTHAGORAS, BIE
Nothing is known of Euphorbus specifically recommended him for in incarnations of Pythagoras. Rohde34 this was prompted by the fact that Panthous, a special connection with A soil (ψυχή Απολλωνιακή). This ν behind the name: E5-chopBos = possib i.e. possibly nothing encouled ( of Pythagoras father, Mnesarchus, 1 origin'.30 and from ancient times, as ficance of the name Pythagoras itself name of Pythagoras father, Mnesarch clitus38 and Herodotus 39 themselves, w goras himself was simply a fictitious cl fact that there was a man and that he
The skeletal pattern of Pythage Aristoxenus seems to have been, -as 1 by the Peripatetic, Heracleides of Pont it appears as a most thoroughgoing Stoic influence or the interpretation of Matters (III v Bayopuká) attrib
identical world-cycles in the evidence (
34. op. Cit. p. Sq. 35. See Lucian Gallus 4, where the etymologic upon. Aristotle nowhere refers to a total abstinence an avoidance of specific creatures and parts of creatures xenus fr. 25, 28, 29a (Wehrli) actually declares th varieties in his diet. Aristoxenus associations were, a practice of total abstience is amply evidenced in N Vors. I, pp. 478—480) of certain ascetics or Pythagore gorists ( II.υθαγορισταί , who, to all appearan practices of the original School.
36. See K. von Fritz Mnesarchos’ Pauly-Wiss: 1 also O. Skutch “Notes on Metempsychosis,” Cl. Philo he asks, which came first, the name of the father orth
37. See Diog. viii. 21. 38. Fr. 129. 39. Η ν. 95. 40. Remarkably enough, a similar symbolic et Indian counterpart, and perhaps contemporary, the B whom the end is accomplished'; his mother, Mahan and strangely, his father, Suddhodana, "one whose food of the Buddhists, London (1866), p. 72, where he extra and Buddhism' delivered before the Royal Asiatic Soc 41. Fr. 88, (Wehrli). Cf. Porph. Vit. Pyth. 19.
193

RTH-REMEMBERER
life or character which would have corporation into the series of prior rightly dismisses the hypothesis that Euphorbus had, through his father pollo and was thus a true “ Apollonic would leave us with the etymology ly one who eats the correct food', ουδεν έμψυχον).δ.δ So, the name might mean “one who recollects his Þy Aristippus of Cyrene,37 the signihas not been missed. But then, the Luis, is attested by no less than Herahile the attempt to prove that Pythaharacter would hardly get behind the was called Pythagoras. 40
oras reincarnations referred to by mentioned before, -elaborated upon tus, while the determinism hinted in piece of formalism, (perhaps under Zeno himself in the work on Pythauted to him), in the concept of of Eudemus.41
cal significance is noticed and the name punned from flesh by Pythagoreans, but his evidence of does not necessarily belie such a practice. Aristoat Pythagoras ate flesh and included particular however, with the followers of Philolaus, while Aiddle Comedy fragments from many hands (see 'an beggar-philosophers, popularly styled "Pythaices, continued the eschatological and religious
Real-Encycl. vol XV, (1931/32) cols. 2270 f. See l. vol. LIV (1959), p. 114. If this is an accident, ne story of Pythagoras” remembering his origin ?
ymology is associated with Pythagoras” closest uddha Gothama. For he was Siddharta, "he by haya or Mayadevi, is "great, or divine illusion"; is pure. See R. Hardy The Legends and Theories its from Professor Wilson's lecture 'On Buddha iety on April 8th, 1854.

Page 105
UNIVERSITY OF
Heracleides was a pupil of Plati teaching of Aristotle. Diogenes43 Pythagoreans first, but this may me on Pythagorean matters. A work ITv6ayopetaov) is mentioned amon. by Diogenes, but notices on Pytha appeared passim in his writings, pa in Hades (περί τών εν Αιδου). a poor opinion of the integrity of scholars are not slow to agree with th ing Pythagoras is concerned.
Diogenes:45 preserves the Hera incarnations as follows :
τoυτόν (Pythagoras) φ αυτού τάδε λέγειν, ώς
E ܵ e 6
ρμου υιος νομισUει η ελέσθαι ό τι άν βούλ ούν ζώντα και τελευτών εν μεν ούν τη ζωήι αποθάνοι, τηρήσαι την εις Εύφορβον έλθείν κ Εύφορβος έλεγεν, ώς Aι Ερμού το δώρον λάβοι
eA / V ώς περιπολήθη και εις όσα ή ψυχή εν τώι
e υπομένουσιν, επειδή δι
V w ܵ e την ψυχήν αυτού εις Ερ δούναι επανήλθεν είς E Απόλλωνος ιερόν επέδε
sy V s e/', 3) (έφη γάρ αυτόν, ότ' ς Απόλλωνι την ασπίδα
42. Cic. Tusc. Disp. v. 3. ; De Nat. Deo. i. 13 iii. 46.
43. v. 86. 44. Diog. viii. 70 gives Timaeus as having call
λογος ) throughout, who said a man fell fron that he 'stuffed his books with puerile tales'; Pl and fictioner (μυθώδη και πλασμαή “wove” ( πέπλακεν subjects into comic and
45. viii. 4 = Heracleides fr. 89 (Wehrli),

CEYLON REVIEW
o, it appears, 42 before he followed the
mentions him as having heard the rely be an inference from his writings Concerning the Pythagoreans (Tepi Tôv g the titles of works attributed to him goras and Pythagoreanism must have rticularly in his Concerning the Things
The ancients seem to have had Heracleides as a source, 44 and recent is, at least as far as his evidence concern
cleidean account of Pythagoras prior
ησιν Ηρακλείδης ο Ποντικός περί
s W V A6) λίδ V ειη πΟΤε γεγονως Α1ιUαΛιΟης και | τόν δε Ερμην ειπείν αυτώι
V s A.
η ται πλήν αθανασίας, αιτήσασθαι τα μνήμην έχειν τών συμβαινόντων. πάντων διαμνημονεύσαι έπει δε αυτήν μνήμην χρόνωι δ’ ύστερον
αι υπό Μενέλεω τρωθήναι. ο δ'.
A. Α V εν s θαλίδης ποτέ γεγόνοι, και ότι παρ ! και την της ψυχής περιπόλησιν, όσα φυτά και ζώια παρεγένετο και y, y/ V e V
Αιδηι έπαθε και αι λοιπα τίνα ε Εύφορβος αποθάνοι, μεταβήναι μότιμον, ός και αυτός πίστιν θέλων ραγχίδας και εισελθών εις το του ιξεν ήν Μενέλαος ανέθηκεν ασπίδα ιπέπλει έκ Τροίας, αναθείναι τώι A sy Vصبر ι) διασεση πυίαν ήδη, μόνον δε
De Div. i. 23; Suid s. v. Heracleides; Diog. v. 86,
ed him a narrator of incredible tales ( παραδοξό
1 the moon. Cic. De Nat. Deo. i. 13. 34 says of him ut. Cam. xxii refers to him as being a ‘myth-maker ίαν όντα), and Diog. v. 86 says that he
tragic forms.
94
-—ܕ ܢ

Page 106
PYTHAGORAS, BIRI
διαμένον το ελεφάντινον πη
s đTếtjave, yevéơflat IIúppov πάλιν μνημονεύειν, πώς πρι
6. e A. 分 ειτα Ερμότιμος, ειτα Πύρ cité0ave, yevéodat IIudayd μεμνήσθαι.
ܐܰ
(This is what Heracleides o to say about himself: that he had a the son of Hermes, and that Hern liked as a gift except immortality, through death a memory of his recall everything, and when he Afterwards, in the course of time he was wounded by Menelaus. having been Aethalides once an Hermes and the wandering of hi. how many plants and animals it Hades, and all that other souls ( his soul passed into Hermotimus, ངར་ the story, went to the temple of A - the shield which Menelaus, on his to Apollo,-so he said, -it being 1 only the ivory facing was left. Pyrrhus, the fisherman from Delos, how he was first Aethalides, then E Pyrrhus. And tehen Pyrrhus a membered all the things mentioned
Pherecydes is given to have said th Hermes the privilege for his soul at deat and part on earth.46 Hermes as condu only leads the souls of the dead to Hade on the Anthesteria, leads them up to ea
46. Fr. 8. According to Sch. Apollon. Rhod. Фє παρά του Ερμού ο Αιθαλίδης τό την ποτέ Sکے εν τοίς υπέρ την γήν τόποι received as gift from Hernes that his soul be some time in F.
195
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

H-REMEMBERER
y A όσωπον, επειδή δε Ερμότιμος
/ YA / τον Δήλιον αλιέα και πάντα σθεν Αιθαλίδης, είτε Εύφορβος,
s W οος γένοιτο επειδή δε Πύρρος ναν και πάντων τών ειρημένων
Pontus tells us he (Pythagoras) used ince been Aethalides and was accounted es had told him to choose whatever he so he asked to retain through life and experiences. Hence in life he could lied, he still kept the same memory. his soul entered into Euphorbus and Nou Euphorbus used to tell about his that he had received the gift from : soul, hou it transmigrated and into nad cóime, and all that it undervent in tuvait there. PV:hen Euphorbus dhed, and he also, wishing to authenticate pollo at Branchidae phere he identified voyage back from Troy, had dedicated low so rotten through and through that When Hermiotimus died, he became and again he remembered everything,- Euphorbus, then Hermotimus, and then lied, he became Pythagoras, and re
)
at Aethalides received as gift from to spend part of its time in Hades ctor of souls (livyotoutós) not s, but on occasions, as for instance
rth, perhaps what he is depicted
ρεκύδης δέφησιν ότι δώρον είχε
μυχήν αυτού ποτέ μέν εν Αιδου eival. (Pherecydes says that Aethalides
des and some time in the regionIs upon the earth.)

Page 107
UNIVERSITY OF
doing in the painting on the Jena lek cation of reincarnation, even as a notice of Pherecydes concerning hir
This apparently does not disco represent the tradition, not once bu he renders the gift of Hermes as a ret Jノ . . . ʻ7"Ct)JV Oʻ2U OLU,7VOJVTCU)JV {: through "R":"", po when he has Euphorbus talking of not only credited with the gift, in there is also a “wandering of the by Aethalides which leads him to re and, at length, as Euphorbus. Qu second and more subtle misconstruct and for the sole purpose of enlisting incarnations of Pythagoras.
Hermotimus qualifies from a his reputed date satisfy the interval as that of Aethalides before Euphorbit ability of deserting his body for ma psychic excursions with much mant Such a practice wouldeasily lenditse of reincarnation. The association Euphorbus is cemented with the an shield transferred to him from Pytha man, Pyrrhus, thrown in to comple suspicion, while each incarnation is certain others as plants and animals the gift of memory made bestowed
47. First published by Paul Schadow Eine produced and discussed by J. Harrison in 'Pando See also her Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Rel half-buried jars ( πιθάνακη ) used in jar-buri at Apidna, at Throiscus, Corfu and other places. antiquity of the Pytholigia (opening of the jars)-ti souls' ( ψυχοπομπός ).
48. Apollon. Mirab. 3; Pliny Nat. Hist. vii. as also in Procl. In Rep. ii. 113, 24 (Kroll), thou (see op. cit. p. 331 n. 112); Surely this subtle (δώρον) given by Hermes (Ερμο-) tC) Pyth. 45 and Tert. De An. 28.

CEYLON REVIEW
ythos. 47 But clearly there is no implirivilege restricted to Aethalides, in the
here.
cert Heracleides, for he goes on to mist twice. When talking of Aethalides, antion of the memory of his experiences ) and thus tries to link him with Wer Of birth-recollection. But again, his having been Aethalides, Hermes is leaning this retention of memory, but Soul (ψυχής περιπόλησις) possessed incarnate as various plants and animals ite obviously Heracleides is making a ion of the legend known to Pherecydes, Aethalides more firmly into the prior
similar consideration. Not only does of 216 years roughly after Euphorbus, 1s, but he was credited with the singular ny years and returning to it from such ic lore and knowledge of the future:8 lf to misrepresentation as an experience of Hermotimus with Pythagoras and ecdote of the recognition fo Menelaus” goras. The otherwise unknown fisherte the intervals, also attempts to allay. inked with the preceding one and with and in-between sojourns in Hades with on Aethalides by Hermes. Attische Grablekythos Inaug diss. Jena (1897), repra's Box" Journ. Hell. Stud, vol. XX (1900), p. 101. igion, Cambridge (1933), p. 43. She points out that
all were found in the Dipylon Cemetery at Athens,
The antiquity of this form of burial evidences the le Greek all-souls-day, and of Hermes 'conductor of
174; Plut. De Gen. Socr. 22, here called Hermodorus gh this is more than a copyist's error as Rohde thinks, change in the name, if anything, recalls the gift
Aethalides! On Hermotimus, see also Porph. Vit.
96.
གྲོ།
ی. خدا

Page 108
PYTHAGORAS, BIR
The whole account, it would seen cleides authorship, which makes use o with other material of an accommoda known to Aristoxenus that Pythagoras years. For our present study, the tri is. Korth remarking. Where the accou goras' reincarnations every 216 years m an experience restricted to Pythagoras, that birth-recollection was too. Beside as something which accompanies him sense, of an accidental nature, rather t superhuman mental power and within beings as well. It is in fact traced back t
s
At the same time, Heracleides, in lives to account for Pythagoras know in Hades, is guilty of confusing the vis. Hades (κατάβασις εις άδου) With t history of this confusion of the katabas from Hades to earth (divoôos) i.e. reinc པར་ eVidence of a Pythagorean katabasis, | Herodotus. 49 Even if they did occur iu at some time, 50 the tradition that Pythag cave, whence he subsequently returned
49. Long (op. cit. p. 8) dismisses this passage out reincarnation; see also Cherniss op. Cit. p. 350, n, l, wh his audience was that they would live for ever, and wh
deeds ( δρώμενα ) with which Pythagoras hoped t
convincing to them ( πιθανά σφι) , however, do sense if we recognize here a confusion of reincarnation as a trick by which Pythagoras attemped to prove re mippus in Diog. viii. 41, where Pythagoraso knowledge are brought within the alleged stunt. See also the an from Androcydes, the Alexandrian doctor), and see Sc
50. See Rohde op. cit. p. 600 and Rh. Mus. vol. accounts of Pythagoras' previous lives and his descent Hellespont and Pontus (Herodot. iv. 95), and even i could hardly have been evidence that it was made b Diels Ein gefalschtes Pythagorasbuch Arch. für Ges makes it seem probable that this written work was partite “Education, Politics, Physics, ( Паидєuтик however, be right in assuming (see p. 469) that the de
പ്ര 197
 

H-REMEMBERER
, is a consummate fiction of Herathe Euphorbus-anecdote, together ing nature, to dress up the dogma was wont to reincarnate every 216 atment of memory (uvmuni) here it of Aristoxenus concering Pythalde it appear that reincarnation was Heracleides certainly makes it seem s, such recollection is here rendered with each incarnation, and in that han an achievement together with the aspirations of all other human ) that gift of Hermes to Aethalides.
using the same recollection of past ledge of the after death experiences ons of the Pythagorean “descent to he memories of past births. The s to Hades with the ascent of souls :arnation, is as old as the earliest namely, the Salmoxis-anecdote in in the same written work (ypadsii) oras descended into an underground with some knowledge of the occult,
I of hand as of no relevance to the teaching of ere he points out that what Pythagoras promised at he did was to reappear in his own form. The o make his declarations ( λεγόμενα ) become not accord with each other. But they do make with a katabasis, with this katabasis misconstrued birth. See also the interesting account by Herof the past (together with his Hades-experienced.) pcdote in Iambl. Vit. Pyth, 178, (probably derived h. Soph. Elect. 62 and Tert. De An. 28.
XXVI (1871), p. 558. The conjunction of the to Hades is first found among the Greeks of the fit did appear in a written work subsequently, y Pythagoras and the early school. See also H. h. der Philos. vol. III (1890), p. 468 f. where he he pseudo-Pythagorean work in Ionian, the triν, Πολιτικόν, Φυσικόν). He cannot, scent-story was invented by Heracleides.

Page 109
UNIVERSITY OF
quite clearly indicates a journey undert The confusion of this with rein though unfortunately it has also rest being a cheap fraud. Heracleides i. Hades as part of the claimed memori ever, seems to carry a suspicious echo
myth of Er. 52
Dicaearchus is associated with ( version of Pythagoras previous birth: then Aethalides, then a beautiful hai Pyrandrus is simply a variant of Pyr for Hermotimus, her vocation sugg malicious intent, rather than, as wit a girl, one aimed at exhausting the assume.55 It is indeed interesting to o cleides has already begun to transforn it was to have. One might mention and Clearchus reappears as the Cou with the satire fully exploited.
51. So the descent of Orpheus (Eur. Al. 357-36 reproduced in Brunn-Bruckmann, pl. 341 and disci p. 1194; Plato Symp. 179d; Isocr. Bus. xi. 7 f.), 614b f), of Thespesius (Plut. De Sera Num. Vin. 22 must surely be following such katabasis-accounts vi. 264 f.), for Aeneas not only meets his father and for the good and the evil there. See also Rig. Ve in the Ath. Veda xix seems to explain, the boy ment (iii. ii. 8) who went to Yama-loka and returned to e vi. 18). Likewise, according to a Javanese MS of the by Lord Vairochana to go to the kingdom of Ya The Legend of Kunjarakarna, transl. from the Dut (Bombay), vol. XXXII pp. 111-127.
52. 614b. f. See n. 86 below for the content c 53. In his note to Dicaearchus fr. 36 on p. 53. 54. Dicaearchus fr. 36 (Wehrli). 55. His fr. 117.
9/ w ήδη γάρ ποτ' εγώ γεν θάμνος T- οιωνός TE KI
(Already have I been a boy, a girl, a plant, a bird elements, bird represents aerial creatures, fish aquat youth, as Empedocles (“I’) advanced years; of sex, 1 of living things, boy and girl human incarnations, Cf. frir. 20, 21 and 23.

CEYLON REVIEW
akenduringhislifetimeas Pythagoras.51 carnation is understandable enough, ulted in the Suspicion of Pythagoras as inclusion of the experiences of souls in es of Pythagoras of the prebirth, how| of Plato Meno 81c against the Republic
Clearchus53 in giving a slightly variant s:-he was Euphorbus, then Pyrandrus, ilot named Alco. As Wehrli notes,54 rhus. As for the substitution of Alco ests a later inspiration with a definite h Empedocles claimed incarnation as : types of incarnation the soul could bserve how the story started by Heraitself, presaging the interesting history in passing that the Alco of Dicaearchus Urtesan Aspasia in Lucian “ Gallus o 19
2; the famous sculptured relief in the Naples museuilh,
Issed by Gruppe in Roscher's Lexicon, s. v. Orpheus, of the Pamphyllian Er, son of Armenius (Plato Rep. ) and Timarchus (Plut. De Gen. Socr. 21 f). Vergil when he sends Aeneas to the netherworld (see Aen. learns the destiny of Rome, but sees what is prepared da X. 135 wherein, as Sanyana, in the commentered oned is the same as Nachiketas of the Taitr. Brahihana arth; (see also Kath. Upan. ii. 5; iii. 8, 15; iv. 10-11; 14th century, the yaksha Kunjarakarna is commanded ma to see what is prepared there for evil-doers; see h of Professor Kern by L. A. Thomas in Ind. Ant.
if the relevant portion of Meno 81c.
όμην κουρός τε κόρη τε αι έξαλος έλλοπος ιχθύς.
and a dumb sea-fish.) On the basis of the habitable
c, the rest terrestrial; of age, boy and girl represent
poy represents male, girl female; of the three grades bird and fish animal, and plant plant-incarnations.
98.
ܘܢ

Page 110
PYTHAGORAS, BIRT
The foregoing pieces of evidence, sc to show that Pythagoras did make a cla past incarnations and experiences with however throw a little more light on s for they. go further to show that he was, or 6'en have forevision of the states of to assist them to do so for themselves. earliest piece of evidence on Pythagora the earliest reference to Pythagoras hims fragment itself is quoted by Diogenes, confirmation of Pythagoras having different times.
The two elegiac couplets we have r
/ καί ποτέ μιν στυφελιζομένο
V s صبرA V A. φασίν έποικτιραι και τόδε
V e s \ 今 \۔مي παύσαι μηδε βάπιζ, επει ή φ
/ V 9/ ψυχή, την έγνων φθεγξαμέν
(Once they say that he ura. whipped, and he took pity and sa soul of a friend that I recognised 1.
If Xenophanes was born around 56: a contemporary of Pythagoras; in whi anecdote he narrates from others, as “th here good assurance that Pythagoras was a doctrine of reincarnation, and more im a power efbirth recognition. Two diff this fragment. The first of these is that, there is nothing in the extant verses of it is to Pythagoras and no one else. In fac differently. It remains, however, that quoting these verses as proof of Pythago
56. viii. 36. He says: περί δε τού αλλοτε νης εν έλεγεια προσμαρτυρεί different times, Xenophanes gives evidence in his elegy...)
57. Empedocles und die Orphiker Arch. für Gescl 58, op. cit, p. 37.
199
 
 
 
 
 
 

H-REMEMBERER
'appy though they be, are sufficient im to be able to recollect his own. in them. Three other fragments, his singular power of Pythagoras, at the same time, able to recognize xistence of others, and sometimes
The first of these, which is the teaching of reincarnation, is also elf, that is, Xenophanes fr. 7. The 50 strangely enough, by way of himself been different people at
ad as follows :
υ σκύλακος παριόντα φάσθαι έπος. A. V ίλου ανέρος έστιν
う・ん
'S Olt CUV.
s passing by when a dog was being lid, 'Stop, do not beat it; for it is the Athen I heard it hotel.”)
5 B.C., as is now accepted, he was ch case, even if he had heard the ey say (dbaot) indicates, we have in his own lifetime associated with portant for the present study, with culties, however, exist concerning as with the Empedocles-fragment, to assure us that the allusion here t Kerns7 and Rathmanns8 thought Diogenes, even if he is inexact in as own prior existences, attributes
/ صبر άλλον αυτόν γεγενήσθαι Ξενοφά (About his having become different things a
der Philos, vol. I (1888), p. 499.

Page 111
UNIVERSITY O
the reference to Pythagoras, and t other non-factual hypotheses. F. quote the first verse of the poem,- relevant part of the poem,--it wo more removes) had better ground alone give us. That he cites then carnations is understandable, since the fact that Pythagoras definitely
The second matter is how far value. Xenophanes is given by contrary to those of Pythagoras. satirist of beliefs to which he was h. here lampooning the teachings of P. polytheism of Homer and Hesiod, points out that the other five passag ridicule Pythagoras.
The last-mentioned argument be shown that Diogenes did select 1 or unknown reason. Nor is it war calibre as the others of Xenophar there are independent grounds for carnating as an animalis in itself not in the teachings of Empedocles and had this very anecdote in mind wh fate for Hecubain his tragedy Hecu. μετάστασις) there is one of m among the Celts rather than meter
Πλ. κύων γενήση Ek. 7TóòŞ ò” o îơ69o
Πλ, ό Θρηξί μάν
(Pol. A dog with fir Hec. How do you k Pol. This Dionysius 59. ор. cit. p. 13. 60. ix. 18.
61. op. Cit. p. 17.
2. 1265-1267 and f.
6

CEYLON REVIEW
nis, as Cameron 59 puts it, “transcends all om the fact that Diogenes was able to -it looks more like the first verse of the ld seem that he or his source (at one or for the ascription than the four verses as proof of Pythagoras' own prior in- " they go half-way to this by establishing apprehended the possibility.
the anecdote itself can be taken at faceDiogenes himself60 as holding views At the same time, he was a notorious Dstile, so that it is possible that he may be ythagoras, as he did the anthropomorphic for instance. In support of this, Longol ges quoted by Diogenes with this one, all
has, of course, little point unless it can passages of such a nature for some known tranted to treat these verses as of the same les, which are distinctly satirical, unless thinking so. The idea of a man reinI necessarily satirical; it is openly admitted Plato afterwards, and Euripides probably en he made Polymestor predict the same ha, 62 though the change of form (pulopdbîs etamorphosis or shape-shifting popular npsychosis:
πύρσ’ έχουσα δέργματα.
μορφής της έμής μετάστασιν, τις μάντις είπε Διόνυσος τάδε.
e-red eyes shalt you become.
now the changing of my form
told, the Thracian seer.)
200

Page 112
ܢܓܹr
PYTHAGORAS, BIR
If any satire was intended, then, of the dog with Pythagoras, as the Wii in a self-defeating misrepresentation On the other hand, the Verce with wil Open:
νυν αυτ' άλλον έπειμιλ
(And notv I tvill turn to ai
if it had any bearing on the anecdote it that Xenophanes was in all seriousne reincarnation himself
The second is the fragment of Ion ( Pherecydes, i.e. fr. 4, though this is sel goras' power of birth-remembering f couplet of the fragment seems to rest different kind. Once again, we have not free from controversy either.
ώς ο μεν ήνορέη τε κεκασι και φθίμενος ψυχήι τερπν.
/ e
είπερ Πυθαγόρης έτύμως Ο
s A. ανθρώπων γνωμίας είδε FK (
(Thus did he excel in than is dead, he has a blissful existe the wise, learned and knew true
Rathmann, 64 arguing that the qui self-respect (aiocós) more properly a a divine (“theologus), concluded that
grafted to the second pair in later time
63. Shakespeare Titelfth Night iv. 2. 52-62.
Clo. What is the opinion of Pythagoras coi Mal. That the soul of our grandan might Clo. What think'st thou of his opinion 2 Mal. I think nobly of the soul, and no way Clo. Fare thee well. Remain thou still ind ere I will allow of thy wits; and fear t thy grandam. Fare thee well. 64. ор. cit. p. 44 f.
2().
 
 

TH-REMEMBERER
it must have been in the association ld-fowl with Malvolio,63 rather than of the very teaching of Pythagoras. nich Xenophanes poem was Said to
όγον, δείξω δε κέλευθον.
other story and show the way.)
self, far from suggesting satire, shows 'ss and even partial to the belief in
ɔn Pythagoras prophecy concerning dom treated in discussions of Pythaor the good reason that the second his statement on a knowledge of a only four verses extant and these are
w s ܓܫ μένος ήδε και αιδοί όν έχει βίο τον,
V σοφός περί πάντων
\ s αι έξέμαθεν
liness and self-respect, and note that he nce for his soul-if Pythagoras, truly
opinions about all men.)
lalities of manliness (ivopén) and pplied to a hero (“vir fortis’) than the first two verses must have been is from a belief that Pherecydes was
ncerning Wildfowl ? haply inhabit a bird.
approve his opinion. arkness: thou shalt hold the opinion of Pythagoras o kill a woodcock, lest thou dispossess the soul of

Page 113
UNIVERSITY OF
Pythagoras teacher. This seems SC easy extension of the qualities of —the two words together encompas. the Greeks,—there is also reason to Pherecydes with Pythagoras was pri up by Aristotle.
From another Consideration, hov verses, for wherens it seems that the of Pythagoras about Pherecydes, the vation about the reliability of that as did Pherecydes excel in manliness at his soul an existence of bliss: accordin learned and knew true opinions abol
The distinction of what Pythage is in fact Ion's is, however, not bey Ion cites Pythagoras only for the bliss to have, -that is, only for the conte sertion about his high moral attai between this and that afterdeath sta that Pythagoras had only afforded a posthumous rewards, 06 while Ion is instance of Pherecydes to this and ni maintains some such view, but conf in the survival of the soul. Accordin than “If Pythagoras is right about the soul should be enjoying a blessed e. the ‘wisdom” of Pythagoras would
65. See n. 5 above and p. 203 below.
66. According to Chrysippus (apud Aul. Gell self-sought ( αυθαίρετα ). In life, mortal bei and so are souls in bodies; the gods are our warc (Plato Phaedo 61 d—62b). Pythagoras, in the on have taught a 'way of life and is admired for it t Diog, viii. 32) that to the Pythagoreans, the wii moment. The Pythagorean katabasis too must Su oflife and the afterdeath; Alexander (apud Diog. from the katabasis-account, which tells of the d It is difficult to believe that Pythagoras taught delineated by Herodotus ii. 123, or a mechanistic mus fr. 88 (Wehrli), and Porphyry Vit. Pyth. 19, t have been applied by certain later Pythagoreans t
67. Wiener Stud, vol. XLVII (1929), p. 14 n.

CEYLON REVIEW
mewhat farfetched. Apart from the jvopén and aiöcós to the moral field, ing most of the virtues recognized by think that the tradition associating 'tty old, it being subsequently picked
wever, there is need to distinguish these first two verses contain the assertion second pair expresses Ion's own obsersertion. According to Pythagoras, so ld self-respect that in death he has for g to Ion, this would be so if Pythagoras It all men.
ras is cited as authority for from what ond question. One possibility is that ful existence Pherecydes soulis thought nt of the second verse, -while the asnments and any implied connection te, is Ion’s own. Again, it is possible general doctrine about virtue and its responsible for applying the particular aking an assumption. H. Gomperz07 ines Pythagoras' teaching to the belief ng to him, this probably means no more a survival of the soul, then Pherecydes xistence'. In these last two cases, too, matter a great deal to the truth of the
... vii. 2. 12) the Pythagoreans conceived of suffering as gs are as in a prison of sorts (έν TLVt φρουρά), ters, and escape by suicide condemned as wrongful; ly reference to him by Plato (Rep. 600b), is said to by Plato himself, and we learn from Alexander (apud ining of the soul to good or evil was of the greatest rely indicate a strong moral element in his conception viii. 31) has a notice about the dead, which must come ifferent treatment meted to good and evil in Hades.
either a magical form of reincarnation as, is found as is evidenced by Aristoxenus fr. 12 (Wehrli), Eude
hough such concepts of "necessity ( αναγκή Inay o the cycle of rebirth. 3.
202

Page 114
PYTHAGORAS, BIF
assumption, though then Tep Toivta. be understood as “about all men in g individually'.
It is likely that Ion was talking hverses immediately preceding thos these latter seem to be occasioned b hardly have taken it upon himself to br connection with Pherecydes' posthun Pythagoras for the Very fact of that p( for thinking that Pythagoras was asso pupil is this very fragment of Ion, but, cannot have wholly originated from a fact. In which case, it is more probab talking about Pherecydes, on somethi the man than as authority for a genera one at all, Ion himself incidentally (or cydes. Besides, if that general doctri the soul after death, it was popular enol to Pythagoras,—not even where such s state,-so as to require his especial testi
Pherecydes, according to tradition Pythagoras came from Italy and care the account is fictitious, as some think Pherecydes died during the lifetime “flourished in Samos,71 during the late Italy. The comment of Pythagoras W been made at some time thereafter.
what we have here is a prophecy mad Pherecydes, which, after that death ha (provided, of course, Pythagoras, trul make true prophesies on such matters.)
68. See p. 202
69. See Diog. i. 118 who gives this on the authori Vit. Pyth. 56 derives the information from Dicaearchu other than Aristoxenus.
70. See for instance Raven in G. S. Kirk and J. (1957), p. 49.
71. According to Apollodorus, in 532/1 B.C., d said to have left Samos, where he had spent his early (Porph. Vit. Pyth. 9), and to have settled at Croton in position of great authority (Diog. viii. 3).
2
O
3
 

TH-REMEMBERER
dutpostov should more properly bneral rather than “about all men
bout Pherecydes moral qualities in : that we have in the fragment, since some such subject; but he would ing these moral qualities into a causal lous bliss, when he had to rest on sthumous bliss. One of the reasons iated with Pherecydes as a friend or as we supposed earlier,68 the tradition this and could very well represent le that Ion is citing Pythagoras, when ng particular that he had said about doctrine which might apply to any coincidentally) applying it to Pherene was restricted to the survival of 1gh in Greece and in no way peculiar urvival is thought to be in a blissful mOny.
, fell ill in Delos of louse-disease and d for him till he died.69 Even if 70 there is no reason to doubt that of Pythagoras, and if Pythagoras sr part of it, when he had settled in thich we have from Ion must have It might, however, be argued that by Pythagoras before the death of s taken place, Ion talks of as a fact y the wise, had the knowledge to
No One, as far as I knoW, has Sug
y of Aristoxenus. See also Diod. x. 3. 4. Porph. , but Dicaearchus may himself be relying on on
. Raven The Presocratic Philosophers, Cambridge
iring the reign of the tyrant Polycrates. He is life (see Herodot. iv. 95), to escape the tyranny South Italy, where he appears to have risen to a

Page 115
UNIVERSITY OF
gested that this is what must have hap pretation. At the same time, it is in ration based on some claimed power nor the more sure, whereas both thes that Ion thinks he must qualify them
The second couplet, however, f. made this statement from knowledg sensory perception, talks of it as ga sense of this couplet must be: . . . . afterlife); but this seems somewhat by the apparent meaning. Hence thought that by knowing mens' m they deserved a happy afterlife. K Diels 75 he takes Tepi TTávTcov dåv6pa men,’ and understands yvcópulas recently suggested the emendat reading “ . . . . if Pythagoras, truly 1 and saw in these words, not merely a (as Kranz recognized), but also a re. liberate the wisdom', with which Py assertion about Pherecydes, from w. clause, since the latter must be signifi tion of the former.
What is to be remarked in the pr registers Ion's own observation on t appearing about it is strictly his, the st it is taken in the light of Heraclitus made where some have found Io. it does not affect the tradition itselfw in the first couplet. So that the “v learn about Pherecydes posthumou
72. See n. 28 above.
73. “Lesefruchte” Hermes vol. LXIII (1927), p. 2
74. See “Vorsokratisches I und Is’ Herines VC translations of the second couplet are discussed.
75. Vors. I. p. 380. He translates: “. . So ha ichnet und durch Ehrgefuhl, auch nach seinem Tod in Wahrheit Pythagoras der Weise uber alle Mei (jener aber. . . . . . )
76. loc. cit.
2

CEYLON REVIEW
pened, nor is it the most obvious interlot the more remarkable than a declato know about such afterdeath states, e qualities are implied by the very fact immediately afterwards.
ur from Suggesting that Pythagora, had e gained through some kind of extrained by learning from others.72 The if Pythagoras was right (sc. about the obscurely and ineffectively expressed various conjectures. Wilamowitz73 inds, Pythagoras also knew whether ranz74 rightly refutes this; following áTov together to translate ’about all to mean Einsichten. Sandbach76 ion σοφός ός for δ σοφός (thus the wise, who learned and knew ...), In allusion to Heraclitus on Pythagoras, ply to him. This does not, however, thagoras is supposed to have made the
hat is now the content of the relative
cant, and can only be so as a qualifica
esent context is that the second couplet he wisdom and that the notion here abjectivity being even more clear when references. The same point must be in’s “truly (étifucos) sarcastic,-that hich he hands down, with the quotation visdom which enabled Pythagoras to is existence may be of a completely
281. 1. LXIX (1934), p. 227 f, where also the different
t er (Pherecydes) zwar, durch Mannesmut ausgezeie fur Seine Seele ein erfreuliches Leben, wenn denn nschen hinaus Einsichten erfuhr und kennen lernte;
04
ܠ ܐ

Page 116
تھا |
PYTHAGORAS, BII
different nature to that ridiculed by H. them from an impression all his own. an apperception of that remarkable famous, with which he at some time
ಬಡ್ತthi friend of his as a dog :
Bluck 77 cannot be right in thinkir here is in a new incarnation, for this is that he is dead (d56tuevos), but e. expression itself clearly indicating a the fact that it is assured Pherecydes fè it would seem that the allusion is to so incarnation;78 and who would be mo estimate, than the old theologus and h: which Aristotle would best classify as
The legend of Pythagoras, beginn strength with the reference of Emped fair concourse of anecdotes and notice that had grown around other remark. and Pherecydes. Later writers drew u oras, the meagre extant citations from indiscriminately compiling all or had a pupil of his do so, perhaps w known about that man with any degre too was liable to be, (as it actually hap of all sorts.
In these fragments it would appe. predicted a disaster concerning a ship; of Sybaris, the faction which the Pyth a golden arrow in proof of his Apollo
77. op. Cit. p. 67.
78. Arist. De An. A2. 404a 16, Alex. apud Diog. N =Vors. (44. B. 22) are not evidence of an ultimate stat considered undesirable, it is only to be expected that disincarnate existence. See also p. 210 below.
79. See Vors. pp. 98—99= frr. 191 and 192 (Ros Concerning the Pythagoreans ( περί Tóôv II Tu69 Pythagorean Philosophy (περί Πυθαγορ have been limited to Pythagoras' life and teachings studies of the early school which could not be disting
205
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

TH-REMEMBERER
Braclitus, and Ion guilty of Confusing Would it not appear rather to be faculty for which Pythagoras was recognized the metempsychosis of
g that the blissful existence talked of assured Pherecydes, not merely now pressly for his soul (buyit), the lisincarnate existence. Add to this ir his special moral attainments, and me ultimate state of liberation from re deserving of this, in Pythagoras' is own reputed guru in that subject miracle-Working (τερατοποιία.).
ng with Xenophanes and gathering ocles, seems to have swelled into a s which accredited him with much ble men much as Abaris, Aristeias pon the work of Aristotle on Pythawhich 79 suggest that he must have that he could learn about Pythagoras, fith the good reason that little was e of certainty at that time, and that pened) overgrown by later fictions
ir that Pythagoras, like Pherecydes and again, like Pherecydes, the fall agoreans suffered; as Abaris carried nine mission, Pythagoras displayed
iii. 31.=32 and Claud. ii. 7, p. 120. 12 (Engelbr.) of liberation, but where incarnate existence was the goal of endeavour must be some form of
) esp. The title of the work is given in these as γορείων ) , and again as Concerning the kis duooodstas) so that it may not
lone, but included the various doctrines and Luished from those of the master.

Page 117
UNIVERSITY OF
a golden thigh; a story of bilocatio Aristeias; andlike Abaris and Ariste Hyperborean Apollo.
But the notice that Pythagoras c that he was, in a former incarnation and to foreknow his future life as tha Pythagorean and could very well b: is, of course, all too well known, bi that he was, according to the catal a Pythagorean of Croton, and his wi goran women. As for the story its cious about it; quite probably it o passed on to the public who talked mentioned by Xenophanes about P hand, it is evidence of new and other wield his power of birth-recollectii makes it an easy inference that he awaiting himself, it actually implies for themselves the births awaitir
they had already undergone.)
The evidence, then, though sc from the first, Greek reincarnation ciated with a belief in the possibili Pythagoras himself, like the Buddha. of which the central tenet was one reached a state of being in which h. existences. When he exercised the reach as for back as ten or twenty single experience of his in these.
80. Vors. I, p.99-fr. 191 (Rose). 81. Vit. Pyth. 267 = Vors. I. pp. 446-448.
82. In Pali-Buddhism, such a being is know memory of pre-existence pubbenivascinussatiridin “Patisam” of the 12th bok. of the Khud. Nike. : “The r of revealing his various former existences. Thus a hundred thousand existences, ... I know that cended from such a race, ... See also Ashvagc stories of the Jat. Mala. Apparently the Buddha cl see Maij. Nik. i. 482. Compare Sri Krishna in I have lived; I remember them all, but thou d A. K. Coomaraswamy Recollection, Indian an LXIV (1944), pp. 1—18.

CEYLON REVIEW
is told of him which parallels that of
ias at least, he was associated with the
aused Mullias of Croton to call to mind h, the Phrygian Midas, son of Gordias, it of a white eagle,80 is characteristically be old and genuine. Who Midas was ut We know nothing of Mullias except ogue of Pythagoreans in Iamblichus, 81 ife, Timycha, one of the famous Pythaelf, there appears to be nothing suspiriginated in the school at Croton and about it much as they did the episode ythagoras and the dog. On the other
dimensions in which Pythagoras could
ng and birth-recognizing, for while it
could foreknow the birth, or births, that he could assist others to discover g themselves, (besides recollect those
unty, comes out strongly to show that, –teaching, like the Buddhist, was assoty of recollecting past births, and that 82 was not merely a teacher of a doctrine of reincarnation, but appeared to have e could call to mind his various former power of his intellect, it seems, he could lifetimes of men and recollect every On good authority we have it that he
wn as a jaitissara, and the knowledge consisting of the 'a. On the Buddha's capacity, see for instance the ahat is endowed wiht the power called pubbenivasajidna am I acquainted with one existence, two existences, .. I was born in such a place, bearing such a name, dessha's Life of the Buddha on this, and particularly the aimed unlimited retrocognition (yavadeva dkarikhani); the Bhag. Gita iv. 5: “Many lives, Arjuna, you and ost not.’ On the whole question of recollection, see d Platonic Journ. Am. Orient. Soc. suppl. 3 with vol.
206

Page 118
PYTHAGORAS, BIR
was the son of Mnesarchus, and true opinion of antiquity, this ability to tr him by that father of his. There was carnation, Euphorbus who fought in Metaus, and that he proved this by or, more likely, recognized the shield it, in the temple of Apollo at Branch
The Visuddhi-Maggas3 recognizes to mind former “habitations”, but even. of recalling an immense number of Su fragment of Empedocles about Pythagi hardly likely that the Greeks would his cities of time as the lindian reincarnat sonable, at any rate, to attempt asses according to what we find there. O1 technique adopted in calling to mind or less the same, a reaching out (6. intellect in a retrograde order rather thi a reasonable guess that the Pythagoreau of memories of past lives as its ultimat
The fragment of Empedocles is o Platonic anannesis from its associatior prebirth experiences. For Empedocle wealth of intelligence and mastery ove was the result of his unique ability to
83. xiii.
84. Compare the Buddhist method of 'calling method of 'search.( ζήτησις )advocated in Meno collection of one thing to the recollection of all. In is attained immediately prior to entering the ariipaihd cleansed’ (parisuddha-, pariyodata- : see Dīg. Nik. i. 7 it acquires certain extrasensory faculties whereby it i Dig. Nik. i. 82) as well as the 'decease and survival ( his mind to knowing and seeing (Dig. Nik. i. 76). to village where one is able to recall the details of dialogues of Plato, where the objects of anamnesis are recollection is no other than dialectics.
85. On Pythagorean memory-training see Dio op. cit, p. 173, n, 107.
20"
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

TH-REMEMBERER
to his father's name, he had, in the ace his origin far beyond that given a tradition that he was, in one inthe Trojan War and was slain by ecognizing the shield of Menelausto be that of Menelaus upon seeing idae or at some other place.
six classes of persons who could call the lowest of these is thought capable ch. Even if “ten and twenty in the Dras meant an indefinite number, it is lve thought in terms of such immenion-religions. It would be unreaing the potentialities of Pythagoras the other hand, it is likely that the amoing the Pythagoreans was more pegs) with the full powers of the an by an ekstasis of some kind.84 It is memory-training had the recovery e purpose.85
f special significance in the study of I of knowledge with recollection of S quite clearly thinks that the great wise deeds possessed by Pythagoras iraw upon the experiences of earlier
o mind’ described in Vis. Mag. at loc. cit. and the 31c (see n. 86 below) which proceeds from the reBuddhism, it is stated that when the fourth jhana na (formless mystical states) the mind is 'clear and 5–76) and that when the mind is clear cleansed, possible to have a vision of one's past births (see f beings'. The subject is said to turn and direct The whole is compared to a journey from village the journey (Dig. Nik. i. 81). In the subsequent the Forms and no less, the method of awakening
. x. 5 and Iambl. Vit. Pyth. 164 f. See Dodds

Page 119
UNIVERSITY OF
lives. In its earliest appearance, that it some such form, for that which is f recovered, is not the Forms encount Celestial region (υπερουράνιος τό, cular experiences which the soul, inc. had perceived and undergone,—the docles-fragment (—to which Plato these are latent in memory, and lear The memory of the slave boy is not the few years since his birth; it is s intra-uterine experiences of Freudian existences of his soul before it was are, however, no implications of an in the Empedocles-Statement, as Can
Of Mahavira it is said that, be hending all, he knew of gods, men a they go, whether they are born as 1 beings'.83 So, the power of discove six powers of Buddhist abhisia, ht gaining knowledge of the decease a patananaya).89 The earliest piece o
86. loc. cit. Here Socrates asserts: "Are πολλάκις γεγονυία και έωρα κυία και πάντα χρήματα, ουκ έστι θαυμαστόν και περί αρετής και αναμνησθήναι, ά γε και πρότεροι άπάσης συγγενούς ούσης, και μεμ κωλύει έν μόνον αναμνηθέντα -ό τάλλα παντα αυτόν ανευρείν, εάν ζητών, το γάρ ζητείν άρα και τό
(Since, then, the soul is in Hortal and has been boy Hades, there is nothing it has not learnt. No Lwonder things, which it had in fact understood before. For, in thing, nothing prevents the man who has recollected-of
all the rest for himself, if he will be resolute and not u but recollecting.)
87. p. 190 and n. 24 above.
88. Akaran. St. ii. 15. 26.
89. See Dg. Nik. i. 82. With his clear par, being reborn, the low and the high, the fair and t karma. It is said of the Buddha (Maji. Nik. i. that Uddaka Ramaputta had died the previous ni to karma, the form, state and condition of rebirth
2

CEYLON REVIEW
S, in the Meno,86 Platonicanamnesistakes orgotten and needs to be recollected or Iered by a disincarnate Soul in a supraToŞ), but particular things and partiarnate upon this earth in previous lives, existing things (6vta) of the Empeadds the experiences in Hades.) All ning is no more than anamnesis of these. I merely that of his experiences during omething which stretches beyond the psychoanalysis into innumerable other born to the present condition. There ything like an epistemological theory neron 37 would have liked to see.
coming an arahat and a Jina comprend demons, whence they come, where men oranimals, Orbecome gods or helibring the births of others is one of the e who was entered the fourth jhana ind survival of beings (sattanan cutapaf evidence on Pythagoras, the Xeno
__پینتی۔
\ 5 / ́} ሥ / / ? W ούν ή ψυχή αθάνατός τε ουσα και
W w 9) Α. A. W &ሃ και τα ενθάδε και τα εν Αιδου
e A. e s V ν ότι ού μεμάθηκεν ώστε ουδεν περί άλλων οίον τ’ είναι αύτην ν ήπίστατο, άτε γάρ της φύσεως ιαθηκυίας της ψυχής άπαντα, ουδεν δή μάθησιν καλούσιν άνθρωποικαι τις άνδρείος ή και μή αποκάμνη
A μανθάνειν ανάμνησις όλον έστίν.
in many titles and seen all the things in this yorld and in , then, that it is able to recall to mind goodness and other as much as all nature is akin and the soul has learnt every. , as people say, learnt, -one single thing from discovering eary in the search; for searching and learning are nothing
anormal clairvoyant vision he sees beings dying and he ugly, the good and the evil, each according to his 170) that there arose in him knowledge and insight 2.ht. Where there is knowledge of rebirth according
would surely have been known.
208
ཛོ །
嵩

Page 120
PYTHAGORAS, BIR
phanes-fragment, remarkably enough been possessed by Pythagoras of reco but the recognition here is made on
seems to have been evoked by the vic which in Buddhist estimation would his knowledge of the blissful existence
unaided and direct.
Now, the discovery of one's own within them, wherever this occurs, is true of the two instances in the Celtic sa his former existence as Fionn,91 and th there may be some doubt whether th nation as we understand the term, or Althe experiences of the transmigrant self (Öatuay), or a stream of conscious as it takes on different bodies) in all its the being that it becomes at any give capable of exercising, and of exercising of retrocognition. And it need be re. must be of experiences personal to the and clearly not anything that has not ac past existences (on this earth or elsew Pythagoras recollected that he was o appearance of that man's shield, and if a dog was a friend of his in a former ex best inference.)93 he must have rememb his power of birth-remembering. On Pherecydes existence of bliss for ob memory and must rightly be considered of clairvoyance, Such as was claimed te the Buddha and certain other beings of
90). See Coomaraswamy op. Cit. p. 6, f. 91. See particularly the MCirchen. In one story, N death of the hero Fothad. The Fian Caoile returns “We were with thee, with Fionn'. Mongan bids hii with Fionn to be made known. "Mongan, however,
See A. Nutt and K. Meyer The Voyage of Bran, Lond also J. A. MacCullough The Religion of the Ancient Cell
92. The Tale of the Tuvo Supineherds. There is as preserve a remembrance of their former transformati W. F. Skene Four Ancient Books of Wales, Edinburgh (1
93. Note 'for it is the soul of a friendly man ( This is not a case of sheer inference based on somethi howl of the dog, but an actual recognition of the rein the voice merely prompting or assisting the recognitio
209

TH-REMEMBERER
attests a similar power as having gnizing the births of others as well, the instant. On the other hand, it oice of the dog, that is, factitiously, be of a lower order.90 However, of Pherecydes soul must have been
past existences and the experiences a feat of memory (unpui). This is ges as well, that of Mongan knowing lat of the two swineherds,92 though ese accounts are actually ofreincarof the popular Celtic shape-shifting. ro (be that a “Soul" (/buxní), an “occultness which takes on different 'selves prior lives can be drawn upon by in incarnation, if only that being is : to the requisite degree, the power marked that all such retrocognition transmigrant or what it has learnt, crued to the memory in any of those here) or in the present one. Thus ince Euphorbus and recollected the his friend who was reincarnated as istence of his, (though this is not the pered the voice of this man through the other hand, his knowledge of vious reasons, cannot derive from birth-recognition based on a power have been possessed by Mahavira, high mental attainments.
Mongan has a dispute with his poet regarding the from the dead to prove him right, and he says, in be silent, because he did not wish his identity was Fionn, though he would not let it be told'. on (1895-97) vol. I, p. 45 f. text and transl; see is, Edinburgh (1911) esp. p. 350 f. kilful fusion here, because the reborn personages ons. See MacCullough op. cit, p. 353; and see 868) vol. I. pp. 276 and 532
V / s / έπει ή φίλου ανέρος έστίν ψυχή...) ng similar in the voice of that friend and the carnation of that man's soul, with that quality of i.

Page 121
UNIVERSITY OF
According to Aristotle,94 the P chings, observed a distinction of 1 men, gods and “beings like Pythago1 the wheel of births, in Pythagorean know, though certainly the daemon such status.95 All that can be known On the other hand, the category of between men and gods, must descri liberation from incarnation, here on 1 was surely recognized as another Su Empedocles equates himself when he god, a mortal no more (Geds duf3p
We need not go into all the attri thought to be endowed with, but i gamins, or non-returners to the worl of birth-remembering, as the instance and perhaps also knowledge by clai But, as in the Indian religions, this
thought of as y accidental or a privi individuals, but one that could be ex the necessary degree of mental con of retrocognition. Thus Pythagoras own past births and become, like his
The notice about Mullias, how collecting past existences; it goes on ti Mullias was able to foreknow the exi eagle. If the presupposition is that b means and in the same manner, it m tion is of that which is experienced is by precognition of that which is
94. Vors. I. p. 99 — fr. 192 (Rose). 95. Frr. 146 and 147; see also fr.
96. Fr. 112 vs. 4; see also fr. 113; he claims
/
περίειμι πολυφθερέων ανθρώπων). has 'suffered the suffering', 'paid the penalty for return to the world of composite things. Like the coincide with death; he may continue his 'residua out his sentence and removed the cause of reb) Buddhism, London (1962), p. 27. Superhuman as in India, Empedocles claiming to be able Pythagoras and Pherecydes.
م/

CEYLON REVIEW
ythagoreans, in their most secret tearational beings into three categories, as'. Whether the soul liberated from
teachings, became a god, we do not
of Empedocles ultimately enjoys soline ཁོད།
is that it enjoyed an existence of bliss. beings like Pythagoras, which comes be those who are on the threshold of his earth for the last time. Pherecydes ch, and it is to some such status that already talks of himself as “an immortal οτος ουκέτι θνητός).96
butes that such a being may have been t would appear that these Greek anad of men, claimed this singular power es of Pythagoras and Empedocles show, rvoyance of the birth-states of others ability of birth-remembering was not illege and exclusive to certain chosen kercised by all those who had acquired centration and observed the technique i was able to assist Mullias to recall his mself, a birth-rememberer.
rever, is more than an instance of reɔ say that, under Pythagoras assistance, istence awaiting him, that is, as a white oth discoveries were made by the same ust be mistaken; for while retrocogni
and thus in memory, foreknowledge
still to be experienced. Such a dis
112 vs. 4, and re. this, n. 96 below. to excel “all perishable mortal men’ ( θνητών
As the so-called Orphic Tablets would put it, he
deeds unrighteous. Such a being would no more Buddhist arahat, his realization of divinity need not 1’ existence for many years, but since he has worked rth, he will no more be reborn. See E. Zurcher, powers were associated with such beings in Greece to perform similar feats as were associated with
210

Page 122
PYTHAGORAS, BIR
tinction is observed in Buddhism wh regard to the past the Tathagata's cc his memory, while with regard to the ledge resulting from enlightenment. the Pythagoreans, like the Buddhists,
of the past, restricted precognitive knov only so much being possible where th
modifiable and modified by that which
There is no trace of birth-recollecti passages of Pindar which deal with reir docles claims the same power that ht pretends to foreknow the life awaiting notion of recollection is notably taken u of reincarnation and used as an eschat. problem of epistemology,—how is ki we must both know and not know:1 the recollection of personal and partic with Pythagoras, at length becomes the - Acountered by the disincarnate soul b in the first instance, 102 though in defe regollected must always be what has b time or other, Plato sees to it that these
97. Dig. Nik.iii. 134. Here in the Pasadika Sutta may say 'the Recluse Gotama has a limitless knowledg regard to the future'... See K. N. Jayatilleke Early pp. 468-469. (Refer Aristotle on Epimenides in p. 2 98. Olymp. ii. 53—83 and fr. 127 (Bowra) = fr. 1. 99. See n. 19 above.
100. See fr. 112 vs. 4 and frir. 113, also 146 and inference of the Buddha arising from the enlighten iii. 134).
101. Meno 80e ft. The erisitic argument has bet a man to seek either what he knows, for he knows it a or what he does not know, for he does not know w think this contention sound, but instead of a direct immortality of the soul and its ability to recollect all
102. Phaedo 72e-77a; Phaedr. 264a f. The Me reincarnation, even though already Plato must have Forms; the fact that if all our previous lives were on ledge would not be solved but only thrown back, is Sophists' paradox, this theory is a prey to it. The Forms to particulars and solves this by a 'separation ( for anannesis in this work and is of paramount signifi R. E. Allen “Anamnesis in Plato's Meno and Phaedo" See also F. M. Cornford Principium Sapientiae Cambri
211
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

H-REMEMBERER
in the Buddha explains that “with sciousness follows in the wake of future the Tathagata has the know... '97. One also wonders whether while claiming limitless knowledge ledge to the life immediately ahead, nature of each existence is greatly immediately precedes it.
in or birth-recognition in the extant Carnation-eschatology, 98 but Empe
admires in Pythagoras'99 and also him at death.100 Thereafter, the by Plato together with the doctrine logical basis for the solution of the owledge possible if it implies that 1. But with him, that which was llar experiences of past incarnations recollection of the Foms themselves efore it fell into incarnate existence rence to the fact that what can be een built into the memory at some Forms are encountered by the soul.
it is said, “It is possible that other heretical teachers e and vision with regard to the past but not with Buddhist Theory of Knowledge, London (1963), esp. 16 and n. 9 above).
33 (Bergk).
47. If this is inference in his case, it is like the ment that this is the final birth... (Dig. Nik.
in suggested by Meno 'that it is not possible for ind there is no need of a search for such a manhat he shall seek’. Socrates, however, does not rebuttal, he makes a digression concerning the that it had seen in previous lives. to kept recollection well within the context of realised that the objects of recollection were the evel wi h the present one, the problem of knownot taken care of there; so far from solving the Phaedo recognizes the epistemical priority of the
χωρισμός). This is the core of the argument
ance in the Platonic metaphysics and ethics. See Rev. of Met, vol. XIII (1959), p. 167 f and 171; ge (1952), p. 57.

Page 123
UNIVERSITY O
At the same time, the power of ret to Plato an exceptional and exclusi achieved superhuman excellence, logical process active in all alike in nothing more than recollecting or C

CEYLON REVIEW
ollection of such prebirth visions is not 7e power acquired by beings who have ut is reduced to an ordinary epistemoill instances of Cognition, learning being alling to mind that which was forgotten. t్న
___خچہ --------؟ ܕ ܐ .
MERLIN PERIS
212

Page 124
Book Reviews
By Chitra Tiw, Ranna Pp. 102. Published by Motil
This work represents the results of a piece of degree of the Benares Hindu University under the g Head of the Department of History. Considering characterize such publications, it is a pleasure to re both as a sustained piece of research and as a trustw a criticism be made in that respect, it would be only way to a cocksureness' which is hardly in keeping tained in the greater portion of the book. This is pa while discussing intricatę historical and linguistic p (p. 8), the origin of the Šūdras within the Āryan fo, invasion' (p. 18), etc. Perhaps a more pointed criti students of the subject, that the work as an objectiv by the Sidras etc. suffers from a surfeit of emotion lot of these unfortunate compatriots. As B. S. Upa and a piece of research” (inside jacket), and the 'obj study of a historical problem could lend itself to suc
The authoress presents her ideas lucidly in an a an Indian writer. But lapses are found in idiom, u of the word “desideratum” (pp. 1, 8), and the sentenc not show any satisfactory completion. Instances ( (or the printer's devils 2) are not absent as in 'synor of Sanskrit words appear wrong, for instance, misrst Inukhabaharupadatah (p. 19). Several references can ချိန်မျိုါ။ (e.g. 3, 6 on p. 19, 6 on p. 17 etc.). Cle
2. outh on p. 22).
Notwith Standing Such defects, the work cạn b standing of the social and political status of the Sidr Manusmrti.
The clear type-face and the attractive format en
Science, Culture and Man. Edited by Hon’ble Justice B. P. Sinha, Chile Published by Motilal Banarsidass, Firs
This volume of essays by several distinguished of one by the noted writer on Parapsychology, Dr outcome of addresses delivered at the Science Semin New Delhi, in 1962. The nature of the ideal set be dedication of these essays to "The Lord Maitreya among the Indian intellectuals that both specialists krishnan, students of Religion, Theosophists etc., at F.R.S., should collaborate in an undertaking of this the revival of the most conspicuous trait of the ancie scientific or cultural was pursued with one sole aim.
21.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

ri, with a Foreword by Sri Jagjiwan Banarsidass, 1963. Price Rs. 10.00.
2search undertaken by the authoress for the M.A. tidance of the late Dr. R. S. Tripathi, Professor and the marks of immature scholarship that generally ord that the present work is not devoid of merit rthy presentation of the relevant data. In fact, if o point out that at times the authoress seems to giv fith the attitude of balanced judgment that is mainrticularly manifestin certain of her statements made oblems such as the interpretation of Vedic varna d (p. 12) and 'the pan-Germanic myth of a German isin could be made, at least by the less sympathetic 2 assessment of the Indian cultural problem posed as evinced in the Writer's enthusiasm to better the thyaya remarks the work is "at once a social service ctive critic may well ask whether a truly scientific h a dual rôle.
tractive and forceful English style which is rare in sage and construction. One is puzzled by her use e beginning "The various epithets. ... (p. 9) does if this type could be multiplied. Faulty spellings imous (p. 17) and exegency (p. 22). A number th for misrstah (p. 22) and Haukhabdhurupadatah for not be traced according to the figures given in the ar cases of proof-reading errors are also there (e.g.
e regarded as a useful contribution to the underas etc. during the limited period represented by the
hance the neatness of the publication.
O. H. de A. W.
by Bepin Bihari, with a Foreword Justice of India. Pp. xviii + 163. Edition, 1963. Price Rs. 10.00.
scholars and scientists of India (with the exception J. B. Rhine of Duke University, U.S.A.) is the ir organized by the Maitreya Theosophical Centre, fore the seminar becomes abundantly clear by the odhisattva'. It is characteristic of present trends in the humanities, philosophers like Dr. Radhai eminent scientists like Professor T. R. Seshadri, Ort. Perhaps this Symposial venture indicates just it Indian tradition whereby all knowledge whether namely, the sublimation of humanity.

Page 125
UNIVERSITY OF
The problem of the connection between scien interest but has a great significance for man in t all-important problem or some aspect of it. Profe Philosophy and Religion' is especially noteworth main thesis in no uncertain terms: In science, the laws, to know the ultimate, and to know that by also the purpose of philosophy and religion and tha one, and are best considered different sides of the si not be reminded of the source inspiring the idea the Chandogya Upanishad (6.1.3) a philosopher-far you are conceited, think yourself learned, and are what has not been heard of becomes heard of, wh: has not been understood becomes understood 2' I that the terms 'science', 'philosophy and 'religion ultimate Truth is essentially one. Whether we a that the modern world needs urgently a much mol than we are prepared to admit at present.
From the modern point of view, Professor dealing with the impact of technology on society i. hope that "a common culture of man will emerge as technological advances) between various societies C usher in a beginning of an evolution of a close-kni World” (pp. 30–31). This, in fact, is the sentiment ru those by convinced Theosophists whose essays, un in the precise formulation of ideas.
Professor Rhine gives an admirable summary gories and methods with which Parapsychology function in personality-a psi energy to be hypo points out that "it is no great jump from the bro theory to the notion of a special state of energy t (p. 65). Referring to the fact that psi energy does better known forms of energy, he says 'For the notion of a state of energy operating out of the cur effects, the signs of "work being done', are there. invented.” Further, he surmises psi energy 'to op of the organism, though on an unconscious level ( possible relationship between this hypothesis of P notion of the Unconscious, students of Early Buddhis bring out an analogy with a leading concept of Bu
These essays will interest all those who wish to restated in India in an attempt to bridge the gulfb. vague but none the less well attested “spiritual” me (and possibly other) traditions.
The printing is quite satisfactory and the getbe desired.
2

CEYLON REVIEW
è, religion and philosophy is not merely of academic is atomic age. Most of these essays deal with this sor Seshadri's paper on Borderline between Science, in this connection. His concluding words puts his refore, the goal has been to discover the fundamental (nowing which all others become known. That is unites them all together. In fact they are essentially me coin' (p. 90). Students of Indian thought need y knowing which all others become known. In her advises his son: “Svetaketu, my dear, since now proud, did you also ask for that teaching whereby thas not been thought of becomes thought of, what ollowing this teaching a little further, one may add are merely 'verbal distinctions, names' and that the ree with such a conclusion or not, the fact remains e purposeful coordination between actions and values
hacker's study of Technical Progress and Culture a most valuable contribution. He ends with the a result of close contracts (brought about by modern f the World. And.... Science and Technology will t federation of mankind, the evolution of " One inning through every one of these contributions, even fortunately, fall far below the level of these others
of whatever conclusions are possible as to the cateat present works. He argues for a 'non-physical thesized in the same way as physical energies. He ad concept of energy as it now prevails in physical hat is not interceptible by any of the Sense organs (not regularly relate to time, space and mass as do the Imost part, physicists themselves do not balk at the rent familiar framework of concepts. After allie
I was for this that the concept of the energies was erate with intelligent purpose within the personality p. 66). Leaving aside the intriguing problem of the rofessor Rhine and the generally accepted Freudian in may find here some food for thought and perhaps Iddhist psychology.'
gain an insight into the kind of thought that is being :tween the perceptual modes of knowing and the still thods of apprehension recorded in ancient Indian
up of this neat little volume does not leave much to
O. H. de A. Wijesekere.
14

Page 126
諺
|4 ,
 
 
 

Page 127
Printed at the Ceylon University Press, Colomb and published by K. D. Somadas
 

by R. L. de Alwis, Printer to the University, Librarian, University of Ceylon.