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DR. GEORGE TH
University of C.
| Vol. XXIII, NoS. I & 2
Pythagoras Desc
posthumous reward and retribution reincarnation which metes them in incarnations upon this earth itself. Fol reincarnation-religions, (whether it be th: form of religion which holds a single life C that is eternal, or whether they have ev. some other primitive belief) often admitt |Jူမျိုးမျိုးမှ without any consciousness o
any religious theory concerning thes
from this, and particularly with the Greekri in Hades is as importantas the central tenet
to have been appreciated as the more imm or which all preparation must be made ar to the mystical induction of the initiate from a descent to Hades by the master | κατάβασις ές άδου.
Among the Greek descents to Hades and the Attic hero, Theseus. But neither somed into a religious doctrine of the aft wise. Nor yet is anything except the tr found in the descent of Odysseus, (if it can Macchioro 1 is right that much of the Nek polation. On the other hand, the earlie associate him with a descent to Hades 2 bu and orgia which quite clearly pertain t
* 1. From Orpheus to Paul. I ondon (1930), p. 35.
the Orphic katabasis are Od. xi. 235—327 and 538—626
2. See Eur, Al. 357-362; the famous sculptured Kern Orphicorum Fragmenta. Berlin (1922) Test. 59 and ( s.v. Orpheus, p. 1194 and esp. J. Heurgon, 'Orphée et E | d'histoire, XLIX (1932) p. 34 f.; Plato Sym. 179d; Isoc.
3. Hdt. ii. 81; Eur. Rh. 941—945; Plato Prot. 3 Orphic fr. of unknown date cited by Olympodorus. In | 364b—c, and 366a—b; (Dem.) xxv, 11; Diod. v. 64,
with I. M. Linforth's observation in his The Arts of Orph 102, also p. 167–170 for a summary of the conclusions
indicates that this material appeared in writing in certai
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

ANSYAPALLA
eylon Review
April–Oct. I965
ent to Hades
oul can dispense with the notion of in some other place, it is that of ome form or other in subsequent this reason it is remarkable that at they have developed from that in earth followed by an afterdeath olved directly or indirectly from he feature of an afterdeath in their f superfluity or redundance. Far sincarnation-teachings, the sojourn I of reincarnation itself and appears Linent and fearful perill of the soul ld all care taken, while it is bought
as a μυστικός λόγος resulting himself or an elect, -the reputed
the earliest are those of Heracles of these, as far as we know, bosterlife, reincarnationistic or otheraditional concept of Hades to be be called a descent.) even granting yia in the Odyssey is Orphic interit references to Orpheus not only t also with the institution of teletal o death and the afterlife.3 As
The verses he suspects as interpolations from
relief at Naples (Brunn-Bruckmann pl. 341= liscussion ofit by Gruppe in Roscher's Lexikon urydice avant Virgilé, Melanges d'archeologie et Bus. X. 7 f 16d; Rep. 364e-365a (see in this connection Plat. Phaed. p. 87, 15 Norvin), also 363c-e, 4; Theophr. Char. xvi, 11 f. = Diels Test. 207 us. Berkeley & Los. Ang. (1941) esp. p. 68 and from the foregoing evidence. The evidence
ιροι λόγοι in the form of poems.

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Linforth4 has shown, the evidence an Orphic teaching of reincarnat the regimen of Vegetarianisms attı imply it, make it probable tha story of his bringing back his wife, be a naive mythological expressic myth which helped develop it, an implication which detractors, wh venture or was deluded and foiled
With Pythagoras, however, the tradition concerning the desc evidence, scanty though it be, co of reincarnation was held by one y same evidence, far from associati. has no clear testimony about such a to details of Hades begin to appea and belief in Aristotle and the lat confidence that those among them from a mystical work based on a the tradition is an old one. Such thesis, even if a reasonable one, yield some evidence on this that of certainty.
Fortunately there is a single alludes to this episode, though it
4. op. cit. ch. 1.
5. Arist. Frogs 1032; Eur. Hip. 952-95
6. A Study of the Doctrine of Metempsych Jersey (append. II. p. 89—92. However, it i: choosing new lives in the Republic's myth or E
is to Orpheus bringing back the dead from H
and the plural toys tethvecotas).
7. In Eur. loc. cit., which is the earliest alla ported by Isoc. loc. cit. The Naples-relief is Sympositin-version that Orpheus is sent date) a lyre-player), the association of his descent w he was deceived with a phantom because he d. The version of it most familiar to the general and even here the warning against looking bac 8. See Xen. fr. 7; Emped. fr. 129; He cited, is not evidence of a teaching of reinca.
alludes to Pythagoreans μυθο t which concer.

F CEYLON REVIEW
before 300 B.C. has no direct reference to on, but the abstinence from killing and ibuted to Orpheus, even if they need not t the doctrine was a very old one. The Eurydice (or Agriope), from Hades must
in of this doctrine, or more probably the
d it is quite likely it is this reincarnation D make it appear he either failed in this 7, aim to ridicule.
the difficulty lies rather in showing that 2nt itself is old and genuine. The early mes out strongly to show that a doctrine who could well be Pythagoras. 8 Yet this
ng a descent to Hades with Pythagoras,
descent itself. Even so, when references
ir in the notices on Pythagorean teaching er sources, it is assumed with increasing which appear genuine ultimately derive Pythagorean descent to Hades and that a descent must however remain a hypounless the early sources can be made to
might help to establish it with a degree
piece of evidence on Pythagoras which appears there in so garbled a form and,
3; also Plato Laws 782c. sis in Greece from Pythagoras to Plato. diss. Princeton. N
s interesting to note that one of those who are shown ris Orpheus himself, while the reference in Isoc. loc. cit.
ades as a regular practice; (note the imperfect ανήγεν
ision to this story, Orpheus is successful, and this is supcapable of different interpretations. It is only in the ή , but the contrast with Alcestis, his effeminacy, (being ith his death at the hands of women, the very idea that ared to go down to Hades alive, make the story suspect. reader appears in Vergil in the fourth Georgic 516-523, k may reflect the well-known Pythagorean taboo. it. ii. 123, also iv. 95-96. Hdt. ii. 81, though often "nation. Cf. also Arist. de anima A3. 407b20 which
in souls investing different bodies.
AV
2.
ܢܝܠ2

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S
ᏫᏚ .
.N. own C. cit.
уєи
Supin the being a that spect. -523,
often which
PYTHAGORAS” DESC
even at that, as concerning a different pe
overlooked. Indeed it has greater signif
often as not dismissed as of no relevanc carnation, it is the only piece of early Pythagoras by name with a teaching however, is to concentrate on deriving
showing that the tradition of Pythago1 early as the time of Herodotus' writing associated with Pythagoras even before I would also like to remark the same descent receives from its first appearance descent-account of Orpheus, a treatme the hostility and suspicion of the ortho new religions.
The passage I refer to is Herodoti writing on the remarkable belief of im known as the Getans, who think that to their daemon Salmoxis, sets aboutg about this as follows :
V 2 ܓܘ ώς δε εγώ πυνθάνομαι τών τόν Ελλ
A. V حصبر Πόντον, τον Σάλμοξιν τούτον εόντα δουλεύσαι δε Πυθαγόρηι τώι Μνησά, ελεύθερον χρήματα κτήσασθαι συχνά, υτού, άτε δε κακοβίων τε εόντων τά τον Σάλμοξιν τούτον επιστάμενον δι
M a ή κατά Θρή ικας, οια Ελλησί τε ο ασθενεστάτωι σοφιστήι Πυθαγόρηι, πανδοκεύοντα τών αστών τους πρώη ώς ούτε αυτός ούτε οι συμπόται αυτς
s A. s 3) eA حصبر αποθανέονται, αλλ' ήξουσι ές χώρον
V s s V A. (τα) πάντα αγαθά, ενώι δε εποίει τ εν τούτωι κατάγεoν oίκημα έποιεί,
s VA ܔ s οίκημα, εκ μεν τών Θρηίκων ήφι κατάγεον οίκημα διαιτάτο έπ έτε
e صبر V επένθεον ώς τεθνεώτα τετάρτωι δε
3 ܡܨܠ
 
 

ENT TO HADES
son, that it is not surprising that it is icance than this, for though it is as e to the study of Pythagorean reinevidence that is capable of linking of this sort. What I intend here, from it the necessary testimony for as descent to Hades was at least as and that this could well have been he established his school at Croton. peculiar treatment the Pythagorean : in our evidence as I observed of the nt which is, no doubt, the result of dox and the Sceptical alike of these
us iv.95-96 in which the historian, mortality among the Thracian tribe they do not perish but at death go iving another and different account
A. A. Y ήσποντονοίκεόντων Ελλήνων και άνθρωπον δουλεύσαι εν Σάμωι, οχου, ένθεύτεν δε αυτόν γενόμενον
ܵ V a. e κτησάμενον απελθείν ές δε τήν έωύν Θρηίκων και υπαφρονεστέρων, αιτάντε Ιάδα και ήθεα βαθύτερα
/ V ۔صبر\ μιλήσαντα και Ελλήνων ού τώι κατασκευάσασθαι άνδρεώνα, ές τον τους και ευωχέοντα αναδιδάσκειν, ύ ούτε οι εκ τούτωναιεί γινόμενοι τούτον, ίνα αιει περιεόντες έξουσι V V 97 ܓ ά καταλεχθέντα και έλεγε ταύτα, e V e A. SM V ο ώς δε οι παντελέως είχε τό A. V V s V ινίσθη, καταβάς δε κάτω ές τό e V α τρία, οι δέ μιν εποθεόν τε και
έτει έφάνη τοίσι Θρήιξι και ούτω

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πιθανά σφι έγένετο, τα έλεγε ό εγώ δε περί μεν τούτου και του ούτ’ ών πιστεύω τι λίην, δοκέι Σάλμοξιν τούτον γενέσθαι Πυθαγ
(As I learn from the Greeks who inhabi was a man and a slave in Samos of Pyth, his freedom he amassed a great deal of And in as much as the Thracians led in moxis, who had come to know the Ionial the Thracians by his association with
among the Greeks, Pythagoras, constru leading citizens and, at a banquet, inst nor their descendants would perish but . live for ever and have all the good thi mentioned and saying these things, he
chamber. And when this uvas complet cians, descending into the underground And the Thracians mourned him as d among them and thus gave credence to they say he did. As for me, I neither the underground chamber, but I think t Pythagoras.) i
The Ionian way of life (8 citt acquired and which appears to have ment of the common banquet in a subject, must have been what he ow possible that, as J. S. Morrison9 Sug: Aoyot in this manner, though it is of the school, vouchsafed only to t
9. Pythagoras of Samos C. Q. vol. L (1956),
10. See lamblichus Vit. Pyth. 267 and Porphy of Pythagoreans, the so-called "learners (μαθη though they seem not quite clear what this dist responded to the two types of Pythagoreans, (see Schol. on Theocr. 14.5) the latter leading at heard the teachings in outline while the learners' terms suggest, not on any knowledge about th religions suggest that the "hearers' here too are t (i.e. the most 'secret,) teachings. It is the silenc (see Isoc. xi. 29; Diog. Laert. viii. 5; Iambl. Vo

CEY LON REVIEW
Σάλμοξις, ταυτά φασί μιν ποιήσαι. καταγέου οικήματος ούτε απιστέω ω δε πολλοίσι έτεσι πρότερον τόν νόρεω.
the Hellespont and Pontus, this Salmoxis agoras, son of Mnesarchus. Upon gaining money and returned to his own country. an lives and were rather foolish, this Sala way of life and more serious practices than the Greeks and, not the weakest of wise cted a mens-hall in phich he received the ructed them that neither he nor his guests would come to this place where they would ngs. And while he was doing the things was all the while making an underground e, he vanished from the sight of the Thrachamber and living there for three years. ead. But in the fourth year he appeared what he had said to them. These things believe nor disbelieve much this thing about that this Salmoxis lived many years before
a lás), which Salmoxis is said to have had something to do with the arrangemens-hall followed by a discourse on a ed to the Ionian Greeks in general. It is gests, Pythagoras himself discoursed on doubtful whether the Secret teachings he innermost circle of Pythagoreans, 10
p. 140. ry Vit. Pyth. 37. Both agree that there were two groups ματικοί) and the hearers' (ακουσματικοί), inction implied. These two groups must have corthe Πυθαγορικοί and the Πυθαγορισταί ascetic life. Porphyry thought that the "hearers' only studied them closely, -and he is going on what these e matter. On the other hand, other such mysteryhose to whom were vouchsafed the 'ear-whispered',
e attached to these that was proverbial in antiquity it. Pyth. 199).
4.

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ryed'', ity
PYTHAGORAS” DESC
were imparted in same way. Be that practices (76ea Ba.6 frepa), which c Salmoxis taught and the deeds b to his guests (at 6avd. Odi), that the Pontus saw him emulate Pythagoras to him.
The Salmoxian teaching is const neither he nor his guests nor their descer would come to this place where they good things. That he was alone in the is hardly meant to suggest that it was clearly shows that it was to be equal descendants. Nor need the fact that of the country mean that it did not app obvious reasons, this may in a way re gorean circle). So that we may infer deeds (c) that they would die and go they would return to the earth in their
Longll dismisses this passage out Pythagorean doctrine of reincarnatior In this he is notably in agreement with Salmoxis promised his audience was ir did was to reappear in his own for, Getans used to practise immortali general impression later writers14 too and kindred peoples. Nor is it a doct tality that is attributed to Salmoxis in ti
11. ор. cit. p. 8. 12. See his review of A. Cameron's The Pytha Am. J. Phil. vol. LXI, (1940) p. 359 n.1.
13. iv. 93 and 94. 14. Strabo iv. 197. 4; Val. Max. ii. 6. 10; P Am. Mar. xv. 9. 8. Jul. Caes. 327d etc. Caesar, wri of them that they do not believe that their souls peris (ab aliis . . transire ad alios). It is possible Caesar is : peoples for reincarnation. Diod. V. 28 Supports a te his comparison of it to the teaching of Pythagoras he in Eur. Hec. 1265 f, which Rohde (Psyche: transl. by supports such a belief will, on closer examination, b
also Linforth o OI A 69) A NATIZONTES”

ENT TO HADES
as it may, it is in the more serious learly included the kind of thing y which he made them credible Greeks of the Hellespont and the and thought he owed specifically
ituted of two statements, (a) that dants would perish, but (b) that they would live for ever enjoying all the experience he pretended to undergo xceptional to him, for this teaching y true of his guests as well as their he addressed only the leading men ly to others. (Apart from the more flect the exclusiveness of the Pythafor men in general from Salmoxis" beneath the earth, and (d) that later
own form.
of hand as of no relevance to the since he finds no such thing here. Cherniss 12, who points out that what mmortality after death and what he n. According to Herodotus 13, the ty (d0avatt (ecy) and this is the have of the belief of the Thracians rine of reincarnation but of immorhe account about him which appears
gorean Background to the Theory of Recollection in
omp. Mela iii. 2. 19; Lucan Phars. i. 454—457; ting of the Druids in de Bel. Gal. vi. 14.5 observes in but upon death pass from one body to another mistaking the belief in shape-shifting among these aching of reincarnation, but it is easy to see from w he has come by his informat on. The allusion W. B. Hillis. Lond. (1925), p. 264 and n.) thinks e found to be an instance of metamorphosis. See
Cl. Phil. vol. XIII (1918), p. 23—33.

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in Plato's Charmides.15 Thereis, ho this account and the one preceding the blessed immortality is enjoyed
it and give the suggestion that the been twisted to make the Salmoxis For, whereas the preceding acco observes), that Salmoxis was a god must be quite dead, the story we ha Hellespont and Pontus clearly indi (ήξουσι ές χώρον τούτον) in their S enjoyment of all the good things, earth itself, 17-even perhaps some here said to have reappeared among ing been mourned for as dead. ( was able to give them, however fo was thereafter in enjoyment of all the Thracians believed their dead themselves.)
Some of the elements of this
given in Strabo 18 that Salmoxis was to be a god and took abodein a “certa in Mt. Kogaeonon, deceiving the whom he gave counsel. But all ti Salmoxis must have received cult it fact may have proved him to be a self to the fiction of his concealme incidentally, Herodotus himself rig. this cave, or any other such place, v to which their dead went.
15. 156d. 157c.
16. s. v. Zalmoxis in The Oxford Classical II
17. See also Phot. Suid. s. v. Ζάλμοξις φασιν οιχεσθαι, ήξειν δε αύθις.
θύουσι δε και ευωχούνται ώς also Pomp. Mela ii. 18: “alii (sc. inter Thrac which returns to earth as the “animae” of the di tation. In his interpretation of the "absurd pr gradually drawn to the same view; see op. cit. Zeus, Cambridge (1925) vol. II, p. 227) finds in fearing of the Thracians, the simulated death, t debris of the very doctrine we are investigating apotheosis.”
18. vii. 3.5

CEYLON REVIEW
wever, a significant discrepancybetween it in Herodotus on the point of where which might throw initial suspicion on true features of the Getan belief have -story conform to some other material. unt in Herodotus suggests, (as Rose of the dead and that to get to him one ive subsequently from the Greeks of the cates that the dead return to this earth ame form and that immortality, with the is to be enjoyed somewhere upon this where in Thrace itself. For Salmoxis is his fellow Thracians on earth after havOne may seriously doubt whether he plish they may have been, proof that he the good things. Nor is it feasible that were even then upon the same earth as
story may be discovered in the account in fact a man who afterwards pretended in cavernous place (αντρώδές τι χωρίον) people to the advantage of the king, to hat it is safe to assume from this is that this mountain cave and that, while the god of the dead, it may also have lent itnt in the underground chamber (which, htly suspects). It is hardly likely that vas held by the Getans to be the Elysium
Dictionary. Oxford (1949).
V s A. e Α.
τους αποθανόντας ώς Ζαλμοξίν και ταύτα άει νομίζουσι αληθεύειν, otiზ0 us ήξοντος του αποθανόντος, s) redituras putant animas obeuntium’; taking that ad easily gives the doctrine a reincarnation-interpreagmatizing fable' of Salmoxis in Herodotus, Rohde is p. 263-264. On the other hand A. B. Cook (see his this 'rationalising story' evidence of apotheosis. "The he promise of immortal bliss, -what are these but the ? Salmoxis, like Pythagoras, stands for the caldron of
a

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PYTHAGORAS” DESC
The Salmoxis-story in Herodotus authors but, as we see, Herodotus him to discredit it altogether when he rema Pythagoras. But the very fact that Sa this purpose, is made the slave of P between Thracian and Greek being on palpably impossible, and the implicatio in the 'more serious practices, (under must come), to Pythagoras makes it : and doings as belonging to Pythagoras for is not what is indicated the princ the same time, it should not surprise us t put upon the implied doings of Pythag Hellespont and the Pontus preen themsel had not been deluded by some trick o own 'divine man and despise the gu victim to that man's pupil.
Now, when we turn to Pythagoras fact that the soul did not perish at dea there is no conflict between his teaching there is evidence that, like Salmoxis, he for the soul, and it was to be enjoyed in a physical existence upon this earth it consequent on a single life on earth nor for merit. 19 On the other hand, Sa dead, which, if anything, was embarassi immortality of eternal bliss associated gruent with the Pythagorean doctrine this earth being sooner or later return and the long period of absence are to
19. Ion fr. 4. Bluck cannot be right when he s. p. 67) that the blissful existence talked of here is to bei
not merely now that he is dead (φθίμενος), but
the fact that it is assured to none other than Pythago and it would appear that the allusion is to an ultin Pythagoras, Birth-Rememberer U.C.R. vol. XXII. no. 2 50 remarks that "without this completing touch. Pyth promise of a final attainment of Nirvana. The ref place) by Hermes (dyeodal tds kadapds (l hist. apud Diog. Laert. viii. 31, however does not after each life.
20. See Guthrie A History of Greek Philosophy C recovered on the twelfth day (Rep. 614b), Thespesius C within a period of two nights and a day (degen. Soc.
7

ENT TO HADES
is accepted without demur by later elf throws sufficient doubt on it as rks that Salmoxis lived long before lmoxis, being even humanized for ythagoras, (the usual relationship : of slave and master), when this is that Salmoxis owed his education which his teachings and doings here natural to expect similar teachings as would have inspired Salmoxis; iple like master, like slave"? At o find an unfavourable construction goras, seeing that the Greeks of the ves on the score that their fellowmen other practised on them by their lible Thracians for having fallen
, we know that he too accepted the th but was immortal, and thus far gs and that of Salmoxis. Similarly, : too envisaged a life of eternal bliss some other state and place than in self, though, in his case, it was not yet for any who did not deserve it lmoxis' return to earth from the ng to the teaching of a posthumous
with him, would indeed be conof reincarnation,-those who die on. ed to it. The impression of death be noted in favour of this.20 But it
ys (see his ed. of Plato's Meno. Cambridge (1961) in a new incarnation, for this is assured Pherecydes, expressly for his soul (ψυχή t). Add to this ras' own guru and for his high moral attainment, ate state of liberation from incarnation; see my (Oct. 1963), p. 201 f. Rohde op. cit. p. 399 n. agoreanism would be like Buddhism without the rence to pure souls being led to the highest (s.c.
A V A €ዖ - vxàs) ETT ì Tòv ől vortov) in Alex. Polybertain to this, but to the assignment in Hades
mbridge, vol. I (1962), p. 159. Er, we are told,
n the third (de sera num. vin.563d) and Timarchus 590a-b).

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is when the question is asked how ceived the ruse of the undergro1 teaching of reincarnation by rea than by being born anew, that it be definite traces of a katabasis and th wise, misconstrued this katabasis prove the doctrine of reincarnatio)
The classical descents to the have been made through a cave o entrances to Hades are such.21 B earliest form, would have been th Even Odysseus, who in fact does him, digs a pit22 which symbolize Menippus,23 who is also made to wards provided a fissure in the ea is believed to have used the entr while Vergil's journey to Hades or used to call Aornos.25 What i we can go by the Timarchus-myth recognized as essentially psychic, rather than a physical region, the terranean cave. This may not be a
21. See Rohde op. cit. p. 186 m. 23. Man
ψυχομαντεία for consulting the shades of
23. Od. xi. 25.
24. Paus, ix. 30. 6; cf also Hyg. 88 p. 8 verses 962-973 of Eur. Rhesus in which the Mi soul of Rhesus so that he shall not have to go upper world (βλέπων φάος) as man-god land with silver viens (Thrace), even as the Ba Mt. Pangaeum, a god revered by those
and she is confident that Persephone will acced honour to any friend of Orpheus. Nock (Th points out that Orpheus was not consciously ri
was an unidentified figure like Salmoxis. A being concealing himself in a cave (κρυπτός S’
worshipped as a god (σεμνός 6eós) , -aIC 11 Pythagoras story being brought into associati Rhesus 2
25. Aen. Vi.. 236-242. 26. degen Soc. 590a. He descends into the reputed as an oracle (шаитєіои) in which th

F CEYLON REVIEW
Pythagoras, if he was the one who conind chamber, hoped to substantiate his pearing on earth in his own form rather comes evident at once that we have here at someone has, mischievously or otherof Pythagoras as a crude attempt to
thereby.
underworld in Greek religion seem to subterranean cavern and the traditional Odily descents, which were certainly the bught to have been made through these. not descend but has Hades served up to the underground cavern, while Lucan's emulate Odysseus, is in fact soon afterrth whereby he descends. So Orpheus ance in the land of the Thesprotians,24 iginates from the cave which the Greeks s most interesting, however, is that-if in Plutarch26-even when the descent was and perhaps Hades itself a psychic state hero experiences the descent in a subusine-qua-non of katabasis, for the famous
y of these places were famous as νεκυομαντεία ΟΙ the dead.
4, 19-20 Sch. Remarkable in connection with this are Ise says she will prevail upon Persephone to release the to the lower world but instead continue to exist in the
s - - - (ανθρωποδαίμων), lying hidden in a cave in a cchic prophet hath taken up abode among the rocks of who know (σεμνός τοισιν ειδοσιν 6eós),
e to her request because she is under obligation to show e End of the Rhesus. Cl. Rev. vol. XL (1926), p. 184 f. garded as a god and suggests that the Bacchic prophet
who is man (div6portos) and also deity (δαίμων) έν άντρο ts) instead of going to Hades and being ot all these all-too-familiar features of the Salmoxison with the descent of Orpheus through his cousin
crypt of Trophonius at Lebadeia in Boeotia, which was e divine message was learnt through incubation.

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PYTHAGORAS” DE
journey of Er, narrated in the Republi but it is quite probable, in view of the tus, that the Pythagorean descent too this may have given occasion for times to parody the claimed Pythagor into a cave. Nor is it surprising went on to suggest that the whole ti trine of reincarnation by a cheap tr katabasis the soul returns to the same bc body, which is reincarnation. The is course owe itself to the ingenuity of Pontus, who were in a position to kr Greek Pythagoras as well as the TI facilitated, if not inspired, by the sup tality of these two and their common; chamber.
There is little doubt that Pythag criticism, and even ridicule, from his when we consider that the descent of way as to obscure its true meaning not surprising that Pythagoras desce of his detractors. Hippasus, we lear pulvo Turcòs. Àóyos travestying Pytha the title attributed to the work, (if parodied the descent account and th and the very context in which the wo that the reference to Pythagoras as a dotus must be rendered in a sense tha
27. loc. et. Er died in battle. Similarly Th (égé0 avєи) from concussion, having fallen from as in death, the soul is thought to exit from the cro were disjoined and opened’ (Plut. loc. cit.), this pl. *Brahma-randhra”. cf. Katha Upan. ii. 6. 16) in In the two parietal bones articulate, and is examined departed hence.
28. See p. 12 f. below.
29. Heraclitus called him “king of Swindlers” 40 and 129; Ion of Chios fr. 4 (re this see p. 10 bel Diog. Laert. viii. 7. I cannot agree that Xen. fr. 7 as is generally believed.
30. apud. Diog. Laert. loc. cit.

SCENT TO HADES
C, does not originate in this manner,27 Salmoxis-Pythagoras Story in Herodofollowed the traditional pattern. And letractors, like Hermippus28 of later ean descent as no more than a descent
if they did not stop at that but ling was an attempt to prove the docick, little respecting the fact that in dy instead of beingborn anewin a new mposition of this on Salmoxis must of the Greeks of the Hellespont and the low something of the teachings of the hracian Salmoxis, their work being erficially similar teachings of immorassociation with a cave or subterranean
goras and his teachings faced a lot of very contemporaries onwards.29 But Orpheus itself was narrated in such a and even bring him to disrepute, it is nt suffered the same fate at the hands from Heracleides Lembus30, Wrote a goras' teachings, and judging from there was such a work), it must have he descent itself. In the light of this ords appear, I cannot but help thinking софиотijs in our story from Heroit is anything but complimentary.
lespesius (Plut. de sera num. vin; loc. cit) 'died away
a great height and struck his neck. In such katabasis, wn of the head whereby the sutures or seams thereof ace being known as the 'Aperture of Brahma' (Skt. dia and Tibet, the line of the sagittal-Suture, where by the Lama at death to determine if the spirit has
s / (κοπίδων αρχηγός): see fr. 81. See also fr. ow) and fr. 2 in the light of this; also Hippasus apud is a satire of Pythagoras’ teaching of transmigration,

Page 12
UNIVERSITY OF
It would appear, then, that the to Hades was abroad at the time til Greeks of the Hellespont and Pontus the doctrine of reincarnation were as still in Samos, -that is, even before South Italy. Though there is no as docles was influenced by Pythago) concept of this world, which to hi roofed Cavern (άντρον υπόστεγον) cave-Hades descent, though it is hard ration for Pythagoras which almost cynically treated the Pythagorean H:
There is, however, better evic Sophocles, for as the Scholiast ad. I Pythagoras in mind when he made (
τι γάρ με λυπεί τούθ έργοισι σωθώ καξενέ δοκώ μέν, ουδεν βήμα ήδη γάρ είδον πολλά λόγω μάτην θνήσκονη έλθωσιν αύθις, εκτετ
(For where's the harm to When really I am alive, To my thinking, no rum, Why, I have seen men o Have themselves falsely 1 They come back home, h
Here too the Pythagorean desce return in the same form, and the who too Pythagoras is classed as a goqb people worth emulating, such chical
31. fr. 120. wilamowitz (“Die KA69AF (1929) p. 636) takes this "unaccustomed place (ας judgement to which the daemon went at dea (Quaestiones Pythagoreae, Orphicae, Empedocleae dis
find a conception of hell in Empedocles” teachings and rightly understand the place of chastening as t

CEYLON REVIEW
tradition of the Pythagorean descent hat Herodotus made contact with the ; and that not only the descent but also sociated with Pythagoras while he was he established his school in Croton in surance of the extent to which Empeean teachings, it is possible that his m was the equivalent of Hades, as a 31 owes something to the Pythagorean ly likely that he, who showed an admiamounted to veneration, would have ades as no more than a cave.
lence for the Pythagorean descent in oc. observes, the poet must have had Orestes in his Electra (vs. 59-64) say:
9 €ዖ V
, όταν λόγω θανών γκωμαι κλέος, ι συν κέρδει κακόν. κις και τους σοφούς
ጭ/09 €/ A. ας, είθ, όταν δόμους V ίμηνται πλέον,
be spoken of as dead, and gather fame thereby. our hurts if it profits us. fien, men uvho are uvise, reported dead; then, when again onoured the more).
int is treated as a pretended death and le thing is viewed as a deception. Here 5s, and even if Orestes thinks such nery would hardly allow the word to
PMOI des Empedocles S.P.A. W. Phil. hist. Klasse
rυνήθης χώρος of fr. 118) to refer to a place of
th after each incarnation, and similarly Rathmann s. Halle (1933) p. 100-101) and Long (op. cit. p. 59) Most recent scholars, however, follow the ancients his earth itself.
IO

Page 13
htS
PYTHAGORAS DES
be translated as ‘wise rather than ‘cui this the only other place in the early on the 'wisdom' (oodburi) of Pythag learning that gives not intelligence, a of Chios too is being sarcastic when
- 9 s A. e V 33 Wise (έτύμως ο σοφός).
There is a single reference in Arist detail of Hades which says that the de; Though other such details may have Concerning the Pythagoreans attributed the other hand, the Peripatetic, Hierol goras Went down to Hades, 36 even ift that he is said to have seen there is inspired by Plato's condemnation of men unfaithful to their wives, a subt in the school. Similarly the descent c ment of the Pythagorist, a Middle Col the Pythagoreans alone of the dead ar with Pluto in Hades. These Pythag ridicule in Middle Comedy, appear and to have kept alive the religious t and it is not unlikely that much of the visions came from them. At the San been the invention of comedians, detr A lot of this material would have a Things in Hades (tept tov éu “A.
32. Fr. 40 and 129; also in the light of these, fi
33. Fr. 4.
34. Aín. Post. B11. 94b33.
35. See Diels–Kranz Die Fragmente der Vorsokr lection of these.
36. Fr. 42 Wehrli.
37. 377df. The same accusation is found in ticism of Greek theology began with him, though shoulders of Homer and Hesiod for the old concer sinners hung up in Hades is found in Gorgias 525c7 loc. (Cf. Vergil Aen. vi. 740). Probably Hieronym the idea from the references in Plato. See on this I. goras Paris (1926), p. 80 f. and see Heracleides fr. 74
38. See Diels-Kranz op. cit. p. 480.
39. See the collection of fragments from Midd which refer to them as pale, unshod and eating hun

CENT TO HADES
nning or, at least, 'shrewd'. Nor is 2vidence in which aspersions are cast goras, for Heraclitus calls it “much polymathy,32 while some think Ion he refers to Pythagoras as “truly the
Totle’s extant works to a Pythagorean ad are frightened by thunder there.34 been preserved by him in the work to him,35 nothing else survives. On nymus of Rhodes admits that Pythahe punishment of Hesiod and Homer not above the suspicion of being them in the Republic,37 and that of le allusion to the presence of Women of Pythagoras is referred to in a fragmedy play of Aristophon, 38 in which 2 said to enjoy the privilege of dining orists, who are a popular subject of to have been ascetic philosophers39 teachings and practices of the school, growing information on the descenthe time, a great part of it must have 'actors and unscrupulous biographers. ppeared in the work Concerning the 8ov) attributed to the resourceful
* 81.
atiker 6th ed. Berlin (1951-52), p. 98-99 for a col
Xenophanes (see esp. fr. 11) and it appears that crı
even then the blame was being laid squarely on the
tion of the gods and heroes. A detail of desperate
| see Dodds” ed. Plato’s Gorgias. Oxford (1959) n. ad
us derived it from Heracleides of Pontus who took Levy Recherches sur les sources de la légends de PythaWehrli.
le Comedy plays in Diels-Kranz op. cit. p. 478-480 ble fare, which includes nothing that has had life.

Page 14
UNIVERSITY O)
Heracleides of Pontus, 40 though he descriptions of Hades through attributed to Pythagoras which ena riences, 41 and thereby confused the after each incarnation-a confusior
lCW.
Most interesting in view of the Herodotus is the story attributed for this too, while it confuses kata, that the whole thing about the Py and the crude imposition of a char whether Hermippus had an indepel would have had here an independ Pythagoras which Salmoxis is allege if Hermippus or his source (at one Herodotan account, it shows that katabasis there and also associated it
According to Hermippus story subterranean dwelling (katd ysoi and record all that transpired outs notes down to him until he should : time afterwards, came up withered into the assembly and declared that read out his experiences to them. wept and Wailed and looked upon him their wives in the hope that th and so they were called Pythagorea
The story purports to explain school of Pythagoras, as perhaps the husbands in Hades mentioned by
40. Diog. Laert. viii. 4—5= fr. 89 Wehrli. in prior incarnations, Aethalides, then Euphorb fisherman, before he was born as himself; that the gift of remembering all his soul underwent this 'and the wandering of his soul, how it transi
come, and all that it underwent in Hades, and all thi
* Αιδη έπαθε και αι λοιπαί τίνα
41. For a study of the evidence on this, see C. 42. Viii. 41.

CEYLON REVIEW
himself attempted to account for these the remarkable memory (uvmui) pled him to recollect his prebirth expeatabasis with the soul's passage to Hades which was, as we saw, not altogether
insinuation in the Salmoxis-anecdote in to Hermippus in Diogenes Laertius, 42 asis and reincarnation, broadly implies hagorean descent to Hades was a hoax latan and a humbug. We do not know ident source for this.-in which case we ant account of the supposed doings of d to have imitated. On the other hand, or more removes) derived it from the aven the ancients detected features of a with Pythagoras in the first instance.
, Pythagoras, on coming to Italy, made a Kúo Kov) andenjoinedhis mother to note ide, and at what hour, and to send her ascend. She did so. Pythagoras, some and looking like a skeleton, then went he had been down in Hades and even The people were so affected that they nim as divine, going So far as to Send ey would learn some of his doctrines; Il VVO1)C1.
how there came to be women in the inclusion of the torments of unfaithful Hieronymous. In this connection it is
According to him Pythagoras claimed to have been us, then Hermotimus, and finally, Pyrrhus, a Delian when he was Aethalides he received from Hermes that when he was Euphorbus, he used to tell about ligrated and into how many plants and animals it had
V
É other Souls avait there. (και όσα ή ψυχή ○エノ e
υπομένουσιν) meron op. cit, and my article referred to in n. 19 above.

Page 15
r
1Ꮾe ul
}e11 an
Out had
@以
PYTHAGORAS” DESC
worth noting also that the fake descent Italy and not sometime when he was st able, however, is that Pythagoras here gi by reading out to the assembly what that is, what his mother had passed do what had gone on on earth during his co of his recollection of the past; only vision of Hades to this feat of memory reputed memory of the past with the the same time he maintains the traditi as a thoroughgoing piece of chicaner story of the descent finally appears
of carrying letters to the dead, which dotan account of messengers being sen land of the dead. (This is also paralleled among these people of casting letters ad pyres with the expectation that the de them). If this is so, needless to say, the Pythagoras and the Getan Salmoxis has
As was mentioned earlier, Pytha become the content of a pu vơ Tu kòS À it may have been this that Hippasus is a in that case, have described the travail account of Er, what is laid in Store fo primarily served as a guide for the di Orphic Tablets. 46 From this work mu:
43. Vit. Pyth. 178. His source for this may be the probably comes the allusion to a judgement in Hade or two elements that are genuine, as, for instance, the
τόπος) in Hades where murderers are punished.
44. V. 28.
45. Similarly later observers reversed the positio See Hermippus apud Jos. contra Ap. i. 22.
46. These tablets are described by Comparetti and printed by Kaibel in his Inscriptiones Graecae Sicili to the fourth and third centuries B.C. See also J. Ha Cambridge. ed. 3 (1922) p. 572 fand the appendix b
I3

CENT TO HADES
here is alleged to have been made in ll in Samos. What is most remarkres proof of his having been in Hades had happened ( τα συμβεβηκότα), wn to him through notes,-that is, cealment. Clearly this is a parody , where Heracleides imputes the , Hermippus associates Pythagoras (pretended) descent to Hades. At onal attitude towards the descent 7. On the other hand, when the in Iamblichus, 43 the idea is used may have been inspired by Herot by the Getans to Salmoxis in the | in the practice Diodorus 44 observes dressed to dead kinsmen into funeral parting soul might carry them to singular relationship of the Samian been reversed.45
goras' descent-visions would have Óyos or a Book of the Dead and leged to have parodied. It would, of the soul upon death and, as the ir the good and the evil there, and ead in the manner of the so-called st come the observation in Herodotus
Alexandrian doctor, Androcydes, from whom also S (op. Cit. 155; 179). It may however contain one
separate place for the impious (τών ασεβών
as and made Pythagoras the pupil of the Thracians.
in The Petelia Tablet J.H.S. vol. III (1882) p. 111 lae et Italiae, Berlin (1890), p. 157. He assigns them Irrison Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, y Prof. Murray in p. 659-673.

Page 16
UNIVERSITY OF
of the Pythagorean avoidance of wo scraps of information on the things especially the eschatological mater. unlike the psychological account in a layer of old and genuine Pythagor
The question of whether the leg appeared in the account of his dest his experiences in Hades appeared has been discussed fairly thoroughly of little more than conjecture. Roh former was the more likely 50, but in by G. Ettigs, came to favour the la anamnesis included Something about
In our opinion, however, these have been kept as distinct from each though this is not to imply that the H of the rebirth of souls, (they are fol Timarchus and Aeneas), or the escha of the doctrine of reincarnation and i not be remarkable if substantiation v that very form of religious doctrin discovering through it a Hades in v for the good and the wicked, soul 'sorrowful weary wheel of rebirth a
bodies.
47. ii. 81. Here Herodotus, talking of the ta they agree with the so-called Orphic and Bacchic, for it is unholy for anyone who partakes in these
sacred account (ιρός Adiyos) mentioned CO1CC the translation and interpretation of this passage.
to be a "legend' and Egyptian, while Kern (see h Fragmental p. 249) treats it as a book, and Orphic o to be to a written account and of the Egyptians, bu
too included these matters in ιροι λόγοι of th 48. apud Diog. Laert. viii. 31-32, (έκρ ld 49. op. cit.: append. X, p. 600-601. 50. Die Quellen des Iamblichus in seiner Biogra
51. Acheruntica Leipz. Stud. vol. XIII, p. 289. 52. Psyche append. X. p. 600,

CEYLON REVIEW
plat burials, 47 the more genuine of the in Hades in Aristotle and other sources, al in Alexander Polyhistor48, (which, ermixed with it, seems to come from ran material.)
end of the previous lives of Pythagoras ent to Hades, or, vice-versa, whether in an account of his previous lives by Rohde and others, 49 but on the basis ide once took up the position that the view of the decisive objections raised ter and assumed that the Pythagorean the things in Hades'.52
two acquisitions of knowledge would
other as their modes of acquisition,-- ades-visions did not include visions etc. Ind in the accounts of Er, Thespesius, tology revealed by them any evidence ts associated features. Indeed it should was sought in and through katabasis for e that makes especial use of katabasis, which, in addition to what is prepared s not eligible for liberation from the tre returned to earth once more in new
MERLIN PERIS.
boo on wool in burials and at temples, says, "In this which are really Egyptian, and with the Pythagorean; rights to be buried in woollen clothes. There is a
ning these.' There is a great deal of controversy on Linforth op. cit. p. 49 esp. takes this ιρός λόγος
is Orpheus: Berlin (1920), p. 3 n. 5 and Orphicorum r Orphic-Pythagorean at that. The allusion appears tit makes it likely that the Orphics and Pythagoreans
air own.
θείσαν δ’ αύτην.......... κτλ.)
hie des Pythagoras” Rh. Mus. vol. XXVI (1871) p. 558. f.
I4

Page 17
臀鳍
aS
2S
58.
The Gift of
HILE traversing the dimly V V the older forms of land tenu occasion to consult literatul the most exciting periods in the histo and fascinating to one whose fragme confined to a few dates and names. T temporarily forgotten and it was abs that has led to this article. A lawy hand to writing history without so1 there stood out an event which pron apart from its historical importance.
When the King of Ceylon, Dh. I597, decided that his successor shoul of Portugal he took a decision which which had a lasting effect on its histo by means of a Donation, a Ratificati and these involved solemn ceremonie documents which came into existence to be constitutional documents of f came as a surprise to learn that not in beyond noting their general content documents in the background of the also to give a critical analysis of the intent goes an apology for venturing into the field of Ceylon history.
Dharr
The central figure in this dram Emperor of Ceylon. In an age of st heroes—Māyādunne, Rājasiņha, Vīc Edirille-Dharmapala was indeed a negative one. No deeds of valour, v ciated with his name, nor did he displa

a Kingdom
lit corridors of history in search of re in the low country, the writer had e dealing with what must be one of ry of this country. It was both new ntary knowledge of the period was The original purpose of the search was orption in the history of the times er, however, will not dare turn his me excuse; in this case, fortunately, ised to be professionally interesting
armapala who reigned from 1551 to d be no kinsman of his but the King was momentous for the country and ry. This decision was implemented on, and a Nomination by Last Will, S. notaries, deeds, witnesses, etc. The can without exaggeration be claimed rst rank importance and therefore it luch attention had been paid to them
This article attempts to present the a chief characters and the times, and ir contents. With this statement of to make some amateurish excursions
napala
is Dharmapala, King of Kotte and irring events and legendary Sinhalese iye Baņdāra, Vimaladharma Sūriya, n important figure but a curiously ictories, or military strategy are assoy any of the qualities of statesmanship
5

Page 18
UNIVERSITY OF
of the day. These were times wh dealing were the accepted tools of stat in his policy of collaboration with t king who came under Portuguese in only adopted their religion but affect as well, and he kept court in truly we kings were moved by sentiments of to fight the foreigner, Dharmapāla foi them by difference of upbringing
deep-rooted sense of obligation to his life of this lonely figure must be knc
the historic documents connected with
Dharmapala, the elder son of Samudra Devi was born in IS39.1 chosen by his grandfather as the succ the king's sons by an inferior queen.2 king after his death against the rival cla enlisted the aid of the Portuguese w. friendship. Negotiations with Portu of an embassy from Kotte to Lisbon Portugal's confirmation of the nom evidence that Portugal acted with circ as to the rule of succession although it decision was based on political expedi I542 (or 1543) in distant Lisbon an in prince was crowned with much ceren as heir to the throne of Kotte.5 An of the King of Portugal, probably dra to embark on its return voyage, confi
1. This date is assigned by Ferguson, 413, n.5.
2. The rule of succession governing kingship i of a grandson was in keeping with tradition. See P to the Dutch Governor Falck in 1769) quoted in Pic
3. Text of the ola conveying this request is gi
4. The King of Portugal was even advised by h. pala was found not to be the legal heir. At the san pala's nomination by Bhuvanekabahu was contrive their position in Ceylon. Pieris and Fitzler, I. Doc.
5. The year of this eventis given by Ribeiro, 9. place in the following year. Perera, 26, makes it Ma to in the text above.

CEYLON REVIEW
in intrigue, treachery, and doublecraft but Dharmapala was consistent le Portuguese. He was a Sinhalese uence at an early age and soon not 2d their manners and way of living tern fashion. When other Sinhalese patriotism, if not actual self-interest, ind himself inevitably ranged against und religion, and above all, by a protectors. Something more of the wn before we can fully understand his name in their true perspective.
King Bhuvanekabahu's daughter While he was still an infant he was essor to the kingdom of Kotte over
To secure the throne for the young ims of Mayadunne, Bhuvanekabahu ith whom he was then on terms of gal culminated with the despatch soliciting the favour of the King of ination of Dharmapala. There is cumspection and had inquiries made i is probably true to say that the final ency.4 Thus it was that in the year hage in gold representing the infant lony by John III, King of Portugal, Alvara (royal order or letters patent) wn up when the embassy was about med the nomination of Dharmapala
not clear but it is possible that the nomination eris, I. 85; Kandyan Customs, (being answers given is, I. 523.
'en in Queyroz, 234.
Council to repudiate the confirmation if Dharmae time there is room for suspecting that Dharmaby the Portuguese as a means of strengthening D
as 1541 but Ferguson, 119, n.5, suggests that it took ch 12, 1543, or the same date as the Alvara referred
the h
CXI
No tio!
P.
relig
Hop
P Dha IP
en
oth is on Feud. acce: being

Page 19
THE GIFT OF A
as the successor of the King of Ceylon the East" to render him all support and a him from all those who attempt to impe
Bhuvanekabahu died at the hands and Dharmapāla was Without delay pro guese factor in Colombo playing no sin king who was only twelve years of age a Vidiye Bandara, a proud and fearless ascended the throne when he was dealt able to recover and which in large meas cised over him and the affairs of the coul his reign. On hearing of Bhuvanekaba in India, Noronha, came to Colombo, King's death. His real purpose, howe treasure on which his covetous eyes ha no time in seizing and forcibly carrying silver, precious stones, money and othel kings that he could lay his hands on. E spared and the plunder which was estir pardoas was packed off in ships to Go. these acquests Noronha forced on the which the latter undertook to pay a lar expedition against Mayadunne. Nor which the king robbed as he was found Noronha is also credited with having ex tion of the overlordship of Portugal.9
6. For the original of the Alvara, see Schurhamme in Pieris and Fitzler, I. Doc. 13. The Rajavaliya's reci country by giving the same into the hands of the Port religion. (Upham)
7. A number of these ships were reputedly wrec Hope.
8. Noronha was brazen enough to give a compl of Portugal. In a letter to John III he says that what Dharmapala's failure to become a Christian, which, he of Portugal for supporting Dharmapala's claims to th against acting in any way discreditable to the Portugu countrymen in Goa did not share his view. See the demning Noronha. Pieris and Fitzler, I. Doc. 63.
9. Perera, 30. But Couto and other writers do 1 of the alleged" vassalage' of Sinhalese kings to Port is one deserving closer study. In the first place it ha feudal concept took when transferred to the intern accepting some of the reasons given for this voluntary being fired, the payment of a tribute of cinnamon in
II 7

KINGDOM
und called upon the Portuguese in ssistance he may desire and protect de or oppose the succession.6
of an unknown gunman in ISSI claimed king at Koțițe, the Portuall part in the proceedings. The it the time had as Regent his father
man. Hardly had Dharmapala a blow from which he was never iure accounted for the power exerntry by the Portuguese throughout nu's death the Portuguese Viceroy Ostensibly to enquire into the late ver, was to grab the dead king's d lain for some time. He wasted away from the capital all the gold, treasures of the ancient Sinhalese ven the royal apartments were not nated at several hundred thousand and Lisbon.7 Not satisfied with young king an agreement under ge sum of money for a Portuguese Onha demanded a pre-payment the greatest difficulty in satisfying.8 tracted from Dharmapala recogni
and Voretzsch, I. Doc. 5. A translation is found ord of this event is that it "brought ruin on the tuguese, and likewise poured contempt upon the
ked off the coasts of Cochin and Cape of Good
etely different account of his actions to the King he did was in consideration for his overlooking alleged, was a condition laid down by the King e throne. He sanctimoniously adds that he was ese Pieris and Fitzler, I. Doc. 59. Buthis own letter from the Mesteres of Goa to John III con
not refer to this. In any case the whole question Igal from the time of Vira Paräkramabähu VIII s never been made clear exactly what form this tional sphere. Secondly, there is difficulty in subjection, e.g. the hearing of a Portuguese canon exchange for protection. Finally, although the

Page 20
UNIVERSITY C
The effects of Noronha's dep recovered from the blow to his finance expeditions against his ene for help. The Portuguese who v of the king's plight first got rid O them was proving troublesome Regent. The latter was more trac anbassadors to Lisbon where he of Portugal with the hereditary of Ceylon. 10. He was also the firs hold to be converted. From th was no better person to counsel to regret this decision for Dharm: guese. Dharmapala who earlier became a Christian taking the na gal. 11
A great deal of Dharmapala to restore his lost fortunes. He and Lisbon had the grace to blu pretending to treat the matter a reprehended and ordered to retu pay the value of anything sold. only a pretext at complying with than a fraction of what Was tak promises of payment in instalmet the Viceroy, Francisco Barreto, ar. the King of Portugal in Goa in IS sion that the king of Portugal w thing, because the State had spent the way of help." Dharmapa Portuguese Captains, officials, and
letters of the Sinhalese kings to the King of Pe
of subjection there is nothing in either the lett was dealing with any other than a friendly cq. 10. Alvara of March 16, 1543. Schirhan 471.
11. Dom Joan, Don John, Don Juan are { Sinhalese form. The date of Dharmapala's co in 1557. Ferguson, 172-3. Pieris, I. 138,501. 12. In Noronha's favour it must be said removed by him. Couto, 150
13. Couto, 166.

)F CEYLON REVIEW
radations were lasting for the king never fortunes. He did not have the money to mics and had to depend on the Portuguese Vere anything but slow to take advantage f Vidiye Bandara whose hostility towards and appointed his brother Tammia as table having been one of Bhuvanekabahti's had been specially favoured by the King office of Chief Chamberlain to the kings it important personage in the royal housee point of view of the Portuguese there the young king and they never had cause apala Soon became a puppet of the Porturesisted attempts to convert him finally me of Dom João after the King of Portu
's life as king was spent in vain attempts protested against the plunder of Noronha 1sh at the misdeeds of their Viceroy by is a "loan to Noronha. Noronha was in what he had taken from the king and 2 Unfortunately for the king there was
these orders for he did not receive more in; as for the balance there were vague its. When his demands became insistent ranged for a law suit to be brought against 58. This unusual action ended in a decias not under obligation to pay him anymuch more on fleets than he had sent in la had also fallen prey to the wiles of other servants who contrived to divert
rtugal in their Portuguese versions are couched in terms ers or actions of the King of Portugal to suggest that he
lal. inter and Voretssch, I. Doc. 14. For translation, Pieris, I.
pther versions of his new name, the last being a popular nversion and baptism is not certain but it was probably
that he had a detailed inventory made of the treasure
I 8
fac
- SI
the of
| tՆ7C

Page 21
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THE GIFT OF A
the money due to him into their own orders for payment of money in their of having supplied him with goods, oftel. Portuguese in Goa who were niggardly i belonged to him found no difficulty whe in favour of their own men and gladly Dharmapala was allowed to operate a 'b for him by the Portuguese, the only Sn. right tô withdraw the money himselfor impossible situation of being a pauperiz factor at the same time.
After Kotte was abandoned in 1565
with the Portuguese in Colombo his f given a house and an allowance or pe Portuguese since only a few royal village of fleecing him continued. 14 True, rep a stop to this extortion (not so much, o king as of the Portuguese exchequer in the practice continued right up to his di of the principal character but the imme events took place will help us to acqui In 158o, the year of the first donation, Rajasimha and the defenders were redu. querque arrived from India with a relic his kingdom Dharmapala had virtually the future held no hopes. As in the cas liberally when his position was seeming kingdom when hardly any sovereign rig the donation was ratified three years late power and Dharmapala's position had a king who was prevented from makin kingdom to his protectors.
14. As Ferguson, 102, n.2, puts it, he lived" under thirty years.'
15. Express prohibitions against obtaining grants Ferguson, 166, n.3), King Dom Sebastian (Couto, 242 taken by Philip was that the money owing to the king his past liberality. But Philip insisted that the king
enjoyed Portuguese hospitality.
I9

KINGDOM
pockets by extracting from him favour, sometimes on the ground by way of gifts and favours. The n returning direct to the king what sin it came to honouring his drafts debited it to his account. In short ank account with the money held ag being that he did not have the close the account. He was in the ed monarch and a generous bene
and Dharmapala took up residence rtunes declined further. He was insion for his maintenance by the is were left to him. But the practice eated attempts were made to put ne suspects, in the interests of the Goa) but there is little doubt that eath. 15 Not only the background diate circumstances in which these re a better understanding of them. Colombo was under the seige of ced to desperate straits when Albeving force. When he gifted away ceased to rule over his country and e of his personal fortunes he acted gly most hopeless-he donated his ghts were left in him. Even when r Rajasimha was at the height of his not improved. The irony is that g grants of money should gift his
Portuguese protection (and extortion) for over
of money from the king were made by Barreto ), and King Philip (Couto, 167). The position (on Noronha's account) had been exhausted by should continue to receive a pension while he

Page 22
UNIVERSITY (
Th
The fact of Dharmapālas di of a deed in favour of the King facts long before the supporting kingdom cannot be considered an of similar gifts during roughly t a document in the royal archive today to reconstruct the events th was a Portuguese deed and it ap Historic Tragedy of the Island A translation of this into English shed in 1889.17. The translator was the Portuguese period and \ Care and accuracy and thorough stics.” 18 The writer feels fully Version for his analysis and all til doubt on account of the impor in translating but, as he says, 't closely as possible, even to the pe almost entire absence of punctua easy reading and differences in th dificulties in construing the doc only gives the details of the donat ing to its genuineness and reliabil
A fact which emerges on a c. Portuguese deed in the Lisbon . signed by Dharmapala. A study its origin and significance. The the whole is in the form of a na further. In the first part the na of the deeds of our Lord the King
չnot Dharmapala), and he gives a
16. Queyroz., 530, says the King of Port Dharmapala himself is reputed to have receiv marriage. Couto, 258. Ferguson, 256 n.6.
17. The Orientalist, Vol. III, p. 28.
18. Ceylon Literary Register (Third Series),

DF CEYLON REVIEW
III
e Donation
onation of his kingdom and the existence of Portugal were established as historical evidence was available. The gifting of a unique event for other instances are known he same time. 16. It was the discovery of es in Lisbon that makes it possible for us at took place almost 400 years ago. This peared as an appendix to Ribeiro's "The of Ceylon' published in Lisbon in 1836. was made by Donald Ferguson and publiwas a scholar whose chosen field of study whose 'historical studies are noted for the ness which were his foremost characteriustified therefore in accepting this English he more for the reason that Ferguson, no tance of the document, took no liberties ried to follow the Portuguese original as eculiar use (and disuse) of capitals and the tion. Naturally this does not make for
e style of writing deeds have added to the
ument. But this faithful translation not tion but contains internal evidence testify
ity.
areful reading of the translation is that the archives could not be the original deed of the structure of this document reveals document is in three separable parts and irrative, each part taking the story a step rrator is Antonio Ribeiro “notary public ; in this said city' (i.e. the King of Portugal, account of the act of donation and how
ugal acquired the kingdom of Pegu by gift inter vivos. 2d the kingdom of Kandy as dotal property on his second
Vol. I, p. 1.
2O
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of
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Wert See

Page 23
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US This The 836. bliudy the teriglish 11O irties all as
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Step
ublic
ugal, how
Vivos, second
THE GIFT OF A
deed came to be written. This is the ma same notary is the narrator of the second what preceded is a copy 'well and faithfu The notary also relates that four copies Captain Manoel de Sousa Coutinho “in Realms of Portugal by four ways."19 bearing the notary's public seal. The t by Dr. Jorge de Cabedo, chief guardian secretary, Christovao de Benavente, sign 582. This supplies the information tha gift was sent to the royal archives by o deposited in the 'drawer of gifts' and la by Cabedo.20. It is a true copy of th Ribeiros book. Fergusons translation, nor even of a copy made by notary Rib bability this went back to the 'drawer of to doubt the statements in the documer stages was accurately done we may be sat of the original.21
From the first part of the document of the deed of donation we have the follo
Time and Place. The deed is dated
the place of its execution is given as the di and fortress of Colombo.
Form of Deed. The deed was writte in his draft-book. It was signed by the by the following persons as witnesses-Fa
19. It was the practice to send despatches in quadru 20. The entry is in the Livro de Leitura-nova entit
21. Without doubt the copy made by the guardian supplied to the editor of Ribeiro) was a “true copy’ o be a mistake to assume on the basis of modern practic cription of the original. The notary himself says that t deviations from the original are easy to spot, as when draft-book' (a fact which would hardly appear in the o it tells us where the originalis to be found). There are st he was following the original literally, or was comment king and witnesses signed the deed was he incorporating of the original or did this appear in the original. If it were fixed to the document before the actual writing, See below p. 119
ܐܠ

KINGDOM
terial part of the document. The part in which is made clear that illy' transcribed from the original. in all were furnished by him to order to send this said gift to the These copies were 'true copies' hird part consists of an attestation of the Torre do Thombo, and his ed in Lisbon on the 6th of April, t one of the copies of the deed of rder of the king of Portugal and uter transcribed “word for Word” is entry which was published in therefore, is neither of the original eiro and sent to Lisbon (in all progifts') but since there is no reason it that the copying at the various isfied that we have a good version
t which as we have seen is a copy wing information of the donation.
the I2th day of August, I58O, and lwelling of Dharmapala in the city
'n in the first person by the notary : king with his Royal Seal and also ther Sebastian de Chaves (Guardian
plicate, one in each ship. Ferguson, 165 n.1. led “ Islands.” Orientalist, III, 28.
of the Lisbon archives (and therefore the copy the document sent to Portugal. But it would e that the notary's copy was a verbatim transhe copy was "set in order as is right.” Some he says that he wrote the gift in his 'drafts or riginal but is a useful piece of information since ome places however where it is not clear whether ing on the original, e.g. when he says that the in the copy a statement relating to the execution is the latter it would mean that the signatures a practice which was not unusual at the time.

Page 24
UNIVERSITY C
of the monastery of St. Anthony of the same monastery), Steven F Jorge Franquo (Judge ordinary), Steven (the king's Chief Chambe Andre Bajom and Dom Francisc Interpreter), and Dom Lourenco ceptance of the gift by Captain M the king of Portugal is also stated the deed. Even the notary as a accepted the gift in the name of th
Contents of Deed. A characte a solemn ceremony witnessed b quite apart from the formal deed narrative by recounting how he w; and how there in the presence of claration to him. The king spo deed says, "his being able to speak and his words were interpreted b declared his title to the Realms o son and heir of Bhuvanekabahu of Portugal Dom Joam III." H Māyādunne and his son Rājasinnh: compelled him to abandon Kot interesting part of Dharmapala's making a gift of his kingdom.
These are :-
(a) The protection extende Viceroy and Captains to Dharmal Realms. He was particularly ap) expensive war against Mayadunne cost of many Portuguese lives.
(b) The fact that he was old
“without sons and heirs Who Wou
22. He was only 41 years at the time butt had permanently impaired his health.
22a. The two marriages Dharmapala had c shortly before his death also failed to produce :

)ER CEYLON REVIEW
in Colombo), Father Manuel Luiz (Vicar Figueira (late Widower Magistrate), Pero Antonio Lourenco (householder), Dom Irlain), Dom Antam (noble), Mudaliyars o Arriquez, Dom Fernando (the kings
Fernandez (the king's Secretary). Acanoel de Sousa Coutinho in the name of and he too was probably a signatory to public person stipulating and accepting he king of Portugal.
bristic of this deed is that it is a record of y the notary and having a significance drawn up later. The notary begins his as summoned to the palace of Dharmapala the witnesses the king made an oral deke in Sinhalese notwithstanding, as the and understand the Portuguese language" y the king's Interpreter. The king first f Ceylon by virtue of being the adopted with the authority of the Lord the king e next referred to the dismal fact that a had dispossessed him of his Realms and te. What follows is perhaps the most declaration for he gives the reasons for
d by the king of Portugal through his pala and their efforts to restore him to his preciative of the vigour with which the ' was conducted by the Portuguese at the
and did not enjoy good health22 and was ld directly succeed on his decease."22
he unsuccessful attempt to poison him some years earlier
:ontracted by then were withoutissue. A third marriage an heir.
22,
O He
it i.

Page 25
earlier
urriage
THE GIFT OF A
(c) That he was much indebted to benefits and favours which he has receiv particular: (i) the kind help and advice to the fathers of the order of St. Anthc came “to obtain light and knowledge of o and was converted to it which he esteel world, (iii) their maintaining him in hi their Viceroys, captains and other vassa is paid to their own persons.'23
The One Substantial motive that eme to Catholicism and although Dharma make the gift was of his own motion a of historians that it was induced by the F the truth. In fact Dharmapala commar the gift for the good of his soul and that all may be seen to be of much servic below what he owes because of the little It was as much a gift to the Church as surprisingly we find Dharmapala 'wit as an obedient son begging the apostc accept the gift.24
When it came to declaring the term to indicate that it was an absolute and He made over all his Realms and the right and his successors who "may do with it it is by virtue of this said gift. It was effective from Dharmapala's death. statement the purpose of which was to sil on grounds of illegality or contra mores. and gift "be fulfilled in all and by all wit be any fault or defect, he by his royal au and he commands that this be fulfilled
privileges to the contrary notwithstanc
23. Nothing could be further from the truth. H and the treatment he received at the hands of the Po regular intervals.
24. The Pope is also cast in the role of executor of the gift.
23

KINGDOM
the kings of Portugal for many red from them.' He mentions in in their letters, (ii) their directions iny as a consequence of which he ur holy Catholic faith and embraced ns more than all the things of the s royal estate and being treated by is with all honour and respect as
rges is gratitude for his conversion ala declared that the decision to nd good and free will" the verdict franciscan priests is certainly nearer ded the observance of the terms of the disburdening of his conscience e to God our Lord and yet is much which he is able at present to do.' to the King of Portugal and not h all due humility and reverence lic See of Rome and the Pope to
s of the gift Dharmapala used words unconditional transfer of power. of rulership to the king of Portugal as with their own property which a gift in perpetuity and was to be the declaration continued with a ence any objections to the donation
Dharmapala desired that his grant hout any contradiction and if there thority supplies it and it is supplied and be valid as law and any laws ing forasmuch as he declares this
is royal estate comprised a few villages at most tuguese was the subject of bitter complaint, at
or he is expressly asked to see to the fulfilment

Page 26
UNIVERSITY C
to be his pleasure and will.” Thi he stood outside the existing law. that the Sinhalese king was boun limitations on his royal power.
It was at the conclusion of his the notary to make a 'deed of gift of a faithful record of the events t written at the same time or soon :
The recipient of the gift is d now king of the Realms of Portug (Cardinal King Henry) had alread his death had apparently not rea course received the deed of gift had recently met with in establish asked for a further deed from D latives and his election by the pe to the second act of the drama, th
The
Our- knowledge of the ratific largely based on the account given a document which was made on one available in English) gives t document on which it was based by Mr. F. H. de Vos and publish ratification led to the writing of combined three of these to appea is not mentioned by Queyroz. Dutch documents were found O obviously careful translations oft
25. Philip's request is mentioned in a lette Portugal appear to have had a common prob succeeded first by his grandson Sebastian and o.
Henry died without naming his successor the di nephew and also his son-in-law succeeded but
26. Queyroz, 524 et seq. 27, Vol. III, 111, 131, 193.

}F CEYLON REVIEW
s was a bold and surprising assertion that It is contrary to the view generally held d by laws, customs and usages imposing
declaration that Dharmapala commanded i.” As we know the deed took the form hat had just taken place and was probably afterwards.
escribed as “Lord Dom Henrique who is gal and to his successors. This monarch ly died seven months earlier but news of ched Ceylon. King Philip who in due probably influenced by the difficulties he ning his claims to the throne of Portugal harmapala formally disinheriting his reople of Ceylon as their king.25 This led eratification of the donation.
Ratification
sation of the donation by Dharmapäla is
by Queyroz who purports to reproduce the occasion.26 This version (the only he impression that there was only one But the Dutch documents discovered led in the 'Orientalist'27 reveal that the four documents and that Queyroz has r as the deed of ratification. The fourth We have no information as to where the r as to their authenticity but they are he Portuguese text as a comparison with
r to the Viceroy. Ferguson, 258, n.2. Both Ceylon and lem at the time—the rule of succession. John III was n the latter's death by his brother Cardinal Henry. When
lirect line of John was extinct and Philip who was John's only after a struggle.
24

Page 27
lat
ng
ed
bly
y is
of
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led
a is
UCC inly
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When John's
ད།
THE GIFT OF
Queyroz will confirm. Since the D littoral on the right of conquest fro cerned about the legality of Portugue accounts for the translation of these also important because they show th version and, indeed, that he may not b is also clearly guilty of mixing up t version, on the other hand, is fuller in separately gives a truer picture of th two versions however are substantial safe authority and it is only necessary order to supplement Queyroz or to
anCC.
The four documents were connec pala's intention that the King of Pol first three were prepared by the same style as the original deed of donatic an appendix in the Dutch translation of execution as the others. We sh: proper order.
(I) The first we may call the de the same narrative style although it be
Time and Place. We may fix t which is the date given in the Dutch November, but since this deed would cution and the others are dated 4th of Queyroz has made a mistake. The p in Colombo.
Form of Deed. As on the earlie declaration of the king made in the pi claration was preceded by a statemen of the king in which he testified to t deed of donation. The deed was w
and signed there by the king and the
2S. Perera, 45, says that the deed (more likely a 29. ' testamentaire notulen,' according to the I
2

A KINGDOM
itch tried to base their claims to the m the Portuguese, they were conse possession, and this fact probably documents. These documents are hat Queyroz has given an abridged e accurate in certain places. Queyroz. he sequence of events. The Dutch detail and in presenting the documents e events that had taken place. The ly in agreement to make Queyroz a to refer to the Dutch documents in note discrepancies of some import
ted and were pursuant to Dharmartugal should be his successor. The notary, Antonio Ribeiro, in the same on but the fourth which appears as does not show the same formalities all consider the documents in their
2ed of ratification,28 This deed is in gins with a typical notarial flourish.
he date as 4th of November, I583, Iranslation. Queyroz gives it as 12th, have been the first in order of exeNovember we can only presume that lace is the same, Dharmapala's palace
r occasion the deed records an oral resence of witnesses. The king's det by the notary made at the request he fact and substance of the original ritten in the notary's "draft-book'29 witnesses who were the guardian and
copy) is in the Torre do Thombo, Gavetas 14-2-24. Dutch translation. Queyroz omits this information,

Page 28
UNIVERSITY OF
the vicar of the Monastery of St. An the Commander of the king's guard, preter, the Fiscal, the Judge Ordina the factory. Acceptance in the nam Joan Corea de Brito is also recorded.
Contents of Deed. Dharmapala a further gift of his kingdom to Do Realms and Seignories of Portugal, to take effect after his death and was heirs to succeed him. Then followe in which Dharmapala disinherited . right to succeed him. Although Qu version the king goes on to denoun who deserved to lose all property, have.30 The proviso saving the ri portant for it was repeated at the en or daughters they should inherit and
(2) The Instrument of Nomin. cessor of the King of Ceylon. Th event that took place after the ratifica which find no mention in Queyroz. same witnesses and such of his subje his Interpreter to say after him32 tha to be his heir and successor to the ki declaration continued that he 'took which the Christians used to do on according to the manner of their law to, that they will obey and acknowl King of Portugal and his successors : Dom Joan, as they have similarly in yes. Difficulties in the text prevent of the document but it would see Captain of the King's Guard, the Secretary and his Interpreter confor
30. For some reason Queyroz has transposed Kandy in the fourth document where it is clearly
31. In the Dutch translation the notary says th of certain witnesses, suggesting that this was said af 32. Dharmapāla would have spoken in Sinh translated into Portuguese.

CEYLON REVIEW
thony, the king's Chief Chamberlain, the king's Secretary, the king's Interly, two Vreadores, and two clerks of e of the king of Portugal by Captain
ratified the earlier donation and made m Philip, King and successor to the and to his successors.' The gift was subject to the proviso that he left no d the clause, which Philip had wanted, tiny kinsman of his who claimed the leyroz stops at this point, in the Dutch ce such kinsmen as rebels and traitors right and succession they pretend to ghts of his heirs was considered imd that if Dharmapala should have sons
the donation was null and Void.31
ation of the King of Portugal as sucis is a notarial record of the second tion. It is also the deed the contents of Dharmapala in the presence of the acts who were also there commanded the declares Philip, king of Portugal ngdom of Ceylon after his death. The a from all homage and solemn oath their missal books and the heathens VS and temples as they are accustomed edge as their King and Lord, the said efter his death of the King of Ceylon, he past sworn and promised and said a definite rendering of the last portion m that the Chief Chamberlain, the Vicar of St. Anthony's, the king's med (or agreed to conform) to the
this passage to the description of the kingdom of but of place. -
lat he interpolated this clause between the signatures ter the execution of the deed, but the text is obscure.
alese as on the previous occasion and wished to be
26

Page 29
Ο
f
蜜登S
re.
be
THE GIFT OF
king's wishes. All this is testified document and confirmed by other wi
king signed the deed but the docume
This document could be the so-c both Couto and Queyroz refer to and trace.33
(3) Instrument of Acceptance. Philip's nomination as heir there toC This was the acceptance or approval tions and acts. In this way it was so stipulations, namely, that he be elected the same day and in the presence of however of all the lieges of the Real Brito, the notary Ribeiro has recorde he read to the assembly from the doc of the king of Ceylon, that is, the dol nomination of the King of Portugal a question of obtaining the formal appr of the heir the people were required to to accept and approve the nominatio diately two gentlemen of the (royal) Alfonso Masante, were elected and powers of attorney they in the name Portugal and his successors for their They also approved the donation and they renounced 'all right and claim V have or can have to name and elect a This account differs from the Dutch renunciation of the rights of the pec Interpreter, Dom Ferdinando, said ( that all the declarations contained in confirmed and that the king of Portuge actions and claims of Dharmapala on will have to acknowledge and obey their own natural king.
33. Couto, 414, Queyroz, 523, 528. See also ] will are sometimes mistaken to be one and the same
donation has certain characteristics of a testamen himself calls it a "testamentary deed.'
34. Or proctors' which is the term used by Fr.
2.

A KINGDOM
to by the notary who signed the tnesses. It is not mentioned that the ht carried the king's seal.
called last will of Dharmapala which | which they say they were unable to
Following close on the heels of k place the final act of this drama. by the people of Dharmapālas intenught to satisfy the second of Philip's king by the people of Ceylon. On the same persons with the addition im who were summoned by Captain 'd, that on the orders of the Captain uments he had made the declarations lation and its ratification and also the ls his heir. Since there remained the oval of the people for the nomination elect procurators34 who had authority l in the name of the people. Immehousehold, Dom Antonio and Dom after being properly clothed with : of the people accepted the King of king on the death of Dharmapala. ratification. According to Queyroz which the said people (i.e. of Ceylon) king on the death of Dharmapala. document which does not contain a ple. The Dutch version is that the presumably on the Captain's orders) the various documents shall stand lshall enter into the rights, privileges, the latter's death, and that the people the King of Portugal as if he were
Pieris, I. 311. The deed of donation and the last thing. This may be due to the fact that the deed of tary disposition. In fact in one place the notary
Per era in his translation of Queyroz.
7

Page 30
UNIVERSITY OF
The signatories to this instrument who signed the deed of ratification, accepted in the name of the King finally sealed with the king's Seal.
(4) The description of Dharm Queyroz as forming part of the deed C shows it as a separate document. I this description was given partly by t and partly by the king but there is n orders of the king or that a formal going into details it is sufficient to m kingdom are more fully described in not only left out a number of details Kandy as one of Dharmapāla’s terr who may be considered an enemy We know however that in 1583 it we and therefore if there was any referen have been to him.36 But the Dutc “Do Joao.” That the rest of the sen but what is not clear is why Queyroz a clause taken from the deed of rat meaningless. Basing oneself on th solution is that D. Joao here refers to pertained to the Crown etc.'
After the Deatl
The account of the transfer of C complete without describing the eve
Dharmapala died in Colombo Almost immediately after his burial orders of General D'Azevedo all t mudaliyars and principal persons, o priests, and the magistrate. The m
35. Were they the lieges of the Realm' me
36. It cannot refer to Konappu Bandara, al. dharma Siiriya I and an enemy of Dharmapala be

CEYLON REVIEW
I were the procurators, all the witnesses Captains de Brito and Coutinho who of Portugal, and the notary. It was
lapala's kingdom. This is given by fratification but the Dutch translation t seems generally to be accepted that
he mohottalass 5 who were assembled,
) evidence that it was recorded on the
document was drawn up. Without ention that the various districts of the the Dutch document. Queyroz has but when including the kingdom of itories refers to “the tyrant D. Joao, captain and rebel against the Crown.” as Rajasimha who was ruling in Kandy ce to the then ruler of Kandy it should sh translation shows only the words tence has been left out is clear enough should have supplied the hiatus with ification to make a sentence which is e preceding sentence a more likely Dharmapala who "declared that there
(V
1 of Dharmapala
eylon to the Crown of Portugal is not nts following Dharmapalaʼs death.
on the 27th (or 28th) of May, I597. there assembled in the fortress on the he fidalgos of the royal household, fficials of the Chamber of Colombo, agistrate who addressed the audience
!ntioned in the Instrument of Nomination ?
ias Dom Joao of Austria who later became Vimalacause he seized the Kandyan crown only in 1592.
A.
28

Page 31
s
Ot
ula--
THE GIFT OF
reminded them that Dharmapāla hac Portugal as his heir because there was should succeed him to that crown. sons to elect procurators who would king on behalf of all. Eight persons and they swore on the missal book (i. to acknowledge the King of Portug. elect and swear to as our king and lo right may have and can inherit his This ceremony was followed by a pa with Dom Antao, who was one of the the arms of Portugal and in appointe the most mighty lord, the King of Pe him returned the acclamation. Cou of the events is taken adds that a de "notary public of notes, in the book c cipated in the ceremony signed it. C on a copy of this deed which he foun of contracts and treatises of peace. of the donation and ratification and the date of this deed it must have bec 29th May, 1597.39
Ribeiro40 gives a different versio the Portuguese gave an undertaking t Sinhalese before the procurators took made to appear as a condition to thei But this version has confused the pro which took place sometime later wit Colombo no sooner Dharmapala was
37. The word "real' which means "royal' s Ferguson, 415, n.1.
38. Couto, 413 et seq.
39. Ferguson, 415 n.3, refers to a letter of Phi which he requests that formal deeds be drawn up copy had not reached him when he wrote the lette
140. Ribeiro, 91 et seq.
41. Even Pieris, I. 311, follows Ribeiro in his by saying that the ceremony took place at Malva ceremony in Colombo is clearly established. Th Ceylon and the Portuguese 1505-1658, p. 139, wher. 29th September, 1597. Doubts have been cast oi Abeysinghe, The Myth of the Malvana Conventio Studies, Vol. 7, p. 67).

A. KINGDOM
| by his will nominated the King of "no one else left to him who by right
He then called upon assembled pertake the oath of loyalty to their new were nominated, all being Christians, .e. Roman Catholic book of prayers) al, whom thus by this present act we rd ...... there being no other who of
(Dharmapala's) crown and realm.” rade through the Streets of Colombo procurators, carrying a banner bearing 2d places crying, "Real, real, real, for Drtugal.'37 Those who accompanied to38 from whom the above account ed Was drawn by Manoel da Costa, fnotes, and that all those who parti'outo claims to have based his account d in the Lisbon archives in the "book All this tallies with our reconstruction ends authority to his account. As to 2n the same day as the ceremony, i.e.
n of these events. According to him. o uphold the laws and customs of the the oath of loyalty. This promise is r accepting Philip as King of Ceylon.
ceedings of the Malvana Convention
h the ceremony of allegiance held in
buried.41
was a word of acclamation used at a coronation.
lip to the Viceroy dated 21st November, 1598, in in connection with the inheritance. Probably the
.
description of these events except to correct him. na. This, of course, is wrong for the fact of the e confusion is also evident in the same historian's e he gives the date of the Malvana Convention as h the Convention of Malvana by a recent writer. in (The Ceylon Journal of Historical and Social

Page 32
UNIVERSITY OF
Some Le
Before we leave these historical on questions touching law. The for been detailed and a matter arising the style by a notary public in sixteenth C is a very familiar figure today but th a Portuguese notary public doing in Portuguese hands ? In order to a position or status of Colombo at th the first visit of the Portuguese Cey of Portuguese settlers in addition to that was established by them in Co Colombo and Kotte. Even in the t would have been considerable for Portugal that many Portuguese sett gardens of his subjects.42 A magist was left behind by Noronha when h improbable that the notary public m Noronha also ordered the Portugu of unruly behaviour had been made "in course of time grew till it had others of the people of the country, out streets, and four Monasteries C would not be long before such a Co and thus Colombo came to enjoy th city. Within the city’s limits Portu to the Portuguese themselves. Cert in Colombo it was to a Portuguese this was undoubtedly part of his kiu any authority over it. A notary w of this organised community and C been to attend to the property trans the writing of gifts, transfers, or last “book of notes' mentioned in these c
42. Schurhammer and Voretzsch, I. Doc. 8. FC
43. Соuto, 154. 44. Queyroe, 308. This was a description of

CEYLON REVIEW
V
gai Aspects
documents some comment is necessary malities of their execution have already refrom is the writing of deeds in formal entury Ceylon. The notary, of course, e question must Surely arise, what was Ceylon before the country passed into swer this we have to understand the e time of the events described. From lon appears to have attracted a number the officials and servants of the factory lombo. They were settled chiefly in ime of BhuVanekabahu their numbers that king complained to the King of lers had forcibly seized the lands and rate to administer justice among them e visited Ceylon in ISSO,43 and it is not ade appearance about the same time. ese settlers, against whom complaints 2, to live together in Colombo which SOO Portuguese families besides many
a handsome row of houses, well laid of the four (Religious) Orders.'44. It mmunity developed into a civic body e rights and privileges of a Portuguese tguese law would have applied, at least ainly when Dharmapala sought refuge “Cidade” that he came and although ngdom he had long ceased to exercise rould have been essential to the needs one of his principal tasks would have sactions of the settlers, whether it was I wills. The notary's "draft-book” or locuments was where he made a record
. 1
. ¬
-
br summarised translation see Ribeiro, 27.
Colombo in 1554.
3O

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THE GIFT OF
of these transactions and, as disclosed this book remained in his possession.
was only one notary and he enjoyed which case the same book would have
An interesting question is how thi party to a deed having many foreign language and drawn up by a Portugue a Portuguese deed in which case its writer's opinion Dharmapala did no Sinhalese forms to give effect to his int documents are considered in the light (
The right of an owner of propert was recognised in Sinhalese law and sideration of receiving assistance and S continuance in the future.45 Sawers sa for old persons having no children to age with relations or strangers, in who executed a deed of gift or bequest, tr property to the donee for the sake transfers were in perpetuity (1.e. prav taining prefatory remarks as to the re statement that it was a gift in perpet ordinary gift. The study of Sinhales of making a gift is also of interest. Gi or land were made either by oral declar the older form.47 Oral grants of land a grant ratified by a sannas, 48 The i and clear and satisfactory proof of a constitute a valid gift. So a declarat several witnesses accompanied by some donee of a blank ola signed by the don perfected a gift even of land.49 When of August 12, 158O, declared that he and makes over his Realms to the requirements of a verbal gift.
45. Armour, 96. D'Oyly, 61.
46. Sa vers, 20.
47. Armour, 90. D'Oyly, 60. Sawers, 29, says t reign of King Kirti Sri.
48. Armour, 99.
49. Sauvers, 30. Armour, 97.
ܓ¬

A KINGDOM
in the copy of the deed of donation, The suggestion is strong that there
an official or semi-official status, in
been continued by his successors.
e King of Ceylon Could have been a slements. A deed in the Portuguese se notary can easily be mistaken for validity is in question. But in the t use any other than conventional tentions. This will be clear when the of Sinhalese private law.
y to dispose of it by gift or bequest gifts were commonly made in consupport or for past assistance and its iys that "it was exceedingly common take up their residence in their old pse favour they, in the first instance, ansferring the whole of the donor's of assistance and support.'46 Such Veni). Dharmapālas donation Conasons for making it and the express ity shows strong resemblance to an e law relating to the different ways fts and bequests whether of movables ation or in writing, the former being by the king had equal validity with intention to dispose by way of gift, act of donation were sufficient to ion by the donor in the presence of ceremony Such as the delivery to the or, or the taking of the donee's hand, Dharmapala at the solemn ceremony now gives and donates . . . and hands King of Portugal he satisfied these
that written deeds were not common before the

Page 34
UNIVERSITY OF
But even if we are to assume t donation by a deed it can still be shc in Sinhalese law were complied w documents but " mere written Re neither by the parties, the writer, or are in the nature and bear the teno. tracting parties, the amount or obje and interest, and specifying the nan of the writer, and the date.'50 Ever was attached to the witnesses to t property transferred was considerab were necessary51 but it was not cus or signature of the donor was not was for the executor of the deed “t writing one letter on the leaf befort the deed to the donec was not requ other person.54
The style of notary Ribeiro's de the transaction to which he was a w a sannas to whom the donor had co. a blank ola with his signature.55 A direction is that imprecations against of the donee, as are found in the deed gifts and had a special significance. to the deed being written in Portugu pala made it a point to speak in Sin action was required for despatch to
If then Dharmapala adopted th when making gifts or bequests oft other rules affecting such transactic cability of gifts. Generally speaki
50. D'Oyly, 61.
51. D'Oyly, 61.
52. Savers, 29. 53. Sawers, 29. Armour, 97, says the deed c 54. Armour, 97.
55. The practice was for royal grants to be: which was used only in correspondence. Fr. S (Ceylon Historical Journal, Vol. 1, p. 321.)
56. Saivers, 29. Armour, 99.

CEYLON REVIEW
hat the intention was to effectuate the wn that the essentials of a written deed ith. Sinhalese deeds were not formal cords of the transaction, being signed the witnesses. In other respects, they ofregular vouchers reciting the con2ct, the condition of transfer, payment nes of the witnesses and sometimes that in the case of a deed greater importance he writing than to signatures. If the le, five witnesses, and frequently more, tomary for them to sign.52 The mark essential although the general practice D make a mark by a mere scratch or by 2 it was written upon.”53 Delivery of tired and it could be entrusted to some
eds now becomes clear for in recording fitness he was in the role of a writer of mmunicated his intentions and delivered circumstance also pointing in the same those who would disturb the possession of Ratification, were usual in Sinhalese 56 There can be no objection as such lese when it is remembered that Dharma halese and that the record of the transPortugal.
e practice followed by ordinary persons heir property the gift would also attract ons—in particular the rule about revong all donations and bequests of land
ould be signed before or after writing.
ar the sign manual "Sri” and not the king's signature . G. Perera, The Signatures of the Kings of Ceylon
32

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THE GIFT OF A
were revocable by the donor in his lifeti know that Dharmapala was dissatisfied w towards him and that his complaints age and the Pope mounted as he regained his reason to feel bitter because the recove) improvement in his financial position sinc as masters of the land. Why did he not contain a clause debarring his right of r that Dharmapala was incapable of taki certainly would have been in an awks presented with an inflated bill of charge Portugal. Sinhalese law was on the side money as the price for submitting to a was so because when gifts to strangers indemnified to the extent of what acce In this case it would have been the mol pāla after he took up residence in Colom against his enemies-altogether a tidy su
To conclude these comments we t Philip as heir to Dharmapala, sometime mentary act. The notion of a will wa to call this a will would be to dress it in record of the appointment of a successC in his position was bound to do. In a s documents because it was this more th which made Ceylon a possession of the document referred to at the historic oath after Dharmapala's death because it was
heir. The Donation and Ratification
the Portuguese and gave the latter a god in the country.
57. Sawers, 20. Armour, 90, 91. 58. Pieris, I. Ch. 15. 59. Armour, 90, 91. 60. Hayley, 318.
33

KINGDOM
me.57 This is relevant because we ith the behaviour of the Portuguese inst them to the King of Portugal possessions.58 The king had every ty of his lands did not lead to an ethe Portuguese were already acting revoke the gift which did not even evocation ? An obvious reason is ng a strong line of action, and he ward position if he was suddenly es for services rendered to him by of the Portuguese if they demanded revocation of the donation. This were revoked the donee must be ptance of the gift had cost him.59 ey spent on maintaining Dharmabo and all the expenses of the war
.
urn to the instrument nominating s referred to as Dharmapala's testais unknown to the Sinhalese60 and modern garb. It is in fact only a or, something which a king placed ense it is the most important of the han the Donation and Ratification King of Portugal. It was the only of allegiance ceremony in Colombo sufficient to establish Philip as legal only bound Dharmapala closer to d pretext for prolonging their stay
R. K. W. GOONESEKERE,

Page 36
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BIB
ARMOUR, JOHN.-Grammar of Kandyan Law
Colombo.
COUTO, DIOGO DO.-The History of Ceylon
de Barros and Diogo do Couto. 1778 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (C.
D'OYLY, SIR JOHN.-A sketch of the Constitu
Turner). (1929). Colombo.
FERGUSON, DONALD.-Notes to the Translatiot
(Ceylon Branch). Vol. XX.
HAYLEY, FREDERIC AUSTIN.-A Treatise on the
PERERA, FR. S. G.-A History of Ceylon for S
PIERIS, P. E.-Ceylon. The Portuguese Era.
PIERIS, P. E. AND FITZLER, M. A. H.-Ceylon;
QUEYROZ, FERNAO DE. The Temporal and
S. G. Perera). (1930). Colombo.
RIBEIRO, JOAO-The Historic Tragedy of the I
Colombo.
SAWERS, SIMON.-Digest of Kandyan Law.
Colombo.
SCHURHAMMER, G. AND VORETZSCH, E. A.-C
Xavers. Vol. 1. (1928). Leipzig.

DF CEYLON REVIEW
LIOGRAPHY
1842. (Arranged and edited J. M. Perera). (1861).
from the Earliest Times to 1600 A.D. as Related by Joao 3-88. (Translated and edited Donald Ferguson). (1908). eylon Branch), Vol. XX.
tion of the Kandyan Kingdom. 1835. (Edited L. J. B.
1 of Couto. (1908). Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
Laws and Customs of the Sinhalese. (1923). Colombo.
chools 1505-1796 (1955). Colombo.
2 Vols. (1929). Colombo.
and Portugal. (1927). Leipzig.
Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon. 1687. (Translated Fr.
sland of Ceilao. 1685. (Translated P. E. Pieris). (1909).
1826. (Third edition Aelian Ondaatje). (1900).
eylon, Zur Zeit des Konigns Bhuvenaka Bahu und Franz
34

Page 37
The Atomic Theory School of
NE of the theories of Theravad. O any antecedent history in the
ripa-kalapas. A post-canonical it makes its first appearance in the Visud commentaries. In its fully developed manuals and commentaries of the twel Abhidhammatthasangaha of Anuruddha, its Pali tika by Sumangala and such A Namaripasamasa and the Saccasankhepa.
An examination of the fundamental theory would show that it is nothing bu atomic theory of the schools of Sanskrit by modern scholarship to critically exam and the Sautrāntikas. 1 Very little, hov of ripa-kalapas, and still less about the the atomic theory of Sanskrit Buddhism
There are valid reasons to believe question the Theravadins were much ir scholasticism. De la Vallée Poussin2 ar tion to the fact that atomism as a subje The allusion therein to the opinions of V: on the question whether the atoms com that in its time the atomic theory had Sanskrit Buddhism.4
1. See De la Vallée Poussin, A. K. Ch. II, pp A Manual of Buddhist Philosophy, London, 192 | riaux pour l'etude du système Vijñapatimātra, Pa Conception of Buddhism, London, 1923, pp. 2 dhism, London, 1955, pp. 212 ff.; Rosenburg Heidelberg, 1924, pp. 158 ff.
2. A K. Ch. I, p. 90, n. l. 3. Manual of Bud. Phi., London, 1923, Vol
4. On the various forms of Indian atomis development, see Jacobi, Atomic Theory (II Atomism, Oxford, 1921; Basham, History and pp. 262 ff.; Bhaduri, Studies in Nyāya-Vaisesi
35

of the Theravada Buddhism
a Buddhism, without, apparently, PaliCanon itself, is the theory of
development in all its essentials, dhinagga and in the Abhidhammic form, however, it occurs in the fth century and later, notably the its Sinhalese sanne by Sariputta, bhidhammic compendiums as the
principles of the above-mentioned it the Theravada counterpart of the Buddhism. Much has been done line the atomism of the Vaibhasikas wever, is known about the theory close analogy which it presents to
that in developing the theory in fluenced by the Sanskrit Buddhist nd Mc Govern3 have drawn atten:ct is discussed in the Mahavibhasa. sumitra, Bhadanta and Buddhadeva e into contact or not, shows clearly become a well established tenet of
. 143 ff., La Siddhi. pp. 39 ff.: Mc Govern 3, Vol. I, pp. 125 ff. ; Sylvain Lévi, Matéris, 1920, pp. 51 ff.; Sticherbatsky, Central 00 ff. ; Murti, Central Philosophy of Bud, Probleme der buddhistischen Philosophie,
. I, pp. 126 ff. sm and on the question of its origin and hdian), E.R.E.; Keith, Indian Logic and l Doctrines of the Ajivikas, London, 1951, ka Metaphysics, Poona, 1947, pp. 54 ff.

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It is true that the (earlier) Pa theory of ripa-kalapas in a very u Atthakathas which are not extant circumstance, it is not easy to asce developed in the latter before th since the Theravada scholasticisr Ceylon, it is very unlikely that flourished in the mainland. The that exists between the Theravad theory of the schools of Sanskrit former was formulated on the ba commentaries of the twelfth cer consideration is presented in its fi influence are more marked and th
This is not to suggest that replica of the atomic theory of S. there are certainly some differenc stemming as they do from the fi Theravadins and the non-Therava of innatter. For instance, since t
paratively large number of mate
numerical discrepancy should re Moreover, there were some differ and the Sautrāntikas concerning examination of the theory of ripa. aspects the Theravadins preferred to others the Sautraintikas.
The Vaibhașikas have postul the dravya-paranianu (the unitary aggregate atom, i.e. the molecule)
The former is the smallest u1 Siksila)5, it is partless (niravayavi (dig-bhaga-bhedatva) can be predic celebrities of the neo-Vaibhasika
5. See A.K., Ch. II, p. 144 and A.H samskäropadänasатhcayabhedaparyantah 1
6. Cf. tad etad dig-blhdgal-bhedattiva min, m, ripán a neva kalpayate.-A Kvy. I, p. 85.

F CEYLON REVIEW
i commentaries, where we meet with the developed form, are based on the Sihalanow. It is also true that, in view of this rtain how much of the Abhidhamma was a compilation of the former. However, h developed in comparative isolation in it influenced the Buddhist schools which efore, and in view of the close parallelism ns theory of ripa-kalapas and the atomic Buddhism, it seems very probable that the sis of the latter. In the manuals and the tury and later, where the theory under illy developed form, the signs of external erefore more unmistakable.
the theory of rupa-kalapas is a complete anskrit Buddhism. As we shall soon see, les. But most of them are unavoidable, Indamental differences as to the way the dins have conceived the various elements he Theravadins have postulated a com:rial elements, it is but natural that this flect itself in their atomic theory, too. ences of opinion between the Vaibhasikas certain aspects of the theory. A close -kalapas will show that in regard to some
to follow the Vaibhasikas and in regard
ated two kinds of paranianu (atom), viz. 7 atom) and the sanghata-paramanti (the
it of matter: it is the most subtle (sarvait) and, therefore, no spatial dimensions rated of it.0 Sanghabhadra, one of the school, defines it as follows: “Parmi
vJ. I, pp. 34,125; cf. sarvasūksmā, khalu rūpa - paramänur iti prajћаруаtе.–Abdh., p. 65. 2cchanti Vaibhāṣikāh. digbhāga-bhedo hii Saminghāta
36

Page 39
37 ܬ݂*
ATOMIC THEORY OF THE
les ripas susceptibles de résistance (sapra, n'est pas susceptible d'être scindée à nou dire, le paramânu ne pas susceptible d'êtr ripa, par la pensée. C'est ce qu'on dit êt pas de parties, on lui donne le nom de “p nommé le plus petit temps et ne peut être
A dravya-paramanu can never exist exists in combination with other dravyaforming a unity and having a simultaneo cessation, is called sanghata-paramanu, “ag The smallest sanghata-paramanu is an oct elements of matter, namely prthivī (soli and cohesion), tejas (temperature of cold motion).9 and four of the secondary c (colour), gandha (odour), rasa (savour) and tangible). 10 That the four primary eler and that the secondary elements cannot a are the two fundamental principles in Sатиghäta-paraтӑти.
This is a brief statement of the two the Vaibhasikas. We have given it in br out whether the two varieties are represt Theravadins, too.
At the outset it should be noted th: and the commentaries wherein the the developed form are concerned, there is Theravadins have incorporated the Vail paramānu. However, two intriguing pe to contain an allusion to such a conceptic
In the first passage it is stated that th such as head-hair, bodily-hair should b
(groups): What in common parlance is
7. A. K., Ch. II, p. 144, n. 3.
8. See AK., Ch. III, pp. l44 ff.; A. Ka*ʻy. I, prthagbhitan asti–AKvy. I, p. 34).
9. On the primary elements of matter, see Ce & 11 pp. 28 ff.
10. See below, pp. 166-69.

THERAVADA SCHOOL
figha), la partie la plus subtile, qui (veau, s'appelle paramänu ; c'est-à- e divisé en plusieurs par un autre re le plus petit rüpa ; comme il n'a lus petit. De meme un ksana est 2 divisé en demi-ksanas. `7
in isolation. It always arises and paramanus. A collection of them, us origination and a simultaneous gregate atom', i.e. the molecule.8 ad consisting of the four primary dity and extension), ap (viscidity | and heat) and vayu (mobility or elements of mater, nannely rūpa bhautika-sprastavya (the derivative ments always arise simultaneously rise independently of the primary, volved in the conception of the
kinds of paramanu postulated by ief outline with a view to finding 2nted in the atomic theory of the
at, as far as the medieval manuals pry of ripa-kalapas appears in its
no evidence to suggest that the phasika conception of the dravyaIssages of the Visuddhinagga seem
)Í1.
le constituents of the human body e understood by way of kalapas called head-hair is only a collection
ор. 13. f. (та раi parатари-гара и еleат
yllon University Reviene, Vol. XXIII, Nos. i

Page 40
UNIVERSITY O
of eight material elements, namel the secondary elements: rūpa (co ojā or āhāra (nutritive essence).
from the point of view of ultim kalapa-matta', i.e. merely a collect
The second passage enjoins that enters into the composition of “In this body, the pathawi-dhatu, ta to the size of paramānu, might ai and that is held together by the ap
In the medieval works of the technical sense, i.e. as referring to collection of material elements. 13 to the sanghata-paramanu of the V the kalapa of the first passage (se sense, then one could suggest that Sanghata-paramanu and that cunna responds to the dravya-paramanu. implications of the two passages, all in which they occur, would lead to
That in the Visuddhimagga pas same sense as it came to be used ir What the Visuddhinagga says is tha dhamma-kalāpa, a collection or gro term kalapa in the technical sense, collection of kalapas (each consistin be put in the plural and not in ti kalapa means the smallest unit of n
ll. Kalāpato ti yā ayami kesā lomā ti ãG ѕетhan tї ädinä пауena dvädasäkärehi dрос να χιλιο ραηdho για 8ο αλά σαία 88ο ράρι a țițhadhamma samodhānā hloti kesā ti tesamin yeva vinibbhogā natthi kesā ti tasmā kesā pi alțițhadhammakalāpan l2. ...... Imasmin hi sarre majjhim зайсиптӑ 8иkһитarajabhütä pathлуїdhätu āpodhātujā sarga hitā. op.c.t. p. 365.
l3. Cf. AIDS., p. 29; A DSS. p. 156;

F CEYLON REVIEW
I the four primary elements and four of lour), rasa (savour), gandha (odour) and Therefore, the passage goes on to say, ate analysis, head-hair is an atthadhammaon of eight elements.11
another way of looking at the matter
the body, i.e. by way of cunna (particles):
ken as reduced to fine dust and pounded mount to an average dona-measure full,
0-dhatu measuring half as much'.12
Theravadins the term kalapa is used in a the smallest unit of matter, which is a (in this technical sense, kalapa corresponds aibhasikas. If one were to understand 2 at tha-dhamma-kalapa) in this technical attha-dhamma-kalapa corresponds to the or paramāņu of the Second passage corHowever, a close examination of the long with a consideration of the contexts
a different interpretation.
ssage the term kalapa is not used in the the medieval works, is not far to seek. t the head-hair, for instance, is an at thaup of eight elements. If it had used the then it should say that the head-hair is a g of eight elements). The term should he singular. For, in its technical sense, natter, and as such, the head-hair should
inā najena vīsatijā ākā rehi palhavīdhātu, pita, Uhātu, niddhițițhã. T'attha ya Simã: dhātuyo -
SCI???722 td, - sammutā ti, attam eva . op.cit. p. 364.
та ратйтeтa parigауһатdind paramдіктиbheda - donamattá siya, sá tato upaddhappamándya,
ADSVT. p. 58; S.S. p. 4; NRS. p. 19.
m
38
ܐ ܠ

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ATOMIC THEORY OF THE
consist of a large number of kalapas. I
Visuddhinagga says that the head-hair is :
ring to the eight kinds of material elemen
As yet, there is no implication her material things consist of atoms. Nor i the two usages of the term, for a given either sense of the term. One can, fron that the hair on one's head is a kalapa of because it consists of the four primary e secondary, viz. rūpa, gandha, rasa and āh, on one's head consists of an enormous in of the above-mentioned eight materia sense that Buddhaghosa, the author of kalapa. But, for Anuruddha, the auth kalapa means the smallest unit of matter. (the general sense); for the latter, the sm.
On the other hand, it can be shown kalapa (i.e. in the technical sense) corre calls cunna or paramanu.
In this connection, it may be noted the names of the four primary elements : in the sense of lakkhana (characteristic), a (intensity). In the first sense, pathavi is ki what is kakkhala (solid) is pathavi, for the characteristic of kakkhalata is most called pathawi, although in fact it consist and their concomitants. 15
When the Visuddhimagga refers to t uses the term pathvi-dhatu in this seco beginning of the passage in question it etc. are pathawi and that blood, mucus, e are called so on account of the respec
14. This is also confirmed by the Vism S. dhamma-kalapa refers to the eight kinds of ma
what is called head-hair: (atthadhammakaldy köramda ovü var? Öidin ekataya yen gema, kö7iha. O oyunu daş
15. See Vism. p. 357; Abhvk. p. 274.
39

THERAVADA SCHOOL
t is clear therefore that when the un ațțha-dhamma-kalāpa, it is referis that enter into its composition.14
e that, in the “ultimate analysis, s there any contradiction between material thing can be described in in the Buddhist point of view, say eight (kinds) of material elements, lements of matter and four of the ira. One can also say that the hair umber of kalapas, each consisting l elements. It is in the former the Visuddhinagga, uses the term or of the Abhidhammatthasangaha, For the former, it means a group allest group (the technical sense).
that what the medieval works call sponds to what the Visuddhinagga
here that in the Buddhist works are used in two distinct senses: one ind the other in the sense of us sada ikkhalata (solidity). In the second, whatever material thing, wherein intense (ussada, samatthiya), is also is of all the four primary elements
he atomization of pathawi-dhatu, it ld sense. In point of fact, at the is said that head-hair, bodily-hair to. are apo. It is also said that they tive prominence of each primary
IV, p. 136 where it is stated that at thater which in their combination make up
атаitат epa) уатиdи Kesa-pra)йptiyata, "adharтатdtra тоveyi data yиtи.

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UNIVERSITY O.
element-ussada-vasena pana paţl Thus, in the statement, namely the reducible to paramanu (atoms), the bodily-hair etc.
Next, it may be noted here th rūpa, the four primary elements a rūpa (colour), rasa (savour), gandha necessarily co-existent (niyata-sahaj avinibhoga). 17 From this it follov which, on account of the intensity called pathavi-dhatu, consist of the a And, since these eight material ele when the head-hair, bodily-hair, et paramanu should in turn consist o what the Visuddhinagga calls cunna of eight material elements. It is t and as such, corresponds to the salų
Our interpretation of cunna or by the statement, namely that the of paramanus, might amount to an dhatu to half as much. In a given it diference between the primary el the only difference is one of intens used the terms pathawi and apo in lakkhana), then it would not say tha the former might amount to a dona
From the fore-going observa
passages of the Visuddhinagga ther Even in the subsequent Abhidhamn the situation remains unchanged. of matter is an aggregate-a collect and having a simultaneous origi cessation (ekanirodha). 19
16. Op.cit. p. 365.
17. See ADS. p. 28; Vism S. p. 389.
18. See Vism T. pp. 450 ff.; Abhvk. p 19. Еkирpädd ekanirodhä... rüpakaläр

5 CEYLON REVIEW
avī-dhātu āpo-dhātū ti sañgahau gato. 16 t the pathavi-dhatu of the human body is : term pathiavi-dhatu refers to head-hair,
at according to the theory of avinibhogand four of the secondary elements, viz. (odour) and āhāra (nutritive essence) are ita) and positionally inseparable (padesato is that those parts of the human body, of the pathiavi-dhatu, are conventionally bove-mentioned eight material elements. ments are positionally inseparable, even C. are reduced to paramanus, each of the f the same number of elements. Thus or paramanu turns out to be an aggregate he same as kalapa in its technical sense, ghata-paramanu of the Vaibhasikas.
paramanu in this way is also confirmed
pathawi-dhatu, when reduced to the size average dona measure and that the āpoinstance of matter there is no quantitative ements that enter into its composition; ity (ussada). 18 If the Visuddhinagga had the philosophical sense (in the sense of t, when reduced to the size of paramanus, -measure and the latter to half as much.
tions it should appear that in the two 2 is no allusion to the dravya-paramanu. nic compendiums and the commentaries For the Theravadins, the ultimate unit on of material elements forming a unity nation (ekuppada) and a simultaneous
),273ff。 ї пäта—A DS. p. 29.
40

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ATOMIC THEORY OF TH
In the Visuddhinagga, where the t the first time, this ultimate unit of ma the subsequent works kalapa became tWO terms are indicative of the fact t smallest unit of matter, the other bringsi lest, yet, in the ultimate analysis, it is elements. The preference shown by to the use of kalapa instead of paraminu itself indicative of their desire to emph
pinda in the Abhidhammatthasangaha an
the Sinhalese sanne of Sariputta are also
The fundamental principle underl What are called secondary elements dependent on the primary elements ( arise independently of the latter. No1 independently of the other three, and ments.21 Thus there is no material secondary, that can have an independ ments always arise by way of grou when a given instance of matter, say, a pieces-whatever be the number of pit piece-the fact remains that each of the elements. The smallest unit of matter. pinda, kalapa or ripa-sanudaya, is no ex
The nearest Theravada term to the is kalapanga, literally, “the limb of t kalapa.2 The very term anga (kalai independent existence and implies a v than the whole 2 Therefore is it not m as the smallest (sabba-pariyantima) unit c
The Vaibhasikas should answer th in their view, the constituent, i.e. the cannot exist independently-it always
20. AIDS. p. 28; ADSS. p. 166. 21. See ADS. p. 28; Vism S. p. 389. 22. Сf. Etäni rüрäni kaттädito иррајјатt kho pindato ova Samutthahanti − 4 DS |’’T". p. 58
23. See A DS. p. 29; N F? P. p. 51.
4T

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heory in question is introduced for tter is called cunna or paramanu. In the standard term. While the first hat what is indicated thereby is the into relief that, although it is the smalbut a plurality of different material the authors of the medieval works and cunna-the two earlier terms-is asize this fact. The use of the term d its paraphrase as ripa-samudaya in
suggestive of the same fact.20
ying this theory is not far to seek. of matter (upada-ripa) are always mahabhita), for the former cannot can a single primary element arise at least four of the secondary eleelement, whether it is primary or ent existence. Hence material eleps (pinda-vasena).22 Consequently, piece of stone, is reduced to smaller eces or whatever be the size of each m is a group or plurality of material whether we call it cunna, paramanu, ception to this universal law.
: dravya-paramanu of the Vaibhasikas he group', i.e. a constituent of a a -- anga) suggests that it has no whole. But is not the part smaller ore logical to postulate the kalapanga f matter ?
is question in the affirmative. For, so-called dravya-paramanu, though it arises in combination with seven
iānāni pi ekekami va na samuțițhahanti, atha, 3.

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others-is the most subtle (sarvasiksn since the Sanghāta-paramāņu is an ag divisibility. To describe as indivisi tradiction in terms.
The Theravadins, on the other line of argument: It is true that, si the constituents (kalapanga) that make than the aggregate itself. But this kalapanga does not exist by itself; it kalapangas. With this view the V observes that, although it is possible ristics (lakkhanato), to speak of rip positionally (padesato) they are not rasa, etc.— so runs the argument—C particles of sand.25 The colour (rip be separated from its hardness or so This situation is true of the kalapang necessity, other than merely logical, pariyantina, for, in actual fact, it i from the other kalapangas of the sam
This, it appears to us, is the line to observe silence on the question of kalapa as the sabba-pariyantina. In have been influenced by the Sautran
For, it may be noted here, the paramanu came in for severe criticisr a matter of fact it was the most signif over the atomic theory.
What made the Sautrăntikas joi of the dravya-paramanu was that it v parts (niravayawat) and exempt from which is the fundamental character
24. Cf. Sarva-sūkṣmah khalu rūpa-Sa тӑтиr iti prajйарyate. Sa tu sapta-dravyävinм tribh is tribh ir vā bhūtais caturbhis copādāja rū p. 65. See also A. K. Ch. II, p. 144; A. Kavy,
25. See Asl. p. 3l I. 26. See A. K. Ch. II, pp. 89 ff; AKavq/. T,

CEYLON REVIEW
1a).24. They seem to have argued that, gregate of dravya-paramanus, it admits ble what admits divisibility is a con
land, seem to have followed a different ince the kalapa is an aggregate, each of up this aggregation, is smaller (subtler) is only logically so. In reality, the is in inseparable association with other aibhasikas too agree. The Atthasalini for the sake of defining the charactea, rasa, etc. as separate elements, yet separable, one from another. Rūpa, annot be dissected and separated like a) of the mango, for instance, cannot lidity (pațhavi) or from its taste (rasa). as of a kalapa too. Hence there is no to postulate the kalapanga as the sabbas not positionally (padesato) separable e kalāpa.
of argument that led the Theravadins the dravya-paramanu, and to define the taking up this position they seem to tikas.
Vaibhasika conception of the dravyan on the part of the Sautrāntikas. As icant issue that divided the two schools
n issue with the Vaibhasika conception was sought to be defined as devoid of pratighata, resistance or impenetrability, stic of matter.26 The Vaibhasikas do
nskãropadãna-sancaya-bheda-paryantah pararbhāgā catubhör bhūtais tribhi’s copādāja rūpais
par avinrbhāgavart asā astama ti - Abhd.
I, 123.
pp. 85 ff.
42
ܛܢ

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ATOMIC THEORY OF TH
not want to define the dravya-param implies the divisibility of the atom. Its to Yasomitra, is a corollary arising fr no parts there cannot be pratighata27 paramanu is of this nature, it escapes t Sikas reply: “Sans doute, la monade de monade n'existe jamais à l'état isol un aggloméré (saughātastha, saucita) il résistance".28
But this way of defining the aton Abhidharmakośa and the Vyākhyā righ paramanu is devoid of parts and exei aggregate will be devoid of parts and aggregate is ultimately constituted of latter cannot be predicated of the form
In this connection one cannot also by the Buddhist Idealists (Vijnanavadin as devoid of spatial division. In orde they provisionally agreed with the ob aggregates are ultimately constituted C the atoms; the difference between one one of quantity.
It was the failure, on the part of notice of this fact that gave rise to t although the atoms do not touch, th aggregates. 30 Once this oneness (ekat mutually incompatible conclusions, an to many a phenomenon of day to day mon experience, for instance, that wh found to be illuminated at its eastern di: say, a wall, one does not see or touc
27. See A. Kvy. I, p. 34; II, p. 355.
28. A. K, Ch. II, p. 25. 29. See A K. Ch. III, p. 143; A. Kayuy. I, pp.
30. Сf. таiva hi paraтäтаvah sатуијуатte Sanghatāstu parasparamp, Sanyujya nta iti kõā. paramdinanan sanghato na sa tebhyo'rthantar pp. 39 ff.
43

E THERAVADA SCHOOL
nu as possessing parts, because this 2xemption from pratighata, according om the first thesis : when there are To the objection that, if the dravyahe definition of matter, the Vaibhaest exempt de ripana ; mais un ripa é; en l'état d'aggloméré, étant dans est susceptible de détérioration et de
I led to further complications. The tly point out that, if the dratyampt from pratighata, then even the exempt from pratighata, because the the atoms. What is lacking in the er 29
forget the severe diatribes launched Is) against the definition of the atom r to have a basis for their polemics jection of the Sautrantikas that the f, and therefore not different from, atom and an aggregate being only
the Vaibhasikas of Kasmira, to take he fallacy of their assumption that, e same situation is not true of the va) is overlooked, it leads to many d fails to give a rational explanation experience: It is a matter of Comen the Sun rises a given aggregate is rection, or when one sees or touches, ch its opposite side–two situations
34量。
niravayavatvāt / mā bhūdeşa doṣaprasanghah/ $m7rawaibhasilkasta dan prasthawyah/ ayah ann, iti/ — Vimi,ś. p. 7; see also La Siddhi,

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which unmistakeably point to the spatial divisions. This characteristic atoms which constitute them do not
It is supposed (by the neo-Sar atoms takes place in such a way that of space-east, west, north, south, This law of atomic aggregation ca. atom has at least six sides. On the locus occupied by one atom is comin devoid of parts and exempt from r coalesce into one; the difference bet that of six would vanish.32
These objections and counter-o show that when it came to the quest were caught in the horns of a big d the spatial dimensions (dig-bhaga-bhe sibility—a contradiction in terms if t not amenable to further division. C dimensions of the atom is to deny th —a situation contradicted by cor followed the first line of argument party tenaciously clinging to its ow to the resulting paradox.
This gave a good opportunity 幻 alternatives and to establish their th sible: If, as the Sautrāntikas say, th bhaga). ils peuvent être divisés et ! as the Vaibhasikas say, the atoms “n pas constituer un ripa massif (sthüla)
31. Cf. Chājāvatī kathaņa vā Jadveka, kas kathan angyatra chaiya bhavaty ang atrata pah/ бірата пат. ca katham, bh a pati paramдіктоh par hi kaseid api param dinoh parabhago'sti yati Wininś. p. 7.
32. Сf. satke na yuga padyogátparamānoh тärтиbhir yиgapadyоge sati paraтdтоh šada sambhadit sanan sandinadesatwat pindah manor desah sa eva sannan/ tena sarpesan nātrai slāt) — Vimš. p. 7.

CEYLON REVIEW
conclusion that the aggregates have cannot be predicated of them if the severally possess it.
vastivadins) that the combination of : six different atoms occupy six points above and below-of another atom. tries with it the implication that the Dther hand, if it be contended that the hon to all the six, then the atom being sistance (pratighata), all the six would ween the magnitude of one atom and
bjections between the Buddhist schools ion of defining the atom, the atomists ilemma. On the one hand, to admit latva) of the atom is to admit its divihe atom is defined as the smallest and Dn the other hand, to deny the spatial he spatial dimensions of the aggregates mmon experience. The Vaibhasikas and the Sautrantikas the second, each in view without attempting a solution
or the Buddhist Idealists to refute both eory that matter is logically inadmisne atoms ** sont étendus (ont dig-deša»ar consequent ne sont pas réels”. If, e sont pas éntendus ... ils ne pourront If anything, the atom should have
ya paramāņior digbhāgabhedlo na syād ādityodaye na hii tasyāniyyah, pradeso’sti yatrātapo na syātt
umãn vantarena yadi digbhāgabhedlo neşyate/ na ägататäd anyетäпyasya pratighätäh sgāt/
Sadansatã/ Sadbhuo digbhyah Sadbhih paraņšatām prāpņoti ekas ja. Jo dešas tatrāngasa syád anumátirakahl atha ya evalikasya paran samdinade'satwat saroah pindah paramau
4.

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ܔܢ
ATOMIC THEORY OF TH
spatial dimensions, but what has spat is divisible cannot be a real entity (dra they contend, is that matter is logicall
The Theravadins, who, as sugg comparatively late period, seem to har counter-arguments involved in this b the smallest. They were therefore in
situation. They had before them thr
no possibility of their accepting the c cause being realists the Theravadins w idealistic metaphysic underlying that with two alternatives-the two inter and the Sautrantikas. They opted to on the whole, it was less riddled with satisfactory.
This is only a tentative suggestio1 it proper to recognize an aggregate : a (deliberate) silence on such question
aggregate have spatial dimensions Ο1 11
On the other hand, that spatial kalapa is clearly shown by an isolated which says that the akasa, the interver the function of delimiting the kalapa a and that is the upper side of the kalapa
This is further confirmed by a t kalapa in relation to a (cubic) inch (ań katha. 35 The term used is paramanu. of the Theravadins as identical with observations made in the course of this
33. See La Siddhi. pp. 40- 1. 34. dkasadhdtи... те иdaya тё yatayayi 1 ko!a, èitt7yi — Vism S. V, p. 68.
35. Op.cit. p. 343; see also Abhidhanappc pp. 138 ff.
36. See above, pp. 151-54.
45

IE THERAVADA SCHOOL
tal dimensions is divisible, and what Vyasat). The inescapable conclusion, y inadmissible.33
asted earlier, accepted atomism at a ve been aware of the arguments and ig controversy over the definition of a better position to judge the whole ee alternatives. However, there was ;onclusion of the Vijnanavadins, berere not prepared to subscribe to the : conclusion. They were thus left pretations given by the Vaibhasikas follow that of the Sautrantikas for, complications and, therefore, more
l as to why the Theravadins deemed as sabba-pariyantina, while observing s as whether the constituents of this
Ot.
dimensions can be predicated of the “eference in the Visuddhimangasannaya ning space between two kalāpas, “has
s: this is the lower side of the kalapa 99 t’’.34
heory advanced as to the size of the gula). It occurs in the VibhailigațțhaWe propose to interpret the paramāņu
ripakalapa, on the strength of the article.36 The table runs as follo WS:
baldpayange paryanta ya pahala kirima, kortya,
vdipika-sici, ed. Subhüti, Colombo, 1938,

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36 paramānus C 36 annus 36 tajjaris 36 ratharenus C. 7 līkhās C 7 ūkās
C
Thus the size of the parananu
I 36×36×36×36×7×7×7
That this table which gives the cubic inch is one that is arbitraril there were no physical data for a n units. A somewhat similar table—is given by Varāhamihira. 37 Ya referred to similar tables adopted At best, they all may be described simally small the paratnau, the ultir
For the paramånu is so small t ratively) described as a particle of magga-tika observes that it comes C eye (dibba-cakkhu).41 This is simila works, namely that the paratnant c realized kaivalya-jnana.42
Another problem that was ho Buddhism that adopted atomism w; with one another.
37. See Seal, Positive Sciences of the H. Chennistry, Calcutta, 1956, pp. 248 ff.
38. Systems of Buddhistic Thought, Calc 39. Essentials of Buddhist Philosophy, 40. Op.cit. p. 343.
41. Op.cit. p. 286. 42. See e.g. Pañcastikayasūra, ed. A. C

CEYLON REVIEW
(11114 tajjari
ratharenu
līkhā
ūkā
angula, "finger-breadth', i.e. one
(cubic) inch.
二
in relation to the cubic inch will be:
= 1/58 I, I47,136
: size of the paramanu in relation to the y assumed goes without saying. For lathematical calculation of infinitesimal perhaps the original source of the above makami Sogen38 and Takakusu.39 have by the Schools of Sanskrit Buddhism. as attempts to emphasize how infinitenate unit of matter, is.
hat in the Vibhaftgatthakathä it is (figuspace (akasa-kotthasa).40 The Visuddhionly within the province of the divine r to the view expressed in some Jaina an be known only by those who have
tly bebated by the schools of Sanskrit
as whether the atoms came into contact
indus, Delhi, 1925, pp. 82 ff. ; Ray. P, India),
butta, 1934, p. 122. Honolulu, 1947, p. 64.
Chakravartinayanar, Allahabad, 1920, p. 84.
46
པ་སོགས་ ہS

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ATOMIC THEORY OF TH
Since the Vaibhasikas believed th of parts, any conclusion in respect of tradict this belief. In point of fact, niravayavatva, partlessness, of the atom conclusion. They grant the possibilit 7* ܢ they Say, are inadmissible: (i) si les at les choses (dravya), c'est-à-dire, les di à-dire n'occuperaient qu'un lieu; (ii) endroit, c'est donc qu'ils auraient des pas de parties. 43 Another argument, based on the theory of momentarines: aient, c'est donc qu'ils dureraient de atom should arise first (Ist moment) view which, if accepted, would go ag. existence endures but for one moment according to Vasumitra's interpretati ments, 45 all elements, mental as well as rical world, endure but for one mome succession, and thereby projecting a pi
On the strength of these argum atoms do not come into contact with
*、 atoms there is always an intervening space there is no aloka (light), and it i occupy it.46 The presence of aloka has included in the category of matter,47 t vacuity between the two atoms. To is antara between atoms how is it that composed of these atoms do not fall is that vāyur-dhātu, the air element, kee
It is to be expected that the Sautr sion, for it is mainly based on the p
(partless)--a belief to which they did
43. A K. Ch. I, p. 89. 44. Ibid. Ch. I, p. 91. 45. See 4K. Ch. I, pp. 22 ff.; AKvy. I, p
46. Cf. yan madhye năsti kincid iti brun anya-paramānu-praveśanā vakāśam tu na brulva
47. See AK. Ch. I, pp. 23 ff. 48. A. K. Ch.I, pp. 89-90; A. Kʼ2'y. I, pp. 84 ܓܬܐ .
47

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at the dravya-paramanu was devoid his problem should in no way conhe Vaibhasikas of Kasmira take the as the very premise of the expected of two alternatives both of which, bmes se touchaient dans leur totalité, fférents atomes se meleraient, c'estsi les atomes se touchaient par un »arties (avayava) : or les atomes n'ont the one attributed to Vasumitra, is : (ksanikata): Si les atomes se touchIX moments.44 That is to say, an in order to touch (2nd moment)—a inst the doctrine that an element of (ksana). It may be noted here that, on of the Buddhist theory of momaterial, which make up the empiInt, arising and perishing in continual cture of static existence.
ents the Vaibhasikas conclude that one another, and that between two space (antara). In this intervening s so small that another atom cannot to be ruled out, because aloka being to affirm its existence is to deny the the possible objection that, if there the aggregates which are ultimately into pieces when struck, the answer ps them together. 48
antikas should challenge this Concluremise that the atom is miravayavat not want to subscribe. Hence it is
p. 23 ff. īņā Vabhāskā madhje ālokādi necchanti. fе. — АКоy. I, p. 85.
-85.

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UNIVERSITY Ol
that the author of the Abhidharina the Sautrantikas, and his comm opinion the interpretation given by expression for "nirantaratva', is
mirantaratva in this context as indic wise, the argument runs, what w within the interval 250 In putting overlooked the fact that in the ca, by Vasumitra, there is no motion it perishes—yatraivotpattih tatraiva
bhadra, a celebrity of the Vaibi Bhadanta as lending support to t between atoms.52 The main objecti is that it is but absurd to deny cont contact between the aggregates.si
Since the theory of ripa-kala the atomic theories of the schools sting to consider what position the problem. According to the The stitute a kalapa are positionally in separated does not arise. Hence til kalapas come into contact ?
The question is not raised, l. commentaries where we meet wi The authors of the medieval „Wor! answer: rupakalapas do not come i
Every kalapa is delimited ( space.54. This akasa is so small the
49. Cf. miranitare tu Sprista-sanijiñe Vaibhāşika-matang, kasmān, maișița vyann, . mirantarativamyn, yan, madhye nāsti kincid 4. Kvy. I, p. 85.
50. Cf. anyathã. hi. Sãntarãnãn para dhyeta gatinata iti vdikya-Sesah-Ibid. loc.cit
5l. A Kvy. I, p. 23. 52. See AK. Ch. I, p. 91, n. 3. 53. A.K. Ch. I. p. 92; VinihS. p. 7 Vaibhāṣikā kalpayanti. ta eva, te saņnghātā A Kivy. II, p. 85.
54. See Vishn T. p. 453; ADS VT. p.

CEY LON REVIEW
kosa, whose sympathies are more with entator criticise this theory. In their Bhadanta, namely that contact is another the best. They propose to interpret ating absence of interval.49 For otherould prevent the atoms from moving
forth this objection they seem to have se of momentary elements, as reminded wherever an element arises there itself Dinasah. On the other hand, Sanghahasika school, interprets nirantaratva of he theory that there is antara, interval on directed against the Vaibhasika theory act between the atoms while recognizing
pas, as Suggested earlier, is modelled on of Sanskrit Buddhism, it may be intere2 Theravadins took up in respect of this ravādins, since the kalāpaigas that conseparable, the possibility of their being he problem boils down to this: Can two
et alone being answered, in the earlier th the theory in its rudimentary form.
as took up the matter and provided the to contact: between them there is space.
paricchindate) by the environing akasa, ut the fact of delimitation is described as
i Bhadantal. Bhadanta-matam caislavyam, iti. nanu Vaibhāsikair apy ewann ukstan. tad evaisampu, itii. asty evan Savaksa'sann, tu, tad vacana, nn... -
näinan sunyes) anta resu gati kena, pratiiba
сf na са рататариbhyопуe sатуaial yatha, h. paramāņa vaih, spfśyante yathā rūpyanta, iti -
98; Ablok. p. 279; VismS. p. 67.
48
༽

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ܬܬܐ
ATOMIC THEORY OF THE
**as if delimiting” (paricchindantī viya) one another, for each kalapa is describe the other kalapas.56 The implication is it is infinitesimally small.
In maintaining this view the The separateness of each kalapa. Sariputta to the Abhidhammatthasangaha, takes sp. each kalapa is in itself an entity, physica separation is not possible if thereis conta paricchedakasa, that is responsible for t together (asankara-bhava).57
The admission, on the part of t kalapas suggests Vaibhasika influence. accepting this view are quite differen Vaibhasika theory of non-contact betw based on the denial of their spatial din whereas for the Theravadins the questi of physical contact is a question relating of which are not denied.
Hence it is that the author of the attempts to show how the non-conta corollary arising from the fact that the ally inseparable (padesato avinibhoga). I separated by akasa, then this leads to t natives, both of which are not com principle.
The first alternative is to deny th kalāpas. 58 The kalāpaigas of a kalāpa, inseparable. Now, if there is no actu then the characteristic of positional inse
55. See Vism.T. p. 453.
56. Ibad. loc.cf.
57. Cf. Ekeka-kalápa-gata-ripå nay, kalápar chedakca op), rüpa??) paricchleda-rü pamin. — AIDS S. p. rateness as synonymous with untouchednesssee also Abhik. p. 279.
58. See Vism S. V., p. 68.
49

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.55 The kalapas are not touching 'd as "not touched (asamput tha) by that the vacuity is a fact, although
ravadins were anxious to stress the , the author of the Sinhalese sanne ecial care to emphasize the fact that ly separated from the others. This ict. And it is the akasa, the so-called heir being prevented from mixing
he Theravadins, of akasa between
However, the reasons given for Lt. This is inevitable, because the reen the dravya-paramanus is mainly tensions (and the denial of motion), on as to the possibility or otherwise to the kalapas, the spatial dimensions
Sinhalese sanne to the Visuddhinagga ct of the kalapas is only a logical kalapangas of a kalapa are positiont is argued that if the kalapas are not he acceptance of one of two alterpatible with the above-mentioned
at there is no akasa between two be it repeated here, are positionally al separation between two kalapas, parability, which applies only to the
тtarehi, asam.kiүттd bhдiрдiрдiddinariya sema paric156; Dhammapala takes the fact of sepaabi jāpitā hi, asamphuihtā- VismT. p. 453;

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UNIVERSITY OF
kalāpaigas of a kalāpa, has to be exter is to say, the separateness of each oft to form a bigger kalapa. If the princ then it could also be extended to th be indefinitely extended. If a given hypothetically, of one billion kalapas, one big kalapa, precisely as big as th
mine the very foundation of the the
In the first place, it goes against t of a kalapa are not separable from O in question is a (big) kalapa, then its of it can be separated. The momen speaking of, into Smaller pieces, the tuents of a kalapa are not separab breaks into pieces.00
In the Second place, it would als kalāpas. For, according to this alter) Himalaya would be one big kalap, completely separated from the rest c world is characterized by unbroken it is completely separated from the re clusion that the whole physical world
In this connection it is interesti advanced by the Vaibhasikas of Kas that, if two of them touch in thei resisting (apratligha) and partless (nira into one, the whole universe would no spatial dimensions can be predicat
The objection of the Theravac developed, is that if kalapas are not physical world would become one objection is that the world will be red objection is that the atom will be iii situations literally with a World of di
59. Cf. Esē hot man kalabūjēhi rū, da рёmänena heyin hё то тёп алга. — ibid. loc.cit
60. Ledi Sadaw, the Burmese Thero, argue kalipas that lumps of stone and iron can into dust, or melted. - Buddhism, in Engla
61. See A. K. Ch. I, p. 89.

CEYLON REVIEW
ided to the two kalapas as well.59 That he kalapas vanishes and both combine ciple could be extended to two kalapas, ree or more, and so the process could piece of stone is composed, let us say then this billion kalapas would become le piece of stone. This would underbry of kalapas.
ihe established thesis that the kalapangas ine another. For if the piece of stone hould be of such a nature that no part t one breaks the piece of stone, we are in the theory, namely that the constile, one from another, too, so to say,
o go against the view of a plurality of native under consideration, the Mount a. But the Mount Himalaya is not of the physical world. If the physical Continuity in the sense that no part of est, then one Will be forced to the coni is one mighty kalapa.
ng to note that one of the arguments mira to deny contact of the atoms is totality, then the atom being nonvayavat), all the atoms would coalesce coalesce into one atom, so small that ed of it.61
ins, when its implications are fully I separated by akasa, then the whole enormous kalapa. The Vaibhasika uced to a partless atom; the Theravada flated to the size of the World-two fference.
ekakalabuyehi rü Seynma, aviorbhogaba vald,
as that it is solely because there is akaisa around
be broken up, or cut into pieces, or pounded ind, 1930, Vol. V, No. 4, p. 21.

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ATOMIC THEORY OF THE
The other alternative is to affirm tha are separated by akasa. This too would le similar to the ones that stem from denyin If it were assumed that in a given kalapa
akasa, then the separateness and indepen
away, establishing the separateness and in The ultimate unit of matter, then, wou and not the aggregate (kalapa). For the 1 Theravadins were not prepared to accept is logically true that the kalapanga shou kalapa, yet in a given kalapa the kalapa, another. They arise, exist and perish as
point in postulating the kalapanga as th refutation of the second alternative, althot annount to a criticism of the Vaibhasika st
There are in all seventeen kinds of matter, often referred to as ripa-dhamma into their composition. Therefore, befor the different kinds of kalapas, it is necessar go through the Theravadins list of ripa-d
By rüpa-dhammas Buddhism means t
data that make up the physical world. Al
into these (ultimate) factors. Although c if it were a discrete entity, this does not existence. It is only for the purpose of d In actual fact, it always exists in inseparat ripa-dhammas. Their inter-connection i. reference to laws of causation and conditi another; nor is one a substance of another. substance and quality is introduced.
The Theravadins recognize in all t or material elements. They are: the f elements of matter, namely (II) pathavī (viscidity and cohesion), (3) tejo (temper; (mobility and distension); five material
62. Cf. Ekkailāpayakama ē rū, ven, ven, koța, pin "ü da mânâ kalûpayehi rü seyinma vinirbhogaba ve Visin, S. V, p. 68.
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THERAVAIDA SCHOOL
it the kalapangas, not the kalapas, ad to many difficulties somewhat g the separateness of the kalapas. 1 the kalapangas are separated by dence of the kalapas would fade independence of the kalapangas.62 ld be the constituent (kalapanga) reasons we have given above, the such a conclusion. Although it ld be smaller (subtler) than the gas are not separable, one from one unit. There is therefore no e ultimate unit of matter. The 1gh it is not explicitly stated, does and-point.
alapas. The various elements of s, are the constituents that enter te we come to an examination of y that we should, at least briefly,
haтas.
he ultimate irreducible factors or hy instance of matter is analysable ach rūpa-dhamma is postulated as imply that it has an independent escription that it is so postulated. le association with a Set of other s sought to be explained with onality. One does not inhere in
In brief, no distinction between
wenty cight such ripa-dhahuilas, our mahabhitas or the primary (solidity and extension), (2) apo ature of cold and heat), (4) wayo sense-organs, namely (5) cakkhu
risindiyen. Mē esē vurvalhot ek kalabuyehli uța, përm, inera, bëviin, hē da no mnënevi. —

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(organ of sight), (6) sota (organ
(8) juha (organ of taste), (9) kaya namely (IO) rūpa (the visible), (II) s (taste); three faculties, namely (I. purisindriya (faculty of masculinity of life); (17) āhāra (material “qual physical basis of mental activity): (I9) kaya-viriatti (bodily expressic three characteristics of matter, na (plasticity), (23) kammafiniata (wiel (24) ирасауа (intergration), (25)
(27) anicatā (impermanence); (28)
Nos. I—4 of the above list a1 (mahābhūta), and the rest, Nos. 5The main difference between the arise or exist independently of the
Ten of the items in the list, i.e in the sense that they are represe limitations, etc. of what Buddhist words, they are nominal entities It is only as a matter of conventic as ripa-dhammas. They are distin designated as anipphanna. The rei are real ripa-dhammas in the sense th of the term. As opposed to anipp,
After this short digression we the kalapas. As stated earlier, the The Smallest is an octad consisting of the secondary, namely rupa (CO ahara (nutriment). This collectic suddhathaka, the bare octad.65 co manu of the Vaibhasikas, but for tv
63. The fifth material objective field c paţhav7, tejo, and vČinjo.
64. See Vism. p. 38 l; Abhivt. p. 74;
65. See AIDS. p. 29; S.S. p. 6; IN RII

F CEYLON REVIEW
of hearing), (7) ghana (organ of smell), organ of touch); four03 objective fields, adda (sound), (I.2) gandha (smell), (I3) rasa () ithindriya (faculty of femininity), (5) i), (I6) rapa-jivitindriya (material faculty ity' of nutrition); (18) hadaya-vatthu (the two modes of self-expression, namely n), (2O) vaci-pinnatti (vocal expression); mely (21) lahuta (lightness), (22) nuduta diness); four phases of matter, namely Santati (continuity), (26) jarata (decay), akasa-dhatu (space-element).
re called the primary elements of matter -I8 the secondary elements of matter. two categories is that the latter cannot former.
. Nos. I9—28, are not real rūpa-dhammas ntative of certain phases, characteristics, n recognizes as matter proper. In other with no Corresponding objective reality. on (rillhiya) that they too are designated guished from the rest by being further maining eighteen items, i.e. Nos. I—II 8, at they properly answer to the definition hanna, they are called nipphanna.64
may now come back to our subject of re are in all seventeen kinds of kalapas. of the four primary elements and four lour), gandha (odour), rasa (savour) and on of eight material elements, called irresponds to the smallest Saulghata-paravo differences:
onsists of three of the primary elements, namely
Asl., p. 343; ADSVT. p. 112. .p. 39.
52.
ܐܸܢ

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ATOMIC THEORY OF THE
Firstly, in place of ahara the Vaib tangible).66 The difference is unavoidal vadins photthabba (the tangible) includes exception of one, i.e. āpo-dhātu. Henc Theravadins, it is not necessary to repe: represented by the enumeration of the the Vaibhasikas sprastavya includes the bhita-sprastavya, and eleven secondary el It is in order to represent the latter that s aspect of it is represented by the primar responsible for the inclusion of ahara i. Theravadins have postulated ahara as a se bhasikas have conceived it as a combinati which three items occur in the list.
The two lists are thus representative fact that bhautika-sprastavya is not represe This is unavoidable, because the latter do elements of matter come under the objec
The other difference is more signifi with which the Sautrāntikas do not agr dependent on a separate tetrad of the p elements which serve as a support (asray say, colour, do not at the same time se Smell.69 Hence, as the Abhidharmakosa Sanghata-paramanu should consist of, not since each secondary element is depen primary elements, the four secondary should have for their support, sixteen s Vaibhasikas reply that "la nature (iat) de la même, que ceux-ci supportent la mat derivées visible, saveur, tangible” and t in counting the primary elements as fou
66. See Dhs. p. 143. 67. See AK. Ch. I, pp. 18 ff. 68. See Abhimr. p. 40; A. K. Ch. III, pp. 120
69. Cf. Qyad bhsüital-ca tuşka m, dü$raya ekzasyo, tad evanyasyopadaya-rupasua gandhasya rasasya catuskann tasyāśraya iti Vaibhāşika-siddhāntah. —
70. AK. Ch. II, pp. 148 ff.
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hasika list contains sprastavya (the le. For, according to the Theraonly the primary elements with the e from the point of view of the at photthabba, because it is already primary elements. According to
four primary elements, i.e. the sments, i.e. the bhautika-sprastvya.07 prastavya is repeated, although one y elements. A similar situation is in the Theravada list. While the parate element of matter, the Vaion of rasa, gandha, and spraṣṭavya,68
s of the same items except for the inted in the list of the Theravadins. not admit that any of the secondary st of touch.
cant. It is a Vaibhasika principle, ee, that each secondary element is rimary elements. Those primary a) for a given secondary element, rve as a support for another, say, rightly points out, the smallest : eight, but twenty, elements; for, dent on a separate tetrad of the :lements of the sanghata-paramanu eparate primary elements. 70 The la tetrade de grands éléments reste iére dérivée odeur, ou les matiéres hat therefore there is no anomaly r, although there are four of each
量。 0ôidôiya-riapaSya, nila8yya pʻitasya, ʼvôi. na, o'asrayah. kin tarhi. anyad eva bhita- AKvy. I, p. 123.

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type.71 In contrast, the Theravac of the suddhatthaka are the comm ary elements.72
These, then, are the two sign of the Theravadins and the octul
The conception of the oc suddhatthaka is modelled, remin the four elemental substances at Vaisesikas maintain that odour (g (sparsa) are respectively the spec fire, and air,73 It will be seen t octuple Sanghāta-paramānu. Th maintain, are invariably associa elemental substances.74 The eig as the Vaibhasikas maintain, are It should of course be admitted elements are not recognized as til recognizing four items of the oc than assigning equal status to all be a veiled recognition of the N logical and more in keeping v between substance and quality to in question. In point of fact, a si Sautrantikas.75 Perhaps it was similarity with the Nyaya-Vais to declare that each secondary el rate tetrad of the primary eleme
The remaining sixteen kalap, ple as adopted by the Vaibhāşika than the octad. The eight items they are presentin every instanci
71. See A. K. Ch. III, p. 148. 72. See A DSS. p. 166; cf. suddh
gandha-rasa-ojā ti idam. — Abhvk. p. 24 73. See Bhaduri, Nyaya-Vaisesikal 74. Ibid. loc.cit.
75. Cf. the Sautrantika criticism of in A K. Ch. III, pp. 254 ff.
76. See A D.S. p. 28; Pism S. V., p.

OF CEYLON REVIEW
ins believe that the four primary elements on support (eka-nissaya) of the four second
- ificant differences between the suddhathaka ple satunghāfa-paramāņu of the Vaibhāşikas.
rtuple sanghata-paramanu, on which the ds one of the Nyaya-Vaisesika theory of ld their respective qualities. The Nyayaandha), taste (rasa), colour (rūpa) and touch ial qualities (visesa-guna) of earth, water, hat it is the same items that constitute the e special qualities, as the Nyaya-Vaisesikas ted and co-existent with their respective ht constituents of the sanghata paramanu, necessarily co-existent (niyata-Sahotpanna). that in the Buddhist schools the secondary he qualities of the primary. However, by ctad as secondary to the other four, rather the eight, the resulting picture appears to yaya-Vaisesika theory. It should be more with the Buddhists' denial of the duality have given equal status to the eight items uggestion in this direction was given by the
the desire to escape from this seeming şika view that impelled the Vaibhāşikas ament of the octad is dependent on a sepaltS.
as are formed according to the same princiis in forming the sanghata-paramanus other of the octad are the basic material elements; 2 of matter.76 Therefore in all the kalapas
ațțhakan ti cattāri mahābhūtāni tannissitā vanna - )7.
fetaphysics, Poona, 1947, pp. 52 ff.
the principle of reciprocal causation (sahabhit-hetw)
389.
ܓܐ
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ATOMIC THEORY OF TH
these eight material elements are prese are formed by adding one or more, . maining material elements to the basic
Next to the basic octad comes sa according to both schools, is formed the basic octad. 77
As to the formation of the five two schools follow two slightly differe
According to the Vaibhasikas, of organ of touch, consists of the miniml is a nonad consisting of the basic octada added to it. Each of the other four adding one dratya-paramanu of each of while the kayendriya-sanghata is a nol are decads.78
For the Theravadins every sense First one kalapanga of rapa-jivitindriya, to the basic octad to make it organic. navaka, the vital nonad. The five sen adding each of the sense-organ kalapa are cakkhu-dasaka (eye-decad), sota-das decad), jiwha-dasaka (tongue-decad) and
The Vaibhasikas add one drapyafour sense-organ Saulghatas, because th be associated with kayendriya (tar-pr have taken the view that the organs ( certain modifications of the organ of Nyaya-Vaisesikas, too.81 It is rather add one kalapanga of kayendriya to the in the commentaries we are told that t
77. See A K. Ch. III, p. 144; A. Ka»y. I, p. 78. Cf. kā mesla dravJakošabdaļ, paramāņu) kāyendriyo nava drwyo daśadra vyo” parendriyah/ 79. See ADS. p. 29: S.S. p. 4: NR P. p. 80. See A Key. I, p. 123. 81. See Bhaduri, Nyaya-Vaisesika Metaph

E THERAVADA SCHOOL
nt as their basis. The other kalapas is the situation demands, of the reoctad.
lda-navaka, the sound-nonad, which, by adding one element of sound to
sense-organ kalāpas or salųnghātas the nt methods.
the sense-organs the kayendriya, the Im number of dravya-paramänus. It ind one drapya-paramanu of kayendriya sense-organ sanghatas is formed by them to the kayendriya-nonad. Thus had the other sense-organ sanghatas
2-organ kalāpa is a decad (dasaka). the material faculty of life, is added The resulting nonad is called jivitase-organ kalapas are then formed by gas to the jivita-navaka. Thus there aka (ear-decad), ghana-dasaka (nose
kaya-dasaka (body-decad).79
paramanu of kayendriya to the other e other four sense-organs are said to atibaddhavrtitivit).80 They seem to of sight, hearing, taste and smell are touch-a view accepted by certain strange that the Theravādins do not other four sense-organ kalapas. For, he organ of touch is present in every 123; A DS. p. 29; S.S. p. 5.
anindriyah/
( — A K. Ch. TI, p. 22.
38.
ysics, Poona, 1947, p. 96.
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part of the body (sabba-sarira-byapa, cotton.82 Why the Vaibhasikas d organ sanghatas is not far to seek. recognized only one variety of jivit and matter, and is therefore inclu. sauskāras. 83
Since the Theravadins have de elements of matter, rather than co touch,84 as is done by the Vaibhasik heart-basis (hadaya-Vatthu) as the items too are explained by way of k. paramanus are not found in Sans formation is like that of the sense. of ithindriya (the faculty of femini linity) and hadaya-vatthu (the heartresulting three decads are called pumbhava-dasaka (masculinity-dec: respectively.87
The kalapangas or the constitu sidered so far are all nipphanna-rip not recognized as kalapangas. Th santati, (4) jaratā, and (s) anicatā. V explanation. Akasa-dhatu, i.e. spac thing that enters into the compositi is that which intervenes between th to, and is itself bounded by, the kal indicative of certain phases of mat constituents of the kalapas.90
82. See Asl. p. 3ll; Vʻism. p. 432. 83. See A. K. Ch. III, pp. 178-9. 84. See Asl. pp. 32l ff. 85. See AK. Ch. pp. 108 ff. 86. See Vism T. p. 449; Abhvk. p. 271 87. See ADS. p. 29. 88. This is what is called pariccheda-r and is often distinguished from sikasa whic Кои. p. 330.
89. See Dhs. p. 153. 90. Kaläpänan pariccheda-lakkhanattä na kalapangan icc’ahu akasan laki

CEYLON REVIEW
a), existing as it were like oil soaked in o not include jivitendriya in the senseFor, unlike the Theravadins, they have andriya, which is common to both mind led in the category of citta-wiprayukta
ined the two faculties of sex as separate nceiving them as part of the organ of as,85 and since they have postulated the seat of mental activity,86 these three ilapas, to which corresponding sanghatarit Buddhism. The method of their -organs. That is to say, one kalapanga lity), purisindriya (the faculty of mascubasis) is added to the jivita-navaka. The i itthibhava-dasaka (femininity-decad), ad) and vatthu-dasaka (basis-decad)
ents of the kalāpas which we have con1. Of the ten anipphanna-ripas, five are ey are (I) akasa-dhatu, (2) upacaya, (3) Why they are excluded needs hardly any - je delimited by matter,88 is not someon of the kalapas; on the other hand, it e kalapas. That is to say, it sets bounds apas. The other four items are merely ter. 89 AS such, they are not material
ipa, which stands for crevices, interstices, etc. a represents boundless space. See Dhs. p. 144:
vicakkhaná| handni ca/1 - A.D.S. p. 29.
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ATOMIC THEORY OF THE
The five anipphanna-rupas which a two modes of self-expression, i.e. kaya triad of lahuta, muduta and kammainiat although anipphanna-ripas are called ri something distinct from the nipphanna-r anipphanna-ripas are recognized as kalap thing distinct from the nipphanna-kalap, clarify the situation.
Kaya-visiniatti, it may be noted here, position or situation) of a Set of cittamaterial elements), which are nipphanna consideration, kaya-visiniatti signifies an kalāpas (for the citta-Samutthāna-rūpas tC each of these kalapas, an akara-wikara indicated by the addition of kaya-viii. the recognition of kaya-viiiatti as a kalap that it is something distinct from the is to indicate the type of kalapas, an aka the kāya-viññatti. It is in this manne significance of the five anipphanna-kalap
Let us now examine those kalapass атipphата-rйра.
The first, called kayapinnatti-nau formed by the addition of one kalapang It represents the citta-samutthana-kalapa kayavihiniatti. Next comes vacivinitial which is formed by the addition of two to the basic octad. This represents til vikara of which is called vacivinitiatti.92 because vacivinitiatti is intimately conn the Vaibhasikas treat kayavijnapti as a p visible,o+ they do not postulate a separat
91. Citta-Samutthana-rapas are those mate consciousness, as in the case of bodily movemer
92. Vacaoyiiiatti is an dikdra-vikdira of vocal ness, as in the case of speech. See Dhs. pp. 143
93. See Dhs. p. 143. 94. See AK. Ch. IV, p. 4; KSP: MCB, IV
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re recognized as kalapangas are the i-piriniatti and vaci-viiiiatti, and the a. We have already shown that, pa-dhammas, they do not stand for itpas. Accordingly, although some aigas, they do not stand for Someaigas. Let us take one example to
signifies an ākāra-vikāra (a particular amutthana-ripas (mind-conditioned .9l According to the theory under akara-likara of the citta-samutthanao exist by way of kalapas). Now of which is called kaya-vinitiatti, is atti as one of its kalapangas. Thus anga does not carry the implication nipphanna-kalapangas. Its purpose ra-wikara of which is represented by r that one should understand the añigaS.
ome of the kalapangas of which are
raka (bodilly-expression-nonad), is a of kayavinnatti to the basic octad. an akara-vikara of which is called ti-dasaka (vocal-expression-decad) kalapangas of sound and vacivinitiatti he citta-samutthana-kalapa an akaraThe addition of sound is necessary lected with vocal sound.93 Since art of ripayatana, the sphere of the ze Sanghāta-paramānu corresponding
trial elements which arise in response to hts. See Dhs. pp. 147 ff.
sound which is conditioned by conscious
f。
, pp. 212-3; . La Siddhi. p. 48.

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to it. The same is not true of va, of Sabdayatana, the sphere of the
more complex than that of ordi qui est produit par les grands élém n'existe pas independament des org paramainu of vaguinapti sound, th by the addition of two dravya-par,
The last four kalapas to which Saulghata-paramanus can be trace kalapangas the usual eight insepara mudu tā and kammafiatā and the tV
The first, called lahutadekada. basic octad plus three kalapañgas may be noted here that the last t a living being when it is healthy ainamaīnam vijahanti).9 This e in the same kalāpa rather than esta
The second and the third, call of bodily expression and plastici (tredecad of Vocal expression, sou lahutā, muidutā and kammaññatā to na vaka and vacīviññatti-dasaka res viiiattis could be accompanied ( It seems that it is in order to expl have been postulated.
The last kalapa is sadda-lah plasticity). It is the same as the lahutadi-terasaka except for the a winiatti. Since the triad of lahuta, itself with a phenomenon associa
95. See A. K. Ch. IV, p. 14; KSP: 1 96. A. K. Ch. TIII, p. 145. 97. Ibid. loc.cit. 98. See A D.S. p. 28. 99. Ab havik. p. 281.
100. See AIDS. p. 28.
101. See Visna T. p. 453.

)F CEYLON REVIEW
vijnapti. Although it is treated as a part audible.95 its composition as a sanghata is nary Sound. For, `le son (Sabdayatana) ents qui font partie de l'organisme (upātta) ganes”.96, Hence in the case ofa sanghaita2 usual sound-nonad becomes an undecad zmanus ofkayendriya and jih vendriya,97
except perhaps to one, no corresponding d in Sanskrit Buddhism, have as their bles of the basic octad, the triad of lahuta, VO vitifiattis.
saka (undecad of plasticity), consits of the of lahuta, muduta and kammainiata.98 It hree items, which represent the body of and efficient, arise always together (na xplains why the three items are included blishing three different kalapas.
ed kayaviññatti-lahutadidvadasaka (dodecad ty) and vacivirinatti-Sadda-lahutadi-terasaka
ind and plasticity) are formed by adding
the previously mentioned kayaviatti
pectively. 100 The occurrence of the two Facilitated) by the triad of lahuta, etc.10 ain such situations that these two kalapas
utadi-dvadasaka (dodecad of sound and previously mentioned vacivinitiatti-saddabsence of one constituent, namely vacietc. is included here, it certainly concerns uted with the physical body of a living
MO B. IV, pp. 156, 260: Mdhu. Vrt. p. 307.
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ATOMIC THEORY OF T
being. 102 And since vaciviniatti is l sentative of vocal sound unaccompa produced by the other parts of the b reference to a sanghata-paramanu, ca of the basic octad and two drapya-p touch. It represents the phenomer sound produced, say, by the clappin it may be observed, are represented inclusion of kayendriya as a constituen that, unlike the Vaibhasikas, the The to the kalapas of the first four sense-C sound.
This brings us to an end of our su They all are again classified into four rative conditions of matter (rilpa-sal (ii) citta (consciousness), (iii) utu (tem If a kalapa is conditioned by more thal say, by three (ti-samutthāna), then tha In this way, although there are seve brought up to twenty one.
Since the eight ripa-indriyas and coming into being through the actic dasakas, the two sex dasakas, the jit brought under kamma-samutthana. akara-vikaras of citta-samutthana-ripa, navaka, vacīviññatti-dasaka, kāyaviñña, Saddalahutädi-terasaka are brought und sadda-navaka and sadda-lahutadi-duaid two kalapas refer to two varieties of the body of a living being, and the sentient (avijnanika) world. Here it is said to arise owing to the concussic tutu (the temperature of cold and heal for its continuity. 106
102. The triad refers to some characteristic that enters into the composition of a living bé
103. Oʻp.cʻit. Ch. TI, p. 145. I04. See Dhs. p. 146; Asl., p. 336. 105. See ADS. p. 29 ff. 106, See A D.S.S. p. I 67.

HE THERAVADA SCHOOL
acking, We may interpret it as reprenied by vacīviññatti as well as sound ody. In the Abhidharmakosa there is led the sound-decad, which consists aramanus of Sound and the organ of on of upatamahabhitika sound, i.e. g of hands, etc.103 Cases like these, by the kalapa in question. The nonit of this kalapa is explained by the fact bravadins do no add kayendriya either rgans or to the kalapa of vacivinitiatti
rvey of the seventeen kinds of kalapas, groups on the basis of the four genenutthana-paccaya), namely (i) kanna, perature) and (iv) āhāra (nutriment). in one of the above-mentioned factors, at particular kalapa is counted thrice. nteen distinct kalapas, the number is
I the hadaya-watthu are recognized as Dn of kamma, 104 the five sense-organ ita-navaka and the vatthu-dasaka are Since the two viiinattis represent the four kalapas, namely kayaviattiti-lahutadi-divadasaka and vacivinitiattier citta-Sainutthåna. The two kalapas, asaka, are utu-samutthana. 105 These sound, the first to sound produced in second to sound produced in the inmay be noted that, although sound on (ghattana) of the primary elements, t) is recognized as a special condition
s, not of matter in general, but of the matter sing. See Abhek. p. 281; Vism T. p. 453.

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On the other hand, the two kal are ti-samutthana in the sense that citta, utu and āhāra.
The first which refers to the tria bodily efficiency which is implied b a wholesome state of mind (citta), ( good temperature (utu). 107
When the suddhathaka, which c elements, is brought into relation bodily movements arising in respon thana. When it arises conditioned utu-samutthana and ahara-samutthana that which enters into the composi stituted of suddhathakas and sadda-n For the temperature of cold and he continuity and all changes of all Suci
Why the suddhathaka is not ka is true that the (eight) constituents c of all kalāpas including those tha however, be noted that, although so being conditioned by kamma, thei depend on the ripa-jivitindriya. 110 should at least be a nonad (navaka (basic octad) and one kalapanga of r never be kamma-samuthana.
Before we conclude this article position of kalapas in relation to R according to Buddhist cosmology.
The Theravadins and the Vaib of matter exist in the Kāma-loka ai the same situation is true of the rip, to these two planes of existence. 111
107. See ADSS. p. 165. 108. See ADS. p. 29. 109. See ADS. p. 29; ADSS. p. 163.
110. See Asl. p. 339. 111. See AK. Ch. I, pp. 55 ff; ADS. pl

CEYLON REVIEW
lāpas, lahutādekādasaka and Suddhatthaka, they are alternatively conditioned by
ld of lahutå etc. is ti-samuthåna, because y the triad could be brought about by Dr by agreeable nutrition (ahara) or by
:onsists of the eight inseparable material with consciousness, as in the case of Se to a thought, it is called citta-Samufby temperature or nutrition, it is called
respectively. 108 All matter other than tion of living beings is ultimately conavakas, both conditioned only by utu. 'at is an essential factor for the arising, h matter. 109
imma-samutthana needs explanation. It of this octad enter into the composition it are kamma-conditioned. It should, me material elements come into being, r uninterrupted continuity is said to
Therefore a kamma-samutthāna kalāpa ), consisting of the eight inseparables ilpa-jivitindriya. An octad in itself can
a few comments are called for on the upa-loka, the second plane of existence
hasikas share the view that all elements ld none in the Arupa-loka. Therefore a-kalapas/sanghata-paramanus in relation
p. 29 ff.
6O
夔
ܕܪ ܕ
ܨܲܢܨܪܝܠ

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ATOMIC THEORY OF TH
That some material elements existi schools. But opinion differs as to what
The Vaibhasika view is that odour faculties of sex which are a part of the not obtain in the Ripa-loka.113 The along with the tangible (sprastavya) the (material food). Since "personne ne détaché de cet aliment', 114 it has to be stavya) which is also a part of kavadika itself it cannot constitute kavadikaraha more important reason-the four prin Since the primary elements are the Su presence of the former must be admit mination of the two faculties of sex is th for tactile consciousness, from which d. be born in the Ripa-loka are completely
Since the two faculties of sex are material elements, but as a part of the ol former does not affect the principle of hand, since savour (rasa) and odour (g two separate elements of matter, but al basic octad, their elimination necessitat paramāņu of the Rūpa-loka by two dra smallest sanghata-paramanu of the Rip constituents; and this quantitative defici of the other sanghata-paramanus, too. 117
The Theravadins agree with the faculties of sex,118 presumably for the agree with the latter over the other el
112. See 4K. Ch. I, pp. 108 ff. ll3. See A. K. Ch. J, pp. 55-8; A. Kavy. I, p. ( I.14. AK. Ch. I, p. 55. 115. See above, p. 166 Il 6. See A.K. Ch. I, p. 55; AKvy. I, p. 63.
Il7. Cf. ?ya, ihôista-dra avyaka, 2ukto mirimdriyo: dra vyakah kāyendrijā. Sa Sapta-dra vyakah. dravyakah. Sa-šabdakäb punarete Saptāsta-navC p. 125; see also AK. Ch. II, pp. l47 ff.
Il8. See ADS. p. 30.
6.

E THERAVADA SCHOOL
in the Ripa-loka is admitted by both
they are.
(gandha), savour (rasa) and the two organ of touch (kayendriya), 112 do first two are eliminated, because 7 form what is called kavadikarahara nait dans le Ripadhâtu qui ne soit excluded. But the tangible (sprarahara is retained, partly because in ra, and partly because-this is the lary elements are included in it. 115 port (asraya) of the secondary, the ed. The reason given for the elilat they arise as a result of the desire sire the beings who are destined to 7 free. 116
recognized, not as two independent gan of touch, the elimination of the atomic aggregation. On the other andha) are recognized, not only as so as two of the constituents of the es the reduction ofevery sanghataIvya-paramanus. Consequently, the 1-loka becomes an aggregate of six ency is reflected in the composition
Vaibhasikas in eliminating the two same reason. However, they disements of matter to be eliminated.
‘abdah. Sa tatra, şad-dra vyakah. Ayo navato dasa-dravyako parendriyah. Sosta-dravyaka ity avagantavyan. – A Kvy.II,

Page 64
UNIVERSITY OF
Instead of savour and odour, they
corresponding to them and also the this reduction, the two bhava-dasakas, the kaya-dasaka get eliminated from t
A comparison between the two by the two schools should show tha nature, the Vaibhasikas eliminating t the sense-organs. Although it mig completely parted Ways, yet, on clo they are following two different met
Both schools agree On the View t ness) and ghana-viriana (olfactory C loka; 121 the Theravāda eliminates, in ousness). 122 If this latter fact is over complete agreement between the t quires for its arising the Conjunctic sense-object, its absence can be indica exclusion of the sense-organ or by th Theravadins have followed the first second.
However, although the two me common conclusion, they separated concerning the composition of the pursuance of the second alternative gandha (odour) and rasa (savour) fro. of the Ripa-loka. Thereby the the Vhich the four mahābhūtas and rūpa ( and bhautika-sprastavya (the derivativ (niyata-Sahotpanna) and positionally i
Ꮉ
the same form both in the Kaina-loka
On the other hand, the adoptio the first alternative did not necessitat reduction was not the number of number of kalapas themselves.
119. See ADS. p. 30.
120. Ibid. p. 31. 121. See A.K. Ch. I, p. 55; AKvy. I, p. 6 122. See ADS. p. 32.

CEYLON REVIEW
have excluded the two sense-organs organ of touch. 119 Consequent on the jivha-dasaka, the ghana-dasaka and he Ripa-loka. 120
lists of material elements eliminated t the differences are of a considerable the sense-objects and the Theravadins ht appear that the two schools have ser examination, it Will be Seen that nods for a common purpose.
hatjivha-viññana (gustatory Consciousonsciou Sness) are absent in the Ripaaddition, kaya-vijnana (tactile conscilooked for the moment, then there is Wo schools. Since Consciousness rein between the sense-organ and the ted in one of two Ways: either by the le exclusion of the Sense-object. The alternative and the Vaibhasikas the
rthods brought the two schools to a them over one vital issue, an issue Saulghata-paramanus/rapa-kalapas. In 2, the Vaibhasikas had to eliminate m cach and every Salịghảta-paramānu ory of a vinirbhaga-rupa according to (colour), rasa (savour), gandha (odour) e tangible) are necessarily co-existent inseparable, could not be retained in
and in the Ripa-loka.
n, on the part of the Theravadins, of 2 such a course. For, what required constituents of each kalapa, but the

Page 65
ATOMIC THEORY OF THE
The concern of the Theravādins to rei unmodified is also shown by the way the ripa. They too were of the opinion that completely detached from kabalikara-aha, avinibhoga-rupas, it could not be eliminate
:effect was realized by the elimination of ܐܝܬ . Rüpa-loka. 125 Thereby they admitted t Ripa-loka, but denied that the beings the
123. see ADS. p. 31.

THERAVAIDA SCHOOL
ain the theory of avinibhoga-rupa y solved the problem of aharahe beings in the Ripa-loka were a. But, since ahara is one of the d from the kalapas. The desired ull āhāra-samutthāna-kalāpas from hat there was ähāra-rüpa in the rein were nourished by it.
Y. KARUNA DASA

Page 66
~
o
C
o
o
o
UNIVERSITY Ol
Key
pathavi-dhãtu (earth ele apo-dhatu (water elemen tejo-dhatu (fire element) vayo-dhatu (air element rūpa (colour). sadda (sound). gandha (odour).
rasa (savour).
āhāra, (nutriment). cakkhu (organ of sight). sota (organ of hearing). ghana (organ of smell). jivha (organ of taste). kaya (organ of touch). jivitindriya, (faculty of li it thindriya (faculty of fe purisindriya (faculty of hadaya-vatthu (heart-ba kayaviati (bodily exI vacíviññatti (vocal expr rūpassa lahutā (lightnes: rūpassa mudutā (pliancy
rūpassa, kammafifatā (W

CEYLON REVIEW
to Kalápa igas
ment).
nt).
ife).
mininity). masculinity).
Usis).
pression). ession).
s of matter).
7 of matter).
fieldiness of matter).
64

Page 67
ATOMIC THEORY OF THE
COMPOSITION OF THE
Rūpakalāpas
Suddhathaka (Basic octad) l--2-
Sadda-navaka (Sound-nonad) !--2
Jivita-navaka (Vital nonad) 1-2-
Cakkhu-dasaka (Eye-decad) 1-1-2-
Sota-dasaka (Ear-decad) l-I-2-
Ghana-dasaka (Nose-decad) |-|-2-
Jivha-dasaka (Tongue-decad) 1-2-
Kaya-dasaka (Body-decad) I-4-2-
Ittihibhava-dasaka (Decad of l--2-
femininity)
Pumbhava-dasaka (Decad of
masculinity) --2.
Vatthu-dasaka (Decad of heart-basis) 1--2.
Kayavihilatti-navaka (Nonad of
bodily expression) 1-1-2.
Vacivinflatti-dasaka (Decad of vocal
expression) I-I-2-
Lahutā dekādasaka (Undecad of
plasticity) |-|-2. Kayaviniatti-lahutadi-dvadasaka
(Dodecad of bodily expression and |-|-2 plasticity) Vaciviffatti-sadda-lahutadi-terasaka,
(Tredecad of vocal expression, 1-1-2. sound and plasticity)
Sadda-lahutädi-dvādasaka (Dodecad
of sound and plasticity) l-1-2.
65

THERAVAIDA SCHOOL
DE RUPAKALAPAS
Kalapaήgas
|-3--4--5-1-7--8-1-9
-3-4-5-7-8-9-6
|-3--4--5-7--8-1-9-4-15
-3--4--5-)-7--8-1-9-4-15-1-10
|-3--4--5-I-7--8-1-9-4-15 -- ll
3--4-- 5-7--8-1-9-4-15-1-12
3-4-5-7--8-9-15-1-13
|-3--4--5-4-7--S-I-9-I-15-1-14
|-3--4--5-I-7--8-1-9 -- 15-16
+-3-4-5-7--8-9-15-- 17
|-3--4--5-1-7--8-9-15-1-18
|-3--4--5-1-7--S-I-9-19
|-3--4--5-4-7--8-1-9-4 6-20
十3十4-5十7十8十9十2l十22十23
H-3--4--5--7-- 8-9-19-1-21-22-23
+-3-4-5-7-8-9-20-6-21-22+ 23
-3-4-5-7-8-9-0-21-22-23

Page 68
Ağ bhcd.
Abhinny.
Ailbh olc.
A bh?'t.
Ali S.
ADSS.
A DS W'.
A PK.
Á K'y.
As.
1}}} S.
FERRE.
x SP.
La Siddhi.
RA CU 3.
Md hg/. YV gʻt.
NAN È? P.
NRS.
JTS.
APTITS.
S.S.
靛总。
环〔。
|77,5უე’’, ,S.
V igi??".
UNIVERSITY O.
Ab
4 bhidhar°n}ddĩpa (w
Sanskrit Works
Abhidha” pārta, re Bhikkişu, Sāntinike
Abhidhof patthay Red
Aibhidh ann móir' atára, H, pp. i - l42, PTS
Abhidha înmatthasa ii,
pp. 1-48.
Abhidhannatthasan grahaja, ed. Pañ.
Abhidhamnatha Saig
1998.
LAbhid (typict cosa, C Societe Belge d'E
Abhidharmakošajā
1932-36.
Atthasalini, ed. E. M Dhammasañgani ed
Encyclopaedia of Re burgh, 1908-26.
Ka"masiddhiprakara
pp. 151-228.
La Siddhi, de Hitch,
Melanges Chinois et 1 Chinoises, Bruxel
Mädhyanaka-Vrtti, e Vol. IV, St. Pete
Мdтarüpaparicchedс
pp. - l I4.
Nām Crāpa SCP).āSC, e( Journal of the Pali 1 Pali Teact Society. SaccaSankhepa, ed. Viņ2śatikā (Vijñaptiu Visuddhinagga, ed.
Viśuddhismārga - San
1890-97.
Visuddhinaga-Tā kā

CEYLON REVIEW
reviations
ith Vibhāṣāprabhāvirtti), ed. P. S. Jaini, Tibetan Series, Vol. IV, Patna, 1959.
stored from Chinese into Sanskrit by Santi tana, 1953.
sini, ed. A. P. Buddhadatta, Colombo, 1961.
ed. A. P. Buddhadatta, Buddhadatta's Manuals, *。1915.
gaha, ed. T. W. Rhys Davids, JPTS., i884,
gaha-Sannaya, included in Abhidharminārtha Sariñämoli Tissa, 3rd Edition, Ambalangoda, 1926.
taha- Vibhävino-Tīkā, ed. Paidinanda, Colombo,
le Vasubandhu, t’’. L. de la Vallée Poussin, itudes Orientales, Paris, 1923-31.
chsà (Sphäärtha), I-II, ed. U. Wogihara, Tokyo
Iuller, PTS., 1897. . E. Muller, PTS., 1885. :ligion, and Ethics, 1-13, ed. J. Hastings, Edin
2ņa, tr. E. La innotte, MCB., Vol. IV, 1936,
Tsang, tr. L. de la Vallée Poussin, Paris, 1928-29.
Bouddhiques, l’Institut Belge des Hautes Etudes 19s,
d. L. de la Vallée Poussin, Bibliotheca Buddhica, "sberg, 1903- 13.
t, ed. A. P. Buddhadatta, JPTS., 1913-14,
d. P. Dihaminārāma, JPTS., 1915-16, pp. - 19. "eact Society, London.
P. Dharminārārna, JPTS., l9l7-19, pp. I-25. matratäsiddhi), ed. S. Levi, Paris, 1925. Mrs. Rhys Davids, PTS., 1917. naya, I-VI, ed. M. Dharmaratna, Colombo
, ed. M. Dhammananda, Colombo, 1928.
66

Page 69
Some Aspects of Colc Ceylon in the El
were the masters of the northern
of Rajarata, and the northern desa.1 These territories were administ the finer details of their administration contemporary sources. The Cillavafis source for the study of the history of anything of any great significance about by the Colas. However, the presence o disposed towards the Colas in the Raj references in the Ciūlavariisa, which alli defied by the Sinhalese in Rajarata,2 a1 Vijayabahu soon after his expulsion oft
D URING the greater part of the
The Cola inscriptions which provic for the study of their administration in attention to such matters in Ceylon. T Ceylon, on the other hand, provide vei mation for the reconstruction of the : economic conditions of the time.
The period which immediately Ceylon appeared to have witnessed a stration in Rajarata. According to th (972-982 A.C.), and the first ten years of pura, were marked by lawlessness and strative machinery to the hands of t
*For abbreviations see the end of the paper
l. According to the Calavanisa, chap. lviii bahu set out to expel the Colas, they encounte Muhunnaru in the west, and in the east as far : of Gal-Oya, in the eastern province, JRASCB demarcate the boundaries between the areas See also Cv., liv. 16—23.
2. Co., lviii. 12.
3. CU v., lviii. 59, lix... 13-il 4.
4. Cv., liv. 57-67. liv. Il-7, 12.
67

| Administration of
2 Venth Century
eleventh century A.D. the Colas half of Ceylon, which comprised parts of Rohana and Dakkhinaered by the Colas themselves, but in Ceylon remain unrevealed from a, which is the most important mediaeval Ceylon, does not record the conditions in the area occupied f Cola officials, or Sinhalese officials arata, is suggested by a few stray ude to Cöla åyuttakas who Were nd also to the changes effected by he Colas from Rajarata.
le such a great deal of information South India have paid very scanty The few Cola inscriptions found in ry inadequate but yet useful inforadministration and a study of the
preceded the Cola occupation of general break-down in the adminie Calavatisa, the reign of Sena V Mahinda V (982-992) in Anurādhaa gradual surrender of the adminihe unruly elements.4 The Tamil
, verses 42-46, when the armies of Vijayared them in the heart of Dakkhinadesa, at south as Caggama, located near the mouth (NS)., vol. vi., p. 30. This would roughly occupied by the Colas and the Sinhalese.

Page 70
UNIVERSITY OF
mercenaries had plundered the coun and all the time nothing appears to to halt the forces of deterioration a and the administration of the islan unbearable that as the king's (Ma the people refused to pay their tax Mahinda had abandoned Rajarata Rajarata had then passed into the hal mercenaries, who were in revoltag, carried on the government in Raja long they were replaced by the Co. time. To some extent at least, wh establishment of Cola power may denied to them by the forces of ana
Before the conquest of Rajarata Ceylon was only referred to as Ila but following the aforesaid events, in IOI7 A.D., it became the practic Munnudisola-nandalan. This is a took place in the political relation The whole of Ceylon, at least in n. and the remaining pockets of Sinhal were perhaps treated as rebellious a quest appear as real as possible ev captive to the Cola Country, had to of the Colas. But their authority nominal than real is implied by their the crowns or the heads of the king rule over Rajarața. În the Rajaraț been quite secure, and remained us seventy-five years. On the other almost without a break in Rohana accept the realities of the situation, these areas. Thus only the northe the effects of the administration of nominally belonged to the Cola-m
5. Co., iii. 3.

CEYLON REVIEW
ry and made life difficult for the people. have been done by these effete rulers nd prevent the collapse of the economy d. Conditions became so chaotic and hinda V) authority became ineffective, es to the king-5 At this turn of events, and fled to Rohana. The control of nds of the Keraļa, Sinhala and Kariņāțaka inst Mahinda. It is remarked that they rata as they pleased'. Perhaps before as who invaded Ceylon about the same atever the adverse effects in general, the have provided a degree of protection
rchy.
by the Colas in the time of Rajaraja I, 11 or Singalam in the Tamil inscriptions, and still later the capture of Mahinda V Ce to refer to Ceylon as Illamați dalam or very clear evidence of the change that s between the Colas and the Sinhalese.
ame, was considered as a Cola mandala, Cse resistance in Rohana and Malayadesa ureas. And probably to make their con
en the Sinhalese king, who was taken spend the rest of his life as a prisoner
over the whole of Ceylon was more own claims to have repeatedly captured is of Ceylon throughout their period of l, however, their power seems to have hchallenged by the Sinhalese for nearly land, opposition to their rule continued
and Malayadesa, and the Colas had to and be content with frequent raids into rn half of Ceylon actually experienced the Colas, while the other areas only Indala in Ceylon.
68

Page 71
COLA ADMINISTRATI(
The imposition of new names coil titles of Cola monarchs on the lands they of the Colas. This, however, did not discontinuance of the older and traditi used in’association With one another. TI same time Ilamandalal alias Munnudis, latthinagara or Pulainari) which became Ceylon was renamed Jananathamangal. temple erected there, probably about t vanmadevi-Isvara-nudaiyar after the chi similar shrine built at Mahatittha (Mann the place itself was designated Rajarajapur with the excellent harbour of Gokanna ( attracted some attention. The villages raja's own grant to the Tanjore temple Gokanna. The interest of the Colas in from the patronage given to an ancient vehera at Velgama, also called the Rajara
The Cola empire, including Ceylo into eight mandalas or provinces. They maņdala, Koigu-maņdala, Malainādu or Nulambapadi, Tondai-mandala and I cepting the Cola-mandala, were adminis often members of the royal family. The is mentioned in some of the Cola inscrip the inscriptions are dated in their vice-res inscription of the ninth year of Rajadhir to the grant of the title of Ilangaiyarki Lanka), as well as the dominion over C presumably to one of his sons. In thes
6. A RE., 1912, no. 616; S III., vol. ii, no. 9 7. ASCAR., 1906, p. 27. 8. SI I., iv, nos. Il 388, 1390. 9. SI I., iv, nos. Il 412, 14 14. 10. SI I., ii, no. 92, pp. 424—8. 11. ASCAR., 1953, pp. 9-12, 27-28. 12. E II., xi, pp. 292—8: A R.E., 1896, nos, no. 76: iii, Intro., p. 18; The Cõlas., p. : pp. 6—7. 13. SI I., iii, no. 28; ECC., ix, Dev. T. 75. '' the same occasion: Vdinavar (Cera king), Va. (Pāņdya king), Gaňgan and Palla van.
69

DN OF CEYLON
led after the personal names and conquered, was a regular practice ead to the complete exclusion or onal names. They were always hus Ceylon or Īlain became at the 5laHuandalam1.9 Polonnaruwa (Pu— the headquarters of the Colas in in or Jananathapuram. A Siva he same time, was named Vanaef queen of Rajaraja.8 Another ar) was called Rajarajesvara, while an.9 The eastern coast of Ceylon Princomalee) also appears to have which formed the subject of Raja0 were located not very far from this particular area is also evident Buddhist temple, named Abagarajaperumpalli.11
in, appears to have been divided
were the Cola-mandala, Pandyamaņdala, Gaigavādi or maņdala, a-mandala. These handalas, extered by Cola viceroys who were * appointment of princely viceroys tions in South India, and some of gnal years. 12 The Manimangalam aja (IO46) for the first time refers rraiwan (the King of the people of eylon to a member of his family, ame prasasti both sons and brothers
2; vol. iv, no. 142.
34—45, 1916, nos. 6 l 5—620: S II., ii, 103; T"A S., iv, pp. 134—5: v, p. l06: vi,
the following titles were also bestowed on lavan (King of the Calukyas), Miraclear.

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UNIVERSITY OF
of Rajadhiraja are mentioned as the But since no names have been ment the recipients of particular areas. are mentioned is taken into conside of his sons who received the do similar grant of titles and dominio But none of the inscriptions of Rā often refer to the appointment oft allude to any such appointment ove above facts that the entrusting of th princes may have been rather titul may not have been himself reside granting such titles was known in C references to " Colaraja' and " | Sinhalese inscriptions.15
According to the Cola inscripti officials, who had at some time or a senapati who was also a nadalwan, panimagan, 18 another nādālvām, 19 adhikaranan.22 But none of these the highest Cola dignitary in Cey inscription of Rajendra I, on the O un-named Cola dandanatha who in father.23
During the period of Cõļa occ the remaining parts were hot-beds of affairs may have had an impor
l4. S II., iii, no. 20; v, no. 976. 15. Cv., lii, 34; EZ., i, p. 159; ii, pp. 4 16. S III., iv, no. 1408. 17. S II., iv, no. 1388. 18. S III., iv, no. 1414B. 19. SI I., iv, no. 1393 C. 20. S III., iv, no. 1393B. The inscript. the personal name refers, according to Dr. sidered adhikaris fit for high administrati velan and their administrative positions a their varied positions of responsibility, JIH 21. SIII., iv, no. 1412. An elder (jețțha 22. S II., iv, no. 1398. The date of this 23, SI I., iii, p. 421, v. 80.

CEYLON REVIEW
: recipients of such titles and dominions. ioned it is difficult to ascertain who were But if the order in which these honours ration it can be suggested that it was one minion of Ceylon. There is another ns dated in the reign of Virarajendra. 14 jaraja or of his son Rajendra which so heir sons as rulers of Pandya and Kerala r Ceylon. One could assume from the e dominion of Lanka to one of the Cola lar than real, and the prince concerned 2nt in Ceylon. In fact the practice of Deylon too, as may be inferred from the Pandirad in the Calavatiisa and in the
ons we have references to the following other, some connection with Ceylon; 16 a Cõi a-pallavaraiyan, 17 a perundanattua miivendavelan,20 a kilavan21 and an officials can be definitely identified as "lon. The Tiruvalañgadu Copper-plate ther hand, mentions the exploits of an vaded Ceylon during the reign of his
upation of the northern half of Ceylon of opposition to the Colas. This state tant effect on the nature of the Cöla
蓟
8, 33—34; iii, p. 105.
ional term intoyendanelda which often followed Arokiaswami, to a class of people who were conve duties. The many references to mitivendare supposed to indicate their importance, and I., XXxiv, pp., 19l—3.
) or village headman. s short record is not absolutely certain.
7O

Page 73
COLA ADMINISTRATI(
administration and their general policy it have had to maintain a chain of military area under their direct control. This is c refers to the many strongholds captured they invaded Rajarata.24 There was of continued submission would have deper at Strategic places. Under these circum close co-ordination between the military
The Calavahisa also furnishes some hierarchy in Ceylon. It mentions a few in a very consistent manner, perhaps has the Sinhalese. Earliest of the Cola offi who had come to Ceylon in command Kassapa, the son of Mahinda V. They a reference is in connection with the Cola fight Vijayabahu. He is perhaps rightl the alternate title seninda is also used in the Again, the officer sent by Virarajendra to instance called saciva and soon after referre and before he lost his life at the hands ( time designated mahacola-samanta.27 La (catnipati) who led a lightning attack on far as Vatagiri.28. In addition to these bits reference in the Calavarisa to some of t who are designated as ayuttakas.29
One of the most important and w government in Ceylon would have bee army and the navy were in fact two oft of the Cola empire. The political cond it necessary to have a large and an efficit manders. We have already seen the ref dandanathas, and Samantas in the Calava,
24. Co., lviii. 42-46. The Cola, stronghol latthala, Vāpinagara, Buddhagāma, Tillagulla, M
25. Cv., liv. 24.
26. Co., lvi. 4-6.
27. Co., lviii. 13, 16-17, 20.
28. Co., lviii. 31.
29. O'v., lviii. I2.
7I

)N OF CEYLON
Ceylon. As a result they would butposts along the frontiers of the )nfirmed by the Cillavafisa which y the forces of Vijayabahu, when position in Rajarata too, and its ded on strong garrisons stationed stances one could expect a very und civil administrators.
information on the Cola official
Cola titles and officials, but not ing confused them with those of ials mentioned therein are those of the expedition sent to capture re called mahamaccas.25 The next officer who brought an army to y referred to as a senapati, while : Same place for the same person.26 chastise Vijayabahu, is in the first d to as seninda and also as canipati, f the Sinhalese, he is for the last stly, we have the Cola general the Sinhalese, and chased them as of evidence we also have a solitary he Tamil civil officials in Ceylon,
ell organized sections of the Cola n the military organization. The he most efficiently organized arms tions in Ceylon would have made nt army, under experienced Comrences to Cōļa senāpatis, camīpatis, itsa and in the Tamil inscriptions.
ds Were as follows: Muhunnairu, Badaahagalla and Caggama.

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UNIVERSITY OF
The other officials whom we have duties in addition to their other O. and in the other parts of Rajarata, frontiers, there appear to have been garrisons in South India were calle bone of the Cola defensive syste. regular troops and those drawn fro such as the Valarijiyars and the Kaik Velaikkara regiments. 32
The revenue administration of able features. The thoroughness surveys in the Cola country shows t and organization of their revenue their revenue administration in So Cola inscriptions. But unfortunat thoroughness they applied their rex known. There are however a few in India and in Ceylon. The propo kings in South India itself is know seems to have varied according to sixth to one-half.33 If the conditio such one could expect a similar if not territories. The position in Ceylon in the Calavarisa that after expel his own officials with orders to colle manner.34
A considerable amount of info as revenue to the Colas by their sub porary Tamil inscriptions. An in grant of revenue of five villages i
30. See n. 24 above.
31. TA S., vi, p. 3; J BHS., v, p. lll.
32. SI I., ii, Intro., p. 9, and pp. 95—l
33. SI I., v, no. 641 ; iii, p. I 17; A. C. I p. 119, London, 1878.
34. See n. 3 above.
35. SIII., ii, pp. 424—428. None of th Sampur in Kottiyar Pattu (Eastern Provir Kottiyaram of this inscription.

CEYLON REVIEW
noticed would also have had military ficial functions. Both in Polonnaruva specially along the coast and along the permanent garrisons of troops. 30 Such i hilappadai, and they formed the backn.3 Cola armies were composed of m COrpOrate commercial organizations, kolars, which went to form the famous
the Cola empire was one of its remarkwith which the Colas conducted land he importance attached to the efficiency system. The most minute details of uth India are available to us from the ely, with what success and with what renue policies in Ceylon is not clearly helpful references in the Tamil records rtion of the produce claimed by the Cola in from the contemporary records. It different periods, ranging from onens prevailing in the Cola country were a worse state of affairs in the conquered can also be inferred from the statement ling the Colas Vijayabahu appointed :ct the taxes in the kingdom in a fitting
rmation about the payment of produce jects in Ceylon is found in the contemscription from Tanjore35 records the in Kottiyaram on the eastern coast of
05, 299. Burnell, Elements of South Indian Palaeography,
ese villages can be positively identified today. ce), however, seems to resemble Mappisumbu
72

Page 75
| COLA ADMINISTRATIO
Ceylon, to the Rajarajesvara temple in T forms only a part of similar grants of re parts of the Cõļa empire, Such as Tol, Gangapadi and Nilambapadi. The abse to the grantin Ceylon is a conspicuous feat profusion of such details in similar grants
Out of the five villages of which rev to Māppišumbu-Kotiyāram alias Rājar were from Masar in Kanakkan-Kottiyar, These villages were expected to pay to revenue paid as tax (kanikadan) includ tarandu vachchal” in paddy and money. of iluppaipāl (oil of the Seeds of Mĩ (Sinh supplied.36 Further payment had to be (kasu). Both paddy and oil were paid in to be accepted according to the royal meas which is said to be equal in capacity to no direct evidence as to the basis on wh and kasu were determined, but it can be s made their own land and revenue surveys guided by previous data, according to whi Sinhalese kings.
It is however unfortunate that in this the extent of the villages concerned have the only instance where the measureme as tax is obliterated. Otherwise it would on what rate the taxes were paid (i.e. nu: etc.) to the Cola officials. It may also revenue due from each village or group o each other, perhaps owing to differences grading of the respective lands.38 The
36. The Mi tree seems to have been of special
its seeds, and which was used for devotional lamp from destruction in the tenth century inscriptions ALTRC. p. 54ff.
37. The specific amounts due were as follows alias Rajaraja-valanādu had to pay as tax includi vach chāl, one hundred and severteen kalann, two ti twenty-two kasu and three kalam, one kuruni and
38. SI I., iii pp. 54—55; A L'7' RC., p. 30.
73

DN OF CEYLON
anjore by Rajaraja I. This grant venue from villages from various dai-mandalam, Pandi-mandalam, ince of the usual details with regard ire, and it is in sharp contrast to the in the Cola country itself.
renue was granted three belonged aja-valanadu, and the other two an alias Vikkiramasola-valanadu. the temple authorities the land ing ” pävитатаittит рӑyappagӑdi
In addition to these, quantities 1.) or Bassia Longifolia) had to be made in specified sums of money kalams, tūri, kurumi and māli, and ure of marakkeāl called Adavallān, 37 the measure Rajakesari. There is ich these quantities of paddy, oil uggested that the Colas may have and fixed these amounts, or were ich such revenues were paid to the
grant the sections which deal with a not been well preserved, and in ints can be read the amount paid have been possible to determine mber of kalams of paddy per vēli
be noticed that the amount of fvillages also seems to differ from in extent or the differences in the corresponding figures for fertile
interest because of the oil obtained from s. This tree has been granted immunity of Ceylon, HZ., i, no. 7, p. 107, n. 2;
The land in Mappisumbu-Kottiyaran ng pävитатаittuт рäyappägädi taraйdи ini, three kurun and two nili of paddy; four nāli of oil, SI I., ii, pp. 427—428.

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UNIVERSITY OF
lands in Tanjore and Tiruchirapalli hundred kalams per vēli by the Ada inscription in the Colombo Museu the boundaries and the extent of the amount paid as tax. 40 The mannel country were executed, and their re notice in the records. The Cola in lese inscriptions, before and after th for local grants.41 What we can a have been the sabha or the local ass ponsible for the collection of these the administrative officials to be se convenient to realise the value of p the temple authorities. The revet tarandu vachchal which seem to satisfactorily interpreted to this da also form some idea of the revenue a by the Mantottam record, now in to its contents, tolls or taxes (watta spinners and weavers, and traders al
Further evidence of the imposi by the frequent mention of the ur which were in use among the Col. were some of the units of Currency both before and after the period o. belonging to the reigns of Parantal assumed to have been the standard it is another name for the Ceylones the best known and the Standard un referred to as Rajarajan-kasu or R. standard leisu was introduced into
39. 31 adras Review, 1903, pp. 14—15. 40. SI I., iv, no. 42. 4. SiII., iii, nos. 142, 151, 205; HAIS 42. S II., iv, no. 44 i 2. 43. See p. 26 below.
44. A R.E., 1908, no. 421. One of the states that 37 kisu were the equivalent of of which is equal to that of Madhuraintakad
ycipitalcade a p-adida is stated to be of the s or lakkasu is stated to be of the same fine

CEYLON REVIEW
districts are estimated to have been one vallan measure.39 Incidently the Tamil m which is partly a grant of land, has : land well preserved, but again not the I in which these grants outside the Cola venues were collected also have escaped scriptions in South India and the Sinhae eleventh century, furnish such details SSume in this connection is that it may embly of the village that was held restaxes, which were then handed over to nt to Tanjore. It may also have been roduce in kasu and remit the money to nue terms ”рӑvитатаittит рӑyappagӑdi pe peculiar to Ceylon, have not been y. In addition to these details we can dministration in the towns, as furnished the Colombo Museum.42. According m) appear to have been collected from ong the highways of the town.43
tion of Cola rule in Ceylon is furnished its of currency, weights and measures as. Kalaiju, marijadi, kahapana and aka which were in circulation in Ceylon, f Cola occupation. Many inscriptions ka I and Parāntaka II refer to İlakkāśu, Coin of Ceylon. It is also possible that e kahapana. In the Cola country itself it of currency was the kasu, some times ajendra-kasu.44 The period when this the Cola country has been a topic of
S I., pp. 262—266; EZ., ii, no. 1, 37; iii, no. 32.
2 Cola inscriptions (A.R.E., 1916, C, no. 157) 10 kalaiiju and 9 marijadi of gold, the fineness 2ivan, mädai. In A REF., 1916 B, no. 252, M1 Caidh’ul
standard fineness and purity in gold, and Ilam. less, A.R.E., 1916, p. 118.
74.

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COLA ADMINISTRATIO
controversy. Codrington45 holds the vi after the conquest of Rajarata by Rajaraja hand, is inclined to take the view that it decessors of Rājarāja, either Parāntaka I o: with the Ceylon kasu and adopted its we Ceylon kasu seems to have been well Kerala countries during the decades whi of Rajarata to the Colas. Perhaps they h and the Tamil mercenaries who had s further influx with the invasions of Ceyl II, when hoards of money would have be From the time of Rajaraja I, however, and in its place the equivalent Cola kas for circulation in the Cola dominions inferred from the frequent references to c in Ceylon.47
The weights and measures with whi calculated during the period of Cola occi introduction of a few innovations by the shed their rule in Ceylon it had been the land according to its sowing capacity. I method and replaced it with linear measur in South India. The most important u and the land grants in the Tamil inscript kol.49 one of the lower units of measure stence of regional differences with regar one of the important characteristics of th fore necessary to indicate the correct ex of the particular unit of measurement.50 * Vitanga......... naipperung-kõl” one Suc here.51 The Tanjore inscription52 of Rā land in Kottiyaram in terms of ma, whic measurement known at the time.
45. C.C.C., p. 7; HC., vol. i, pt. ii, p. 551; J 46. The Colas., pp. 617-618. 47. IS II. iv, nos. 1388, 1403—4, 14l4B. 48. vel: 6.74 acres, TL., vi, p. 3838. 49. S II., iv, nos. 1406, 1411, 1412; kõl : rod
p. I 194; ALTRCI., p. 54. 50. SIP., pp. 156, 159ff. 5l. S III., iv, no. 412. 52. SÍ 1., ii, no. 92, pp. 424–428; see also S
75

)N OF CEYLON
w that it was copied from Ceylon I. Nilakanta Sastri, on the other was in the time of one of the preII, that the Cõļas became familiar ght and shape. 46 Ilakkasu or the nown in the Cola, Pandya and ch immediately preceded the fall ad been taken there by merchants erved in Ceylon. There was a in in the times of Parantaka I and en taken as booty to South India. lakkasu is very rarely mentioned, u seems to have been introduced including Ceylon. This can be inly kasu in the Tamil inscriptions
ich lands, grains and liquids were Ipation of Rajarata also reveal the new rulers. Before they establiage-old practice here to measure But the Colas departed from this ements which they had perfected nit of this system was the veli,48 ions in Ceylon are also in veli or ments in South India. The exid to units of measurements was le Cola system, and it was thererent implied by the specific name
Thus we have in Ceylon in the h unit of measurement applied jaraja also refers to the extent of h was another subsidiary unit of
BRASOB., Xxivo, no. 68, p. I 17.
of 8 cubits or 12 feet in length, TIL., ii,
IP. p. 152.

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UNIVERSITY OF
The units of measurement ofg of new standards, and also indicat by their different names. We hav some villages in Ceylon to the Raj tiini, kuruni and mali, and to be rec Adavallan, which was the equivale addition to the measures of oil, W. and other grains, reference is also
called ulakku and alakku.53
Some of these coins, weights a Rajarata were also adopted by the S even after the Colas had departed not last very long, and the Sinhale clusive use of those standards with W to the fact that the whole of Ceylor the influence of the Colas, the Sin had continued to be used in the areas too some of the standards used by t the disappearance of the Cola empir
The SyStem of village organi. another of the remarkable feature possible that at the time the Colas i not unknown in Ceylon. So Perhap Occupying such an important place India. According to the tenth cer councils of villagers, called 'gam-va or who were eligible for membersh We have comparatively more info commercial organizations which we
53. SI I., iv, nos. 1388, il 395; A SCU
quarter measure, TL., i, p. 466.
54. EZ., ii, p. 225; SI I., iv, no. 1406; UC R., xviii, pts. i-iii, pp. 46—49; EZ., iv,
55. see Madras Review, 1903, pp. 1-9: E II., xxii., pp. 145—150; SI P., pp. 333— pp. 134–144; XXXix, p. 17; lixi, p. 102.
56. HC., II, pt. i, p. 373. 57. EIZ., i, no. 8 ; iii, no. 4; ALT IRC.,

CEYLON REVIEW
grains and oil also show the application e the regional differences distinguished e, for example, the grant of oil from arajesvara temple, to be paid in kalan, eived according to the marakkal called nt of the royal measure Rajakesari. In hich were also used to measure paddy made to two other measures of liquid,
nd measures introduced by the Colas to Sinhalese, and were used for some time from Ceylon.54 But this practice did se appear to have reverted to the exthich they were more familiar. Owing did not come under the authority and halese coins and weights and measures free of the Colas. In the Cola country ihe imperial Colas were given up after
C.
zation and rural self-government was s in South India at this time.55 It is nvaded Ceylon village assemblies were ps they were not so well developed, or : in the country as they did in South tury Sinhalese inscriptions there were isiyo,”57 but how they were constituted hip of these councils remain unknown. rmation with regard to the corporate re found in the market-towns (niyamgam,
4 R., 1909, p. 27; ulla kku-2 ulakku equal to
ALTRC., pp. 33, 54; ASCAR., 1909, p. 27;
pp. 195—196.
DIRBhC., pp. 58—61; HA I S II., pp. 130—245: 393; The Collas, pp. 486-519; QJM S... xxxi,
p. 3.
76

Page 79
COLA ADMINISTRATI
nigama) in ancient and mediaeval C evidence to ascertain in what way the r in Ceylon was affected by the establishn
The terminology of the rural divis The village, which was the smallest uni grana or gana in Ceylon. In South I known by the same term everywhere, E Nadu and valanadu denoted a complex used to describe a larger unit. Ür or ki, known in Ceylon, but nadu and valan inscriptions in Ceylon.59 These divis northern parts of Ceylon, with Polonn. Ceylon, being the only exception.60 N seems to correspond to a village and v The widespread use of these new terms i Colas, as implied by the Cola names w these terms. But in some of the localit settled for some time, such terms may time of the Colas.
The administration of the importa Ceylon also deserves some attention. quarters of the Colas in Ceylon, would Tannils. The names of Tamils recorde indicate the presence of Tamils draw ranks, and also reveal their places of ori seems to have been a well fortified city outside its walls, as suggested by the r and valanadus.62 However, the nature not known. The conditions in the ot Mahatittha, are equally obscure.
58. EZ., iii, pp. 71—100, 172—188; HC., I
59. S III., iv, nos. 1405, 1412; A SCUA. R., l90 ing to the inscriptions, Koțițiyāram on the ea divided into at least 2 valanddus, each of which no. 92. At Mantottam (Mannar), on the other for nãdu, itself, S III., iv, no. 1412.
60. ASCAR., 1906, p. 27, 1909, p. 27.
61. ARE., 1910, p. 9.
62, see n. 60 above.
77 ܓܠ

ON OF CEYLON
eylon.58 We have, however, no ural administration or organization hent of Cõļa rule in Ceylon.
ions at this time is also interesting. it of administration, was known as India, the village was not generally being called ir, kirt an and kottam. of villages, with the latter specially ir fram does not appear to have been adu occur frequently in the Tamil ions were mostly known in the aruva, the centre of Cola power in Jadu in the Tamil records in Ceylon alanadu to the next larger division. in Ceylon probably started with the thich are invariably associated with ies at least where Tamils have been have been in vogue even before the
unt towns of the Cola-mandala in Polonnaruva, which was the headhave had a large concentration of d in the inscriptions in its vicinity in from various social and official gin in South India. 61 Polonnaruva , but its limits may have extended eference to its divisions into nadus of the city administration itself is ther towns, with the exception of
, pt. ii, pp. 225-6, 373.
)6, p. 27, 1909, p. 27, 1953, p. 27. Accordst coast of Ceylon appears to have been n was further divided into incidus, SII., ii, hand, valandidat was only an alternate term

Page 80
UNIVERSITY O
Along the north-eastern and located a number of towns and sea for quite some time. Mahatittha ( an important position strategically Colas in Ceylon it occupied a vital guarded too.63 The meagre evid a busy port producing its own w Cōļa oficial (perudanātu paņimaga is also an allusion to a palace or a the residence of an high official, or organizations there. How the tov There is, however, a reference to a ble for the collection of various cus the marts and industries along the allusion to traders in betel and vāņiyar) at Māntoțițam (Mannar), wil Small amounts of money were services.67
An important aspect of urban
was the existence of Corporations ( activities. Commercial Corporatic very early times, as proved by the century A.D. While the local or hold their own, foreign, mainly also had found their way to Ceylo the Valaijiyars, Kaikkolars and th been noticed in many parts of So Such corporations, mostly of Sout to flourish under the Sinhalese kiu without prejudice to their own
63. ASCAR., 1950, p. 15.
64. SIII., iv, no. Il4l4B.
65. SI I., iv, no. 14l2.
66. A committee by this name is not committee found only in the towns. The is the tagovalovdirigan, the committee vh
and repair of roads and streets, DRBhC.,
no. 156; S.IP., pp. 344—356. 67. IS III., iv, Ino. l4l4B. 68. EZ., iii, pp. 172—188; HC., II, po 69. H.C., II, pt. ii, pp. 536, 550, 562, 62:
A.R.E., 1922, no. 505; C.J.Sc. ii, no. 566.

CEYLON REVIEW
north-western coasts of Ceylon were -ports, where the Tamils had been living Mannar) was one such town, occupying commercially and culturally. For the position, and it seems to have been well 2nce available to us suggests that it was rares for sale. The presence there of a ) is attested by an inscription.64 There mansion (Maliga),65 presumably being : of the leader of one of the commercial wn was administered is not all too clear. Dommittee which was probably responsitommary dues (piidilikai-vāriyum), 66 from highways. There is also an interesting plantains (ve trilai vaniyar and valaikkai no also acted as petty bankers with whom deposited to carry out certain temple
and rural life in South India and Ceylon 2ngaged in Commercial and many other ons had been known in Ceylon from Tonigala rock-inscription08 of the fourth
indigenous organizations continued to
South Indian Commercial organizations n. The best known among these were e Nanadesis. These organizations have uth India, Ceylon and South-east Asia. h Indian origin, seem to have continued ngs and the Cola governors in Ceylon
interests.69 The Valanjiyar and the
known in South India. But it may be a special 2 only term which has some resemblance to this rich exercised supervision over the construction
pp. 58—6l; HAIS II., pp. 133—135; S III., iii,
t. i, p. 373; see also El Z., iii, pp. 78, 192, no. l. 2; ASCA R., 1953, p. 27; EZ., ii, pp. 242—255;
78

Page 81
COLA ADMINISTRAT
Kaikkolar communities played an impor troops to both the Cola and the Sinhalesc mentioned in the contemporary inscr. Ganatars.71 The services of these org lenders were often engaged by those m shrines. Money and grains were depos
interest accruing from such investmer
N།
duties were met,72 There are also in belonging to the Valaijiyar and the Kai custodians of Buddhist and Hindu shrin
The manner in which the Colas ad be gleaned from any of the contempo in the Cillavatiisa however suggests th: differed from that of the Sinhalese. I defeated the Colas and established his the administration of justice neglected restored it and personally administere laws.74 A. Tamil inscription from Pol absolutely certain, however refers to at a Velaikkara.75 According to his titlesh a high judicial officer. Miivendavelan judicial functions in South India.76
The establishment of the authority flected from the use of Tamil for all the sence of Tamils in Ceylon from very ea lese would have been acquainted wit however, that not a single inscription has been so far found. All their inscri those which deal with grants to Buddh the inscriptions was given up after the
70. see n. 32 above; EZ., ii, pp. 242—255; i 7l. EZ., ii, pp. 242—245; SI I., iv, nos. 14 72. S II., iv, nos. 1388, 1403—4, 408, 14ll 73. UCR., xviii, pts. i-ii, pp. 46-49; CJS pp. 27—28; EI., xviii, pp. 330—338; QJIM S'.,
74. CU v., lix. ll4. 75. S II., iv, no. 1398. 76. see n. 20 above; S II., iv, no. 1398. 77. ASCAR., 1953, pp. 9-12, 27-28; C.
79

ION OF CEY ON
tant part in providing contingents of a kings.70 Other such organizations iptions are the Nagaratars and the ganizations as bankers and moneyaking grants to Buddhist and Hindu ited with them, and it was with the its that the expenses for stipulated stances of the Velaikkara regiments eleolar corporations being appointed es.73
liministered justice in Ceylon cannot rary sources. A solitary statement at the spirit of justice of the Colas it is said that after Vijayabahu had own rule in Rajarata, he had found | since a long time, and therefore djustice in keeping to the ancient onnaruva, the date of which is not adhikaranan Saranan who was also e may be considered a military and was another officer who performed
of the Colas in Rajarata is also reir transactions. Owing to the prerly times, at least Some of the Sinhah their language. We may note, in Sinhalese assignable to the Colas ptions are in Tamil, including even list shrines.77 The use of Tamil in : expulsion of the Colas, and once
liv, pp. 194—196; J BHS., v, pp. 104—05. -03-4.
.l412-س-- c., ii, pp. 199; ASCAR., 1953, p. 28, 1955, XXxii, pp. 144-145; CHJ., iV, pp., 19-20.
/Sc., ii, p. 199; S II., iv, no. 1402.

Page 82
UNIVERSITY OF
again Sinhalese was used exclusivel of Vijayabahu, his immediate succe clined towards Hinduism, resumec cords.78 The contemporary Tami were always attached to the use of
According to the Cilapahisa, Vijayabahu is credited to have pla ordered his officials to collect the to and restored the administration of that Cola rule was severe and vex: of the Sinhalese to abandon their . hana and Malayadesa. But the uncertain is suggested by the cont Vijayabahu.81 Thus there was li provided by the weak Sinhalese oppressive rule of the Colas. The of the people in Rajarata against th the Sinhalese had not followed M live and chafe under the new mast indirect evidence which Suggests ti the population of Rajarata. The records indirectly suggest that part populated in earlier times were 1. importance of Malayadeśa, once rei area, also suggests a general drift The strikingly few references to t of Parakramabahu. I also indicate t the island. The need for extensi and in the Polonnaruva area durir conjecture. If such was the situat nomic and administrative problem greater part of Ceylon, but with economy and maintain the adminis
78. EZ., ii, pp. 242—255; iii, pp. 302. 79. EIZ., iv, pp. 19 l—196; C.J.Sc., ii, 80. CU v., liwiii. 59, lix... l 3-4. 81. EZ..., v, pp. I—27. 82. Cv., lviii. Il–2. 83. EZ., ii, pp. 202—208.
84, see n. 8 above. 85. Cv., li... l ll4.

CEYLON REVIEW
y by Vijayabahu I. But after the death SSors, some of whom were perhaps ini the use of Tamil in some of their re
| Commercial and military organizations Tamil.79
following the expulsion of the Colas, ced the Rajarata on a sure foundation, axes in his kingdom in a fitting manner, justice.80 These remarks would suggest atious and would have compelled many ancestral homes and take refuge in Roconditions in these areas were equally ents of the Panakaduva copper-plate of ttle to choose between the protection kings and princes of Rohana, and the reference in the Cillavanisas2 to a revolt heir Cola overlords also suggests that all ahinda V to Rohana, but continued to ers. There is, on the other hand, some at there was a noticeable dislocation of Ambagamuva63 and the Panakaduva'84
s of Malayadesa, which were not thickly
low under cultivation. The increasing
ferred to in the Calavatisab5 as a forested
of the population towards the south. he Anuradhapura area in the campaigns he decrease in importance of this part of ve irrigational works in Dakkhinadesa ng this period also lends support to this ion, it would have created serious ecoS for the Colas, who were left with the out sufficient manpower to sustain the stration.
— 32; S II., iv, nos. 1397, 1406, 1410).
p. 122; ASCAR., 1953, p. 27, 1954, p. 38.
8O t

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COLA ADMINISTRATO)
One of the most vital factors in the was the irrigational network, which had to possible efficiency. To what extent the doing so deserves some attention. Irrig. field of activity of the Colas in South India diose and complicated nature. The large stated to have been repaired by Vijayabahu I,86 would suggest that the Colas had not to this aspect of the economy. All this wo of the Cola occupation was not confined buildings, tanks and other material things, their frequent invasions of Rohana and M neglect of a very vital section of the econ the whole country would have been in a end of their rule in Ceylon.
86. Co., lx. 48-54, lxxix, 13—14, 58-60, 68
8I

N OF CEYLON
conomy of Ceylon at this time be maintained with the highest Colas would have succeeded in tion was indeed an important , but it was of a much less grannumber of breached reservoirs I, and later by Parakramabahu been able to pay much attention uld imply that the eroding effect to the wilful damage done to or to the devastation caused by alayadesa, but also included this Dmy of the country. As a result state of impoverishment at the
W. M. K. WJETUNGA
-69.

Page 84
ALTRC.
A R.E., ASCAR., CCC., CH.J., OJSc., Ου., DR BhC., EC.,
E II., EZ., HA IS II.,
HC.,
J BHS., JIH., JRA SCU B., J RASCB(NS)., (ОЈМ S., S II., SIP., TA S., The Colas, TIL., UC R.,
UNIVERSITY O.
Abł
- Ancient Land Tenure
Colombo, 1938.
- Annual Reports on Eq. -Archaeological Survey -Ceylon Coins and Cur -Ceylon. Historical Jou -Ceylon Journal of Scie —C'ūlavaminsa, Tr. W. Ge - D. R. Bhandarilcar Com -Εριgγαρhία Oαγηαίίοα. -Epigraphia Indica. — Epigraphia, Zeylanica. - Handu. Administrative Madras, 1930.
–History of Ceylon, Un
1959, 1960. —Journal of the Bomba -Journal of Indian His -Journal of the Royal A
-Quarterly Journal of ti -South Indian Inscript -South Indian Polity, -Travancore Archaeolog —K. A. Nilallkanta Sast -Taimil Lexicom, Madra -University of Ceylon

R CEYLON REVIEW
reviations
and Revenue in Ceylon, H. W. Codrington,
igraphy, Miladras. of Ceylот, Атиаl Reports. ency, H. W. Codrington, Colombo, 1924. η αι.
"nce, Section G. . ger, 2 parts, London, 1929, 1930.
mem, morative Volume, Calcutta, l940.
Institutions of South India, S. K. Aiyengar,
iversity of Ceylon, vol. I, pts. i & ii, Colombo,
Historical Society.
oray, Madras. Asiatic Society, Ceylon Branch.
. (New Series). he Mythic Society, Madras. ons, Madras. C. V. Mahalingam, Madras, 1955. rical Series. i, The Colas, Madras, 1955 (2nd Ed.).
S.
εeυίου.
82

Page 85
Developments in Univ.
The Growth of the Un 1 – 1942( 7 ܓ
NTIL the establishment of the two University of Ceylon, constituted i
I942 as an autonomous corporate b of higher learning in Ceylon. Therefort changes in University and tertiary educa may be useful to review and scrutinise the over the last two decades in order that fu may be meaningfully evolved in the light
The literature on Higher Education and there are only a few studies relating Chandrasegaram’s (3) unpublished Unive Higher Education Policy during the Briti mented, extremely valuable survey of dex particular, the controversies about the na dential status and location. Ralph Pie sociological angle, some of the developme s well as more recent aspects of Universit (I2) of the University of California, Berk scriptive essay on the University of Ceyl parative study of Universities in Southe Sir Ivor Jennings (I3), the first Vice-C Strauss (20, 2I), formerly of the Depart the social composition of University stude in terms of factors such as family backgro
In this paper—partly an exercise in til attempt is made to analyse some of the n development during the period 1942-196. statistics, as published in the Annual Rep. to Court1, and the Annual Statistical Abst Department of Census and Statistics. Ind an obligation and duty cast upon the depa when, in the 1949 Council Report, he wr
1. abbreviated hereafter as 'Council Reports'.
ܓܠ ܐ- ܐ
݂ ݂ 83

ersity Education : iversity of Ceylon 965)
Pirivena Universities in 1959, the in 1942 by Ordinance No. 20 of ody, was the premier institution 2, at a time when far reaching tion are being contemplated, it : development of this institution ture policies of higher education of this experience.
in Ceylon is exceedingly scanty g to the University of Ceylon. irsity of London dissertation on sh period provides a well docurelopments prior to 1942 and in ture of the University—its resiris (I8) has analysed, from a ints outlined by Chandrasegaram y educational policy, and Fischer eley, has recently included a deon in a monograph on a comast Asia. Besides these studies, hancellor of the University, and ment of Sociology, have studied nts and new entrants respectively und, ethnicity, religion etc.
he analysis of social statistics-an hain characteristics of University 5 from the available University orts of the University Council racts of Ceylon, published by the oing so, I am, in part discharging rtment of Sociology by Sir Ivor ote: 'The establishment of the

Page 86
UNIVERSITY O
department of Sociology makes it sity's statistics should be kept up (1963) Robbins Report on High including Appendices, (4, 5, 6, 7 need for accurate documentation sound University planning; and th into higher education, casts an o its data more systematically than i
It is not possible within the CC hensive picture of the growth discussion will be confined to a rev (i) Students, with special reference population; (ii) Academic develo expansion of Faculties and course degrees: (iii) Staff including que and, in particular, an exan pination Financing of University Education
P
S
The rapid growth of the Uni from the phenomenal increase of to IO,723 in 1965-divided betw size to any one of the smaller Rec Appendix Table I (see page 94), (p. 33), showing the distribution of that the growth in student numbe or six years, whereas in the ear gradual. A discussion of this expa with Academic Developments.
Here We shall examine in det of this rapid growth, such as the cl population in the period 1942-65. (referred to as "Communities in religion-the two aspects on which is available-and to a lesser extent teristics of students, their age-struc
2. See Robbins Report, Appendix Four,
tion' pp. 63-70ff.

F CEYLON REVIEW
more than ever necessary that the Univero date.” (p. 5). The publication of the dr Education in the United Kingdom, & 8) has drawn attention to the urgent pf University statistics as a prerequisite to
is fact together with the needs of research
bligation on the University to maintain
presently the case.2
impass of this paper to present a compreof the University. Hence the ensuing iew of developments in four main areas: to the changing character of the student pments, in so far as they pertain to the s of study, admissions and the award of stions relating to staffing developments, of staff/student ratios; and finally, (iv) the
during the period 1942-65.
ART II tudents
versity in the last two decades is evident
the student population from 904 in 1942 Teen two campuses, each comparable in
bricks in the U.K. An examination of also presented graphically in Diagram. I University students by faculties, indicates rs has been accelerated over the last five ly phase the increase was much more nsion Will be found in Part II which deals
ail Some of the morc significant features nanging social Composition of the student especially with regard to ethnic origin the published University Statistics) and well documented statistical information the social background and family characture, and home residence.
Pt. I (7) entitled “ Statistical needs in Higher Educa
84

Page 87
& Wet Science
Arts, Oriental Studies 8. Law
El Medicine & Dentistry
ACCORDING TO FACULTY
: Agriculture
Others
Science
DEVELOPMENTS IN UNIVE
NUMERICAL DISTRIBUTION OF
白咖劇後35 圈丝L96L
■肌國後096L
聊爵乡876
00
9000 - DEngineering
O
NO OF STUDENTS
ሽዐ00
j0000 He
000
8
ܢܨܛ
85
DIAGRAN
 
 
 

RSITY EDUCATION
* FULL TIME STUDENTS
/ OF ENROLMENT
پست. است.
1000
홍 홍 - 홍 3
NO OF STUDENTS
打y*卿@叠 總 總 홍 홍 觀 總 홍 鐵 홍 홍
빼關內的히物Ss Egg 门则圈阅物796
■師議岡後E95
■卿劑後Z96
■卿岡後196
■刪岡後096 *肌岡後696 口则阔丝896 飄師劑後/96
■師劑後996L
*}}&

Page 88
UNIVERSITY (
Ethnic and Religious representation
The distribution of students in the University as a whole for t Tables II & III (see pp. 95,96) an respectively (see pp. 35, 36).
Jennings (13) in his analysis of (see Appendix Table II) that, a Burghers are proportionately r Muslims proportionately less nu
(p. 2).
Tambiah (22) has also report groups in the administrative se I920's. According to Tambiah Sinhalese were entering the high and other professions, the Tami larger than their representation pattern of ethnic representation i. therefore, by examining the ethn lation which serves as the recruiti and professions such as Medicine.
On the question of religious Christians are represented more Island, the Hindus are represente and the Buddhists are much unde
Strauss (20) in his (195O) stu liation of University new entrant proportions with the 1946 Census Moors were under-represented, Protestant) “sharply over-repres from Jennings' findings (which re lation) is that Strauss suggests that however is not the case if one loo. on the contrary the Hindus are is nevertheless more consistent v presentation of ethnic groups.

)F CEYLON REVIEW
according to ethnic origin and religion he period 1942-1965 is given in Appendix d also graphically in Diagrams II & III
similar data for 1942, 1943, 1944 observed, regards ethnic origin, the "Tamils and hore numerous, and the Sinhalese and Imerous than in the Island population'
:d on the dominance of these two minority vices of the country from 1870 to the even though, by I946 more and more er echelons of the administrative Service ls and Burghers were still "significantly in the total population' (p. 133). This in the administrative services is confirmed, ic representation of the University popung ground for the administrative services
ܚܝ ܓܠ¬.
”م representation Jennings found that: "The above their proportionate strength in the droughly in proportion to their strength, }r-represented' (p. 3).
dy of the ethnic origin and religious afficoncluded, by comparing the University data, that still the Buddhists and Muslims/ and the Christians (both Catholic and ented'. The only important difference late to the total University student popu: Hindus too are under-represented. This, ks at the total university population where slightly over-represented. Strauss' data fith Jennings on the question of the re
86 " "

Page 89
■恩袭796L 恩丝896
HMoors/Malays D. Burghers
3) Tamis
Others
DEVELOPMENTS IN UNIX
恩丝Z96L 图丝L96L 恩丝096L 图丝676L 的丝876L 恩丝L76亡 一岚丝9764
《丝E76 固物z75
NUMERICAL DISTRIBUTION OF STUDENTS ACCORDING TO ETHN
10000 – Z Sinholese
9000 -
8000
7000
6000
000
3000
NO. OF STUDENTS
11000
2000
87
DIAGR
 

11000
10000
9000
8000
7000
6000
000
4000
3000
2000
1000
un
NO, OF STUDENTS
UNIVERSITY OF CEYLON
ERSITY EDUCATION
COMPOSITION (1942-1965)
ያ-ማል
ܓ
패t.·
공sS物SS sest 闵丝796
-的丝E96 闵丝Z96t 恩丝L96L 闵丝096L 网丝696L 朗丝896L 闵乡496 恩丝996L 恩丝996L
期) 脚的《
AM II

Page 90
UNIVERSITY OF
NUMERICAL DISTR8UTC
STUDENTS ACCORD
NO, OF STUDENTS
بجيسسسسس 11000
% Buddhist
- HEI! Hindus يتعيص 10000
Coholics : Protestant Christians
9000 - ) listarn
iš Others
8900 一
7000
6000
5000
*000
3000
پسلسمسمسمشنH 2000
1000
Note: Doto on the dis
for the yeors
DAC
 

CEYLON REVIEW
N OF UNIVERSITY OF CEYLON G TO RELIGION (1942-1965)
NO, OF STUDENTS
11000
- 8000
H եւ000
影科6000
S SG6||
996|| 7961 Ɛ96į. | Z96L 196L心心 -ae Oss 地神 乡696L藏 q_b, 丝896L班 %AB6{ 996 江边 5明 凡了 796L如? cgs. È$ -门旧
ܓ ܬܬ ܐ 1
RAMA I
88

Page 91
*
DEVELOPMENTS IN UN
This picture however began to c and has continued on this course up change We give a Comparative Ta portions regarding ethnic origin and r figures for each of the census years, i. comparison, we have also indicated representation within the University in
TABLE
Percentage distribution of Universit Census years i.e. 1946 & 1953; and
Pори- 1946 Ethnic Group lation –
1946 Univer- Per Cent
Census sity -- or -
students Sinhalese - - 69.4 61.7 -11.1 Ceylon Tamil - d. 10.0 29.4 -|-167.2 Burgher - 0.6 4.9 -+-716.6 Moors and Malays ... 5.6 2.8 -500 Indian Tamil - - 11.7 n
Other - 1.7 1.2 -
Notes: - -
1. Indicates percentage over-representation (+
lation figures.
2. ni. - no information available. 3. The 1965 data are also related to the latest as
Source: Annual Reports of Council, Universit.
Looking at ethnic representation (see representation, characteristic of the Si and now they tend to be slightly over been mainly at the expense of the Ce represented, are not as numerous rela 1953. (No University information is Indian Tamils. Mr. P. T. Rajan, J.P., this community, estimates that there a ducts of the Ceylon University, and a as undergraduates.) The Indian Tai be under represented, and in the cas appreciable improvement over the las were greatly over-represented in I proportion now is slightly less than thei
8.

IVERSITY EDUCATION
hange somewhat sharply after I95 O to the present day. To depict this ble showing the University propligion together with the Population .e., 1946, 1953; and I965. In each the percentage of over- or underrelation to ethnic origin and religion.
1.
y Students and Population in the
1965: by Ethnic Origin.
Pори- 1953 1965 lation 1 1953 Univer- Per Cerit Univer- Per Cent Census sity -- or - sity -+- or -- students students 69.3 60.2 - 13.2 78.1 -+-12.8 11.0 33.7 +-226.4 19.1 + 73.6 0.6 3.2 --230.7 0.4 33.3-س۔ 6.0 - 1.7 - 71.7 2.0 - 66.6 12.0 n.i. - n.i. - 1.0 12 +1.2 0.4 -
) or under-representation (-) in relation to popu
vailable Census data-viz. the 1953 Census.
y of Ceylon, and Statistical Abstracts of Ceylon.
Table II), we note that the underinhalese, had been corrected by 1965 -represented. This improvement has ylon Tamils, who, though still over tive to population as they were in available about the proportion of a respected and influential leader of ure about 2O graduates who are propproximately another 60 registered
mils and the Muslims, continue to e of the latter there has been no it two decades. The Burghers who 943, declined in 1956, and their r numbers in the population warrant.

Page 92
UNIVERSITY OF
ΤΑ
Percentage distribution Population in the Cen and 1965 :
Population 1946 Religion 1946
Census University Per C students -- or
Buddhist - - 64.5 42.4 -34
Hindus - 19.8 18.5 -6
Catholics - - 7.6 13.2 -- 7.
Other Christians .. 1.5 21.6 -- 1,3
Islam - - 6.6 2.8 -57
Other - - 1.5 -
See Table 1 above for explanatory notes. Source: Annual Reports of Council, Unive
This change in the pattern of e in terms of the far reaching educati country since the introduction of c( the consequent equalization of educ larger numbers of the less well-toamong the Sinhalese, to seek the be been further strengthened by the op areas, known as Central Schools, and lese and Tamil) as the medium of position enjoyed by the urban e Burghers, in the era when Univ concentrated in the main urban cent so as far as the Faculties of Arts and position in the other faculties whic therefore, of special interest.
Before turning to the question in the respective faculties, it is necess. representation in the University as a note that the Buddhists in 1965 arc

CEYLON REVIEW
BLE 2
of University Students and sus years i.e. 1946 & 1953 ;
by Religion.
Population 1953 1965 - 1953 ení Census University Per Cent University Per Cent students -- or- students 十orー =س--'
4.3 64.3 44.7 -30.5 71.0 --10.4
5, 6 19.9 24.0 H. 20.6 15.0 -246
3.6 7.5 9.5 -- 36.6 7.3 -3.0
40. 1.5 18.3 - 1,220. 4.6 -+-206.6
... 6 6.7 1.7 -74.6 2.0 - 70.1
0.1 1.8 - 0.1 -
rsity of Ceylon and Statistical Abstracts of Ceylon.
thnic representation is to be explained onal changes that have taken place in the Dmpulsory free education in I945, and ational opportunity which has enabled -do sections of the society, especially 2nefits of education. This process has ening up of secondary schools in rural the introduction of Swabhasha (Sinhainstruction. Thus, the pre-eminent ducated English Literates such as the ersity education was in English and res no longer obtains today, at any rate, Oriental Studies are concerned. The h still conduct their work in English is,
of ethnic and religious representation ary to describe the changes in religious whole (see Table 2). Once again we : no longer grossly under-represented
A.
90
ཐོན་

Page 93
.<"N
DEVELOPMENTS IN UN
as before for much the same reason t nantly Buddhists, are no longer under lation. Of the Christian groups, th much less numerous than they were in represented. The Protestant and oth represented in the University popula extent than in previous years.
The reason adduced by Jennings Christians in the University, viz., tl belong to the economically well-to-do Scientific education is still the privileg who have access to well equipped a private fee levying schools, and ev evidence for this will be found in th to ethnic origin and religion in the "No Science and Engineering (see Tables 3
In 1965 the Hindus are found to the University than in the general pc the Indian Tamils who are almost IOO in the University population. The l the University figures, owing to the Moors/Malays in the University.
Relating these University figures and religion, to the social composition the following pattern of distribution which complete information is availal
TABI
Percentage distribution of
by Faculty a
Arts/Oriental Science an Studies/Law Engineerin
Sinhalese - - 85.0 59.0
Ceylon Tamil - - 12.0 37.2 Moors/Malays - - 2.0 2.5 Burgher - 0.5 1.1 Others - - 0.5 0.2
Total (=100%) - (4183) (1279)
Source: University of Ceylon.

IVERSITY EDUCATION
hat the Sinhalese, who are predomi-represented in the University popue Catholics are now proportionately I I946, and in fact, are slightly underdr Christian groups still remain overtion though to a very much lesser
for the preponderance of Protestant hat, though small in numbers, they section of the society still holds true. e of the economically favoured classes ind well staffed private tutories, and en competent private tutors. The Le distribution of Students according on Arts' faculties, especially Medicine,
and 4).
be proportionately less in number in opulation due largely to the fact that % Hindus are still poorly represented Muslims remain under-represented in
disproportionately small number of
, analysed according to ethnic origin of the respective faculties, we observe for the year 1964-the latest year for ole.
E 3
Jniversity students for 1964: ind Ethnic Origin
i Medicine, incl. Agricultures All Faculties.
g Dentistry Vet. Science
54.5 54.7 73.1 40.5 41.9 23.4 2.5 2.6 2.1
1.0 - 0.7
1.5 0.8 0.7
1601) (177) (71.80)

Page 94
UNIVERSITY OF
ΤΑΙ
Percentage distribution of
by Faculty :
Arts/Oriental Science Studies/Law Engineer
Buddhist - 80.3 45.7
Hindus 8.7 26.7
Catholics - - 6.0 13.8 Other Christians .. 28 11.0
Islam - 1.9 2.4
Others - - 0.3 0.4
Total (=100%) - - (4183) (1279)
The pattern of representation char 1964, is evident only in the Faculties ( and Peradeniya combined)-the on full impact of free education and ins faculties, one notes the continuance ( teristic of the University as a whole tians and Hindus are sharply over-rep especially Science, Engineering and N of Christians (including Catholics) is is partly accounted for by the ov Burghers, who are virtually all adhe by the greater access they have to a sci The Hindu and Tamils over-represe from the Arts to the Sciences since variety of factors such as the higher the Tamils, the greater facilities for schools of the Northern ProvinceHindus are mostly drawn, and a rea Inities available to those with a scie adoption of Sinhala as the language (
3. The bias towards scientific subjects amon Tamil University students are drawn from-has Reports. Thus, for example in the 1949 Council candidates seeking admission to the Faculties of Scie this proportion may have declined somewhat in r up to the present day.
4. The Council Report of 1950 confirms this in the Faculties of Medicine and Engineering is not these two faculties not because they had any vocati but because their parents thought that these profess tendency but it was particularly noted among Jaffna Stu
g

CEYLON REVIEW
3L 4
University students for 1964: and Religion.
& Medicine, incl. Agricultures All Faculties.
ing Dentistry /et. Science
41.0 4.96 649 27.5 30.8 16.5 14.8 7.7 9.3 13.5 9.4 6.7 3.0 2.5 2.3
0.2 - 0.2
) (1601) (117) (71.80)
acteristic of the University as a whole in of Arts and Oriental Studies (Colombo ly faculties which have so far felt the itruction in Swabhasha. In the other of the pattern of representation characbefore the sixties. The Tamils, Chrisresented in the 'Non Arts faculties, Vedicine. The predominant position 1 Science, Medicine, and Engineering, ar-representation in these faculties of rents of the Christian faith, and partly entific type of education in the schools. ntation is indicative of a Swing away the early fifties.-a consequence of a percentage of English literacy among scientific education in the secondary the area from which the Tamils and listic appraisal of the wider opportubntific education, especially after the Df administration.
g pupils from Jaffna schools-where the bulk of the been commented upon at different times in Council Report, it is reported that nearly three-fourths of the
ince and Medicine came from Jaffna schools. Though ecent years, the same bias towards science continues
impression: "The heavy concentration of Tamils eworthy . . . . many students were seeking to enter on for or even interest in Medicine and Engineering, ions offered 'prospects'. This is, of course, a general dents' (p. 8). r r
)2
ܨܠ
'.
ܓܠܚܝܐ

Page 95
ܠ ܐ .
DEVELOPMENTS IN UN
The Moors and Malays still stanc lected ethnic group, being poorly rep and in every single faculty. In the lo educational opportunities in the field o course, to correct in considerable in faculty disproportions, as has happene as a whole.
Sex Ratios
The other significant feature of student population is the relative prop The distribution of the sexes for the U. Table belloW.
TABLE
Numerical and Percentage
of Ceylon Stud
Year Meh Percentage
1942 813 89.9 1943 800 88.5 1944 874 87.8 1945 932 87.5 1946 1124 86.3 1947 1312 84.4 1948 1335 82.8 1949 1519 82.4 1950 1655 81.3 1951 1761 79.7 1952 1752 78.5 1953 1784 74.6 1954 1814 74.5 1955 1781. 73.3 1956 1872 73.9 1957 1990 73.2 1958 21.18 71.8 1959 2231 702 1960 2548 69.2 1961 3.108 66.8 1962 3388 66., 2 1963 3733 65.4 1964 4445 61.8 1965 6144 57.3
Source: Annual Reports of C.
Over the period 1942-65, there has tion of women students-an increase f I965. The increase in women stude where over So% are women (see Ta
9

IVERSITY EDUCATION
out as the educationally most negesented in the University as a whole ng run, however, the expansion of f scientific education is likely, in due easure, if not wholly, the existing d in the case of the University taken
the changing characteristics of the ortion of the sexes in the University. niversity as a whole is depicted in the
5
listribution of University ents: by Sex.
Women Percentage Total (=100%)
'91 10.1 904 104 11.5 904 122 12.2 996 133 12.5 1065 178 13.7 1302 242 15.6 1554 277 17.2 1612 325 17.6 1844 381 18.7 2036 449 20.3 2210 480 21.5 2232 608 25.4 2392 620 25.5 2434 650 26.7 2431 662 26.1 2534 728 26.8 2718 832 28.2 2950 946 29.8 3177 1136 30.8 3684. 1547 33.2 4655 1729 33.8 5117 1973 34.6 5706 2740 38.2 7182 4579 42.7 10723
buncil, University of Ceylon.
been a dramaticincreasein the proporom as little as Io% to nearly 43 % in nts is mainly in the Faculty of Arts ble 6 below) while in Medicine and

Page 96
UNIVERSITY OF
Science approximately one quarter are take to Engineering and just a hand and Veterinary Science.
TABL.
The Percentage distribution o
Arts/Oriental Studies/Law Science Medicine/Dentistry Engineering Agriculture/Vet. Science
It is also of interest to note the di the different ethnic groups. In 1942 Sinhalese, 35% Tamils, 13% Burghe Malays) accounted for the balance 6% The present position, as revealed by in the proportion of Sinhalese wome proportion of Tamil and Burgher w respectively.
The proportion of women stud Western countries. For example, in women students in the Universities is the U.K. is 24% (vide: Robbins Repo
The extreme sharpness of the inc attributed to a variety of factors such to women in higher education other sistence and diligence of women rat to study and willingness to forego ot cation, and the gradual breakdown oft and marriage which has created a n woman as a bread winning partner. of women's secondary and tertiary ed ficant social development, the analys: gation. The wider implications of scrutiny in future educational plannin
Age and Social Background
Other aspects of the social comp. as the social background of the stud
9

CEYLON REVIEW
women students. Very few women ful, about IO%, take to Agriculture
E 6
f the sexes: by Faculty (1964).
Men ИИотет
49 51 76 24 74 26 99 1. 90 10
stribution of women students among , 46% of the women students were rs, and Others (including Moors and
out of a total of 93 women students. the 1964 data, shows a sharp increase in students (78%) and a decline in the omen students-now 20% and O.6%
ents (43%) is higher than in several the Netherlands the proportion of 18%, and the comparable figure in rt, Appendix Four, 7, p II o).
rease over the last few years is to be as the limited opportunities available than the universities, the greater perher than men students, their keenness her satisfactions for the sake of eduhe traditional concepts of womanhood ew social and economic role of the in general, however, the rapid growth lucation in Ceylon represents a signiis of which deserves separate investi
this development too merit careful
2, כ
psition of the student population such ents, and their age-structure, do not

Page 97
DEVELOPMENTS IN UN
lend themselves to any very precise qua of sufficiently detailed information pul to the occupational and educational b age-Structure.
As regards the social backgrour population is drawn, it is evident from Report) that during the first decade western educated urban middle class w. leged and affluent section of the society national and other public schools. Th study of 1950 University entrants, whi of the student population come from f. categories” (i.e. the professional, man There also appears according to Strau may be termed the middle-middle and 1 men, white-collar workers, teachers et a peasant or working class background
With the expansion of educations cational opportunities in certain fields ( the social base of those entering higher cially after the Swabhasha intake in the
No comparable data to that of Str as it is today. However, some light 1 examination of data relating to social on University Students Attitudes con occupational data i.e., parents occupat students5 revealed a large concentratio from a markedly rural and working of parents ranged from Farmer/Culti Tailor, Police Sergeant to Teacher, M third of the Arts students were drawn The upper and middle class were very p but were more evident in the samples and Science Faculties. Interestingly,
5. The sample of Arts students was drawn English, held just before admission to the University of that language was found to be inadequate, and hen of the Sinhalese rural students. The results of this in
9:

VERSITY EDUCATION
ntitative examination in the absence lished by the University pertaining ackground of the students, or their
d from which the undergraduate the early Council Reports (e.g. 1945 he students came mainly from the hich also constituted the more priviwho patronized the leading denomiis is confirmed by Strauss (20) in his are he states that "the vast majority Limilies in the Upper socio-economic agerial and entrepreneurial classes). SS moderate representation of what ower-middle class i.e. small businessc. with a scattering of students from
ul facilities and equalization of eduof primary and secondary education, education began to broaden, espeearly sixties.
auss exists to document the position may be thrown on this issue, by an background obtained in an inquiry ducted by the author in 1963. The ion as given by the sample of Arts n of students, well over two-thirds, class background. The occupations vator, Skilled Labourer/Craftsmen, ill Owner, and Public Servant. A from from the lower-middle class. oorly represented in the Arts sample, drawn from the Peradeniya Medical the lower-middle class and middle
from those following the Intensive course in for the benefit of new entrants whose command
ce, this may explain to some extent the dominance Juiry are as yet not published.

Page 98
UNIVERSITY OF
middle class seemed to be fairly w. At the same time there was evidence coming from a distinctly rural and systematic inquiry is urgently needed background of the present Universit.
The average size of family of changed over the period 1942-65 if of family of bursary applicants each assuming a priori that bursary appl families, it is significant that the avera has changed, from about a median si by the information given below.
Year Median
of fami
The median size of family of ti 1963 Attitude study referred to prev Studies, 6.2; Science, 5.6; and Medi the Arts sample, confirms the size ( applicants, who, incidentally, are d The differences in the social compos cated by the above data. The data faculty with the smallest size of fam countries, the upwardly mobile Co direct test of this hypothesis is nec conclusion.
Compared to Strauss (1950) in entrants, which reported an average students, the present data-bursary a -indicate that the average size of fai to the inference drawn by Strauss fertility between social classes in Ce
 

CEYLON REVIEW
ill represented in both these faculties. though not very marked, of students working class background. A more to document the nature of the social student population.
University students appears to have the available information on the size year can be taken as a guide. Even icants are likely to come from large ge size of family of University students ze of 4 to approximately 6, as revealed
size Number of Di s ly Bursary r.
Applicants
184
260
542
1527
he samples of students included in the iously was as follows:- Arts/Oriental cine, 4.6. This data, especially that of of family data obtained from Bursary trawn mainly from the Arts faculty. ition of the three faculties is also indipertaining to the Medical faculty, the ily, would suggest that, as in Western me from smaller families. A more :essary before coming to any definite
lvestigation based on University new size of 5.2 for male and 5.4 for female pplicants as well as the Attitude survey mily has increased. Contrary, however, against 'the existence of differential ylon", the present data, especially the
96

Page 99
DEVELOPMENTS IN UNIX
existence of variations between faculties are related to differential fertility of sc differences. Again, a more systematic st
The statutory age of admission to t by Act as I7+. Unfortunately, the mation relating to age. Strauss menti (in his I9So sample of new entrants) aver but he does not examine age as a sp available from the 1963 Attitude Surve marked change in the average age men 20 years 5 months for the Arts sample, 2 and 21 years 2 months for Science, yiel 21 years. More accurate data on age-s population needs to be obtained in a sub
Home Residence of Students
From its inception the University "Home Residence', meaning the geogr: at the time of a student's entry, classifie divisions of the country. This informal set out in Appendix Table IV (see page {
This data should be interpreted w Council Reports themselves have obser a very safe guide' (p. 9, Council Report one thing changes of residence after inti Tables published. Furthermore, reside it may mean one of many things, for e reside, the traditional family home, O went to School etc.
Subject to these limitations, we no mately four fifths of the University st provinces in the order Western (55-60% (IO-I2%). The Central Province com other five provinces (North-Central, No1 and Uva) contributed in all about 5% - Throughout the fifties this position rei proportion in the Western province we the Central Province. |-
97

VERSITY EDUCATION
would suggest that the differences ocial classes as reflected in faculty udy is required to resolve this issue.
he University of Ceylon is defined Jniversity does not publish inforons in passing that the “students age just over twenty years of age, ecific variable. The information ty suggests that there has been no tioned by Strauss. The average is }o years II months for the Medical ding a composite average of about tructure of the University student sequent inquiry.
has published data on what it calls aphical area of residence of parents cd according to the nine provincial tion for the period under review is 97).
ith some degree of caution as the ved that "Home Residence is not of I95O) to student residence. For tial enrolment are not shown in the :nce is itself an ambiguous term; xample, place where one's parents ir residence from where you last
te that in the early years approxiidents are drawn from three main ), Northern (15-20%) and Southern es next with about 5-6% and the th-Western, Eastern, Sabaragamuva –6% of the University population. mained unchanged except that the as falling slightly at the expense of

Page 100
UNIVERSITY O
The major change in this patt only in the sixties. Now the W over two-fifths as compared to ov ficant feature is the decline of the Province from roughly one-sixth one-eighth. This corroborates th proportion of Tamil students in th the Northern province. This dec proportion of students coming fi mately the same extent as the fall This suggests that a fair percenta; Buddhist students presently in th Southern province. At the mome comes from the Southern Provinci
The increased representation f amounting to about one-tenth c remained unchanged in the sixtic increase in the number of students ( (approximately 5% of total), (com Kurunegala districts) and to a less
vince. (5%).
In terms of the regional disti of higher education the Uva, Eas lation)-and North-Central Provi The 1965 data when compared w these three provinces (see Append represented on the average by ab Central Province by 75% and Eas these regions are still the most edu as a whole. The North-Western are under-represented to roughly Province too is under-represented b Western Province, Southern Provi1 approximately three fourths of t sharply over-represented-the No1 Province about 68% , and the Sou therefore, appear reasonable that a education on a regional basis, espe tions of higher learning, should tak

F CEYLON REVIEW
ern of distribution of residence is evident estern Province contributes only a little Ir halfin the early years. Another signiroportion of students from the Northern or one-fifth in the early days to about le finding relating to the decline in the e University as most of them come from line has been offset by an increase in the rom the Southern Province to approxiin numbers from the Northern Province. ge of the greater numbers of Sinhalese e University are being drawn from the nt nearly a fifth of the student population C.
from the Central Province in the fiftiesof the total University population-has 2s, whereas there has been a significant irawn from the North-Western province, prising mainly the Chilaw, Puttalam and ser extent, from the Sabaragamuva Pro
ibution of the recipients of the benefits tern-(which has a large Muslim popunces continue to be poorly represented. ith the proportions of the population in ix Table IV) shows that they are underout 75-8O%–Uva by 85%, the Northstern Province by 72%. In many ways cationally backward in the country taken Province and Sabaragamuwa Provinces the same extent-53%, and the Central by about 33%. The three provinces—the ince and Northern Province-from which he University population is drawn, are thern Province about 8o%, the Western 1thern Province about 38%. It would, iny future plans for developing University cially in the matter of siting new institute this fact into account.
98

Page 101
PART
Academic Dev
FACULTIES AND COU
Development of Faculties
The University of Ceylon in 1942 Arts, Oriental Studies (abbreviated here: cine, (including Dentistry (1943)—whic pendent departments of study. After has expanded to include six (very often t as one) faculties, the two additions beingand Veterinary Science (1953), made up study. The present distribution of depa as compared with the position in I942, is
Arts/O. S. Science Medicine
1942 7 5 5
1965 17 5 14
Whereas the increase in the departme demic expansion-is only a little over tw Medical Faculty has expanded nearly thr new independent departments of study. by other evidence later on, the domin Faculty during the first two decades oft is the absence of any new departments o which is still confined to the original fiv Sciences—viz., Physics, Chemistry, Bot which existed at the time of the inaugu
The Joint Faculty of Arts and Orien following independent departments of st Western Classics, History, Geography, E an year of its inception in I943, the Ind three separate departments viz., Sinh
ܢ .
99

III
elopments
RSES OF STUDY
was built around four facultiesafter to O.S.), Science, and Medi:h together consisted of I7 indeover two decades the University he Faculties of Arts/O.S. are taken -Engineering (1950) and Agriculture of 43 independent departments of rtments of study between Faculties
given below.
Agricultures Engineering Veterinary Total
Science
-- - 17
4. 3 43
ants of study-a good index of acao-fold in the Faculty of Arts, the ee-fold from the point of view of This indicates, as will be confirmed lant position held by the Medical the University. A notable feature f study in the Faculty of Science e departments covering the basic tany, Zoology and Mathematics, ration of the University.
tal Studies in I942 consisted of the udy-Indo-Aryan, Tamil, English, conomics and Philosophy. Within lo-Aryan section was split up into alese, Sanskrit, and Pali. These

Page 102
UNIVERSITY C
departments together with Tam Studies, which also had provision ment of an independent departim Oriental Studies has added course an independent department of st (1952) which is still a part of the At the inception, courses of study Faculty of Oriental Studies were and this policy did not change Sinhalese and Tamil which began
The Faculty of Arts began w and at the inception itself plans ( I942) were made for expansion o posal was to develop the depart constitute a broad based departm nomics (Banking and Currency), Statistics, Political Science, Socio p. 2o First Council Report). Sii place within the department of E. specialization within the Economi logy, (which includes aspects of pology), instituted as a special sub established as a separate departim course of studies leading to a Spec
In 1949 a department of Ed made in the I942 plan for deve a one year course of professional a was established; and in 1964 it w Special degree course in Educatio Education (B. Ed.). It is of inte Faculty of Education, which was non-graduate teachers.
A similar proposal for a Fac to a department of Law in th The department of Law (presen
6. The First Council Report (1942), Ap
University' states that the name of the Depart since Dravidian languages other than Tamil sh

F CEY LON REVIEW
16 comprised the Faculty of Oriental for courses in Arabic until the establishent of Arabic in 1945. The Faculty of in Buddhist Philosophy—constituted as udy in 1964—and Buddhist Civilization department of Pali and Chinese Studies. -even in the language subjects—in the given through the medium of English, until the sixties, except in the case of to change in the mid-fifties.
ith a nucleus of six departments of study vide: Appendix I, First Council Report, f courses of study. One important pronent of Economics in such a way as to ent of Social Science, comprising EcoEconomic History, Applied Economics, logy and Ethnology. (See Appendix II, nce then these developments have taken Conomics (see pages 54-5) by permitting CS Special (Honours) degree course; SocioEthnology-in particular, Social Anthro
ject for the Economics Special degree, was
ent in 1949, but offered an independent
ial degree only as from 1956.
ucation, for which provision had been sloping University education, providing nd academic training for graduate teachers as expanded to include an undergraduate in leading to the degree of Bachelor of rest to note that the 1942 plan was for a also to provide professional courses for
alty of Law in the 1942 plan was altered e Faculty of Arts and set up in 1946. tly in Colombo) provides a three year pendix I, specially devoted to 'The Development of the
ment of Tamil should be changed to "Dravidian Studies hould also be taught.
IOO

Page 103
DEVELOPMENTS IN UNIV
course leading to the award of the LL. Languages were envisaged in the 1942 p. a separate department of Modern Eurc study of French and German was estab. A department of Archaeology, primarily and research, was established in 1959, an of Commerce, within the department ( leading to the Bachelor of Commerce de
In view of the fact that each of the weighted with members who were atta was made to regroup the departments of and Oriental Studies. This suggestion Senate in 1956, although it has still no to this proposal, there was to be a Faculty departments and the departments of Hist of Social Science, consisting of the depa Education, Law and Mathematics, Hist being located in both faculties. This practical grouping of subjects than that flects the growing importance of devel Ceylonese society, and the need to dive Studies, especially the study of orientall ficance it had in the early years of the Switch over into Swabhasha.
There has been little expansion wit still confined to the original five basic sc I942 plan proposed to include Geology to Peradeniya, but it was only in 196 as a sub-department of Geography but Science. The Applied Sciences are har curricula.
The Faculty of Medicine beg of Medicine, Surgery, Anatomy, Phy and Biochemistry) and Pathology (includ Forensic Medicine), and to these was a Dental Surgery (now expanded to inc Dental Surgery) and Gynaecology and
-్న IOT

"ERSITY EDUCATION
B. degree. Courses in European lan but it was not until 1949 that opean Languages devoted to the lished within the Faculty of Arts. devoted to post-graduate studies d more recently a sub-department Df Economics, which offers courses 'gree, was set up in 1962/3.
: Faculties of Arts/O.S. was overched to both faculties, a proposal study in the Joint Faculties of Arts was approved by the University it been implemented. According of Arts comprising all nine language tory and Philosophy, and a Faculty rtments of Economics, Sociology, Dry and Philosophy-the last two appears to be a more logical and obtaining at present. It also reopments in the social sciences for }rsify courses of studies. Oriental anguages, no longer has the signiUniversity of Ceylon prior to the
in the Faculty of Science and it is ience departments of study. The when the University was shifted 3 that Geology was established offering courses in the Faculty of 'dly represented in the University
an with the five departments siology (including Pharmacology ing Parasitology, Bacteriology and added in 1943 the departments of slude a department of Prosthetic
Obstetrics. The departments of

Page 104
UNIVERSITY O.
Paediatrics, and Public Health wer sion of the department of Veteri Faculty of Medicine till 1953-th by the end of the first decade.
Within the second decade th consisted in the establishment of as (1952), the separation of Biochemi in 1955 to form separate departr departments of Parasitology (I9 which were included from the department of Psychological Med made as far back as 1945, remains plans for the expansion of the Fac departments of study in the Facul represents a very creditable expans within as short a period as two de
The chief degrees awarded Dentistry, are the M.B.B.S. (the B the B.D.S. (the Bachelor of Dental (L.D.S.) is awarded after the samecc the B.D.S. to candidates who attair fies them to register as dental p degree was of 6 years duration. dispensed with at the University Anatomy and Physiology leading became the first stage of the M.E Science) instruction within the U. possible by transfering the pre-m. reducing the strain on the Faculty “service” courses in the basic Scien
The Faculty of Engineering equipment and a nucleus of staff College and was composed of th Civil, Mechanical and Electrical E matical Engineering was added in since 1964, provides courses of a pr the B.Sc. (Eng.) degree, which is Faculty of Science provides seri during their first year.

F CEYLON REVIEW
e established in 1945 and with the inclunary Science-which was located in the are were in all IO departments of study
e expansion of the Faculty of Medicine eparate department of Forensic Medicine stry and Pharmacology from Physiology nents, and the creation of independent 55) and Bacteriology (I96I)-both of beginning under Pathology. Only the icine, for which financial provision was to be established according to the early ulty of Medicine. The total number of ty of Medicine at the moment is I4 and ion, the more so since it has been effected cades.
in the Faculty of Medicine, including achelor of Medicine and of Surgery) and Surgery). A Licentiate in Dental Surgery burses and on the same examination as for 1 a lower degree of proficiency and qualiractitioners. Until 1961 the M.B.B.S. The first year Pre-Medical course was in I962, and the Pre-clinical courses in g to the Second M.B.B.S. examination 3.B.S. (as well as Dental and Veterinary niversity. This saving of one year was edical year to the schools, and thereby of Science which had up to then provided ces for the Faculty of Medicine.
was set up in 1949 with the facilities, transferred from the Ceylon Technical ree independent departments of studyEngineering-to which a fourth, MatheI964. The faculty located at Peradeniya ofessional and academic nature leading to
of four years duration. However the rice teaching for Engineering students
IO2

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DEVELOPMENTS IN UNI
Although courses in Agriculture an B.Sc. (Agr.) degree and B.Sc. (Vet. Scien in the late forties (1947), the Faculty of deniya only in 1953. The Faculty consi Science, Agriculture and Animal Hus presently a four year course, was till I9 the first year is still identical with the Sci Botany, Zoology, Physics and Chemist is of four years' duration, of which th Medical Faculty. In these two years Pre-clinical courses equivalent to the F nations.
Reference should be made here to faculties of the University of CeylonThe first faculty to be duplicated was t establishment of the Second Medical S I96I/62. All departments of medical si Peradeniya and the first graduates oft due to pass out in 1966/67.
A fully fledged Second Faculty of St in 1961/62, and was intended to enable t intake since it had been repeatedly pointe were being denied opportunities of a scic laboratory facilities and accommodation
In contrast to the planned provision medicaleducation, the establishment oft in I963, confined originally to the Si arrangement designed to cope with til qualifying for admissions to the Arts Fa of selection should not be raised abo Only the larger Arts/O.S. departments and no Special degree courses have bee This year, a Tamil medium stream was 7. According to the 1955 Council Report, in t been restricted by limitation of laboratory facilities. I seeking admission to these courses were far more the
and it adds that “until the science buildings at Perader the demand for a large increase in the output of scien
|- IO3

7ERSITY EDUCATION
Veterinary Science leading to the ce) degree respectively commenced Agriculture was established at Perats of the departments of Veterinary bandry. The Agriculture degree, 2 of three years duration of which ince degree first year in the subjects y. The Veterinary Science degree e first two years are given in the /eterinary Science students follow irst and Second M. B.B.S. exami
he duplication of the four original -Arts, O.S., Science and Medicine. hat of Medicine consequent on the chool at Peradeniya in the session judies have now been duplicated at he Peradeniya Medical School are
cience was established at Peradeniya he University to increase its science d out in the 195o's that able students
snce education owing to the limited 7
bf increased facilities for science and he Second Faculty of Arts, Colombo nhalese medium, was a makeshift le sudden increase in the number culty and the demand that the level re what had previously prevailed. have been duplicated in Colombo n offered in the Colombo Faculty. also begun in Colombo.
le Faculty of Science, "admissions have always the Physical Sciences in particular good students n the laboratories could accommodate', (p. 11)
iya are completed it will not be possible to meet e graduates' (p. 11).

Page 106
UNIVERSITY OF
Courses of Study
Before turning to an examinatic of enrolment, it would be useful to SI within each faculty. One importar within the faculties relates to the p. to General (Pass) degree courses in Table 7 below) and the fields of spec
a Special degree course (see Tables 8
TA
Percentage distribution of studen in the Faculties of Arts/C
Year
1942 1943 1944 1945 1946 1947 1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965
Source:
Faculty of Arts|
B.A.
68.7 66.7 71.3 74.0 73.1 64.6 678 53.6 53.7 58.5 54.4 32.7 45.5 43.9
44.
Annual Reports of
TAI
Percentage distribution of fields of
and Oriental studies, for the B.
Subject
Oriental Studies:
Languages, i.e.
Pali, Sanskrit, Sinhalese
and Tamil
1942
19
1.

CEYLON REVIEW
in of University expansion by faculties Irvey developments in courses of study it aspect of such internal developments roportion of Special degree (Honours) the Faculties of Arts and Science (see ialization of those who elect to follow and 9 below).
BLE 7
ts following Special degree courses D. S. and Science, 1942-1965
O.S: Faculty of Science
B.Sc.
48.9 57.3 53.3 56.4 48.1 42.9 450 44.8 59.8 64.5 58.6 48.6 48.2 40.9 40.5 34.2 29.3 34.3 33.2 34.2 29.0 25.8 27.8 20.5
Council, University of Ceylon.
BLE 8
specialization in the Faculty of Arts A. Special degree. Selected years.
47 1952 1957 1962 1965

Page 107
DEVELOPMENTS IN UN
Arts : Languages, i.e.
English and Classics . . 16 14 History 20 8 Economics - - 34 27 Sociology - - Philosophy - 3 Geography - 1. 13
B. Education - B. Commerce - - - -
Total (=100%) ... (126) (175
Source : Annual Reports of Council, Un:
TABLE
Percentage distribution of fields
of Science, for the B.Sc. Spe
Subject 1942 194 Mathematics - - 23 15 Physical Sciences
(Chemistry and Physics) 52 62 Biological Sciences
(Botany and Zoology) - 25 23 Geology1 - - - -
Total (=100%) - (47) (6. Note:
1. Commenced in 1965/66 with one student for
Source: Annual Reports of Council, Unive
Within the Faculty of Arts/O.S students has declined from 69% in 194. noticeable in the Faculty of Science w approximately 49% in I942 to 2I % ii particularly as it concerns women stude to remain longer at the University d also reflect the greater employment p for example, in the teaching professio who with their specialized knowledg ment commensurate with their trainin;
8. In the early years General degree courses high prestige associated with Special degree courses; in the duration of Special degree and General degree
that prospective employers expressed a preference contributed to the unpopularity of General degree C
9. From about 1949 onwards nearly all Speci Science were lengthened by one year so that the entir According to the 1949 Report the main reason fort of the students reading for the First Examinations undertake work which normally would have bee departments encouraged Special degree students to Examination in Arts/Oriental Studies.

IVERSITY EDUCATION
11 9 2 1. 12 9 7 14 39 29 23 14 - 9 5 1.
4. 2 1. 1.
7 20 34 28 - - - 15 - - 2 8
5) (237) (265) (538) (637)
iversity of Ceylon.
9
of specialization in the Faculty *cial degree. Selected years.
7 1952 1957 1962 1965
17 20 13 16
46 42 45 60
37 38 42 24
0) , (90) (116) (115) (197)
the Special degree course.
:rsity of Ceylon.
the proportion of Special degree 28 to 30% in 1965. A similar trend is here the proportion has fallen from h IQ65. In both faculties, the decline ints, may in part be due to a reluctance oing Special degree work.9 It may rospects for General degree students, n, as Compared with Special students e find it difficult to obtain employ
2. In the case of the Science students,
vere not popular among students, because of the and furthermore, there was no statutory difference courses. It is also stated in the 1949 Council Report or Special degree students, and this too may have ourses, especially in the Faculty of Arts/O.S. al degree courses in the Faculties of Arts/O.S., and : course now took by statute four years to complete. his lengthening was “the wide variation in quality ” (p. 10), thereby compelling the Universities to n left to the schools. Even prior to this many take three years rather than two "after the First
)S

Page 108
UNIVERSITY OF
this swing away from Special degre laboratory and other facilities ava
On the other hand, one must of the quality of students--especially ability students at the expense of a ability. This may be one consequen graduate population from that of a more diffused mass society of varyi Arts, the decline of Special degree natural shortcomings and imperfec University in the very early phase o
Fields of Specialisation within Special di
An analysis of the fields of speci Science (see Table 9) for selected ye. roughly 50-60% pursued courses in in the Biological Sciences, and the r Mathematics. These proportions c there was a shift from the physical to in the latter was partly due to the fac lising in the Physical Sciences were b neering which commenced in the I indicate a return to the pattern of t employment prospects of Physical Si –the greatest demand being for Che of the Special degree students were ir
The information relating to fie (see Table 8) reveals certain interesting that on the average approximately follow courses in the Arts rather that Sinhalese, Tamil). It would seem, th courses in the Oriental Studies is not
Another significant trend disc in the numbers taking Economics10
10. A considerable degree of specialization is po At the inception Banking and Currency was the on History and Statistics were added. More recently subject. Sociology and Economic Geography, w

CEYLON REVIEW
e courses was partly due to the limited ilable for advanced students.
intertain the possibility of a lowering a decrease in the proportion of high in increase in the student of average ce of the transformation of the underhighly selected intellectual élite into a ng ability levels. Finally, as regards students may also be a result of the tions of Swabhasha teaching at the f the Switch over.
gree Courses
|alization of Special degree students in ars, shows that during the first decade the Physical Sciences, another 30-35% 2maining IS-20% followed courses in hanged slightly in the 195o's when the biological sciences. The increase t that some of the able students speciaeginning to enter the Faculty of Engi9so's. The data for I965, however, he first decade reflecting the superior cience graduates in the new industries 'mistry graduates. In 1965 over SO9%
Chemistry.
lds of specialization of Arts students trends. In the first place it is evident four-fifths of Special degree students n Oriental Studies (i.e., Pali, Sanskrit, erefore, that the proportion following CXCCSS1We.
arnible from Table 8 is the decline as a Special degree course in the Arts isible within the Special degree course in Economics. y special subject. Later on Government, Economic
Accountancy has also been introduced as a special hich were also special fields of interest within Eco
O6

Page 109
DEVELOPMENTS IN UN
Faculty-indicating that from the st point has been reached in the outpu employment prospects. During the an important area of specialization, c sudden increase in the demand for ( Teaching profession. The vocational and the B.Com. degree course begun more Special degree students, at the e. like English, Western Classics, Philos declined in numbers partly because this context the future of English, Moc as Special degree course subjects stand
The position of History is int fluctuations, it has continued to attra Special degree students each year, d would seem to confer no special bene perhaps, indicative of the natural and like history has especially for student analytical and abstract type of studie
Brief reference should be made developments. The first is the orgar graduate level, especially in Medicin medical diplomas was the Licenciate (D.M. & S.) which was followed by and Hygiene (D.T.M. & H.) and Di D.T.M. & H. continues to attract ma Department of Health Services for additional diploma courses–Diplom Obstetrics (D.O.G.) and Diploma in C Thus, in all, there are six diploma
nomics, are now separated-the former as an indep attached to the Geography Special degree course. Economics degree course.
11. The Special degree course in Philosophy v were enrolled in 1963 and enrollements have begun 12. The Special degree course in Sociology, (1949-56), commenced only in 1956. In 1965/6 can be offered only as a Special degree course.
13. The Department of Western Classics, nov zation' and culture rather than its course in langua

NIVERSITY EDUCATION
udents' point of view the saturation t of Economics graduates relative to past few years Geography has become lue primarily it would appear to the Geography honours graduates in the ly oriented courses-B.Ed. I963/64, in 1962/63-are attracting more and xpense of the older liberal arts courses ophyll and Sociology12 which have of the switchover to swabhasha. In lern Languages and Western Classics13 ls in need of careful re-examination.
eresting because except for isolated ct over the years roughly IS-20% of espite the fact that historical studies sfits or utilitarian advantage. This is, spontaneous attraction which a subject is who are not inclined to the more
S.
2 to two other significant academic lization of diploma courses at a poste. One of the earliest post-graduate : Diploma in Medicine and Surgery the Diploma for Tropical Medicine ploma in Tuberculous diseases. The any students as it is recognized by the grade promotions. In 1956/7 three a in Anaesthesia (D.A.), Diploma in hild Health (D.C.H.) were introduced. courses organized by the Faculty of
endent Special degree course, and the latter has been No figures are available of specialization within the
ras introduced in 1944. No Special degree students again only after Swabasha teaching was introduced.
initially a part of the Special degree in Economics 6 no students enrolled in Sociology. Sociology
" concentrates on the teaching of courses in “civilige and literature.
O7

Page 110
UNIVERSITY OF
Medicine. There are no such diplom except Arts, which provides a post-g in 1949) for graduate teachers14 and (1963). Until 1961, the Faculty of special non-graduate diploma cour the Diploma in Sinhalese/Tamil.15
some time a Certificate in History.
The second development relates minations in I962 in consequence ( Ordinance, following the recommer on University Education (S.P. X candidates were permitted to enrol Science. Most of the Candidates havi degree examination, a fair proportion I964 an important concession was gi years and holding recognized profes. Banking, Commerce, Education, En to register as external candidates. A qualified persons, especially Trained this facility.
Faculties in relation to University expans
As stated earlier, in order to und the University one has to examine the faculty numbers. For this purpose pansion by faculties is given in detail and is condensed in Table Io, given intervals of five years, beginning in Ig numerical data of Appendix Table I it to provide a vivid picture of the relat faculties, is also depicted graphically
14. Part-time students-an innovation for the for the Diploma in Education from 1964 and classes
15. This course, begun in the University Coll and Viduan (Tamil), was instituted particularly with and Tamil in the pre-swabhasha era. Its usefulne education and the course was discontinued in the six
IC

CEYLON REVIEW
a courses in any of the other faculties aduate Diploma in Education (begun recently a Diploma in Librarianship Oriental Studies also organized a se for Trained Teachers known as The Faculty of Arts also issued for
to the introduction of External Exaif an amendment to the University dation of the Needham Commission XIII, 1959). External Examination or the first degree in Arts, Law and a so far appeared for the General Arts for Law and a few for Science. In 'anted to persons over the age of 25 sional qualifications in Accountancy, gineering and Law permitting them
very large number of professionally Teachers, have availed themselves of
2011 erstand the rapid physical growth of : expansion in terms of the increase in the data relating to University exin Appendix Table I (see page 94). below, for selected years chosen at 42. This Table, which presents the the form of Index numbers in order ive rates of expansion in the different in Diagram IV.
University of Ceylon-have been allowed to enrol for these students are held in the evening.
'ge days and known as Vidya Visarada (Sinhalese) a view to developing school education in Sinhalese is declined with the rapid advances in Swabhasha ties.

Page 111
DEVELOPMENTS IN U
TABL
University Expansion expressed in ter (Base = 1942/10
Medicine, Year Arts/O.S. Science including Dentistry
1942 100 100 100
(396) (165) (343 1947 163 148 178
1952 229 164 252
1957 276 316 252
1962 661. 459 370
1965 1846 583 478
(7311) (963) (16.
Notes:
1. The Engineering Faculty began in 1950 w
2. The Agriculture/Veterinary Science Facul
in 1947 vith aín entrolinment of 28.
Source: Appendix Table 1, infra.
It would be seen that in the first expansions were roughly even for thi Dentistry. Apart from the Facul (established as courses of study in Is found in the Science Faculty whose lack of qualified students but more di facilities and its heavy load of service of growth of the Faculty of Medicin if adequate facilities had been avai establishment of the Faculty of Engi fifties to take in some of the overf fifties, however, the position remail improvement in the Science intake7O in 1949. The establishment of th enabled the Science Faculty to expan the difficulty is in finding students
In the first few years the maxim was restricted to 60 and by I950 it I4o-I5o (Medical 12o, Dental 12 ai

NIVERSITY EDUCATION
E 10
ms of Index Numbers. Selected years. 0): by Faculties.
Agriculture
Veterinary Engineering All Faculties
Science
- - 100 5) (904)
1002 - 172
1950: 1001 (1554) 167 53 247
(2232) 136 87 300
(2718) 328 162 566
(5117) 575 276 1186 40) (161) (574) (10723)
fith an enrolment of 208 in 1950=100. ty began only in 1953, but courses had commenced
I decade of the University the rates of e Faculties of Arts/O.S. and Medicine/ ty of Agriculture/Veterinary Science 47), the slowest rate of expansion is development was retarded not for the tle to limitations of necessary teaching a teaching for other faculties. The rate e would also have been much greater lable during this early period. The neering in 195o enabled it in the early low from Science. During the midned much the same except for a slight -raised to a ceiling of I40 in 1955 from e Second Faculty of Science in 1961/62 d substantially; but now paradoxically of the requisite quality for admission.
um Medicine/Dentistry annual intake was increased nearly two-fold to about ld Veterinary Science 8). With the
IO9

Page 112
UNIVERSITY OF
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EYLON REVIEW
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Page 113
DEVELOPMENTS IN UN
abolition of the First M.B.B.S. course of the Combined Preliminary and Firs of direct admissions to the Medical Fa of the new admission regulations fo coincided with the establishment of t deniya in 1962/63 which permitted annual Medical Faculty intake up to intake was to be 95. The maximum 30, and that of Veterinary Science to 2. Medical admissions, even after the Faculty at Peradeniya in 1961/62, th Faculty was somewhat Curtailed in t Medicine was diverted to Science, as the majority of candidates to these standard of admission.
The Engineering Faculty has als few years. The expansion begun in t transfer of the faculty to Peradeniya modation and improved facilities a expected in the next few years. The partly due to the greater attractiv science students in the schools.
One must however seek the real the size of the University, in the gr sixties—very nearly a fourfold increa Swabasha intake) to 1965. AS Appet has doubled itself in a matter of three versity ten years from 1952 to I9 unprecedented growth has taxed the utmost, as will be seen in the later dis
During the forties and up to the of University growth-the relative pr faculties varied only slightly. Appi Arts-about the identical proportion were in Science and about 30-40% in in Medicine began to decline from ab
16. Even prior to this, there were Direct Adn outside but these numbers were very small.
III

IVERSITY EDUCATION
within the University and the holding t M.B.B.S. Examination the number culty increased.16 The stabilization r the Medical Faculty in 196I also he Second Medical Faculty at Peraa further increase in the maximum about 26O of which the Peradeniya Dental intake has also risen to about O. Due to a ceiling being placed on opening up of the Second Medical e rate of expansion of the Medical the sixties; and the overflow from Agriculture and Veterinary Science, faculties failed to reach the requisite
so expanded substantially in the last he 196o's has been accelerated by the in 1964. With the increased accommore rapid rate of growth may be
lack of quality students in science is eness of courses in Engineering for
explanation of the rapid growth of owth of Faculty of Arts during the se from I96o (the year of the first ldix Table I indicates the University 2 years whereas it had taken the Uni6I to achieve the same feat. This : resources of the University to the cussion of the problem of staffing.
mid-fifties-the more stable periods oportions of students in the different roximately 40-43% were enrolled in found in U.K. Universities-I5-20% Medicine. The proportion enrolled out 40% in the first decade to about
missions of those who sat the First M.B.B.S. from

Page 114
UNIVERSITY OF
30% in the late fifties and has cont low as 15% in 1965. Again this de Medical Faculty in the early years of its position as regards undergradt ever, as regards post-graduate studies other faculties, its record is still
of specialized diplomas and post-gra
The fall in the proportion of S a shortening of the Course since 196 the proportion enrolled in Sciencewhich is to some extent offset by t explanation of the fall in the propor be found in the un precedented inci sulting in an increase of the proportic to 68% in 1965. Except for slight in Agricultures Veterinary Science a stable at about I-2%, and 5-8%, re. two-thirds of the University student of Arts, largely because the proportic increased sharply in the sixties (see T
For comparative purposes Tabl full-time degree level University stu I965) and selected countries in Eul of Nations. 17
TAB
Percentage distribution of full-tir countries and Ceylon (1.
Ceylon C Faculty E
1959/60 1965/66
I. Arts & Humanities:
Law. - 43 68 Social Studies, incl. Education.
II. Science: ... 17 9
Applied Science
and Technology.
17. The comparative data given in Table 1 portionate distribution of students between the fac type of courses offered within each faculty, and in

CEYLON REVIEW
inued to decline further, falling to as cuments the dominant position of the even before the gradual consolidation late teaching in the late fifties. How, although it is somewhat ahead of the poor (see page 7O for the number duate medical awards).
tudents doing Medicine, partly due to 2, is paralleled by a similar decline in a fall from I5% in 1959 to 9% in I965he increased Engineering intake. The tion doing Science and Medicine is to rease of the numbers in Arts/O.S. rein of Arts Students from 43% in I959 fluctuations, the proportions enrolled ind Engineering have remained fairly spectively. At present approximately population is to be found in the Faculty nate annual intake of Arts students has ables I2 & 13).
e II below gives the distribution of dents by faculties in Ceylon (1959, and rope and the British Commonwealth
LE 11
me degree level students for selected 959 and 1965): by Faculty.
Great Australia Neur France Suiteer- Sueden. Britain Zealand land 1963 1962 1962 1959/60 1962/63 1959/60
(29) (40) (17) (24) (25) 43 (5) 46 62 46 8)47
(12) (22) (29) (15) (31)
56
16 (17)
25 - (8)
L1 should be interpreted with caution since the proculties is likely to be influenced by variations in the particular, by the duration of courses.
25 34 -
I2

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DEVELOPMENTS IN UNI
III. Engineering and
Architecture. 8 5 15
IV. Medicine, incl. Dentistry.
(also Pharmacy) ... 30 15 15
V. Agriéulture/Forestry,
Veterinary Science. . . 1. 2 2
VI. Others.1 1. 1.
All Faculties (= 100%) -
1. Data classified as 'Others' for Ceylon ref excluding postgraduate education diploi First degree Arts students.
Source: Ceylon-Appendix Table I, infra.
Comparative data-Appendix Five and 1
It is evident from Table II that, pi the proportion of Arts and Social Stu very different to the countrieslistedabov As a result of the increased Arts intakei Arts and Social Studies increased in I only with New Zealand where, as in C. sity students are enrolled in Arts and So
The proportion of students enroll Ceylon is, not surprisingly, less than nea are mostly highly industrialised countric
and Engineering need to be increased t loping economy, especially the need Interestingly, the 1965 data relating to to be very much the same as in the We
For a predominantly agricultural cc enrolled in Agriculture/Veterinary Sc when compared with other agricultural Australia, which have an enrolment o Faculties of Agriculture/Veterinary Scie
ADMISSIONS AN
Admissions in relation to Faculties
To get a clearer picture of Univ necessary to examine the data on anni I964 the University was solely respon policy. Admission was based on the
ܓ.
III 3

VERSITY EDUCATION
12 - - 16 15
10 8 20 17 14
16 5 - 2 2
ars mainly to diploma and higher degree students, ma students, who have been classified along with
Appendix Two (A) Robbins Report, U.K.
rior to 1965 (in I959, for example), dies enrolment in Ceylon was not e, except New Zealand and Sweden. in the sixties, the proportion reading 965, and now appears comparable pylon, nearly two-thirds of Univercial Studies.
led in Science and Engineering in arly all the Western countries which es. Yet, the proportions in Science o meet the requirements of a devei for skilled technical personnel. Medical Faculty enrolments appear stern countries listed.
puntry like Ceylon, the proportions ience appear to be far too low
countries such as New Zealand and f I6%, and 5% respectively in the
Ce.
JD DEGREES
ersity expansion by faculties, it is Jual admissions by Faculty. Up to sible for admissions and admission
standard of performance-as laid

Page 116
UNIVERSITY OF
down by the University-reached the University Preliminary Examin by the University. This examina Examination, conducted previous (1942-1945). (For details relating the Reports of the Preliminary Exam since 1950). In order to relate the expansion, Table I2 (based on App 63, summarises the admissions b terms of three yearly averages.
TA
Numerical and Percentage distribi as three yearly averag
by Faculty/De
M Years Arts/O.S. Lаи” Science
De
1943-45 115 68
44.9 27.8 1946-48 184 14 69 1.
48.6 3.7 18.6 1949-51. 227 12 67 1.
50.8 2.8 14.8 1952-54 266 5 109 1.
48.6 1.0 19.8 1955-57 336 9 160 1.
46.1 1.3 22.3 1958-604 730 4. 221 2.
54.9 0.3 17.5 1961-63 1339 11 285 26
63.0 0.5 14.8
Notes:
1. First admission in 1947 but Table excludes 2. First admission in 1950-number admitte 3. First admission to Engineering in 1950
4. From 1959 Admissions to the Faculty of
and Tamil. In 1959 approximately medium and thereafter the proportion Tamil medium intake has been around
Source: Appendix Table V, infra.
One can gather from Table 12 has increased nearly twelve-fold in that this rate of increase is unsurpas true that the annual admissions have to the same extent as in Arts/O.S. selected years as Index figures (Base increase of the annual intake in the

CEYLON REVIEW
at a public examination, styled the tion (1946-1964), which was conducted ion replaced the University Entrance y by the Department of Education o admissions and admission policy see ܐܝܠ
- - - - - nation (24), published by the University Jniversity new admissions to University indix Table V) and Diagram V on page y faculty over the period 1943-64 in
BLE 12
tion of Annual Admissions expressed es from 1943-45 to 1961-63 : partment of Study. # Agri- Vet. Engineer- Total
ήτry culturel Science2 ing 3 (=100%)
68 251
27.3 O3 6 376
27.7 14 18 7 2 14 447
26.6 1.6 0.5 2.9 21. 5 6 34 546
22.2 1.0 1.2 6.2 39 7 7 67 725 is
19.1 1.0 1.0 9.2 37 15 7 82 1296
19.2 1. 0.5 6.5 59 22 14 130 2O7()
13.2 1.2 0.6 6.7
14 admitted in 1947 on Special Entrance Examination d 2. number admitted 19.
Arts/O.S. were in three media i.e. English, Sinhalese 50% of the Arts/O.S. intake was in the English declined very sharply to less than 2% in 1964. The 6-9%, during this period.
that the average admissions in Arts/O.S. the space of 20 years (1943/1963) and sed in the rest of the University. It is increased in all other faculties but not Table I 3 presents the same data for = IOO/I943) so as to depict the relative different faculties.
II 4 -

Page 117
IN UNIV
DEVELOPMENTS
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ERSITY EDUCATION
A WIWŶ{ĐVICH
fiul ușou15u3 ɔɔuƏsƆSƆƆA ÅÅsəunļņnɔļu5oÁuļ5ļļuəQ T|souososəuļɔpɔWsəlpnąs neļuəļuO 8 słuv 젊鋼乳홍백하지 확니녀T활니페「책니네월 -@ 戀腳ĴƐ9-196 羽 對*혁*어혁《혁"『혁"이"的"的09 - 8961
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Page 118
UNIVERSITY OF
TA
Annual Admissions expressed in to (Base = 100/1943):
Years Arts/Oriental Science and Medi Studies/Law Agriculture De
1943 100 (70) 100 (65) 10 1947 333 118 16.
1952 376 161. 20 1957 557 231 24 1962 2,214 569 56
1. See Table 12 Notes 2 and 3.
Source: Annual Reports of Council, Uni
The above table shows that the faculties of Science and Medicine is very small in Agriculture/Veterina it is considerable. The position it Faculty of Engineering.
The proportionate distributio1 faculty is also shown in Table I2. fifties—between 45-5O% of the anı Faculty of Arts/O.S., about 20–25% mately 20% by Science, 6–9% by En Agriculture and Veterinary Scienc fallen in Medicine and Science and that in the period 1961-63 the Fact of new admissions. The position changed; it continues to absorb in . intake. There is no noticeable chat the other courses. 18
University expansion and Admission P The recent uneven faculty expa rapid growth of secondary educatio O.S. dominated, and also as a conse sified system of post-secondary educ
18. In the U.K. a little over half (54%) of:
Ceylon too the identical proportions prevailed, almost to the end of the 1950s.

CEYLON REVIEW
BLE 13
rms of Index Numbers, Selected years by Courses of Study
ine and Veterinary 1 Engineering 1 Total
ntistry Science s
) (62) - - 100 (197)
- - 209 1950=100) (1950=100)
3. 300 115 - 264
5 300 353 389
650 721 1,230
versity of Ceylon.
: average increase in the intake for both fairly similar. The absolute increase is y Science, although percentage wise far more satisfactory as regards the
of the annual intake according to
It shows that up to about the midnual admissions were absorbed by the by the Faculty of Medicine, approxigineering, and a meagre I-2% by Law, e. Since then the proportions have increased sharply in Arts so much so ilty of Arts accounted for nearly 63%
as regards Engineering remains unull about 6-9% of the annual university ge in the proportion of admissions to
olicy insion is to be explained in terms of the n, which is still curriculum wise Arts/ quence of the existence of an undiveration in this country.
ll new admissions are for science based courses. In as will be gathered from an inspection of Table 12
II6

Page 119
DEVELOPMENTS IN UNIV
The University too has endeavou increasing demand and has, however demand up to 1965 mainly because it w and Oriental Studies faculties. If ther places in Science-based courses it is unlik been able to respond so readily. To t quite unwittingly been responsible for t years. -
One should not conclude from this is undesirable and therefore to be curtai has been ill planned and unsystematic. students desirous of post-secondary edu main avenue of tertiary education and diversified this situation will continue.
University student numbers are sti with the University enrolments of other when one considers the ratio of all fullpopulation in Ceylon and other countries very gradually from I.S in 1942 to 9.5 in the countries listed below in Table I4. the reported ratios are slightly higher w Pirivena Universities are also included. (
TABLE
University Students per
Ratio per Ra
Year 10,000 Year 10 (Ceylon) (C.
1942 5 1954 2 1943 盘。要 1955 2 1944 1.6 1956 2 1945 ... 6 1957 3 1946 19 1958 3. 1947 2.2 1959 3 1948 2.2 19602 3 1949 2.5 1961 4. 1950 2.7 1962 4. 1951 2.8 1963 4 1952 2.8 1964 1953 2.9 1965 9
ܓ
I
7

WERSITY EDUCATION
red to adjust itself to the everunsatisfactorily, coped with the as a demand for places in the Arts e had been a similar demand for ely that the University would have his extent, the University too has his pattern of expansion in recent
that the present rate of expansion led, but rather that this expansion Still, unfortunately for many able cation, the Universities remain the I until higher education itself is
Il not satisfactory when compared countries. This is readily evident time University students per Io,OOO Although this ratio has increased 1965, it is still far behind many of It should be noted, however, that hen the enrollments at the two new see footnote to Table I4).
14
10,000 population.
tio per Ratio per
,000 10,000
eylon) 1959/601
. Great Britain 21 ... 8 Australia 29 .9 Canada 52 ... O France 46 3.1 Germany (F.R.) 31 ... 3 Netherlands 32 5.7 New Zealand 27 ... 6 Sweden 43 4.9 Switzerland 26 4.9 U.S.A. - 5.6 U.S.S.R. 55
.5

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UNIVERSITY O
Notes:
1. Ratios for countries other than C in receipt of full time higher ec Explanatory Note in Tables 2 & produced from Robbins Report.
2. The ratio per 10,000 population
1960一1965:1960一4.6。1961一6。
These ratios are based on the (a) Vidyodaya University, and (b)
Vidy
Uni
1960
1961
1962
1963
1964 1.
1965 1.
Table I4 gives the ratio of a (i.e. degree level as well as other stuc based on mid-year estimates of p of Census and Statistics.
For Comparative purposes the as listed in the Robbins Report, Ap International Comparisons need to Commissioners, who have, perhap survey of higher education up to only be compared statistically by (p. 6, Appendix V,8). Despite til valuable and legitimate in so far a general lines of University develo matic approach to higher educatio data as far as Ceylon19 is concerne for the expansion of University ed
In the first phase of the Un period of tenureship as Vice-C expansion was essentially a highly the early Council Reports an eage
19. As mentioned before, the Ceylon data
degree level students enrolled in the Universit this does not appreciably alter the computed ra

F CEYLON REVIEW
it. Britain have been computed on the basis of studenst lucation in British degree level equivalent courses (see 14, Pt. I-Robbins Report, Appendix Five). Data re
for all three Universities is as follows for the years 1; 1962-6.4; 1963-6.8; 1964-9.0; 1965-12.7.
ܓܠܐ
! following annual figures of student enrolment at Vidyalankara University for the period 1960-1965:-
"odaya Vidyalankara versity University
501 538 397 654 308 802 976 1134 430 1315 492 1995
ll full-time Ceylon University students lents) per O,OOO for the period 1942-1965, opulation published by the Department
international figures for selected countries pendix Five (8) are also given in Table I4. be made with caution for, as the Robbins s, made the most significant comparative - date, observe 'systems of education can
forcing them into a common mould.” nese obvious limitations, comparisons are is they highlight common problems and pment which may lead to a more systein. The significance of the comparative d lies in vindicating the continuing need ucation.
iversity (1942-1954)-Sir Ivor Jennings lancellor-the approach to University conservative one. Thus, one detects in Cness to freeze the size of the Residential
given in Table 14 includes a small proportion of non
y. But the comparisons are not seriously affected as Tios.
II8

Page 121
DEVELOPMENTS IN UN
University at a certain number-appro it is argued that: "The question (of siz the number of graduates required for “Since... education is at the expense to justify the provision of Universit ment needs of the country” (p. 9). T) 1954 Council Report, where it is st admissions have been stabilised round ; accommodation and partly due to a graduates to the demands for grad principle whereby one tries to relate C is itself an eminently reasonable and S try to freeze University admissions
opportunities for the products of Univ. be achieved by changing the characte needs of the existing, as well as expandi failure to achieve such a sensitivity
characteristic of all plans for the develop this period. What has been perpetrat system of education which abounds i rounded gentlemen scholar with a bac ideally suited to the training of the fu cater to the needs of a developing eco
A rather different approach to Ur 1956 Council Report which discusses th in the following terms:- To exclude cation solely because of the lack of country particularly in a developing graduates needed is always highert reached maturity'. (p. I4). Chara Nicholas Attygalle's period of tenure greater Willingness to extend the bene deserving of such an education. Thus Council Reports of this period (see Rey need to establish additional Universiti for University education.20
20. It is of interest to note that as far back as 195 fact that "The University cannot provide for all the st 1959, nor can its present physical structure be expande Report 1956).
I IC

IVERSITY EDUCATION
ximately 4,OOO. In the I949 Report, e) is not only one of cost but also of employment', and concludes that of the state,...it would be difficult ty education beyond the employThis point of view is re-echoed in the ated more directly that University about soo, "partly due to restricted desire to relate the output of luate employment” (p. 2O). The Jniversity education to employment ensible one provided one does not
instead of expanding employment ersity education. This could, in part, of University courses to meet the ng employment opportunities. The
to national needs and interests is ment of University education during ed instead from the inception is a in the “ British notion of the well skground in liberal Arts” (p. 60, I2), ture administrative élite, but not to nomy.
liversity expansion is evident in the Le future expansion of the University 2 students from a University eduresources is a misfortune to the g country where the proportion of han that in a community that has cteristically, in the post 1954 era-Sir ship as Vice-Chancellor-there is a fits of higher education to all those , there are frequent references in the ports of 1956, 1960 and 1964) to the es to cater to the growing demand
56, the University Council drew attention to the tudents who will be seeking admission in and after 'd to meet the anticipated increase' (p. 13, Council

Page 122
UNIVERSITY O
The experience of the sixties approach to University expansion v in the face of the secondary educ obvious implications for tertiary of school leavers demanding hig contained, as outlined in the 1954 grave social injustice. The Univer State, has at the expense of much r mendable efficiency catered for a va the sixties-resulting in the growth
The magnitude of the Univer. in that the University population years, I963-1965. Each campus is originally intended by the Universi characteristically failed to foresee a growth of secondary education in t
The plans of this period too fa to the developmental needs of the manpower skills and talents in spel content of University education. in the field of medicine has a reas been produced where as he points C courses ... and the extremely Sm: encouraging in a country with large
Thus, today one has to contend as a mass Society rather than a spec underlying intention in fostering versity, located away from the met task of the next decade is to re-fashi institutions, to meet the needs of society, as opposed to the élite type and fifties and which was orientec established order-a relatively stag.

CEYLON REVIEW
has shown that the earlier conservative as neither feasible nor socially justifiable ation explosion since 1945 which had education. The inevitable outgrowth er education could not be artificially Council Report, except at the peril of sity of Ceylon, under pressure from the eeded qualitative expansion, with comit quantitative physical expansion during of two large campuses.
ity's effort in recent years may be seen has doubled itself in the space of two itself bigger than the limit of 4,OOO ty Planners of the first decade who had ind take cognizance of the phenomenal he country.
il to relate this much wanted expansion country, especially its requirements of cified fields, by a reorganization of the As Fischer (I2) aptly comments, "only onably adequate number of graduates but 'the stagnant position of agricultural all rise in engineering graduates is not : needs for technical manpower” (p. 61).
with the harsh realities of a University tally selected élite society which was the he development of a Residential Uniropolitan centres of the country. The on University education, and its various mass higher education in a developing of education that existed in the forties
to the immediate needs of the then ant Society.
2O

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DEVELOPMENTS IN UN
The Auvard of Degrees
From 1942 to 1965, I2,27I degrees by the University. Of this number IO degree awards. The analysis of the F Is below, which also contains infort Classes.
TABILE
Numerical and Percentage di and Classes awar
Faculty Number
aínd of % of - Degree Degrees Total Firs
4tuarded Aivards Arts./O.S: B.A. (Gen.) .. No information B.A. (Hons.) - No information 7 Total B.A. - - 5860 54.0 7 LL.B. 176 1.6
Science:
B.Sc. (Gen.) - - No information B.Sc. (Hon.) No information { Total B.Sc. 1839 16.9 1.
Agriculture/Vet. Science: B.Sc. (Agr.) - - 129 12 B.V.Sc. - - 66 0.6
Engineering: B.Sc. (Eng.) - 473 4.4 E
Medicine, Incl. Dentistry:
M.B.B.S. 21.89 20.2 2 B.D.S. 14 O. 1 L.D.S. 112 1.0
Tofa! 10,858 100.0 2.
Source: Annual Reports of Council, University
21. i Awarded' refers to those who have succes
the avard at a General Convocation.
2.

IVERSITY EDUCATION
; and diplomas have been awarded 21 ,858, or nearly 88%, have been First irst degree awards is given in Table nation pertaining to the award o.
15
stribution of First Degrees ded (1942-65).
Classes as Classes % of Total Firsts as - Number of '% of all is Seconds Total Degrees Classes
Alvarded
5 105 110 - -
71. 667 738 - - '6 772 848 量4.5 9. O 4 34. 38 21.6 10.5
50 186 236 - -
61 215 276 -- -- 11. 401 512 27.8 21.7
34. 37 28.7 8.1
1. 17 18 27.2 5 é.
58 138 196 41.4 296
21 575 596 27.2 3.5 4 1. 5 35.7 80.0
1. 40 41 36.6 2.5
79 2,012 2,291 - -
of Ceylon.
sfully completed their courses and supplicated for

Page 124
UNIVERSITY O.
Of the total awards approx postgraduate first diplomas22 whic
Diploma in Education Postgraduate Medical Diplon Diploma in Sinhalese/Tamil Diploma in Librarianship (sin
Professional or semi-professional first degree courses relating to Law, mainly by the post-graduate diplc constitute well over four-fifths of one includes in addition to the D Sinhalese/Tamil which was establis mainly for the benefit of non-grad
Though in fact there are severa which provide specialised training very few have so far availed thems sion of these courses is to be expec curtailment of foreign training for
The Diploma in Librarianship it indicates a willingness on the p programme of professional educati courses lies in the field of science : commerce and the social sciences.
From this data alone it is has functioned so far primarily as emphasising the imparting of kno teaching function of a University degrees, as depicted in Table IS, of them (54%) are for Arts-(as 46% are for the Arts)-another fift a sixth (17%) for Science degrees.
22. The Diploma in Sinhalese/Tamil as exp but is for convenience classified here.

CEYLON REVIEW
imately IO% or 1259 awards are for
are distributed as follows:-
Number Percentage of
Total
862 68.5
aS 244 19.4 148 11.8
ce 1963) 5 3.0
1,259 100.0
Jniversity training, if one excludes the Medicine and Engineering is represented mas. Professional courses for Teachers these vocationally oriented courses, if iploma in Education, the Diploma in hed in the early years of the University late Trained Teachers.
1 post-graduate medical diploma courses in various fields for medical graduates, elves of these facilities. A rapid expanted in the next decade as a result of the doctors.
instituted in 1963 is a welcome sign, if art of the University to embark on a on. Perhaps the greatest need for these nd technology, and to a lesser extent in
clear that the University of Ceylon an undergraduate teaching institution, wledge and giving of instruction-the
Looking at the distribution of First t will be noted that just over half ompared with the U.K. where nearly (or 20%) for Medicine, and just over
Despite the fact that there have been
ained on page 56 is not strictly a postgraduate award,
T22

Page 125
DEVELOPMENTS IN U.
Agricultural and Veterinary Science has been very small—only 2% of the te The percentage of Engineering degr Dental graduates is only I-2%.
The distribution of First degrees it and Social Studies (46%), was Scienc I5%, Agriculture 2%, Medical subje Io%. The proportion of Medical than in the U.K. and the proportion Ceylon is comparatively low. For a the proportion of Agriculture degree what is now the case.
The proportion of Classes obtain degrees awarded shows certain inte highest percentage of Classes (4.1%) also got the highest proportion of First of this may lie in the fact that the rel is exceptionally good because of the h of entry to the Faculty. It may also matter, as in the case of Mathematics relatively easier to obtain high gradi which has also been able to attract st has had nearly a fourth of its graduate only about 4% are First Classes.
Comparing the Arts and Science about twice as hard to obtain a class First Class in Arts is more difficult appears to be a sharp difference abc Classes, including Firsts between ti incidence of General degree Classes ar in Arts. This may partly reflect the f: before, many good potential Special di are forced to takea General degree cours course. Equally, the fact that the gre
23. In the U.K. too this same pattern prevails. in Science. But there was no difference in the propc (See Robbins Report, Appendix Two (A), Table 21)
I
 

NIVERSITY EDUCATION
graduates since 1947, the total output taldegrees awarded by the University. !e awards is roughly 4% and that of
the U.K. for 1961/62, (excluding Arts e 27%, Engineering and Technology cts (including Dentistry/Vet. Science) legrees in Ceylon was much higher of Science and Engineering degrees in agricultural country, as pointed out, s should have been much more than
ed over the years in each of the First resting variations. For instance, the is found in Engineering which has s (except the B.D.S). The explanation ative supply of talent to this Faculty ighly selective and competitive nature be due to the nature of the subject and the Physical Sciences where it is ngs. On the other hand, Medicine, idents of high ability in recent years, as passing out with Classes, of whom
degrees as a whole, we note that it is in Arts as in Science; and equally a to obtain than in Science.23 There ut the incidence of General degree he Arts and Science degrees. The ld Firsts is far greater in Science than ict that unlike in Arts, as mentioned agree students in the Faculty of Science e, instead of following a Special degree at majority of General degree Classes
There were 4.6% Firsts in Arts as against 10.1% rtion of classes as a whole between Arts and Science

Page 126
UNIVERSITY OF
in Science are confined to Mathemat that the subject matter itself account of General degree students.
The proportion of Classes in 1 very much the same and are roughl Medicine, except that the incidence Science and slightly more than in M output of Dental graduates gain Cla. very low. About one fifth of those a tenth of these are Firsts-the propo to that in the Arts degree.
Taking the University as a whi and Seconds) awarded which constit total number of First degrees award I.2% (279) have obtained First Cl obtained Firsts; while this is ampl scholarships maintained by this Uni existence, it indicates that the crit stringent by international standards.
Unfortunately, there is no infor do not successfully complete a degre University as a whole or for differ however, unlikely because of the entrance. Another question of som mined is to assess the predictive value Examination as a basis of selection f inquiries should be conducted to relat within the University.
The relative importance of there ing functions of the University may awards (this excludes further study in degrees amount only to 1.3% or I54 the University during the period 19. proportion is 13.7% for 1961/62).
24. Until recently the Faculty of Agriculture
to attract the best products in Science from the scho has been for Medicine or Engineering.

CEYLON REVIEW
ics and Physical Science would Suggest s in part for the Superior performance
agriculture and Veterinary Science are similar to those found in Science and of First Class graduates is less than in edicine.24 Nearly a third of the small ses but the incidence of First Classes is graduating in Law obtain Classes and rtion of First in Law being no different
ble there were 2,29 I Classes (i.e. Firsts utes 2% (cf. 60% in the U.K.) of the 2d, and of this number approximately isses, whereas in the U.K. about 7% a testimony of the high standards of versity in the first two decades of its eria of student evaluation are far too
mation on wastage rates (i.e. those who re for which they enter) either for the ent COUSeS. High Wastage rates are,
highly selective nature of University
e importance which needs to be exa2 of the former University Preliminary Dr University study. More systematic e the annual admissions to performance
search functions as opposed to the teachpe seen from the fact that post-graduate education and medicine) for research of the total number of awards made by 2-1965. (In the U.K. the comparable Approximately two-fifths (63) of these
and Veterinary Science has not in general been able ols as the first preference of the good science students
24 /
— A- ,

Page 127
DEVELOPMENTS IN UN
have been in the Faculty of Medicine fifths (61) for the M.A. degree, and th M.Sc. (7), M.O.G. (II) and M.S. (3), de
No analysis exists of the research this is not likely to be very much as Un have been overburdened with teachir Faculty of Arts/O.S. The University One serious handicap is the absence of students. Without the development o areas of study, it will be impossible favour of teaching. To restore the p and research functions of the Univers of the future.
 

IVERSITY EDUCATION
for the M.D. degree; another twoe remaining fifth for the Ph.D. (19), greCS.
output of the University staff but iversity teachers in nearly all faculties ng and examining, especially in the has never been organised for research. financial provision for post-graduate f strong graduate schools in different to correct the present weightage in roper balance between the teaching ity, is perhaps the most urgent need

Page 128
PAR
St
Grades of Staff
The distribution of full-time Ac analysed according to grade is shown
TAB
Numerical and Percentage distri Ceylon Academic
Year Profes- Percent Reader Percent Lec
sor of total of total turer
1942 15 27.3 - - 20 1943 No information 1944 16 25.8 1 1.6 23 1945 No information 1946 19 22.1 - - 27 1947 21 21.6 2 2.1 36 1948 26 21.5 2 1.6 48 1949 29 21.2 4 2.9 62 1950 31 19.7 7 4.5 70 1951 31 16.9 7 3.8 87 1952 32 17.5 5 2.7 82 1953 34 17.6 5 2.6 90 1954 32 15.9 4 2.0 108 1955 35 17.5 4 2.0 103 19561 34 15.5 5 2.3 116 1957 33 14.5 5 2.2 116 1958 35 15.4 5 2.2 121 1959 34 12.9 6 2.3 124 1960 37 13.8 4 1.5 121. 1961 36 15.2 3 1.3 127 1962 35 13.5 3 1.2 148 1963 35 12.8 3 11 152 1964 36 11.0 2 0.6 160 1965 43 12.9 10 3.0 144
1961/62 Senior U.K. Universities2. Lecturer. Per Ceint of Total. 119 6.5 12.5
Notes:
1. See Table 17, infra for explanatory notes; 30, as it appears to be an overestimate.
2. See Pt. I, Tables 7 & 10, Robbins Report, Source: Statistical Abstracts of Ceylon.

T III
aff
ademic Staff on the permanent cadre in Table I6.
LE 16
bution of full-time University of
Staff: by Grade
Percent Asst. Percent Other Percent Total
of total Lecturer of total of total (=100%)
36.4 8 14.5 12. 21.8 55 62 37.1 15 24.2 7 11.3 62 76 31.4 30 34.9 10 11.6 86 37.1 26, 26.8 12 12.4 97 39.7 34 28.1 11. 9. 1 121 45.2 30 21.9 12 8.8 137 44. 6 29 18.5 20 12.7 157 47.6 39 21.3 19 10.4 183 4.48 41 22.4 23 12.6 183 46.7 46 23.8 18 9.3 193 53.7 42 20.9 15 7.5 201. 51.5 37 18.5 21 10.5 200 52.7 35 15.9 30 13. 6 220 51.1 36 15.9 37 16.3 227 53.1 35 15.3 32 14.0 228 46.9 63. 23.9 37 14.0 264 45.1 67 25.0 39 146 268 53.6 71. 29.9 ー - 237 57.1 67 25.9 6 2.3 259 55.5 84 30.6 - -274 س 48.8 124 37.8 6 18 324 43.1 131 39.2 6 1.8 334
Lecturers
47.1 10.0 12.0 = 100% (12,786)
the category "Other' has been reduced from 41 to
Appendix Three. (6)

Page 129
DEVELOPMENTS IN UNIV
The importance of this information lies in ** the attractiveness of the academic pro neration and promotion prospects, and distribution of academics amongst the
(p I. 37).
According to Table I6, it will be se junior staff (confining the senior grade junior grade to Lecturers (Grades I & II) I942-1965. In the first decade the sen one fifth the total staff, and thereafter, was in the region of one tenth to one ei slightly in 1965 with the increase in the to about 3% of the total staff after bei dentally, in the U.K. Universities roug grade of Reader, and the proportion c in the U.K. Universities is about 20%- that existed in the early days of the Uni
All in all, it would appear that there in the Lecturer grade, except for a slig fall is offset by an increase in the Ass comprises about two fifths of the tota staffing policies movement from Assista grade has been relatively easy as it h; possession of approved post-graduate G the end of a certain fixed period of se little or no stagnation at this level, and levels of the Lecturer grade. The stagnat tion between the Lecturer grade and and Professors.
The promotion prospects of Univ and when, the Second Faculty of Arts independent status as regards departmel Senior posts.
25. Senior staff is defined in the Robbins Report to ing to a recommendation of the U.K. Grants Committ lecturers should not exceed two ninths (i.e. 22.2%) of all Appendix Three, Robbins Report). This quota it is . and not to individual faculties. No comparable data is a
-
I27

/ERSITY EDUCATION
the fact that, as Butler (I) observes, fession depends in part on remuthese in turn depend partly on the various grades of the profession.”
'en that the proportion of senior to to Professors and Readers, and the has declined sharply over the period ior staff comprised approximately up to about 1964, the proportion ghth. The position has improved grade of Readers which has risen ng as low as O.6% in 1964. Incighly 6-7% of the staff occupy the f senior staff, 25 as defined above, -more nearly like the proportion VerSlty.
has been a gradual increase of staff ht fall in the last two years. This istant Lecturer grade which now al staff. According to University int Lecturer grade to the Lecturer as been dependent solely on the ualifications, usually a Ph.D., at rvice. There has, therefore, been equally, hardly any at the different ion is mainly at the point of transisenior staff positions, i.e. Readers
Tersity teachers would improve if, , Science and Medicine are given hts of study with a fixed quota of
include Readers and Senior Lecturers. Accordzee "in non-medical faculties, readers and senior non-professorial staffin a University' (pp.12-13 inderstood applies to the University as a whole Ivailable for Ceylon for purposes of comparison.

Page 130
UNIVERSITY OF
It is also necessary to create mo of Reader. One difficulty has beer out, "the title and status of Reader should carry with it as a primary ob Consequently, posts of Reader ha was warranted by the excellence view of what is implied by a Rea in Ceylon and very often it has b promotion for persons of certain se1
The designation of Reader sh achieved some degree of excellence in teaching and other non-research especially in view of the warnings the dangers inherent in the practice c of research publications. The Ro case for the need to give adequate 1 ments to factors other than resea quotation from the Robbins Report
“We think that in making of appointments ciently honoured and that published work of excellence. The exceptionally gifted te; sation and administration, to the running C the Welfare of students tend to suffer, when parison with the man who has distinguished
The category of Associate Prof. countries, for example Australia, sh Reader from the point of view of those of Sufficient seniority who hav of knowledge Outside the Univers enrich the life of the University.
Besides creating a new catego a Reader, in order to improve prom ratio of senior to junior posts, the (see, Robbins Report, 4 p. I78) is als a department should have only one fact, the University of Ceylon h; 26. Should not be confused with the Ame
Lecturer/Lecturer in the Commonwealth Univer ranking next to full Professorship.

CEYLON REVIEW
re senior posts-i.e. grades such as those that, as the Robbins Report (4) points should imply distinction in research and bligation the advancement of a subject'. ve been created only in so far as this of research done. Unfortunately this ldership has not always been followed een regarded as just another avenue of n1Or1ty.
ould be confined to those who have in research. At the same time, success functions should be equally rewarded, ounded by people like Dent (9) about of granting promotions only on evidence bbins Report too makes out a strong recognition in promotions and appointrch and publications. The following
(4) clarifies their views :-
and in promotion this diversity of gifts is not suffiCounts far too much in comparison with other kinds acher and the man who has given his time to organi'flaboratories and the development of libraries or to appointments and promotions are considered, in Com
himself by publication' (p. 184).
ssor,26 found in many Commonwealth ould be placed on a par with that of a promotions and should be reserved for e excelled in teaching, the dissemination ity, and contributed in other ways to
ty of Associate Professor equivalent to otion prospects and to establish a better creation of more professorial posts, to desirable. The U.K. tradition that : professor is an outmoded one, and, in as deviated from this practice by esta
rican usage which is often synonymous with Senior sities. Here the 'Associate Professor is a designation
Ay
I28

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DEVELOPMENTS IN UNIV
blishing Co-Professorships in four di Surgery, Obstetrics and Gynaecology a be extended not merely to achieve a bet but also with a view to improving the tea
(see, Robbins Report, 4, Ch. I2).
Staff in relation to the Faculties
The distribution of full-time perm various faculties is shown in Table I7.
TABLE 1.
Numerical and Percentage distribut Staff: by Fa
Arts/Oriental Science Medicine, incl. E.
Year Studies/Law Dentistry
% % %
1942 20 36 19 35 16, 29 1943 24, 39 21 34 17 27 1944 27 41 21. 32 18 27 1945 34 45 23 30 19 25 1946 39 45 25 29 22 26 1947 46 47 27 28 24 25 1948 56 46 31 26 34 28 1949 65 47 34 25 38 28 1950 66 42. 31 20 49 31 1951 72 39 35 20 63. 34 1952 66 36 35 20 70 38 1953 68 35 34 18 67 34 1954 68 34 41. 20 64. 32 1955 66 33 39 20 64. 32 19562 65 30 43 20 79 36 1957 80 35 38 17 79 35 1958 87 38 29 13 81 36 1959 1.11 42 43 16 76 28 1960 111. 41 47 17 77 29 1961 102 43 49 21 51 22 1962 104 42 52. 21. 58 23 1963 115 42. 61 22 58. 21. 1964 139 42 63. 19 77 23 1965 136 41 70 21. 81 24
Notes:
1. Where a teacher is assigned to two or more facu
in which he does more teaching.
2. The reported figure in the published statistics i. Science, and is very likely an error. The appro fore this is used instead of the reported figure.
Source: Statistical Abstracts of Ceylon.
亨、 I29

ERSITY EDUCATION
epartments of study-(Medicine, nd Sinhalese). This trend should iter ratio of junior to senior posts ching and research in a department
anent academic staff between the
7
tion of Full-time Academic culty.
hgineering Agriculture All Faculties
Vet. Science (= 100 %)
O
% %
- - 55 - n 62 - 66
- -- 76
- - 86
- - 97
-- 121
- - 137 11 7 - 157 13 7 - 183 12 6 - 183 13 7 11. 6 193 14 8 13 6 201 15 7 16 8 200 14 6 19 8 220 14 6 16 7 227 14 6 17 7 228 18 7 16 7 264 13 5 21 8 269 15 6. 20 8 237 16 6 2O 8 250 19 7 21 8 274 25 8 24 8 328 24 7 23 7 334
litics he is classified as belonging to the Faculty
S 30 for the Faculty of Agriculture/Veterinary ved Cadre for the Faculty is only 19 and there

Page 132
UNIVERSITY O
In the forties a little over two the Faculty of Arts/O.S., about a third or a little less to the Faculty these early days was that of recruiti Despite an adjustment in 1944 of S there was little improvement un staffing proved to be a problem in so till now.
During the fifties the proport Science fell slightly, and this was staffing position of the Medical F. in the fifties—Agriculture/Veterin. equally between themselves about
The present position of the fo which existed in the forties, excep of the Faculty of Science-a fall f total staff. There has been no ap staff attached to the two new facul
Table 8 below, which is based Inumbers in order to show the re at different points of time, i.e. f. The comparison base is 1942 for the for the Faculties of Engineering respectively.
Ι
Growth of Full-Time S Selected
Year Arts/O.S. Sciefice Medicine, Dentis
1942 100 100 100
(20) (19) (16
1947 230 142 15()
27. According to the 1943 Council Report, scale to compensate for the loss of earning as a to note that the principle of differential sal: qualification, i.e., as the Report expressly states (p. 17). However, the salary scales have so far b

CEYLON REVIEW
fifths of the total staff were attached to fourth to the Faculty of Science, and a of Medicine. The greatest problem in ng full-time staff for the Medical Faculty. alary scales in favour of Medical Staff,27 til very recently. To a lesser extent the Science Faculty too and has remained
ion of staff in the Faculties of Arts and
offset by a slight improvement in the aculty. The two new faculties set up try Science and Engineering-also share one-seventh of the total University staff.
ur older faculties is fairly similar to that t for a deterioration of the staffing level rom about one third to one-fifth of the spreciable change in the proportions of t1 GeS,
on Table 17, is set out in terms of Index
'lative position as between the faculties
lve yearly intervals, commencing 1947. : three older faculties, and 1950 and 1953 g and Agriculture/Veterinary Science
כ
ABLE 18
Staff based on Index Numbers,
years: by faculty.
, incl. Engineering Agricultures All try Vet. Science 2 Facultics
- - 100 5) (55)
100-1950 - 176
(11) (97)
it was proposed to place the Medical staff on a higher result of joining the University Staff. It is of interest ary scales was to apply "to persons with technical "to engineers as well as to physicians and surgeons' een adjusted only in favour of the Faculty of Medicine.
I3O
ܘܓܠ

Page 133
DEVELOPMENTS IN UNIV
1952 330 184 438
1957 400 200 494
1962 520 273 362
1965 680 368 506
(136) (70) (81)
Notes:
1. Engineering Faculty Base = 1950.
2. Agriculture and Veterinary Science Faculty Base
Source: Table 17, infra
It is clear from Table I8 that, alth proportion of staff in the Faculty of Ar absolute increase of staff has been most 1. Medical Faculty whose relative rate of gr of Arts in the fifties, and even at the pres ably with Arts.
However, we note again that the sta acute in the Science Faculty, although the the absolute level of 1962 to that of 1965. the two new faculties are fairly similar bu ing is not unlike that of Science. To at Engineering, a scheme of salary differer Medical Staff, may be necessary even as a
To determine the adequacy of these 1 correlate growth of student numbers in e For this purpose the customary notion ( statistically computed (see Appendix Tab broader implications of its absolute amou versity as awhole and each respective fac
Staff/Student Ratio
There has been no standard definitio rent bases have been used in various count convention of obtaining the ratio by di students by the number of full-time staff.
28. This was also the basis of computation adopted
Appendix Three, Pt. I, Section 2)
ܢܪ .
I31.

ERSITY EDUCATION
109 100-1953 332
(11) (183)
127 173 402
(221)
145 182 455
(250)
218 209 607
(24) (23) (334)
- 1953,
ough according to Table I7 the ts has remained fairly stable, the marked in Arts. Next comes the owth of staff exceeded even that ent time compares not unfavour
fing problem appears to be most are has been a slight increase from The rates of growth of staff in it the rate of increase in Engineertract more staff to the Faculty of htials, similar to that devised for in interim measure.
rates of growth one should strictly ach faculty with increase of staff. Df the staff-student ratio has been le VI, page 99) and some of the nt and its fluctuations for the Uniulty have been briefly considered.
in of staff/student ratios and diffetries. We have adopted the U.K. viding "the number of full-time "28 (p. xviii of U.K. Grants Com
by the Robbins Report, (see Robbins Report,

Page 134
UNIVERSITY O
mittee Report, 26, 1960/61). W. only undergraduates and diplom as post-graduate research students part-time students-hardly repres be included if due allowance is under full-time staff, we have
staff of the University mainly be staff is not readily available. A c. puted (see Table 20) for the years in full-time staff is available. Strict extensively employed in the Fact included after appropriate statistic as the relevant data is not readil ratios Computed are an under-estin temporary full-time staff and visit Medical Faculty staff/student ratios
Table 19, given below, sets University as a whole during purposes the staff/student ratios Australia, and the overall ratios of
Staff/S
University of Ceylon.
Total Staff Tota Year (full-time) Stude
Popula
1942 55 9C 1943 62 9C 1944 66 99 1945 76 106 1946 86 127 1947 97 154 1948 121 160 1949 137 183 1950 157 200 1951 183 219 1952 183 22 1953 193 238 1954 201 241. 1955 200 240 1956 220 249
1957 227 27C

)F CEYLON REVIEW
e have included under full-time students a students, and excluded those enrolled and casual students. Post-graduate and/or sented in the University statistics-may
made for Such categories. Similarly,
included only those on the permanent cause detailed information on temporary orrected staff/student ratio has been comL which information relating to temporary ly speaking, part-time and visiting staff - ilty of Medicine-should also have been all weightage. This has not been possible y available. Therefore, the staff/student hate to the extent that they do not include ting, part-time staff. For this reason the , in particular, are greatly under-estimated.
out the staff/student ratios (1:2) for the the period 1942-1965. For Comparative of the University of Sydney, NSW,
U.K. Universities have also been included.
TABLE 19
Student Ratios.
Staff Student Ratios (1 - ?)
l University University U.K. Flf of Ceylon of Sydney, Universities2. fiol Australial
4. 16.4 16.4 16.1 14.0 14.8 15.9 13.3 13.4 12.8 12.0 12.1 12.4 12.0 12.0 重1.4 11.9
4.

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IDEVELOPMENTS IN UNIV
1958 228 2904. 1959 264 3147
1960 268 3651
1961 237 4614
1962 259 5081
1963 274 5686
1964 328 7140
1965 334 10649
1. Data obtained from 'Letter to Graduates of t have been computed on a formula giving wei and postgraduates) and part-time staff.
2. Data taken from Robbins Report, Appendix T full-time students to full-time teachers. Full-ti graduate students.
3. Corrected ratios for Ceylon, based on full-time Table 20, infra, and are given alongside the unc
Source: Annual Reports of Council, Universit
Staff/Student ratios for the Universit cautiously as they are markedly influen tures, temporary staffetc. Yet, they pro international comparisons.
Except for isolated fluctuations, th ratio improved gradually until 1959. T. not compare favourably with the U.K. U are generally better than the University fifties, and Compare slightly more favou temporary full-time staff in the Universi
These ratios after 1960, have been cc time staff and are presented separately i breakdown of corrected staff/student ra ratios show that the level has been fairly Thereafter, the University in terms of S adequately with the phenomenal increase of Arts/O.S. and in the smaller Faculty onwards the corrected Ceylon ratios adversely with the contemporaneous fig
TABLE 2.
Corrected Staff/Student Ratic
Year Arts/O. S. Science Medicine, incl.
Dentistry
1960 13.2 7.6 12.8 1961 19.3 8. () 200

(ERSITY EDUCATION
12.7 14.1 11.9 14.5 13.6/9.73 14.5 19.5/12.5 14.3 19.6/14.0 14.5 20.8/14.7 14.2 21.7/15.8 14.2 — 31.9/20. 1 13.8 -
1.
he University of Sydney' 1965. The ratios ghtage to part course students (undergraduates
hree 6, Tabre 1 p. 4. is confined to the ratio of me students include undergraduate and post
permanent and temporary staff are taken from corrected ratios from 1960-1965.
ty of Ceylon.
y as a whole, should be interpreted ced by variations in faculty strucvide a useful yardstick for making
e overall University staff/student he University of Ceylon ratios do Jniversities. But the Ceylon ratios of Sydney up to the end of the rably when allowance is made for ty of Ceylon (see Table 20).
orrected to include temporary fullin Table 20, which also gives the tios by faculties. The corrected well maintained up to about 1963. tasting has not been able to cope of student numbers in the Faculty of Engineering. From about 1962
began to decline and compare
ure at Sydney (see Table I9).
O
s: by Faculty, 1960-65.
Agricultures Engineering All
Vet. Science Faculties.
1.2 3.2 9.7 (376) 1.1 4.1 12, 5 (368)

Page 136
UNIVERSITY (
1962 20.8 8.4 2. 1963 19.6 8.3 2. 1964 23.2 8.2 2. 1965 38.9 8.3 2
Source: University of Ceylon.
For comparative purposes the (p. 4I) is reproduced below. It every Country listed except Great bered that even the corrected fig estimate because it does not give
University Staff/Stude1
Great Brita. France Germany (E Netherland, Sweden U. S. A. U. S. S. R.
Ceylon
Since the University staff/st differences as between faculties, tl period 1942-1965 are set out in summary of this Table is reproc gives the average staff/student re commencing 1942/1944 to 1963, ratios for 1960-1965 will be foun
Average Staff Student )
1942/44 to
Years Arts/O. S. Science
1942-44: Staff/Student 24/366 20/256 Ratiol 15.3 12.8 1945-47: Staff/Student 40/513 25/347 Ratio 12.8 13.9 1948-50: Staff Student 62/754 32/416
Ratio 12.2 13.0

)F CEYLON REVIEW
2 2.6 5.1. 14.0 (363) 9 3.9 6.5 14.7 (388) .6 4.14 6.4 15.8 (451) 5 3.9 11.0 20.1 (529)
following Table from the Robbins Report, will be seen that Ceylon fares better than Britain. However, it should be rememure of Io (I96O) for Ceylon is an underlue Weightage to part-time staff.
TABILE 21
it Ratios in selected countries, 1960.
Ratio
1. 8 30
.R.) 35 14 12
13
12
10
udent ratios are likely to conceal wide
he staff/student ratios, by faculties for the
Appendix Table VI (see page 99), and a
luced below as Table 22. This Table tios by faculty for three yearly periods,
(65. The corrected faculty staff/student
in Table 20.
TABLE 22
Ratios for three yearly periods, 963/65: by Faculty.
Medicine incl. Engineering2 Agricultures All Faculties.
Dentistry Vet. Science3
17/312 - - 61/934 18.4 15.4
22/435 - 87/1295 19.8 14.9
40/584 4/63 - 138/1817 14.6 13.2
I34
1 –ܓܝ.

Page 137
DEVELOPMENTS IN UNIV
Staff/Student 69/921 35/.445 67/77 Ratio 13.3 12.7 11. 1954—1956: Staff/Student 66/1001 41/628 69/70 Ratio 15.2 15.3 10. 1957-59: Staff/Student 93/1238 37/761 79.75 Ratio 13.3 20.6 9. 1960-62, Staff Student 106/2232 49/907 62/109 Ratio 21.9 18.5 17. 1963-65: - Staff/Student 130/4752 65/1004 72/158 Ratio 36.6 15.6 22.
Notes:
1. Ratios are expressed in terms of one full-time st 2. Engineering Faculty began in 1950 with an enre 3. Faculty of Agriculture/Vet. Science began in 1'
Source: Appendix Table VI and Table 17, infra.
Table 22 confirms our earlier obser the Faculties of Medicine and Arts/O.S. the fifties, and that thereafter, the decli than in Medicine. Relatively speaking. ratios for Medicine are an under-estima more favourable in Medicine than in a making allowance for the limitations in Faculty ratio of 12.5 for 1961 (see App
short of the U.K. Universities ratio O. Faculties.
in the U.K. Universities the staff/ and Applied Science Faculties was 7.O Ceylon compares favourably
The Weakest staff/student ratio at til of Arts-the corrected ratio being 38.9 Studies Faculties had a ratio of 8.8 in I9 Ceylon at that time was 19.3.
One should also take serious note o the Engineering Faculty, indicating tha pace with enrolment figures. Accordin has fallen to II, o in I965. The compar
I35 ܢܬܐ.

(ERSITY EDUCATION
'9 13/105 2/14 1867 2264 6 8.1 - 12.2
8 15/75 20/26 211/2437 3 5.0 1.3 12.2
O 15/146 16/21 240/2916 5 9.7 1.3 12.2
7 15/178 20/34 254/4449 7 11.9 1.7 17.5
3 23,387 23/101 312/7827 O 16.8 4.4 25.1
uff member to 2 students. (1 : ?). olment of 189 and staff of 11. 953 with an enrolment of 41 and staff of 11.
vation that the staffing position of improved steadily up to the end of he in Arts/O.S. was more marked despite the fact that staff/student ate, the staffing position has been ny other faculty. Yet, even after hentioned previously, the Medical endix Table VI) falls considerably f 6.0 in 1961/62 for the Medical
student ratio in 1961/62 for Pure and the corrected ratio of 8.4 for
he moment is found in the Faculty for 1965. In the U.K. Arts/Social 6I/62 and the comparable ratio for
f the consistent fall in the ratios of t staff recruitment is not keeping g to the corrected figures, the ratio able U.K. figure is 8.8 for 1961/62.

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UNIVERSITY O
As against, this the ratios in the F have been very favourable throug many U.K. Universities, where th
Notwithstanding some of its portance should be attached to c since it provides a useful and con component of a University. Th many imperfections, the staff/stud factor influencing the quality of Three, 6). Both in the U.K. and presently paid to the question o suffered considerable neglect in re being placed on the research fun equally present in Ceylon.
Certainly, the proper balance delicate a matter to be wholly sat the necessity of keeping a watchfi constant emphasis. As the U.K. the quality of individual teaching great importance if the ablest Stu from the undergraduate course v progress of those of no more than from the point of view of resear university teachers to devote m
(p. 30, 25).

F CEYLON REVIEW
lculty of Agriculture/Veterinary Science hout, and in this respect it is not unlike e ratio for 1961/62 was 3.O.
limitations, it is evident that much imata pertaining to the staff/student ratio renient means of evaluating the teaching : Robbins Report states that, despite its ent ratio should be egarded as a major University education' (p. 3, Appendix U.S.A. a great deal of attention is being University teaching as this factor has cent years owing to an undue emphasis ctions of a University. This danger is
between teaching and research is far too isfactorily solved in any University, but tl eye on the quality of teaching requires Grants Commissioners once remarked, given to undergraduates is a matter of dents are to obtain the fullest advantage
without being held back by the slower
average ability’ (p. 30, 25). Looked at ch, better staff/student ratios will enable hore time to scholarship and research.'
т36

Page 139
PART
Finand
The introduction of the scheme of garten to the University“ in 1945 almc of the University of Ceylon as a corpo unlike many other foreign Universitie as an institution financed almost whol about two thirds of the funds of the Uni after, well over fourth fifths of its funds were given in the form of a Recurrent Annual Appropriation Bill, in an amol mates of Expenditure prepared by th Treasury through the Ministry of Edu voted by Parliament for Capital Expen ratories, equipment etc.
Unlike in the U.K., it is specified b versity shall be audited by the Audito automatically available to the Public A So far the Public Accounts Committe well established practice of non-interf of the University, not summoned the it nor commented on the accounts of th
In the first decade and a half of th capital expenditure was made for the campus at Peradeniya. The original financed from the National Develop Rs. 53 million, but was revised in 1952 a maximum limit of Rs. 57 million w NDR fund, and this limit has been of this sum (approximately Rs. 2c first decade, before the transfer to P clearing and original buildings, in part stration Building, Halls of Residence an 20 million-nearly a third of the esti NDR funds-was incurred during the fi the bulk of the buildings including the
original plan were fully, or nearly, com
I37

IV
26ᏯS
'Free Education from the Kinderst coincided with the establishment rate body in 1942. Consequently, s, the University of Ceylon began ly by the State. Up to I945 only versity came from the State. There; were from the State. These funds Parliamentary Grant, voted in the int determined on the basis of Esti2 University and submitted to the Ication. It excludes special monies diture such as new buildings, labo
by Act that the accounts of the Unir-General whose Report is thereby Accounts Committee of Parliament. e has, perhaps in deference to the erence in the autonomous conduct
Vice-Chancellor to appear before he University.
he University a large investment of purpose of establishing a residential estimate for the complete scheme, }ment Reserve (NDR) fund, was !, to Rs. 83 million. Subsequently, as placed on expenditure from the
almost reached. Over two fifths 5 million) was spent during the eradeniya, on acquisition of land, cular, the Arts Block, the Adminid Staff residence. Another Rs. 19mated limit of expenditure on the fties till about the end of I957, when Science Faculty and Library on the pleted.

Page 140
UNIVERSITY OF
In addition to these, further capital projects as the removal oft the duplication of the Faculty of M of Arts in Colombo, the establishin Veterinary Science, equipment for ing, the Water Supply Scheme etc. the buildings and equipment for the the Faculty of Science, the Agricul have been financed, either wholly o investment in this respect has been has cost nearly Rs. 13 million. Inch ture, the total capital investment approximately in the region of Rs. capital investment on the Colombo ture of Rs. 5OO,OOO on the establish Colombo in 1962/63.
Recurrent Income and Expenditure
Appendix Table VII (see page the Recurrent Parliamentary Grant a Parliamentary Grant for a financially overlaps two academic years since t July of one year and extended to Ju I964 onwards that the Calendar of th that the financial year coincides w commence in October. In the Tabl grant and expenditure is listed refe year in which the Grant was voted listed against 1943. Therefore, for enrolments for 1943 have been emp per student to Public funds i.e., in for the financial year 1942/43, as W. terms of the annual total University
The Recurrent Parliamentary ( since 1943. In 1943, the Annual Rs. 985,OOO and in 1965 it was Rs. over the period 1942-1965 may be s for selected years, taken at five y
bae.

CEYLON REVIEW
investments have been made on such he Engineering Faculty to Peradeniya, edicine in Peradeniya and the Faculty ent of the Faculty of Agriculture and the Faculties of Science and Engineer
Some of these projects-in particular, Faculty of Engineering, equipment for Iure and Veterinary Science buildingr partially by foreign aid. The biggest on the Faculty of Engineering which lsive of these additional capital expendion the Peradeniya Campus so far is 73 million. There has been very little campus other than the special expendiment of the Second Faculty of Arts in
IOO) shows the Annual Income from ind the Total Annual Expenditure. The ear commencing in October of one year he academic year customarily began in ne of the next year. It was only from he University was changed in such a way ith an academic year since now both es following, the year against which the rs to the calendar year following the l. Thus, monies voted in 1942/43 are
example, in Appendix Table VII the loyed to determine the cost per annum
terms of the annual recurrent grant, ell as the total cost per Student, i.e., in
Expenditure for 1942/43.
rant has increased nearly thirteen fold
Grant amounted to approximately I2,886,OOO. The growth of the grant een from the Index figures given below arly intervals, with 1943 = IOO, as the
(38

Page 141
DEVELOPMENTS IN UN)
TABLE
Public Expenditure on the Unive
(1943 =
Recurrent Parliamentary Perc w Grant Oley (Rs. 000s) C
1943 985
1948 4,473 - 1953 5,800 下 1958 7,289 - 1963 9,900 - 1965 12,866 -
Source: Statistical Abstract
It will be evident from the above t increase in the first five years-appro. the 1943 figures-largely because of the scheme. The percentage increase oft has since fallen gradually from 67% in I953 to 1958, and risen slightly to at This level has been maintained in 1963-6 of the Government Grant between 1948 rapid quantitative growth of the Univ into account the fall in the value of in the standard of living over the whol
Average costs per student
This is clearly seen by examining given in Appendix Table VII (see page peak of approximately Rs. 3,OOO/- in th in 1943, it has again fallen sharply in I9 in fact, the University is spending mu was the case in the forties and fifties. in the U.K. where, as reported by But about exactly twice as many students, four times greater. (p. 13a). From th the increased numbers throughout th relief provided by the State in respect pace with price changes and the impro during this period. Since the increase
29. In 1962/63 the comparable cost per student
sities as a whole was AC 581, and, at the current rat Therefore, the U.K. amount is seven-fold more than
T3

VERSITY EDUCATION
23
rsity of Ceylon, Selected years. 100)
ent increase Index
previous Бrant.
- 100 - 252 352 67 589 - 26 740 |- 36 1005 |- 30 1306
S of Ceylon.
able that there has been a substantial ximately an increase of 252% over e introduction of the Free Education the Grant for each five year period
I948 to 1953 to 26% in the period pout 36% in the period 1958-1963. S. The relatively low rate of increase } and I965 is not consistent with the rersity, particularly when one takes money, price changes and the rise le period 1942-65.
the cost per student to Public funds, : IOO). Although the cost rose to a he late fifties from about Rs. 1,OOOf65 to almost the 1943 level.29 Thus, ch less today on each student than This is in contrast with the situation ler, (I) 'in 1958/9, since there Were expenditure per student was about is alone it will be seen that, given is period (1942-65), the degree of of University financing has not kept vements in the standard of living in the recurrent government grant
per annum to Public funds in the U.K. Univer
es of exchanges this is equ valent to Rs. 7,745/-. the present Ceylon figure.
9

Page 142
UNIVERSITY OF
has barely kept pace with the fall in very little towards financing the ra investment on University education student numbers at even the level a
An examination of University VII reveals that the increase in e. increase of the government grant rel of the University funds on State (based only on recurrent costs) is student to Public funds. Treating per student was approximately Rs. 8%, although it had grown in the figure.30 (see Appendix Table VII).
The total cost per student give remembered is for the University as elsewhere “Money does not go equ cation for all students. Non-Arts to educate as Arts students.” (p. I. ture are available to determine the faculties or departments. Howeve equally true of Ceylon. Accordi Four, 7, Part IV, Table I 8) in 1962/ student (including teaching, research A 8OI, and in Technology (, 657, Agriculture.
Financing University Education
Table 24 given below compar current Parliamentary grant) on Un expenditure on all education (whi Education such as Teacher Training.
30. The comparable U.K. figure is C 660 fo
exchange rates, and A (510 (1965) for the Univ mately Rs. 5,100/- at current exchange rates.

CEYLON REVIEW
the value of money, it has contributed bid expansion. A much greater public is required to finance the expansion of tained in the fifties.
expenditure figures in Appendix Table spenditure mirrors almost exactly the lecting, of course, the heavy dependence assistance. The total cost per student only slightly more than the cost per 1943 as a base year, when the total cost I,400/-, the increase in 1965 was only mid-fifties to about 23 times the 1943
En in Appendix Table VIII it should be a whole, and as Butler (I) has remarked ally far in providing a University edustudents are nearly twice as expensive 42). No detailed accounts of expendiaverage cost per student in the various r, Butler's assessment is likey to be ng to the Robbins Report (Appendix 63, the estimated average total cost per etc.) in Arts was A 423, in Pure Science in Medicine (983, and A., I, 196 in
es the Public expenditure (i.e. the reiversity education with the total Public ch includes certain aspects of Higher
Advanced Technology, etc.).
1962/63 which is equivalent to Rs. 8,798/- at current rsity of Sydney, NSW. Australia which is approxi
4O
וחחו

Page 143
DEVELOPMENTS IN UN
TABLE
Public Expenditure on all Educatic
Year Total Expenditure Index Re (ending on all Education Parl
30th (Rs. '000's)
September) (R
1943 26,272 100 1944 31,815 121. 1945 38,808 145 1946 47,709 182 1947 69,814 266 1948 83,478 318 1949 93.440 356 1950 105,950 403 1951 121,786 464 1952 137,784 524 1953 149,990 571. 1954 135,247 515 1955 143,581. 547 1956 158,814 604 1957 183,675 699 1958 206,308 785 1959 244, 176 929 1960 284,879 1084 1961 267,452 1018 1962 285,969 1088 1963 299,590 1140 1964 326,659 1243 19652 324,235 1234
Note:
1. The Recurrent Graint to the Universities are cation listed in Column 1. The Table depicts only P
2. See footnote 31, page 90.
Source: Statistical Abstracts of Ceylon.
One characteristic evident from the ai expenditure on Education in general versity education have increased since
is partly confirmed by examining the
Annual Total Public Expenditure on
under review the expenditure on the
mately 3-4% of the Total Public Exp peak in the mid-fifties-nearly 4%, and once again that the annual investmento years has fallen short of its needs arisi over the last few years.
One way of analysing Public exp higher education, is to examine what p.
I4I

VERSITY EDUCATION
24
in and University Education1
Cliffelt Index University
атtentary Grant as % Grannt of Total
s. 000's) Expenditure
on Education 985 100 3.7 1,016 103 3.2 1,054 107 2.7 1,623 165 3.4 2,790 283 4.0 3,473 352 4.2 3,865 392 4.1 4,170 423 3.9 4,690 476 3.9 5,500 558 4.0 5,800 589 3.9 5,950 604 4.4 5,950 604 4.1. 7,325 744 4.6 8,089 821. 4.4 7,289 740 3.5 8,952 909 3.7 9,121 926 3.2 9,132 927 3.4 9,247 939 3.2 9,900 1005 3.3 12,172 1236 3.7 12,866 1306 3.9
not included in the Total Expenditure on Edu'ublic expenditure on the University of Ceylon.
bove Table is that the Total Public and the annual investment on Uni1943 at roughly the same rate. This ratio of the University Grant to the education. Throughout the period University of Ceylon was approxienditure on education. It rose to a then declined to about 3%, showing in the University of Ceylon in recent ng from the phenomenal expansion
senditure on education, in particular roportion it is of the National Income

Page 144
UNIVERSITY OF
expressed in terms of the Gross N below shows the expenditure on e period I959-I965. GNP calculated are those prepared by the Central I965 Annual Report of the Monetar information in relation to selected under-estimate to the extent that it the three Universities of Ceylon.3
TAB
Expenditure on Education in
relation to Gross Nati
All Public E expenditure as percet Country percentage of -
GNP. Higher All
Education education 1960/61 (1) (2) Canada 0.8 3.9 France 0.3 3.4 Germany (F.R.) - 3.0 Netherlands 4.4 New Zealand - 3.3 Sweden 4.2 Switzerland (), 4 U. S. A. 1.1 U.S.S.R. (1959/60) - 4.4 Gt. Britain (1962/63) 0.9 4.8
Ceylon: 1959 4.2 1960 4.7 1961 4.3 1962 4.5 1963 4.5 1964 4.7 1965 4.5
1Except for the data on Ceylon, this Table is a Report, which contains the relevant expl
While the proportion of the Gl very favourably with the western co case in relation to University educati University education, of the GNP g
31. For purposes of determining the Public Annual Grant in relation to Vidyodaya and Vid were obtained from the Statistical Abstracts of Ce cation, except the data for 1965 which has been tics, is also from the same source.

CEYLON REVIEW
ational Product (GNP). The Table lucation in relation to GNP for the at Constant Prices (i.e. I959 prices) Bank of Ceylon and published in the y Board. Table 25 also gives similar ountries. But the Ceylon data is an refers only to public expenditure on
E 25
Ceylon and selected countries in onal Product (G.N.P.) 1.
xpenditure as Public Expenditure
tage of GNP on Higher education
- as percentage of Higher Public Expenditure
cducation on all education
(3) (4) U.5 12 0.3 S 0.4 14
0.5 15 0.5 11 0.4 0.8 - 0.8 17 0.8 18
GNP(Rs.in m.) ().2 4. 5,854 ().2 4 6,066 0.2 6 6,240 ().2 5 6,472 0.2 5 6,599 0.2 5 6,888 0.2 5 7,024
reproduction of Table 15, in Appendix Five, Robbins natory notes to the Table.
NP devoted to all education compares intries listed in Table 25 this is not the on. The proportion, though only for ven to higher education is surprisingly Expenditure on Higher Education, the amount of the talankara Universities (see Table 25 Columns 3 & 4) ylon. The data on Public expenditure on all Eduindly supplied by the Director of Census and Statis

Page 145
1DEVELOPMENTS {N UNI
small compared to expenditure in the c for this conclusion comes from the fa 4-6% of all public expenditure on Univ between I2–18 % in the Western wo drawn from these figures is that Ceylo far too little on higher education, es much greater investment is required in
rate of growth, and also to finance the University development such as post-g lopment of diploma courses, science anc
Student Finance
One aspect of University financing growth of the University and widenir University students are drawn, becom relates to the question of student finance
Although University education is f finance is required for maintenance, bc science and medical students). Indeed strong critic of the Free Education Sch the cost of maintenance is much higher not help the poor parents at all (p. 176
Of those in receipt of financial assis holders amount to over 90%, while th holders, Exhibitioners, 32 and those awar 26 below shows the proportion of recu award of bursaries which constitute the to students.
TABLE
Financial Assistanc
% of Total S
Year Annual lidev University
Expenditure Expenditurel
(in Rs.) Burs Hol (1) (2) (3) (4. 19432 No information
1944 35,855 100 2.8 1. 1945 23,260 65 1.7
32. A Scholarship is generally of the monthly vall. awarded on grounds of academic merit, for example, Bursaries are awarded in terms of the economic circun Board which decides on the relative claims of each ind
* I43

VERSITY EDUCATION
puntries listed. Additional support ct that Ceylon spends only about ersity education as against anything old. The general inference to be by international standards spends pecially University education. A the future to cope with the present much needed qualitative aspects of graduate study and research, deve| technology etc.
which has, consequent to the rapid ng of the social base from which le a matter of special importance
ice and no fees are charged, student boks and equipment (in the case of , it was Sir Ivor Jennings (I4), a eme, who pointed out that "since than the fees, free education does ).
tance from the University, Bursary e remainder comprise Scholarship ded Endowed Scholarships. Table rrent expenditure allocated for the main form of financial assistance
26
e to Students.
Etudents receiving financial Col. (6) as a
assistance % of Total
S SS University
iary Others Total Population
lers
(5) (6) (7)
O2 56 168 16.9
92 73 165 15.5
le of Rs. 100, and an Exhibition Rs. 50. Both are performance at a University examination etc.
stances of the students' family by a Scholarships
vidual student for the award of a bursary.

Page 146
UNIVERSITY OF
1946 63,026 176 3.7 1947 93,046 260 3.4 1948 118,744 3.31. 3.5 1949 137,004 382 3.6 1950 154,902 432 3.9 1951 175,430 489 3.6 1952 189,760 530 3.5 1953 175,834 490 2.6 1954 194,868 543 2.7 1955 194985 544 2.8 1956 212,510 592 2.7 1957 299,775 836 3.2 1958 363,270 1013 3.9 1959 334,207 932 3.2 1960 456,992 1275 4.3 1961 434,425 1211. 3.8 1962 412,435 1150 3.4 1963 585,005 1631 4.4 1964 1,001,620 2794 7.5 19653 1,268,640 3.538 7.6
Notes:
1. For data on University Expenditure set 2. The information for 1943 is not readily 3. Some of the data for 1965 has been obt
incomplete. Source: Annual Reports of Council, Univ
It is evident from Table 26 that expenditure was allocated for the g years or more the proportion of mc from 3% (the average of the fifties, expansion of the University in the Part I, proportionately more needy of the University’s growth. In te students-now nearly two-fifths assistance compared with about o fifties. The proportion of studen gradually increased from I7% in 19.
This expansion of the bursary 1945. The Council Report of 19. be a time lag before the full effects as a result of the new Central Sch pecially those who cannot afford benefits of University education. I as the bursary system provided mu who could not afford University different category-the new Cent assisted by the bursary system in th

CEYLON REVIEW
205 82 287 22.0 291. 86 377 24.3 342 88 342 21.2 397 89 486 26.4 427 109 536 26.3 477 102 579 26.2 559 104 663 29.7 488 125 613 25.6 513 100 613 25.1 529 74 603 24.8 555 69 624 24.6 786 87 873 32.1 92.0 88 1008 34.2 892 133 1025 32.2 1187 117 1304 35.4 118O 98 1278 27.5 1224 105 1329 26.0 1745 124 1869 32.8 2749 105 2854 39.7 3704 167 3871 36.1
e Column 5 of Appendix Table VII, infra.
available. ained from University records as the published data is
ersity of Ceylon.
: in 1965 apparently 8% of the recurrent grant of bursaries. During the last five nies allocated for bursaries has increased to about 8% in 1965, indicating that the : sixties has brought in, as suggested in -
students than in the more stable years }rms of numbers a large percentage of (36-40%)—are in receipt of financial ne fifth to one third (20-30%) in the
ts in receipt of financial assistance has 44 through 25% in 1955 to 39% in 1964.
Scheme was anticipated as far back as 45 pointed out that that "there will of free education become noticeable, ools enabling 'the poorer classes, esmaintenance up to 19, to obtain the t was therefore, argued that, in as much ch needed assistance to a class of student
fees in the pre-free education era, a ral School student-Would have to be e not distant future.
I44

Page 147
DEVELOPMENTS IN UNIVE
It is only in the sixties that the full in cation and the opening up of new secon in the field of higher education. As antic tance need to be re-examined in the light c rements. There is no doubt that even mo Report): "Bursaries are becoming an e. necessary to enable the University to draw social classes.’
Today many more students are in nec tain themselves through a University Co But the increase in the expenditure in this to maintain the level of assistance given fifties. Considering the fall in the value number of students in need of financial assis on bursaries will be required if the fruits c equalized among all sections of the comin study and fields of specialization.
The system of Bank loans to Unive People's Bank in 1964, supplemented the with its discontinuance the position has versity has with its meagre budget not be expenditure on bursaries. The system o in the form of loans, repayable without ir in some continental countries, for example, ive answer to the present difficulties.
The New Zealand practice of "tied b tance is dependent upon the student givi service of the state for a given period aft tried out in Ceylon. Thus, recruits to taken at the second year level and given a without interest over a period of years, be the commencement of employment.
The failure to implement some such sc on financial assistance to students being f with it the inherent danger that potenti couraged from attempting University cou
.
I4S

ERSITY EDUCATION
npact of the benefits of free edudary Schools has become visible ipated, schemes of financial assisif the changed present day require so than in I946 (vide: Council xpensive item......... but they are v students from a wider range of
'd of financial assistance to mainurse extending from 3-5 years. respect has been hardly sufficient previously, for example, in the of money and the growth in the stance, a much greater investment of University education are to be hunity, irrespective of courses of
rsity students, originated by the
University bursary scheme, but become aggravated as the Unienable to increase any further its f financial assistance to students terest after graduation, as found
Sweden, may provide an effect
ursaries whereby financial assisng an undertaking to enter the }r graduation also deserves to be the teaching profession may be ssistance which will be repayable 'ginning two or three years after
heme in the event of expenditure rozen at the present level carries ally good students may be dis[ᏚᏫcᏚ ,
D. L. JAYASURIYA

Page 148
UNIVERSITY C
Ack
I am indebted to various officials of the Vidyodaya Universities, for providing inform accuracy of available information. In this the University of Ceylon Administration (Per; ramanayake of the staff of the Department of 1 puting machine, Mr. P. B. Karandawela of relating to the University, Mr. K. Kumarasa typing assistance and to Mr. W. A. Jayawarde and Professor Ralph Pieris, of the staff of the of the draft MS. I am also grateful to Mr. W Review, for some very pertinent comments a1 porated in the final revision of the MS. Nee for the views expressed.
Numerical and Perc
students: by
Arts/Oriental Agriculture Year Studies2 Science Vet. Scienc
% %
1942 396 43.6 165. 18.3 - 1943 336 37.2 171. 18.9 1944, 366 36.7 185 18.6 1945 375 35.2 189 17.8 1946 517 39.7 225 17.3
1947 647 41.6 244 15.7 28 1.8 1948 686 42.6 236 146 27 1.7 1949 794. 43.1 271. 14.7 62. 3.4 1950 783 38.5 191 9.4 31, 1.5 1951 909 41.1 223 10.1 44 2.0 1952 907 40.6 272 12.2 47 2.1 1953 947 39.6 342 14.3 55 2.3 1954 994 40.8 332 13.6 56 2.3 1955 991. 40.8 397 16.3 38 1.6 1956 1017 40.1 454 17.8 37 1.5 1957 1096 40.3 522 19.2 38 1.4 1958 1239 42. O 508 17.2 42 1.4 1959 1379 43.1, 527 16.5 36 1.1. 1960 1678 45.5 562. 15.3 47 1.3 1961. 2398 51.5 663. 14.2 67 1.5 1962 2620 51.2 758 14.8 92 1.8 1963 2802 49.0 867 15.2 117 2.1 1964 4150 57.8 791. 11.0 149 2.1 1965 7311, 68.2 963 9.0 161 1.5
Nofes:
1. Identical statistics published in the Sta tration in a particular year. Thus, all S ence are classified under Science event 2. Arts/Oriental Studies data include D. Diploma in Librarianship enrolments. 3. Medical/Dentistry data include Medic 4. "Others' are mainly postgraduate res
Source: Annual Reports of Council, Un

)F CEYLON REVIEW
owledgements
University of Ceylon, as well as the Vidyalankara and ation not available in published records and checking the Connection, I am particularly grateful to Mr. Piyasena deniya). My thanks are also due to Mr. V. E. A. WickAgriculture, University of Ceylon, for the loan of a comthe Treasury, for information on Capital Expenditure my of the Department of Sociology for statistical and na, Registrar, University of Ceylon, Dr. F. R. Jayasuriya University of Ceylon, for a careful and critical reading 7. J. F. Labrooy, Co-Editor of the University of Ceylon ld valuable suggestions, many of which have been incordless to say the author alone bears ultimate responsibility
APPENDIX
TABLE I
entage distribution of full-time Faculty of Enrolment. 1
| Medicine, e incl. Engineering Others4 Total
Dentistry3 (=100%)
% % %
343 37.9 - - - 904 391. 43.2 - 6 0.7 904 446 44.7 - - - 997 501 47.0 - - - 1065 534 41.0 - 26 2.0 1302 624 40.2 - 11 0.7 1554 658 40.8 - 5 0.3 1612 712 38.6 - 5 0.2 1844 793 39.0 208 10.1 30 15 2036 863 39.0 156 7.1 15 0.7 2210 877 39.3 110 4.9 19 0.9 2232 907 37.9 134 5.6 7 0.3 2392 880 36.2 148 6.1 24 10 2434 859 35.3 116 4.8 3O 1.2 2431 855 338 136 5.4 35 1.4 2534 863. 31.8 181 6.7 18 0.6 2718 897 30 4 218 7.4 46 1.6 2950 963. 30.2 242 7.6 49 1.5 31.96 1115 30.2 249 6.8 33 0.9 3684 1182 25.4 302 6.5,43 0.9 4655 1275 24.9 336 6.6 36 0.7 5117 1490 26.1. 410 7.2 21 0.4 5706 1568. 21.8 489 6.8 42 0.5 7183 1640 15.3 574 5.4 74 0.6 10723
tistical Abstracts refer to distribution by faculty of registudents following “service' courses in the Faculty of Scihough they are permanently enrolled in a different faculty. iploma in Education, Diploma in Sinhalese/Tamil, and
zal diploma en rolments. earch students and casual students.
liversity of Ceylon.
I46

Page 149
DEVELOPMENTS IN UNIV
w
Year
1942
1943
1944
1945
1946
1947
1948
1949
1950
1951
1952
1953
1954
1955
1956
1957
1958
1959
960
1961
1962
1963
1964
1965
Source:
TABLE
II
Numerical and Percentage distributi Students: by Eth
Sinhalese
519
509
575
624
803
952
977
1114
1218
1346
1338
1439
1461
1453
1526
1631
1876
1983
2468
3323
3703
4290
5247
8371
Statistical Abstracts of Ceylon.
0.
57.4
56.3
57.8
58.6
61.7
61.3
61.5
60.4
59.8
60.9
60.8
60.2
60.0
59.8
60.2
60.0
63.6
62.4
67.0
71.4
72.4
75.2
73.1
78.1
Tafilis
O
289
307
325
337
383
458
492
592
670
729
724
807
830
840
874
944
936
1065
1085
1187
1252
1266
1677
2051.
O
32.0
34.0
32.6
31.7
29.4
29.5
31.0
32.1
32.9
33.0
32.9
33.7
34.1
34.5
34.5
34.7
31.7
33.5
29.4
25.5
24.5
22.2
23.4
19.1
Burghe O
54
52
55
64
64
75
65
67
69
63
67
77
77
67
56
55
42
42
39
40
43
26
51.
41
I47
/

ERSITY EDUCATION
on of University of Ceylon
nic Origin.
%
O 25
7 21
5 29
O 28
9 37
7 45
40
6 40
4 46
9. 46
O 39
2 41
2 42
3. 54
2. 57
) 54
72
66
67
84
89
5 89
7 155
219
rs Moors/Malay
O
O
2.7
2.3
2.9
2.6
2.8
2.9
2.5
2.2
2.3
2.1
1.8
1.7
1.7
2.2
2.3
2.0
2.5
2.1
1.8
1.8
1.7
1.5
2.1.
2.0
Others
O
17
15
12
12
15
26
15
31.
33
26
34
28
24
17
21.
34
24
21
25
21.
30
35
52
41
%
1.9
1.7
1.2
1.1
1.2
1.6
0.9
1.7
1.6
1.2
1.5
1.2
1.0
0.7
0.8
1.3
0.8
0.7
0.7
0.4
0.6
0.6
0.7
0.4

Page 150
Year
1942
1943
1944
1945
1946
1947
1948
1949
1950
1951.
1952
1953
1954
1955
1956
1957
1958
1959
1960
1961.
1962
1963
1964
1965
UNIVERSITY C
Numerical and Percentage
Buddhist Hindus
% % 345 38.2 201 22.2
318 35.2 193 21.3
380 38.1 197 19.8
402 37.8 202 19.0 552 42.4 241 18.5
686 44.1 287 18.5
686 43.2 330 20.7
798 43.3 406 220
884. 43.4 457 22.5
967 43.8 504 22.8
977 44.4 498 22.6
1069 44.7 574. 24.0
1108 45.5 570 23.4
1150. 47.3 543. 22.3
1192 47.0 610 24.1
1259 46.3 652 24.0
1485 50.3 677 22.9
1732 54.5 669 21.0
2060 55.9 768. 20.9
2869 61.6 910 19.6
3153 61.6 948. 18.5
3678 64.4 928 16.2
4660 64.9 1185. 16.5
7615 71.0 1609 150
Studen
Catholic
116 1.
1no in
139 14
161 15
172 13
217 14
264 1.
239 1.
273 13
Source: Statistical Abstracts of Ceylon.

)F CEYLON
TABLE III
REVIEW
distribution of University of Ceylon
ts: by Religion.
S.
2.8
f.
... O
5.1
3.2
4.0
5.6
3.0
3.4
22
nf.
9.5
8.7
8.5
7.8
3.1
2.4
L.7
1.5
2.3
2.9
9.6
3.3
7.3
Other Christians
212
364
245
259
281
297
244
334
366
391
654
438
479
472
463
357
337
324
351
348
394
441
486
491
I48
%
23.5
40.3
24.6
24.3
21.6
19.1
15.4
18.1
18.9
17.7
29.7
18.3
19.7
19.4
18.2
13.2
11.4
10.2
9.5
7.5
7.7
7.7
6.7
4.6
Islam
27
25
29
28
36
47
44
43
50
55
47
39
31
36
57
61
67
70
69
84
91.
89
163
219
%
3.0
2.8
2.9
2.6
2.8
3.0
2.8
2.3
2.5
2.5
2.1.
1.6
1.3
1.5
2.3
2.2
2.3
2.2
1.9
1.8
1.8
1.6
2.3
2.0
Other
%
0.3
0.4
0.6
1.2
1.5
1.3
1.3
1.3
0.2
1.0
1.2
1.8
1.4
1.0
0.6
1.2
0.7
0.4
0.3
0.2
0.5
0.5
0.2
0.1
Total
(=100%)
904
904
996
1065
1302
1554
1589
1844
2036
2210
2202
2392
2434
2431
2534
2718
3181
3684
4655
5117
5706
7182
10723
2950)
ܓܝ݂ ̄]

Page 151
DEVELOPMENTS IN UNIV
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ERSITY
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Page 152
UNIVERSITY C
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Page 153
DEVELOPMENTS IN UNIV
TABLE \
Staff/Student Ratio
Arts/Oriental Science Medicine incl. Year Studies Dentistry
(1) (2) (3)
1942 20/396 19/250 16/258 19.8 13.2 16.1 1943 24/336 21/249 17,319.
140 11.9 18.8 1944. 27/366 21/270 18/361 13.6 12.9 200 1945 34/375 23/279 19/411 11.0 12.1 21.6 1946 39/517 25/321 22/438 13.3 12.8 19.9 1947 46/647 27/440 24/.456 14. 16.3 19.0 1948 56/686 31/422 34/498 12.3 13.6 14.6 1949 65/794 34/.461 38/584 12.2 13.1 14.7 1950 66/783 31/364 49/670 11.9 11.7 13.7 1951 721909 35/378 63/774 12.6 10.8 12.3 1952 66/907 35/436 70/782 13.7 12.5 11.2 1953 68/947 34/512 67,782
13.9 15.3 11.7 1954 68/994 41/544 64/729 4.6 13.3 11.4 1955 66/991 39/642 64/691 150 16.5 10.8 1956 65/1017 43/697 79/704 15.6 16.2 8.9 1957 80/1096 38/751 79/716
13.7 19.8 9.1 1958 87/1239 29/745 81/749 14.2 25.7 9.2 1959 111/1379 43/787 76/787 12.4 18.3 10.4 1960 111/1678 47/826 77/984 15.1 17.6 12.8 1961 102/2398 49/975 51/1019 23.5 19.9 200 1962 104/2620 52/920 58/1288 25.2 17.7 22.2 1963 115/2802 61/1036 58/1503 24.4 17.0 25.9 1964 139/4143 63/983 77/1587 29.8 15.6 20.6 1965 136/7311 70/993 81/1659 53.8 142 20.5
t ISI

ERSITY EDUCATION
7I
s*: by Faculty
Agricultures
Vet. Science
(4)
Engineering
(5)
11/189 17.2 13/134
10.3 12/88 7.3 13/94 7.2 15/107
7.1 15/56
3.7 14/61 4.4 14/114
8.1 14/150 10.7 18/174
9.7 13/138 10.6 15/198 13.2 16/199 12.4 191260 13.7 25/320
12.8 24/574 23.9
All Faculties
(6)
55/904 16.4 62/904 14.6 66/997 15.1 76/1065 14.0 86/1276
14.8 97/1543 15.9 12111606
13.3 137/1839
13.4 157/2006
12.8 183/2195
12.0 183/2213
12.1 193/2385
12.4 201/2410
12.0 200/2401
12.0 220/2499
11.4 227/2700
11.9 228/2904
12.7 264/3147
11.9 268/3651
13.6 23714614
19.5 259/5081
19.6 274/5686
20.8 328/7140
21.7 334/10649
31.9

Page 154
Notes:
Col. 1. .2 وو
, 3.
UNIVERSITY C
*Ratios are expressed in terms of one fi
pp. 79 ff. Arts, includes Diploma Education, Di Science, includes Pre-Medical, First Y. as well as all Agriculture enrolments Medicine and Dental Staff/Student fi Science and all Science enrolments up Engineering, is exclusive of first year Staff figures are based only on permal Student enrolment figures based on Appendix Table I, refers to annual I for higher degrees etc.
Source: University of Ceylon, and St
TI
Annual University Expenditure, Recurt
Year
1942 1943 1944 1945 1946 1947 1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965
Notes:
Recurrent Parliamentary Grant
Total % increase Cost per S
Voted1 or decrease to Public (Rs. '000s) over previous Amount year RS. Cts.
No information
985 1090. 10 1016 -- 3 1020.08 1054 -- 4 989.67 1623 -+-54 1246.54 2790 -72 1795.37 3473 +25 2155.62 3865 --11 2095.99 4170 -- 8 2048.13 4690 -+-12 2122, 17 5500 -+-17 2464. 16 5800 -- 5 2424.75 5950 + 3 2444.54 5950 -- 0 2447.55 7325 -+-23 2890.69 8089 --10 2976.09 7289 -10 2470.85 8952 --23 2817.80 9121 -- 2 2475.71 9132 -- 0 1961.85 9297 -- 1 1807.09 9900 -- 7 2133.19 12172 -+-23 1791.47 12866 -- 6 1274.88
The Annual total listed against 1943 1943/44 and so on.
Cost per student is obtained by divi number of students listed in the ye. money voted in 1942/43 is expended student is determined by the numbers
Source: Statistical Abstracts of Ceylor

)F CEYLON REVIEW
ull-time staff member to ? students (1:2) as explained on
ploma Sinhalese/Tamil and Diploma in Librarianship. ear in Agriculture and First Year Engineering enrolment, (1947–52). igures include Diploma enrolments, Second Veterinary, 5 to 1952.
enrolments. nent staff.
the Annual Reports of the University Council, unlike Registrations in a faculty and excludes students registered
atistical Abstracts of Ceylon.
TABLE VIII
'ent Parliamentary Grant and Cost Per Student.
University Expenditure
tudent2 Total % increase Cost per Student2
funds Expenditure or decrease
Index (Rs. '000s) over previous Amount Index
year Rs... cts.
No information
100 1294 - 1431.01 100 94 1288 -- 0 1293.65 90 91 1371. -- 6 1287.24 90 114 1691 --23 1298.94 91. 165 2749 -63 1769.26 123 198 3369 --23 2091.32 146 192 3814 -1-13 2068.21 144 - 188 4007 -- 5 1968. 18 138. 195 486.5 -+-21 2201.32 154 226 5396 --11 2417.76 169 222 6729 --25 2813.13 197 124 7105 -- 6 2.919.02 204 225 7051 - 1 2900.30 203 265 8010 --14 3161.03 221. 273 9443 --18 3474.36 243 227 92.18 - 2 3124.65 218 259 10395 -+-13 327212 229 227 10777 -- 4 2896.93 202 180 11417 -- 6 2452.64 171 165 11901 -- 5 2343.33 162 196 11945 -- 0 2093.36 146 164 13361 --12 1860.36 130 117 16586 --24 1546.77 108
refers to the financial year 1942/43, 1944 to the year
iding the Total Parliamentary Grant/expenditure by the
ar following the voting/expenditure of monies. Thus,
primarily in the year 1943 and consequently the cost per
enrolled in 1943.
l.
IS2 ست

Page 155
13.
14. 15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
DEVELOPMENTS IN UN
REFERE:
BUTLER, E. B. “University Students, Staf J. R. Statist. Soc. (A) 125, pp. 118-143, 19 Central Bank of Ceylon. Annual Report c CHANDRASEGARAM, P. Policies regarding
20th centuries with special reference to Unpublished M.A. dissertation, Universi Committee on Higher Education (U.K.) 19 Report: Cmd. 2154. I. London, HMSO. Committee on Higher Education (U.K.)
Education. Cmd. 2154-II. London, HM Committee on Higher Education (U.K.) Education. Cmd. 2154–III. London, HM
Committee on Higher Education (U.K.) 1.
and Economic Aspects of Higher Educat Committee on Higher Education (U.K.) 19 Countries. Cmd. 2154-V. London, H. DENT, H. C. Universities in Transition. C. Department of Census and Statistics (Ceylo 1964 and 1965. Ceylon Government P. Final Report of the Commission on Highe Paper X-1956. Ceylon Government Pre FISCHER, J. "Universities in Southeast Asia: International Education Monographs, Press, 1964. JENNINGS, SIRIvoR. "Race, Religion and Ec University of Ceylon Review, II (Novemb JENNINCS, SIR IVOR. The Economy of Ceylon Ministry of Finance. Economic and Social D
ment Press, 1926-1954.
Ministry of Finance. (National Planning C
Government Press, 1959. MURRAY, Sir Keith. "The development o
Soc. (A) 121, pp. 391-409. 1958. PIERIS, R. “University, Politics and P
No. 4, 1964. Report of the Ceylon University Com
Government Press. STRAUSs, M. A. "Family Characteristics : as clues to the social structure of Ceylon 1951). p. 125-35. STRAUSs, M. A. "Mental Ability and C of the Intelligence Performance of Ce Review, VI (June, 1951), 371-75. TAMBIAH, S. J. "Ethnic Representation i 1946,' University of Ceylon Review, XI University of Ceylon. Annual Reports
1942-1965. Ceylon University Press. University of Ceylon. Reports on the I
University Press. University Grants Committee (U.K.). U. to 1957. Cmd. 8875, London, HMSO. University Grants Committee (U.K.). Ré
1960-1961. University of Sydney (Australia): Letter
Vice-Chancellor and Principal. May 1
Ι

IVERSITY EDUCATION
CES
and Recurrent Grants, Pre-War and Post-War' 62. f the Monetary Board, 1965.
igher education in Ceylon during the 19th and the establishment of the University of Ceylon. ty of London, 1961.
3: (Under the Chairmanship of Lord Robbins).
1963: Appendix. Two (A): Students and their SO.
1963: Appendix. Three. Teachers in Higher MSO.
63: Appendix Four. Administrative, Financial on. Cmd. 2154-IV. London, HMSO. 63: Appendix Five. Higher Education in other MSO.
phen & West, London, 1961.
1): Statistical Abstracts of Ceylon, 1949, 1960 ess, Colombo.
Education in the National Languages. Sessional SS.
An Essay on Comparison and Development.” No. 6, Kappa Delta Pi, Ohio State University
onomic Opportunity in the University of Ceylon. er, 1944) 1-13. . O.U.P. London, 1948. levelopment of Ceylon (a Survey). Ceylon Govern
Douncil). The Ten-Year Plan. Colombo: Ceylon
f the Universities in Great Britain.' J. R. Statist.
ublic Opinion in Ceylon.' Minerva. Vol. II
mission. Sessional Paper XXIII-1959. Ceylon
and Occupational Choices of University Entrants .” University of Ceylon Review, IX (April-July,
ltural Needs: A Psycho-Cultural Interpretation ylon University Entrants,” American Sociological
Ceylon's Higher Administrative Services 1870II, (April-July, 1955), 113-34.
of the Council, (incl. Preliminary Report 1943)
'reliminary Examination, 1950, onwards. Ceylon
liversity Development: Report on the years 1952
turns from Universities and University Colleges.
o Graduates of the University of Sydney from the 965.

Page 156
The Concept of tl
Literatu
THE C
LONG with Some other Col Α to the material and the form
is taken from the technical t especially from the speech in court. classified (or identified) as motifs. `motif ce qui pousse une chose,’ wl force' (by this we would also do jus The objective and the subjective mea since on the one hand the objective the other hand one tries to persuade These motifs are equally valuable in the part of judicial oratory which defence. The charge can by this m to another person, to the law itself War and plague, or in a more hum 6, 3, Io; Plut. Pyrrh. 8; Ter. Eun. is not acknowledged by the acting the action. Here the problem on th mentation. Heinrich Lausberg (F I96O) has indicated, how out of the the motivation in the drama rises, action, and where motives are the motives in this range are defined : elements. On these deliberations E tives' and his 'Rhetoric of Motive as being on "techniques of moving 1
Out of this range of meanings val. Latin term the use of motive in nology is derived, since the I6th c German as 'reason of action' and is

26 Motif in German
re-Science
ΣΟΝΟΕΡΤ
cepts in literature-Science which refer of literature, the concept of the motif erms of rhetoric, in the case of motif The causes (causae) of any action are In French it has been defined thus : ich could be translated bestas"moving tice to the Latin “movere”—to move). nings of the term are not yet separated, reason of any action is given, and on somebody and to move him to action. the defence at court, in the remotio’, deals especially with the reasons for leans or method be shifted (remotivus or other "irressitible forces' as e.g. to orous way to wine and love (cf. Quint. 5, 2,877 SS.). The guilt in these cases person, but removed into the cause of e conflict of norms also enters the arguHandbuch der literarischen Rhetorik norm-conflict in the defence (remotio) where every person has motives of (norms in the broadest meaning. The is principles of action, as their form... Burke bases his “Grammar of Mos', both of which works he described
men to action.”
and through the medium of the mediethe French and German Court termi2ntury it has a traditional meaning in frequently so used.
I54

Page 157
THE MOTIF IN GE
Separated from the Latin usage, century 'motif’ in the meaning oft (cf. W. Feldmann, Fremdwörter ur also in painting as a peculiarity with Wölfflin uses it in his "Principles of H in any kind of art criticism today. It been taken over by theory of poetry literature. Wilhelm Krogmann has sh intensively on the poetological impo with Eckermann (18th January 1825 cognize in this the importance ofmoti Our ladies especially do not have any i they say and think in the same momen of the verses. But that the true force ation, in the motifs, of that nobody i. thousands of poems are made the motif only through sensations and sounding of existence.'
The combination of these meanir of content or as situation, and the O terminology, Subsequently opened up tions and usage in literature-science.
The first impulse was given b French and English drama (which in in Germany), when he weighed the r similar themes against each other a Schlegel and the comparative literatur philology followed this lead. But it folk-literature during the I9th centur loped and that research turned away the inquiry into the genetics of pc inferred from the examination of th primal myth, the various expressions European nations led to a theory o based on the inner relationship and s (E. Frenzel). The collecting and cata —in which finally motifs were consi units-destroyed the idea of primal 1
IS

RIMAN LITERATURE
we find in the French of the 18th heme, subject, feature, musical theme d Verdeutschungen des 18. Jhdt.),
regard to the content, as Heinrich istory of Art' and as it is employed is this meaning which has hereafter with regard to material and form in own that already Goethe has worked tance of motifs. In a conversation
he stated: "You (Eckermann) reis, which nobody tries to understand. lea about it. This poem is beautiful, t only of the sensation, of the words, and effect of a poem lies in the situs aware. And for this reason many of which is absolutely nil, and which verses produce the illusion of a kind
gs, of the new meanings as elements ld one as reason of action in court ) the possibility of divergent defini
y Lessing's comparative studies on itiated the reception of Shakespeare nodes of action of similar motifs in ld evaluated them. Later A. W. e criticism of the developing German
was only through the inquiry into y that a useful terminology was deve
from evaluation and intensively to etry. Jakob and Wilhelm Grimm emes and motifs the existence of a
of which in the folk-literatures of f constant rebirth of similar ideas, piritual commonness of these nations loging of similar themes and motifs lered to be only the smallest themenyth and put in its place archetypes

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which found different local and his ants have been inquired into by th by Mtillenhoff, Uhland and Vogt, a in the field of fairy tales. Importar motif-indices for European and nonof the motif as the smallest unit o Scherer and his school with compa (by imitating the sciences) its methoc which is "experienced, acquired or work. The intention is clearly expr in its genesis by means of its material logical fallacies of these attempts Dilthey, who concedes to art of di its own different from that of the SI ceived completely in connection w history of themes and motifs and t between life and work are devalued. poet's psyche and theory of poetry With the coordination of 'experie reason becomes the starting-point ol of the history of the mind and ideas i have shown in their works. The m cation (crystallization) of a problem literature grows into a history of p as forms.
At the same time the foundatio who interprets the motifs in the ligh festations of psychic processes.
This method was much acclair has met with increasing opposition into the morphology has come inti artistic function has been given great particularly to an intensive concept a new general tendency in poetical t uncertainty in the usage of concepts
In French and English literatur scarcely or never been employed. N

CEYLON REVIEW
orical expressions. The infinite varie older German philology, especially ld by Bolte, Prlivka, Krohn and Aarne t results of this research-work are the European literatures. The conception a literary structure is connected by rative evaluation: philology extended of theme-and motif research to that inherited' in the poet's mind or his essed: to explain a piece of art casually and formal elements. The methodohave been recognized clearly by W. mension and a method of inquiry of ciences. His theory of motifs is conith his historical method. The mere he inquiry into the causal Connection
Instead of this the knowledge of the as to be acquired through the motifs. nce' and `poetry' the psychological all interpretations of the connections n poetry, as O. Walzel and F. Gundolf otif has now to be defined as a solidifil, which is presented. The history of roblems, concerning contents as well
n is laid for the method of J. Körner, t of S. Freud's psychoanalysis as mani
ned by Körner's contemporaries, but in recent times. Today the inquiry D prominence, the single motif in its er attention. We Owe this new move Jual clarification which together with eory, tries to overcome the prevailing in literature-science.
:-Science the concept of the motif has lotive still means the moving cause in
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ܓܠ ܐ .
THE MOTIF IN GE.
the strict juridical sense. It has, howe in the meaning given earlier especially which has been borrowed from the Ge N. Frye defines motifs as verbal elem connection. They are units of a verb cribed by German literature-science as m headings, such as "theme' etc. . Th Literature' places them under the title of Comparative and General Literatt Motifs' but motif here means theme
The Me
The new methodological and po in literature-science goes back in its de meaning as "moving cause' and tries as to the formal aspect. On the one to be always fixed in its contents: e.g the lost and found ring, of the redeen children of hostile families, of the realiz etc.—on the other hand we look expre: to recognize the structure of the not abstract form does not exist in literatu and an actual realization, in the oldin “Oedipus”, where father and son h: ler's 'Don Carlos', where the motif love for the Same Woman, or in "Han uncle taking the position of the fathe the underworld is in this form the a realized in many different ways in th in a different version in J. Joyce, in th theme and in Dante's 'Divina Come as a situation in reality which also has a separate tradition, and in which the of poetry is actualized. The theme is and spatial actuality and bound to a definition of the theme as process or a of the lyrical poetry, which "in this The motif, on the contrary, has its life scheme (pattern) of a recurrent typic,

MAN LITERATURE
ver, a place in painting and music in the form of the "Leitmotiv', rman. In connection with music, ents, which stand in a meaningful al Structure.—The phenomena desotifs are to be found under different e "Bibliography of Comparative "literary themes, the "Year-book ure” as “Individual and Collective in the traditional use.
ethod
betological clarification of concepts finition of the motif to the original to do justice to the material as well land, the motif is already considered ... the father-Son-motif, the motif of ning and saving child, of the loving ing prophecy, the motif of the night, ssly away from any actual realization f. The motif 'father-son' in this ire, it exists only in a wider context high-German “Hildebrandslied” or ave to fight each other; or in Schilis enlarged by the concurrence in let', where it is complicated by the r. The motif of the journey into bstract of a situation, which we find e " Odyssey’-theme in Homer and e “Aeneid”-theme in the “Messias”- dia”. The theme (Stoff) is defined a life beside the actual piece of art in spiritual content (essence) of a piece reported reality, fixed in its temporal fixed circle of persons. From the iction results the exceptional position
sense has no theme” (W. Kayser). only in the literary work. "It is the l situation. It is based on this cha
57

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racter of the motif as situation that the situation has arisen and its tension their moving force, which finally jus the Latin “movere” (W. Kayser). W of the motif, by abstraction from all call 'characteristic feature.' In th belong closely together; as technical they have to be distinguished sharp "moving" element is stressed again point of reference for any interpret side can, nevertheless, stress more the logy, or the history of a motif respec
In the analysis of the position an lations in the whole of a literary wor has, according to the possibilities, sug (border)-motif, and side-(filling)-n regard to the position the distinction position. The central-motif (midd situation formed in a literary work, it cannot be separated from the con changes. We observe such a positio faithful lover” in Goethe’s “Clavigo.
An interesting variation of the from the opposition of two motifs. sible: the counter-motif can be push given development, but both motifs (E. Frenzel). In any case both motifsh and development. Here we have t phology of the motif concerned. I we meet the motif of the 'unfaithful border-position it clearly influences observe the border-motif overgrowii course of action can be changed deci case of the adaptation of the Antig the theme of the 'Seven against Thet and effect (E. Frenzel), we can say o of both motifs has no function in the wister“ and “Erwin und Elmire“

CEYLON REVIEW
he motifs point at a before and after: requires a solution. In this they show ifies the term 'motif' derived from e find the scheme, the typical structure individual realizations, which we shall is way, theme, motif, and features
terms in literature-science, however, ly. In the concept of the motif the st the 'material' one and made the tion. The interpretation on its own function, the morphology, the psychotively.
function of a motif different constelk have been distinguished. R. Petsch gested the terms central-motif, frame Lotif. W. Krogmann prefers with into motifs in middle, border, or side le position) completely governs the
it belongs so closely to a theme that tent of a theme without causing basic in in the case of the motif of the “un9
function of the central-motif results In this case several solutions are pos2d back, it can, perhaps, continue the may also be brought into a balance ave their function in a mutual contrast o conduct an inquiry into the mor1. Goethes "Götz von Berlichingen“ lover again as frame-motif, from its the whole action. Occasionally we ng the central-motif and by this the sively. But whether this, e.g. in the one-theme by Racine, who brought es' into the drama, destroys meaning nly, if we find that the combination work. In Goethe’s dramas “Goschhe motif of the "unfaithful lover”
58

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THE MOTIF IN GER
appears as filling-motif in side-position fact that its function has no longer . cannot move the main action into a nev easily replaced by others; in particular, make use of this possibility.
Finally we have to mention the " to describe a motif, which in the scher ment in the action, which is not achiev very effectively employed in crime necessary tension, also to lead the reade situation. In other literary works, ho a fault. Here as in all other cases we c ving the motifs only in their material but not their positional value in the wi So considered, even a blind motif may For in a composition any constellatio reason. And it becomes clear too, tha whole motivation of a literary work, shown in a mere schematic and sketc various motifs in a motif-chain, mc breadth and depth. The restriction to sion of narrowness and monotony, if the other hand, the accumulation of 1. unfaithfulness in Goethe’s “Claudine” as in "Faust', where unfaithfulness is murder—has to be analyzed, in order accumulation and intensification are structure of the motif itself. This ap amalgamation and assimilation betwe a "motif biology' has been spoken of
A special case with regard to the f This concept includes the meaning in form' and has been transplanted from to literary criticism. But there it does ation, but, as in its meaning in music same sequence of words, or of happen but "articulating (gliederud); leitmot they have been compared with the re
R
IS

MAN LITERATURE
Its character can be seen in the an effect on the main action, and v direction. These filling-motifs are new adaptations of the same theme
blind' motif. By this we attempt ne of situation points at a developred later on. This kind of motif is or mystery stories to produce the r astray or to produce an enigmatic wever, the blind motif is considered often meet with the fallacy of obser, i.e. in their function in an action, hole composition of a literary work. y turn out to have its proper place. in of motifs can have a very clear it the use of motifs, and by this the is far more complex than can be hy essay. Only the connection of tif group or motif-complex gives one motif only creates the impresthis is possible in poetry at all. On notifs-as e.g. the multiplication of
and the intensification of a motif followed by seduction and child
to determine the extent to which based on latent possibilities in the plies to the different possibilities of en motifs, too. In this connection
unction is the so-called 'Leitmotiv.
music as 'smallest musical unit of
Richard Wagner's theory of music not mean a distinct pattern of situ, the characteristic repetition of the ings. Its function is not "moving" ifs are elements of style. Therefore frain in lyrics and have been called

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refrain-motifs (Krogmann). H. M quotations as leitmotifs, especially i other places. In this use the leitmot Next to the function of the motifs phology is particularly interesting f rature. The analysis deals especial phenomena of growth of the single have an influence on the motif-co motifs come together almost necess; peated constantly. M. Lithi and F this field in fairy tales and folk tales empty has been observed by H. Pyr the Petrarchanism of subsequent ti whether motifs play a special role i whether perhaps, certain motifs app whether they determine by their vic genre. A distinction has been mad motifs, and for the distinctive princ the situation which is schematized
for instance, or the motif of the st Phedra-motif) open up an antitheti matic; all frame or filling-motifs ar. The rape of a woman (Helena) or the show essentially a tendency to deve In the epic situation, which accord a minimal grade of immediacy of m ation, which shows the maximal gra reality. (cf. Lausberg $$III7II—II24I motifs—such as night, loneliness, st river, love-demonstrate quite a diff situation of subjective reality. “In they have to be taken as importal transcendence does not merely lie in ation, but in this, that they are an e. in which they continue to vibrate i has made investigations into the mot demonstrated the growth of a moti symbol.
In a more psychologically base of the motif comes under the influen

CEYLON REVIEW
Aeyer has inquired into the use of Th. Mann's "Zauberberg" and in fs come close to symbols in literature. n action and Composition, their morr the interpretation of a piece of litewith questions which consider the motif, its kind of inner forces, which mplex, and the reasons why certain Irily and why certain features are reI. Stolte have done some research in
How motifs grow full and become itz in the case of Petrarch's lyrics and mes. In addition we have to ask, In the different genres of poetry, and ear only in lyric or only in epic, and try structure the choice of the poetic e between epic, dramatic, and lyrical iple has been chosen the structure of in the motif. The father-son-motif epmother's love for her step-son (the cal action, which is essentially draa subjected to this antithetic situation. search for a new father-land (Aeneas) lopment which could be called epic. ing to poetological distinction shows imesis, as well as in the dramatic situde, actions are motivated in objective ). In contrast to this, typical lyrical Inrise, grave, fare-well, flowing of a erent structure. They are schemes of order to be genuine motifs, however, it and meaningful situations. Their an active continuation of a given situxperience (sensation) in a human soul, Internally.” (W. Kayser). W. Kayser if of the night in four poems and has f out of a poetical image and into a
d theory of poetry even the concept ce of psychology. This has happened
6O

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THE MOTIF IN GERM
in E. Staiger's distinction of the structur through the style-as remembrance in ly as tension in drama. In Staiger's “Princi demonstrated in the following way: the generic principle of the epic; in the same has a characteristic independence of its additively or develop towards each other. principle of which is functionality, motif other in the frame-Work of a system ofte vidual and casual; in the lyrical motif the general is remembered.
Such distinctions give the opportun constantly into consideration. With a l the motif is given in a theory of poetry, v character of a theory of poetry as normati
A historical and comparative interpr intensely the problems of a constant use of and of borrowed motifs. In this field esp further inquiries, which are based firmly developed by E. R. Curtius. In general, importance is attributed today to the ge as the smallest poetological units. While especially the equality of motifs in differ of motifs in a distinct period of literatus certain periods can be characterized by We fiind for instance the motif of the “lo rical origin, abundantly in the lyrics of th The ballad of the 18th century chooses ve between the lover and the spirit of the structure of the motif takes always the as cause and single features show difference -and-strive period the following motifs he inimical brothers, murder of close relative of crime and misfortune, curse on a famil to be dead. Once the motifs are catal schematized in the motif in order to fin characteristic motifs or not, that is, whic a certain epoch is an object of the literatt of existence become visible.
I6I

AN LITERATURE
tes of all three genres of poetry rics, as imagination in epics, and ples of a Theory of Poetry” it is : independence of the parts is a way every motif in epic poetry own, while the motifs behave In drama, however, the generic are related more closely to each ension. The lyric is always indisituation of the lyrical subject in
ity for taking poetical principles ook at the place, the Concept of we will even be able to clarify the lve or phenomenological.
'etation of motifs considers more motifs, their equality or shifting, ecially topos-research has initiated in the methodological principles more attention is paid and more nesis and the tradition of motifs research into fairy-tales considers ent cultures, today the similarity e is stressed, with the result that the prevalence of certain motifs. cus amoenus” , which is of rhetoe middle ages and of the baroque. ry often the motif of the meeting beloved; the development of the me direction and course, only the es. For the drama of the stormave been singled out as significant: is, incest, prophecy and realization y, and the return of one supposed ogued we interpret the situation ld out, whether we can speak of n human and spiritual situation in ure and which principle structures

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The same questions are discu the constant use of similar motifs. "town-countryside' with the va sant life,” or “palais—hut”, all o topos of the "restless and inhuman side. It can be followed bac becomes significant only if the medieval lyrics to the revolution palaces' and to the 'social novels change in the evaluation of countryside since the romantic e manner an attempt could be made in European lyrics, into the motif Orpheus to James Joyce, into th literature from Plato to A. Huxley The poetological foundation for t inition of poetry by Aristotle as similar way the shift of motifs of But besides the functional change reality, too, has to be observed. concepts arises from J. Körner's Freudian psychology. W. Krog exclusively. Körner bases his int as a self-liberation of the poet fro Freud, a place in the range of dr are both determined by motifTheme-Motif" he compares th psychoanalyst 'the observer of experiences round which the poc breaking up the whole complex, into its elements, the motifs, in ol motifs are, however, not yet "obj the moving cause, but are shifte psyche. The definition of the m up when Körner speaks of “vir: young Goethe. The motifs in lit traumata. In this new connectic motif-constancy marks now the forces the poet to ever new poe background we would only be

F CEYLON REVIEW
issed in national literatures by means of
As an example may be given the motif riation 'urban life, town-dwellers-peaf which have been developed out of the town and the quiet and healing countryk in its tradition to antiquity, but it changes from Virgil, Horace and the lary "peace to the huts, war to the
can be shown, and if a reason for this
the relationship between town and poch will be interesting. In the same to inquire into the love-and-death-motif of the journey into the underworld from he return-motif, or the utopia-motif in , and to clarify the underlying structures. his field of research is given in the defi
"mimesis, as presented reality. In a the borrowed motif may be significant. the change of the meaning in a changed A Completely different meaning of the attempt to interpret all motifs through mann follows him in his research almost erpretations on the conception of poetry impressing experiences and gives it, like team and neurosis. Poetry and neurosis pomplexes. In his essay "Experience2 critic to the psychoanalyst. Just as the literature can single out the determining st's soul circles restlessly: he does so by which has grown into a formal unity, der to find out its material unity. The active phenomena of the life of the poet', d from the artistic work into the poet's otif as the scheme of a situation is given le feelings of guilt' with regard to the prature are now the realization of poetical in all adherent phenomena are revalued: strength of moving experience, which tic creations. Without this "traumatic able to speak of motif-equality. Motif
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THE MOTIE IN GERN
shift now means that the poet has taken a work. "Intensity and extensiveness of ness of an experience" (W. Krogmann in the constant use of a motif or in a gro as indicator for certain experiences and
poet's artistic activity into symmetry biography of the soul gains preference ov according to outer facts, as change of motifs are thought of as characteristic
taken as distinguishing units. The leit to the example of the geological guidethis in the case of the work of the youn method makes it possible to attribute an poet's life with certainty. The intensity motif's position in the work. The stro the centre of a poem, all other positions
theless, this method has met with st1 concept of the motif is no longer used ir in literature, but is shifted into the psy quite possible but which can never be
any verification, and excludes above a which has occupied itself very much applies to all literatures and literary el theory of art than in German Classic and of as "fragments of a great confession should be applicable to poetry of any romantic, and also to any other (non-Ge
I63

MAN LITERATURE
motif from an alien source into his a motif are functions of effective). The extensiveness is indicated up of coherent motifs which serve thus make it possible to bring the with his experiences in life. The rer the arrangement of a biography residence etc. Certain groups of for certain epochs in life and are -motif, too, is revalued according fossils. W. Krogmann has shown g Goethe and explained, how this undated work to one epoch in the , now, is clearly indicated by the ongest experience takes its place in signify lesser importance. Nevertong criticism, because here the the range of objective structures chic situation of a poet, which is proved. Thus the analysis eludes ll the research in folk-literatures, with the analysis of motifs. This pochs which employ a different Romantic, where poetry is thought
A concept in literature-science other epoch than the classic and Irman) literature.
WALTER VEIT

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BB
Auerbach, E. Typologische Motive in der mit Baldensperger, F. and Friedrich, W. P. Biblio Beckmann, A. Motive und Formen der deutc französischen Lyrik seit Ronsard, 1960. Beiss, A. Nexus und Motive. Beitrag zur T. Literaturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschichte Bolte, J. and Polivka, G. Anmerkungen zu
1913-1932. De Boor, H. Märchenforschung, in Zeitschrift Carlsson, A. Der Meersegrund in der neue Motivs von H. C. Andersen bis Th. Mann, und Geistesgeschichte 28/1954. Christensen, A. Motif et thème. Plan d'
légendes et de fables 1925. Curtius, E. R. Europüische Literatur und Late Dilthey, W. Die Einbildungskraft des Dich AufäLtze Ed. Zeller zu seinem 50. Dokto Ecker, L. Arabischer, provenzalischer und
Untersuchung, 1934. Ermattinger, E. Das dichterische Kunstwerk, 19 Frenzel, E. Stoff-, Motiv- und Symbolforschu) Frings, Th. Minnesinger und Troubadours, 194“ Gruenter, R. Das “wunnecliche tal”, in Eupho Höllinger, E. Das Motiv des Gartenraums i für Literaturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschi Hotes, L. Das Leit- motiv in der neueren deut Kayser, W. Das sprachliche Kunstwerk, 8. Au Körner, J. Erlebnis–Motiv–Stoff, in Von
Oskar Walzel, 1924. Lüthi, M. Das europäische Volks-märchen, 1“ Krogmann, W. Motiv, in Reallexikon der (
2. Aufl. 1961 (Literaturangaben). Meyer, H. Das Zitat in der Erzählkunst. Z.
1961. Perquin, N. Wilhelm Raabes Motive als Ausd Petersen, J. Nationale und vergleichende
für Literaturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschic Petriconi, H. Die verführte Unschuld. Beme Petsch, R. Deutsche Literaturwissenschaft, 194 ( Pyritz, H. Paul Flemings deutsche Liebeslyrik, Revue de littérature comparée, 1921 ff. Seidler, H. Die Dichtung, 1959. Schmitt, F. A. Stoff- und Motivgeschichte der Sperber, H. Motiv und Wort bei Gustav Me Wort. Studien zur Literaturund Sprachpsy Spiero, H. Motivwanderungen und Motivw manisch. Romanische Monatsschrift 4/191 Stoff- und Motivgeschichte der deutschen Litera Stolte, H. Eilhart und Gottfried. Studien übe Thompson, St. Motif-Index in Folk-Literature, Yearbook of Comparative and General Literatui

* CEYLON REVIEW
LIOGRAPHY
elalterlichen Literatur, 1953. graphy of Comparative Literature, 1950. hen Lyrik des 17. Jh. und ihre Entsprechungen in der
heorie des Dramas, in Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift für 36/1962.
den Kinder- und Hausmärchen der Brüder Grimm,
ür Deutschkunde 42/1928. ren Dichtung. Abwandlungen eines symbolischen in Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift für Literaturwissenschaft
un dictionnaire des motifs de contes populaire, des
nisches Mittelalter, 2. Aufl. 1954.
ters. Bausteine für eine Poetik, in Philosophische jubiläum, 1887.
deutscher Minnesang. Eine Motivgeschichtliche
21. ng, 1963 (Literaturangaben).
rion 55/1961. n Goethes Dichtung, in Deutsche Vierteljahsschrift shte 35/1961.
schen Romandichtung, 1931. flage, 1962 (Literaturangaben). n Geiste neuer Literaturforschung. Festschrift für
947.—. Märchen, 1962. (Literaturangaben); deutschen Literaturgeschichte 2. Band, 5. Lieferung
ur Geschichte und Poetik des europäischen Romans
ruck seiner Weltanschauung 1928.
Literaturgeschichte, in Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift hte 6/1928. rkungen über ein literarisches Thema, 1953. ).
1932.
deutschen Literatur, 1959 (Bibliographie). yrink, in Sperber, H. und Spitzer, L. Motiv und ichologie, 1928.
andlungen in neueren deutschen Roman, in Ger
tur, hrsg. Merker, P. und Lüdtke, G. 1929–1937. r Motivrein) und Aufbaustil, 1941. , 2. Aufl. 1955–1958.
’e, 1952 ff.

Page 167
Citta, Mano, Vinnan Investig
N this report, an attempt will be contents of the above Pali terms rather than linguistic.
Citta is most commonly translated emotion, idea, reasoning, attitude, consc
Mano: mind, thought, inner Sense
Visiana: consciousness, discrimir Sciousness, /relinkings consciousness, intelligence.
Many of the English terms are very that the corresponding Pali terms are equ of them is not known. Some of the Er have a very different meaning (e.g. "mi
logical agency; "thought' is probably it t of a predominantly cognitive character center in human personality; if we the S II 273: “Ariye tunhibhave cittan sa ekodim karohi, ariye tunhibhave citta blish thy mind in the Ariyan silence. I thought therein” — then we may well a meanings of citta were intended by the careless.) Psychological passages in ti proved meaningless to me. Therefor sirable.
Method
Passages illustrating the use of the have been collected from the followin
1. This investigation was conducted at t thank the University for most generous assis
also greatly indebted to Professor K. N. Jaya Mr. B. Cooke. My wife has helped me to collec
I6S ܓܠ ܐ .

T - C1 Psychosemantic
ation
made to clarify the psychological The approach is psychological
py: thought(s), mind, heart, mood, iOuSiness.
lative consciousness, rebirth-concognition, intellect, intellection,
vague. The reason may be either ally vague or that the exact meaning glish terms for the same Pali terms ind' means an independent psychotended to mean conscious processes ', 'heart an emotional, evaluative n, for instance, find the passage in 1ņțhapehi, ariye tuņhībhāve cittann m samãdaha” translated by “Estaift up thy heart therein. Plant thy Usk ourselves whether these different Pali-writer or if the translator is just anslations of Pali texts have often 2, an investigation has seemed de
terms included in the investigation g works: Digha-nikaya, Majjhima
he University of Ceylon, Peradeniya. I tance, esp. Dr. J. D. Dhirasekera. I am tilleke, Professor W. S. Karunaratne, and t the material.

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nikāya, Anguttara-nikāya, Samyut Udana and Itivuttaka (the PTS edi to pages in these, only for Dhami stanza). It was considered that thes a non-historical treatment. As th completeness was aimed at, but an different contexts as possible: I aime
The theoretical framework of th G. J. Suci, and P. H. Tannenbaum, 1957). Their method can of course their insistence that meaning can be to a semantic space is a fruitful poin lity of the semantic space of psych sort of provisional 'semantic differ tried to follow the intentions of O. the texts and by especially studying the texts.
Citta
I. Superordinated concept: dham
used mainly as a collective term fo
for all psychological terms, even nib
2. Entity or process P
We usually think of a machine and functions as a unit; it is limited time. If we, on the other hand, wi could study its functioning and its p of processes: we could describe cer materials to finished products. W psychological matters, and choose C a word like 'mind', we think of momentary perceptions, feelings, in produced in it. The mind has a st it can be used as an instrument-so i
On the other hand, the differe logical plane as on the physical. I perhaps you will at first find only a

CEYLON REVIEW
ita-nikāya, Dhammapada, Suttanipāta, tions have been used: quotations refer mapada and Suttanipata to number of e were homogeneous enough to permit is is not a statistical investigation, no attempt was made to include as many 'd at semantic completeness.
is study was provided by C. E. Osgood, The measurement of meaning (Urbana : not be used on historical material, but 2 defined by relating a studied concept ut of departure. Now the dimensionaological terms is not known, but some antial' can still be constructed. I have sgood by putting systematic questions to relations between terms as expressed in
ma (e.g. A I IO) which is a vague term r all conscious phenomena. It is used bäna.
: as an entity: it has a certain structure in space and has a certain duration over are unable to see the machine itself but roducts, then we would speak in terms tain movements, the change from raw fe can made the same distinction in our words accordingly. When we use something rather permanent, and the hpulses and imaginations are said to be ructure, it can produce processes, and t is a typical entity.
nce may not be so great on the psychoyou study your conscious experiences, stream of processes. But after a while,
Ꭺ
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you will discover recurrent themes and p regularities and habits of thoughts. T. structure which is seen to be more or less So, although most of the continuity depe are not conscious and therefore "behind t in an entity like the 'mind'.
In order to decide whether citta is an whether it is described as independent mentary, productive or produced, initiat
It is possible to find passages where “Mā ... akusalann cittann cinteyyatha” ( citta'.-Samudaya-dhammanupassi va ( nupassī vā citasmiņ viharati. (D II arising phenomenon in citta, or he keeps in citta. Here, citta seems to mean 'the more personified to an independent ag “Bhikkhu cittan vase vateti, no ... c A monk makes his citta turn according t citta's wish'. Further: ' . cittena niya by citta'. According to D II 36, Vipa desanaya, The citta of Vipassi was incli t Citta is an authority that can be pleased or
cittam nārādheti” (M I 34), “that per And: ʻ... mayi cittanpn pasannamʼ (M II
99 1116,
Citta reacts as an emotional center utrastam idam cittam”, “This citta is : *'na ca na uppanno lābhasakkarasiloko ( when gains, favours, and flattery come to of our citta'.
In the very numerous passages whe ment of citta is described, it is often done instrument which is to be improved (raga, dosa, moha, eg. M II 27), by cle cittani virajayitva “cleansing their citta (adharo, S V 20), by making it straigh
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INVESTIGATION
ocess-sequences and you will find e processes are then fitted into a ixed, more or less like an "entity”. nds on processes or structures that e curtain', we may firmly believe
entity or not, we must investigate or dependent, permanent or mong or passive, actor or act.
itta is clearly said to be a product: S V AI8), "Don't think unskilled ittaSminn viharati, vaya-dhamma
299). "He keeps on seeing an
on seeing a passing phenomenon ught. Usually citta seems much ency. It has a will of its own.: ttassa vasena vattati” (A IV 34), o his wish; he does not turn by the ti loko” (S I 39), “the world is led sissa ... cittann nami no dhammaned not to preach the doctrine'- displeased: "... ayam mepuggalo son does not appeal to my citta'. T45), your citta was pleased with
according to S I 53: "Niccam lways terrified”, — and S II 226 ittann pariyādāya țhassatīti”, “and us, they shall not take lasting hold
re the improvement and developin wordings reminding us of some by removing obstructing particles aning (cittam parisodheti, D I 7I; ”, D II 274), by giving it support t (cittam attano ujukam akannsu,

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S I 26; ujum karoti, Dh 33) like a cittann bhāveti, “creates a luminol see also A IV 86, A I 256, S V 92: ( ments; it can also be done lumin way, citta is made mudu and kamm 42I; cf. SV 92 and AI 256). In rather of the tanning of animals, sanihivutann, “the citta that is tam (A I 7)cittan, abhininnameti, “he
In all these and similar cases, ( as an entity. But in perhaps the this study of citta, the matter can be a very gradual transition from conclude that citta often is an entit mental unit but that the word on duced processes themselves.
3. Is citta the self?
Only once is it explicitly dei is very often denied that viiiana a H. V. Guenther in “Philosophy (Lucknow 1957) constructs diagr views on the mind, he places citta circles. This can only mean that everything is arranged. In the N that the person identifies himself w matical subject in coordinated sent any special reason becomes the per Samaye cittan hoti Tathagatam a sāvako labhati atthavedam, labha his citta is firmly fixed on the Tath ciple wins knowledge of the wel ... " (A V 329). See also “Kama “I am burning with desire, my ci Song, D II 266, it is said “Tayi ş “I am provided with a citta tied to the same change of grammatical clear how closely related the citta hand, it is never said that citta is th

FR CEYLON REVIEWXV
bow, or makes it luminous (sappabhasam us citta', D III 223; pabhassaram, A. I IO; Citta is compared to gold free from defileous by concentration on light). In this añña, “pliable” and “fit for work” (A IV other cases, the terminology used reminds 2.g. cittann ... dantann guttann rakkhitam 2d, controlled, guarded and restrained' bends down his citta” (A II 2II).
litta seems to be conceived predominantly majority of the 240 passages included in not be strictly decided. There seems to the one extreme to the other. We may y that acts independently or as an instruthe other hand may be used for the pro
nied that citta is the self (S II 94), while it ind the other khandha are the self. When and psychology in the Abhidhamma' ams ilustrating diferent Abhidhammain the center of a number of concentric he considers citta as the self around which ikayas there are only indirect indications rith citta. It happens, e.g., that the gramences is first citta, then seemingly without son himself: “Ujugatam evo assa tasmim rabbha, ujugatacitto kho pana ... ariyati dhammavedann ... ” “At such time agata; with upright heart the Ariyan disare, he wins knowledge of the doctrine rāgena dayhāmi, citam me paridayhati. ta is consumed” (SI 188). In the loveathita-citto 'sini cittan viparinamitam. you: my citta is changed'. We find here ubject, and in a case like this it becomes sometimes is to the self. - On the other a self. On the contrary, the texts usually
AV
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take care to distinguish between the pe will illustrate this. “Ahann iminā citt
have been defrauded, deceived and cheat
tanın te tatthe gamenti dūre”, “They send (SN 3óo). See also A IV 34, quoted ab
In conclusion: citta is not the Selfb the identification is then not far away.
4. The monk's problem-child
As we have seen in some of the abov not identify himself with this citta - him life-long trouble. It has to be tan guard' and dunnivaraya, “difficult to “hard to compose' (S 148), niggahetabl ajjhupekkhitabba, “to be checked”, “ “to be looked after” (A III 435). It is a citta, because “citte ... arakkhite kaya kammam pi arakkhitan hoti manokam “when citta is unguarded, bodily act mental action are also unguarded, and great the difference is between the train
5. Js citta consciousness ?
It is said in Dh 37 that citta is asar trasted with the body. In S IV 293 f, sankharo, “activity of body, vacisal cittasarakharo, and the latter is defined Vedana ca cetasika ete dhamma cittapa cittasaņkhāre ti” which has been tran mental processes dependent on mind activity of mind' ".
No indication has been found that or a purely behavioral entity. As wi spoken of as moving in space (e.g., ph: gama, “far-travelling” Dh 37), but it ment. When describing moral and sometimes used which imply a certaint behind that seems to belong to citta.
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INVESTIGATION
ison and his citta. A few examples ena nikato vasicito paladdho'. 'I led by this mind” (MIS II). “Cittheir citta faraway in that (dispute)” ΟVC.
it it often stands for the person and
e quotations, the monk can certainly pn the contrary it sometimes gives Led, but it is diirakkha, “difficult to hold back” (Dh. 33), dussamadaha ba, paggahetabba, Sampahansitabba, to be exerted', “to be gladdened, difficult but important task to train kammam pi arakkhitam hoti vacimann pi arakkhitam hoti” (A. I 26I), ion is also unguarded, speech and We shall see in a later section how ed and the natural citta.
Tra, “incorporeal' It is often cona distinction is made between kaya kharo, “activity of speech', and in the following way: “Safina ca. tibaddhā, tasmā Safinā ca vedanā ca slated “Perception and feeling are l. Therefore are they called “the
citta could be either a physiological shall find later, citta is sometimes undana, “trembling”, Dh 33, dūraņprobably means non-physical moveemotional traits in citta, terms are ype of behavior, but it is the attitude

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It is more dificult to decide, to the psychological sense belong to self-evident that when traits like an does not mean that they must be n disposition is enough. In this way but the distinction was seldom made tendencies of this type, anusaya, wi (they are more or less Synonyms, se context in S III I 3 : “Rūpadhātuy taņihā ye upāyupādānā cetaso ac viraga nirodhâ câgā patinissagga ci tion of the indifference to, the cessa of that wish, that desire, that plea grasping, that decision, indulgence form-element, the citta is fully freed of the traits, which often are called tendencies - anusaya - are ment main, citta must be understood as an
6. The attributes of the untraine
Citta is described with a wealth can, and should, be trained, so we the trained citta. Generally, citta is f (Dh. 326 “ ... acāri caritam yenic " ... would wander formerly as it unsteady (capala, Dh 33) and easily
(a) Perception. We have alread safina (perception) and vedana (feelir we find that ripa (forms) touch (ph avoid to be influenced. In the nati impression, without being a center (
Citta can be directed and is the 422 the phrases cittam pativa peti cittam upasamharati ("he concentrat Cf. the opposites saņkhitta — vikk about citta in D I 97.
(b) Intellectual traits. In A I 9 derstand with citta' is used. Th

CEYLON REVIEW
what extent sub-conscious processes in citta. We can, of Course, consider it ger, pride, desire are ascribed to citta, it nanifest all the time: the tendency, the , we have introduced the subconscious, '. There is an early Pali term for latent hich is attributed to ceto, never to citta discussion below!) We find a typical rā ... yo chando yo rāgo yā nandi yā dhițițhānābhinivesānu Sayā tesann khayā ttam Suvimuttan'. "By the destruction, the giving up, the utter Surrender sure, that craving, that approach and and disposition in Ceto directed to the
We shall also find later, that several anusaya (or rather the traits to which ioned), are attributed to citta. In the
unanalyzed conscious entity.
99
d citta.
of attributes. We have seen that citta must distinguish between the natural an ound to be too independent and mobile "chakanqn yatthakamanpn yathasukhannʼ, liked, as it desired, as it pleased"), too distracted (vikkhitta, A IV 32).
y quoted S IV 293 f where it is said that g) are dependent on citta. In S IV I 25 assati) citta, and only a trained citta can ural state, therefore, citta is sensitive to of perception.
n an instrument of attention. In A IV "he turns his citta away from") and 's his citta on") are used in this meaning. hitta (“attentive — unattentive”) used
the expression cittena ... ñassati, “un
V ry - G : phrase afinacittan upathapeti, 'he
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applies the citta to understanding” is ofte 402 pafinaya Suparicita, "well provided These are all quotations from descriptic potentialities of intelligence are of course
(c) Memory. Citta is an instrume existences which is made possible throug nivasanussatifianaya cittan abhininname knowledge and recollection of former ledge which is called abhina is attributed ideas are a function of citta, as in AV IO7. with (paricita) ideas (sailina) of impern restedness and so on. What is said in caritam ... yatthakamam ...', 'this cit liked...' probably refers to the free ima
All the functions quoted here are 1 fundamental dispositions must, howeve although nothing seems to be ever said respects. We go on to describe the natu
(d) Intellectual qualities of the untrain Two of the asava, namely ditthasa of false views and lack of true knowledge) (D I 84, D II 8 I). Further: moha (lack vicikiccha (doubt, D I 7), vikkhitta (una
(e) Emotional qualities.
We must distinguish between feeli evaluation from the individual point of every perception or cognitive process: pleasant'. This evaluative aspect is not find, e.g. in M II I 45, that citta may be ** (`pahaññati”, S IV 73), that "saririka du titchanti” (SV 3O2), "painful feelings mi
By emotion proper we understanc balance. This side of human psycholog
paritassana, trembling, nervo uddhaccakukkulcca, exciteme
I7I ܓܠ

INVESTIGATION
In found, e.g. A III 437. In A IV with Wisdom''' is Said about citta. ns of the developed citta, but the there from the beginning.
it for the recollection of former sh training. See M I 22 pubbesinn”, “I directed my citta to the habitations”. The higher knowto citta (A IV 42 I, A. I 254). Free where citta is said to be "provided Lanence, not-self, danger, disinteDh 326, “idam pure cittam acari ta would wander formerly as it ginative function of citta.
referred to the trained citta. The r, be there from the beginning, about the untrained citta in these ral citta proper.
ed citta. lva and avijasava (the obsessions are of a more intellectual character of correct judgment, D III 27o), ttentive, D I 79).
ngs and emotions. Feeling is the view that normally accompanies ve call them pleasant' and “unso often attributed to citta, but we pasanna', 'pleased', that it suffers kkhā vedanā cittann na pariyādāya ke no impression on my cita”.
a state of affectivity or lack of 7 is usually attributed to citta
usness (S III I6), it and worry (DI 7I).

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padosa, anger (DI 7I). kammasava, obsession ( sapataka, hostile (DI 2 savera, full of anger (D āvila, turbid (A I 9).
ultrasta, terrified (SI 53. abbhuta, astonished (S) uddhata, unbalanced (S līna, sluggish (S V II2). phandana, trembling (I capala, unsteady (Dh 33
(f) Dynamic qualities.
Dynamic are the traits called needs and drives. The border bet of course, never very well defined.
Tanha, the most common wo citta, but in Dh I54, citta is said to desires' (cittam tanhanam khayam to citta are abhijiha (covetousness) MI 36. Very common is raga, S tional word "passion', sometimes (S II I 85). One of the āsavā is bha Absence of dynamic qualities coul drowsiness', D I 71) or pamada ( portant dynamic traits are, therefc citta.
(g) Moral traits. The moral belong to citta: Most of them a Some that are mentioned already:
byapada, “malevolence upanāha, “malice” makkha, 'hypocrisy” palasa, 'spite
- - GG 99 1SSa, en Vy macchariya, “stinginess maya, 'deceit” sacheyya, "treachery'

F CEYLON REVIEW
of sensual pleasures (D I 84). 28). I 247).
).
I78). V I I2).
Dh 33). ).
which lead or motivate to actions, e.g. ween these and the emotional traits is,
rd for desire', is not often ascribed to have attained to the extinction of all ajhaga). More commonly attributed and lobha (greed), found together in ometimes translated by the more emo
by the more dynamic word "desire" vasava, clinging to existence (D I 84).- d be called thinamiddha ("lethargy and indolence“, M I 36). – The most imre, more or less regularly attributed to
"deflements” (upakkilesa) seem all to e enumerated in M I 36 together with

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thann bha, “selfishness” māna, “arrogance” atimana, “pride" mada, “conceito
7. The attributes of the trained citta.
(a) Cognitive and intellectual qualiti eightfold path (sammasamadhi), the adept pointedness” (D II 217). He is not di 'Evan sannavimuttacitassa ... bhikkh rūpā cakkhussa āpāthaņ āgacchanti, ne sikatam evassa cittan hoti, thitann anej (A III 377). “If objects cognizable by th range of vision of a monk with wholly citta, and his citta is untroubled, firm, ha watches it go. (The last assa seems t "conscious processes'). Temporarily h rodha, and 'Yo cakhvayam ... bhikkhus tassa pi kayasankharo niruddho patip patipassaddho cittasankharo niruddho him who has attained the ceasing of perc body has also ceased, become calmed. and citta.
His citta has been trained to be an (abhisia), for the attainment of iddhi, understanding others citta, for rememb seeing other beings pass from existence e.g. D I 77-84). His citta is not directe S V, I59). He can direct his citta and element” (amatāya dhātuyā cittann apasa characterized by paññā (wisdom, D II 8 I)
(b) Emotional traits. Citta becomes 81, Dh I54). It does not react emotiona It is vipasanta (calmed D I 71), Samal (imperturbable DI 76), avera (free from a samvuta (tamed, Controlled, guarded, res A I 9), Sukhavaha (bringer of happiness is unemotionality and stability.
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INVESTIGATION
es. On the highest level of the attains to citassa ekagatā, onesturbed by his sense-perceptions: uno bhusã ce pi cakkhuviññeyyã vassa cittam pariyadiyanti, amisappattann, Vayañ co assānupassati”. e eye come very strongly into the freed citta, they do not obsess his ving won to composure; and he o refer to citta, if So, citta means e may attain to sannavedayitaniaññāvedayitanirodhann samāpanno, assaddiho vacisankharo niruddiho pațipassaddho” (S IV 294). “In ception and feeling, the activity of So also have the activities of speech
instrument for higher knowledge for hearing heavenly sounds, for ering his own former births, for to existence, and so on (described, d outwards (apaiņihitam bahiddhā, he "brings it towards the deathless mkarati (A IV 422). His citta is and aññā (knowledge, D III 53).
free from āsavā and taņhā (D II lly on sense-impressions (S V 3O2). hita (Serene, D || 76), anejappatta inger D I 247), danta gutta rakkhita trained AI 7), anavila (untroubled, Dh 35). The general impression

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(c) Dynamic traits. The need natural citta. The trained citta is, motivations are still to be found, a often expressed in a negative way viramohann - itosamutthana kusa free from desire, free from hate a this are the skilled moral habits. that the motivation to good action purely negative expressions have a V ing to note that they are all consi emotional and mnoha more intellectu
Other dynamic Words, positiv where citta is said to 'incline towa exertion” (namati atappaya anuyog
On the dynamic side, the trail impulses and desires to will and de rity, from fickleness to character.
(d) Moral traits. Citta is m instrument for skillful (kusala) acti (pure, D I 247), avyapanna (free f SN 23), anangana (free from blemi ristics is mettā (friendliness, D III 23 vivekapona vivekapabbhāra vupak aloofness, inclining to aloofness, rei cates a certain aversion to all social
8. Is citta personal ?
Citta could be an inner core, similar in all individuals, or it could latter is true. It is naturally open to and it has a great number of emotio stics that give it an individual form. cittan me samaņo Gotamo jānāti my citta' (or possibly: what I am t tānamn parapuggalānam cittam pi ā "Here a monk tells (reads) the citta saying: so is your citta''. –

CEYLON REVIEW
s and desires were characteristic of the however, also motivated to action, and lthough the desires have gone. This is y: *** Yann cittann vītarāgann vītadosann lasila (M II 27). “That citta which is ld free from illusion-originating from
This is an interesting passage showing is is to be found in citta and that these ery positive meaning. It is also interestdered dynamic, although dosa is more al.
Vely expressed, are found in D III 239 rds ardour, devotion, perseverance and aya sataccaya padhanaya).
ning therefore results in a change from termination, from immaturity to matu
ade an efective (kammaniya, mudu) on, Citta has been made asamkilittha rom malice, D I 71), assava (obedient, sh, A II 2II). One of its chief characte7). At the same time it is vivekaninna attha (tending to aloofness, leaning to mote, M III III), which probably indiactivity, good as well as bad.
2.g. Some sort of life-force, very much be an individually formed center. The impressions from the outside (S IV 293) nal, dynamic and intellectual characteri
It can also be understood, interpreted: (SI I78) "the recluse Gotama knows hinking"). "Idha ... bhikkhu parasatidisati ... iti pi te cittan ti” (D I 2I3). of other beings, of other individuals ...
"No ce. bhikkhu paracittapariyaya
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kusalo hoti, atha osacittapariyayakusalo a monk be not skilled in (knowing) oth will be skilled in (knowing) my own cit
The training of citta seems to resu the result depends on the type of trainin may give wrong result. So if a mor cittam kosaijaya Samvatteyya". his ci he trains only paggaha (energy), then 'tal "his citta will be liable to distraction; a mity), then tam cittan na sammā sa "his citta will not be perfectly poised (A I 256). – Even a liberated citta can sti cetasā cittan samannesati vippamu discerned the citta of these as being individuality remains, even in arahants.
9. Is citta an instrument o
We have repeatedly referred to c. understanding, for attaining higher kı powers. The instrument-aspect is no cuous than its independence. Its develo citta's own good. Just as the training o do things, so the citta is used as an instru
Io. The ultimate fate of citta.
What happens to citta in death ? tassa yo hi khvayam kayo rupi ... tam khvassa cittann dīgharattann saddhāpari vitan, tam uddhagami hoti visesagan his be devoured by crows (or other ar. practiced in faith, virtue, learning and goes to distinction'. Here we are ve theory, according to which citta survi other passages, where it is connected manaso vitakke hurahuram dhavati understanding the thoughts of mano he 1 to existence'. - 'Anavattidhammam 1 cittan Suparicitani hoti” (A IV 402) “ will return to the plane of sense-pleasu
I7.

INVESTIGATION
bhavissāmi’ti” (A V 92) “though ler peoples citta, he can decide: “I
99
fa
lt in a greater homogeneity. But g. One-sided training, for instance, k trains only samadhi, then "tann tta will be liable to indolence”, if yn cittann uddhaccaya Sannivatteyya', ind if he trains only upekha (equanimadhiyeyya asavanan khayaya”, for the destruction of the asava’’ ll be identified, see S I I94, "tesam ttam nirupadhim', 'he intuitively freed, desireless'. Therefore, the
itta as an instrument: for attention nowledge and certain supernatural doubt there, but it is less conspipment is an end in itself and for the f a child may consist in making him 1ment for its own development.
G6
S V 37O provides an answer: idheva kākā va khādanti ... yañca bhavitam sila- suta- căga-paribhani”, “though this formed body of imals), — yet his citta, if longtime renunciation, moves upward and try close to an un-Buddhistic soulves death. It can be found also in with the idea of rebirth. "Avidva bhanta-citto (U 37). "Without tuns with restless citta from existence me cittann kāmabhavāyā-ti paññāya My citta is not of such nature that it res.-(knowing this) his citta is well

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provided with wisdom'. In these
in normal cases is reborn. The san hoti—Aho vatāhann kāyassa bhedā vā brahmaņamahāsālānaņ vā gahap jeyyan ti'. So tann cittann dahati, ta Tassa tanın cittann hine vinnuttann u Vattati'. He thinks, Ah! if only the body after death as one amongst holders. This citta he holds fixed, fi citta set free in alovver range, and not to rebirth within that range.' Thi as citta here, at least in the middle sc therefore may be used simply for vi
When, in other contexts, the e.g., in D II 299, it is stressed that (samudaya-dhamma) and 'somethin
It is often Said that citta is Su liberated'. What does it mean 2
'Paiina-paribhavitan cittan sa dam kämasavà bhavasava ditthasavà thoroughly developed through wisd that is to say from the obsessions of ignorance'. Another definition is a to which citta is freed through the de the five khandha. Still more clear i (later, the whole sentence is repeat sankhāradhātuyā, viññāņadhātuyā) vimuttan hoti anupadaya asavchi, santussitatta na paritassati aparitass a monks citta is un'attached to the activities, Consciousness) and is free fr the asava-then it is steadfast by it through its contentment it does no it by itself attains to parinibbana. mentioned as the final attainment til have ample evidence that citta is thou nibbana. A characteristic of Budd

CEYLON REVIEW
passages we find an indication that citta ne is implied in D III 258 **Tassa evann
param marana khattiya-mahasalanan ati-mahāsālānaņ vā Sahavyataņ uppajyn cittann adhit thati, tann Cittall yn bhāvetii. ttarinn abhavitann tatra uppattiyā Sann
I may be reborn at the dissolution of wealthy nobles, or brahmins, or housermly established, and develops it.-His developed to anything higher, Conduces S passage is, however, a little doubtful, 1ntence, hasa clear procesS-meaning and *111(111(1.
process-meaning seems to be intended, citta "is something that comes to be g that passes away’ (vaya-dhamma).
Vimutta, 'liberated or vinnuccati "is
mmad eva asavehi vimuccati Seyyathiavijasava ti (D II 8I). Citta, when om, is set quite free from obsessions, sensuality, becoming, wrong views and ulready quoted from S III I 3, according struction of the desire directed towards S the passage S III 45: “Rūpadhātuyā ed for: vedanadhatuya, saññādhatuya,
ce ... bhikkhuno cittam Virattam vimutatā thiam, hitatā santus sitam, um paccattaññeva parinibbayati". "If form-element (feeling, perception, the om it without givingit Support through freedom, content by its steadfastness, t Crave further: and free from Craving AS freedom from the asava is usually hrough which arahant-ship is won, we ght to be that which reaches the state of
hist meditation is that the meditating
I 76 مصر

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person knows through all the levels ho ultimate realization has come, even the what it means. Therefore, some part ( and everything points to the fact that th addition to the already quoted evidence. where it is said: "panihitena cittena ... a citta that is well directed ... he will rea is done, the instrument is still there, regi
II. Abnormal states of citta.
There are some references to abn S III I, citta may be ill (atura), and a ceri to train himself that his citta is healthy : is to identify the khandha with atta.
In DI 20, it is said about a group o aũñamaññamhi paduttha-cittã kilantakāy: toward each other, they are weak-bodi known what is meant here: possibly the of energy is required in order to stay o changes in this karmic force manifests i changes; if the moral behaviour is not up weakens and the being is reborn in a low
In Dh. I37 and I38 it is said that a m and harmless, will be punished by suff illness or cittakkhepa: “loss of citta'. A si where it is described how the daughters and afterwards comment on their lack o hi mayan samņam vā brāhmaņan v upakkameyyāma hadayann vāssa phaley uggaccheyya, ummadam va papuneyya ci approached after this fashion any recluse lust, either his heart would have cleftasun his mouth or he had become crazy or ha developed metta cetovimutti, i.e., 'm his citta is not khipitabba ("to be upset', S you do not reply, I will either upset yol your heart. In this case citta is somethi This use of the word becomes natural, ific
t
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w far he has attained. When the in he knows that it has come and of his conscious personality is left, isfunction is attributed to citta. In let us point to a passage in AI 8,
nibbānam sacchikarissati”, “with lize nibbana. So, when the work strating the fact.
ormalities in citta. According to tain householder is admonished, so
although his body is ill: the illness
fgods called Manopadosika: "Te ikilanta-citta'. 'Wicked-minded led and weak-minded'. It is not basic idea is that a certain amount in a certain level of development; tself in certain mental and bodily to requirements, the karmic force Ver State.
an who inflicts pain on the innocent ring, loss, bodily injury, difficult milar expression is found in S II 26, of Mara try to seduce the Buddha if success with the words: “Yann ā avītarāgaņ iminā upakkamena ya, uņhann lohitann vā mukhato tavikkhepam vā. "Forifve had or brahmin who had not extirpated der, or hot blood had flowed from ave lost his citta'. If a person has ind-release through friendliness', II 265). In S I 207 it is said: “If ur citta (cittam khipissāmi) or split ng that can be lost, thrown away. titta is taken to be the personal core

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of purposeful consistency, some so. We have already noticed (see e.g. N texts this interpretation seems porl this superordinate force takes citta t uses it as an instrument), and we a between Citta and the Self In Stron purposefulness and organized behav
I2. Has citta inner organization
We have seen that citta is con a great number of traits, especial character, are attributed to it. It purposiveness in life. Therefore, i concept of personality.
By personality is meant an in a guiding purposiveness, a hierarch G6 99. -
style of living'. Personality ma "deranged', but there is continuity physical, both structural and functi
Like personality, citta is an or structure: we have seen that a per preted by others. We find, on the of all the traits that are said to belon the traits really are meant to form as external. If citta, for instance, itself changed through the process indicates that a real change takes “cultivate”, “make grow”, indicat loped”, M III I 49 cittabhāvanā, “a that citta becomes one-pointed (D tion and unification of all forces organization.
In S V 92, We find citta com these are removed, the gold becom “Evam eva kho ... pañcime cittas lițţham cittam na ceva mudu hoti. pabhangu ca na ca samma samadh

CEYLON REVIEW
rt of Superordinated organizing agency. M III I 56 cited above) that in some conpable (although it is often implied that o task and induces it to development or re again very close to an identification g emotional experiences it is this normal iour that is upset.
P
ceived as individually formed and that 7 of an emotional, dynamic and moral is sometimes described as the guiding t comes very close to the psychological
dividual organization of traits: there is ly of motives, a more or less consistent y change and can be 'developed' and 7 and unity. It is both psychological and
Onal.
ganizing factor and it has an individual son's citta can be recognized and interother hand, few traces of an organization g to it: it is often even doubtful whether part of citta or whether they are conceived gets rid of the five upakkilesa, is citta ? But in many cases, the formulation place: the frequent use of bhaveti, es that: A III 245 subhavita, “well devedevelopment of citta'. When it is said I 217), this can only refer to a concentrawithin citta, a redisposition of the inner
ared to gold with certain impurities; if Les Soft, pliable, luminous and Workable: sa upakkilesa, yehi upakkilesehi upakki
· na ca kammaniyan na ca pabhassaram iyati asavanan khayaya.' 'In the same
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way, there are these five impurities oft neither fine, nor pliable, nor luminous, 1 for the destruction of the asawa'. This transformed through the impurities; but a originally was pure as gold need not be re
The development of citta consists in placing them by good ones. In descript certain bad traits are more fundamental others: the last ones to disappear are the as are, among others, metta and pañnã. Th archical organization in citta.
So far, citta has turned out to be ra there are differences also:
(a) We may speak about “ouro” per side us, but in reality, we always identif and the psychological ego is contained in i placed as object of activities and concei should, e.g., be "restrained'). But as we frequently implied.
(b) Citta is a more limited concept, phenomena. The individual differences : the Nikayas.
(c) The instrumental aspect, comm regard to personality.
(d) Citta is often said to be indep Personality may also change and it may
We may conclude that citta rather m sonality a conscious Center for activity emotionality. The vague term "mind' tion, although it does not cover the emoti
A note on ceto
Ceto is a derivation of the root cit limited in use. It is to be found only ing
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INVESTIGATION
he citta, tainted by which citta is nor frail, nor perfectly composed ; passage may imply that citta is ì implication that citta by itselfand ad into it.
getting rid of bad traits and retions of this process we find that and difficult to get rid of than ava. The traits that are developed erefore we find traces of an hier
ther similar to personality. But
Sonality as about something outy ourselves with our personality, t. Citta is much more frequently ved as "outside” the speaker (it have found, identification is also
as it mainly COVCÍS only conscious are not much elaborated upon in
on in citta, is not frequent with
endable and to change quickly. be "unstable', but continuity is
ay be called a center within per, purposiveness, continuity and may, after all, be the best translaional and moral aspects.
ust as citta, but it is much more enitive and instrumental case, and

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in compounds, and it seems to be texts. The following observation from D and M.
Ceto is often consciously anc citta. In S III 232, the need and de cittassa upakkileso but in the follo upakkileso. In S IV I 25 it is said cittann na pariyādāya tițțhanti, “W This is then summed up with the failure to take hold of ceto'.
In A V2O7 vigatabhijhena cet citta parisodheti.
The following comparisons g tions between ceto and citta.
Cefo
cetaso ekodibhava,
D I 74 metāsahagatena Cetasā
D 25I Cetovinnutti
M III I.46 parisuddhena Cetasā
M III 94 cetosamadhim
M III IO 8 ceto-panidhi
D III 259 cetaso upakkilese D III 49 cetaso pariyadana
S III I6 cetasā averena, avyāpajhena
D I 25I cetovimutim paññavimultim
D III 78

F CEYLON REVIEW
used in a rather limited number of conis are based on material mostly collected
l intentionally treated as a synonym of sire produced through the senses is called owing sentence it is referred to as cetaso that ripa touch citta again and again but: vithout completely taking hold of citta'. expression cetaso apariyadana, by their
asa is immediately followed by abhijjhaya
give also an impression of the close rela
Citta
cittann ekodhihoti,
A I 254 metā- citam bhāveti
D II67 །
cittaim suvilmuttam
S III I 3 citte parisuddhe
D I 76 cittasamādhi
S IV, 35o paņihitena cittena
A 8 citassa upakkilesā
S V 92 cittam pariyādāya
S II 226 avera-citto, avyapajjhacitto
D I 247 cittam paññañca bhāvayam
S II 3
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We find that ceto at least to some ex upakilesa are attributed to both, and also be concentrated and both attain liberati Supernatural perception, e.g., mind-read my ceto, of... is known to me' M I 2 IO. *evam pi te mano, ittham pi te mano iti Such and Such is your mano, thus is your are combined, e.g. SI I94, “... cetasa ci “he discerned with his ceto the citta of the
Ceto has a number of traits (cognitiv of the same type as those attributed to ci ceto-khila, ' the obstructions of ceto': d doctrine, about the order, about the train monks (D III 237 f). And further, the desire for sensual pleasures, for the body, and sleeping; living a religious life for 1 group adhitthana, abhinivesa and anusa position) is consistently attributed to ceto find ceto-panidhi, aspiration of ceto”. akusalā dhammā follow if somebody liv vyāpādasahagatena cetasā and vihesāsaha covetousness, malevolence, harmfulness) “creation ofcitta”. All this makes ceto ap unlike citta.
In some special aspects, Ceto has a prC
I. The instrumental aspect is much knowledge, thinking and concentration, anuvicareti ... ” (D III 242), “he reflects a his ceto', " ... mama cetasa cetoparivitak knew with his ceto the reasoning in my
Māgadhake paricārake ārabbha ațțil samannāharitvā nisinnam: "Gatim tesam gatikā te bhavanto yamabhisamparāyāti” sitting down to think over, to cogita Ceto upon the deceased Magadhese adh their future; where these people are goin
t I8I

INVESTIGATION
tent is just a synonym of citta: the some emotional traits. Both must on. Further, both are engaged in ing (cetasā ceto paricca vidito, “by and frequently; compare A I I70, pi te cittan ti”, “thus is your mano, citta; in some contexts citta and ceto tam sammanesati vippamuttam ... ese as being freed ... ”
e, emotional, dynamic, and moral) ta. We find, for instance, the five oubt about the master, about the ing, and anger towards the fellowfive cetaso vinibandha, "bondages": for visual things; excessive eating rebirth as a god (D III 238). The ya (decision, indulgence and dis(e.g. M III 32). In D III 259 we
In M III So, we are told that es with abhijjhāsahagatena cetasā, tgatena vetasa (ceto given over to : they are all called cittuppada, pear as a dynamic center, not very
yfile of its own.
1 more pronounced, especially for “ . dhamma cetasa anuvitakketi nd meditates over the doctrine in kam aññāya“ (M I 168), “ ... who teto", " ... addasam Bhagavantam nikatvā manasikatvā sabba-cetaso jānissāmi abhisamparāyam, yann”. (D II 2O7). “I saw the Lord te upon, to concentrate his whole arents: "I will know their fate,
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2. This stress on concentrati especially prominent in contexts w Very often we find the combina translated "freedom of mind an It is often (e.g. M I 73, D III 78) s and is therefore the same process a vimuccati bhavāsavā pi citam v Vimuttasminn viimuttam’ iti ñāna: sensual pleasure, from the influx he knows: in liberation it is freed in M I 296–298:
(a) adukkhamasukhā cetovin
(b) animitta Cetovimutti: the signs (conditions) and cencentration that is sig
(c) ākifican fiā cetovimuti:
of infinite consciousnes
(d) sufiñata cetovimutti: the
attaniyena vā, this is
(e) appamāņā cetovimutti: til a ceto that is meta-sah upekkhä-Sahagata, "fi
equanimity'.
We find that all these belong appamana Cetovimutti is an idea t ceto: the conscious processes of a a sort of energy that can be dire mighty trumpeter makes himself to have beneficial influence on it said to suffuse his whole body "p utterly clean and pure ceto” (M III whole body with a white cloth.
To sum up: Ceto is a synor instrumental, cognitive, meditativ

F CEYLON REVIEW
on and supernatural knowledge becomes there the ways to liberation are described. tion ceto-vimutti paifia-vimutti, usually d freedom through intuitive wisdom'. aid to depend on the destruction of asava in s described in D I 84 'kamasava pi cittam 1muccatl aViljasava p1 C1ttan VimucCat1. m hoti', 'citta is freed from the influx of of rebirth, from the influx of ignorance; ''. Cetovimutti is analyzed into five types
putti which is attained in the fourth jhana.
monk does not pay any attention to any enters on animittam cetosamadhim, the gnless.
the monk passes quite beyond the plane is and thinks "There is nothing at all".
monk meditates “suùñamidam attena vã void of self or of what pertains to self",
he monk suffuses the whole world with agata, karuņā-Sahagata, muditā-sahagata, led with friendliness, compassion, joy,
2 to different levels of meditation. The that returns quite often and is unique for meditating person are here conceived as cted and fill the whole world just as a heard", DI 25 I) and is probably thought s objects. In the 4th jhana the monk is arisuddhena cetasā pariyodātena’, ‘’vith 94), just as somebody might wrap up his
nym of citta but is used especially for its e, and supernatural functions.
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Mano.
Mano seems to be much easier to cussed in this paper. Its essential funct commonly met with in earlier Indian p;
T. Is 111ano consciousness P
In for instance D I 7o mano is descri of dhammā: manasā dhammam vifinā menon with his mano ... Mano is ge the senses, and just as the eye has ripa a dhamma. In D III 242, it is used wi manasa anupekkhati', 'he contemplates we find "manasa ditchigatani cintayant mano”. Mano is therefore a center for (
2. Is mano an entity ?
When using the word "center' abc character of entity than of process. Is t a more or less permanent although chan for producing or containing processes of transforming physical energy to signa organism. Mano is Sensitive to and a r the other Senses: “Imesam kho ... paũ( nānāgocarānann na aññamaññassa gocar: paț1Saraņann, man O Ca nesann gOCara V1S “Of these five senses, different in ran not reacting to the field and range of eac and mano reacts to their field andrange”. center for the other senses, and perhap events (= memory).
The same idea of an instrumental II 42. “Passāmi nann manasā cakkhun with my eye'. Similarly in SN IOos vissajessati', 'he will answer in words mano”. Cf. M I 19II “Ajjhattiko ce ... the internal mano is unbroken ... ” and me mano niccharati bahiddhā”, “(I have goes astray outside'. I have not foun
.I8 ܓ .

D INVESTIGATION
grasp than the other concepts dision, as inner sense, is the same as is
sychology.
bed as an instrument for knowledge ya”, “when he cognizes a phenosnerally found mentioned as one of S object, mano characteristically has th anupekkhati: “dhammann .......
the doctrine in mano'. In SN 834 to', 'thinking over the theories in
onscious processes.
)Ve, WC implied that miano has more hat justified ? By center we mean ging structure used as an instrument a certain type: a sense is a structure ls that can be interpreted by the epository of dhamma received from cannann indriyanann nanaivisayanam avisayam paccanubhontānam mano ayam paccanubhotīti” (M I I95). ge, different in field (= modality), h other, mano is the refuge (center?),
Manois, therefore, a coordinating saninstrument for recollecting past
center returns, for instance, in SN ā va”. “I see him with mano as manasā pucchite paīhe vācāya the questions you have asked in mano aparibhinno hoti ... ” “If S I I97 “... vanan pavițțho, atha :) gone into the forest, but my mano d any passage where mano is used

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with a clear process-meaning, but process-meaning could well be im seems to be personified and objecti nation” is not excluded. In all th mean “produced by the mano” or “ reality could be the same thing. Ti but I conclude that mano is primaril
3. Is mano an instrument ?
We have already quoted passa of ideation. As a matter of fact, the all other usages. It can be seen it pounds, e.g. manosankhara (activit mano), mano-Sucarita (good action l
There are, however, also indica Sabbaloke ca me mano nābhiramissa (A III 443). “My mano shall find 1 rise above every world'-'Haranti mānassa bhikkhuno” (M I I6) — “I who does not attain samadhi'.-'N nisedho manaso piyehi” (Dh 39o) “ he holds his mano back from the ple
In sum, the Word mano is used strumental to the purposes of other instrumental implications.
4. Functions of mano.
We have stressed that mano is c a predominantly instrumental functi of function more closely.
(a) Perception. In M III 2I6, are mentioned: Cakkhunā rūp upavicarati domanassațțhānīyann rūpam upavicarati; Sotena saddam yitvā—pe—; jivhāya rasann sāyitvā —pe—; manasā dhammann viñí upavicarati domanassațṭhānīyam| dh

' CEYLON REVIEW
there are very many contexts, where a plied. Mano in S I I97 just quoted, fied, but a meaning "thought", "imagi2 cases where manomaya is used, it may consisting of a mental image”, which in he question may be more or less artificial y thought of as an entity.
ges proving that mano is an instrumens instrumental meaning clearly dominatet | Some very frequently occurring comy of mano), mano-vitakka (thoughts of by means of mano).
tions of a more independent meaning.” ati, sabbalokā ca me mano vuțthahissati” no delight in any world; my mano shall maññe mano vanāni samādhinn alabhathink forests distract the mano of a monk Na brahmanass etad akinci Seyyo yada It is no slight benefit to a brahmin when asures of life'.
for some conscious agency, mainly inagencies, but sometimes used without
hiefly conceived as an inner center with on. We shall now investigate the areas
I 8 applications of mano (manopavicārā) um disvã somanassațțhāniyann rūpam rūpam upavicarati, upekhathānīyam sutvā—pe—; ghānena gandhann ghā —pe—; kāyena phoțțhabbanın pihusitvā iaya Somanassat thaniyanın dhammanpın lammann upavicarati upekhațțhānīyam
s
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dhammam upavicarati'. "Having see ences the form as (standing on-) neutral feeling. Having heard a soun smell with the nose, - having tasted a felt a touch the body, - having becom one experiences a mental state connect feeling.” Here, two functions of man of knowing or cognizing mental states, to above, and the function of receivin directly from the other senses. Acco all perception involves an immediate e of view: perception and feeling togeth v cara. In M I I9 it is stated that if th dhamma come in focus and there is an a priate part of viññāna will appear. (“Ta hoti bahira ca dhamma apathan agac evam tajassa vifiāņabhāgassa pātubhāv description of a perceptual process: if w a functioning Sense-organ is required; t and there must be proper contact (con impingement of the object on the se sensations are produced). The dhamma so it may be be used as a comprehensiv
(b) Attention. In S II 24 we find t manasi karotha bhasissamiti, 'listen, will speak. The phrase manasi-karoti attention, e.g. in the frequently found fo anvāya anuyogam anvāya appamād anvaya tatharipan ceto-samadhin ph vihitann pubbe nivāsam anussarati”, “b application, ofvigilance, of highest atte of mind that he, with concentrated citt in the past'. We may conclude tha connected with mano.
(c) Intelligence and thinking are al SN 834, 'Atha tvam pavitakkam agam "Then you started to speculate, reflect Mano is often combined with vitakka,
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D INVESTIGATION
in a form with the eye, one expericonnected with pleasure, ditress or d with the ear, - having smelt a flavour with the tongue, - having e conscious of a dhamma with mano, ed with pleasure, distress or neutral are clearly indicated: the function ideas and so on, which are referred g and experiencing the impressions rding to Buddhist way of thinking valuation from the individual point er belong therefore to the manopae internal mano is intact and external ppropriate contact, then the approto ... ajjhattiko ce mano aparibhinno chanti tajo ca samannaharo hoti, to hoti”). Thsi seems to be a good fe are to be conscious of something, his must be focussed on the object; tact probably refers to the physical nse-organ by which the primitive is in this case described as external; e term for all external stimuli.
he exhortation: 'sunatha sadhukam give your mano thoroughly, and I is used in many forms to express rmula: "ātappam anvāya padhānam am anvaya Samma-manasikaram usati yatha samahite citte anekay means of ardour, of exertion, of ntion, he attains such concentration a remembers his various existences t attention and concentration are
so clearly functions of mano. See ā, manasā ditthigatāni cintayanto ing on the views in your mano .
'reflective thought': 'ito samut

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țhāya manovitakkā ... Snehajā attas; thoughts of mano: born of love an quoted passage in SN IOOS gives a we would call a thought-process.
(d) Memory and ideation. Men as the "repository of the other se of ideational activity, memory mus In D II I76 it is said about a lady: “. "she was never, even with her ina body', and here evidently that typ referred to. The same imaginativ I97: "(I have) gone into the for A little more vague is an interesti dubbalathamakassa ten eva kayo ni niccan, mano hi me ... tena yutto body does not go there, but in m mano isjoined to him'. Saukappa thought-activity; mano could refer tional attachment. The word mai created by mano. “Puna ca paran yathā patipannã me sāvakã imaml rūpim manomayan sabbaņga-pa "And again, a method has been d which disciples of mine from this and made by mano, having all its 1 any sense. The origin of these in clear mental images: but it is evide pictures so created were believed t although without material body kayam upapanno, tassa evarüpo att dve va tini va Magadhikani gam. reborn in a body made by of man that it filled two or three Magadha
(e) Feelings and emotions
M III 2I6 was quoted above, and which proves that the feeling Cf. S V 74 “Manasā dhammann vii zing a pleasant phenomenon ...",

F CEYLON REVIEW
ambhita...' "hence spring the reflective darisen in self” (SI 207). The already n instance of mental questioning, which
hory is not directly attributed to mano, but nses (SV 2I8) and the center of all kinds it be very much involved in its activities. manasa pino aticări, kuto pana kayena”, no, unfaithful, how much less with the e of ideation that we call imagination is e function we have already met in S I est, but my mano goes astray outside”. ng passage in SN II44: 'Jinnassa me a paleti tattha, sankappayattaya vajami p'. Because I am old and feeble, my y intentions I always go there, for my is here used for the planning and longing to a daydreaming function or to emolomaya is frequently used about images ... akkhātā mayā sā vakānam pati padā, nā kāyā aññam kāyam abhinimminanti
Ccaņgim abhinindriyam”. (M II I7). escribed by me for disciples, practicing
body produce another body, with form major and minor parts, not deficient in lages was probably the ability to create nt from, for instance, A III I 22 that the have independent reality, filling space
“kālakato aññatarann manomayam abhavapatilabho hoti, Seyyatha pi nama kkhettani” ... 'when he died he was o, and the form that he took was such n village fields'.
where the 18 manopavicara were given s also were considered as felt by mano. íñāya manāpann ...”, “with mano cogniand 'Agati yattha Marassa, tattha me
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nirato mano”, “Out of reach of Mā “Padhānāya gamissāmi, ettha me rañj. exert myself, in this my mano deligil puññam pāpasminn ramati mano” (D good, his mano delights in evil'.
Even emotions are sometimes attr taro kali, yo Sugatesu manan padosa to make mano angry towards the ha kheyya” (Dh. 233) “let one be watchf tassa manan hoti” (Dh 96), “his mano
It is clear from these passages that irritated or calm.
(f) Needs, purposiveness and vill.
Dynamic traits are often attribut 275. “Puccha ... manqın panham yarım k ever question you wish in your mano” panidhi, ime ca satta itthattam agata' beings came there'. - D III IO3: " paụihitā, tathā imassa cittassa anantarã "Just as this good man's mano-activity thought of this citta'. – SN 228: Y mino Gotama — sāsanamhi ...” “T well with a firm mano to the discip desire .” – We also often find t D III 228) meaning “will” or “purpos
Mano is generally conceived as a content with passively receiving imp need only point to the frequent occu formed by mano, kāya and vācā: “P disā samaņa- brāhmaņā paccupathabl vaci-kammena, mettena mano-kamm. should a clansman minister to reclu friendly acts in behaviour, speech and samacaro bhavissati ..." (M. I. 272). fectly pure ...
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IC INVESTIGATION
ra my mano is pleased (S I I33). — ati manoʼ (SN 424). ʻI will go and hts jihanaʼ. — ʻdandhann hi karoto h II6), "If a man is slack in doing
ibuted to mano: “Ayam eva mahatye” (SN 659) **This is a greater sin:
ppy ones”, — “manopakopann raküul of irritation in manoʼ — ʻsantann is calm’.
mano can feel pleased or displeased,
red to mano. See, for instance, D II ifici manas ichasi, "Ask me vhat”. — D I I 8: “Iti mamañ ca mano, “So was my mano’s wish, and these Yatha imassa bhoto mano-samkhärä amum nãma vitakkam vitakkessati”, i is directed, so will he later direct the e suppayutā manasā daļhena nikkāThose who have applied themselves line of Gotama and are freed from he compound mano-Saficetana (e.g., iveness".
n active agency, not only as a sense, bressions and passing them on. We rrence of expressions for actions perañcahi thānehi kula-puttena uparimā pa: mettena kaya-kammena, 1116ett Cina Lena ...” (D III I9 I), “In five ways ses and brahmins as the Zenith: by mano ...” — “Parisuddho no mano
“Our conduct in mano shall be per

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We conclude, that active attitu leads us naturally over to the ques thoughts and acts of mano.
(g) Mano as moral agency
Mano can perform good and 1 manasa sucaritan care” (Dh. 233). of mano he should practise good acti duccaritam caritvā, vācāya duccarita (D III 96) “a khattiya who has led a In M I 373 it is said that a mano-kan works of body or speech. It follow only real evil and that it is attribute purpose and the activity of mano perh: mana-samkappo in M III 49: “V. mana-Sankappo: Ime satta hafija vinassantu vā mā ahesum vā ti, iti vi akusalā dhammā abhivaçddhanti ku malevolent in his citta, corrupt in 1 mano ?), and thinks: May these bei lated or destroyed, or may they not mano is followed, unskilled states of r decrease'.
5. Is mano personal ?
The answer to this question is
through the senses passes through in formed. There is also direct eviden and citta are interpreted in thought-r hariyam ? Idha ... ekacco nimitter te mano iti pi te cittan ti”. “And w In this case somebody can declare by Such and such is your mano. That i that mano must have Some interior directly about this matter.
6. The fate of mano.
Mano is described as changing dhamme ca uppajati manovifinana bhāvī; dhammā anicā vipariņāmi

CEYLON REVIEW
de is one of the aspects of mano. This tion of the moral implications of the
pad actions. "Manoduccaritam hitva,
"Having abadoned the bad actions ons with mano”. Khattiyo ... kāyena yn caritva, manasa duccaritann caritva. ... bad life in deed, word and mano ...' imam is more blamable if it is bad, than 's that the evil purpose is felt to be the ed to mano. This connection between aps lies behind the compound paduthavâpannacitto kho pana hoti paduţțhantu vā vajhantu vā ucchjantu vā a e Varupann ... man OsamaCaram Sevato Isala dhamma parihayanti.” "He is nano and intentions (or: intentions of ngs be killed or slaughtered or annihiexist at all'. If this kind of conduct of mind grow much, skilled States of mind
yes, because everything that comes in ano: it must therefore be individually ce. According to A I I7O, both mano eading: “Katamañ ca ... ādesanāpāțila adisati, evan pi te mano ittham pi hat is the marvel of thought-reading ? means of a sign: “Thus is your mano. s your citta''. From this follows also organisation, but nothing is ever said
; and ephemeral. Manafica paţicca m; mano anicco vipariņāmī aññathā
mo aññathābhāvino” (S IV 69). De
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pendent upon mano and mental States, m manent, changing, becoming somethin impermanent, changing, becoming sol "Tav eva pāpima mano tava dhammā nam; yattha ca kho pãpima natthi n samphassa-vifinanayatanam agati tava t. one belong (the senses and their object the field of consciousness created by co is no mano, no mental states, no field
with mano, there is no access for you, E mally subject to change and death, but mano by training (in Dh 96, it is saic manann hoti”, “his mano is calm”).
7. Can mano be influenced and train
There are many indications in the plays an important part in meditation. “May he practice restraint of mano”.- yadā nisedho manaso piyehi” (Dh 39o) when he holds his mano back from ple vijaññā, kaņhassa pakkho ti vinodaye nizes to be disturbance of mano, may Māra”. — We find that mano should b things and 'developed (mano-bhavan loping mano”, D III 36). But it is als snano from everything but only from n1Varaye; na mano sayatattam agatan mano nivāraye” (S I I4) “One should not when mano has attained self-cont restrain mano from that". Mano plays part: it has to do its work and then stay that mano attains liberation or that it su
Vinnāna
General characteristics.
Vipiiana is a more complex CO1CC this paper, and its unity has sometime test the hypothesis that it may have be we shall compare it with the other two same questions as we used earlier. passages suitable as corner-stones for a
* I8

INVESTIGATION
"ano-viññana ariseS. Mam0 is imperg different. The mental states are mething different”. — Cf. S I II6 tava mano-samphassa-vinfiāņāyataano natthi dhammā natthi manouttha pāpima ti”. “To you, O evil s and) mano, the mental states, and ntact with mano. But where there of consciousness created by contact vil One". – Mano is therefore northere is another possibility: to calm l about the arahant: "santam tassa
led ?
texts that nano is to be trained and “Manasā samvuto siyā” (Dh. 233). - "Na brahmanass etad akinci Seyyo "It is no slight benefit to a brahmin, asures”. — “Yad a vilattanqın manasOyya”. (SN 967) “What he recoghe drive that off as an associate of e concentrated, turned from outside yā bhikkhü, "monks who are deveto said, that one should not restrain
· what is evil: 'Na sabbato mano 1; yato yato Ca papakam, tato tato not restrain mano from everything: rol. Whatever is evil, one should in this respect a purely instrumental in the background. It is never said rvives death.
pt than the two others discussed in is been denied. Here we shall first en conceived as a unit. After that, concepts by confronting it with the We start by quoting some crucial coming definition:
9

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I. Kittāvatā nu kho viññānantasma vinianan-ti vuccati, ki-ca vij pi vijānāti, adukkham-asukhan-ti pi it is called viiiiana ?' 'It is called (viianati: discriminates, becomes aw notices pleasure, pain and neutral fee
(In a similar definition, S III 87, a nu
Viññāņa therefore definitely ha
2. This is further elaborated up “Cha viññāņa-kāyā. Cakkhu viññā viññāņaņm.” "(There are) six manifestations of win tactual and mental (belonging to the
Vinitiana is, therefore, awarenes senses (perceptual processes) or from
3. In S III IO3 viññāna (just ; dukkha viparinamadhamma, "impe and in the same Context a way of esc; nam) is mentioned. Vifinana is, t entity.
4. Through its inclusion in t and nātnia-rūpa (see e.g. S II 3 f), viññā itself a condition.
S. 'Vinnanaharo ayatim pun I 3 ''The type of food called winniana coming, of birth in the future'. V miSSatha, api nu kho nãmarũpam l (D II 63) `Were viññāna not to des nama-riipa arise therein 2'' (rhetorical
We can conclude that viiiana is agency in the Buddhist conception o

CEYLON REVIEW
-ti Vuccatiti. - Vijānāti Vijānātiti kho, ānāti: Sukhan-ti pi vijānāti, dukkhan-ti
vijanati (MI 292). "In what respect viiiriana because it notices, it notices rare). And what does it notice 2 It lingʼ.
mber of tastes are given as examples).
s something to do with consciousness.
on in numerous passages like D III 243: 1ņann, Sotaghāna-, jivhā-, kāya-, mano
fiana: visual, auditory, olfactory, sapid, inner sense).
s of inner processes coming from the memory (ideational processes).
as the other khandha) is called anicca 'rmanent, painful, liable to change', aping from viññāņa (viññāņassa nissaraherefore, certainly a process, not an
he paticcasanuppada, between sankhara ina is understood to be conditioned and
abhāvabhinibbattiyā paccayo.” (S II is the support (cause) of renewed beViññāņaņm ... mātu kucchinn na okkamātu kucchisminn samucchissathati ?” cend into the mother's womb, would question).
, in some way or other, the important
f rebirth.
ܕܠܼܲ>¬.
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6. In M I 256, the view is refut sandhāvati samsarati, anaññan-ti”, “this nothing else', by referring to what the pannann viññanann”, “viñana arises throl
Although viniana is the agency of 1 not some sort of permanent soul that mig ces (the View that viññāna is attā, i.e. a pe e.g. M III I 8).
The background
In order to visualize a concept like considerations in mind:
I. The universe as conceived by t laws. All individual life can be compal through time but without material unity, each working its way, and by means of i from he aspect of its ethical effectiveness, the individuals, at any chosen moment ( and although the ethics of Buddhism is closer to each other and dependent on in Western psychology: ethics is all-ir material diversity of the series of rebi transmit ethical resultants just as a wave ( types of matter and on its way change i matter and itself cause changes in the 1. called vinitiana,
2. We would expect that the idea shaped under the impression of certai would expect that certain mental content the function of kamma in an ethical uni foundation to the Buddhist doctrine of lil to form the concept of viniana. Obser
(a) the continuity of the conscious
ation)
(b) the inner causality, the experi which are felt to be causes of
Ys I9 I

INVESTIGATION
2d that "tad-ev' idan vihnanam
winniana itself runs on, fares on, Buddha had said, "paticcasamup1gh condition'.
ebirth, it is not itself reborn: it is rates through a number of existenmanent self, is frequently refuted,
this, we must keep the following
he Buddha is governed by ethical red with waves of energy running consisting of individual organisms, ts activity, which is always viewed forging its own future. Although of time, are considered as separate, not purely social, they are much each other than is commonly held mportant. The continuity in the rths must be something than can of energy can run through different ts form because of the momentary matter. This 'wave of energy' is
of an agency of rebirth would be in introspective observations. We is that seemed to indicate or explain verse and, at the same time, give a beration, would have been collected Vations of this type were maybe:
processes, (e.g. the laws of associ
2nce of inner force (drives, needs) factions,

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(c) the accumulating functio earlier experience, our c (d) the moral judge in conscic
it seem a universal law) (e) the inner freedom of imagi
(f) the possibility of stopping
An hypothesis
We formulate the hypothesis and empirical concept formed und type. If this is true, we would exp
a continually flowing proc 2. principally dynamic, exper principally conscious, but V most of the content is n rarely remembered; the be able to remember for transmitter of karmic effect
S. a free-moving force, not b with dreams and free im
6, an explanation of rebirth ir 7. a process that can be stoppe
The hypothesis tested
I. Is vinitiana a process p
We have already seen that win, the senses and that it is perishable, therefore certainly not conceived as 259, cakkhufica paticca rūpe ca up saņkham gacchati”, “if viññāna ari known as visual consciousness'. I stream: "purisassa cavifinanasotan loke patithitaica paraloke patitthita stream as uninterrupted at both end in the other world'. Here, viiinia through a string of existences, in ti the water-particles, which may be by some completely different type momentary form.

CEYLON REVIEW
of memory, the ability to recollect, ontinuous change,
ousness (of forgotten origin which makes making our actions seem good or bad,
ination in dreams and daydreams, the whole mental process.
that the concept of viriana is a unitary er the influence of observations of this rect viññāņa to be: ess (not a static structure), ienced as force,
with a subconscious component, because ot always present (former existences are act of rebirth is not conscious); it should mer existences,
ES, modifiable by experiences, ound in time and space (e.g., connected laginations),
terms of consciousness, d and thereby the whole karmic process.
fiana is produced through the work of changeable and conditioned. It was, static. This view is confirmed in M I paijate winnanan, Cakkuviinanan-t eva ises dependent on eye and forms it is in D III IOS, viññāna is compared to a pajanati ubhayato abbocchininam idhaifica', 'he understands a man's viiirianas and supported both in this world and ina is visualized as a stream flowing ime. What constitutes a stream is not endlessly rearranged and even replaced : of particles, but the energy and the
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There are other metaphorical desc suggest a more static structure. See e vifiāņaņ bījaņ taņhā sineho avijānīnam hīnāya dhātuyā viññāņam patițțhita the Seed, fanhã the moisture. Qf beings by tanha, vifinana gets support in low c changing, but still an entity. -- In a para and called the lord of the city (nagarasan for the viññāna of Godhika who had di and therefore his viniana was appatithi taken for granted that, had it not becn an entity and therefore an easy prey to N pulpit style, this should certainly not b emphatically stressed that khandha, of v at death; here winniana has been used as ci
2. Is wifinana dynamic
Иminana is not described as princ hypothesis no. 2. This follows already tion M. I. 292 and from passages like D cognitive and ideational function. Dyl found. In M III 226, pinanais given th In S III 9 f, viññāna is said to be rāgarūpadhātu, vedanādhātu, safinādhātu, an the home (oka) of vinnaga. This mu through viriana. Cf. S III IO3, "yo chandaragapahanan', 'the restraint of wish and desire which are in viiiriana', frontation of chandaraga with a counte tam upekkham abhinandato abhivadato viiħħalnam tad upadanam”. (M II 26s) approves of it and clings to it, viiiana i it'. Here the function of clinging is a viiiriana (and the other khandha) is given "connected with asava and upadana', w as concious, work through vinitiana. qualities: upadana means, (a) "attachn "fuel. Clinging naturally arises from Samuppada-series): this conscious attach means simply that if we want to live, we
I93

INVESTIGATION
riptions of visiniana which seem to g. A I 223: **kammann khettann "araņainn Sattanann taņhāsaņyojanām”. “Kamma is the field, viññāna that are hindered by avija, fettered onditions'. The secd is of course ble, S IV I 95, viññāna is personified ni). — In S I I 22, Māra is looking ed. But Godhika was parinibbuta, ta, i. e. “without Support”, but it is o, vinitiana would have survived as Mara. As belonging to the popular e taken too literally: usually it is which viiiiana is one, are dissolved ta is used in many similar contexts.
ipally dynamic, as demanded by from the above-mentioned definiIII 243, where it is given a purely namic traits can, however, also be e attribute anusari, 'striving after". vinibaddha ("tied with desire") to ld sankharadhatu, which are called st mean that raga is experienced o viññāņasminn chandarāgavinayo wish and desire, the removal of which probably refers to the conrforce within vinfiata. – “Tassa ajhosaya tit thato tan nissitam hoti
“If he rejoices in this equanimity, s dependent on it and grasps after ttributed to viññāna. In S III 47, the attributes 'sasava upadaniya', nich Could mean that these factors, Both are at least partly dynamic ent', 'clinging, (b) 'material', tanha (as is said in the paticcament is material for bhava; which shall go on living. Cf. SIN IO55:

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** viññāņam bhave na tițțhe”, “do 1 not affect a new birth by consciot in this context are the four ahara (f 26I: kabaliņkāra āhāra (material sancetana (mental striving), viiina tanha (ime cattaro ahara tanhani pabhava) and that their purpose is be, or to assist those seeking birth vesīnam vā anugahāya). They rebirth. S II 13 is more specific a function, while S II IOI treats the tanahā, by means of which "patitt ñāna is supported and becomes frui avakkanti' ('there is descent of na
The meaning is perhaps that t not really belonging to viniana. vinitiana: in that case we would fin
On the other hand, manosaice is distinguished from vinitiana, an processes outside viriana. In S I sankhara, and the close contact bet mented through the paticcasamu the use of abhisaṁkhāra in S III 53 ham amabhisańkhārañca vim uttan no growth, is without sankhara an vedanā, saññā, saṁkhāra and viññāna paccaya); so they are all parallel an
Safikhara has not been include refer to a study by Jayatilleke ('S pretation", UCR, vol. VII, 1949. sankhara is a dynamic concept, b activity", "dispositions", “vital im processes. If we need not imply and Sarikhara as complementary co. two together would satisfy our se seems to imply this interpretation is... that this part of the stream of sańkharas. ”

F CEYLON REVIEW
lot set your viiiana on bhava' i.e. 'do sly striving for it!" Of special interest pods, sustenances), mentioned e.g. in MI food), phassa (sensory contact), manona. It is said that they all arise from lānā taņhāsamudayā taņhājātikā taņhāto maintain creatures that have come to (bhūtānam vā sattānam hitiyā sambhaare, therefore, active in the process of ind mentions only viniana as having this m all as equally important: as targets of mitann tattha viññāņaņm virūļhann” (“viñtful’) and then "atthi tattha namarupassa me-and-shape'.
anha operates through viriana, although Tanha may become conscious through
active processes in viriana.
tana, which means "conscious striving, d therefore we must presuppose active II 6o, we find sañcetanā identificd with ween saṁkhāra and viññāna is Well docuppada-series. It can also be seen from f. “Tad-apatițțhitann viññāņann avirūļ'', "Without that support viriana has d is freed'. According to M III 279 f. arise because of phassa (mano-samphassald, at least partly, conscious.
'd for analysis in this study, but we can ome problems of translation and inter
p. 208-225), where it is shown that est described by words like “purposive ulse' and that it covers also subconscious a time-sequence but could treat viriana ncepts (this will be discussed below), the arch for a dynamic agency. Jayatilleke when he says that “... the probability Consciousness consisted of these dynamic
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3. Has viiiana a subconscious compo,
We have noted that winniana in prin. collect more evidence for this. But in c influence of kaijima, and the possibility t assumed an unconscious component in v It can, however, be seen from D III I 34, with recollection of former existences: Tathagatassa Satanusarivinfiamann hoti”, “ has viiiana reminiscent of existences'. component, we have found only one 65, two factors of importance for rebi ceteti yañ ca pakappeti yañca anuseti, thitiya, arammane sati patitha viññana and that which we intend and that which becomes a basis for a state (prevalence, is there, there will be a state of viiiana group of verbs is divided into two, and i are not necessary as basis for the state of ce ... ceteti no ce pakappeti atha Ce anus nassa thitiya, arammane sati patitha vi not will or intend, but there still is a do basis for a state of visiniana. If the basis pinnama'. As anuseti probably refers to tendencies and dispositions (the translatio this could be taken as a proof of the clos the unconscious.
The attempt to find an unconsciou been very successful. One explanation indistinctness of viiiiiana: the unconscio being expressed. Another explanation ma between vinniana and saikhara: as menti conscious component.
4. Is vinitiana the transmitter of karma
The karmic effects (the karmic me “AVija-gato yanm ... purisapuggalo pufir pufihupagan hoti vinfiamam. Apuhia1 apuiiiiiipagan hoti vinianam”. (S II 8. an act of merit, viiiana becomes pure ("
I9S

INVESTIGATION
lent ?
ciple is consciousness and need not rder to explain the continuity, the remember former existences, we initiana. This is rarely mentioned. that vinitiana is used in connection
“Atītam ... addhānann ārabbha concerning the past, the Tathagata Concerning a possible unconscious assage worth discussing. In S II rth are distinguished, 'Yanca ... rammanam etani hoti vinianassa ssa hoti”. "That which we will lies as dormant tendencies - this duration) of viiiriana. If the basis . A few lines further down, this t turns out that ceteti and pakappeti viiiana: an useti is sufficient: "No eti, ārammaụam etam hoti viññāfinanassa hoti”. “Even if we do rmant tendency - this becomes a j is there, there will be a state of unconscious, i.e. latent, processes: in of Woodward misses the point), e connection between vinitiana and
is component in vinitiana has not pould be the process-character and us aspects may be there without y be found in the close association oncd above, saṁkhāra has an un
P
mory) are connected to vinitiana. iam ce sańkhāram abhisańkharoti, m ce sañkharam abhisañkharoti, 2) "If an ignorant man performs acquires merit”). If he performs

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an act of demerit, viiiiana bec function is referred to when wif saikhara’, i.e. 'without accumul. under 6.
5. Is free ideation attributed to
Little is said in the Nikayas connected with vinitiana. We f viiiriana, 'the viiiana of the inner vifinātabbā dhammā, conscious of the inner sense'. An example is given in M I 293: "Nissatt manovinnancna kim neyyan-ti. - Suddhena manoviññāņena anantc anantann viññāņan-ti viññāņañcā nayatanan neyyam-ti'. "What inner sense, without use of the unlimited, the plane of unlimit "by itself” or "clear") viriana o sense-organs; thinking, Viriana viriana is knowable; thinking, "T ness is kuno Wable”. Here We fir without direct support from the is a function of vinitiana. This S III 68, where different types of indicates that the enumeration is viññāņainn atītānāgatapacCuppanna Sukhuman vā hīnam vā panītaņ viiiana whatever, be it past, futu gross or subtle, low or high, far if it were to mean the different ta rather than the changing consci past, ideas concerning the remote and so on.
We conclude that free menta our hypothesis is satisfied on this
6. Can visiana explain rebirt
Essential for rebirth are, acco. avijā, taņhā, and vifiāņa. "We

)F CEYLON REVIEW
Dmes inpure. The same transmitting iiiana is called anabhisaikhara, 'without ation of kamiina'. Sce further discussion
viiiiiата ? about dreams, but frce ideation is often ind, for instance, the expression natioSense”, see e.g. M III 32: “mano-viññāņaprocesses cognizable through the viiiana of what may be included in nano-piniana hena ... pañcahi indriychi parisuddhcna - Nissatthena ... paricahi indriyehi pari) ākāso ti ākāsānañcayatamann neyyann, yatanalıqlı incyyanqın, natthi kinciti akincanis knowable by purified viiiiiana of the five Sense-organs? --Thinking, Space is cd space is knowable by pure (meaning f the inner sense without use of the five is unlimited; the plane of unlimited here is nothing at all, the plane of emptild examples of purely conscious activity senses. Probably all such "frcc" activity interpretation seems to be confirmed in viiiana are enumerated (the formulation intended to be complete): “Yann kiñci am aihattan vā bahiddhā vā olārikaņ vā vā, yan dūre santike vā . Every Ire or present, be it in Ward or out Ward, or near ... This enumeration is strange ypes of vinitiana found in different people OuS COI) tents, e.g., ideas concerning the , concerning low things, external things,
I activity is a function of vicina and that point.
Iι 2
rding to A 223, already quoted, kanna, note the presence of the dynamic factor
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tanha here. More often, the three facto are said to constitute the mechanism of Sankhara corresponds to kamna in the fo
There is an affinity between kamina dāyādā sattā ti vadāmi” (M. I 39o), “I S For instance, a person who performs as thought is reborn in an aggressive worl there he is affected by aggressive phassa, arise (A II 22, M I 389).
The conscious wish for rebirth play process. One of the asava is bhavasava through viriana, and you can 'set vinian used in SN IO55 quoted above. In othe **Tassa evann hoti: Aho vatāhanm, kāya: mahāsālānann Sahavyatann uppajjeyyan cittam adhitthaiti tann cittann bhalveti; ta bhāvitā bahulikatā tatro uppattiyā sann\ pati padā tatri uppatiyā saņvattati. ( "O that at the breaking up of the body panionship with the nobles. This citta and develops it. These aspirations (sa. developed thus, Zealously practiced, con way, this is the course that conduces t passage in D III 258 and D I 2O, both a person may also bear fruit in this life: Ang was a robber who became an arahant. severely wounded by sticks and stones t Buddha explained it as a fruit of his kami
Rebirth is to Buddhism not a met: fact. An adequately trained person car even those of other persons. The gen probably common at the time of the Bud it functions according to strict ethical ru observed in the present life, where man and punishments. As the law of kamm through consciousness by means of affin manipulated. Consciousness was felt to
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INVESTIGATION
rs saikhara, viiiana and nama-riipa rebirth (cf. D II 63 quoted above). rinner enumeration.
and the next existence: "kamma ay: creatures are heirs to actions'. gressive acts of body, speech and d (savyapajjham lokalm uppajati):
and from them aggressive vedana
s an important part in the rebirth
This wish comes to expression a on becoming”, with the phrasing r cases, citta is used in this context: ssa bheda parammaranä khattiyati. So tanın cittann dahati, tanın ussa te saṁkhārā ca vihāro c’evann atanti. Ayam . naggO ayan M III 99 f). “It occurs to him: after dying I might arise in comhe holds fixed, firmly established, fikhara) and this insisting of his, duce to rebirth there. This is the rebirth there’. Cf. the similar already quoted. The actions of a ulimāla, for instance (M II 97-Ios) This did not save him from being hat were not aimed at him. The
li(1.
physical theory but an empirical recall his former existences and bral idea of mental causality was ldha, and he had only to stress that illes. Its functioning can often be y happenings seem to be rewards a is causal and moral and Works ities, it is well known and can be be the medium of this law, pro

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bably of the following reasons: (a) are, or can become, conscious. (. sciousness as good or bad (or, in (c) Consciousness is felt to change and of impressions from the outs to influence matter and transcend through training.
As wifinana is in its rebirth-as processes only, without much inn between the perceptual viiiana and positive reasons for not doing so: context is analyzed, it is done ac may not mean that viniana consists process may be seen from these contexts is analyzed into bodily, other contexts according to sens through ordinary sense-channels. connected with and influenced by conscious processes, said to cond directed through conscious wishe rebirth-wifinana has ceased. This II6: “Tavo eva pāpima mano tar nãyatanam. Yattha ca kho pāpima samphassa-vifinanayatanam agati One, is only mano, the mental cc through contact with mano (the o same way). But where none of Evil One.” — A person who ha: perception-viiinana and free from quite clearly considered as identica
Sometimes viiiiana is found t difficult to decide, whether the s e.g., M III 26O: “Na viññāņam vifinanam bhavissati'. "I will no viiiana dependent on viiiana'. cognitive factors and the other k. form of viriana dependent on co in its rebirth-aspect is intended, as

F CEYLON REVIEW
The actions (behaviour, speech, thoughts) 5) They are automatically judged in connore scientifically, as kusala or akusala). through the influence of dynamic factors, ide. (d) Consciousness is felt to be able matter, (e) Consciousness can be changed
pect felt to be empirical and to consist of er unity, there is no reason to distinguish rebirth-winniana. These are the following (a) When viiiiana in paticcasamuppadaccording to sense-fields (S II 3 f). This of these parts, but only that any conscious aspects. (b) Sankhara, which in some verbal and mental activity (S II 3 f), in e-fields (S III 6o), can influence viññāna
(c) As we have already seen, viiiana is tpadana and tanha which are both ordinary ition rebirth. (d) Rebirth can partly be S as described above. (e) In nibbana the is expressed in the following way in S I va dhammā tava mano-samphassa-vifiānatthi mano natthi dhammā natthi manotava tattha papima ti”, “Yours, O Evil ontent and the field of winniana produced ther sense-fields mentioned before in the them exist, there is no access for you, s attained nibbana is therefore free from Māra. So the two types of vifiāna are
l.
wice in the same context, and it may be ame meaning is intended or not. See, upadiyissami, na ca me viññananissitan tgrasp after viiiriana and so will have no The same is said about a large number of handha. That is, to say, that there is a gnitive processes, and probably viniana the context deals with meditation. As
ܢ ܟܝ
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the factors mentioned are mostly per mystery about them, rebirth-winnana pr sciousness. It Woud be strange to m viiiiiana could arise from the cognitive similar conscious processes.
This explanation can apply also t viññane chandaragavinayo chandaragap (M III I 8). “The removal and rejectic an escape from viiiana'. The rebirth second place. But a simpler explanatic viiiiiana (in all aspects) (just as the other The same idea is more elaborately exp ..., Vedanāya dhātuyā ..., Saññādhātuyā dhâtuyâ ce ... bhikkhuno rago pahin rammanan patigha virinanassa na hot perception, activities and viiiana be abar ment of desire its foothold is cut off, an This could mean that through freedom (together with the other khandha), viii. support and - as the text continues - kamma-accumulations) and parinibhayat interesting attempt to connect the khandl series.
A way of attaining this cessation
the khandha-context and its paticcasamu in D 223, where it is asked where t answer is: 'Viffianam anidassanam a ca pathavi tejo vayo na gãqhati. Etth subhāsubham. Ettha nāmañ ca rūpañ nirodhena etth” etann uparujjhati”. “V” drawing back from everything. Here long and short, fine and coarse, pleasa Here nama and ripa are destroyed w wiîîîîiana all this also ceases to be’’. Ac nassa nirodha means nibbana. In the fi seems to be intended (the limitless viii. experienced. This practice may end is, rebirth-viiiiana is made to cease by viiiana - because they are identical).
I99

D INVESTIGATION
ceptions and ideas without much obably also simply is ordinary conlaintain, e.g., that a metaphysical viiiana: they must both consist of
o passages as the following. "Yo ahānam, idam vinfiāņenissaraņam on of need and desire for viiiiana is -aspect is probably intended in the on is that it is possible to get rid of khandha) simply by not needing it. ressed in S III 53: “(Rūpadhātuyā ., Sankhāradhātuyā..) Vifiāņao hoti, ragassa pahana vacchijjatati”. “If desire for (body, feeling, doned by a monk, by that abandond there is no support for winnina.” from the sense-perception-viiiana ana (in its rebirth-aspect) is without becomes anabhisankhara (free from ti (attains parinibbāna). This is an a-series with the paticcasamuppada
of viiiriana (with reference both to ppada-context) is perhaps hinted at he elements find no footing. The nantam sabbato pahann. Ettha āpo a dīghañ ca rassañ ca anunn thūlam ca asesann uparujjhati. Viññāņassa
: earth, water, fire, and wind, and nt and unpleasant find no footing. ithout trace. By the cessation of cording to the commentary viññārst line a special level of meditation iana, where no specified objects are up in the cessation of viriana: that means of emptying the empirical

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7. Can viniana be stopped ?
Because of its prominent part a central concept in the process of bhoti, Sabbam viññana-paccaya (SI consequence of vinitiana: A wa to calm wirifiana: ''Etam adinav vihanupasama bhikkhu nicchat ing this evil consequence that suffe calming viriana is free from desire viññane avikkhitte avisate sati tassato äyatim jätljarämarana-duk III 223). “If viññāna is undistrac internally, then for him who thus no origin or rise of the suffering co The calming of viriana is here c
grasping.
In other contexts, the frequent is used: 'Ajjhattan ca bahiddha ( carato viññanam uparujjhatiʼ (SN and outwardly does not delight in thus lives mindful, viiiana ceases'. maņā vā evam vifiāņam abhifiā evann viññāņanirodhann abhiññāya padann abhiññāya viññāņassa nibbi suvimuuttā.” (S III 6T) “Moreove: thus fully understanding viriana, it to its ceasing by the disgust, at b wifinana are liberated without gras pointed out in connection with DI contradiction between calming and
In, for instance, S III 6 I and M is indicated: the noble eightfold we vifiāņanirodhagāminī pati padā). the exercises belonging to samadhi, See, for instance, M I 293, referre levels of meditation are attributed t of unlimited viniana and of emptir plete description of the different lev

CEYLON REVIEW
in the mechanism of rebirth, viiiniina is liberation. “Yann kiñci dukkhanm samN 734), "Whatever pain arises, is all in y to become free from suffering is ann ñatvā dukkhann viññāņapaccayā” o parinibbuto” (SN 735). “ Knowring is born of vinitiana, the monk after and attains parinibbāna”. — “Bahiddhā
ajjhattam asaņțhite, anupādāya aparikhasamudaya-sambhavo na hoti” (M ted and unbound externally and free does not crave and grasp, there will be nnected with birth, old age and death'. lescribed as freeing from craving and
tly occurring word nirodha, 'cessation', a vedanann nabhinandato, evam satassa II II). "For him who both inwardly wedana (sensation, feeling), for him who - “Ye Ca kho keci ... Samanã vã brahya evann viññāņasamudayann abhiññāya a evam viññana-nirodhagaminim patiidā virāgā nirodhā anupādā viimuttā te r, whatsoever recluses or brahmins, by s arising, its ceasing and the way leading y the fading out of, by the ceasing of ping, - they are truly liberated'. As 223, there may not be any fundamental cessation.
I 53, the way to the cessation of viiiana y ('Ayam eva ariyo atthangiko maggo Most important in this connection are where viriana frequently is mentioned d to above, where three of the higher to viiiiana: the level of unlimited space, less. We find frequently a more comrels, where however the experiences are
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said to be achieved by means of sania.
that separate ideas first are gradually ex with the cognitive ideas: feelings remain of equanimity; by expelling all cognit possible to visualize the empty and ii Sabbaso rūpasafifiānam samatikkamā pat saññāņainn amanasi-kārā ‘ananto ākāso viharati', “the monk, by passing beyond an end to Sense-reaction, by paying no a thinks: "The space is infinite', and mental state of infinite space.) This abstract and contentless by being direct alization of consciousness (always: viii. tion between internal and external has ākāsānañcayatanann samatikkamma ana nann upasampajja viharati”, “the monk,
state of infinite space thinks: 'consciousn remains in the mental state of infinite tries to get rid also of the visualization
experience that neither this endless con he is then above both objects and their na (D I I84: “bhikkhu sabbaso vinnanaic kificīti ākificafiāyatanam upasampaja quite beyond the mental state of infin exists, and reaches up to and remains in The normal function of consciousness, and symbols, is now nearly thrown out which is so vague it is nearly no inforn whole consciousness. Through its ver abolishing itself, and with it, conscious This is what happens in the next stag perception-nor-non-perception (S IV samāpannassa. ākiñcaññāyatanasaññā nir tained the mental state of neither-p consciousness of nothingness has ceased"
“So kho aham Ảnanda aparena saññāyatanann Samatikkamma saññā viharāmi, palifiāya ca ne disvā āsavā 448). "And presently, Ananda, passin
飙 2. OI

INVESTIGATION
To sum up the sequence, we find pelled from consciousness, starting but give way to a general experience ive ideas of separate objects, it is nfinite space. (D I I83: bhikkhu igha-safifiāņam atthagamā nānatati ākāsānaīcāyatanam upasampaja the perception of form, by putting attention to perceptions of diversity reaches up to and remains in the experience is then made still more ed invards and changed to a visuina) as infinite. Here, the distincgone (D I I83 f: “bhikkhu sabbaso Lintann viññāņan’ti viññāņañcāyataby passing quite beyond the mental ess is infinite and reaches up to and consciousness'). Then the monk of viiiana and replaces it with the sciousness nor anything else exists: mes and visualizes endless emptiness āyatanann samatikkamma ’na’atthi viharati', “the monk, by passing ite consciousness, thinks: 'nothing the mental state of nothingness'). to present information in images of gear by letting one single image, nation at all ("nothing is"), fill the y vagueness, the image is close to less in the ordinary sense also goes. e, a transitional stage of neither
2I7: “nevasaññānāsaññāyatanann 'uddha hoti”, “when one has aterception-nor-non-perception, the '). Then the summit is reached:
samayena sabbaso nevasafiānāvedayitanirodham upasampaja parikkhayam agamannsu.” (A IV
2, wholly beyond the mental state

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of neither-perception-nor-non-perc cessation of perception and feeling a were completely destroyed".
The last passage describes a stat day consciousness does not function special interest to note, that this ex by the knowledge that asava are d person has attained nibbana.
This passage may be compared
discussed already. It is said that wh all the sense data has been stoppedAnd the whole passage is summar kho me ... jãnato evam passato in anupadaya asavehicittan vimutan
respect of these six internal and exte is freed from the asava without gre ration is put in direct connection sense-viiiiiana: liberation is attained
So far, it seems that saffiaved. nirodha. There is nothing impossi ness (in the ordinary sense) certainly tation, and when consciousness goe the feeling of pain must also go. saññā and vedanā: “Yā ca ... vec dhammā samsatihā no visamsathā vinibbhujitvā vinibbhujitvā nānāka which is feeling and that which is these states are related, not unrelate difference between these states, har
According to D III 228 (to he di depends on sainia.
In M I 296, a dead man is co saññāvedayitanirodha:
(a) The living body has:
äyu, vitality usma, heat Vififlama.

CEYLON REVIEW
eption, I entered and abode in the nd I saw by wisdom that the obsessions
e of trance where the ordinary, every(further description follows). It is of perience here is said to be accompanied astroyed. This usually means that the
with M III 32, a part of which has been hen the desire (tanha, annong others) for - 'then I know that my citta is freed'. ized in the following words: “Evam nesu chasu ajjhattikabāhiresu āyatanesu ti”. “So, as I know thus and See thus in rnal Sense-fields, I can Say that my citta usping”. Here, the experience of libewith the facts of sense-perception and by stopping the need for them.
ayitanirodha is identical with visiianable in that interpretation, as consciousis made to stop in the summit of medis, the desires that work through it, and
Viniiiana is sometimes identified with lana ya ca Safia yatica vififianam ime i, na ca labbhā imesann dhammānam ranana parifiapetum' (MI 293). "That perception and that which is vinitiana - 'd, and it is not possible to lay down a ving analyzed them again and again'.
scussed later), on the other hand, viiiana
mpared with a man who has attained
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(b) In the dead body:
kayasañkhåra niruddha, bodil vacisahkhara niruddha, verbal cittasańkhārā niruddhā, menta ayu parikkhino, the vitality is usma vipasanta, the heat is ca indriyani viparibhinnani, the s
(c) In the person who has attained kayasañkhåra niruddha, bodil vacisankhara niruddha, verbal cittasaṁkhārā niruddhā, menta āvu aparikkhīņo, the vitality i usma avipasanta, the heat is n indriyāni vippasannani, the sei We find that the question about expression “indriyāni vippasannãnio se of fine and accurate perceptions have it would, strictly speaking, follow fron that viiiiana also has ceased.
From this discussion, the conclu vedayitanirodha could be identified wi some sort of unconsciousness. The saf duration, and it does not seem to has levels below this have been highly esti of desires and worries (dissolve them, sense-objects of their interest. The ic ness permanently free from attribut conscience would stop working (Dh aware of any karmic consequences of h
A systematic summary
We shall now try to define virifia used earlier in this paper.
I. Is wififiana consciousness P
We have already quoted evidenc D III 243). There is small evidence foi
2O:

C INVESTIGATION
y action has ceased activity has ceased lactivity has ceased
destroyed
ilmed tense-functions are broken asunder.
il saññāvedayitanirodha: y action has ceased activity has ceased lactivity has ceased
s not destroyed
ot calmed
Inse functions are purified. the fate of viniana is evaded. The
ams rather to imply that the chances
become better. On the other hand
m thé cessation of the three Sañkhara
sion cannot be drawn that saffiath nibbana and nibbana therefore be inavedayitanirodha is a state of short ve been much cultivated. But the Imated as workable means to get rid not 'repress' them) and to deprive leal was perhaps to make consciouses and limits (D I 223). So, even 267) and the monk would not be is acts.
na by asking the same questions as
e for a positive answer (M 292, an unconscious component (SII 65).

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2. Is vinitiana an entity ?
It is possible to find passages, e.g which could favour an entity-theor in process-terms. It arises as a prod ati viññanam, cakkhuviññanqan-tʼev viiiana arises dependent on eye an so on for the other senses. It depen răpi ..., ida.ă ca pana me viîifiânan 76). "This body of mine has form bound up, on that does it depend'. on conditions: "Sankharasamuday viñńāņanirodho, ayam-eva ariyo gamini pagipada' (M. I 53), "From from the stopping of activities, viiina. wifinana stops; the way leading to
eightfold path'.
3. Is virifiina an instrument P
When viriana is described in p is usually not pointed out. Howev of "making things known to the p is said quite clearly in M III 242: parisuddhann pariyodātam, tena vii vijānāti; dukkhan ti pi vijānāti; aduk upon viiiana alone will be left whi wifinana he knows something: he be aware of pain and he becomes awar
4. Functions of vinitiana
(a) Perception. Vijiriana has a are classified according to senses. In itis not possible to lay down any dif ñāna. According to D II 338, the bc the senses and become aware of m dhammam vijanati), only ifit has li distinction is made between (need viññāņe, cakkhuviññāņa-viññātabbe “manas minn ... dhamme manoviħiħa mesu'. "Eye, form, visual viiiiana,

CEYLON REVIEW
S IV L95 and S I T22, already quoted, , but in general, viiiana is described Ict: 'cakkhuifica paticca ruipe Ca uppaja sańkhann gacchati” (M I 259), “if forms, it is called eye-viiiana'; and ls on the body: “Ayam kho me kãyo ettha sitann ettha pațiibaddham” (D I ...; and therein is this virifiana of mine It appears and disappears depending ā viifiāņa samudayo, saņkhāranirodhā athangiko maggo vinnana-nirodha the arising of activities viiiana arises; a stops; from the stopping of activities, the stopping of vinitiana is this noble
rocess-terms, an instrumental function er, as consciousness, it has the function erson (MI 292, quoted above). This “ Athaparanqın viminananı yeva avasissati
ññāņena kiñci jānāti. — Sukhan ti pi
kkham-asukhan ti pi vijānāti”, “Therech is quite pure and clean. With that comes aware of pleasure, he becomes e of neutral feeling.'
perceptive function and its processes MI293, quoted above, it is stated that ference between vedana, satiria and viiidy (kaya) can perceive things through ental states through miano (manasa pi fe, heat and vinitiana. - In M III 32, a for) "cakkhusmin ..., rupe, cakkhusu dhammesu” and so on down to ņe manoviññāņa-viññātabbesu dhamdeas cognizable through visual viiidina
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тато, idса, тато-viiiiidта, ideas What is meant here is probably:
For the five senses:
SCIn Se-Organ object, stimulus perceptual images
mental images
To every sense-ficla belong dhamma,
- 99. experienced and "understood" throug dhanna, constituting the field also of images belonging to the senses; they instance, in thinking) by mano viññāna; mamely the images produced in mem referred to here as manovifinanavifhat
Sainia and vedana could perhaps be although by vinitiana is understood mai process: the resulting images and ide understanding and manipulating funct from the y cal objects than the two othe as especially concerned with the in thinking. It is doing the basic work but is, according to modern ways of vir as it is working with material that has one form or another or formed in the
Further Support for the view tha sainia and vedana is provided by the fe are mentioned the four supports of vi, vā ... vifiāņam tithamānam titha nandupavesanam vuddhim virülhim ví supported by means of saria, with sa it attains to happiness, growth, increa 9 f, rūpadhātu, vedanādhātu, saññādhi 'home of viiiana. - It should on t saññā often is used for “higher” menta
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C INVESTIGATION
cognizable through mano-viiiana'.
For titatio:
the inner sense ideas, mental images conscious manipulation, (Cf. M I
293) images of memory, imagination, etc.
i.e. mental images, which can be gh the viiiana of that field, and, as mano. Mano reccives the perceptual are interpreted and manipulated (for but mano has also dhami nā of its own, ory and imagination; these may be abba dhamma.
2 called part-functions of viiiana, inly the end-product of the perceptual as, and has perhaps an interpreting, ion. It is therefore further removed dr functions. Mano is here described lageS of memory, imagination and for viiiana, just as the other senses, ewing these matters, on a higher level probably already becn conscious in "subconscious'.
ut viññāna is in Some way based on llowing two passages. In D III 228 iniana, among them: "Saffilipayam ti saññārammaņaņm saññāpatitthann pullam apajati". "Viana is firmly inia as object, with sainia as Support, Se and full development”. In S III itu and sańkhāradhātu are called the he other hand not be forgotten that l functions than perception.

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This view about sainia and viii E. R. Sarathchandra, “Buddhist psyc is said; "In the Nikaya formulas of after viiinana, and ... we might inf process ...” (p. I6). He bases this v rupe ca uppajati cakkhuvifinanam, vedanā, yanın vedeti tanın sanjānāti, ya on the eye and forms arises visual p is contact, dependent on contact is one recognizes and what one recog sequence were implied here, saific Professor Jayatilleke has pointed ou ledge', London, 1963, p. 43s f), ve to occur simultaneously with phass keti” can be taken as an appositio explaining the whole viiiana-proces
(b) Higher intellectual functions
Attention is not usually attribu function it can be disturbed. ”Ta. yathā yathā upaparikkhato bahidd avisațam ajjhattam asaņțhitam an maranadukkhaSamudayasambhavo r investigate (things) in such a way th scattered and rambling externally a And without grasping, as he is with the future of Suffering resulting fr is referred to here, is not so perception but in Connection within is often attributed to viññāna, as alre: to memory, it is said that viññāna rei but viiiana does not operate throug
(c) Feelings and emotions We have already shown that M I 292). Emotions are never men
(d) Dynamic and moral traits
We refer to a previous discussi extent has a dynamic side. It is rar moral side of man's behaviour.

CEYLON REVIEW
fiana does not agree with a passage in :hology of perception' (1958), where it sense-perception sainia is said to occur er that sanna meant a later stage in the riew on M I III f: “cakkhuň ca pațicca
tiņņam saigati phasso, phassapaccayā m saijanati tam vitakketi”. ”Dependent erception, the concurrence of the three feeling (and sensation), what one feels nizes one thinks about'. If a temporal i would come after viiiiiana. But as it ("Early Buddhist Theory of Knowdana, sainia and vitakka could be meant a. Grammatically, "tinnam ... vitakinal expansion of 'cakkhuvinianan',
S.
ited to viiiiana, but as every conscious tha tatha ... bhikkhu upaparikkheyya, hā cassa viññāņann avikkhittann hoti upādāya aparitassato āyatiņ jātijarāna hoti”. (I 93 f). "A monk should at his 'ifinana, as he investigates, is not nd also not unconcentrated internally. out craving, there shall be no arising in om birth, old age and death”. What much attention in connection with tellection. This free ideational activity ndy mentioned (M I 293, S III 68), As members former existences (D III I 34), h the ordinary memory.
eelings belong to viññāņa (M III 242, tioned in connection with viiiana.
on which shows that viriana to some ely mentioned in connection with the
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5. Is wifinana personal P
Viiriana must be personal as so gree person is contained in it. It is also somet personified to some sort of personality (s Usually it is stressed that winniana shou na viññāņam attato samanupassati, na vā viñamāņainn, na viññāņasminn vā attā regard viiiana as self, nor self as having self as in viññāna”. And S III 68: “ .. neso’ham’asmi na meso attāti evam et datthabbam'. 'All viniana must be th insight: "this is not mine; this is not I: th sation is of course effectively masked th sense-fields, and therefore its personal roughly as is done here. Still, the viii of birth is entirely personal.
6. Can viiiiiana be influenced or trait
As vinitiana has nothing to do with of man, it need not be trained in the s meditation, however, is much concerned seen, the purpose of these exercises is to processes, and then empty the internal this way, calmness and detachment can temporarily can be made to cease compl has been devised for this purpose.
Comparisons
Table I is a semantic differential of It is constructed as a quantitative rating ables which we have considered in this to the degree in which the concepts are
Column O: no trace of this attrit
with the concept, or, attribute is lacking.
, I : doubtful references ta nection with the conc
, 2: It is fairly certain th: the concept.
, 3: It is clearly and unequ this attribute.
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INVESTIGATION
it a part of the conscious life of the times - against the general trend-- S IV I 95, S I I22, as quoted above). ld not be identified with the self: viīriāņavantam vā attānan, nāttani nam”. (M III I 8) “He does not viiiiana, nor viiiana as in self, nor sabban viññanan netam mama tanın yathabhüitanı sammappannaya us regarded, as it really is, by right is is not my self”. Its inner organitrough its subdivision according to uniqueness can be denied as thoiana that is effective in the process
led ? emotions and the moral behaviour ame way as citta. The process of with vinitiana. As we have already stop and tranquilize the conscious space and break its limitations. In be effected. Finally, consciousness etely. A rich variation of methods
ered as a summary of our findings. scale: to the left We find the variwork, and the columns correspond cindowed with the attribute.
bute has been found in connection a clear statement is found that this
o the attribute are found in con
Cpt.
at the attribute can be ascribed to
ivocally stated that the concept has

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A rating-scale is meant to be reliable, so it must be clearly stated is involved in it. To make it casi 1ment (and perhaps make his own ra can be looked up in this paper.
In Some cases, a concept has clear statements for both can be f the concept itself. -
From the chart we find that or consisting of Conscious process the sense that they have many fi contradictions).
None of them corresponds to although both citta and viññana ar functions, essential for the person, , the ego). They are all more or physical aspects are mentioned in c seems to be more instrumental, m, than the other two: it is just given to be caused or conditioned: it see therefore given in birth; whether it is also doubtful.
As to the functions, the chart center for perception (to which al memory, and thinking, so far clearl and directive side, but engaged of which the original needs are less in and character; it is therefore impor
Citta is sensitive to informatio others. It can be made an instrum super-knowledge. But originally morally objectionable emotions a stability and purposive energy and moral behaviour than mano.
Viiriana is less active than the (and feeling) and ideation but plays tive processes. Except for its karı very little is said and in which pe part), it would have been simply a na

CEY LON REVIEW
exact and looks very quantitative and that a good deal of subjective judgement r for the reader to form his own judgetings), we append a few references which
been given two ratings, namely, when bund. There is then a contradiction in
ull our concepts are conscious (including s), changing, personal and complex (in unctions and are not described without
our concepts of personality and the ego, 2 very central concepts (i.e. have central and therefore close to identification with less empirical concepts, although metaonnection with vifiñana and citta. Mano ore like a center with defined functions , like the other senses, and is never said ms to be an organ like eyes and ears and can be changed or improved by training
gives a fairly clear picture. Mano is the so feeling belongs), attention, ideation, y a cognitive center. It has also an active ly in the higher directive processes, in portant than planning, consistency, Will tant as a moral agency.
in and can be developed more than the ent for thought processes and especially it is afflicted with all the primitive and ind selfish needs. It can be trained to plays then a more Central part in the
other two. It is engaged in perception no prominent part in the higher cognina-transmitting functions (about which rhaps sankhara plays a more important ame for perceptive and ideative processes.
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Chart II.
10
1.
12
13
14
15
16 ܥܢ* .
27
28
29
Entity
Process
Conscious
Subconscious
Active
Independent Surviving Changing
Caused
Instrument
Can be trained
Attains liberation
Personality
Self
Personal
Functions
Perception
Super-knowledge
Attention
Memory, ideation Intelligence, thought Feeling
Emotion
Needs, drives Will, purposiveness Activity, initiative Moral traits
The concept Empirical Complex
Central
SEMANTIC DIFEF
209

INVESTIGATION
ERENTIAL
(v)
c = citta,
sc8O v = viññāna
2 3
C ՈՈ
C. V.
C in W
V Ο ΥΥ1
C
C
C. V.
C V°
C. V.
C. V.
C
C
C in v
C h, V
V C
C
ΙΩ V
Οι IY.
11l V
C
V c
Ο ΙΙ
C I)
Ο ΙΥ1
C. 1. V7
Ο ΥΥ1 ν.
C. V.

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A. citta
В тато
UNIVERSITY Ol
References to
(1) M. I 341, D III 36. — (2 (4) S III 13. — (5) D III : (7) S V 370, U 37.- (8) S A III 437, A IV 422, MI I
— (14) A IV 34, M I 5ll,
125. - (17) D 77-84. - IV 402.—(21) M. III 145, S M I 36. — (24) D III 239 (26) M I 36, D III 237.
(1) M. I 295. — (2) s III 4 191, M I 272. — (6) A III (8) S IV 69. — (10) SIN 114 (16) M III 216, M I 191. — — (20) S IN 834. — (21) S NI I 18, D III 228. — (26) D.
C. υιήήάγια
(1) S IV 195, S I 122. — ( — (4) S IT 65. — (5) M. III S III 61, (S I 122), D III
(10) M. IIIIII 242. — (l1) M I S III 68. — (15 ) S I 122, 8 134.一(18)工93f.一(19) M III 242. — (23) S III 1 (27) M. I 292, (ID II 63).

CEYLON REVIEW
the semantic differential
) S V 418, M III 45. — (3) Dh 37, S IV 293 f. — 239, S I 39. — (6) M I 5 ll, A IV 34, S I 39. — -
HI 94, D II 299, A II 10. - (9) D II 299. -(10) 22. —(ll) ID I 77-84. — (12) S III 45, D II 81. D II 266. — (15) S I 178, ID I 213. — (16) S IV (18) A IV 422. — (19) M I 22. — (20) A I 9, A V 302-— (22) S III 16, D I 71. — (23) Dh 154, , A IV 39, D II 36. — (25) S I 39, A IV 34. —
6. — (3) D I 70, D III 242, SN 834. — (5) D III 443, M I 16, S I 197. — (7) S IV 69, S I 116. — 42, D III 176. — (ll) ID III 36. — (15) A I 170. — — (18) S III 24. — (19) S V 218, ID II 176, S I 197. V 74, MI III 216. — (22) Dh 96, Dh 233. — (24) D h 233, M I 373. — (28) M. III 216. —
2) M. I 259, S III 103. — (3) M I 292, D III 243. 226, MII 265. — (6) IM III 279 f. — (7) SN 1111, 105. — (8) S III 103. — (9) S II 3 f, M. I 256. — III 223, MI 293. — (12) S III 53. — (14) MI III 18, S III 65. — (16) S III 87, M III 32. — (17) D III s III 68, M I 293. — (20) I 93 f. — (21) M. I 292. 03, M II 265. — (25) M. III 226. — (26) S II 82

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A PSYCHOSEMANTIC
Relations
I. initiana forms part of both Saffa, sankhara, vifinana, and the pati is the factors constituting personality or seen. The latter is a similar but much logical factors, arranged in a sequence been called a causal nexus, but positive c sity is implied in paţicca. Therefore, tl as a series of correlative interdependel implied in some cases but in principle all The purpose of the series seems to have of dukkha (bhava, jāti, jarā-maraņa etc.) The starting point is sometimes said to it is usually stressed that dukkha can be el of these and the other factors.
A strict time-Sequence cannot have ments can be found, and an interdepe M. I. 26I, for instance, it is said 'cattaro tanhajatika taphapabhava', 'the four ty natiosaicetana and vinitiana belong) have - Source, thirst as birth, thirst as origin' tanha comes later than visiiana. And a āyatim punabhavābhinibbattiyā paccay is the condition of renewed becoming a that, the six sense-fields and contact at it is stated that nanariipa depends on viiin ripa. – In M. I 26 I We find the Sequen ņāhārā. — In S II 3 f, saṁkhāra is analyzec (of which the last-mentioned in S IV 293 – Nama is divided into vedana, sañña, ci result is, that vedana comes to be contair twice and phassa twice. The interpretatic ing to a previous existence is impossible, able in this life: nibbana is the cessation o the cessation of avija. But it is impossibl existence. It must be maintained that present avija: that is the condition for m clude that interdependence rather than a
* 2 II
lسے

INVESTIGATION
he khandha-Series: rūpa, vedanā, ccasamuppada-series. The former the aspects under which it may be more elaborate series of psychoof dependence. It has sometimes orrelation rather than causal neceshe series should primarily be taken ices: a time-Sequence is certainly ihe links may well be simultaneous. been to explain man's natural state and show a way to overconne it. be avija, sometimes viiiñana, and adicated by the cessation (nirodha)
peen intended, as different arrangeindence is sometimes stressed. In āhārā taņhānidānā taņhāsamudayā pes of provision (to which phassa, thirst as the provenance, thirst as
In the papiccasamuppada-series, ccording to S II I 3 **viññāņāhāro o', 'the consciousness-provision hd birth in the future': only after e mentioned. In D II 32 and 63 āna, which itself depends on nāmaCe phassa—vedanâ—tanhâ—viññâinto kaya-, vac- and citta-Sankhara is analyzed into sainia and vedana). etanā, phassa and manasikāra. The led three times in the series, sainia on of avija and sankhara as belongas it would make nibbana unattainf dukkha which is effected through e to eradicate the avija of a former the present dukkha depends on a aking them both cease. We constrict time-sequence was intended.

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UNIVERSITY C
Both the khandha-enumerati be seen as an analysis of personal are constructed for different pur principle. All the khandha can be pāda-Series as explained in S II 3 ff also in the khandha as viiiiiana is said In the following formulations tlh stressed: ”n atthi khandhadisa du khandhā”; “pațiccasaniuppannā "the origin of the five khandha is chandamūlakā” (M III I6), “thesi last quotation chanda is used for 'd from tanha which we find in the by loosing interest in the khandha ( (M I 49, “khandhānam bhedo ... i on the other hand, the cessation ( ariyo atthangiko mago rūpa-(v nirodhagām inī pati padā, this no sation of form (feeling, perception.
It is interesting to note that vi tanha, in other cases on Safikhara, factors in the paticCasamuppada-S dynamic counterpart to visiana w partly because we are reminded O. Consciousness has originated as vic,
2. It is a distinctive feature O 2I6), saññā (A III 4I3), phassa, ved analyzed, they always have been br (salayatanam). By breaking them be denied and their identification v never analyzed in this way. Tabl between the concepts treated in t (a) The general outline of the chart the crucial concepts are put in relati has already been discussed, it is saic senses, their objects, the perceptions in the dhamma), and further to mai the asava through the ending of
 

F CEYLON REVIEW
on and the paticCasamuppada-Series can ity. The emphasis is different, and they poses, but the contents are the same in found at least once in the paticCasanlupThe correlational aspect can be found | to depend on the other lehandhā (S III 55).
e common ground of the two series is ikkha' (Dh 202), "there is no pain like painc-upadanakhandha’ (M I 19I) ponditioned", "ime ... upadanakkhandha e khandha have desire as root'. In the 2sire', but its meaning is not far removed paticcasamuppada-series. Citta is freed M III 3o), that are dissolved only in death dam vuccati maranam). In S III 59-6I., of the khandhā is aimed at: “Ayam eva redanā-, sañā-, sańkhāra-, viññāņa-) ble eightfold path is the way to the ces
purposive activity, viiian).
firiana in some cases is said to depend on as these are the two active, dynamic eries, partly because we here find the hich itself is conceived as rather passive, f the current psychoanalytic theory that arious satisfactions of frustrated needs.
f the processes belonging to mano (M III anā, viññāna, tanhā (S II 3 F), that when oken up according to the Six Sense-fields up in this abstract way, their unity can with the self be prevented. Only citta is e 2 is an attempt to show the relations his paper. A few explanations follow. has been derived from M III 32, where on to each other. In this passage, which | that citta through tanha is bound to the and the perceptual images (also included no and its functions. Citta is freed from fanha. Therefore citta is placed to the
ܓ ܡ¬. 2I2  ̄ܐܟܠܬ

Page 215
“eugpagda
BÁesnUISe
A PSYCHOSEMANTIC
3)'essesuot; Uu US U概 -Rgų>{ədn\器 ügegụțA-euogų3}esseưetuop }eų pubā舞seu gų3seų puse? CDsesseưetuos J유니, 여3© 年+器 gų>{ɔdn\Q + → seủgụųỊA-840s || ~esseu’europ }seppesBoļOSseppes esseu’euros J gųx{odno| seửgụụỊA-nų>{x{eọesseureuropsedņInų>{>[80sedņa esseu’euros J(I
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INVESTIGATION
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Page 216
UNIVERSITY O.
right; connected by the adhesiv ideational functions which here a (b) To the extreme left we find th doubtful if the words ripa, Sadda, stimuli or the perceptual image th is sometimes translated by 'bod Guenther (op. cit. p. ISI) tries to av "Gestalt' for ripa. This is, howev is a subjective term meaning 'mel experienced form may not corres equally well be used for all sensehas been made, but the two conce sanne Words are used for both. II dhamnna, are called bāhirā, “exter] called ajjhattika, “internal” or “pe that cakkhuviriñana originates from the external objects are referred to. external and internal ripa is made rüpani passati...”. When a man ternal forms ...' The same distin rūpam atītānāgatapaccuppannam,
Sukhuman vā, hīnam vā paņītam form, past, future, present, intern excellent, far or near ... By all scious mental images in contrast to included in the paticCasamuppadainternal form, otherwise it could n logical viniana and not disappear ir
For the internal ripa, cakkhuv, term covers the feelings as well a Ve therefore need rūpa, sadda etc.
(c) In M I I91 it is said that the contact (samannahara, more often c fore to be placed between the two
(d) Dhamma are of two types: perceptual images produced throu tional dhamma consisting of memor imagination and thought. Mano :

FR CEYLON REVIEW
e tape of tanha to the perceptual and re subdivided according to sense fields. he physical stimuli. It sometimes seems etc., are meant to refer to the physical ley produce in the observer: ripa, e.g., ly', 'matter', sometimes by 'form'. oid the dualism by offering the translation Ver, not possible, as Gestalt in psychology ntal form, and is used to stress that the pond to the material form (it can also -fields). In the Nikayas, the distinction pts have not always been kept apart: the in M I (90 f, ripa, and so on, including hal', in contrast to the senses which are rsonal”. And when it in S IV 68 is Said cakkhu and ripa, there is no doubt that In D II IIO, a clear distinction between "Ajjhattam rüpasaññi eko bahiddhawho perceives forms internally, sees exiction is made in M I I 38 f: 'yam kinci ajhattan vā bahiddhā vā, oļārikam vā vā yap dūre santike vā ..., vhatever al or external, gross or subtle, mean or hattan the forms are referred to as conthe objects as physical facts. — The rūpa -Series (in namarupa) must refer to the ot be conditioned by the purely psycho
initiana may sometimes be used, but this ld may refer to non-perceptive images. in two places in our chart.
bre will be no perception without proper ralled phassa or samphassa): this is thererūpa, Sadda etc.
the perceptual dhamma, which are the gh the perceptual process, and the idealy images and new productions through is a center of both perception and free
se
2I4.

Page 217
A PSYCHOSEMANTIC
ideation, and it perceives, stores, and in Here, the sensations are given their feelir and vedanā may be functions of mano, ( enumeration of the I8 mano-upavicara (
(e) It is not possible to lay down a vicara and the processes of viriana: they it is also stated that no difference can be and vinnalna. For reasons already menti put to the right of the processes of mano.
(f) Citta is here not conceived as an but as an agency influenced by and no sometimes described as performing then general trend, expressed, for instance, asati rūpasminn (vedanāya, Saññāya, S virajjati vimuccati anupādāya āsavehi”. perversity in him, his citta turns away activities, vifinana) and is released by not khandha are clearly conceived as factors sometimes (e.g., S IV 293) called citta-sař
In as far as the process-meaning of viññāna, especially mano-viññāna, must b - activities, particularly the higher cognitiv
(g) We may note that all the five kh only kaya-Sankhara, "bodily behaviol behaviour', to which also thought-proc haviorism before Watson!) are not there. of this work to pursue the problem of r
and the khandha any further.
While all perceptive functions, mos most dynamic processes are included in human psyche are left outside. Of the inborn needs are mentioned: where shou actions ? Where is the will ? Where i are the channels through which the no And how could we fit in the rest of the further research can complete the picture
雲
2IS

INVESTIGATION
hanipulates both types of dhamma. g-tones, and therefore, both sainia as indicated in M III 279 f). The M1 III 2I6) has been followed here.
definite order between mano-upamay be more or less the same, and laid down between vedana, sainia, oned, viiiiana has, however, been
end-product of the other processes rmally interested in the activities 1. This is in agreement with the in S III 46: **thāmase parāmase aņkhāresu, vifihāņas min) citam As there is no more stubborn from form (feeling, perception, grasping at the asava. Here the outside citta. – Sañña and vedana khara, activities of citta'.
f citta is implied, the processes of e included, but also some special e processes and dynamic processes.
andha are mentioned in the chart;
த9 e - 66
ur”, and vaci-sańkhāra, “verbal
esses are counted (an extreme beIt is, however, outside the scope
elationships between our concepts
st ideative functions, feelings and the chart, many vital parts of the : dynamic traits only the natural ld we place motivations for good is the moral judge 2 And where rmal qualities influence viriana P paticcasamuppada-factors ? Only
RUNE. E. A. JOHANSSON

Page 218
The Language of a Eightee.
URING the Dutch rule o D local governments issued
which had to be obeyed an publications of this type were ca issued in Dutch, Sinhalese and Ta claimed at public places but also formation of the public and were is the reason why few plakkaats kaats issued by the Dutch governn Government Archives. The ear in the Government Archives is da
The Dutch were the first to e ments and therefore these plakka study of the history of the Tamil logical analysis of an early plakk Pielat2 who was sent as Special C of affairs in Ceylon in December
V
The orthographical peculiari 21C :-
I. The consonants are not d
2. The short vowel e and t dot which characterised t is absent. Similarly the of consonants with the sh
1. Jurriaanse, M. W.Catalogue of the Arc 1796, Ceylon Government Press, Colombo, 1
2. Memoir of Jacob Christiaan Pielat: Tr Printer, Colombo, 1905, page 16.

Tamil Plakkaat of the nth Century
f Ceylon (I658-1796), the central and proclamations, publications and orders d observed by the general public. Dutch lled “plakkaats”. These plakkaats were mil. They were not only read and prodisplayed at important places for the inliable to be torn off or destroyed. This have survived today. Some of the plaknent in Tamil are preserved in the Ceylon liest of the printed plakkaats preserved ed 6th August I742.
mploy the Tamil language in legal docuats are of exceptional importance to the language. A phonological and morphoat issued in the time of Jacob Christiaan
ommissioner to investigate into the state
I732, is made in this paper.
Writing
ties of the plakkaat under consideration
otted.
he long vowel e are written alike. The he short vowel e as written in this period dot which characterised the combination ort vowels e and o is also absent.
hives of the Dutch Central Government of Ceylon, 1640943, page 127.
anslated by Sophia Pieters, G. J. A. Skeen, Government
ܚܢܢ `
2І6

Page 219
THE LANGUAGE OF
There are some numerals writter way. 5 = one, d = two, b. = three, as D and twenty is written with t Hundred is Written as “m“. Seven h 'm' which is the sign for hundred. instances, the numbers are followed b g, GT IT ID (9 :m: antu 'the ye #, GT mT H. DIH, :m: āņțu “the у The Tamil word for day or date is " numerals. Dg; :m: tikati "eleventh day”. In the following instance, the ni coin. GüD: iraiyāl “fifty reals”.
There are some stylistic peculia “SE”, “ LLUIT?’ is written “ LIT. " L " L l, is w in Tamil is "Lost 5 Lil' and this is writtel
The following is the text of the I733. The place of issue is the Color
ஈநதியவில ஆலொசனைககு எ பொன இலங்கைததிவிற காரியங்க மாகிய யாக கொபபுக கிரீஸ்ததியாட னைத தலைவ மாா களும இதைக ச கெடகிற சகலமான பொகளுககு அறியபபணணுகிறதாவது.
இநத இலங்கைததிவிலெ ருெ மான பாதிரிமாருடையவும அநத
உணடுபணணுகிறதுககும உபதெச யவும உச சாயததை ப பலபல கடட ஞலெ நாங்கள ஆயககினை அவதார யிருக கையிலெயும இபபடிபபடட
சறறும அச சம இலலாமல அங்கு ருெமானுவெதததின சடங்குகளைச
யானவாகளுடைய பல பல பிள ஞானஸ்தானஞ சூடடி அனெகம உ னுவெதததுககுச சொததுககொள இனனந துணிகரமாக அசடடைபணி
2

A TAMIL PLAKKAAT
in Tamil characters in the following (5=five, a T = seven. Ten is written he sign for ten 'd' preceded by 'd'. undred is written by prefixing “GT” to Thousand is written as 'g'. In two y "antu', the word for year. ar I7Is
2ar I733' tikati'. It is also found preceded by day', did CD :m:tikati "twentyfifth umeral precedes the word for a certain
rities of the scribe. 'g' is written as ritten as " - . The word for month h as 'LiS'.
plakkaat which is dated 25th Pańkuni, mbo fort.
கஸ்த தெர ஒடுதஞரியவும கீாததிளே விசாரிக கிற துககு கொமெசாயிரு D அவா களும அவருடைய ஆலொசாண கிற அலலது வாசிக கிறதைக ம நனமைப பகுதியுணடாவதாக
மானுசமையப படிபபினையின விகட
வெதததைப படிபபிகAறதுககும மபணணபபடட மறறும் பெருடை -ளைப பததிரங்களைககொணடு முன Tங்களினுலெ தடைபணணி விலக கி
பாழாபபுப பணணுகிற மனு ஷா தமிங்குந திரிநது சொலலபபடட செயகிறதுகொணடும எங்கள குடிளைகளையுங் கடுககெனறவாகளையும் பாயங்களினுலெ அவா களை ருெ மாளுகிறது கொணடும நாள தொறும ாணிக கொணடு வருகிறதை நாளுககு
7

Page 220
UNIVERSITY OF
நாள நாங்கள அவசநதொஷமாக யால அதறகெதிரிடையாக எறக பணணிப பெலபபடுததுகிறது ந ஆகையால இநதக கடட பபத பணணுகிறதாவது இநத இலங்கை ளெ அடங்கின ருெ மானுசமையத எததனமையான வாகளெனருலு ம
வளபடககளை வெளளாடடிபயலக யெனருலும ருெமானு வெதததின அலலது அதறகுக கறபிககபபடடி வெளியரங்கமாகவென கிலும ரக சூடடுவிககபபடாது சொலலபபட கடுககெனறவாகளாகிய ஆடவாக அநதச சபையிலெ சொநது ஒனறித ஞானஸ்தானம பெறுகிறதுககுத த களுககு அததைபபொதுவிககவுமப த தீவிலெ எங்கள கடடளைகசூக
கூடங்களிலெ உவாததிமாருககுத வது இதறகு மெல இநதப பிற கார களை வயதிற பெரிய வாகளை வளட குதல தொமபுகளிலெ கிரீஸ் தத அதறகு மாருக எங்கள கடடளைக விகAற சகலருடையவும அபபடிபட சா டசியாகவும பதிfஞ மதிfஞவா களை அநத உவாததிமாா கள உட பாதிரிமாருககு எழுதிககொடுககெ இநதக கடடளைககெதிரிடையாக வி துவான இளைபபாறுதலைச சிதைவு கிறது மலலாமல முநதினமுறைககு முறைககுப பனனிரணடு வருஷதை வருஷததைககும விலங்குபொடடு வெலை செயகிறதுககுக காபபைக அவரவரெ சொலலபபடட ருெ ம களமாா ஞானிகள உபதெசிகள அல மறறும பொகளையும வெளியரங்கம லெ அகபபடுமபடிககுத தலைவ மாரு கிற முதலாளிமாருககும உளவு சொ 50 இறையால நனகொடையாகக
ளும பிற சிததம பணணுமல ரகசிய பாடு பணணு கிருெம இது தவிர 17

CEYLON REVIEW
5க கணடு மடடுக கடடியிருககிறபடி கனவெ மறுபடியும புதுககக கடடளை ாங்கள நல ல தெனறு கண்டொம திரங்கொணடு உறுதியாகக கடடளை த தீவிலெ எங்கள அரசாடசியுககுளதாரு மலலாத வா களும எப படி பபடட இனி மெல தங்களுடைய பிளளைகளை ளை அலலது வெறெ யாதொரு தரைா பாதிரிமாா ஞானிகள உபதெசிகள ருககிற மறறும பொகளைககொணடு சியமாகவென கிலும ஞானஸ்தானஞ ட ருெ மானுவெதமாயிருககிற இதை ளும ஸ்ததிறிசெனங்களுமானவாக ள ததுககொளஞமபடிககு அவா களாலெ Tங்களாகததானெ வநதாலும் அவாடாது ஆகையினுலெ இநத இலங்கைகீளான தமிழ சிங்களப பளளிகதிடடமாகக கடடளை பணணுகிறதா மாக ஞானஸ்தானம பெறற பிளளேபுககளை வெளளாடடி பயல களையா
வTகளாக எழுதவும படாது ஆணுல ளே மறுதது ஞானஸ்தானம சூடடுபடட பொகளுககும பிளளேகளுககுஞ கவும நினறவாகளுடையவும நாமங்னெதா னெ சங்கை பொநத எங்கள வணும இதலலாமல யாதொரு தன ரொதம பணணபபடடவனைப பொபணணுகிறவனுக எணணிக கொளஞ ஆறு வருஷததை ககும இரணடாதககு மூனருமுறைககு இருபததஞசு த தனனுடைய தீனுககு மாததிரம கு எறறுபபடும இது முகாநதிரமாக ானுவெதததின பாதிரிமாா குருகலது அதறகுக கறபிககபபடடிருககிற ாககி அபபடித தானெ எங்கள கையிககும அலலது அநதநதவூரிலெ யிருகலலபபடட அவரவரெ சகலருககும: கொடுதது அவா களுடைய நாமங்கபமாகவிருககுமெனறும வாாததைப15 ம: ஆணடு: தை மி: ம 11 ம
2直8
ܠ.

Page 221
THE LANGUAGE OF
திகதி எழுதிப பிற சிததம பணணின ருெமானுவெதததின சடங்குகளை நட ககும எபபடிக கொத தவனெனருலு ம ங்களை அலலது மறறும இடங்களை ஒ பபடாத படிககுத த டை பணணியிரு புதுபபிதது இது சகலமும நனழுக நீட இநதக கொடடையிலெ இருககபபட யவாகளுககும புறத தியிலெ கொட்ை தலைவமாாகளுககும பல தனமையிஞ துககுக கடூரமாகக கடடளை பணணு பபடட பெஸ் ககால அவா கள எங்க ளேககெதிரிடையாக மீறுதல செயயப டனெ வழக காட வெனடியது ஆ குடியான வாகளுடைய நன ைம ப 1 கணடொம இபபடி முகித துப பிற ம: ஆணடு பங்குனி மி: 25 ம: திக
சிஞஞொா கொமெசாயிருவாகி பீலாத அவா களா லெ கையெழுதது சிவதத அரகசினுலெ கொமபஞஞரீயல் ரு கெ மெலா லெ சொலலபபடட ெ ஆலொசனைத தலைவமாாகளுடையவு செககடததாரி அவா களாலெயுங் ை ததுடனெ.
Transla
Be it known in the good interests hear this being read out that this is a Pielat, Extraordinary Councillor of I to investigate into the state of affairs in His Chief Councillors.
We have noted with displeasure over the territory of persons who work ceremonies of the said Roman Catho and grown ups of our subjects after bar faith through many cunning devices, many proclamations, forbidden with
2T 9

TAMIL PLAKKAAT
பல ககாததிலெ சொலலபபடட பபிககிறதுககுச சபை கூடாதபடிதனனுடைய வீடுகளைத தொடடருதனுகிலும அதறகுக கொடுககக கிறதை இதை க கொண டு சிதது நிலைகொணடிருககுமபடிககு ட பெஸ்ககால வாகளுககுந திசைடத தலங்களிலெயிருககிற மறறுந அலுங் கூாமையாக விசாரிக கிறகிருெம அநத பபடிககுச சொலலள தெவையான மெலான கடடபடடவனுககெதிரியாக ஞாயதது கையால இது சகலமும எங்கள பகுதிககு நலலதெனறு நாங்கள சிததமாக கினது நாங்கள 1733: தி: கொழும பிற கொடடையிலெ
ய யாக கொபபுக கிரீஸ் த தியா ம ம வைபடடு அதின பககததிலெ பில முத திரையும வைதது அதினகாமெசாயிரு அவா களுடையவும ம கடடளைபபடிககு றுாலநகாவு கையெழுதது வைபடட பல ககா
சரிபாததது
tion
of all concerned who either see or
proclamation of Jacob Christiaan dia and Commissioner appointed the famous Island of Ceylon and of
the roaming without any fear all destruction in this way, performing ic faith, admitting many children tizing them to the Roman Catholic hough we had previously through severe punishments and fines the

Page 222
UNIVERSITY OF
efforts of the monstrous priests of th preach and propagate that religion consider it best to issue a fresh pro offences. Therefore by this procla the Roman Catholic religion or ( position they may be in this island adopted children, offsprings of thei publicly or secretly hereafter by RC chists or others who are trained to women not belonging to the said
selves to be baptized by them, wi becoming one among them, they
Hence, we sternly order the teach of this island of Ceylon, who are
Christians in the Tombos, the childr and the offsprings of their maidbaptized in this fashion. Those te writing to our most venerated priest of our orders get themselves baptize persons and children and of others
Besides, anyOne who commits an ol only be considered as having been will be manacled in chains for six y years on the second conviction and the Cape to work only for his meals of this, everyone should make kn monks and catechists of the said RC trained in it. If by such means, inf by us is given to the Dessave or the all such informants will be entitled t being kept secret will also be guar moning of people for purposes of ceremonies, allowing the use of hi may be, were all forbidden by the p day of the month of Tai in the y enacted in this proclamation. We of this fort and other Dessaves offo observance ofall these rules so that t The said Fiscal should justly prosect laws as laid down by us. Therefor to the good interests of our subjects.

CEYLON REVIEW
e Roman Catholic faith and others who in this island of Ceylon, and now we slamation to counteract effectively such mation, we firmly order that those of ther faiths whoever and in whatever of Ceylon, not to have their children, I maid-servants, or any others, baptized man Catholic priests, monks and catepropagate the faith. Even if men and Roman Catholic faith volunteer themth a view to embracing that faith and should not preach that faith to them. ers in the Tamil and Sinhalese schools under our authority, not to register as en, the grownups, the adopted children servants who hereafter get themselves 'achers must immediately hand over in s, the names of all those who in defiance d and of those who bore witness to such who act as Godfather and Godmother. fence in violation of this order will not a disturber of the public peace but also rears on the first conviction, for twelve I for twentyfive years and deported to on the third conviction. In pursuance own (to the government) the priests, man Catholic faith or others who are ormation which will lead to their arrest Chief Resident of the respective village, o a reward of fifty reals and their names anteed. In addition to this, the sumconducting the said Roman Catholic s house for such purpose, whoever he roclamation that was issued on the Isth ear 1715. These orders are being resternly order the Fiscal and the Dessave rts in the outstations to see to the exact hey may be well informed permanently. ite him who has violated the respectful e we considered all this as contributing
22O

Page 223
THE LANGUAGE OF A
Thus it was resolved and proclain
month of Pankuni in the year 1733 fron
This proclamation was certified col
Jacob Christiaan Pielat, the Commissio is stamped the seal of the Company in Roland Cau, the Secretary on the instr Sioner and His Chief Councillors.
Phonol
Distribution of Sounds it
The variations from the rules of Nar
century are starred. They are the devel
Vouvels Examples 剑 atañkina a āru i inta i intiyavil
- Consonants
k with a, ā, i, ī, u, ū, ē, ai, o and õ katalai kāriyafikaļ kirīstavarkaļ kirtti kurukkaļmār kūrimai kēțkira kaiyilē kolumpil kōtaiyilē ή ινίth a
fiāyattutaņē
R
in with a, a, i and i nanimai
nāfkaļ ninravarkalutaiyavum
22.

TAMIL PLAKKAAT
led on the twentyfifth day of the
the fort of Colombo.
rect and signed by His Excellency, her by the side of whose signature red wax and also signed closely by uctions of the abovesaid Commis
gy
the Initial Position
until which belongs to the thirteenth opments after the Nannul period.
Vouvels Examples
ūrilē C enkaļ e ērkaņavē O Orutan
c with a, a, i, ii, e, e and o
capai
cāțciyākavum
citaivu
cüttuvikkira
ceykiratu
Cērintu
collappaţța t with a, ā, i, i, u, ē, ai and õ
tannutaiya
tāfkaļ
tikati
tinukku
tuņīkaram
tēvai
tai
tōtafikaļ

Page 224
UNIVERSITY OF
nitcitu p with a, a, i, u, e, o, o and 6 pannirantu pātirimār piļļaikaļai putukka perukiratukku pērkaļukkum potu põnta y with a
yākkoppu v uvith a, ā, i, ī, ai, e and ē vantalum vācikkiratai Virõtam vīțukaļai vaittu veļļāti vēņtiyatu
Medial Cluster of Tuvo Consonants
kk—vācikkiratai ifik-nāfkaļ ñc—irupattañcu ññ—kompaññiyavil tk-ketkira țc—nīțcittu t-katalai ņk—kāņkira ņt—kaņtōm ņņ-paņņukira tt—vētattai
* nk–rülankavu int-muntina pp—pațippikkiratukku
mp—kolumpil

CEYLON REVIEW
m with a, a, i, u, u, and a
1llarrull
mattiram
mīrutal
muntina *
mūņru
mēlālē
r tuwith u and o * rūlankāvu *rōmāņu
Initial Cluster of Three Conso
11afits *stt—sttiri
22ܠ
yk–Ceykiratu yy—ceyyappattavanukku rk—perkalukkum. rm—kürmai lk-payalkalai ll-nallatu *ļm—kurukkaļmār ļļ— piļļaikaļai rk—èrkanave rp-karpikka Ir-Carrum. nk–enkilum nim-nanimal nr-enrallum nn-pannirantu * st-fianastanam
22.2,

Page 225
THE LANGUAGE OF A
Medial Cluster of T
rint—Cērintu * skk-peskkal
* st-kiristtavarkal
Medial Cluster of F * kstt—eksttera -
Distribution of Sounds
Consonants
ñ—matiriiñ r—ciññõr * t—pīlāt m-kaņtōm
Though Nannul speaks of-fi end that was lost. Here is a case of a foreig
IA ο well-Consonants
-2.
k-kotukka t-collappațţa t-anta y—avarkaļuțaiya r-taV12 l-pala
r—cūțțuvikkira n—muntina
-Ul
k–alõcanaikku C-irupattaicu ț—paniniraņțul t—maruttu p—pālāppu r–kõmēcāyiru V—citaivu r-māru n-romanu
Sound C
a > C /b/ palappațuttukiratu>
// caņafikaļ> cenafikaļ
223

A TAMIL PLAKKAAT
hree Consonants
rtt-vārtaippātu
ykk—āykkinai
our Consonants
in the Final Position
l—ākaiyāl l-tamil —nāļ 12-Orutan
ling, it was in one word "urin' and gn word.
-i.
c-catci ţ–cüţţi ņ—paņņi t–eluti r-cekkatattâri r-Sttiri n-paňkuni
-e
k-aruke 1-aware 1-melale v—ērkaņavē ļ—aracātciyukkuļļē r—vērē n-palakkātutaņē
hange
pelappațuttukiratu

Page 226
aint> ñC
i>i
tt> t
r > r
r>d
UNIVERSITY OF
'a' following a Sanskr becomes 'e' in Tamil irupattaintu> irupattañc This is a case of pa ‘ai. The cluster of denta palatal nasal and palatal to ‘a’ after palatalisation.
tuņikaram > tuņīkaram
This may be taken as
Oruttan > Oruta1)
One of the geminated
pirakāram > pirakāram
piracittam > piracittam
When "r" and "r fall confusion occurs in for nounced as a continuant : be represented by the trill
talaivarmār> talaivamār vaļarppukkaļ> vaļappuk pārttatu > pāttatu In the colloquial dialect," more often after gemina kīl> kīļ
This is a characterist some of the Southern dial
r and t change place aparātam > avatāram
Rules of T
When foreign words are borrow system of the Tamil language. The by the nearest phonemic shape in the are necessitated by the fact that there But there are cases where even thou ponding sounds, we find other sound
2.

CEYLON REVIEW
it voiced plosive in the initial syllable t latalisation on account of the palatal
nasal and dental plosive becomes the plosive respectively. 'ai is shortened
a slip of the hand.
| dental plosive is lost in the colloquial
together, we get this confusion. The eign words. Perhaps 'r' was proso much so that the foreign 'r' has to
《 *
1 .
kal
ris lost when followed by a consonant, ted plosives.
ic feature of the Ceylon dialect and ects of Tamil land.
amilisation
red, they are adapted to the phonemic sounds in other languages are rendered Tamil language. Most of the changes are no corresponding sounds in Tamil. gh one may feel that there are corress are substituted probably being nearer
24
Αλ

Page 227
THE LANGUAGE OF A
to the foreign sounds. For instance, the t for representing foreign r sounds. The which are usual in the Tamil language.
occurring in the initial syllable itself, bilingualism. There are prothetic vo sounds do not occur as initial sounds in plakkaat, r and rare found to occur init changed to that extent, to tolerate them
Rules of Tamilisation as laid down by words which are found extended to ot to them
Initially and Medially Sanskrit g.
guru> kuru Initially and Medially Sanskrit di dišā> ticai dvipa> t upa-dēša > upatēcam vēda> vētam Other Foreign Words
padrinho> patiriñu Initially and Medially Sanskrit hari> cari rahasya > ra Initially and Medially Sanskrit samaya > Camaiyam sāk sinnhala > ciňkaļam. pra-Siddha > piracittam Other Foreign Words senhor > ciññõr
Initially Sanskrit phd p in Tami Prakrit phagguņi> phalgunī. Prothetic Vouvels
raňga> araňkam laň Other Foreign Words
reall> iraiyāl Absence of Prothetic Vowels rahasya > Irakaciyam Other Foreign Words romano > rõmānu
Roland Cau> rūlankāvu
225

TAMIL PLAKKAAT
rilled ris preferred to the ordinary r swarabhakti comes in the clusters But there is an instance of a cluster perhaps representing a widespread wels introduced because certain the Tamil language. But in this ially showing that the language has as initial sounds.
Pavananti with reference to Sanskrit her foreign words as being applicable
> k in Tamil
raňga> araňkam
> t in Tamil
Vu mudrā> mutirai pra-siddha > piracittam
padred patiri
: h > k in Tamil kaciyam sinnihala > cilňkalam
s> c in Tamil şin > cāțci san-tõşa > cantõşam
sa-kala > Sakalam
secretaris> cekkatatari
l
> pańkuni
kā> ilafikai rāksā> arakku

Page 228
UNIVERSITY OF
Vowels a, i and i to break It,
dv> tīv dvipa> tiv Other Foreign Words
pl> pal
cr> kir
Medially Sanskrit kh>k in
mukha -- antara > mukār Medially Sanskrit dh> t in
pra-siddha > piracittam, Medially Sanskrit di> t in T
sad-aňga> Cataňku Medially Sanskrit S> c in T
a-šraddhā> acațțai Medially Sanskrit bh > p in
sabha> capai Medially Sanskrit kş> kk i
rāksā> arakku Vowels i and u to break Me,
dr> ttir tr> ttir ry> riy r:Ş> ruş sy > ciy Other Foreign Words
dr> tir padred Finally Sanskrit -a> ai in
saṁkhyā> caňka ajõä>äykkinai 1. vārttā> vārttai
In accordance with Sanskritj > y in Tamil, thej of Du
jacob > yakkoppu
MOR
In this plakkaat, there are no undergo certain variations. Thes The noun takes the following emp call cariyai.

CEYLON REVIEW
itial Clusters Ll pr> pir prakāra > pirakāram
plakkaat > palakkāttu
cristo> kiristtavar Tamil tiram sankhyā> cafikai - Tamil virõdha > virõtam, apa-rādha > avatāram amil
amil
upa-dēša > upatēcam dišā-> ticai Tamil
Tamil
pakşa> pakkam dial Clusters
mudrā> mutirai patra > pattiram kārya> kāriyam Varşa> Varuşam rahasya > Irakaciyam )
patiri madrinha> matiriñ
Tamil
laikā - ilankai sabha > capai
udrā> mutirai a-šraddhā> acațțai
dišā> ticai
the rule laid down by Pavananti that ch becomes y in Tamil.
'HOLOGY
Cases
1ns.which before talking the case signs : are considered to be oblique forms. ty morphemes which the grammarians
226

Page 229
THE LANGUAGE OF A
Empty Morpheme Example E.
-aռ|- atarku |- -Ul tīņukku /-i |-attu/+/-ai/ varusattaikkum
Most of the nouns taking an emp But the following instances are some ex taking the case sign /-ku/ take the eu,
grammarians call cariyai.
pērkaļukku pātirimāruk avarkaļukku piļļaikaļukk
Pursuing still further the structure C we have the following structures.
I.
Nouns itself denoting the obli vērrumai-t-tokai or declensional be supplied and expanded, thoug frequent idiom. As a matter of two nouns, the first becomes attribute of the second which is kațțaļaip pattiram Noun-+-empty morpheme showi rōmāņu vētattiņ p Noun-+-empty morpheme-- case
vētattai Noun-+-empty morpheme-+ case
upāyafikaļiņālē Noun-+-empty morpheme-||- case
tanımaiyiņālum Noun -- empty morpheme-+-ē-+-u.
avarkaļālēyum
The Accusative Case 1-ai/
There are certain phrases in the plal is a Tamil idiom to use the akrinai word as the object except where there is an document was in Dutch this translation translates the accusative case, make all ca case sign /-ai/ as otherwise ambiguity m
227

TAMIL PLAKKAAT
pty Morpheme Example attu/ vētattai n/ avatārafikaļiņālē
ty morpheme belong to akrinai. ceptions. Uyartinai words, when honic /-u/ which the traditional
ku talaivamārukku Ul сеyyappattavanukku
f the nouns taking the case signs,
que case. It is considered to be compound where a case sign can gh the compound occurs as a more fact, by the very juxtaposition of
a kind of qualifier forming the the head.
Ing the genitive ātirimār
sign
sign--e
sign-- um.
L1
kkaat which are not idiomatic. It s without any accusative case sign biguity. But since the original follows the original idiom and ses by using the Tamil accusative ay arise because of the new con

Page 230
UNIVERSITY C
structions. As a result, the idio. instances where there may not be sign is used very much against the
tannuţaiya vițukalait toț
orutanakilum atarkuk ko for tan vitukal töt taħkal al
kātapați.
Here one gets a list of verbs view, a separate class taking an ob logically, there are only a few v. so called piravinai and the causal
avarkalukku attaip põt anta vētattaip pațippikk vaļappukkaļai veļļā tipayalk
ñānastãnam cũttuvikkapp
Semantically we get certain object alone come together.
In the following instances "k removing the f-ai/.
kațțaļaippattirańkaļaikk aykkinai avatārankalin pērkaļaikkoņțu ñānastā itaikkoņțu putuppittu. for kataļaippatirankaļiņāļ nālē tatai paņņi vilakkiy pērkaļināll ñānastānam itanār putuppitu.
If the object denotes a rationa
CaSC.
ñānastānam perra pillai vaļappukkaļai veļātipayalkaļaiyā elutavumparatu.

F. CEYLON REVIEW
m of this translation looks foreign. In : any ambiguity also, the accusative case
Tamil idiom.
țańkaļai allatu marrum ițańkaļai otukkappatatapatikku
latu marrum itankaļ oruvarum kotuk
which form from a syntactical point of ject adverb or transitive verb. MorphoBrbs which can be so distinguished-the
uviikkavumpațātu
tiratukkum
alai allatu vere yātorutaraiyeņrālum yatatu.
idioms where a verb and its appropriate
Iontu may be substituted by 1-al/ after
oņu munālē nankal ālē tatai paņņi vilakkiyirukkaiyilēyum.
nam cituvikkappatatu.
munnāļ nānkaļ āykkiņai avarātafikaļiirukkaiyilēyum. Cūțțappațātu.
l being, it is always put in the accusative
kalai vayatir periyavarkaļai kutal tõmpukalile kiristtavarkalaka
ܒܪ
228

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THE LANGUAGE OF A
The Instrumental Case
The instrumental case signs are / plakkaat. -otus is recognised as the |-otus, /-utans the so called collurupu al
|-al/ may be taken up for considera ablative.
marrum pēruțaiyavum, uccāyattai......
tatai paņņi.
talaivamärkalukkum pala ta kiratukku civatta arakki vaittu cekkațattāri avarkalālēyuń
The colluruppu /-kontus is used in ablative.
intak katalaippatirahkontu /-āl/ also occurs as ablative avarkaļai rōmāņu vētatukku törum innan tunikaramaka acattaipan nākaļ avacantōsamākak kaņtu matuk yāka marupațiyum putukkak kațțaļai pa * There are certain special forms lik |-al/ occurs where those units have bec significance of their different morphen confuse the 1-al/ in "akaiyal' and 'an: under the instrumental case.
There are foreign idioms which havi prefers using participles rather than decli
avatāraikaļiņālē tataipaņņi for avarātampōtuttataipaņņi.
Lastly, one must consider this 1-al/ a passive construction as in 'avanal ceyy But this is not a popular or fashionable Therefore the Tamil idiom prefers using and the verb in the active form leaving it is a passive construction or an active ceyyappatta' Tamil always prefers to say
...................
229

TAMIL PLAKKAAT
-al/, /-utans and /-kontus in this social case sign. But instead of One appears.
tion. It occurs in the instrumental
ārkaļ āykkiņai avatāraikaļiņālē
ņmaiyiņālum kūrmaiyāka vicāriknālē kompainīyavil mutiraiyum
kaiyelutu vai pata palakkātutaņē.
place of /-al/ in the instrumental
Lurutiyakak katotalaipamnukiratävatu of reason meaning "because of'. 1c cērttukkoļukiratukoņtum nāļņikkoņtu varukiratai nāļukkunāļ kațțiyirukkirapațiyāl atarketirițain1.
e "akaiyal' and "anal' in which ome particles losing their original les. Therefore one ought not to il' with the constructions studied
e crept into the translations. Tamil ned nouns.
coming as signifying an agent in appattatu', 'it was done by him'. : construction. It sounds foreign. the noun in the nominative case to the context to show whether construction. Instead of 'avanal
avan ceyta”.
Dr. כ
r

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UNIVERSITY (
yākkōppuk kiristiyār for yākkõppuk kiristtiyāi /-utans occurs in the f katalaikketiritaiyaka fiāyattutanē valakkāta vēņtiyatu.
cekkatatāri avarkaļālē
The Dative Case /-ku/
The dative case is frequently orders are addressed to certain occurs in these cases. When pro it is made is put in the dative.
intak kōtaiyilē irukkappat kum purattiyile köttaittalañkalil pala tanmaiyinalum kurmaiyaka paņņukirōm.
“Deported to the Cap
Cape inthe dative.
tannuțaiya tinukku I
ērruppațium.
Here is the legal jargon for second time, etc. First time, etc of the punishment is also put in t kattalaikketiriyaka viri ikku oru varuşattaik taikkum mūņrā mū
kupõțțu.
When an action is executed that somebody is put in the dativ uvātimārkaļ utaņētān
tikkotukka vēņum. The idea of "good for anyc the dative.
itu cakalamum enkal
nalatenru kaņtōm. "etiriyaka'-this verb is pre denoting the person opposed.

DF CEYLON REVIEW
pīlāt avarkaļālē kaiyelutum vaippatu. n pīlātu avarkaļālē kaiyelutum vaitu. llowing instances. mirutal ceyyappattavanukku etiriyaka
yum kaiyeluttu vaipatta palakkattutané.
used in the plakkaat. The governmental
classes of people. Therefore the dative lamations are issued, the persons to whom
a peskkālavarkaļukkun ticaiyavarkaļukēyirukkira marrum talaivamārkaļukkum vicarikkiratukkuk katuramakak katalai
e' is expressed by putting the word for
māttiram vēlai ceykiratukkuk kāppaikku
expressing punishment for the first time,
, are placed in the dative. The duration he dative.
dtampaninappattavanai...... muintina murakum irantamuraikkup pannirantu varusataikku irupattancu varusattaikkum vilan
in somebody's favour, the noun denoting
ē cankaipõnta enkal pätirimärukku elu
ne' is expressed by putting the thing in
kutiyāņavarkaļu taiya naņmaippakutikku
reded by the noun in the dative, the noun
230 .است

Page 233
THE LANGUAGE OF
kataļaikketiritaiyāka mīruta tutanē valakkāta vēņtiyatu The phrase "within' is expressed and suffixing thereafter "ulle'. One case sign "kulle' is added.
eikaļ aracātciyukkuļļē ataik "What is withinjurisdiction' is ex kilana' and the word for order or juris
The ceya forms “kolla, irukka and the purpose of clarity in the legal docu the verbs in the Ceyyum and adding "p
ātavarkaļum stiricenathkaļu onrittukkoļļumpațikku.... itu cakalamum nanraka nitc peskkālavarkaļukkum...... eikaļ kaiyilē akappatumpati
The Genitive Case
The use of the genitive is to expr: to avoid the use of the genitive case s case which is followed by another r prefers forming a compound of these very fact of being placed first becon /-utaiyas alone appears in the plakkaat. The analytic tendency replaced this has really become the case sign.
avarkalutaiya alócanait ta' pātirimāruțaiyavum ma kutiyanavarkalutaiya pil kaļai, avarkaļutaiya nām kalukkum, tannuțaiya tin
If“avarkalutaiya” is used in the pli lin'. So also the oblique form of pr used in the genitive without adding the case signis added and this makes the styl that the plakkaat is a translation from tances in which /-utaiyaf has been used
231

A TAMIL PLAKKAAT
l ceyyappațțavanukketiriyāka ñāyatl.
by putting the noun in the dative may say otherwise, the compound
ina rõmānu camaiyattārum. pressed by the phrase 'kattalaikkuk diction being placed in the dative.
d akappața” are idiomatic. But for ment, they are expanded by putting vați” to which the dative is added.
māņavarkaļ antac capaiyilē cērntu ...attaip põtuvikkappatatu. ittu nilaikontirukkumpatikku...... kattaļai paņņukirōm. kku...... nankotaikotuttu.
ess possession. The Tamil idiom is ign. The genitive case is the only moun. Therefore the Tamil idiom two nouns and then the first by its nes an attribute. The colluruppu
The old genitive case sign is /-atu/. particle by a word "utaiya'. This
laivamarum, tannutaiya Vitukalai, rrum pērutaiyavum uccāyattai, laikaļai, cakalarutaiyavum nāmaiLankaļum, cakalarutaiyavum piļļaiukku, tankalutaiya pilaikalai.
ural, the usual form will be 'avarkaronouns themselves are idiomatically : case sign. But in this plakkaat, the estiff and unnatural, clearly showing a foreign language. In all the ins
in the plakkaat, 1-ins can be used.

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UNIVERSITY OF
There are also instances of the 1 of the noun with the inflexion/-in, an old genitive case sign.
romanuvetattin catahkuk nucamaiyappațippinaiy
The Locative Case /-il/
What is expressed by the Ens suffixing /-il/, the case sign of the lo Tamil to the noun governed by "in
intiyavil köttaiyil ūril Capaiyil kaiyil tīvil kolumpil tõmpukalil
GE
In the plakkaat, all the forms
are finite verbs. The present tense
vacikkira-tu varuki ceykira-tu patippi irukkira-tu peruki vicarikkira-tu untava
ventiya-tu
Apart from these are real neut as taking the /plural suffix occur a difference between the singular and forms.
katalai kai upatēCam vilaňku uccāyam murai catci kotai Varul Şam Vētam arakku pattiram muttirai vēlai rakaciyam tēvai
3. Caldwell, Robert, Rt. Rev. D.D. LL.D
Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian, L. Madras, 1956, p. 261.

CEYLON REVIEW
more ancient usage of the oblique form l. This is according to Dr. Caldwell,3
zaļai, rōmāņu vētatin, pātirimār, rōmāTin vikațamāņa pātirimār, atin arukē.
glish preposition 'in' is translated by cative or the seventh case as is called in
in English.
palakkattil palikkitankalil talañkalil vilakkiyirukkaiyil vayatil kompaññiyavil purattiyil pakkattil
NDER
taking the neuter singular Suffix /-atu/ forms seem to predominate.
ra-tu pannukira-tu kkira-tu untupannukira-tul ra-tu pelappattutukira-tu |-tul certtukkollukira-tu
er nouns which except as shown here is palpaka akrinai, i.e., as showing no plural for neuter in their morphological
valakku capai camaiyam uļavu ālōcanai pakkam fiãnastānam anţu palakkāttu tikati iraiyāl lūr
nāļ tin tīvu tițțam
anguages (Third Edition Reprint), University of Madras,
232
9ܢ ܝ
ܐܸܢ

Page 235
THE LANGUAGE OF
Neuter Plural /-kal/ -
The singular form of neuter nour the plural suffix /-kal/. The ancient li stitute the plural suffix for the singular. in in kariyankal, pattirahkal, pallikkitan
kāriyankaļ pattirańkal upāyafikaļ nāmaikaļ vītukaļ talaħkal kattalaikal
The Masculine Singular Rational /-an/
In this legal document, to denote : to be used not as honorific plural but and common to all gender. That is ho ing in number. Still the language, taken deep root and does not get easily in this legalist sense to criminals. Ther line singular is used. Most of them a a real noun ending in the masculine suf
orutan > Oru-+-[a]|tt|u| + an ceyyappat tavan, citaivupaņņi
- Feminine Singular /-i/
vellaţți, sttiri
Epicene Plural /-ar/
The uyartinai words are dealt wi category. In the epicene, the plural su ancient Way. avan> avar, etc.
avar, manuşar, Cakalar.
In the following instance, the epice yākkõppuk kiristtiyām ava
vamārkaļum
Epicene Plural /-kal/
The uyartinai words here found 1 of various kinds. There are words ent preceding /-kals ends in what the gre k doubles as in "valappukkal'.
233

A TAMIL PLAKKAAT
is are pluralised by the addition of iterary way of pluralising is to sub
The final -m before /-kals becomes kal, etc., -
palikkitankal avatārai kaļ tōtankaļ catai kukaļ itahkal tõmpukal
any person, the epicene plural came as a term which will be colourless w the plural forms are overwhelmafter the social stratification had reconciled to using the plural form refore in a few instances, the mascure participial nouns. There is also ix.
ukiravan, eppatikottavan.
th similarly as those of the akrinai ifix -ar is substituted for -an in the
ne plural /-ar/ is used honorifically. rkalum avarutaiya alocanait talai
pluralised with the suffix /-kals are ding in -i, -u and -ai. If the word ummarians call kurriyalukaram the

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UNIVERSITY OF
payalkaļ ũãnika! u vaļappukkaļ cenai kaļ.
Epicene Plural /-mār/
mutalālimār, pātirimār.
Epicene Plural /-ār/
The suffix /-ar/ is considered to
camaiyattār.
Double and Treble Plurals
These are forms in which the cause the form without the second ( "Kuru" had the honorific singul plural came to be "kurukkalmar'. |-kal/+/-mar/, /-mar/-/-ka/ and explained.
|-arl-H/-kal/ kuriyāņavarkaļ, ka tukkc maiyānavarkaļ, ātava varkaļ, kirīstavarkaļ.
In the following instances, 1-ar peskkālavarkal, ticaiyava yākkōppuk kiristiyām p /-ka/-/-ma
kurukkaļmā
|-mar/-/-k
uvātimārka
|-ar/+/-mar
talaivamārka
P
The derived pronouns can b namely demonstratives, interrogati or less indeclinable now used as wil and manner. The demonstrative remote, proximate and mediate. three sections, Masculine, Femir (akriņai) falls into two sections, sin

CEYLON REVIEW
patecikal pillaikal pērkaļ
be an allomorph off-ars.
re are two plural suffixes. That is beor third plural suffix is felt to be singular. ar "kurukkal' and therefore the real
The following lists with 1-ar/+/-kal/, |-ar/+/-mar/-/-kals are to be similarly
Inravarkal, avarkal, allātavarkal, ettanirkal, periyavarkaļ, niņravarkaļ, āņa
/-|-/-kal/ are used honorifically. rkaļ, kōmēcāyiru avarkaļ, īlāt avarkaļ.
r/ l
|-kai,
OOLS
e classified into three main categories ves and those which had become more lat may be called adverbs of place, time bronouns can be further subdivided into The superior class (uyartinai) falls into ine and Epicene and the inferior class ular and plural.
234

Page 237
THE LANGUAGE OF
In the plakkaat, there are no r demonstrative pronouns, we have onl Category.
Remote
av ~ a is the base here. The rem
|-ars and /-ka/. The case signs /-ai/,
to these double plural suffixes. -
avarkaļ, avarkaļai, avarkaļā The form 'avar' is found to a genitive. avar, avaruțaiya.
Coming to akrinai, we have the in 'attai'. We have also the form " is the dative case sign makes the base same time take the empty morphem free form 'anta’ occurs as what may b grammarians describe this form as an
As for the proximate pronouns, th The akriņai singular form is “itu”. pronominal base"itu”, the emptymor
/-ku/. The adjectival form “inta” is a
Interrogative Pronouns
We have only the form "yatu" w singular suffix -tu to the interrogative
Primary Pronouns
With the primary pronouns wh classify them in the following manne which can be subdivided into two di of the compound and the other as c 3. There are three persons which are c
First Person
There is no singular form in the by the Governor and his Council as person plural for referring to those
23

A TAMIL PLAKKAAT
mediate pronouns. Coming to the y the epicene section in the superior
ote a comes with the plural suffixes
|-al/, /-ku/ and /-utaiyas are affixed
l, avarkaļukku, avarkaluțaiya. ppear in the nominative and in the
form "attu' taking the case sign f-ai/ 'atu”. The suffixing of /-ku/ which “atu” lose the final vowel and at the Le /-an/. atu+an+ku atarku. The pe called an adjective. The orthodox 2xpansion of the demonstrative base.
here are no forms in the superior class,
The form 'itarku' consists of the pheme /-an/ and the dative case sign also found.
which is formed by adding the neuter base yâ.
lich occur in the plakkaat, one can r. 1. Free forms. 2. Bound forms visions. One can occur as first part ccurring as forms taking case signs. lassified as singular and plural.
plakkaat because the plakkaat issued proclamation makes use of the first who issue them. The plural section
5

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UNIVERSITY OF
has 'nahkal in the free form. H "nam' which itself at one time de pronoun. In the bound form 'enka Here is another case of suffixing - form. eikaļ aracātci, eikaļ kuti enkal kaiyile. These plural forms e
Second Person
It is very significant to note tha
in the plakkaat. As official orders. third person.
Third Person
The bound form of the third case sign /-utaiyas in "tannulaiya'. But in the plakkaat, “tāńkal” is the f suffix /-kals has been added. The the genitive in “tańkaļuțaiya”. Ir more often as a reflexive which wi
Pronons D
Remote
The base form in the remote is It occurs with the particle -um whic ańkum ińkum tirintu.
Proximate
Correspondingly, we have "ink
Nui
Cardinals
The numerals fall into two 1. Ordinals. The cardinal numbers h and the bound form. The bound fo nouns. Compound numbers can be cation and those on addition. Not by adding personal endings to the b

CEYLON REVIEW
are the plural suffix /-kals is added to noted the first person plural personal I' occurs as first part of the compound. a/ to "em" which was once a plural yāņavarkaļu taiya, eikaļ kataļaikku, xclude the persons addressed.
t there is no form in the second person they are addressed to citizens in the
person singular is 'tan'. It takes the
Ordinarily tām is the free form. ree form in the plural, where the plural bound form is "tankal'. It occurs in modern times, this pronoun occurs len translated means "by themselves'.
enoting Place
G G 99
a'. The only form found is "afiku'. h acts as a conjunctive meaning 'and'.
um in the proximate Category.
merals
najor categories, called Cardinals and ave two forms, namely the free form rm occurs in compounds and in derived : classified into those based on multipliIns derived from number are formed ound forms of the cardinal numbers.
236

Page 239
THE LANGUAGE OF
The bound form of the numeral masculine singular suffix and the this and 'orutar'.
The free form 'iraptu' occurs ol the substantive 'varusattaikkum' in on is also found.
We have compound numbers of
.y 99 G6 99 - G. Gܓܩ pattañcu'. The form `pan” in par which is the bound form of "pattu'. when followed by "ancu'. Both "pal the substantive 'varusattaikkum'.
Ordinals
Ordinals are formed by adding - These are always prefixed to the sub Sufix /-äm/ occurs with the numer: muraikku, mūņrā muraikku.
Thus we see a striking feature of preceding the numerals.
Verbal
The plakkaat affords instances of th
I. Lengthening of the vowel of
in the single words. tin>tin
2. Lengthening of the vowel of in compound words, varttai
3. Doubling of the plosive and th wise it may be described as homorganic plosive. valańku
4. Doubling of the plosive wher. tõțu> tõțțu-+-am > tõțțam
S. Doubling of the plosive whe and /-am/ is added. añcu > ac
23

A TAMIL PLAKKAAT
one is 'oru'. It occurs with the od person plural suffix in “orutan”
ce. The free form `aru" precedes e instance. The free form 'minru'
addition in “paniniraņțu” and “iru- 22 - 66 - 99 nirantu” is an alternant of “patin
In “irupattañcu”, “patu” doubles pirantu' and "irupattaicu precede
ām) to the cardinals in the plakkaat. stantives which they qualify. The
als 'irantus' and 'münru'. iranta
the plakkaat in the substantives not
Nouns
le following types of verbal nouns.
he initial syllable of the verbal roots
the initial syllable of the verbal roots
patu - vārtaippātu
e loss of the preceding nasal. Otherthe conversion of the nasal into a L> valakku
I not preceded by a nasal plus -an/
the preceding nasal is lost thereby ‘Cu--an DaCCam

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UNIVERSITY OF
6. Without doubling, etc., and 7. Addition of suffixes of verb:
Suffix Noun Root i
etiri etir ai kotai koţu
tatai tațiu āļi mutalāļi muļalāļ kai irukkai iru Ci aracātci aracāļ
karam tuņīkaram tuņi
The suffix /-karam/ is bor
Past-Tense-C
The conjunctive past verbal pa Bloch4 is formed in the following m.
I. Reduplication of the final c
in -tu.
põțu> põțțu, vaipațu > v,
karpikkappațu> karpikkap
2. Suffixing of some participle i paņņ-u-i> paņņi, mattuk cuţț-u-i> cuțţi, vilakk-u- vai-tt-u> vaittu, kotu-ttmuki-tt-u> mukittu, nit tiri-nt-u > tirintu, cēr-int
putuppi-tt-u> putuppittu, Here the final > n and the past The root is en and the past tense sig this instance, t becomes t after n acco
4. Jules Bloch, The Grammatical Structure of p. 87.

CEYLON REVIEW
adding /-am/. ițu-+-am>ițam.
l nouns :-
Suffix Noun Root
tal ilaipparutal ilaipparu
mīrutal miru
ti pakuti paku
urut1 uru
mai
pu pālāppu pālā
valappu valar
Vul Clta1V1 C1 ta1
ulaνu ul
9.
rowed from Sanskrit "kara'.
onjunctive Participle
articiple called the absolutive by Jules anner.
onsonant of verbal themes which end
aipațțu paţțu.
or sign of past time. kaţț-u-i> maţțukkațţi. i> vilakki, elut-u-i>eluti. u> koțuttu, maru-tt-u> maruttu ci-tt-u> nīțcittu
u> cērntu
paņņikkoļ-- ti- u> paņņikkoņtu. tense morph td. t. en--t-t-u > enru. n is r. kand kan--t-t-u>kantu. In rding to Sandhi rules.
Dravidian Languages, Deccan College, Poona, 1954.
38

Page 241
THE LANGUAGE OF A
The negative verbal participles ar. to the root. al--amala allamal, ill--an There are two forms consisting of a 1 noun “pați” in the dative. They have
ciple. capaikūțātapațikku, koțukkakkūț
Past Tense-Relat
The past tense relative participle participle in all instances and the result participles.
paņņappatu --a-paņņappat perru-+-a > perra, põrntu--a : kappațța, eppațippațțu-+; appatippatta panni/n/+a
munti/n/-+-a> muntina.
Present Tense-Re
The present tense relative particip
root. kāņi—kiru—a > kāņkira, paņņu-l
irukkira, cüttuvi-kkiru-a> cüttuvikkira ---- kēțkira.
The Particip
The participial nouns are formed b
to the relative participle. The glide v participle -a and the suffix, if the latter
Masculine paņņukira Epicene ninra-v-ar kațukkenr.
Infinit
The verbal participle of the pattern cey stands for the root and -a is the suff ariya, cituvikka, walakkata, “akappațumpațikku, nilaiko
239

TAMIL PLAKKAAT
formed by the addition of -amal al> ilāmal, paņ—āmal> paņņāmal. egative relative participle and the he force of a negative verbal parti
itapațikku.
ive Participle
suffix 'a' is added to the verbal ng forms are the past tense relative
a, collappațţu-|-a > collappaţța > põrnta, irukkappattu--a>iruka> eppatippatta, appatippattu--a> > paņņiņa, ataiki/n/--a> atankina,
lative Participle
le is formed by adding-kira to the kiru-a > pannukira, iru—kkiru—a>
kel root final loss--tkiru-a->
ial Noun
y adding the gender number suffixes will come in between the relative begins in a vowel.
-V-an, pannappatta-V-an kaļ allata-v-arkal a-v-arkal kutiyana-v-arkal.
ive
ceya is called the infinitive in Tamil. Χ.
eluta, kotukka, tavira, on tirukkumpatikku and onrittuk

Page 242
UNIVERSITY OF
kollumpatikku', occur participle in the Ceyyu dative. They as a wil "akappata, onrittukko!
Aorist Form as
The old finite aorist was form pattern is representing any root as
oņritukkoļum, nilaikoņ
The C.
The conditional is expressed by eņru +āl>enrāl, Va1Ꮑ !
First Pe
Coming to the finite verbs of has been already noted that the secc language. The first person plura
or Governor and his advisory Coun
Present Tense
paņņukirōm Past Tense
kaņtōm.
Third Pé
piracittamākkinatu vēņtiyatu patatu
Implied
There are two implied finite ve
A.
We have also adverbial Constru
with the verb /-akas or 1-ay/ behave

CEYLON REVIEW
as one unit. They consist of a relative m. pattern plus the noun “pați” in the hole are substitutable by the infinitives la and nilaikontirukka respectively.
Relative Participle
led by adding -um to the root. The
cey Ceyyum. tirukkum, akappatum, vēņum.
onditional
adding 1-al/ to the past participial form. tu-l-all> vantal.
rson-Verbs
the first person and second person, it pnd person plural does not occur in the I occurs as referring to the Company cil when issuing the plakkaat.
arson Verbs
Finite Verbs
rbs. nalatu, nanru.
dverbs
ctions modifying the verb. The noun
S like adverbs.
24O

Page 243
THE LANGUAGE OF A
uņtāvatāka, tuņīkaramāka,
kirīstavarkaļāka, ti tamāk
matirīvāka, mukāntiramāk kūrimaiyāka, etiriyāka, na vaņāka, veļiyarankamāka,
Adjecti
By the suffixing of /-āna/ to nou cakalamāna, vikatamāņa, kīļā
Glossa
iraiyal: This is a loan-word from P introduced into Ceylon a coin called 're shilling and six pence. This coin was
the Dutch as is evidenced by this plakka
eksttera oțultanāri: This phrase is dei and means 'extraordinary'. It refers to in the Council of India in Batavia. An when he was present in Batavia, had th extraordinary member was allowed to vote.
kappai: This refers to the place call
kompaññiya: The Portuguese wor. and this is derived from it. The term Company.
kómecayiru: This term is derived 116a)S CO)1SS1O1C .
cekkatatari: This is a Tamilisatior and it means a secretary.
ticai. This is derived from Sanskrit Ticai or Dessave was a Sinhalese title f by the Dutch in the maritime provinces functions corresponded nearly to those o
tõmpu: This is derived from Portu ster”. It was introduced to Ceylon by
24I

TAMIL PLAKKAAT
etirițaiyāka, urutiyāka, cāțciyāka, u, pirakāramāka, mārāka, nanirāka, , rakaciyamāka, kațūramāka, nkotaiyāka, tānkaļāka, paņņukiravētamāy.
VeS
ins, adjectival meaning is derived. na, tēvaiyāna, mēlāņa, potuvāna.
ty
ortuguese “real". The Portuguese al' which was of the value of one in circulation even in the time of
at.
lived from Dutch 'extra ordinaris' the membership of the Governor ordinary member of that Council, e right to vote in the Council; the attend meetings only but had no
led "Cape'. d for "company" is "companhia” applies to the Dutch East India
from Dutch 'commissaris' and
of the Dutch word 'secretaris'
'disa' which means 'direction'. or a Governor of a province, used for a high European official whose
a Government Agent.
guese “tombo” and means “regithe Portuguese during their rule

Page 244
UNIVERSITY OF
of the maritime provinces Sinhal system of registration which the Po and which the Dutch again took ovi
patiriñu This is a Tamilisation meaning 'Godfather'.
palakkattu: The proclamations of Ceylon were called 'plakkaats'. word “plakkaat”.
patiri: This is from Portugues
peskkal: This is from Dutch" was an officer who in civil cases de criminal cases was considered the p the carrying out of the orders of the introduced by the Dutch into Ceylo
natirini. This is a Tamilisation meaning 'godmother'.
yäikköppuk keiristiyâm pilat: Jac missioner of the Dutch governme1 position in Ceylon as Special Com: Governor. This is a Tamilisation O.
rūlanklāvu: Roland Cau was th and this is a rendering in Tamil of h
romanuvetan: This compound 'romano' and Sanskrit 'veda' and
2

CEYLON REVIEW
ese thombuWal. The tompu Were a rtuguese borrowed from the Sinhalese, er from the Portuguese.
of the Portuguese Word "padrinho”
issued by the Dutch during their rule This word is a corruption of the Dutch
a "padre' meaning 'priest'. Fiskaal'. Under the Dutch, the Fiscal liberated and voted as a judge, and in ublic accuser. He also superintended : government. Fiscal was a new office
1).
of the Portuguese word “madrinha”
ob Christiaan Pielat was Special Comnt in Ceylon from 1732-34. Pielat's missioner was higher than that of the fhis name.
he name of a Secretary to the Council
is name.
word is derived from Portuguese it means the Roman Catholic religion.
S. THANANJAYARAJASINGHAM
242

Page 245
Narasimha and
IÈ one of the important papers Hul
the J.R.A.S., Great Britain, he disclo 23 years in the Sinhalese chronolog given by Wijesinha, particularly discern century A.D., and tried to collect the is results of his inquiry to the period oft up to the eleventh century. This disco ever afterwards by authors, who were committed by Hultzsch, but also of th great scholar who tried to establish suc pointing out synchinonisms had omitted in the Mahavathsa in the two chapters and Sena II, and this grave omission, which he advocated a correction of 23 y of the island, only served to discredit his very important synchronisms afforded Hultzsch without discussion, are confirn successive Pandya kings, for which ther from inscriptions in South India. Besid paper, discrediting his finding, there is in un critically attempted to correct this covered by Hultzsch in reference to the in dates of the Ceylon kings belonging t cularly the seventh century.
Debreuil, accepting Hultzsch's find of 23 years to the dates of the Sinhalese for Manavamma, and taking the synchro Pallava who assisted in Manavamma's agreeing with Venkayya, who first iden Narasimha I, fixed the reign of Narasin of the Pallava has been accepted by a warranted application of the error of 23 first half of the eleventh century to the
I. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Gr.
2. Epigraphia, Indica, Vol. III, p. 277.
صے
243

Mana Vamma
ltzsch contributed fifty years ago to sed that there was an error of about y, in the dates of Ceylon kings as ible in the first half of the eleventh land's chronology by applying the he kings from the seventh century very of Hultzsch has been adopted : aware of not only the mistakes e incompleteness of his study. The h a serious chronological error by to discuss the synchronisms afforded pertaining to the reigns of Sena I in an otherwise critical study, by ears to the chronology of the kings conclusions about the error. The in the two chapters left out by ned by events of the reigns of two e is considerable evidence available les this initial mistake in Hultzsch’s o reason why scholars should have error of twenty three years, disfirst half of the eleventh century, o the previous centuries and parti
ings and application of the error : kings, which gave A.D. 668–703 inistic date that Narasitinha was the getting the Sinhalese throne and tified this Narasitinha with Pallava ha I as A.D. 63 O-663. His dating host of other scholars. The unyears noticed in the period of the dates of the kings of the seventh
at Britain and Ireland), 1913, p. 528.

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UNIVERSITY OF
century has not been questioned SC paper disclosed grave omissions, a basis for others writings.
Recently many errors in the ch Ceylon have been discovered and a synchronisms afresh, and a reassessm subject have been undertaken by t epigraphist Professor S. Paranavita show that the error of 23 years cou any century. Of particular interest that the period of the king Hatthad to India and during which he made throne for himself, was A.D. 659-66 Manavamma was A.D. 684-7I8.4 belonging to the second half of the
follows :5
Kassapa II
Dappula Dāthopatissa (Hathadā Aggabodhi IV
Datta
Hatthadāțha Mānavannima ,
The 47th chapter of the Sinha important Synchronism in the roma: to the throne of Sirinhala, who fled to when his end was approaching, sent him as regent, entrusting to his car the death of Kassapa, a revolution killed and Hatthadatha seized the cap the name Dathopatissa in 659. The years, and Manavamma, probably th claims to the throne was thus set at 1 country. He came of age and mar)
3. Epigraphia, Zeylanica, Vol. V. pp. 86 pp. 129ff.
4. Ep. Zey. Vol. V. p. 110. 5. Ibid., and University of Ceylon Rev.
2

CEYLON REVIEW
far, inspite of the fact that Hultzsch's ind Dubreuil's dates have become the
ronology of the reigns of the kings of thorough investigation of the several ent of all the evidences available on the he veteran Sinhalese archaeologist and na,3 and the results of his researches ld not be blindly carried backwards to to our present enquiry is the finding atha in whose reign Manavamma fled : his first attempt to get the Sinhalese 7, and that the period of actual rule of The chronology of the Ceylon kings Seventh century, as fixed by him, is as
A.D. 650-659 659 țha) 659-667 667-683 683-684. 684 684ー7I8
lese chronicle Mahavarihsa reveals an ntic history of Manavamma, claimant » India for help. Kassapa II (65Ο-659), for his nephew Mana and appointed : the kingdom and his sons. But on occurred in the country. Māna was ital and proclaimed himslef king under sons of Kassapa were not yet ripe in 2 eldest among them, whose legitimate laught, lived secretly in the northern tied the princess Sangha the daughter
ff., University of Ceylon Review, Vol. XVIII,
ew, Vol. XVIII, p. 155.
44 7 ܘܢ

Page 247
NARASIMHA AND
of Malayaraja, and lived for sometime reached the ears of the reigning king Manavamma to live in the island. He nied by his wife, and entered the sers with the king Kanduvethi. Narasiha equal footing. From the foregoing i Manavamma fled to India, after a sh country during which period he was was say 3 or 4 years after the commenc that is roughly in circa A.D. 66 I-2. the Pallava kingdom. The ruling ki the Pallava. The Sinhalese chronicle vamma was staying in the Pallava capi Narasiha started to fight Vallabharaja. his talent in war, went to assist Narasih displayed great valour in the field of b routed the enemy. Narasiha, grateful the consent of the Pallava ministers to “And the king thus granted unto Mana page and material. With these he land battle to Dathopatissa. Dathopatissa fle followed him with a small battalion le Indian army at the capital. Meanwhile tidings that their king was smitten with the island leaving Manavamma to h handicapped, Manavamma was soon def to escape and safely returned to India. a second time, and having regained his kings had reigned in the island. The endeavour to regain his throne shows th the reluctance of the Pallava soldiers to of their king. The above noted part o of the Vallabharaja on the Pallava king vamma to Ceylon and his return to th reign of Dathopatissa (659-67), after his after he had spent some time there. T when he joined the services of Narasiha : of reigns of four kings of the island d bore him four sons and four daughte kings were Dathopatissa, Aggabodhi,
245

MANAVAMMA
in that region. When these tidings Dathopatissa, it became insecure for ice he went over to India, accomparice of Narasiha. He made friends and Manavamma were placed on I will be plain that the date when ort stay in hiding in the northern married to Malayaraja's daughter, ement of the reign of Dathopatissa, The country to which he fled was ng was Kanduvethi i.e. Kaduvetti, narrates further, how when Mānatal, king Vallabha came to war and Manavamma desirous of exhibiting a in the fight against the enemy and attle. With his assistance Narasiha or Manavamma's services, obtained help him to recover his kingdom. vamma an army, with all the equied in the island of Ceylon and gave d from the capital and Manavamma aving behind the major part of his the Pallava soldiers having received a great disease, lost heart and quit is fate, and reached India. Thus eated by Dathopatissa, but managed He entered the services of Narasiha, favour, dwelt in his court until four subsequent account of his second at the first defeat was partly due to fight alone in the personal absence f the account shows that the attack dom, the first expedition of Mānale Pallava court, took place in the arrival in India in circa 66-2 and he period of stay of Manavamma second time, lasted for the duration uring which time his wife Sangha rs. As stated by Wijesinha, these Datta and Hatthadatha. On the

Page 248
UNIVERSITY Ol
death of king Aggabodhi(667-683)
seized the reins of government anc for six months and through Hatth the news of the disturbed state O gathered an army with the help
happened in A.D. 684. The chror sent to aid Manavamma in the first fight in the absence of their king, N matter, resolved on this stratager might not see him, he gave over signia of royalty, together with th person, and sent him secretly on
royal drum, the kotta with him, an And Mānavamma did as he was di was the king (who was sounding th the land. Thus the Pallava king sent him with an army to invade the with the army, and gave battle anc death the king Hatthadatha, whos the warriors. Thus Manavamma Lanka. And this happened after
whom he killed in A.D. 684. Mana then i.e. from A.D. 684 to A.D. 7 I is only in keeping with the facts tha his twenties when he fled to India a for nearly twenty years. He was he finally crowned himself as king C
From the foregoing account the known that Paramesvaravarman W 67O-674 and that he had not less tha simha II was the ruler of Kaiichi in establishing himself on the Simha Narasiha (Narasimha) whose service help he regained his throne in 684, \ The fact that Narasimha II was the Chinese sources. 6 From this sour Kanchi in 689. The kingdom of years been afflicted with a desolatir
6. J. R.A.S. Ceylon Branch, Vol. XXI

CEYLON REVIEW
at Polonnaruva, a Tamilian Potthakuțițha governed the kingdom through Datta adatha for another six months. When f the island reaching Manavamma, he of Narasiha to invade the island. This icle says that as the soldiers of the army instance showed their un Willinginess to Jarasiha having pondered well over the 1. Keeping himself so that his army o Manavamma, all his retinue, and inornaments with which he adorned his board the ship, bidding him take the d sound it from the deck of the vessel. rected, and the Soldiers thinking that it le call), embarked, leaving him alone in did not accompany Manavamma, but island. Manavamma landed in Ceylon | Succeeded in defeating and putting to e head was exhibited to the victor by raised the parasol of Sovereignty in the six months' rule of Hatthadatha, Vamma ruled in Ceylon for 35 years from
8. That he had a long rule of 35 years
the was just a married man perhaps in ld that he stayed in the Pallava country shus roughly in his fortieth year when of Ceylon.
! following facts are clear. As it is well ras the ruler of Kāñchi in circa A.D. in 20 years rule and since his son Nara684 when Manavamma succeeded in a throne with the Pallava's help, the Manavamma entered, and with whose was no other than Narasimhavarman II. king of Kanchi in 684 is confirmed by ce it is seen that Vajrabodhi visited Kien-tchi (Kaiichi) had then for three g famine, and the king Na-lo-Seng-kia
V, pp. 88ff.
246
"
ܠ .

Page 249
NARASIMHA AND
pau-to kia-ma (Narasinnha Potakarman, of the monks. By means of dharanis, \ then visited Ceylon. The Cilavans; mentions only one king named Narasi the two attempts he made to get the th was none other than Narasimha II.
With these fixed facts we may exa furnished in the Chronicle's account. Mānavamma came to India in circa A. Pallava king Kaduvetti, for nearly twe the invasion of the Vallabharaja into th sometime after Manavamma's recruiti must be dated a few years after A.D. account that Manavamma entered the friended and given the same status eq infer that the king Kaduvetti was Pa vamma enlisted himself in the royal mil son Narasimha alias Rajasirinha was thes raja who invaded the Pallava kingdon Chaluk ya Vikramaditya (654/5-68o) \, the Western Ganga Bhuvikrama (608– - Both of them were enemies of the Pa inroads into the Pallava's kingdom. C defeated the Pallava even in his 25th y only other Vallabharaja who could be Pallava after 661-2 is Vikramāditya. father Mahēndravarman II, who had re the length of his reign is not knowl Paramesvara. We have many accounts. had crushed the glory of Narasimha, c dissolved, and subdued Isvara by polit first invasion of the Pallava country d ditya had employed a stratagem again be no reasonable doubt that the invas Manavamma having enlisted himself staying in Kanchi, occurred sometime of the Pallava Paramesvara by polity. this happened.
247

} MANAVAMMA
Cor.-Varman) implored the assistance Vajrabodhi brought down rain. He a account of Manavamma's career ha, who helped him with forces for
rone, and this king, as shown above
umine the other synchronistic details
It is plain from the above that D. 66I-2, stayed in the court of the snty years upto A.D. 684. As such e Pallava's country, which happened ment to the services of the Pallava 661–2. Since it is plain from the ! services of Narasiha, and was beual to Narasimha, it is reasonable to llava Parannēśvara and that Mānalitary service of which Paramesvara's upreme commander. The Vallabhamay either have been the Western who bore the name Srivallabha, or 670) who had also the same name. lava, and both of them had made )f the two, the Ganga claims to have rear i.e. A.D. 633, and therefore the 2 said to have made war against the Pallava Paramesvara succeeded his igned peacefully before him, though n. Of Vikramaditya's War against Even in his early years Vikramaditya caused the power of Mahendra to be y. This shows that even before the uring ParameSvara's rule, Vikramast Paramesvara. As such there can ion into the Pallava country, when in the service of Narasimha II was after he had effected the submission
We shall ascertain when exactly

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UNIVERSITY OF
The first attempt of Manavan was made during the reign of Dat preceded by Manavamma's assistal of the invader Vallabharaja, that C in or before circa 665-6. AS is cl Savanur and Haiderabad plates o independence only after a protrac kings, Narasimha I, Mahendravarn it is plain, as Fleet 7 stated, that eve mesvara, Vikramaditya had made after A.D. 654/5 and before A.D. to Vajrabodhi's sojourn in India an on the Pallava throne in A.D. 686the island's crown in 684 with tha date of accession of Narasimhava certain that the rule of Narasirhha's since we have his I9th regnal year C reasonable to infer that, even if we cession of Narasimha II, his father menced not later than circa A.D. 66 shows that the king who was on the invaded it was none other than Pal that the Western Chalukya Vikra Kaiichi even in A.D. 670, for he had plates, made from his camp at Mal Kaichipura. And this fits in well occurred only after some years of Mā after A.D. 661/2. We are thus assi invaded the Pallava country, when of the Pallava, treated on an equal with Vikramaditya. As the chroni Chalukya was stoutly opposed by of Manavamma and the invader was placed in or before circa 665/6 and N Vikramaditya to overcome Pallava E
The identification of this Nara with the Pallava king Narasimhaval
. Bombay Gazetteer, p. 362. 8. Ep. In. Vol. XXXII, pp. 9lff.

CEYLON REVIEW
nma must be placed before 667, for it hopatissa (659-667). And as it was just ce to Narasimha in routing the army halukya's invasion must also be placed ar from the statements of the Gadval, Vikramaditya, that he had achieved ted struggle against the three Pallava nan II and his son Paramēśvaravarman, n in the first part of the reign of Parawar with him, and this was evidently 670. The Chinese evidence referring d Ceylon shows that Narasimha II was 9, while the fact that Manavamma got it Pallava ruler's help would carry the man II to A.D. 684. Now, as it as father lasted for not less than 20 years, in his Guruvayapalem plates,8 it will be assume A.D. 684 to be the date of acParamesvara's rule should have com4/5. This is an important point which throne of Kanchi when the Vallabharaja ramesvaravarman I. It is further clear maditya had been in the vicinity of | issued a grant recorded in the Honnur liyir to the west of the Pallava capital with the fact that Vallabha's invasion navamma's stay in the Pallava kingdom ured of the fact that the Vallabha who Manavamma was in the military camp footing with Narasimha, was identical cle states, the invasion of the Western Narasimha with the counted assistance s driven away. This invasion must be was thus one of the earliest attempts of Paramēśvaravarman I.
simha and his opponent Vallabharaja, man I and the Chāļukya Pulakēśin II,
248

Page 251
ܘܥܠ
N ARASIMIHA ANI
respectively, first made by Venkayy Dubreuil and others, is thus seen to b the last known date of Pulakesin II is . to show how long Narasimha I ruled
year. Evidence is forthcoming in the to show that Pulakēśin III’s rule ended in the reins of government from 636 to third and youngest of the sons of Pula shing himself in the entire region of th the glory of Narasimha, dissolved th Isvara by polity. He was in complet in the immediate north of the Pallava of his reign. As such the invasion of identified with Pulakēśin II, occurred o of Narasimha. This invasion was qu pursued to his very capital which was the chronicles that Manavamma's arriv ever happened in circa A.D. 634/5, a Vallabharaja was followed by the coun and sack of his capital. Even if we : Wijesinha's date of Dathopatissa and g. of rule, it would mean, as shown abov first after 3 or 4 years' rule of that king Pallava country for some years after pointed out already, occurred. This
invasion was made some years after ( Vallabha was not Pulakēśin II, who ha be remembered that though no recor A.D. 634/5 has yet been discovered, a some more years, his reign ended defir that “it may, with a close approximatio)
It is thus clear that Vallabharaja Vikramaditya I. It should also be note which was successfully routed by Nar was not the invasion by that Western ( of Paramesvarvarman I and the Seizing the in the Gadval plates. It was an earli 9. Ādityavarman, J. B. B. R.A.S. XVI, p. quary, Vol. VIII, p. 163; Bom. Gaz. p. 365; III
-
249

D MANAVAMMA
a, and later endorsed by Hultzsch, a untenable. It remains to note that A.D. 63.4/5, and there is no evidence after the sack of Badami in his I3th : records of the Western Chalukyas A.D. 635, that two of his sons'9 held 554, when finally Vikramaditya, the kēśin II, succeeded in firmly establiis father's kingdom, having crushed 2 power of Mahendra and subdued e possession of the country that lay Skingdom from the very beginning Vallabharaja, if he was ever to be nly in circa A.D. 634/5, in the reign lickly beaten back, and the enemy sacked. There is no indication in ral and stay in the Pallava kingdom ind that the routing of the invader ter invasion of the enemy's country apply the correction of 13 years to et thereby A.D. 641-so as his period e, that Manavamma arrived in India g in circa 644/5 and he stayed in the which Vallabharaja's invasion, as would show that the Chalukya's 544/5. And this demonstrates that ld died long before. It deserves to td of Pulakesin II dated later than ind even if we assume he ruled for litely before A.D. 643. Fleet states n to truth, be placed in A.D. 642.
was not Pulakēśin II, but his son d that the invasion of Vikramaditya rasimha II assisted by Mānavamma Chalukya that resulted in the defeat of his capital Kanchi as reported in er attack that happenedin or before
. 223f). and Chandraditya, Indian Anti.A. Vol. VIII, p. 44:.

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UNIVERSITY OF
circa A.D, 665 r6. Paramēśvara Wa foot on the soil of India, and the sec was made by him when Narasimha varman as king of Kaiichi, in or bef

CEYLON REVIEW
s reigning, when Manavamma first set ond and final attempt of Mānavamma had succeeded his father Paramesvaraore A.D. 684.
K. S. V AIDYANATHAN

Page 253
ܡܢܬܐ.
Verbs in the Jaffna
N the north and the east of Ceylon the people. Tamils are the indige no direct evidence so far known from any other country. But from t era they have been in communication India. The northern part of the islan Europeans Such as the Portuguese anc island they distorted this name as Jaffn. short analysis of the verbal forms occu region. I have already analysed the ph
Verbs in the Jafna
Singular
The crude theme of the verb or tl in the Jaffna dialect of Tamil as the seco
Examples:
nada, Walk; un, cat; tin, cat; v
Particle an is sometimes suffixed to
Examples:
nada-V-an “walk" ul-all - “eat” tiը-an - “ eat Val-an - "put" po-V-an - "go" Va-V-an – “COme”
99
Normally the verbal root is enou. Sometimes the second person singular p.
Examples:
ni nada : “you walk" nī un : “you eat” ni Vai : "you put ni põ : “you go" nī pār : “you look"
*This paper was read at the XXVI Inter New Delhi in January 1964.
2ST

Dialect of Tamil
, Tamil is the language spoken by nous people of this area. There is that they had come to these parts he early centuries of the Christian with the Tamil country, i.e. South d is known as Yalppanam. When I the Dutch ruled this part of the a. It is my purpose to give here a rring in the language spoken in this onology of this language elsewhere.
dialect of Tamil
he shortest form of the root is used ld person singular of the imperative.
1i, put; po, go.
the root.
gh to indicate the imperative; but ronoum ni is placed before it.
national Congress of Orientalists held in

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UNIVERSITY OF
Sometimes ni is also prefixed
suffix an.
Examples:
ni nada-V-an : “you ha ni uņ-an : “you ha ni vai-an : “you ha ni põ-v-an : “you ha
The particle um is very often su
Examples:
nada-v-um : "please Vai-um : "please 1 par-um : "please
In these cases nir is sometimes p
Examples:
nir nada-v-um : “vou yOul nīr vai-um : "you
- o GG - nur Par-um : you *nir-pom : you )
To these forms also the particle
plural.
Examples:
nīr pōm-an : “you nir nadavum an : "you nir pärum an : you
Plural The suffix kó/go is added to th
Examples:
nada-V-uủ gõ – “yot põ-V-un gõ
and pom-go — "you pãr-un gõ — "you var-uh-go - "you Vai-un gõ - yοι
*The verbal root pó- 'go' assumes th
The original form might have been * g.
p0772.

CEYLON REVIEW
for emphasis before this form with the
ve better walk" ve better eat” ve better put” ve better go”
fixed to indicate respect or sarcasm.
walk" put” look”
laced before it.
please walk" please put” please look” please go”
an is added.
have better go" have better walk" have better see”
is form to indicate the second person
please walk"
please go" please look” I please come”
please put
e form pom-, "please go'. õ -um which through assimilation has become
2S2

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VERBS IN THE JAFFNA
To these forms also an is added to indi
Examples:
nada-v-uń-gõ an — “you hac
posh-go an - "you had ܨܝܢܝܬܐ. pār-uń-gõ an — “you hac var-uf-go an - "you had vai-uh-go an - "you had
Sometimes the second person plur form.
Examples:
ningal nada-un-go - "youp ningal par-uh-go - "youp ningal vali-uh-go - you p. ningal põń-gõ - "you p.
Very often as in the singular the whether the word minigal is prefixed or n (a) poli-go-an — "you (b) ningal pon-go-an - "you
The ko/go in the Jaffna dialect is plural suffix of the classical Tamil. Th Jaffna dialect, and ga in the South Indian nata-v-un-kal becomes nada-v-un-go in in the South Indian dialect. The clas ningal põngõ in the Jaffna dialect and ning It is to be observed in the last example in the Jaffna dialect whereas it disappear suffix an used in the Jaffna dialect to indic from the particle en which is used in the
The personal forms of the verb in irrational groups; masculine and femini and the neuter gender form the irrationa singular and plural; three moods: ind and two voices: active and passive.
-
ཡོད(
2S3 ܂ ܐ

DIALECT OF TAMIL
ate emphasis.
better please walk" better please go" better please look" better please come” better please put”
all form minigal is placed before this
lease walk” lease look” ease put' lease go”
suffix an is placed after this form LOt.
have better go' have better go"
probably from the form kall, the tis suffix kal/gal becomes gõ in the dialect. The classical Tamil form he Jaffna dialect and nada-v-un-ga sical form ninkal potikal becomes a ponga in the South Indian dialect. that the final 1 of ninkal is retained in the South Indian dialect. The hte emphasis may be a development sense of “why”.
amil are divided into rational and Legenders form the rational group group. There are two numbers: icative, imperative and negative;

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UNIVERSITY OF
Indicative is formed by the ad
stem of the participles:
Past rational:
ISt. perS. Sg:
VaCCall “I placed”
vāsiccan “I read”
ketan “I asked”
.. irundan “I sat”
kuçluțțan "I gave I st. pers. pl:
kuçluttam "We gave”
irundam “We Sat'
pÖna1m. “We Went' 2nd pers. Sg:
kilappiņāy "you stole"
pēsināy “you spoke
vaccāy "you place
niņdāy “you stood 3rd. pers. mas. Sg:
kilappinān “he stole”
vanda van *he Came” pl. hon:
pōtār “he went”
vandāir “he came” fem. sg:
Sonn āļ "she spoke
irundāļ “she sat”
vand al “she came” pl. hon:
Sonn a “she told”
irund a “she sat
vand a "she Came"
pÖ1n a “she went
It may be observed in this conn all are suffixed to the participal forms to denote honorofic plural. Caldwe denote the plurality of both men at is the Suffix used to denote the hono

CEYLON REVIEW
dition of personal terminations to the
action that the personal suffixes au, au,
The pronominal form ār is suffixed ll says aris the episcene plural used to ld women. But in the Jaffna dialect a rofic plural of women. The episcene
54
t

Page 257
VERBS IN THE JAFFNA
plural form has come in the Jaffna di plural. The original episcene plural C in the Jaffna dialect into masculine plur:
3rd. mas. pl. Sonnaih gal Vandafi gal irundaño gal! ponāli gaļ
3rd fem. pl:
Vandāļu gaļ pona gal
"they (men O1 "they came” "they sat”. "they went
"they (womer “they went”
In these examples in masculine sin;
turned into plural by the addition of t singular verbal form with pronominal
by the same process. Very often in S forms the plural.
Past irrational:
3rd. pers. Sg: vandadu vandudu kidandadu kuçduttadu āyCcu põycCull
*it Canne" *it Came” “it lay” "it gave” "it happened
“it went”
In these examples, forms like van
vantatu may be due to a change in pron
3rd. pers. pl.
Vandadu gaļ Vandudu gaļ
pōddudu gaļ
Present rational:
ISt. perS. Sg:
solrān virrāņ ninaikkirian
kēkkirāņ
"they came “they came” “they went”
“he tells” “he sold” “he rememb “he hears”
255

DIALECT OF TAMIL
lect to denote only the masculine f the Tamil language has changed land feminine plural.
ly) told”
) came"
gular forms like soulan, vandau are he plural suffix gal. The feminine suffix al is changed into the plural uch cases all drops the final l and
Idadu instead of the classical form 1nciation.
9)
1S

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UNIVERSITY OF
Ist. pers. pl:
vāram : "We CO1 Seyyiram : “We do” solram : “ We tell" nikkiram : "We Star
2nd. pers. sg:
irukkirāy : “you sit solrāy : “you tel niņaikkiirāy : “you rei põray : "you g” 2nd. pers. pl:
irukkiriyal : “you sit nikkiriyal : “you Sta рбriya! : "you go 2nd. pers. pl. hon:
1nikkirir : “you stal nikkirir : “you sta vārīr : “you coi solrīr : “you tell naçdakkirir : “you wa
Forms like poriyal nikkiriyal are
põrirkal nikkirirkal
3rd. pers. mas. Sg:
varan : “he com solrāņ : “he tells' nikkirāņ : “he reme
3rd. pers. mas. pl:
vārāfigaļ : "they (m solrāńga! : “they (m nikkirangal : "they (m 3rd. pers. fem., sg:
Solrāļ : "she says irukkirāļ : “she sits” kudukkirāļ : "she give pēsirāļ : “ she scola
2.

CEYLON REVIEW
יין
member”
ind”
و(
ind nd
99
C
99
Iko
changed forms of the classical words
es”
embers”
en only) come” en only) tell” en only) stand"

Page 259
VERBS IN THE JAFFNA
3rd. pers. fem. pl:
seyyirā gaļ "they (won mikkira gal "they (won pesirau gal "they (won tingirāļu gaļ “they (won 3rd. pers. fem., pl. hon:
seyyira “she does” pÖra "she goes” vārā “she comes nikkirā “she stands
Present irrational:
3rd. pers. Sg:
põgudu "it goes” nikkudu “it stands” edukikiradu “it takes” Solradu "it says"
In examples like pogudu, nikkudu it of the suffix - kir- denoting the present solradu, nikkiradu, it is present.
Future rational:
ISt. perS. Sg:
iruppān “he will sit” nippan “he will stand nippan “he will stand varu vām “he will come taru vām "he will give I st. pers. pl:
põvam “we will go" kadaippam “we will spea uduppam “we will dress tinpan “we will eat” 2nd. pers. sg:
solluvāy "you will say pÖvay “you will go' tinpāy “you will eat naɖappāy “you will wal
257

DIALECT OF TAMIL
nen only) do” nen only) stand” nen only) scold” nen only) eat”
may be observed there is an absence tense, whereas in forms like poradu,

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2nd. pers. pl:
tinypiyalı : “you will varuviyal : “you will
3rd. pers. mas. sg:
varuvan : “he will c iruppāņ : “he will s kuduppan : “he will g nippān : “he will s
3rd. pers. mas. pl:
varuvangal : "they ( iruppahgal : "they ( kuduppangal : "they ( seyvāi gaļ : “they ( 3rd. pers. fem., sg:
varuvāļ : “she will iruppāļ : “she will soluvā : “she will nippāl : “she will 3rd. pers. fem., pl:
iruppaļu gaļ : “the ōduvāļu gaļ : “the soluvāļu gaļ : “the padippalugal : "the nippa gal : “the kēppā gaļ : “the
Future irrational:
3rd. pers. sg: Vall1. : “it will seyyum : “it will irukkum : “it will
3rd. pers. pl:
varuf gal : “they v pogun gal : “they
erus gal : “they v

CEYLON REVIEW
eat Come”
99.
ΟIY1C it' give" tand”
men only) will come” men only) will sit" men only) will give" men only) will do”
Come” sit' say” stand”
y (women only) will sit" y (women only) will run” y (women only) will say"
(women only) will study" y (women only) will stand" y (women only) will hear"
vill come” vill go” vill climb”
ܡܝ_ܔ]
258

Page 261
VERBS IN THE JAFFNA
Some finite verbal forms are found
suffixing the pronouns to the adjectival are formed in the following way:-
ܡܥܠ
r
Rational:
Irrational
I St Pers. 2nd Sg. kanda nain kaņda ni
“I saw” “you sav Pl. kaņda nāṁgal kaņda niñg * We Saw” “you sav I
Ist. perS. 2 Sg. kanjira nan = kāņira n kāņra nān = kāņra ni
*I See” * you Pl. kāņira nāṁgal kañira n kāņra nāfigaļ kaņra ni
“We see” "you
Sg. kandadu : “it saw” Pl. kaņdavai : “they saw l
Sg., känliradu . 9:
kāņradu J It sees
The rational third person plural
peculiar to this dialect. This form is feminine plurals.
Past:
vandinam : “they came niņdiņam : “they stood irundinam : “they sat” kaņdiņam : “they saw” õdinam : “they ran” vilundinam : "they fell"
259

DIALECT OF TAMIL
d in this dialect which are made of participles. The past and present
Pasif Pers.
Present
nd pers.
See īńgal ngal See”
Past
Present
very often
3rd Pers. kaņdavan
“He saw'. kaņdavangaļ “they (men only) saw”
3rd pers. kāņiravan = kāņravan =
“he sees" kaňira vaňgal kāņravangaļ “they (men only) see”
ends in -inam. This is
common to both masculine and

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UNIVERSITY OF
Present:
varuginam : “they c nikkinam : “they s irukkinam : “they s põginam : “they g tinginam : “they c pākkinam : “they s
Future:
varuvinam : “they nippinam : “they iruppinam : “they põvinam : “they pappinam : “they tinpinam : “they
It is mentioned in Nannul tha in the language in the rational thir Jaffna dialect this rule cannot be a plural also.
Examples:
nir seyyum : "you p. nir varium : "you p. nir padiyum : “you p nīr irum : "youp
When ningal comes as the sub (also please See pages 2 and 3).
Examples:
nĩnga! Seyyuủ gõ nīgaļ vāru go ningal padiyun gõ ninga! irum gõ
G
6
6
A finite verbal form ending i denote question. This may be a Sangam dialects.
Examples:
kețţi -e : “have vāri -e : "are y
See Purandiniiru, stz. S:
''polutu eņa varaiti purakkouttu vicumpi nänum pakal vilahkuti yäl palkat

F CEYLON
will comeo will stand” vill sit” will go” will see” Will eat”
REVIEW
t the finite future ceyyum will not occur "d, second and first persons. But in the pplied. It occurs in the second person
lease do” lease come" lease study" lease sit”
ject a suffix kó/go is added to this verb
you do” “you come” “vou studv” you study "you sit"
n i occurs with the particles e or 0 to remnant of such forms found in the
you heard” ou coming”
iratiti märi varut malai maraintu olitti akal iru
tir Viritté.**
26O
*^e ==

Page 263
VERBS IN THE JAFFNA
niņdi Varuvi Sonni padikkri Examples: 6: vāri põri SO11121 nińdi vandi õdini
-e -e -c C-س--
-O -O
-6
-O
-6
O-س--
"did you re "did you cc “did you te “are you st
"are you con "are you goir "did you tell "did you stan "did you con "did you run
Sometimes the auxiliary attum is
Examples:
põgattum
irukkațțum
nikkațțum
Varattum
suffix is added to the infinitive.
“let it go"
“let it remai “let it stand" “let it come
The auxiliary attu suffixed to the
Examples:
vangate taraţțe virkațțē õdatte pākkațțē Seyyatte
question in the first person when the pa found in Malayalam.
“shall I get" “shall I give” “shall I sell “shall I run “shall I see” “shall I do.”
26I

DIALECT OF TAMIL
main me” 11” udying"
lingʼ ஒ9 g
d
39
C
99
used in the sense of “let’. This
infinitive occurs in the sense of rticle e is added. This form is also
K. KANAPATHI PILLAI.

Page 264
Demaladuva .
Bhuvane
HIS sannasa is engraved on
and 2 3/I6 in. in width. is a margin of I4/16 in. at the left there is a conventional rep. a similar representation of the m that the document was to be effe endured. On the reverse the left on the right is only IO/I6 in. In t is otherwise blank is engraved the of the letters sa and sril which r swasti-Sri. There are eight lines of
The text of the Demaladiva ratana in the Sinhalese Journal Jiian in 1912 in the Journal of the Ceyl by P. E. Pierisas a part of a paper er VII.3 As a full discussion of the II intended to be given in this paper a this paper is not altogether free fr paper to study this interesting do several problems connected with it.
According to a note appended the sannasa at the time it was print in the possession of Mudaliyar Pattu in Galle, whose family had an heirloom.
1. For identification of this symbol Him-patraya of Patra. Abo-Satiru-Raja, P. p. 147, fin. 10.
2. Jñānādarśaya, Vol. IV, Colombo, 3. Journal of the Ceylon Branch of t
1910-1912, pp. 272-273, a reproduction of translation were furnished by Simon de Si

Sannasa of King kabahu VII
a thin sheet of copper 134 in. in length On the obverse side of the sannasa there either end. At the top of the margin on resentation of the sun and at the bottom oon–both figures intended to indicate ctive as long as the sun and the moon hand margin is I3/I6 in. wide while that he centre of the left hand margin which Jonventional royal monogram consisting epresent an abbreviation of the phrase writing on each side of the sannasa.
Sannasa was first published by Y. Vanaladarsaya in 1900.2 and was again printed on Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society titled The Date of King Bhuvanekabahu Demaladiva Sannasa apparently was not und as the text of the sannasa as given in om errors it is proposed in the present cument afresh with a discussion of the
to the text printed in the Jnanadarsaya ed in this Journal appears to have been Vikramasinnha Vilegoda of Gañgabada some to inherit it with other sannasas as
see, P. E. E. Fernando, Kandy District Court arana vitana, Felicitation, Volume, Colombo, 1965,
1900, p. 140.
he Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XXII, Colombo, the sannasa appears on Plate I. The text and lva, Mudaliyar.
262

Page 265
DEMAILADUVA
Today the Copper Plate is in the of the National Museum, Kandy, who Mr. W. A. Samarasekara of Nugegod Panawatta that the sannasa had been fo the late Pandit W. A. Samarasekara of ( Schools and Pirivenas. P. E. Pieris has sannasa in 1912. It would seem that obtained the document after 1912.
I must here acknowledge my dee giving me this sannasa on loan for a per for furnishing me with a note on the his
The sannasa records the grant of a v in the Salpiți-kõraļē of the Western Pro Palihavadana Šembahapperumāļā by a Pandita Bhuvanekabahu in recognition King by the former. Actually the lan praveni to the ancestors of Palihavadana ruler and the present sannasa seeks to con which had lapsed at the time, (ecoeosoé would settle on his descendants after grant is dated on the seventh day of th
Vesak in the year following the ninth ye
The identity of the grantor has bec P. E. Pieris rightly has taken him to b Bhuvanekabahu VII5 (1521-1551). Bel comparable material available today, st the reign of King Bhuvanekabahu V, w to the Oruvala Sannasa,7 has not altoget grantor of this document being identif Dädigama.
A comparison of the script of the Bhuvanekabahu VI,8 with the script
4. See the phrase swasthirava pavatind pan phrase in the passage from Yajñavalkya, quoted
5. J.C.B.R.A.S. Vol. XXIII, p. 270. 6. Ibid., pp. 283-295. 7. Epigraphia, Zeylanica, Vol. III, Colomb 8. Ibid., Plate 33. See Fig. 1.
سر
263

SANNASA
possession of Mr. A. S. Panawatta had purchased it in 1964 from one la. The latter had informed Mr. und in the collection of his father Galle, who had been an Inspector of not indicated how he came by this Pandit W. A. Samarasekara had
p gratitude to Mr. Panawatta for iod of over three months and also tory of the sannasa.
rillage named Demaladiva situated vince to a person named Vijayaraja king named Sakala-kala Sahityaof loyal services rendered to the d in question had been granted as Sembahapperumala by a previous firm and make permanent the grant D asa):523 e52)2·o) so that the land the demise of the donee.4 The e bright fortnight of the month of
ar of the King's accession.
an a matter of some doubt, though e the last of that name, i.e., King l, who obviously did not have the iated that it should be assigned to hile Codrington, in his introduction her precluded the possibility of the ted as King Bhuvanekabahu VI of
Dadigama Slab-Inscription of King of the document under discussion
atata in the sannasa. The corresponding in note 40 is nibandham kirtva.
), 1928-1933, p. 57.

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UNIVERSITY OF
Ka
C.
tica
C
bo
YY1O.
NTC
F
Column l: Sagama, Rock-Tr Column 2: Dadigama, SlabColumn 3: Demaladiva, Sa

CEYLON REVIEW
2
○ 4༽༽ C) とすい
Q)
Sリ ()
ig. I lscription of Bhuvanekabahu W Inscription of Bhuvanekabahu VI
In a Sa,
264

Page 267
DEMALADUVA
however, will clearly demonstrate that anterior in date to that of the latter, a Pieris in regard to the identity of the Characters such as ka, na, ta, na, ba, ma tion are comparatively quite archaic an as the corresponding characters employ right hand downward curves of the cha the Dadigama Slab-Inscription do not of the letter, but remain terminate of this element. Furthermore the cere components as the na of the Demal Ina have arms on the right moving u to the left as in the more developed fo Demaladiva Sannasa. The only type Inscription is the tadpole type, whereas developed type, almost like the charac side by side with the former type. Th on the other hand, is of the same type Sannasa9 which is with certainty ident bahu VII 10, the only difference being Palkurinbura Sannasa appears to be of employed in the document which fo script employed in the Ganegoda San of Bhuvanekabahu VIIbears a close rese diva Sannasa. It is therefore to be ci is later than the Dadigama Slab-Inscr considerable number of years and that the Demaladiva Sannasa must be th Bhuvanekabahu VII, A.D. I52 I-ISS tla, ina, and ra occurring in the Demal: in the Sagama Rock-Inscription of B there is absolutely no possibility of ass the reign of the same ruler as has been
The grantee mentioned in this doc evidently an officer in the service of Ki
9. Ibid., Plate 28. 10. Ibid., p. 241. ll. H. C. P. Bell, Report on the Kegalle Dis
12. Epigraphia, Zeylanica, Vol. IV, Colomb سر
.1 265

A SANNASA
the script of the former is very much ind confirm the conclusions of P. E. grantor of the Demaladiva Sannasa. ndra in the Dädigama Slab-InscripId not developed to the sanne extent ed in the Demaladiva Sannasa. The tracters ka, na, ta and na occurring in reach the level of the main element 2d about half-way down the side bral qua is not yet separated into two diva Sannasa. The letters ba and pwards but they do not take a turn rms of these letters occurring in the of ra found in the Dadigama Slabin the Demaladiva Sannasa a more ter used in the present day, is found e Script of the Demaladiva Sannasa, } as is employed in the Palkurinbura fied as a grant of King Bhuvanekathat the letter ina employed in the a type slightly earlier than the one rms the subject of this paper. The nasall which I assign to the reign Imblance to the Script of the Demalaoncluded that the present document iption of Bhuvanekabahu VI by a the Bhuvanekabahu mentioned in erefore the last of that name, i.e., I. A comparison of the key letters ldiiva Sannasa with those occurring huvanekabahu V12, will show that igning the Demaladiva Sannasas to proposed by Bell.
ument is a person of some standing, ng Bhuvanekabahu VII. His name
trict, Colombo, 1904, Plate opposite p. 92. vo, 1934-1941, Plate 28. See Fig. 1.

Page 268
UNIVERSITY OF
is given as Vijayaraja Palihavadana the village of Mampe in the Salpitik vince. Mampe is a hamlet in the Sembahapperumala, or its Sinhalese documents for the first time in refere as a son by King Parākramabāhu VI nekabahu VI at Dadigama.13
It is, indeed, quite likely that the present document was a kinsman C that he was living not far from the Bhuvanekabahu VII. It also can b Pieris, that the grantee of the pre person who is named Vijayaraja P. Dahamsoiidakawa of Alagiyawanna. offices from a king named Bhuvanek. of that name and is described as Korale. His grandson, a scribe nam the Dahamsoidakava was written up as a boy in the company of Kin If the conclusion based on palae documents discussed above that the by King Bhuvanekabahu VII is C grant would be 153 I, when the gra would have been in his manhood. him at this stage and his grandson S somewhere about I56O. King Rajasi Thus it would have been quite pos perumala to have been brought up u1 noting also that the Dahansoridakav time Samaradivakara would have be
The word daja in the name Vij kava as a prefix to the name of Pali error, the name of the grantee as gi
13. Sälalihini Sandesaya, stanza No. 24 Colombo, 1926, pp. 65-66. The same prin recently deciphered inscription on the Bolan Wedding, University of Ceylon Review, Vol 14. Dahansoğda kava, ed. W. Sorata, Col
l5. Ibid., stanzas Nos. 6-10.

CEYLON REVIEW
Sembahapperumala and he resided in Tõraļē in the present-day Western Proa vicinity of Piliyandala. The name form Sapu-kumaru, occurs in Sinhalese 2nce to a prince who had been adopted and who became king later as Bhuva
Sembahapperumala mentioned in the of the first perhaps a nephew, and 2 capital, Kotte, in the reign of King e taken, as has been shown by P. E. sent document is identical with the alihavadana-matiidu in the Sinhalese 4. This person had obtained many abahu, who cannot but be the seventh living in Mampe in the Panabunu ed Samaradivakara at whose invitation by Alagiyavanna, had been brought g Rajasimha of Sitavakas, I554-1594. ographic evidence furnished by the
sannasa under discussion was granted, orrect, then the date of issue of this Inte Palihavadana Šembahapperumāļā A son may have been born to amaradivakara would have been born mha I's reign lasted from I554 to I593. sible for this grandson of Šembahapnder the protection of King Rajasinha, a was composed in I6IO, by which en about fifty years of age.
ayadaja occurring in the Dahanisoridahavadana-matiidu may be a copyist's ven in the Demaladūva Sannasa being
9, and Rajavaliya ed. Vatuvatté Pémananda, ce is referred to as Campaka-perumala in a a Slab, S. Paranavitana, Princess Ulakudaya's . XXIII, Peradeniya, 1963, p. 133. Ombo, 1928, stanza, No. 8.
66

Page 269
IDEMALADUV
Vijayaraja. The grantee's title Vijay. Victorious Royal Shield, probably is : he was held in court circles as the nai ruler of the land, who was panegeri Salalihini-sandesaya as the fearless conq
The sannasa is attested by a seci Perumal, the formula of attestation r තාඹපත්‍රය ලියාදුන් බවට සන්හස් තිරුවර: employed in this formula, similar to contemporary sannasas 17, appears to in the sannasa has been engraved was in f mal and that in this formula and for phrase has to be apparently understood sense of writing or drafting which the v interpretation of the formula of attestat the attestation occurring in the Palkur by King Bhuvanekabahu VII.18
According to this attestation the o given by the King-in-Council and t having engraved the sannasa on coppe
A slightly different form of form in the sannasas of this period engrave instead of the phrase liyā dun balvața tl dun bavata, 19 to the fact of causing (th employed. In these two types of p. kotavā which have been used by the se between a copper plate engraved b engraved on stone where the engravin was specially trained for this kind of to conclude that the sannasas engraved ( by the scribes who attest these docum instances where the same phrase as is copper plate is also used in sannasas en
16. Scilalihini Sandésaya, stanza No. 29.
17. See Appendix where attestations fror collected.
18. Appendix, 22. 19. Appendix, 4, 7, and also 5, where a sli
میسر
1 1 26

A SANNASA
araja Palihavadana, the Bearer of the an indication of the esteem in which mesake and kinsman of an illustrious sed by the poet Śrī Rāhula in the ueror ofJafna.16
retary named Sanhas Tiruvaranngan eading: වදාළ මෙහෙවරින් මෙ සන්නස් (ozi cesovede). The terminology that of formulae employed in other dicate that the copper plate on which act engraved by Tiruvarangan Perumulae of contemporary sannasas the in the sense of engraving and not in the erb liyanava normally carries. This ion appears to be further supported by hbura Sannasa which was also issued
rder to engrave the copper plate was he secretary certifies to the fact of plate in accordance with this order.
ula, however, is generally employed 'd on stone. In these lithic records ne phrase liyavā dun balvața or kotavā is sannasa) to be engraved, has been hrase the causative forms liyava and Cretary appear to make a distinction y the secretary himself and a sannasa g was entrusted to a craftsman who work. It is however, not possible on copper plate were in fact engraved ents, because there are at least two employed in sannasas engraved on graved on stone. In the Dadigama
a sannases of 13th-16th century have been
ghtly different form is used.

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UNIVERSITY O.
Slab-Inscription of Bhuvanekabahu stated that Sanhas Tiruvarangan V. Sannasa in question on stone20 and a niya Inscription of Parakramabahu I Slab-Inscription I, again the same p in Inscription No. II reads liyavā dur the phrase employed to attest the doc plate sannasas of the time. If we ass bavata the sense of engraving then of the Dadigama Slab-Inscription v the title adhikara, prime minister, V which is hardly in keeping with his to which possibily left no leisure activities as engraving grants on Sto of the Gadaladeniya Slab-Inscriptic Stone Inscription had either the leisu take engraving on stone as a professi that must have devolved on them or sanhas liyana mäti24, for it is knov kramabāhu VI of Kotte a membe bearing the title of adhikara, was a n sters.25 The position of the sanhas li no less exalted at other times as wel King Parakramabahu VI it is clearl himself handed over to the attestor the record in question to be engrave in stone records whether the phrase
20. Appendix, 13.
21. Appendix, 16.
22. Appendix, 15. I
23. Appendix, 15. III
24. The Sinhalese word Sanhas or sammas figure of an Indian goose, which appears t course of time it appears to have meant a carrying the king's monogram. In the Kot a royal document recording a grant of lanc Indian goose in the royal signet, see Hann responsible for drafting a sannasa also came to be used in the attestations of Sannases, it came to be known as pota from pot, book. Inscription, Katikavat-Saigara, ed. D. B. Ja
25. Hansasandésaya, stanza 50.
26. Appendix, 4.

2 CEYLON REVIEW
VI (A.D. I.472/1473-1480/81) it is kramasimha Adhikara has written the similar statement is made in the KalaX, 21 (ISO9-1528). In the Gadaladeniya hrase is used22 though the phrase used bavata.23. In the instances noted above, ument is the same as that used in Copper ign to the phrases li bavata and liyā dun t has to be concluded that the attestor tho is described by no less a title than as Competent in stone carving-a skill exalted position the duties appertaining or him to indulge in such laborious ne. It is also unlikely that the attestor ons and the attestor of the Kälaņiya re, the inclination or the skill to underonal duty in view of the responsibilities as officers holding the office of sannas Vn that during the time of King Parar of the family of sanhais-liyana-mati lember of the King's Council of Miniyana matican be presumed to have been l. In the Kiragala Slab-Inscription of y indicated that even when the King a stone carving chisel the latter caused on stone by another person.26 Thus used is liyā dun balvața, li baviața, liyavā
from Sanskrit Samjid--haul Sct, literally, means D have been used in the seal of the king. In ny document carrying this seal, a royal edict be period it appears to have specially signified l by the king. For the representation of the sasandesaya, stanza 2. The person who was to be known as Sanhas in which sense it appears 1st as the official who kept accounts or books see. Sikurd mudal-potunta, in the Papiliyana, 7atilaka, Colombo, 1955, p. 40.
68
ܥ ܡܐ

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DEMALADUVA
dun balvața or kostavā dun balvația, the phr: that the attestor employed some comp engrave the document.
As has been pointed out above
attestor in copper plate sannasas, but it was responsible for also engraving th plate Sannasas too the phrase ĉC33 ĝ25 sense as is assigned to the phrase when also be remembered that even engravi considered a proper occupation for a is hardly any information available 1 on copper plate employed at this time, a sannasa on copper plate required a v considerable volume of labour, and it functioned also as a member of the C the skill or the time to undertake the drafting them for the King.
It is evident that first drafts of sani secretary and these drafts were later c choice of material probably dependin Both the Ampitiya Rock-Inscription came to the throne about I.357 A.D., . show that before a grant of land was veyance was written on a strip of palm grantee. A copy of this deed was eng would be placed in the land concernec that the fact of the grant would be pro
It may perhaps be surmised that
office of the secretary or somewhere els engraving on dressed slabs or pillars ( cincts of Court, while engraving on 1 the place where such rock was situated.
necessary for the secretary to state in s caused the stone or rock to be engrav copper plates it was considered hardly as the engraving took place, as stated all
27. Appendix, 2. 28. Appendix, 5.

A SANNASA
ise has to be understood in the sense petent person other than himself to
a different phrase was used by the cannot be concluded that the attestor e Copper plate, for in these copper iš a) SDO must be assigned the same it occurs on lithic records. It may ng on Copper would not have been person of the rank of sanhas. There regarding the method of engraving but there is no doubt that engraving ery high degree of skill as well as a is hardly likely that a secretary who ouncil of Ministers would have had engraving of sannasas in addition to
nasas were made on palm leaf by the opied on copper plate or Stone, the g on the importance of the grant. of King Vikramabahu III27 who and the Madavala Rock-Inscription28 recorded on stone, the deed of conleaf which was handed over to the raved either on a dressed stone which or on a rock situated in the land, so claimed to the public.
copper plates were engraved in the e in the vicinity of his office whereas of stone took place outside the preiving rock had to be carried out at This circumstance may have made it ome lithic records that the secretary 2d (by a third party). In the case of necessary to make such a statement pove, in the office of the Secretary or

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UNIVERSITY OF
at least in a place within easy reach a first draft of a sannasa was made on account the material on which the t engraved and phrase the formula C sannasa was to be engraved on copp some instances, to have been decide in the Karagala Slab-Inscription a st to engrave the grant in question or said to have handed over a chisel for statement occurs in the Palkurinbura directed hat a copper plate be eng These statements, however, may ha actual decision to use stone or cop been taken by the sanhas or even by
In India, in ancient and early m was rarely mentioned in copper plat documents a statement to the effect t by a high official of the King, such Alliance (Sandhi-vigrahika) the Col minister, (amātya). 31 In these instar engraving of the document in contre done by a skilled engraver. In late tioned specifically in copper plate g person who drafted it and the pers King. The engravers whose name plate grants belonged to castes suc copper-Smith.33
Most probably a similar proced preparation of copper plate grants,
29. Appendix, 4.
30. Appendix, 22.
31. G. Buhler, Indische Palaeographie, Indian Palaeography, Part I, Banaras, 195 Copper Plate of Vijaya Gandagopala, it is s hand, but it is obvious that, if at all, only record was inscribed by him, the body of probably a professional engraver, Epigrap foot-note on p. 198.
32. For example see the contemporar Ruler Krsnadevaraya, dated Saka 1450, E Conjeevaram Plates of the same ruler, Epig
33, G, Buhler, op. cit., p. 95.

CEYLON REVIEW
of the secretary's department. When palm leaf the secretary would take into ext of the sannasa would ultimately be fattestation accordingly. Whether a er plate or on Stone appears, at least in d by the King. For example there is atement to the effect that the direction stone was given by the King who is the purpose to the sanhas.29 A similar Sannasa where the King is said to have raved for the purpose of the grant.30 ve been dictated by formality, and the per plate, in each instance, may have a subordinate working under him.
2diaeval times the name of the engraver e grants though there is usually in these hat the document was written (likhitam) as the Minister in charge of War and mmander-in-Chief (Senapati) or by a ices it can be surmised that the actual 1st to the drafting of the document was r times the engraver's name was menrants, 32 in addition to the name of the on who supervised it on behalf of the Is are mentioned in mediaeval copper h as those of goldsmith, ironsmith and
ure was followed in Ceylon too in the the function of the sanhas liyana mäti
Strassburg, 1896, pp. 94-95; R. B. Pandey, 2, pp. 93-94. At the end of the Conjeevaram stated that the grant was inscribed in his own his signature appearing at the bottom of the the record being engraved by some one else, hia, Indica, Vol. XIII, 1915-1916, p. 197 and
y Udayambakam Grant of the Vijayanagara pigraphia Indica, Vol. XXIV, p. 134, and the graphia Indica, Vol. XIII, p. 122,
27O

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DEMALAIDUV/
being limited to the drafting of the gra by the Minister of War and Alliance ( official. The actual engraving of the trusted to a trained engraver.
As stated above the document secretary named Sanhas Tiruvarama insignificant variations, occurs in sev The name is also mentioned in the composed in the reign of King Parakr: from which was drawn one of the mo Council of Ministers, while the lates bearing the same name is possibly th issued in the reign of King Bhuvane period of over one hundred years per doubt belonging to the same family Court of the kings of Kotte. Even it VII which lasted for thirty years there secretary bearing this name. The Ma lowing the third year of King Bhuva Sannasa, with which this paper is con year following the ninth year of the si have been drafted by two different sc Sanhas Tiruvaranngan Perumāl and al different engravers as well, unless of ponsible for this part of the task as w graphy is faulty whereas in the Dei conforms to contemporary usage as is learned living at the time. Even cor and diva, island, are misspelt in the M of the village Mãmpẽ has not been coi attestor appears to be spelt wrong in t of the Demaladiva Sannasa appears versed in the official language of the t author of the Mampe Sannasa. In th ment of the ligature ňda (saññaka daya limb similar to that of la (sainaka laya, 34. Appendix, 4, 16, 17, 18, 21, 22, 24, and 35. Hamsasandésaya, stanza No. 50. 36. Orthographical differences in the two di
7 ܚܝ
-
27

A SANNASA
nt, a duty performed in India usually Sandhi-pigrahika) or some other high copper plate would have been en
under consideration is attested by a gan Perumal, a name which, with eral other contemporary sannasas. Hansasandesaya35, said to have been amabahu VI, as the name of a family st important members of the King's t document attested by a secretary e Ganegoda Sannasa which was also kabahu VII of Kotte. Thus for a sons bearing this name and without had functioned as secretaries in the n the reign of King Bhuvanekabahu appear to have been more than one mpë Sannasa issued in the year folnekabahu VII and the Demaladiva cerned and which was issued in the ame king, can definitely be stated to cretaries known by the same name lso to have been engraved by two course the two secretaries were resell. In the Māmpē Sannasa orthomaladūva Sannasa the orthography demonstrated in the works of the mmon words such as vatta, garden, lampe Sannasa where even the name rectly spelt. Even the name of the his document.36 Thus while author to be a competent secretary well ime, the same cannot be said of the e Demaladüva Sannasa the first elleInna) is represented by a hook-like na).
25.
ocuments are tabulated below:-

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UNIVERSITY OF
In the designation of the Secreta the word Tiruvarangan represents t longed. The Hausasandesaya too Adikara by this name. Tiruvarang Sanskrit Srĩ Rangam,37 is the name o palli in South India. The village is Visnu who is also called Sri Raiga migrated to Ceylon from South Ind their connections with a village w People from this village, as did othe nected the name of their birth place Hence appeared names such as Tiri. Tiruvarangan, the name of a distin manuja. In Ceylon these immigra ment at Court as Secretaries, as is ev by secretaries who were members of attested being the Käragala Slab-Ins members of this family could find er remains to be explained.
It will be noted that the land c to Vijayaraja Palihavadana in an ind to the sacred Tooth Relic and then produce of the land by the paymen to the Tooth Relic. This same dev. whereby again land was granted b In the Oruvala Sannasa provision is
Demaladiūva Sannasa
චතූවතීති
මාම්බෝජ
ගෙමබහප්පෙරුමාළා
)?(ാഴ്ച്
වත්ත
දූව
ශ්‍රී දන්ත ධාතූන්වහන්සේ
5ബ
ආචන්ද්‍රාකකි. සථායීව
ථිත්‍රය
37. B. A. Saletore, Social and Politicall
1934, p. 340.
38. K. A., Nilakanta, Sastri, The Cholas,

CEYLON REVIEW
ry who has attested the present sannasa, he name of the family to which he be
calls the family of Vikramasimha 2an which is the Tamil equivalent of if a village near present-day Tiruchiranoted for its temple dedicated to god I. It is very probable that the family ia and retained the name to perpetuate Jell-known for its Vaishnava temple. rs from other well-known places, conor home town to their personal names. varangattu Amudanar, Amudanar from guished pupil of the Hindu Saint Rants from Śrī Rangam secured employident from the several sannasas attested this family, the earliest record to be so scription of Parakramabāhu VI. How mployment readily at Court, however,
:onveyed by this sannasa is transferred irect manner. First the land is offered
the grantee is permitted to enjoy the t of five fanams annually as a donation ice is employed in the Mampe Sannasa y the same King to the same person. made for the donation of fifteen fanams
Mām pē Sannasa.
චක්‍රවත්වී
මාම්බෝබ්
සෙම්බහෙප්පරුමාලා
e)%ാഴ്ച)
වත්ථ
ධුව
ශ්‍රීධන්තධාතූන්වහන්සේ
සනථක
අචන්ද්‍රාකෘකීසථායිව
· පාත්ථුය
Zife in the Vijayanagara Empire, Vol. I, Madras,
, Madras, 1955, p. 681,
272

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University of Ceylon Review, Vol. XXIII Nos. 1 & 2, A
Obverse
 

PLATE I
pril/October 1965
estuues eAnpeiturọGI ɔųJ.
Reverse

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DEMALADUV,
annually to God Utpalavarna and a sil made in the Palkurinbura Sannasa as w
Though several errors have crept to the carelessness or the ignorance of sannasa is of a high order when compar ments. Attention may be drawn to in as being due to sheer carelessness. Kotthaye cannot be explained as being
2
10.
1.
12.
14.
13.
Tex
සවසතිසශ්‍රී ජෛවෙවසවත මනු සූයඹීවයංශෝධාත්තුත සුමිත්‍ර රාජ විත්‍ර ගොත්‍රාභිජාත මහාරාජාධි සිරිසඟබෝ ශ්‍රී සකලක: ලා සාහිත්‍ය පඩිත භූවරෙනෙන වන්නෙන් මතු අවුරුදු වෙසග පුර සතවක මාම්පෙ විජය' උන්තන අදහසට එකාන්ත පක්‍ෂව දුක් පැළ ගැන සොදින් 3 ප්‍රවෙණි ව පැවැ4 ආ සල්පිටි කොරළය බද දෙමළද්‍රවයයි.5 වෙල් මැද හා දකුණු දි ගින් රක්කුමාරයා වත්තෙ අගල් ගල්පොතත හා උතුරු දිගින් මාම්පෙ ගල් පේ වු මෙහි බද ගමමුදල ගස කොළ වල් විල් කුඹුරු ඕවිටි සනතකකොට පුදවා අවුරුදු දී ට පඩුරට පණම් පසක් දී ප්‍රයේ විජයරාජ පලිහවඩන ෙශ ඔහප්පෙරුමාළාට හා මෙකුගේ සථායිව සවසථිරව පවතිනා ප තට සලසවා පත්ලියා දෙන්නේ සජීව කාළසූත්‍රාදී අට මහා න{ පැසී ගොඩ නුදුටුවාහු නම් වෙ කෙනෙක් ඇත්නම් මතු මයි: සනයෙහි මහනව රහත්ව අ{ කෝටාඨයෙ මාළිගාවෙහි විවි:
39. The Oruvala Sannasa, Epigraphia Ze Sannasa, ibid., p. 245.
.
273

SANNASA
hilar provision appears to have been
1.39
into the document possibly owing he engraver, the orthography of the 'd with similar contemporary docuanusankhyata, pava-a, dakudanu digin, But the words Mayitri Bhudun and lue to carelessness.
世
\සංඛ්‍යාත 1 මහාසමමත පරම්පරානුයාත
පුත්‍ර පී - රාජ ත්‍රිසිංහළයාධිශචර නවරත්නාධිපති ශ්‍රීමත්
කබාහු චක්‍රවතීති සවමින් වහන්සෙට3 නව )6 ,)8 )පලිහවඩන ශෛඔහප්පෙරුමාළ كون පැවැති පිණිස මෙකීයන්නන්ට් පළමු පටන් යන ගමට ගිම් නැගෙනහිරින් මාදිතතර 2 පිට අඹගස s බස්නාහිරින් ගැඩුබුවානෙ
ඉත්තහා මෙකියන සතර මාහිමට ඇතුළත් මෙ ආදී වූ තැන් |ශ්‍රී දනතධාතුන් වහන්සේ %%
යාජන විඳිනා නියායෙන් මෙකියන මාම්පෙ
හී දරු මුනුඹුරු පරම්පරාවට ආචන්ද්‍රාකික5 නයයි මිට 6 අසහය වූ කෙනෙක් ඇත්නම් රකයෙහි ති මීට මතු සහායට බලෙ ලා නිල ලා දුන් } භුදුන් දැක ඒ ශා. මාමහානිවන් දකිති කියා වදාරා ජයවසීන " ) චිත්‍ර කමා7 rlanica, Vol. III, p. 68, The Palkumbura

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15. නතයෙන් විරාජමානවූ සිං මුදලිවරුන් මැද වදාළ මෙG
16. සන්හස් තාමු පත්‍රය ලියාදුනු
ධමමීය වශීන කරගෙනනයි
1. Read මනුසංඛ්‍යාත 2. Read සවාමීන් වහන්සේට 3. Read සොඳින්
7. Read
Trans
Blessings and Success40.
On the seventh day of the
the year subsequent to the n Majesty the Emperor Sii Bhuvanekabahu, the Great
ished clan of prince Sumit in lineal descent from Mahas Sovereign of the three div. Gems, (gave the command) that whereas Vijayaraja Palih. has served His Majesty W.
40. According to traditional classificati category called scisana, which is described in
datvă bhümim nibandham vă āgāmibhadranrpatiparijfiānā) pate vā tāmrapate vā svamu abhillekhyātmano vanšyātmā pratigrahaparimāņam dāmacc svahastakälasampannam säsa
*Having given a plot of land or made a a record to be prepared for the information further cause a permanent writ to be made with his seal and autograph and containing the donee, the quantity of the gift, the bour R. B. Pandey, op. cit., p. 118. For other de Institutes of Vishnu, translated by Julius Jol III. 82; The Minor Lauw Books, translated b. (Sacred Books of the East), Oxford, 1889, IV
41. Sumitra was the brother of King Vij sons to succeed him on the throne and Pand Sumitra, had to come to Ceylon to succeed to Vijaya, Mahavamsa ed. Wilhelm Geiger, Pa Hence the attempt to connect Bhuvanekabal
27,

CEYLON REVIEW
හාසනයෙහි වැඩ හිඳ සකලනඟරාශ්‍රාගනයෙහි මහවරින් ෙම
න් බවට සන්හස් තිරුවරයාගන් පෙළැරමාළුමහ
4. Read පැවැත 5. Read දෙමළදුව 6. Read ŠO
! කමීඩානත
slation
bright half of the month of Vesak in inth year (of His reign) His gracious isaigabo Sakala-kala-sahitya-pandita King of Kings, born of the unblemra," sprung from the race of the sun ammata also called Manu-Vaivasvata, isions of Lanka and lord of the nine
that a deed be written to the effect vadana ŠembahapperumāļāofMāmpe ell, attending upon him in absolute
on the Demaladiva, Sannasa, belongs to the
the Yajñavalleya-Smrti as follows:
i kritvā lekhyam tu kārayet 7a parthivah droparicihinitam nam ca mahipatih hedopavarņanam nam kārayet stihiram
permanent endowment the king should cause of the future good kings. The king should on a piece of cloth or copper-plate impressed his geneology, personal eulogy, the name of daries of the plot and the date of the deed’. scriptions of the features of a śāsana see, The ly (Sacred Books of the East), Oxford, 1880, y Julius Jolly, Part I, Narada and Brihaspati, , 3 and VIII, 12-18.
aya, the first king of Ceylon. Vijaya had no uvasudeva, the youngest of the three sons of D the throne left vacant by the death of King uli Text Society, London, 1905, VIII. 1-12. nu with the family of Sumitra.
¬ ¬
4. ܬܝ ܐ |

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]DEMALADUV
loyalty, undergoing misery the produce, the forests a appertaining to the land Dem: former times has heretofor (the members of this family following four boundaries, Madittara 45 on the east, the belonging to Prince Rak ( Gadubuvana'6 on the west, on the north, be caused to E Relic as (His) property so tha of will permanently47 devol last, on Vijayarāja Palihavad the lineal descent of his childr of five fanans (to His Lords there be any person who is ht eight hells beginning with see land. If in the future a official authority supports thi Maitreya and be admitted t finally attain to the immortal Tiruvaranngan Perumāļattest at the Command orally giv throne decorated with varieg assembly of ministers in
Jayawardhana Kõțțē. May (
42. g2s este cos): The word este is the sal තුන් රජයෙ ඇත්තවුන් වෙළඳ ගත්තා in the Priti-( Niśśańkamalla, Epigraphia Zeylanica Vol. 1 also occurs a8 වෙළ in වෙළ ගෙන( එවූ රන(ඟිලි ii Øbád, p. 10 and aS වෙහෙළ in වෙහෙළ ගෙන ඒ Inscription of the same ruler, ibid., p. 135. W whetha, distress. In the present context, ho a slight semantic change and the phrase e26 used precisely in the same sense as the phras commonly found with or without variation in
43. Ovita: swampy arable land on the ba
44. gGêDéò, heritable land that passes fro)
45. This village today is known as Mavi Koraļē. Rak-kumarayāge-vatta: this name pe the name of a block of land situated to the ea
46. Gadubu-vana, literally Asses Rock', Vatta, the name of a coconut plantation nea. Liyanage, an under-graduate member of th Ceylon, for the information contained in this
47. eSeSóa), permanently. This corresp the verses quoted from Yajћа vаlkya-Smrti i
" out above is not an original grant, but is on
27

A SANNASA
and hardship,42 the building-site, ld lakes, fields and ovitas 43-all this aladiva in Salpitikorale which from 2 remained a praveni-14 land of these ) and which is circumscribed by the namely the centre of the field at mango tree on the ditch in the land on the south, the stretch of rock at and the stretch of rock at Mampe e offered to His Lordship the Tooth t the right of enjoying the fruits thereve, as long as the moon and the sun una Sembahapperumala of Mampe in en and grandchildren, on the payment hip the Tooth Relic) per annum. If Dstile to this (act), he shall suffer in the Safijiva and Kala-Sutra and shall not ly person by exercising his power or s act, he shall in the future see Buddha D his order, attain to arahatship and and noble state of Nirvāna. II, Sanhas that this copper plate deed was written en by his majesty seated on the lion atcd paintings and presiding over the the courtyard of the palace of they) promote the Dharma.
P. E. E. FERNANDO
me as the word Goet occurring in the phrase lanaka-mandapa Rock-Inscription of King III, Colombo, 1912-1927, p. 169. The word In King Nissahkamalla's Galpota Inscription, o G2) 56 in the Ran-kot-dägäba Gal-äsana ickremasinghe has equated the word with Sk. wever, the word appears to have undergone මාන්ත පක්‍ෂව දුක් පැළ ගැන සොඳින් පැවති පිණිස is ශ්‍රී ඉතා පක්‍ෂපාතවූ හොඳ හිතින් දුගගන හිටිනා නිසා
Sanna ses granted by Kandyan kings. nk of a river.
m one generation to the next. ttara, and is situated in Pallé Pattu, Salpiti ropably survives in Rajakumarayage-vatta, Est of Demaladüva.
The name survives today as Gadubuvana( Demaladiva. I am thankful to Mr. S. K. he Department of Sinhalese, University of note and in note 45 above. bonds to the phrase nibandham va krted in In note 40 above. This Sanmasa as pointed y an act of confirmation.
S

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APP
EXTRACTS
Vaharakgoda, Rock-Inscription of Parakra 1234-1269, H. C. P. Bell, Report on the Keg
. . . . . . . .මෙ කුසලන් පත (ලියා දුන්) බව
The Ampitiya Rock-Inscription issued in t 1357 - 1374, E.Z. IV, p. 272.
a සෙන්කඩගල දෙවියන්ට සසරීර ක
Belligala Copper Plate Sannasa of Paraki H. C. P. Bell, Report on the Kegalla District
. . . . . . . . මෙ තාපහු පත්‍රය ලියා දුර බවට ඝම්
Karagala, Slab-Inscription issued in the llth 1467, J.C.B.R.A.S. Vol. XXIII, Colombo, 14
- - - - - - - - බහුවිධානයක් නො කියන නො ක කෝටටයේ මාලිගාවෙ බලිබත්කුඩම වැඩසිට මෙ ශ්‍රී ශිලාලෙඛාන්‍ය ශාසනපත්‍රය ලියවා දුන් බ:
Madavala Rock-Inscription, issued in the y VI, A.D. 1412-1467, E.Z. III, p. 239.
- - - - - - - - දන්තොට වතුරෙ දෙවන් දිවාණව බවට දුමවර අසම්පඩි දසදෙන මැදව කෙටවූ !
Vannipola Sannasa, issued in the year follo sammata Vikramabähu, c. A.D. 1472/3-li series, 1932, p. 290.
This is a modern Copper Plate but the
- අමා මහ නිවන් දක්නාහු නම් වෙ:
මෙහෙවරින් මේ තාඹු පත්‍ර ලියාදුන් බවට ස මෙතෙතයාපට උපසංකමිට පතියහිතවා සරණෙ
The Gadaladeniya Inscription of Senasamn reign, E.Z. IV, p. 14.
වදාළ මෙහෙවරින් මේ ශිලාලෙඛා,

CEYLON REVIEW
ENDIX
FROM SANNASES
umabāhu, possibly Parākramabāhu III, A. D. Malla District, Colombo, 1892, p. 82.
වට මුන්දලි පොතැ . . . . . . තථර ලියනනාථා මැ වු
2
he third year of King Vikramabahu III, A.D.
\රව මේ පත්කඩ දුන් බවට අරාවෙ අත්ථනායක ඈපාණ
3.
amabahu VI, dated 1958 B.E. (A.D. 1415), , рр. 94-95.
ම්පොළ පෙරුමාළුම් හ
4
1 year of King Parakramabahu VI, A.D. 1412910-12, pp. 353-354.
රන ලෙසට ශිලා ලෙඛාසයක් පිහිටුවන්ට යයි ජයවසී ගල්කටුවක් ශ්‍රී හසතයෙන් ගෙනදී වදාළ මෙහෙවරින් වට සන්හස් තිරු වරහම් පෙරුමාළුමහ.
5
ear following the 46th year of Parakramabahu
තෙත ලංකාඅධිකාරීන් මැදවැ මෙ දිවෙල් පත්කඩ දුන් සිලාලෙඛයයි
6
wing the 12th year of Siri Saigabo Šrī Senā20. Ceylon Literary Register, Vol. II, third
text appears to be authentic.
ති යනාදීන් වදාරා මේ පත ලියා දෙන්නේ යයි වදාළ න්හස් සිවතත ගෙනෙනාරුමහ ඉමo ලිඛිත පුකෙඳඤන
සුපපතිස්ඨාමි සාසනෙ සිඩිරසතු,
7
ata Vikramabahu issued in the 8th year of his
ය කොටවා දුන් බවට සන්හස් සිවතතා නායිනාරුමහ
'^' ..
'76

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DEMALADUV
8
Alutnuvara Slab-Inscription of Senāsammata
- - - - - - - - සෙනාසමමත වික්‍රමබාහු රජ්ජුරුසාද බවට වික්‍රමබාහු ඈපාණ වමහ.
A 9
Kobbakaduva, Vihare Sannasa, issued in the 37 bähu, Ceylon Literary Register, Vol. II, (thi XXXII, 1932, p. 168.
- - - - - - - - සෙන්කඩගල සිරිවඩින මාලිගාවේදී මෙවරින් මෙම සන්හස්දානපත්‍රය ලියා දුන් බවට
II (
Alutnuvara Inscription on Slab No. 2, E.Z. IV Kegalla District, p. 81. Codrington takes this Vilkramabähu.
- - - - - වදාළ මෙහෙවරින් ලෙකො කළ බවට
II
Galgane Vihare Sannasa issued B.E. 2050 (A. Ceylon Literary Register, Vol. II (third serie р. 70.
o o a si o a e 6 වදාල මෙහවරින් සනනස්සි වත්තේ ක
2
A Kuttangal Vihare Sannasa issued by Srisena S Literary Register, Vol. II, (New Series) 1932,
is available in English. Obviously the Secr Kulaperumal.
SSS SSS S SSSSLSL SS SLSSS SS SSC S 00 SSSS S LSS S SSS SSSCSSSS SL S SSLS S LSL S SL SSL This Sannasa, has been inscribe
3
Dádigama Slab-Inscription issued in the yea King Bhuvanekabahu VI, A.D. 1472/3-1480/I
වදාල මෙහෙවරින් මේ අභයදාන ශිලාද අධිකාර වමහ.
14
The Oruvala Sannasa (Copper Plate) issued in Parakramabahu identified as either Parakrama bāhu VIII, c. A.D. 1484-1513/1518, E.Z. III,
මෙලෙස වදාල මෙහෙවරින් මෙ සන්හි
5
Gadaladeniya Slab-Inscriptions issued probabl 1528 issued in the fifth year of King's reign, E
is
277 ܔܛ

A SANNASA
Vikramabāhu, (no date) E.Z. IV, p. 267.
මීන්ගේ මෙහෙවරින් මෙ ශෛශලලේකඛාසයක් තුබූ
thyear of the reign of Senasammata Vikramard series), 1932, p. 290; J.C.B.R.A.S. Vol.
උභයවාසයෙ මහ සංඝයා වහන්සේ මැදෙහි වදාළ සන්හස් සිවතත නයිනාරුම්හළ්
)
, p. 265, n. 3 and H. C. P. Bell, Report on the record to have been issued by Senasammata,
සන්හස් සිවත්ත නායිනාරුම්හ
D. 1570) by Sri Senāsampat Vikramabāhu. es), 1932, p. 290: J.C.B.R.A.S. Vol. XXXIII,
|ල පෙරුමාළුමහ(
b
amasta Vikramabahoo in A.D. 1510, Ceylon p. 291. Only a summary of this Sannasa, etary's name should read: Sannas Sivatta,
ed by Sannissiwatte Kulapperumal.
following the eighth year of the reign of , E.Z. III, p. 28 l.
ලෙඛාපය ලී බවට සන්හස් තිරුවරඟන් වික්‍රමසිංහ
the year following the third year of King bāhu VIII, A.D. 1480/II-1484, or Parākramap. 65.
Øස් තාඹු පත්‍රය ලියා දුන් බවට පාලාත්තරුමහ
y by King Parākramabāhu, IX, A.D., 15092.Z. IV, pp. 2 l-24.
V.

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UNIVERSITY OF
- - - - - - - - ලියා දෙන්නේ යයි වදාළ මෙහෙ
a a ශිලාලෙඛාසය ලියවා දුන් බවට ,
Kälaņi Rajamaha-Vihāra, Slab-Inscriptio Saigabo Šrī Parakramabāhu, A.D. I509. Vol. I, Colombo, 1915-1916, pp. 156-157.
ජයවයින කෝටටයෙහි ශ්‍රී මාලිග් මෙහෙවරින් මේ ශලාලේඛාස ලියා දුන් බව
Véragama Copper Plate Sannasa, issued i 1509-1521, E.Z. Vol. V. p. 451.
ඉරසඳ හිම් පමුණුකොට පත් ලියා මඩපයෙහි ශක්‍ර දේවේන්ද්‍ර ලීලාවෙන් සිංහසන් මේ සන්හස් තාඹු පත්‍රය ලියා දුන් බවට තිර
Devundara Dēvāle Copper Sannasa, of Ki Bell, Report on the Kegalla District, p. 96.
ආ චන්ද්‍රා කීකසළුවායීව සවසථිර පව කෝටටයෙ මාළිගාවෙ සිංහාසනයෙ වැඩහිඳ පත්‍රය ලියා දුන් බවට සන්හස් තිරු වරහන්
Copper Plate Sannasa of King Vijayaba A.D. 1397 - 1409 or Vijayabāhu VIII, 1509-I Asiatic Society, 1873, Part I, pp. 78-79.
මේ තාමු පත්‍රය ලියා දුන් බවට සන්
Kappagoda Pillar Inscription of King Viji of his reign, H. C. P. Bell, Report on the Keg
Sj
· . . . . . ෙසෙලලේබේට (රැස්) කොට පවත්න
Sj
. මෙකියන විහාරය එකනගායකයම්වේ. මාළුම්හ
Mampe Copper Plate Sannasa issued in the Bhuvanekabāhu VIII, J. C.B.R.A.S. Vol. X.
- - - - වදහල මෙවරින් මෙ සන්හස් තා මාලුමහ.

CEYLON REVIEW
I
වරින් මේ ශිලාලෙඛාසය ලියා දුන් බවට
I
. . . . . . . මේණවරතුණායාරුන් පෙරුමාළුන් වමහ
6
n issued in the nineteenth year of King Siri - 1528, Ceylon Antiquary and Literary Register
හාවේ සිංහාසනයෙහි වැඩ හිඳ මුදලිවරුන් - මැද වැ වදාළ }ට සනනස් තිරුවරහන් පෙරුමාළුම්හ
7
In the 7th year of King Vijayabāhu VIII, A.D.
දෙන්නේ යයි ජයවසීන කෝටටයේ මාලිගාවෙ චිත්‍රකුට හාරුඪ වැ වැඩහිඳ( මුදලිවරුන් මැදව වදාළ මෙහෙවරින් නැවරඟන් පෙරුමාළුම්හ
8
ng Vijayabahu VII, A.D. 1509-1521,耳,C,P,
තිනා පණතට සලසවා පත් ලියා දෙන්නෙ යයි ජයවසීන : මුදලිවරුන් මැදව වදාළ මෙහෙවරින් මෙ සන්හස් තාමු
පෙරුමාළුම්හ.
19
hul of Udugampaļa, possibly Vijayabāhu VII, 521, Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal
නිනස් මකුට බෙරුන් වනප පෙරුමාළුමහ.
20
ayabāhu VIII, probably issued in the 13th year alla District, p. 86.
ide A
| පනතේ සිටු වූ බවට විජයසිංහ එකනයායක පෙරුමාළුමහ
de C. ග විධානයෙන් මවා ගත් බවට විජය අදිකර ගරුඬපෙරු
2.
year following the 3rd year of the reign of King XII, p. 271-271.
ඹදානපාත්ථුය ලියා දුන් බවට සන්හස්තිරුවරඟපෙපරු
278

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DEMAILAIDUVA
22
The Palkumbura Sannasa (Copper Plate) issued A.D. 1521-1551, E.Z. III, p. 245.
- - - - - - - - ආ චන්ද්‍රා කීක සථායීව සවස්ථිරවද්‍ය පවති: ජයවයින කෝටටයේ මාලිගාවෙ සිංහාසනයේ ව සන්හස් තාඹ පත්‍රය ලියා දුන් බවට සන්හස් තිරුව
23
Kandy Natha Dévale Inscription I, issued in A
මේ සිලාලේඛන්‍යය කොටාවා දුන් බවට
24
Ganégoda Copper Plate Sannasa of King Bhuva 1521-1551, issued in the year following the 25th District, p. 93.
- - - - - - - චන්ද්‍රා කීකායායීව සවස්ථිරව පවතිනා පණි වදාළ මෙහෙවරින් මෙ සන්හස් තාඹ පත්තූරාය ලිය:
25
Godagama Copper Plate Sannasa, issued in th Bhuvanekabāhu, probably Bhuvanekabāhu VIII Colombo, P. 180; J.C.B.R.A.S. Vol. XXIII, p. 2"
- - - - - - - - ආ චන්ද්‍රාර්කස්තායීව සවස්ථිරව පවතිනා දී කෝටටයේ මාළිගාවේ සිංහාසනයෙහි වැඩ ඉඳ මු තාඹු පත්ත්‍රය දුන් බවට සන්හස් තිරුවරඟන් පෙර
279

SANNASA
in the reign of King Bhuvanekabāhu VIII,
නා පණතට සලස්වා තඹ පත ලියා දෙන්නේ යයි (ඩහිඳ මුදලිවරුන් මැදව වදාල මෙහෙවරින් මේ 5pg కాcs.....
D. 1543, E.Z. Vol. IV, p. 31.
ශ්‍රී ජයවීර මහාවැඩඋන්ත(න වම්හ
nekabahu, probably Bhuvanekabahu VII, year, H. C. P. Bell, Report on the Kegalla
ණතටත් . . . . . . . . . . තඹ පතක් දෙන්නේ යයි ) දුන් බවට සන්හස් තිරුවරහන් පෙරුමාළුමහ
e twenty eighth year of the reign of King , 1521-1551. Jňānādarśaya, Vol. IV, 1900, 70.
පණතට සලස්වා පත් ලියා දෙන්නේ යයි ජයවසීන මුදලිවරුන් මැද වදාළ මෙහෙවරින් මේ සන්හස් ගැමාළුම්හ.

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o 3, by R. L. de Alwis, Printer to the University. a Librarian, University of Ceylon.