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RSITY EYILON
CTOBER 1966
Y OF CEYLON
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Page 2
Editors P. E. E. FERNANDO
W. J. F. LABROOY K. W. GoonEWARDENA
April & Octo
CONE
The Loveliest Medium : The New
Austen's Persuasion
by Yasmine Guneratna
Local Government Institutions and Edu
I87O-I93O
by Swarna Jayaweera
Prolegomena to the Study of Ceylon
by John Halverson ... - - -
Kagama (new) Colony : Analysis of th Geography of a Dry Zone Peasant S
by H. N. C. Fonseka ...
The Guaranteed Price Scheme and Mai
Surplus in a Peasant Economy by A. D. V. de S. Indraratna
Sarvastivada and its Theory of Sarvan
by D.J. Kalupahana
Tradition in Early Tamil Poetry
by V. Chelvanayakam.
Book Review ...
UNIVERSITY OF CEY
The University of Ceylon was established on the Medical College (founded 1870) and the Ceylon U it resent the Faculties of Oriental Studies. A Agriculture and Veterinary Science. The Universi от се от се раб са: on of the Ceylon Journal o. eq S J J J G K LLLLLL a LS
Sce. The University of Ceylon Rey euL uu u C a S LLLLLL se es ced in the University, a LLS S SS C SS S S uu C C LJS Se S LLLLL q S S S S S S S S S S S S LLLLS
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Manager THE LIBRARIAN
UNIVERSITY OF CEYLON
er 1966
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PAGË lement in Jane
cation in Ceylon
29 English
6. e Agricultural ettlement Scheme
76 keted Agricultural
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LON REVIEW
1st July, 1942, by the fusion of the Ceylon liversity College (founded 1921). It has ts, Science, Engineering, Medicine, and y has taken over from the Sovernment Science, which has ber developed as ind has also started Ceylon Journal was founded in ညှိုးများ \, make similar a medium of publication for the research ld to provide a learned review for in April, and October. Exchanges are should be addressed to the Librarian, ubscription is Rs. 10.00, and a single
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Page 3
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University of C
Vol. XXIV, Nos. I & 2
The Loveliest Me
Element in Jane Au
Her character was now fixed on taining the loveliest medium of fortitu
ER sixth novel, Persuasion, was c H 6th, I86. It had taken her a
the ill health and bankruptcy that separated the publications of M symptoms of her own fatal illness had increasing demands upon her energy : her brother's disgrace and the tedious before Emma could appear, in spite eve a new piece (Sandition) the following publish her new novel for another that she was not satisfied with Persuasi would have revised more than she had
Whatever else she might have rest thing we can be certain of is that the chal been changed. Four months before she Fanny Knight, You will not like it, s may perhaps like the Heroine, as she is Elliot had become a personality, and
1. J. A. 's Memorandum in the Morgan Libra and Problems. The Clark Lectures, Trinity College,
2. Jane Austen's lastillness has been convincing adrenal bodies, of which her Letters provide the first Last Illness', British Medical Journal, July 18th 1964, p. 3. Jane Austen's Letters, collected and ed. R. W - 4. Ibid., 23rd March, 1817, p. 487.
. ܨ ܝܘܼܬܐ-܂
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

Ceylon Review
April&Oct. 1966
dium’: The New
6 9 stens Persuasion .
his mind as perfection itself, mainle and gentleness."
Persuasion, (Vol. 2, chap. II).
ompleted by Jane Austen on August year to write, the year that saw of her brother Henry Austen, and ansfield Park and Emma. The first just appeared2, but in spite of its and spirits, in spite of the shock of proof-reading that must be finished in of the diversion of her interest to year, Jane Austen did not intend to Tears. Such a resolution suggests on, and that given the opportunity, already done in 1816.
aped, cut out, or expanded, the one acter of Anne Elliot would not have died, Jane Austen warned her niece, O you need not be impatient. You almost too good for me.' Anne was ready to be incroduced. But
ry, quoted R. W. Chambers, Jane Austen. Facts Dambridge. Oxford 1948, p. 81.
y diagnosed to have been Addison's disease of the recorded case. Cf. Zachary Cope, Jane Austen's 3.182-3.
I Chapman. 2nd ed. 13th March, 1817, p. 484.

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UNIVERSITY OF
everything and everyone around he change. In the light of our know novels it is tempting to guess at prot a thorough revision would have fi important character, Lady Russell, v of narrative that mark Anne's visit of her sickroom and made the stor second and third hand, and expan Lyme Regis scenery into a more fi of Wentworth's interest in Anne. indulging in futile speculation regard written had she lived longer; ice or the critic treads who insists on appro; work of art. This it is not, althou course, taken the novel far beyond t two facts that no responsible critic c. from complete in Jane Austen's vie that the author’s dissatisfaction or un any detail in the novel except the ch
I have rehearsed these facts here of reputed elucidations of Jane Au achievement in Persuasion begin to a
One of these is Dr. Marvin M Jane Austen's tone has acquired a conviction on an analysis of Jane A Elizabeth Elliot, Mrs. Clay, and abo sailor son, Dick. I shall state later Mudrick's estimate of the first thi always remain a puzzle, because his leaves Jane Austen with no satisfac cription of him as
a thick-headed, un feeling, had never done any thing abbreviation of his name, li
He has no function in the novel at : ately invoked by his mother, prov
5. Marvin Mudrick, Jane Austen. Irony as 6. Persuasion, ed. R. W. Chapman, 1926, V
 

CEYLON REVIEW Y
ir might well have undergone drastic ledge of the juvenilia and the earlier able alterations, to feel convinced that led in the shadowy outlines of that aried with dialogue the long stretches to Uppercross, taken Mrs. Smith out y's action less dependent on gossip at ded the rapid jottings descriptive of tting background to the reawakening But from here it is a short step to the ling the novels Jane Austen might have ly a little thinner than that on which aching Persuasion as if it were a finished gh a year's initial preparation had, of he stage of tentative notes. There are an ignore: first, that Persuasion was far w when she died in 1817, and second, easiness could ultimately have affected aracter of Anne Elliot.
آسميج-ے
only because in their light a number stens purpose and judgments of her ppear ingenious but irrelevant.
udrick's statement that “in Persuasion, sharp personal edge's. He bases his usten's treatment of Sir Walter Elliot, ve all, of Mrs. Musgrove and her dead why I find it hard to agree with Dr. ree. Dick Musgrove, certainly, will leath two years before the novel opens tory reason for her unduly harsh des
unprofitable Dick Musgrove, who to entitle himself to more than the ving or dead.6
all, except that his memory, affectionides the first proof of those tastes so
Defense and Discovery, Princeton 1952, p. 207. ol. I, Chap. 6. . . .
2.

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THE NEW ELEMENT
similar ... feelings so in unison'7 that Wentworth. When Mrs. Musgrove suppresses a smile but listens kindly8; his amusement is equally spontaneous and the kindest consideration'9. Th it is the first real sign of the affinity of mi lovers, and this alone must suffice to S kindness on Wentworth's part intervi Wentworth, preparing to break the ne Musgroves, says, “I have seen consideri first scene pinpoints their superiority Uppercross world even as it shows their Anne realises, a proof of friendship, an and another sign that they are as one family. Not that this justifies Jane Au Dick, the crudeness of whose portrait is gentle flow of this section of the novel out, but he does not explain it; indeed, Persuasion must be judged as it stands 12. explainable, in fact, only in terms of wh It is almost as if a page from a lette leaves, and indeed, it appears very prob for a means of bringing Wentworth an on “poor Dick,” a half-forgotten per: prepared for him hastily by causing Lou the harp along in the carriage, elaborate dubiously comic value from Mrs. Mus never returned to soften the picture as S. had had the opportunity. For Anne an their creator's opinion of Dick Musgro Jane Austen would have allowed such a character to go unsoftened or unaltere writing of the last pages of Persuasion.
Chap. 8.
Ibid.
Ibid. Chap. 12.
Ibid.
Mudrick, p. 240. Persuasion, Chap. 8.
3
 
 
 
 
 
 

IN JANE AUSTEN'S
Inne believes herself to share with laments Dick's loss to Anne, she when Wentworth's turn comes, nd similarly replaced by Sympathy is incident is not unimportant, for nd that exists between the estranged ustain the reader (although acts of sne) until very much later, when ws of Louisa's accident to the elder g what we had best do.10 The to the friendly, bustling, absurd sympathy for it. The Second is, as d of deference for her judgment'11 in their concern for the Musgrove sten's treatment of the unfortunate so blatantly out of key with the
Dr. Mudrick rightly points this he cannot, since his position is that
The picture of Dick Musgrove is at we know of Jane Austen's letters. had got in among the manuscript able that Jane Austen, casting about d Anne into proximity, had seized
sonality from her own experience,
isa to walk to the Cottage and send 'd him rapidly so as to extract some
grove's large fat sighings' 13, and
he doubtless would have done, if she d Wentworth share, by implication, ve, and it is difficult to believe that discord in the harmony of Anne's d, from what we know of her re

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UNIVERSITY O
Even if we did not have the as that Jane Austen's achievement in was not, in the act of creation, a triumph of rethinking won throu it when we examine the changes motive behind the emendation o to the revelation of William Wal originally read:
a a pained for Lady Ri placency & Lenient (?) been right & Lady R w the two. She had nev fidence had been entire.
Jane Austen drew a line through it and pained for Lady Rus entire. 15
The change removes all hint of from the passage, and leaves the a of Anne's character. Acutely sen as Jane Austen proves herself to has it is unlikely that her original pic son would have survived a lopp novel's centre, and Jane Austen cc destroyed. But Dick Musgrove is afford to await his creator's leisure.
The only alternative to this 'sharp personal edge' to stand wit further justification, for Mrs. Mu despite Dr. Mudrick's statement th final chapter) does Jane Austen se but kindly matron demanded by t
for her union of plumpness and Musgrove is treated ever afterwar
14. B. C. Southam, Jane Austen's Literary 1
15. Ibid., p. 90. 16. Mudrick, p. 217.

F CEYLON REVIEW
surance of their most recent commentator her revisions of the last part of Persuasion swift and effortless performance, but a gh trial and error 14, we cannot doubt -
she made. Consider, for instance, the f the passage describing Anne's reaction ter Elliot's true character. The passage
Issell & glancing with composed Com
Triumph upon the fact of her having “rong herself the most discriminating of er been satisfied. Lady Russell's con
; and left the manuscript to read sell, whose confidence in him had been
gleeful self-satisfaction or aggressiveness ffectionate sympathy that is the keynote sitive to niceties of tone and atmosphere ve been in making this and other changes, ܠܐ ture of Mrs. Musgrove's sorrow for her ing and cropping. Anne Elliot is the ould not allow her peculiar charm to be merely a piece of machinery, and could , the leisure that she never had.
is to allow Dr. Mudrick's theory of a hout explanation and without a shred of sgrove never refers to Dick again, and at “not until the revision (of the original e Mrs. Musgrove as the muddle-headed he story 16, she is never again ridiculed sentimentality. On the contrary, Mrs. is, by both Anne and Wentworth, with
Manuscripts, OUP 1964. p. 86.

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THE NEW ELEMENT
the kindest consideration.' Her com fine family piece 17, and she seems he lity as she protects the little Harvilles
18. She gives Anne the kindest we and it is the warmth of her personality ( which invites regretful comparisons wi in the Eliot establishment20. Wentv when they speak (at different times) of
(Wentworth:) The Musgro most honourably and kindly hearts to promote their daught
“Such excellent parents as M. Anne, “should be happy in th every thing to confer happin young people to be in such ha
If Dick Musgrove's portrait were elin mother's treatment in Chapter 8 would the same time, for her size offers no pro except in her sorrow. Indeed, her plu in this same scene, when her position in barrier that stands between Wentworth Inn, where she sits enthroned among st of warm and uncritical friendliness23.
Sir Walter, Elizabeth, and Mrs. C They are not merely characters who fa Austen's heroine24, but whose exis challenges and denies all that Anne has Dr. Mudrick defines her position adm “has learned that the conflict of her tim
17. Persuasion, Vol. II, Chap. 2. 18. Ibid.
19. Vol. II, Chap. 10.
20. Ibid.
21. Vol. II, Chap. 2.
22. Vol. II, Chap. 10.
23. Ibid.
24 ܐܰܢ. Mudrick, p. 207.

IN JANE AUSTEN'S
fortable person is the centre of a self the spirit of Christmas hospitafrom her own spoilt grandchildren lcome on meeting her in Bath19, for we hardly meet Mr. Musgrove) th the sad want of such blessings' vorth and Anne are in harmony the Musgroves:
ves are behaving like themselves, , only anxious with true parental er's comfort." 21
I. and Mrs. Musgrove, exclaimed eir children's marriages. They do ess, I am sure. What a blessing to nds !” 22
hinated or somewhat softened, his have been automatically revised at vocation to the satirist or the ironist mp person is useful to Jane Austen the middle of a sofa symbolises the and Anne; or at the White Hart eady old friends, the very emblem
lay are very different propositions. il to advance the interests of Jane tence and continuing prosperity been taught by experience to value. irably when he declares that Anne e engages objects and symbols, and
ܢ

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UNIVERSITY OF
that she can deal only with persc Clay have no use for Anne, for ve women according to his own stan like him, and therefore haggard'. tribute to her own consequence: an reminder of her own single state. Anne has nothing to exchange. T who differs from the rest in having own insensitivity by employing baby sitter, and general dogsbody. been created merely in order that t many signs of Persuasion's maturit tinue to flourish in the enjoyment nating glimpse of the future in wh might take precedence over Eliza another. Anne simply ignores th of her father's house for the freedo of Wentworth.
Why must we regret that Eliz. after Chapter I?26 Do we reg does not develop after our first gl Bingley? Or Lucy Steele? Or in the first draft is necessarily con and on a quite new departure for process of self-discipline and self-r for her heroines. We cannot kn Elizabeth Elliot, but she and the oth in the novel as it stands. One Persuasion led Virginia Woolf to
trusted less to dialogue and more her characters?27. There is noth that would lead one to think so:
Very well, said Elizabet
25 ba, p.236. 26. Ibid., p. 208.
27. cf. VirginiaWoolf, Jane Austen', from of Critical Essays, ed. Ian Watt, New Jersey, 19t
28. Persuasion, Vol. II, Chap. 10.

CEYLON REVIEW
is 25. Sir Walter, Elizabeth, and Mrs. ty good reasons. Sir Walter measures ards of personal beauty: Anne is un
Elizabeth values people as they con---- un married younger sister is a continual Mrs. Clay seeks a return for her flattery: D these one might add Mary Musgrove plenty of uses for Anne, but reveals her her merely as companion, confidante, None of these characters appear to have hey shall be destroyed. It is one of the that they are not destroyed, but conof their material prosperity. In a fasciich Jane Austen suggests that Mrs. Clay peth, she leaves them to destroy one sm, as she leaves the cramped coldness m of spirit that will be hers as the wife
abeth Elliot's character does not develop ret that Lady Catherine de Bourgh impse of her at Rosings? Or Caroline sohn Thorpe? Jane Austens attention
蓟 centrated on her development of Anne, ler, a male character who undergoes the valuation that she has hitherto reserved ow how revision would have affected ters are brilliantly realised in their speech wonders, incidentally, what feature of believe that Jane Austen would have to reflection to give us a knowledge of ng in the presentation of these persons
l, “I have nothing to send but my love 28
The Common Reader, (1925) in Jane Austen. A Collection 3, p. 23.

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THE NEW ELEMENT
| Wentworth? Oh! ay,-Mr ford. You misled me by t were speaking of some man nobody, I remember; quite Strafford family. One wond nobility become so common.
“Yes, I made the best of it; Í well at the time; and I do no I have been all this morning... So, Lady Russell would n been in this house three times
*Indeed I do say it. I nevers for an invitation. Poor mar your hard-hearted sister, Miss
Insincerity, pride, self pity, crudity of lightning portraits. Long before Ann or her story told, Jane Austen ranges menace her personality and her discrim Bennet, to return with zest the blud Austen is en garde on Anne's behalf, a of the Elliot family and their famili analysis is deadly, because the ironic w is couched in language that has the deft can demolish in a line, in a turn of ph Mary and Mrs. Clay betray themselve could not wish for clearer outline, we of them. Comic as they are, theirs a worth-Anne marriage, and Jane Auste is among the most careful in all the no
Consider Mrs. Clay. Dr. Mudri
not given time to condemn herself by i
opinion, Mrs. Clay's whole connexi
29. Vol. I, Chap. 3.
30. Vol. I, Chap. 5. 31. Vol. II, Chap. 10.
32. Mudrick, p. 211.

IN JANE AUSTEN'S
... Wentworth, the curate of Monkhe term gentleman. I thought you of property: Mr. Wentworth was inconnected; nothing to do with the
ters how the names of many of our 29
always do; but I was very far from t think I ever was so ill in my life as -very unfit to be left alone, I am sure ot get out. I do not think she has this summer.'30
aw any body in my life spell harder ! I was really in pain for him; for | Anne, seems bent on cruelty, 31
mind are caught for ever in these e Elliot comes to life as a character,
before the reader the people who inating mind. Anne is no Elizabeth geoning of a Lady Catherine. Jane hd she lays bare the innermost souls ar with sure, precise strokes. The it which is Jane Austen's instrument ness and finish of her maturity. She hrase, and Sir Walter and Elizabeth, s with every word they utter. We only regret that we do not see more re the values that oppose the Wenta probes their depths in a study that vels. -
ck complains that this character is incident'32. In Dr. W. A. Craik's n is with Elizabeth, and her own

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UNIVERSITY OF
language-the few times she does spe Miss Lascelles felt similarly-that t Jane Austen's word for the Willi. these judgments justified? Certain beth, since Sir Walter is best appro. She is quick to see that the Elliots'
pride of rank, and she presses these
Kellynch-hall. But once she goes share in their social triumphs; when of Mr. Elliot, her behaviour is desci singly detailed for a minor characte Fairfax on less evidence than Jane A There is the eagerness with which the door, on Anne's first evening a very characteristic? Or is Mrs. C flattering Elizabeth? We are not s on Elizabeth's behalf. Elliot's beha Elizabeth's public encouragement, h ment. His behaviour is polite and think of him for her beloved Anne3 to Anne, and then only in Mrs. Cla with perplexity that “Mrs. Clay four
From the time Wentworth is leads an intensely agitated mental will at last find adequate words in t detail that engages her attention o must necessarily be arresting, simpl are some such details, one being that v settled between Anne and Mrs. Clay will ride. Anne, we know, would forced to bear the insincerities of th has not shown herself so pressingly and would not it have been more Elizabeth, and in all the glory of I 33. W. A. Craik, Jane Austen. The Six Nou 34. Mary Lascelles, Jane Austen and Her Art, 35. Persuasion, Vol. II, Chap. 3. 36. Vol. II, Chap. 4.
37. Ibid. 38. Vol. II, Chap. 5.

CEYLON REVIEW
'ak-points to nothing but herself's. he reader has never had anything but am Elliot-Mrs. Clay liaison34. Are ly, Mrs. Clay attaches herself to Elizaached through his favourite daughter. lives are ruled by personal vanity and keys from her very first appearance at with them to Bath, and is allowed to particularly, she comes into the orbit ibed with an ambiguity that is surprir in a first draft. Emma suspects Jane lusten hands us concerning Mrs. Clay. Mrs. Clay recognises Elliot's knock on it Camden-places. Is his knock so Play expecting it? Or is she merely ure. Her enthusiasm need not be all aviour is equally ambiguous. Despite e manages to avoid a definite commitcorrect enough to make Lady Russell 5. He criticises Mrs. Clay, but only y's absence37, and Anne herself notes ld him as agreeable as anybody'38.
known to be expected in Bath, Anne life, the passionate preoccupation that he scene at the White Hart Inn. Any r curiosity, outside her own problems y because it manages to do so. There sery odd point of civility that must be as to which will walk home and which rather walk home in the rain than be he Dalrymples. But Mrs. Clay? She eager to be of service to Anne before; natural for her to wish to accompany ady Dalrymple's carriage? But there
els, London 1965, p. 172. London 1939, p. 206.
3 ܐ
க

Page 11
THE NEW ELEMENT
is a bonus attached to the walk, which though we know Anne's mind, there rosity so polite and so determined 39 she is wearing the thicker boots. An resting incident, because it is just then t through the shop window, and the n minutes she saw nothing before her.
On their walk home, Mr. Elliot's highly rational against Mrs. Clay." covering up Mrs. Clay's indiscreet eas just now she could think only of point on the hints become increasing perceive what is before her eyes and in of her own preoccupation. She won a most obliging, placid look at the p puts it down to good acting 12 hav suspicions by Mrs. Smith's assurance th: She does not believe that it is Mr. Ell with Mrs. Clay at the corner of Bath-st for the day at Thornberry-park) until not recollect that Mrs. Clay had hers breakfast on a self-imposed errand4 ܡ ܐ
her mind in “restless agitation at the (will Wentworth be there?) but she doe of the tete-a-tete, only to have her Clay’s plausible chatter and the privat been censuring her designs on Sir Wa comes to think of it's. But Anne's att and neither is the reader's, for at every the suspense that attends the climac romance. All we can complain of is t richly comic possibilities of the Sir W. but it is hardly surprising that she do
39. Vol. II, Chap. 7. 40. Ibid. 41. Ibid. 42. Vol. II, Chap. 10.
43. Ibid. 44. Ibid.
45. Ibid.

IN JANE AUSTEN'S
is the company of Mr. Elliot. And is no adequate reason for the genewith which Mrs. Clay insists that le has no time to reflect on this intehat she glimpses Captain Wentworth homent is gone for ever; for a few t was all confusion. She was lost.'40
conversation is full of insinuations He could be sincere; he could be gerness. Anne could not care lessCaptain Wentworth'41. From this ly obvious, and Anne's inability to terpret it correctly reveals the extent ders that Mrs. Clay should “assume rospect of Elliot's evening visit, but ing been diverted from her halfat Mrs. Clay's objective is Sir Walter. iot whom Mary spies “deep in talk reet (when he is supposed to be away she sees him herself43, and does elf left Camden-place directly after '. Anne's personal problems keep prospect of the morrow's card-party s remember to ask for an explanation suspicions smoothed away by Mrs. e supposition that Elliot had perhaps liter-an odd explanation, when one ention is not really on Mrs. Clay, moment Jane Austen is heightening tic stages of the Wentworth-Anne hat Jane Austen does not exploit the alter-Mrs. Clay-Mr. Elliot triangle,
es not. Sexual intrigue was not a

Page 12
UNIVERSITY OF
subject that she found funny, or wo public and private reasons. A flir Maria Bertram in the grounds of Sot that cause their elopement can only been prepared long before. And
protection in London, and if We dic creator's fault. Jane Austen scatter Agatha Christie. To do more wo mist of inward preoccupation thro things in the final pages of Persuasio
It is regrettable that Mr. Mudri personal edge is made so early in h something from his admission that personal feeling 6. It forces him t and Fanny Price “share one distin character may claim: they are all uns irony.'47. To say this is to keep Garrod, who wrote of these very with milk and water'48. And is itj
Certainly, in Persuasion it is no her heroine's approach to self know earlier work. Anne Elliot's progre gradually reasserts herself, quite fi She progresses in a revaluation of L dence in her own judgment and t Austen described Anne jokingly a virtues are not superhuman, and he include delight that she can destroy
Jealousy of Mr. Elliot.
Captain Wentworth jealo believed it a week ago, t gratification Was exquisite.
46. Mudrick, p. 218. 47. Ibid., p. 222.
48. H. W. Garrod, Jane Austen. A Dep Hands, being the Transactions of the Royal Socie (London 1928), p. 37.
49. Persuasion, Vol. II, Chap. 8.

CEYLON REVIEW
uld have cared to handle in a novel, for tation between Henry Crawford and herton is all very well; but the impulses be inferred, although the ground has
So Mrs. Clay ends up under Elliot's مدير
not expect it to happen, it is not her clues enough to satisfy any reader of uld have been to destroy the delicate ugh which Anne perceives people and
i.
ick's baseless discovery of “abuse and a lis study of the novel, for it takes away the new element in Persuasion is its D state that Anne, Elinor Dashwood, ction which no other major Austen subjected to the temper of Jane Austen's the unlikely company of Professor three as inhabitants of 'a land flowing ustified?
longer Jane Austen's purpose to trace ledge, the principal source of irony in SS is conceived on different lines; Anne rmly, if with characteristic gentleness. ady Russell, and towards a new confihe validity of her own ideals. Jane s almost too good for me', but her r failings are common enough. They masculine indifference:
It was the only intelligible motive us of her affection Could she have
hree hours ago! For a moment, the 49
reciation' (read May 23rd 1928), in Essays By Divers ety of Literature of the United Kingdom. Vol. VIII,
ΤΟ

Page 13
̄–
THE NEW ELEMENT
The essential difference between Ann is that Anne's next wish is to end W of her love, while Isabella would h Anne's momentary triumph is endea generally so superior to pettiness. reader triumphs with Anne at this p( the trepidation, the indecision, the m lover, and the acute discomfort in his
She now felt a great inclin wanted to see if it rained. another motive? Captain W left her seat. She would go so much w ser than the othe of being worse than it was.
Who can say that Jane Austen does no was she to suspect herself of another no dryly amused voice as it is Anne's e struck, not once, but often:
She hoped to be wise and re. She must confess to herselft
She had some feelings which They were too much like jo
By some other removals, an was enabled to place herself
than she had been before, m 53
It is not, of course, the astringent nari
employs in the delineation of Anne's
she presents a sympathetic picture of a
successful. Anne's tenderness of heart
an intrinsic moral superiority that J
Elinor Dashwood, Elizabeth Bennet, a
50. Vol. II, Chap. 7.
51. Ibid. 52. Vol. II, Chap. 6.
53. Vol. II, Chap. 8.
f

IN JANE AUSTEN'S
e and a coquette like Isabella Thorpe sentworth's agony with an assurance ave done her utmost to prolong it. ring because it occurs in a character It emphasises her humanity, and the pint, naving witnessed stage by stage Osgivings, the longing to look on her presence that have preceded it.
ation to go to the outer door; she Why was she to suspect herself of Wentworth must be out of sight. She ; one half of her should not be always r half, or always suspecting the other
She would see if it rained.50
it treat this heroine with irony? Why tive? That is as much Jane Austen's txasperated one. It is a note that is
asonable in time, but alas! alas! hat she was not wise yet,51
she was ashamed to investigate. y, senseless joy!52
d a little scheming of her own, Anne f much nearer the end of the bench uch more within reach of a passerby.
rative tone of Emma that Jane Austen gentle personality. For the first time tender hearted heroine that is entirely is united with a discriminating mind, ane Austen had captured before in ind Fanny Price.

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UNIVERSITY OF
Tenderness of heart is a side O. nature, that Jane Austen had not car Her single essay in that direction had it was neither wholly satisfactory in was not ready, when she wrote Ma. different from her own, conscious t the discipline to which she had just fidence and intended to subject Emin There is no knowing the extent self chastisement that everyday soci. Jane Austen, whose writing provided personal problems. Her desperate r for her critical attitudes 54 can be d of her intelligent heroines (I exclu innocence of mind substitutes for int armour against the attacks of the wo of Jane Austen's commitment to the in her personal protection of 'my F novels, Jane Austen works out the p. her quiet and apparently contented was morally at war; and in its gent the disciplined restraint that marked
The impulse that moved Jane A or an Anne Elliot may, on the other despite the loyal assurances of her fai though she admired and loved the wished to resemble her more. Hov in every novel the figure of a you temper and gentle disposition, who in her mind and manners, patient behaviour, there arises in Northanger on the occasion of whose marriag cere.** Jane Bennet is primarily a associates positively with herself an sincerity. Elizabeth admires and lov
54. D. W. Harding, "Regulated Hatred: An (1940) pp. 346-262, and Ian Watt, ed., op.cit. (se
55. Northanger Abbey, Vol. II, Chap. 16.

CEYLON REVIEW
f human nature, possibly of her own ed earlier to examine at heroine-level. | been the creation of Fanny Price, and or convincing. Perhaps Jane Austen - isfield Park, to handle a personality so hat her most immediate need was for subjected Elizabeth Bennet's self-conna Woodhouse's headstrong arrogance.
of self control, self discipline and al intercourse must have involved for i her with a means of externalising her heed to find “ some mode of existence etected in the loneliness and isolation lde Catherine Morland, though her elligence in providing her with shining ildly). It can be sensed in the urgency : moral standards of Elizabeth Bennet, Fanny. In Persuasion, as in the other roblems that were involved for her in existence in a society with which she le heroine she is able to capture at last her own maturity.
usten to the creation of a Fanny Price hand be explained by the probability, mily, that she lacked gentleness herself, : quality in her sister Cassandra, and wever it may have been, there appears ng woman remarkable for her sweet
has her creator's sympathy. Elegant under the humiliation of her father's Abbey the first of these, Eleanor Tilney, e Jane Austen’s own joy “is very sinfoil for the livelier Elizabeth, yet she atmosphere of quiet cheerfulness and res Jane
Aspect of the Work of Jane Austen. Scrutiny, VIII
2e note 27) p. 170. -

Page 15
THE NEW ELEMENT
“My dear Jane...I do not kno had never done you justice, o
Superior in understanding, often amus
values in her sister the quality she kno'
“till I have your disposition, y happiness's 7. -
Emma similarly values the quality in Knightley:
There is no charm equal to t to be compared with it. W an affectionate, open mannel in the world, for attraction: heart that makes my dear gives Isabella all her populari to prize and respect it.'58
It is too late, as Jane Austen ironical becoming simpleminded; and Emma' of those errors of judgment she is co Isabella can arouse Emma's sincere permanently win her respect.
Up to the time Jane Austen unites Elliot, the gentle disposition has figur setting off the vivid personalities of an Bennet, sometimes treated with amuse in the case of Harriet Smith in who idiocy. Elinor Dashwood has somet but she is outstanding for her admirab self control, rather than for gentlenes first attempt to give the quality heroin for two reasons. Fanny's claim to the affection for Edmund, and the weak
56. Pride and Prejudice, Vol. II, Chap. 1. 57. Ibid., Vol. II, Chap. 13.
58. Einma, Vol. II, Chap. 13.

IN JANE AUSTEN'S
w what to say to you. I feel as if I r loved you as you deserve'.56
2d by Jane's ingenuousness, Elizabeth Ws herself to lack
our goodness, I never can have your
Harriet Smith and her sister Isabella
2nderness of heart... there is nothing armth and tenderness of heart, with , will beat all the clearness of head I am sure it will. It is tenderness of ather so generally beloved-which ty. I have it not; but I know how
ly remarks, for Emma to set about 's enthusiasm for Harriet is another ntinually making. Yet Harriet and admiration, though they may not
it with a penetrating mind in Anne 2d with success in minor roles only,
Emma Woodhouse or an Elizabeth ment but never with harshness, even im a tender heart surely approaches hing in her that foreshadows Anne, le strength of mind and capacity for s. In Mansfield Park, Jane Austen's a status in Fanny Price is unsuccessful reader's sympathy lies in her constant ness of Edmund's character casts a

Page 16
UNIVERSITY OF
shadow of doubt over the rightne shows herself more discriminating a is that, despite all Jane Austen does f aring a trifle dull beside the brilliantl and the Bertram girls. In Persuasic Like Fanny, Anne is modest, patient principles and self control; like Eliz and possessed of a fine sense of the r chemistry comes readily to mind, degree the love and use of logic, the error, the reliance on order, and the terise the scientific mind. In Anne produce the perfect incorruptible ble
What ever dyes was not m
and here wit and a quick intelligence In the novel as a whole the hard, brig perceived in Pride and Prejudices9 has to1ᏁᏋ.
Far from revealing the sharp edg Persuasion, as it operates through Ant Jane Austen's attitude to personal an but it appears more controlled and woman of seven-and-twenty, w is, like her creator, intelligent, and the fact. Dr. Craik has noted the comments slide easily into Anne's humour, Anne practises self control Mrs. Musgrove saying, as she does:
“I am sure neither Henriet if Miss Anne could not be
An exquisite feeling for the comic has achieved with experience a gre of control. -
59. Letters, February, 4th, 1813 p. 299. “Th it wants shade' . . . .
60. Persuasion, Vol. II, Chap. 5. 61. Op. cit, p. 170. 62. Persuasion, Vol. II, Chap. 10.

CEYLON REVIEW
s of Fanny's judgment, although she regards Crawford. A second reason r Fanny, she cannot prevent her appeexecuted portraits of Mary Crawford in the experiment is at last successful. and constant; like Elinor she has firm abeth she is intelligent, discriminating, idiculous crabsurd. The analogy of or Jane Austen displays to a marked : capacity to learn by patient trial and
distrust of emotionalism that characher chemistry has worked at last, to ind
xt equally
} are happily married to a gentle heart. ght quality that Jane Austen had herself mellowed and modulated to a deeper
es of personal animosity, the irony of he Elliot's observing eye, has quietened. d social weaknesses is as critical as ever, better balanced. The 'elegant little rith every beauty excepting bloom'60 possesses an unconceited awareness of smoothness with which Jane Austen's .61 Yet, despite her ironic sense of
If she did not, one would not find
a nor I should care at all for the play with us.'62
remains, but Jane Austen, like Anne, ater sense of tolerance, of perspective,
: work is rather too light, and bright, and sparkling;
*

Page 17
THE NEW ELEMENT
It is difficult, otherwise, to accoul she treats the subject of the unmarried Jane Austen's genius that the deeply p nised and sophisticated art, the impers the poverty that renders her so depen continually in Emma's mind, but Jane mentally in the elderly spinster a parti Emma's reflection that -
a single woman with a very in
disagreeable old maid. The
She is teasing Harriet, but there is her there is also in the narrator's description
no intellectual superiority to frighten those who might hate
Jane Austen's attitude in these passage is pletely resolved, but the undeniable bi composure of her tone threatens, althou poise of Emma. In Persuasion, however
Thirteen winters revolving opening every ball of credi afforded, and thirteen springs led up to London with her fat ment of the great world. She had the consciousness of being regrets and some apprehensio still quite as handsome as eve years of danger, and would h properly solicited by barone month or two.65
Hatred and unhappiness have settled, at
amused ridicule, devoid of personal u.
monologues and her well-meant blun
63. Emma, Vol. I, Chap. 10.
64. Ibid., Vol. I, Chap. 3. - 65. Persuasion, Vol. I, Chap. 1.
།
I5

IN JANE AUSTEN'S
it for the new restraint with which woman in Society. It is a part of irsonal becomes, through her organal. For example, Miss Bates and lent on other people's kindness are Austen can recreate quite unsentiprojection of herself. One recalls
arrow income must be a ridiculous, roper sport of boys and girls.63
an echo of personal bitterness, as of Miss Bates as having
make atonement to herself, or her into outward respect.04
not a simple one, neither is it com
tterness that underlines the apparent igh it does not destroy, the over-all , all is changed:
frosts had seen (Elizabeth Elliot) t which a scanty neighbourhood shown their blossoms, as she travelher for a few weeks annual enjoyhad the remembrance of all this, she nine-and-twenty to give her some ins; she was fully satisfied of being t, but she felt her approach to the ave rejoiced to be certain of being t-blood within the next twelve
ld Jane Austen's new tone is one of gency. Miss Bates never-ending dering add up to comic value in

Page 18
UNIVERSITY OF
Emma, but her spinsterhood is treat pathy. But Elizabeth Elliot is con gerated vanity and pride, but in he with which Jane Austen unfailingly the Baronetage with averted eyes, and was written by a happier, more col Emma. Jane Austens ironic wit sti rises occasionally to the surface and
“We do not call Bermuc Indies.
Mrs. Musgrove had not accuse herself of having ev course of her life. 66
but it never jars the counterpoint setting and the delicate evocation identified with its heroine and in flowering romance finds a melanch scenes at Uppercross, Wentworth's at Lyme, their ultimate reunion is p emotion beneath Anne's calm exter diacy:
A thousand feelings rushed consoling, that it would s In two minutes after Cha they were in the drawin Wentworth's, a bow, a c talked to Mary, said all thi Musgroves, enough to m full, full of persons and voic showed himself at the wi bowed and was gone, the room was cleared, and A could...
Mary talked but she coul
had met. They had been
66. Vol. I, Chap. 8. 67. Vol. I, Chap. 7.

CEYLON REVIEW
'd throughout with delicacy and symic as her father is comic, in her exagspinsterhood most of all. The irony reats this aspect of her (Elizabeth closes pushes it away) suggests that Persuasion tented, more relaxed person than was l underlies the texture of the novel, it we recognise the familiar flash
a or Bahama, you know, the West
a word to say in dissent; she could not er called them any thing in the whole
'd harmony of her tone. Persuasion's of its quiet atmosphere are peculiarly key with her character. Anne's latebly echo in the often-pictured autumn
interest sharpens with the sea breezes art of springtime in Bath. The rush of for is caught with extraordinary imme
on Anne, of which this was the most oon be over. And it was soon over. rles preparation, the others appeared; g room. Her eye half met Captain urtsey passed; she heard his voice; he it was right, said something to the Miss rk an easy footing; the room seemed ses, but a few minutes ended it. Charles indow, all was ready, their visitor had Miss Musgroves were gone too...... the nine might finish her breakfast as she
d not attend. She had seen him. They once more in the same room.67
ܒ ܓ
I6

Page 19
THE NEW ELEMENT
To Anne, the minutes have passed li vivid that ordinary conversation beco seems a tumultuous crowd. Much o Anne's eyes, and ordinary events rec tensity of the emotion that possesses Bath and a shopping expedition on a are seen through Anne's excited, anx the tone of the novel, and in this cont shares an aspect of the distinctive ch Crawford. As the Crawfords enter we learned that
the stiffness of the meeting manners and more diffused i. and everybody grew comfor
Despite the hint of disapproval in the intimacies (Jane Austen is doing her b this attractive couple creates an atoms recalls the heartiness, and ... warmth calls forth from the Musgroves in Ba with the visit of Sir Walter and Elizab
whose entrance seemed to instant oppression, and, whe the same. The comfort, the over, hushed into cold comp talk, to meet the heartless ele
The pervading tone of Persuasion is
bitterness or animosity, the qualities til Elliots, but the gentle restraint of An she goes. -
Her charm, though great, would status of heroine, however, and Jane qualities are that do. Like Catherine
68. Mansfield Park, Vol. II, Chap. 10. 69. Persuasion, Vol. II, Chap. 10.
70. Ibid. ཚོ་

IN JANE AUSTEN'S
e a dream, her inward sensations so nes indistinct, a familiar family party the rest of the novel is seen through ive a heightening because of the inthe observer's mind. A concert at Vet day take on a sparkle because they ous eyes. Her quiet personality sets ection it is interesting to see how she rm of that unlikely character, Mary 'd the ballroom at Mansfield Park,
oon gave away before their popular
timacies; little groups were formed, table,68
shrase popular manners and more diffused est for Fanny), the mere presence of phere of case and enjoyment. One l, and ... sincerity that Anne's visit th.69 and compares it a little later on peth,
give a general chill. Anne felt an rever she looked, saw symptoms of freedom, the gaiety of the room was osure, determined silence, or insipid gance of her father and sister.70
not that of coldness, or cruelty, of at mark Elizabcth and the rest of the ne, who is made welcome wherever
not alone qualify Anne Elliot for the Austen makes quite clear what those Morland, whom the devious intri

Page 20
UNIVERSITY OF
gues of Isabella Thorpe entirely escap ness above all else in her personal r
feels
that she could so much mc who looked or said a careless presence of mind varied, wh
Anne reveals her love of open dealin her suggestions for Sir Walter's retrer
on the side of honesty aga vigorous measures, a more higher tone of indifference f
Social honesty is a principle with A1
With these high principles rega goes, pleasantly, a humane tolerance Like Elizabeth Bennet, Anne finds th but her conclusions are based on lo estimate of her own merits. She is 1. more perfectly that “quickness of perc of character, a natural penetration'74 in Elizabeth's case by her preconce Crofts' style of driving, which she i of the general guidance of their af Henrietta Musgrove's Concern for Dr. with some private amusement, butg
how desirable it was that h young man as resident cura hint at the advantage of suc
It is this same generous courtesy, co prevents Anne answering Sir Walte Mrs. Smitn, with the retort that her
71. Vol. II, Chap. 5. 72. Vol. I, Chap. 2. 73. Pride and Prejudice Vol. I, Chap. 9. 74. Persuasion, Vol. II, Chap. 12. 75. Vol. I, Chap. 10. 76. Vol. I, Chap. 12.

CEYLON REVIEW
2, Anne looks for honesty and franklationships with other people. She
re depend on the sincerity of those or a hasty thing, than of those whose ose tongue never slipped.71
gas it more widely affects society in chment, which were
inst importance. She wanted more complete reformation, a ... much or everything but justice and equity.72
ine, as it is not with her family.
rding her own dealings with society of the weaknesses of other people. 2 study of character “most amusing 73, nger experience and a more modest more controlled, more acute, possesses peption ... a nicety in the discernment which is too often rendered inaccurate ptions. Anne is entertained by the magines to be “no bad representation fairs'75. She perceives the origin of Shirley's increasing age and infirmity snerously remarks
2 should have some active, respectable te, and was even courteous enough to b. resident curate's being married.76
upled with a sense offilial duty, that 's sneering crudities on the subject of friend
རིགས་རིགས་ جاتN

Page 21
THE NEW ELEMENT I.
was not the only widow in Ba little to live on, and no surnam
Like Elizabeth Bennet, Elinor Dashood, house, Anne stands for the principle off who was, one remembers, in agonies family.78, Anne had nothing to blush father and sister'79, but their private beh, gentle, affectionate spirit. Sir Walter's opportunity to obscure social climbers tactlessly) in Anne's presence.80 She is what can you possibly have to do?'81-slig is “nothing, compared with Mrs. Clay82. or discusses them with other people, ev invites pity. It is only when a higher d family at defiance, and publicly ackn Wentworth in spite of the formidable fa and felt equal to every thing which sh
As the root from which these heroi sesses, in spite of an incurably romantic sense. She has, like Marianne Dashwoo fond of quotations from the poets, but h to subdue, not indulge, her emotions. Anne's mind that, despite the emptiness
Charles Musgrove's proposal of marriage "duties'. Anne is
glad to be thought of some use out as a duty. 85
The sweetness of her character is the resu ness reminiscent of Elinor Dashwood, no
77. Vol. II, Chap. 5, 78. Pride and Prejudice, Vol. I, Chap. 18. 79. Persuasion, Vol. II, Chap. 11. 80. Vol. I, Chap. 3. 81. Vol. I, Chap. 5. 82. Vol. II, Chap. 4. 83. Vol. II, Chap. 8. 84. Vol. I, Chap. 3.
Vol. I, Chap. 5.
I9
 

JANE AUSTEN'S
h between thirty and forty, with of dignity.77
leanor Tilney, and Emma Woodmily loyalty. Unlike Elizabeth, at the public behaviour of her or in the public manners of her viour is calculated to wound her objections to the navy as offering are voiced callously (or at best, patronised by Mary-Dear me, hted by Elizabeth to whom Anne Yet she never betrays her family in Lady Russell, never accepts or uty intervenes that Anne sets her owledges her acquaintance with ther and sister in the background e believed right to be done.'83
ne-like virtues spring, Anne posnature, the supreme one of good d, her favourite grove'.84 and is er purpose in resorting to them is It is evidence of the stability of of her life at Kellynch, she refuses and attempts to fill her life with
glad to have any thing marked
it of a necessary sanity and steadiI of an incredible saintliness. Like

Page 22
UNIVERSITY C
her creator Anne must 'keep on r of her everyday life', has "a deep in for the ordered, decent civilisatio herself things to do, she catalogue carries out Elizabeth's directions and music, goes parish visiting, dances by the hour for the lively love, Anne shows gentleness und difficulties and clashes at Uppercro more sensible lines; and if her ow. with Louisa, that fact is known to her determination to guard her c respéet, even when her situation agitation provokes amusement.
her emotion, and in no other not the emotional intensity achieve affection are the very texture of th bounds of sentimentality. Nowl as when Anne gives way at last ti self, and reserves for her sex in the privilege of loving longest wher. declaration of such deeply felt, pa the Jane Austen heroine a new c greater for our awareness of the st
Anne’s is a character that ur of Persuasion to the last. Jane Al to reveal her personality, not to d her intelligence, her tolerance, he beating heart are all hers when th reader watches Emma, Elizabetl repenting, revaluing earlier judg.
She
had been forced into pri as she grew older: the nat 86. D. W. Harding, op. cit, p. 170.
87. Persuasion, Vol. II, Chap. 11. 88. Vol. I, Chap. 4.

F CEYLON REVIEW
asonably good terms with the associates
ed of their affection, and a genuine respect
that they upheld'86. And so Anne finds
the books and pictures at Kellynch-hall, egarding the garden, arranges her books
nurses her nephew, and plays country
Musgroves. Unembittered but still in . dr affront, and endless tact in Smoothing
Iss; she redirects Benwick's reading along
i eyes fill with tears as Wentworth dances
tnobody. It is her controlling good sense,
wn peace of mind that holds the reader's
invites sympathy or her acute emotional
Anne's good sense defines the extent of rel does a heroine, silly or sensible, reach
by her. Her constancy and steadfast
Ie novel, but there is no straying over the
here does Jane Austen so touch the heart
) the feelings she has kept so long to her
hearing of her lover the single unenviable
existence, or when hope is gone.'87. A
ssionately expressed cmotion as this gives
limension; and our response to it is the rength of her habitual sclf control.
dergoes little change from the first page Isten's purpose in Creating this heroine is iscipline it, and Anne's calm composure, high principles, her good sense, and her e novel begins. In the other novels, the l, Catherine and Marianne blundering, ments. But Anne's error is past history.
idence in her youth, she learned romance ural sequence ofan unnatural beginning.**
s
R
2O

Page 23
THE NEW ELEMENT IN
Anne's progress is made towards indepen judgment. She refuses Charles Musgro have liked the match; Admiral Croft's but they delight Anne, who warms to his of character';89 Lady Russell considers worth having'90-Anne is more fastidiot moment when Anne, given the chance fearlessly take the step she wavered from worth. There can now be no pull of imprudence. A rich Captain Wentwort minded society to be quite worthy of a Anne Elliot. It is Anne's merit tht she society now recognises. Her love is a '. trates the cloud of obscurity that Wentw had raised between him and Lady Rus: subjected her own sure instinct and discr superior judgment of her god-mother. it; hers was no moral fault but the res timidity. She never withdraws from worth. It is he who must discipline his ment, and admit at the novel's end tha happier' than he deserves 92.
R The major artistic triumph which is to obscure a minor one, Jane Austen's worth. Henry Tilney was little more th in Catherine's worshipping eyes, a use opinions. It is doubtful whether Edmu Colonel Brandon could have mustered vincing weaknesses to equip a single one ( life. Fitzwilliam Darcy is the only on genuine failing, and his stateliness is so o to concede pride as a weakness natural George Knightley in Emma that Jane Aus yet Frank Churchill and Henry Crawfor pletely believable. But it is with Wentw a fair trial of her own strength. He has
89. Vol. II, Chap. 1.
90. Vol. II, Chap. 4.
91. Vol. II, Chap. 8. 92, vol. II, Chap. 11.
2

N JANE AUSTEN'S
dence of spirit, not towards surer ve, though Lady Russell would manners may not suit her friend, 'goodness of heart and simplicity the Dalrymples "an acquaintance ts. The novel moves towards the he never dared to hope for, will earlier, of marriage with Wentconflicting loyalties, no fear of h is now considered by a moneyLouisa Musgrove, or even of an never doubted the worth that her generous attachment'91 that peneorth's lack of name and prospects sell. Anne's error lies in having iminating mind to the apparently Anne does not blame herself for ult of inexperience and youthful ner original estimation of Wentfirst impulses, control his resentit he “must learn to brook being
the creation of Anne Elliot tends presentation of Frederick Wenthan a clever young cynic, faultless sful mouthpiece for his creator's nd Bertram, Edward Ferrars, and among themselves enough conyf them for the realities of ordinary e of Jane Austen's heroes with a verpowering that the reader tends o an Olympian. It is only with :en holds the reader's interest-and d, her 'bad' young men, are comrorth alone that Jane Austen makes , unlike Knightley and Darcy, no

Page 24
UNIVERSITY C
money, no position, no great nan sant personality and the pennile inauspiciously in George Wickhar rers of Pride and Prejudice and Se love, it is with “a remarkably fine of intelligence, spirit and brillia him no good with the people w Dr. Mudrick points out with trut his personality evinces all th aggressiveness, daring, an eye fo) place him with the Crofts and til Elliot establishment. Yet, althou mirror of its time, and reflects W. pressures that work upon its cha
Wentworth's struggle to get on is hall as an eligible suitor to Loui Austen suggest that his inferiority of funds. When Sir Walter feels dangles the bait of Kellynch-hall law, Admiral Croft, the barrier in fitting into the elegant pursui his time in sensible company; an a social asset it will be to counta 1 among her acquaintances there.
rences at all, it is to show the obtu worth only when it is united to m through Anne's eyes, and she has 1. language of the heart. Even hers were more idealistic than realistic
In the long interval that ela a second time, his memory is kep note, even before we meet him fir: of the movements of naval men with no family connections in the a Sol) at Sea, are
93. Vol. I, Chap. 4. 94. Mudrick, op. cit, p. 235. 95. Persuasion, Vol. II, Chap. 10. 96. Vol. I, Chap. 2.

)F CEYLON REVIEW
he behind him. He has instead the pleaassness that Jane Austen had combined n and Willoughby, the attractive adventu2nse and Sensibility. When Anne falls in young man', handicapped by a great deal ncy'93, for these personal advantages do who guide Anne's decisions at this time. th that Wentworth represents a class, that e new bourgeois virtues-confidence, money and the main chance'94. They he Harvilles, in eternal opposition to the gh Persuasion is in many ways a faithful ithout distortion the economic and social racters, its interest does not dwell here.
over by the time he reappears at Kellynchsa Musgrove; and at no time does Jane to the Elliots lies in anything but his lack , the need to retrench and Mr. Sheppard before Wentworth's wealthy brother-invanishes. Wentworth has no difficulty ts of Bath, although he prefers to spend
d even Elizabeth Elliot understands what
mar of such an air and appearance as his'95 If Jane Austen comments on class diffeIseness of a society that can recognise true oney. The world of Persuasion is observed no concern with economics, only with the
uggestions for Sir Walter's retrenchments 96.
pses before the reader meets Wentworth it alive by a series of subtle touches. We st, that Anne is surprisingly well informed and vessels for a provincial young lady : navy. Even the Musgrove family, with

Page 25
-
 ܼܲܢܠ
THE NEW ELEMENT
little . in the habit of atter and incurious ... as to the na
but Anne can, without prior notice, gi Croft's career and position'98. This i Jane Austen illuminates from time to lies the calm exterior Anne presents mental activity that goes on in the pri navy lists and newspapers as her sourc and unobtrusively followed Wentw has given her no cause to hope for are and intense association has provided fection that she will never relinquish had been possible to the nice tone o taste'99. Such a passage tells us much about Wentworth. Despite her frie domesticity, she remains faithful; no standard of excellence that she will no worth's character grows in the reader' cation as Anne coolly sums up the ps likeable enough, practical and sensible propose to her, and likes her ever after Elliot, regarded by Lady Russell as til her god-daughter as
rational, discreet, polished, any burst of feeling, any wa evil or good of others 100.
Anne's estimation ofevery new acqua standard Wentworth has provided, an (since we have learned to respect he of his resentment at her earlier withd mination to prove his independence provided him in her turn. with an u fection. His original opinion of her
97. Vol. I, Chap. 6. 98. Vol. I, Chap. 3. 99. Vol. I, Chap. 4. 100. Vol. II, Chap. 5.
 

IN JANE AUSTEN'S
lding to such matters ... unobservant umes of men or ships97
veher father a full account of Admiral s the kind of tiny incident by which time the ceaseless turmoil that under
to a hostile and prying world, the vacy of her quiet silence. With only es of information, Anne has devotedly orth's career. Their angry parting anewal of his addresses, but their brief her with a standard of masculine perL. No second attachment, we learn, f her mind, the fastidiousness of her about Anne, but it tells us even more nds' urging and her own delight in t to a sentimental memory, but to a it trade for an inferior article. Wents mind, its qualities defined by impliBople she meets. Charles Musgrove, (after all, he valued Anne enough to wards), is casual and selfwilled. Mr. he perfect match for Anne, seems to
but ... not open. There was never rmth of indignation or delight, at the
intance is made with reference to the her doubt or distrust is an indication 'r judgment) of his worth. In spite rawal, and his rather graceless deter
of her, it is soon clear that she has nchanging standard of feminine peralters no more than does hers of him;

Page 26
UNIVERSITY OF
he had never seen a woman since w Austen will send Wentworth's em. which is as unerring and discriminati
An attractive portrait of Wentw the keynote is confidence and indepe view caution kindly, even if that cal is aware that always beside Anne, g thinking, ruling) her decisions, is til Anne in anger, determined to forget
It was a great object with m object. I wanted to be doi
While Anne has been contriving occi worth has been seeking distraction i. again. Jane Austen allows her read on that meeting, in a passage that is
He had not forgiven Anne
and disappointed him; and character in doing so, whi could not endure. She ha had been the effect of over. timidity.
He had been most warmly woman since whom he tho natural sensation of Curios. again. Her power with hi
In presenting an apparently detached Jane Austen lays bare the emotions til last two sentences, carrying the overt cally energetic speech, give away h. and (because he attempts to mask th his continuing love. We are spared
101. vol. I, Chap. 7.
102. Vol. I, Chap. 8. 103. Vol. I, Chap. 7.

CEYLON REVIEW
hom he thought her equal' 101. Jane otions to school, not his judgment, ng as Anne's own.
orth is painted in Chapter 4, of which ndence. He is clearly not the man to ution in exercised in his interests. He guiding (and he has every excuse for he figure of Lady Russell. He leaves her. An interesting parallel is struck
le at that time to be at sea; a very great ng something102.
upation for her mind at home, Wentn activity. He returns, and they meet er to look into his mind as he reflects
subtly ambiguous throughout: -
Elliot. She had used him ill; deserted
worse, she had shewn a feebleness of ch his own decided, confident temper ld given him up to oblige others. It persuasion. It had been weakness and
attached to her, and had never seen a ught her equal; but, except from some ity, he had no desire of meeting her m was gone for ever 103.
account of Wentworth's state of mind, hat he will not admit to himself. The Iones of his unmistakable, characteristiis resentment at having been betrayed em), his interest in Anne's welfare and a revengeful hero. Still in love, full
است.

Page 27
THE NEW ELEMENT
of hurt pride, Wentworth is ready to fa his association with Louisa Musgrove,
indifference to Anne that she is meant
thoughts' when he describes his ideal Any mention of her name attracts his cl ܠ ܢ
for her breaks through his elaborate pre
occasions while they are at Uppercross 奚 playful torture105, and he perceives he from Winthrop, arranging for its relief his carefully constructed armour by El and by the quiet competence she shot striking attitudes of helpless distress From this point on, he admits even to unaltered, although he claims no credit
Thus much indeed he was ob been constant unconsciously, meant to forget her, and beli
gined himself indifferent, whi had been unjust to her merits, them.109
Wentworth is always, if we can overlo Lyme, true to life. His faults are not mains. It is the warmth of his nature Jane Austen skilfully registers throug actions and his thoughts. Even at the c ending, there is no easy solution for possible with Lady Russell. He teases
how her influence once estranged them.
In the long pause between Anne's (
Jane Austen presents her as an interes observer of marriage and married life. wife, Elizabeth's campaigns for matrir
104. Ibid.
105. Vol. I, Chap. 9.
106. Vol. I, Chap. 10.
107. Vol. I, Chap. 12.
108. Ibid. .11 .of 109. Vol. II, Chap ܥܢ
25

IN JANE AUSTEN'S
ll in love on the rebound; so begins coupled with a studied air of polite to see. But she is “not out of his partner to his sympathetic sister104 losest attention. His real tenderness tence of indifference on at least two ; he rescues her from her nephew's r weariness on the long walk back 106. At Lyme he is dragged out of liot's open admiration of Anne107, ws when he and everyone else are around the unconscious Louisa108. himself that his feeling for Anne is for this:
liged to acknowledge-that he had
nay unintentionally; that he had eved it to be done. He had imaan he had only been angry; and he because he had been a sufferer from
bok his historionics on the Cobb at
glossed over, his attractiveness rethat captivates Anne, a quality that h his fluent, vigorous speech, his lose, when all is in train for a happy Wentworth, no perfect friendship' Anne, but the memory remains of
arly happiness and its final renewal, ted (though sometimes unwilling)
Sir Walter Elliot and his deceased nonial aggrandizement, the mutual

Page 28
UNIVERSITY O)
disenchantment of Charles and Ma between the Crofts, the Harvilles, Anne with material to ponder over. irresponsibility and Mary's selfishn parental dinner party and their sick rous attachment' to Wentworth
Mary's querulous selfpity. Lady softened, or concealed' Sir Walter lifel 11. Mrs. Croft declares affectic
the happiest part of my lif we were together, you ku
Even placid Mrs. Musgrove has kn
Mr. Musgrove always att they are over, and he is sa
Anne's love for her mother's mem her affection for Mrs. Musgrove speculations about the married sta passes between Captain and Mrs. believes that she leaves 'great happ house,115 and finds “a bewitching so unlike ... dinners of formality a happiness of the Crofts, who bring of being almost always together' Prejudice, this older couple provide of an ideally happy marriage.
Opposing this ideal is the ma in by Sir Walter and Elizabeth:
110. Vol. I, Chap. 7. 111. Vol. I, Chap. 1. 112. Vol. I, Chap. 8. 113. Ibid. 114. Vol. I, Chap. 12. 115. Vol. I, Chap. 11. 116. Ibid. 117. Vol. II, Chap. 6.

CEYLON REVIEW
ry Musgrove, the relationships existing the Musgroves, the Smiths, all provide She is the reluctant witness of Charles' ess as they dispute the rival claims of a child 10. The nature of Anne's 'geneis implicitly defined by contrast with Elliot, we learn, had humoured, or 's failings during her unhappy married onately that
2 has been spent on board a ship. While low, there was nothing to be feared 12.
own the rigours of separation, for
ends the assizes, and I am so glad when fe back again” 113.
ory, her admiration of Mrs. Croft, and are the results of her observations and te. She is quick to see the glance that Harville, which speaks their accord 114, iness behind her as she quits their tiny charm in ... hospitality so uncommon, nd display'116. She is delighted by the with them to Bath their country habit 17, and like the Gardiners in Pride and the younger with the constant example
rriage based on material values, trusted
26

Page 29
轶
ܠ .
THE NEW ELEMENT
She had, while a very you (Mr. Elliot) to be, in the ev. baronet, meant to marry r
that she should 118.
There reappears here the attitude of Mr. Collins “solely from the pure a ment’119, and Maria Bertram to refle obligation, her evident duty to m: Anne has a moral fineness that Eliza spicuously lack. In Persuasion, as i the marriage of convenience, but n
here or elsewhere; there is none. I
she clearly perceives, Jane Austen's C Elliot's infaltering constancy to We personal relationships. 121
An expose of marriage is not.
interest in this novel, although it is work, outlining her minimum requ. human spirit can grow. To do this to perfection in her earlier novels. interweave, and from these, firm c. arise and are established. Two g establisinment—the Musgrove famil course), and the naval officers who clu Anne thinks of the Musgroves as acquaintance 122, and looks back 'wit cross'123. Despite Sir Walter's snob at Laura-place, the Admiral and his the Elliots as a mere matter of form them any pleasure'124. When, tow: characters are concentrated in Bath,
118. Vol. I, Chap. 1.
119. Pride and Prejudice, Vol. I, Chap. 22.
120. Mansfield Park, Vol. I, Chap. 4.
121. cf. Letters, p. 103, November 18th, 1814: marrying without Affection'.
122. Persuasion, Vol. I, Chap. 5. 123. Vol. II, Chap. 2. 124. Vol. II, Chap. 6.

D IN JANE AUSTEN'S
ng girl, as soon as she had known him ent of her having no brother, the future im, and her father had always meant
mind that made Charlotte Lucas accept nd disinterested desire of an establishct that it was, by the ... rule of moral arry Mr. Rushworth if she could’ 120. beth Elliot, Charlotte, and Maria conn other novels, Jane Austen examines aver does she provide an easy answer, Living in a society whose moral flaws only defence is to voice through Anne ntworth, her own ideal of morality in
however, Jane Austen's only moral an important one. She is, in this last irements of a way of life in which the , she uses the method she had brought Various strands of interest weave and oncepts of social and human decency roups are contrasted with the Elliot y at Uppercross (excluding Mary, of lster about the Crofts and the Harvilles. some of the happiest creatures of her th fond regret, to the bustles of Upperbish reluctance to introduce the Crofts wife consider their intercourse with l, and not in the least likely to afford irds the end of the novel, all the main comparisons arise out of their social
*Anything is to be preferred or endured rather than

Page 30
UNIVERSITY OF
meetings that provide an idea of the Austen's world. The warm informs Musgroves shows up the Elliots' co, invite comparison with the Dalrymple seeks the company of the Crofts an pursues the Dalrymples and hopes to that both families ignore him. Admi Walter at their first meeting, and is t wonders a little at his vanity. Mrs. C the Musgrove girls as they are, mere girls, indeed 125. In their endurance a affection for each other, they present A that she bases her own standards upon of Charles and Mary Musgrove, Mary emptier than ever. The Crofts and fresher atmosphere into which Anne v mindedness of the Elliot establishme Prejudice, like Anne herself when she prose' in Benwick's daily reading to excessive emotional indulgence 126, t are the values which Anne will adoptir of false pride, insincerity and heartl integrity, and affection.
REFERE
CHAPMAN, R. W. ed., Jane Austen's Works, (6 vols.)
ed., Jane Austen's Letters. O.U.P. 1952
Jane Austen. A Reply to Mr. Garrod', Royal Society of Literature of the Unite Jane Austen. Facts and Problems. O.U.) CoPE, ZACHARY. Jane Austen's Last Illness', British CRAIK, W. A. Jane Austen. The Six Novels. Lon GARROD, H. W. Jane Austen. A Depreciation
pp. 21-40. JENKINS, ELIZABETH. Jane Austen. A Biography. I LASCELLEs, MARY. Jane Austen And Her Art. O.U MUDRICK, MARVIN. Jane Austen. Irony as Defense SouTHAM, B. C. Jane Austen's Literary Manuscripts, STERN, G. B. AND SHEILA. KAYE-SMITH. Talking of WATT, LAN. ed., Jane Austen. A Collection of Criti WRIGHT, ANDREw H. Jane Austen's Novels. A St.
125. Vol. I, Chap. 10. 126. Vol. I, Chap. 11.

CEYLON REVIEW
meaning of social decency in Jane ality of the Navy families and the ldness and insincerity. The Crofts s: Anne avoids Lady Dalrymple and d of Mrs. Smith, while Sir Walter avoid the Crofts, failing to perceive ral Croft has, of course, sized up Sir inimpessed by his rank, although he Droft is equally level-headed; she sees lly ‘very goodhumoured, unaffected ind their courage, and in their abiding Inne with an ideal ofwedded stability ... When they make the acquaintance seems even shallower, her marriage the Harvilles represent the freer, vill escape from the cramped narrownt. Like the Gardiners in Pride and recommends “a larger allowance of counteract the unhealthy effects of hey represent Good Sense. Theirs l the future, making a happy exchange essness for belief in personal merit,
YASMINE GOONERATNE.
ENCES
O.U.P. 2nd ed.
in Essays by Divers Hands (The Transactions of the d Kingdom) X (London 1931), pp. 17-34. P. 1948.
Medical Journal, July 18, 1964. pp. 182-3. don 1965. ', in Essays by Divers Hands VIII (London 1928),
ondon. 1939.
.P. 1939. and Discovery. New Jersey, 1952.
O.U.P. 1964. Jane Austen. London, 1944. 2nd ed. cal Essays. New Jersey. 1963. dy in Structure. London. 1952.

Page 31
-ܠ
.8
Local Governmen Education in Ce
country in the degree of cent
In countries like the U.K. wh is favoured, the central government agencies, and in particular with lo development of the modern educati work of a succession of British col often conditioned by the educational than by the local circumstances in however, interesting to note that the was one of the few areas in which t little resemblance to that of its proto
S: of educational adm
The state in England entered int sations and local government units and management. But whereas the or the denominational system was ei of Ceylon in a very short period notv environments in the two countries, t successful in utilizing the machinery of their educational plans. The healt local authorities and the central Mir thing in common with the nebulo which fill the official documents of conditions which prevented the grow inherent in the colonial situation, an government agencies to play a positi tion of the interaction of political, any situation.
Local government institutions i mainly from the second half of the governing units such as Village Cou
have lingered on in different parts

t Institutions and
Vlon 1870 — 1930
inistration differ from country to calization favoured by policy makers. ere a fair measure of decentralization has evolved a partnership with other cal government organisations. The on system of Ceylon was largely the onial administrators who were more practices of the metropolitan country which their policies operated. It is, sphere of educational administration he educational system of Ceylon bore
урс.
o a partnership with religious organifor purposes of educational provision a dual system of educational control ntrenched in the educational structure vithstanding differences in the religious he colonial administrators were never of local government in the execution hy relationship achieved by the British istry in the educational field had nobus concepts and unrealistic schemes over half a century in Ceylon. The 7th of this relationship in Ceylon were the long story of the failure of local ve role in education is a good illustraeconomic and educational policies in
in their present form in Ceylon date I9th century. Traditional local selfncils and District Councils are said to of the country even in the early 19th
29

Page 32
UNIVERSITY OF (
century but they had been denuded o administrative structure. Factors sucl of local litigation and the decrepit stat home to the colonial government the administration. The problem was vi and the need to relieve the central go ministering to the wants of local comm vide a training in self government do ning. Different types of local organi decades. In 1856 Village Councils we of restoring village irrigation and their in I 87 I. In I86 I Provincial and Roa road authorities' in view of the rapid tions. Muncipal administrations wer in I 866 and in Galle in I867 as the inci some measure of administrative decent Sanitary Boards (1892) were organist towns. The elective principle was p. Councils, Local Boards and Village Co their own sources of income which wo grants.
This miscellaneous assortment of coherence but these institutions also p duality. Central government official their financial dependence on the cei their initiative. The real authority in sations but the provincial administrat Kachcheri system, with its hierarchy Agents as petty kings down to the lo organisations did provide an opportun ship and some preparation for nationa an integral part of the colonial adminis ment of virile self governing local bi 19th century England.
Education was not at the outset in of most of these newly created local the field of education as late as the I83. it had evolved a successful relationshi
3.

CEYLON REVIEW
fboth power and status by the new h as the I. 848 rebellion, the increase e of village irrigation works brought need for reviving some form of local ewed from the administrative angle
vernment of a part of the burden of munities rather than the desire to proominated official thinking and plansations were set up in the next few re revived with the limited function powers were considerably extended d committees were created as “local ly expanding system of communica2 organised in Colombo and Kandy reasing size of these towns demanded tralization. Local Boards (1866) and ed to cater to the needs of smaller artially conceded and the Municipal mmittees were empowered to create uld be supplemented by government
local organisations had not only no lrovided little scope for local indiviis presided over their activities and intral administration further reduced the provinces was not these organipion of the central government, the bf bureaucrats from the Government cal headmen. Although these local ity for the emergence of local leaderl politics the centralization that was tration militated against the developodies such as those which existed in
included among the limited functions bodies. In England the state entered Os, but by the end of the 19th century p with local organisations for educa
Ο

Page 33
LOCAL GOVERNMEN
tional development. The local commu the creation of School Boards where ne Education Act of I870. By the 1902 B Councils and the County Boroughs .
Act of 1882 were made responsible for education under the supervision of the c. lization achieved by these measures was and the local authorities have remained tion ever since.
Colonial practice everywhere ensur agency in the transfer of values was on zation was minimal, while the colonial decentralization also impracticable. Bl growing complexity of colonial admir educational expenditure led to efforts at cation in most parts of her empire in th Developments in India were of particu I86 and 187I local rates for education in India. On the recommendations of of 1882 primary education was declared though secondary and higher educatio purview, and specific local funds were c cational purposes. The Indian experime the limited resources of the local bodies of primary education. But such devel cussions in Ceylon.
I. I870-1900.
Strangely enough at first the only cognizance of the educational needs of Communities Ordinance of I87I whic make rules “for constructing and repairi of boys and girls and for securing their a Municipalities nor Local Boards (urban a at the beginning to concern themselves assess the extent to which this provision was availed of but it is possible that the ment still persisted in some of the rural
1. Ordinance No. 26 of 1871, Village Committee
3.

T INSTITUTIONS
nity was involved in education by :cessary by the Forster Elementary alfour Education Act the County reated by the Local Government the provision and management of 2ntral government. The decentras both financial and administrative the pivot of educational organisa
ed that education as an important of the areas in which decentralieconomic structure made financial it British practice as well as the histration and the ever increasing securing local praticipation in edue last decades of the 19th century. lar interest to Ceylon. Between were introduced in most provinces the Indian Education Commission the obligatory duty of local bodies, n were not excluded from their predited in some provinces for edu2nt was not a complete success and precluded any significant expansion lopments abroad had their reper
7 legislation in Ceylon that took local communities was the Village sh empowered Village Councils to ng school rooms for the education ttendance at school'.1 Neither the reas) were encouraged or permitted with education. It is difficult to in the Village Council Ordinance old tradition of village self governareas. Mr. Sendall, the Director
is Ordinance.

Page 34
UNIVERSITY OF
of Public Instruction at the time, c. role these village organisations sho letter to the Colonial Secretary in should be encouraged to take a pe gress of the village School by creat council which would be responsible ing buildings and maintaining then and for ensuring attendance throu obviously influenced by the Schoo the actual implementation of the O
There is evidence in numero gansabhauvas or councils, particularl schools, while the government pa is also clear that the success of th efficiency and enthusiasm of indiv even assiduous in ensuring regula the imposition of fines by the Villa many areas in the country where operative.
No effort was made to involve the financial crisis of the eighteen ways and means of reducing expe the 19th century followed laissezcouragement to private entrepren imperial economy-essential raw 1 in the U.K., markets for English British capital.
In Ceylon economic developm plantation economy which for a 1 around the coffee industry. This to trade fluctuations which had the diture. In 188o the coffee indust straitened financial circumstances u1 earning commodities.
2. Department of Public Instruction Cc Instruction to the Colonial Secretary, 14/7/1871.
3. Sessional Paper XXVIII of 1905, Repor

CEYLON REVIEW
artainly had very definite ideas as to the puld play in educational matters. In a 8712 he explained how the community
rmanent and living interest in the pro
ting school committees in every village : for selecting sites for schools for erectin from contributions from each family gh a system of fines. The D.P.I. was l Boards created in England in 1870 but rdinance fell far short of these goals.
is reports that villagers through their ly in remote areas, did build and repair id for the teachers and equipment. It is legislation depended largely on the idual headmen, some of whom were rity in school attendance through the ge Tribunals. Nevertheless there were
this section of the Ordinance was in
the urban local units in education until
eighties drove the government to seek
'nditure. Colonial economic policy in faire traditions but provided every eneurs to satisfy the basic needs of the materials, goods for home consumption industries and investments for surplus
nent took the form of the growth of a arge part of the I9th century revolved export economy was naturally subject ir repercussions on government expeny collapsed and the government was in ntil tea and rubber replaced it as revenue
orrespondence, Letter from the Director of Public
t of the Com, on Elem. Ed. in Ceylon.
32.

Page 35
LOCAL GOVERNMEN
Retrenchment was the keynote of were the first to be affected and the educa a year in 1882. The educational admin. various devices to cope with the problen
needs on a limited budget. At the ve
the D.P.I. considered the possibility of imposed in India. He was however unc would yield any tangible financial retur the expansion of the system of grants-ii reached such proportions that nine-ten education was allocated for such grants. Governor and the Colonial Office in Lor likely to benefit Christian missionary likely to be a popular measure. The ic doned but the Colonial Office suggest local units of the principle introduced nance which required that Village Co buildings for government schools.5. In 1 the recommendation of the Ceylon gov nance I7 of I865 and the Local Boar amended to enable these bodies to app repair of school buildings.
- The D.P.I., however, was in favou
participation. Following the policy la in India in 1854, the Morgan Education the earlier British policy of promoting emphasis on the expansion of vernact who does not seem to have been very local participation, felt that throwing Schools on local government units was tal of vernacular education. He pointed ol vote was spent on the Western Provin. allocated to the Municipal towns of C. distribution of educational expenditure was to leave English education, which areas, to other agencies so that governme
4. Despatches, Governor to Secretary of State 19,
5. Despatches, Secretary of State to Governor, 4./
6. Despatches, Governor to Secretary of State, 4./ Colonial Office.
33

T INSTITUTIONS
the eighties. The social services tion vote was frozen to Rs. 5OO,OOO istration was compelled to consider in of meeting expanding educational 3ry beginning of the crisis in 188I. introducing a local cess of the type tertain as to whether such a measure n. Another complication was that -aid to denominational schools had ths of government expenditure on
The D.P.I. as well as the colonial ldon felt that a local tax which was bodies to this extent was hardly lea of the local cess was thus abanted instead an extension to urban by the Village Communities OrdiDuncils should erect and maintain 882 the Secretary of State approved Ternment that the Municipal Ordid Ordinance 7 of I866 should be ropriate funds for the erection and
of a more limited Scheme of local id down by the Wood's Despatch Committee of I869 had reversed English education and had placed ular mass education. The D.P.I., optimistic about the possibilities of the onus of building vernacular tamount to checking the expansion ut that more than half the education cc while more than a quarter was olombo, Kandy and Galle. A rcwas necessary and his suggestion was mainly limited to these urban :nt could concentrate on vernacular
'8/81, Colonial Office. 54 Series, London.
11/81. Colonial Office, 54 5/82. Secretary of State to Governor, 24/6/82

Page 36
UNIVERSITY OF
education. The Municipal Ordin should be so amended as to permit funds for English education. The English schools and the Municipal them over if they wanted these sch schools on the same pattern as th The Royal College, the Normal Scl served the whole island could con the central government. The mo for vernacular schools as well as f for which the government had no f
This scheme was warmly end Legislative Council which was appo ing public expenditure in view of approval was based on two reasons principle of local participation in is however of more importance tha it aims at enlisting in the cause of ed and is capable of further extension in the general revenue.' Governor that the principle of local manage vernacular schools situated in towns the urban local bodies to English ed to a small proportion of the populat
Even amidst the general official be heard two important voices of it in the Legislative Council on the time solvent enough to maintain would impose hardship on the moved a resolution in the Legislat transfer these schools to Municipal Ramanathan represented the voice acutely aware of the difficulty of e view of the general poverty of the - 7. D.P.I. Correspondence, D.P.I. to Coloni 8. Enclosure of Despatch, Governor to Sec1
9. Despatches, Governor to Secretary of St.
10. Enclosure of Despatch, Governor to Sec1 13/2/83. C.O.

CEYLON REVIEW
ance and the Local Board Ordinance these urban local bodies to appropriate : central government should close its lities and the Local Boards could take ools to continue and run them as grant e denominational gran t-aided schools. hool and the Agricultural School which tinue to be maintained exclusively by ney thus saved could be appropriated or agricultural and technical education unds at its disposal.7
orsed by the Select Committee of the inted to consider the question of reducthe financial crisis. The Committee's -economy, as well as the value of the education. “The principle involved in the mere saving alone it indicates for ucation, local interest and responsibility, a manner which would greatly relieve Longden went even further to suggest ament should be extended to all the ,9 but the final decision was to confine ucation, which was in any event limited C1Ol).
enthusiasm for the scheme there could dissent. Mr. P. Ramanathan opposed grounds that no local body was at that schools without fresh taxation which population. 10 He even unsuccessfully ive Council that it was undesirable to ities and Local Boards.” While Mr. of the intelligent Ceylonese who were insuring local financial participation in population, opposition also came from
tal Secretary, 13/12/82. retary of State, 14/4/83. C.O. 54
ate, 10/4/83. C.O. 54 retary of State, 10/4/83. Dissent by P. Ramanathan,
34
ܓܵ¬.

Page 37
LOCAL GOVERNMEN
Mr. Blair who acted as D.P.I. after Mr. Blair was forthright in his views that and willing to undertake financial res. opposed to “divided responsibility” a saving that would ensue from the closur was sufficient compensation for the unsuccessful efforts to retain the Galle high reputation at this time, as a gover attempts to alter the decision to aban attention of the government to the let the question of accepting responsibility
The government, however, was and the welfare of a few English schoo it was well aware that the missionaries education. A draft Ordinance was pre cipalities and seven Local Boards (Ne Gampola, Kurunegala and Puttalam) to schools and levy an educational rate fo of a local education rate created a furc cularly in the Roman Catholic organ the Governor protesting very strongly tax the supporters of denominational for the educational facilities provided finance a non-Christian education to scientious objections'.14
Missonary influence on governm at this period that the sub Comn appointed to discuss the provisions o scope of the Ordinance. It was provi Municipal Councils and Local Boards s which should be financed by Municipal ment grants with no provision for l
11. Proceedings of the Legislative Council of C. 12. D.P.I. Correspondence, Acting D.P.I. to Col
13. D.P.I. Correspondence, D.P.I. to Colonial S.
14. Sessional Paper IX of 1884, Legislative Co Instruction in Ceylon. Enclosure No. 3, Letter from the Governor, 24/10/84.
15. Sessional Paper XVI of 1884, Report of Sub report on Bill to transfer schools to Municipalities, 2.
35

T INSTITUTIONS
Bruce vacated office in I883. 11 Mr. the local bodies were not yet ready ponsibility for education. He was und did not think that the meagre e of the government English schools loss of good schools. 12 He made Central School, which had a very nment institution, and made several don these schools by drawing the hargic attitude of the local units to for these schools. 13 -
engrossed in its financial problem ls did not cause it much concern as were active in the sphere of English pared empowering the three Munigombo, Kalutara, Matara, Badulla, take over the government English or their maintenance. The question Dre among missionary Circles, partiisation. Bishop Bonjean wrote to against a local rate which would schools who were already paying in their schools and which would which his co-religionists had “con
2nt education policy was so strong hittee of the Legislative Council f the Bill completely changed the ded that the powers to be given to hould be limited to existing schools and Local Board funds and governevying an educational rate. 15 The
2ylon, 1883-1884, p, 24.
lonial Secretary, 25/4/83.
ecretary, 1/4/84.
uncil, Ceylon. Papers on the subject of Public the Rt. Rev. Bishop Bonjean to His Excellency
-Committee of Legislative Council appointed to 4/11/84.

Page 38
UNIVERSITY OF
Ordinance became law in this rex Education Code was introduced to r
The prospects of local participat tions were still in their infancy had n. but the refusal to grant them the pov task of educational development de success. Twenty one schools were finally left to be handed over to the tara (I), Galc (3), Matara (2), Gam Eliya (I). 18 Only two local organi evinced any interest in taking over siasm did not last long. The Galle in November 1884 for taking over town. 19. In December of the same announced that as the transfer of sch the Council would have at its dispo as the government had now aband was unable to accept the schools beca to meet its existing liabilities.20
In November 1884 the Puttalan to take over the two English schools affected by the refusal to permit a rate Councils or any of the other Local E responsibility for these schools. The (other than Royal College, the Agric School) on 3 Ist December 1884, a opened by the Local Board in Jan vented this Local Board from runni Roman Catholics opened a school ne number of their pupils, thereby redu
16. Ordinance No. 33 of 1884. 17. D.P.I. Correspondence, D.P.I. to Colonia 18. Ibid. D.P.I. to Colonial Secretary 1/2/84. 19. Ibid. D.P.I. to Colonial Secretary 21/11/8 20. Ibid. D.P.I. to Colonial Secretary 10/12/8 21. Ibid. D.P.I. to Colonial Secretary 22/11/8 22. Ibid. D.P.I. to Colonial Secretary 14/1/85.

CEYLON REVIEW
vised form in 1884.16 A Municipal egulate the working of these schools. 17
ion in a country where local organisa- -
ot been promising from the beginning, wer of raising adequate finances for the prived the measure of any chance of involved in this transfer and 19 were local authorities: Colombo (7), Kalupola (I), Badulla (2), Puttalam (2), N’ sations had from the very beginning these English schools, but their enthuMunicipal Council passed a resolution all government English schools in that rear the Municipal Council regretfully ools was offered on the condition that sal funds raised by a special rate, and oned this proposed rate, the Council ause its resources were hardly sufficient
h Local Board also passed a resolution in the town,21 and its decision was not Neither of the other two Municipal Boards had expressed a desire to accept government closed its English schools Iultural School and the Railway Night ind the Puttalan schools alone were uary 1885. Financial difficulties preng these two schools efficiently as the lar these schools and thus drew away a cing the grants earned from them. 22
1 Secretary 6/8/84.
4.

Page 39
LOCAL GOVERNMEN
Ultimately after I884 neither the government bodies retained any conn schools. The missionaries were quick of these schools were finally handed Central School was taken over by the Saints English School; the Galle girls' yans. Both the Badulla and Gampo. C.M.S. and the Kalutara English schi Colombo Female Seminary, the leadin closed down as the government was S. number of girls' schools in Colombo ru building and furniture of some of the missionaries at a nominal rent, particu and Badulla where the government f. sary.24
The administration had been muc small English schools which ran count cular education for the masses and Eng debacle of the transfer of the governm therefore caused no misgivings or regre The D.P.I. himself wrote in I 885, “I di Boards in towns like Matara, Kalutara a short time I was in great anxiety con cerning female education in Colombo inclined to think that events have shap than if the Municipalities and the LC schools they were expected to do...... of a strong centralised system of Engl every province which should work in
The experiment in achieving so authorities in education came to an en taken in this matter for the rest of the ce alone continued to make desultory ef rural areas.
23. Ibid. D.P.I. to Colonial Secretary 18/12/84,
24. Ibid. D.P.I. to Colonial Secretary 7/1/85, 15, 25. Administration Report, Director of Public I
37

NT INSTITUTIONS
: central government nor the local ection with these provincial English to seize the opportunity and many over to these agencies. The Galle Bishop of Colombo and run as All school was reopened by the Weslela schools were taken over by the ool by Rev. A. B. Duffs.23 The g government girls' institution was atisfied that there were an adequate In by missionary organisations. The ise schools were also given to the larly in important towns like Galle ilt that English schools were neces
h concerned by the multiplicity of er to the accepted policy of vernalish education for a small elite. The tent English schools to local agencies its in the minds of the administrators. d not regret the inaction of the Local and Gampola; but I confess that for cerning Galle and Badulla and con- - - - - - - - On the whole I am ved themselves on to a better Course cal Boards had taken over all the - - - - - - We have now the elements lish training in the capital towns of the right direction."25
me type of partnership with local d in 1885. No further interest was ntury. Some of the Village Councils forts to provide school buildings in
31/12/84, 13/1/85. 1/85. instruction 1884, p. 29.

Page 40
UNIVERSITY OF
The reasons for the failure to act the central and local government au Although the Retrenchment Comm of creating local interest in education evinced any great interest in this pi seek some means of reducing the bu long as government English schoo was not seriously concerned as to v missionaries that filled the gap.
Other aspects of government question. Effective decentralizatio ment institutions themselves were The economic development of the government and the planting intere were hardly adequate to provide n health. The revenue of the Colo. I877 and the Galle Municipal Coul the central government. Educatio desirable but remote goal.
Educational policy had given sc sations in Ceylon that the state wa the missionaries thought was detri that the missionaries did not welco shing on local rates. The decision also a development of the policy of elite which could pay for this privil report indicates, it was unlikely th: energies in fostering the interest oft
II. I900-I930.
The beginning of the 20th cent the local authorities in education : respect. The impetus for such a m by the familiar and ever-recurrent p
The Ceylon Census Report of in Ceylon and in the U.K. on the the island, and the colonial gover

CEYLON REVIEW
nieve any concrete cooperation between thorities during this phase are apparent. littee of 1882 commended the principle it is clear that the administration never roject. Financial difficulties drove it to irden on the central government and as ls were closed down, the government whether it was the local agencies or the
policy impinged on the educational n was impossible when local governmere appendages of the bureaucracy. country had enriched both the central sts but the resources of the local bodies hinimum facilities in areas such as even mbo Municipal Council declined after ncil had to be subsidised by loans from hal provision therefore could only be a
o much power to the missionary organi
is unable to implement a policy which
mental to their interests. It is obvious me the prospect of rival schools flourito hand over the English schools was restricting English education to a social ege, and as the extract from the D.P.I.'s at the administration would expend its he local authorities in English education.
iry saw renewed efforts made to involve and a new policy was initiated in this Love was however once again provided roblem of educational expenditure.
I9OI had focussed public attention both inadequacy of educational provision in nment which had in the 19th century
38

Page 41
LOCAL GOVERNME
pursued a more or less laissez-faire po began to display a more positive attituc educational facilities among the mas, anticipated in promoting any new ed financial resources, for the colony had of its income, and the cautious Goverr prospect of a substantial increase in the of income had to be sought and the g operation of the local authorities, for fi the central government of a part of the
The Colonial Office had already cation which had risen in the past di Rs. 869,837 in 1900:26 and from 190o his officials were obsessed with this p gave the first official hint of a new p. Legislative Council in October 1900:
“The Secretary of State during the my attention to the increasing expend must sooner or later be taken with e encourage the growth of education wc unworthy of a civilised government continue indefinitely to increase an ey days we may be unable to continue. be found in inducing localities to co within their limits, and I propose that Municipalities, Local Boards and ever or cess for education, medicine and oth
ܐ ܒ
No action was taken immediatel by the colonial government was warm and the Colonial Office continued to u in which local bodies should defray Director of Public Instruction was ol as the Governor, for in a letter to the
26. Governors' Addresses, Legislative Council Opening of Session 1900, 18/10/1900.
27. Hansard, Legislative Council, Ceylon, 18/10 +i; 28. Despatches, Secretary of State to Governor,
39

NT INSTITUTIONS
licy with regard to education, now e towards the problem of extending es. The main difficulty which it ucational schemes was the lack of to provide for its social services out or and his officials shuddered at the 2ducation budget. Some new source overnment decided to invite the coancial reasons as in 1884, to relieve : burden of educational expenditure.
queried the increasing cost of eduacade from Rs. 474,387 in 1890 to Governor Sir West Ridgeway and roblem of finance. The Governor olicy in opening the sessions of the
: last year has more than once drawn iture and the question is one which arnest. To check, or even not to uld indeed be a shortsighted policy . On the other hand we cannot spenditure which in less prosperous The solution of the problem is to ntribute to the cause of education in this session you should empower Village Committees to levy a rate her local requirements.'27
y but the new policy contemplated ly endorsed by the Secretary of State, rge the Governor to evolve a scheme a part of the expenditure.28 The viously thinking on the same lines Colonial Secretary, the head of the
of Ceylon 1890-1903, Government Press 1905.
| 1900. 18/12/1900, C.O.54

Page 42
UNIVERSITY OF
Public Services in Ceylon, he made of State's warning with regard to th
“ A considerable part of the po and yearly increase of expenditur inevitable, unless a new system is in the burden on the localities concert
While it was financial expedien der involving the local authorities in influenced both by the English Edu authorities mainly responsible for observations of Inspector Van Cuy to study the educational system i. official report, 30 drew attention Municipalities and Local Boards in lities, and the Governor did not fai Council to this fact. 31
As the legislation which in 188. to accept responsibility for English Village Committees were still the o nery to enforce compulsory educe buildings. While the contribution cational development in the I9th cel experiment begun in 1899 to organ schools in educationally backward areas neglected by both governm acclamation of not only the colon the Colonial Office in London. 32 kaduwa District of the North Ce schools by 1901 with the help of co Village Committee funds, and ha government grant in 190I.33 Sim years in two other neglected areas, t
29. D.P.I. Correspondence, D.P.I. to Colon 30. Sessional Paper IV of 1902, Report on til 31. Hansard, Legislative Council, Ceylon, 1 32. Despatches, Secretary of State to Gover
33. Administration Reports, Director of Pu 34. Ibid. 1903.

! CEYLON REVIEW
the following comment on the Secretary e increase in educational expenditure:
pulation is still unprovided with schools : under this head must be regarded as troduced which will throw a portion of ed''29
cy that drove the administrators to consieducation, they were also undoubtedly cation Act of 1902 which made the local the provision of education, and by the tlenberg who had been sent to Madras that province in India. The latter's to the important role played by the
Madras in providing educational facito draw the attention of the Legislative
had empowered urban local authorities education had never been enforced, the nly organisations which had the machition and maintain government School of these Village Committees to eduntury had been haphazard, an interesting ise Gansabhawa or Village Committee I and geographically inaccessible rural ent and missionaries had received the ial administration in Colombo but also The Revenue Officer of the Tamanintral Province had established twenty intributions from the villagers and from d applied for and received an annual lar schools were begun in the next few he North Western and Uva Provinces. 34
ial Secretary, 24/2/03. le System of Education in Madras. 8/10/01.
nór, 1901. C. O. 54 blic Instruction, 1900 and 1901.
4Ο

Page 43
LOCAL GOVERNME
These developments further con education was best undertaken throug for as the Governor pointed out, the economical system for large areas w.
- effort.35 In 1901 the Governor app. ranking Civil Servants to report on t
revenue of the island of part of the c proposed that compulsory vernacular island and that half the expense shou while the rest should be provided by a taxation as a property assessment wou up a scheme of local educational units be implemented.36. In 1903 the Su Taxation Commission appointed to r cation and medical cess recommended t a trial in a limited area. 37
Neither the colonial government at the progress achieved so far in devisi tion of expenditure by the central gove appointed a further Commission consis Wace), the Director of Public Instructic
a Wesleyan and a Buddhist) and a pla tions of the 190I Committee, on any
education, and on the problem of estat interest in London. 39
In the meanwhile the Director of ting to interest the Colombo Municip tional facilities in the capital city, an appointed a Committee to confer with Committee reported in favour of estab mentally, but as the 1884 Ordinance finance only English education, the N
35. Administration of the Affairs of Ceylon, Sir Colombo, p. 62.
36. Sessional Paper XXVIII of 1905, Report o Ceylon.
37. Ibid.
38. Despatches, Governor to Secretary of Stat 11/11/04. C.O. 54
今 39. Despatches, Governor to Secretary of State,
4I

NT INSTITUTIONS
firmed the official view that mass h the agency of the local authorities,
Gansabhawa scheme was the most here there had been no missionary ointed a Committee of three high he problem of relieving the general ost of education. This Committee education should be enforced in the ld be met from the general revenue ocal education rate based on personal uld not be practicable. It also drew
through which this proposal could b-Committee of the Incidence of eport further on the proposed eduhat the above scheme should be given
nor the Colonial Office was satisfied ng an effective scheme for the reduc'rnment,38 and in 1904 the Governor ting of a Government Agent (Mr. H. on, two Managers of Assisted Schools inter, to report on the recommenda
other ways of meeting the cost of e education which had aroused such
Public Instruction had been attempality in the appalling lack of educad the Colombo Municipal Council in the Director on this matter. This lishing one Municipal school experi
had empowered Municipalities to Municipality applied to the govern
West Ridgeway, 1896-1903. Government Press,
if the Commission on Elementary Education in
e, 15/9/04 and Secretary of State to Governor,
17/12/04. C.O. 54

Page 44
UNIVERSITY OF
ment for power to provide for v the vital problem as far as the gove nance that was drafted to meet this palities, all Local Board towns' and all urban authorities. The Govern should be provided for the Villag Wace Commission whose report we nance of 1907.
The Wace Report recommenc with a conscience clause to safegua population, and as there was no large suggested a scheme of District Schoo more or less to Village Committee agreed with the 190I Committee C rate in view of the general poverty large expansion of government rev utilised for education. But if local two-thirds of the road tax which wa cational purposes in these areas.44 accepted these proposals, 45 and after : further debate in the Legislative C burden of educational expenditure v the Town Schools Ordinance of 19C
I9O7.
Ordinance No. 5 of 1906 intend education in Municipalities and Loca authorized these local bodies to meet books and salaries of teachers and at courses of instruction on the recom to make bye-laws to cnforce compl did not make it obligatory for loc bilities. It merely stated that “it sh they shall considerit expedient to di
40. Administration Report, Director of Publ 41. Ordinance No. 5 of 1906. 42. Sessional Paper XXX of 1906, Town Sc 43. Governor's Minute, 28/3/05 on Despatch
44. Sessional Paper XXVIII of 1905, op. cit.
45. Despatches, Governor to Secretary of Sta
C.O. 54

CEYLON REVIEW
ernacular education which was now ernment was concerned. 40 The Ordineed was extended to other Munici| to Sanitary Board towns, 42 that is, to or's suggestion that similar legislation 2 Committees 43 was endorsed by the is the basis of the Rural Schools Ordi
ded compulsory vernacular education rd the interests of the majority of the : self governing local unit in rural areas, Committees which would correspond s in areas where they existed. It dison the question of a special education of the rural population and the recent enue, some of which it felt could be funds were necessary it suggested that is a local tax should be diverted to eduThe Governor and the Colonial Office all this long process of deliberation and ouncil, the new policy of sharing the with the local authorities became law as 6 and the Rural Schools Ordinance of
ed to provide for compulsory vernacular ul Board and Sanitary Board towns and the costs of sites, buildings, equipment, Itendance officers, and even to prescribe mendations of the Director, as well as lsory attendance. But the Ordinance al authorities to accept these responsiall be lawful for any local authority, if o so, to make provision from the funds
ic Instruction, 1903.
hools Ordinance.
of Secretary of State to Governor, 26/1/05. C.O. 54
te, 5/1/06, and Secretary of State to Governor, 1/3/06.
42

Page 45
LOCAL GOVERNMEN
vested in them for the establishment schools within the limits of their jurisd in the vernacular languages”. Ordin Municipalities Ordinance to enable the
Ordinance No. 8 of 1907 “to me districts for the education of children. more positive piece of legislation. It every province which was not a revenu were to have governing bodies kno consisting of the Government Agent Chairman, the Director of Public Insti the chief headmen of the area, and one persons interested in education in the d These school districts were to be subVillage Schools Committees which Village Committees themselves. The to be provided with one-third of the r mittee funds or labour available for th buildings under the Village Communit to make returns of the government an schemes for the provision of adequate .1heᏙᎳ schools according to local needs ܣܛܢ
the Committees were to be used for th school buildings and for the payment o Instruction would appoint teachers an estates were concerned the superintend provision of educational facilities.
The urban authorities were thus gi which implied local control and man responsiblity was made optional. In ment retained the control of education were to administer funds and make Lieutenant Governor explained to the I of the debate, the Ordinances were m pansion on the principle that those wh bution to the cost of education.46
Hansard, Legislative Council, Ceylon, 29/8/C .46 ہے
43

NT INSTITUTIONS
and maintenance of one or more iction for the instruction of children ance No. 6 of I9IO amended the m to provide funds for education.
ke provision in rural and planting in the vernacular languages” was a divided every revenue district and le district into School districts which wn as District School Committees or Assistant Government Agent as ruction or his representative, one of : or more school managers or other istrict, nominated by the Governor. divided into school divisions under whenever possible were to be the
District School Committees were oad tax and with the Village Comle construction and repair of school lies Ordinance of 1889. They were d aided schools in the area, prepare : educational facilities, and establish
The local funds at the disposal of e establishment and maintenance of folerks, while the Director of Public ld pay their salaries. As far as the lents were made responsible for the
ven agreater degree of responsibility agement but the acceptance of this the rural areas the central governbut the District School Committees
provision for eduction. As the legislative Council during the course eant to provide for educational exo benefit should make some contri

Page 46
UNIVERSITY OF
The implementation of the pol gave rise to numerous problems w parity between the aims of these The Town Schools Ordinance as authorities in Ceylon the option of areas, and many of these local bodic nial Office which had already wa futility of Such legislation,47 by c involving themselves in educational
The case of the Galle Municipa failure of permissive legislation in c. had little connection with educati Council, Galle, hastened to forward that it was not necessary to procla as there was already sufficient pro vestigation by the Director revealed latter suggested to the Colonial Secr be asked to reconsider its decisio resolution adhering to the opinio Secretary had no alternative but to Council was legally entitled to refus further action could be taken on the
Although the other two Mun did not challenge the efficacy of th attempt by the administration to authorities was nevertheless a disi was the most co-operative of the lo two schools in 1908,51 bye-laws for by I9IO,52 and in I9 II the first opened at Katukelle, Kandy. 53 A to consider undertaking further ed cation, its financial resources proved
47. Despatches, Secretary of State to Gover 48. D.P.I. Correspondence, Colonial Secret, 49. Ibid. D.P.I. to Colonial Secretary, 6/370 50. Ibid. Secretary, Galle Municipal Counci 51. Sessional Paper LV of 1908, Administra 52. Sessional Paper II of 1912, Administrati 53. Sessional Paper XXVII of 1912, Admin

CEYLON REVIEW
icies embodied in these two Ordinances hich revealed only too clearly the disolicies and the actual results achieved.
we have seen merely gave the urban
making provision for education in their is fulfilled the forebodings of the ColoCned the Colonial government of the hoosing to exercise the option of not
aCt1V1t1eS.
lity is a clear example of the inevitable Duntries where local bodies had hitherto on. The Secretary of the Municipal a resolution of the Council to the effect im the Ordinance in the Municipality vision for vernacular education. 48 Ini that this was not so in reality and the etary that the Galle Municipality should in 49 The Council submitted another n expressed earlier, and the Colonial inform the Director that the Municipal e to enforce the Ordinance and that no
matter, 50
icipalities and the Local Board towns e Ordinance in this direct manner, the sccure the cooperation of these urban mal failure. The Kandy Municipality cal authorities. Sites were selected for compulsory attendance were enforced Municipal Free School in Ceylon was lthough the Municipality was willing ucational work such as industrial edu| a limiting factor, and this extract from
Lor, 1/3/06. C.O. 54
ury to D.P.I., 26/7/06.
1 to Colonial Secretary, 26/5/07. ion Report of Kandy Municipal Council. on Report, Kandy Municipal Council, 1910 A
stration Report, Kandy Municipal Council, 1911.
44

Page 47
LOCAL GOVERNMEN"
the administration report of the Kandy cribes the situation of the Municipality the small revenue of this Municipality w to come, of further expenditure on fre whole Municipal area was brought unde another school was opened and handed Army, SS but this was the maximum ac in Ceylon. -
The Colombo Municipal Council a originally introduced, decided to start a a site in 190756 when it was overtaken The government was compelled to ap inquire into its affairs, and this Commiss the “confessed insolvency' of the Munic elementary education be definitely tran the government. '57 The Towns School. in 1916 to enable the Director of Educati local education authority in the city o had only to provide the sites and the vernacular schools, but the Ordinance v
parts of the city. 59 * "ר
Ordinance 3O of 1909 amending the of 1892 brought the Sanitary Board tow nance, but the operation of the Towns Board towns was again a slow and rel Kegalle, had enforced the Ordinance by I of twenty one were attempting, m reasons, to provide educational facilities slative Council in I916 to the effect that cipal and Local Board towns within th Ordinance of 1906, '60 revealed the failu
54. Sessional Paper XVII of 1916, Administration I 55. Sessional Paper X of 1924, Administration Rep 56. Sessional Paper LXVIII of 1908, Administratio1 57. Sessional Paper IX of 1914, Report of the Comm Municipality, p. 18.
58. Ordinance No. 34 of 1916.
59. Department of Education Correspondence, I 17/10/21 and 22/2/22.
60, Hansard, Legislative Council, Ceylon, 10/7/16,
45

INSTITUTIONS
Municipal Council of I915 des“It is a question as to whether ould admit, for at least some years : education of the poor.”54 The r the Ordinance only in 1916, and over to be run by the Salvation hievement by any local authority
whose request the Ordinance was chool and got as far as purchasing by a series of financial calamities. point a Commission in 1914 to ion recommended that in view of ipality, “the duty of providing for sferred from the Municipality to Ordinance was therefore amended on to take over the function of the f Colombo.58 The Municipality Department began to erect a few was never actually enforced in all
Small Towns Sanitary Ordinance ins under the Rural Schools Ordi; Schools Ordinance in the Local uctant process. Only one town, 909, and seven towns out of a total inly unsuccessfully for financial by I9I3. A motion in the Legi“steps be taken to bring all Munie operation of the Town Schools re of this legislation to achieve the Report, Kandy Municipal Council, 1915. Ort, Kandy Municipal Council, 1922.
Report, Colombo Municipal Council, 1907. ission of Inquiry into the affairs of the Colombo.
Director of Education to Colonial Secretary,
12/7/16.

Page 48
UNIVERSITY OF
aims of those who had originally p of the Unofficial members of the that many local authorities had clain provision in their areas. “The reas that they have no particular anxiety the Legislative Council had no pov nance in view of its permissive nat result of the Honourable members' a sense of their responsibility in this
Five other Local Board towns but though the Director stated seve amended to make it obligatory for cation, no change was made as the ad. probably realised the impracticabili of the sad state of the finances of th
The Rural Schools Ordinance machinery for implementing it, an District School Committees in the f the communal labour and funds p least helped to keep in repair the si Committees. By I9O8 the Ordinan Districts in the island and two more claimed that the Ordinance was wo able amount of work has been donc
But financial difficulties prech cational expansion in these school tax allocated for education came to totally inadequate for the work of plementary grant had to be given b School Committees from 1917 Rs. 75,OOO in I918-19, Rs. 20O,OOO i. When this grant was drastically red the financial crisis, the District Scl even the existing schools in repair.0
61. Ibid.
62. Administration Report, Director of Pub 63. Administration Report, Director of Edu

CEYLON REVIEW
roposed it. In answering the criticism Council, the Colonial Secretary stated led that there was sufficient educational on for their thinking so, I fear, was ... to pay rates. He further stated that ver to take steps to enforce the Ordiure and expressed the hopes “that the motion will be to bring home to them matter.'61
were brought under the Ordinance, ral times that the Ordinance should be local authorities to provide for eduministrators themselves had by this time ty of enforcing the Ordinance in view 2 majority of the local authorities.
a fared better as it provided definite ld had a specific sum allocated to the orm of one-third of the road tax, while rovided by the Village Committees at mple village school houses built by the ce was enforced in I6 of the 20 Revenue a came under it in 19IO. The Director orking satisfactorily and that “a credit: by most of the Committees.'62
uded any substantial progress in edudistricts. The proportion of the road Rs. IIS,OOO approximately and this was so many Committees. An annual Supy the central government to the District amounting to Rs. So,OOO in 1917-18, In 1919-2O and an equal amount in 192I. uced in 1922 to Rs. 15,OOO as a result of
hool Committees were unable to keep 3.
lic Instruction, 1908. . ܘ Ication, 1923. *-
46
ܓܲܒ݂ܝܵܐ-ܨ

Page 49
LOCAL GOVERNMEN
Meanwhile the whole question of and local authorities with respect to c government in view of the failure oft - the education or the financial problem. the Legislative Council in 1917 that a ( report on the question of placing the co and general local government in one bc Report05 attributed the failure of the resources and to the inadequate role g. had limited the development of local in of the people. Their recommendation the central and local authorities which countries such as the U.K. and went far which had so far been the aim of gov local organisations had been restricted the Commission recommended that “ interest in education, it is desirable that aged to provide itself with a system of ed were to be encouraged to establish and
The government, however, had litt kind and disillusionment regarding the fi
and the increase of general revenue ov expansion of exports led to a complete years. In introducing in I9 I9, the Lo created Urban District Committees and Attorney General told the Legislative C intentions, government had decided to not make it a function of local governn
“The leading principle of local gove in this Bill is that matters of local gover ment—should be largely provided for benefits of these measures. The Educat of the day, proposes a departure with re the expense of education, having regar to a community from a good system ( general revenue. 66
64. Hansard, Legislative Council, Ceylon, 13/8/17
65. Sessional Paper VII of 1917, Report of the Lo 66. Hansard. Legislative Council, Ceylon, 19/11/1
47

T INSTITUTIONS
the relationship between the central 'ducation was re-examined by the he two Ordinances to solve either The Attorney General informed Dommission had been appointed to introl of education, roads, sanitation dy.04 The Commissioners in their Ordinances to the lack of financial iven to the local authorities which sterest in education among the bulk is suggested a partnership between was analogous to the situation in beyond the financial arrangements ernment policy. The activities of to providing school buildings, but with the object of fostering local each local body should be encourlucation.' In brieflocal authorities manage their own schools.
le faith in local participation of this nancial resources of local authorities er the last two decades due to the reversal of policy in the next few cal Government Ordinance which d a Local Government Board, the Bouncil that, contrary to its earlier exclude education from the bill and
le11t:
rnment and one which is embodied ment-the finance of local govern
by the locality which enjoys the ion Bill, which is also on the Order gard to education, and that is, that i to the general benefit that accrues of education, should be met out of
7
Cal Government Commission. 9.

Page 50
UNIVERSITY OF
This complete change of policy of I9o6 and I 9O7 which left vernacula official sanction as the Education Or 1920). In his statement of objects an out in the Legislative Council, that achieve educational expansion due t to finance educational activities. A
“It is considered that the time should be wholly paid out of gener. for the principle that the money spen of local taxation, supplemented by but its operation here in practice wo colony, where progress in education available for expenditure in educatio of the people is a matter of general has therefore decided to ask the Legis funds to provide and maintain a satist
Financial centralization was thus equitable distribution of available re. was even greater than that which ob for the new Ordinance required that the Legislative Council and allocat naturally exclude the contribution i Committees had made since the latte
Control and finance were to b ment but some administrative dece creation of a new local educational claimed that “the government is fully of enlisting local assistance to a consi matters'68. Under the Ordinance e and every local authority created in an educational district. In every et Education District Committee of six to be nominated by the Municipal authority, and the Committees coul
67. Ibid. 26/11/19. 68. Ibid.

CEYLON REVIEW
from that embodied in the Ordinances reducation to local resources, received dinance of I92O (Ordinance No. 1 of
i reasons the Attorney General pointed -
he previous Ordinances had failed to D the inability of the local authorities new approach was called for:
has come when the cost of education revenue. There is much to be said t on education should be provided out a contribution from general revenue; uld be that in the poorest part of the is most largely called for, the amount would be the least. The education public concern, and the government slative Council to supply the necessary actory system from public revenue.'67
resorted to in the interest of a more sources. The degree of Centralization tained at the beginning of the century funds for educaion should be voted by ed by the Director, and this would in money and labour that the Village r years of the 19th century.
e the function of the central governntralization was provided for by the organisation. The Attorney General I alive to the advisability and propriety derable extent to deal with educational very Municipal and Local Board town the future and every district was to be ducational district there was to be an to nine members, two of whom were Council, Local Board or other local d delegate their powers to the Village
26__
- ̄
48

Page 51
LOCAL GOVERNMEN
Committees. The Education District pulsory attendance and to use the funds for new buildings, repairs, furniture an while the Director paid the salaries of
for assisting grant-aided schools at the c Committees. 69
Unlike the Town Schools Ordinan the local authorities the educational aut nance created a new eduational organis the local authority was the fact that tw by the local authority. Municipalities longer to accept responsibility for educa
The Ordinance had conferred for of the Director of Education and his position of the Board of Education whi its inception in 1896. The managers of strongly represented on the Board and which the administration had always West Ridgeway himself had admitted general educational policy had been take
sconsulting it.70. It still remained an adv - Ordinance but its power to make regul:
authority which further impeded any pro
By 1920, therefore, the relationsh authorities in Ceylon had been altered to the central government and to minin rities. The attempt to make local au work and contribute towards its financi The new policy was warmly endorsed Unofficial members were keen to exp were at the same time aware of the fin and felt that the state should bear the bit
The increase of general revenue F willingness of the central government t
69. Ordinance No. 1 of 1920. 70. Administration of the Affairs of Ceylon, op. 71. Hansard, Legislative Council, Ceylon, 10/12/
49

T INSTITUTIONS
committees had to enforce comallocated to them by the Director | equipment, and salaries of clerks teachers. Funds could be utilised iscretion of the Education District
e which had endeavoured to make |orities for the area the I92o Ordiation whose only connection with o of its members were nominated and other Urban Councils had no tion.
he first time statutory recognition Department and strengthened the sh had been an advisory body since the denominational schools were its prestige had lent it a power to shown deference. Governor Sir that no important step regarding in during his administration without isory body in theory under the new ations through the Code gave it an gress towards local dccentralization.
lip between the Central and local to give greater weight than ever hise the role played by local authothorities participate in educational ng had failed for economic reasons. by the Legislative Council 71 whose and educational opportunities but ancial resources of the local bodics Irden of educational expenditure.
ad been partly responsible for the
o accept the main responsibility for
it., p. 60. 9.

Page 52
UNIVERSITY OF
the cost of education. In 1922, how of the country was largely depend financial situation that ensued led to administrators found that the large g ment were not forthcoming and W. of extending educational facilities C Till the end of the period under rev officials attempting to reverse the throw at least part of the burder authorities.
The 192O Ordinance was enfor while three Municipal Education Education District Committees cori Councils created under the Local set up. The personnel of many of much from the old Committees f Government Agent as Chairman, bu of the Legislative Council of the are local authority. The only addition payment of grants to aided schoo. District Committees which had v. areas preferred to expend their fund establish new government schools u these Committees was stopped in 19
The most significant change Municipalities ceascd to contribut Municipal Council stated very cl District Committees appointed unde with the Municipal Council except nine members.”73 The Charity Municipality created in 1929, took books given to some of the needy c.
The communal labour and fun had been of immense use in constr rural areas, and the cessation of t
72. Administration Report, Director of Educ 73, Sessional Paper XXXII of 1929, Admini.

CEYLON REVIEW
ever, trade declined, and as the income ent on the export trade, the difficult a policy of retrenchment. Educational rants expected from the central govern- ب - معیار are driven to despair over the problem in the meagre funds available to them. tew, that is, to the early thirties, we find Irend Once again and to endeavour to
of educational expenditure on local
red in Ceylon in 1924 and in the meanDistrict Committees and eight Urban responding to the eight Urban District Government Ordinance of I92O were these Committees did not differ very or the tendency was still to elect the t they now included the elected member 'a and two members nominated by the al power the Committees had was the ls and some of the Urban Education ery few government Schools in their s on grants to aided schools rather than Intil such assistance to aided schools by 27.72
was in the question of finance. The e from their funds. The Colombo early that “the Municipal Education Ordinance I of 1920 have no connection that the Council nominates two of the Commissioner's Department of the over the supervision of free meals and hildren in Colombo schools.
is provided by the Village Committees lcting and repairing schools in remote his contribution under the Ordinance
ration, 1927, p. 7. stration Report, Colombo Municipal Council, 1928.
SO

Page 53
.  ̄
+-
LOCAL GOVERNMEN
drew protests from both the Director Agents who were in charge of the Villag majority of Schools in the already neg North-Western and Uva provinces wo arrangements could be made for their finally settled by the Village Committee the use of the labour tax for educatio ruling that the Education District Con made possible the use of Village Comn
Except for this small contributic the sole source of income of the Educ grant of Rs. 5OO,OOO for new schools a by the Director among the 3o Comm made on the basis of Re. I/- for every every non school going child but as this areas grants were subsequently distrib Committees.76 This grant proved to it was increased to Rs. 7SO,OOO in 1928 keep pace with the demand for gover plaint of the Education District Commi open new schools and that the grant w; to existing buildings.77
The Director of Education who ha opening schools with inadequate funds about the government's new financial was enforced and in the next few year both the Education and the Local Go enable local authorities to shoulder some expenditure. In 1923 the Colonial Sec Government Board and the Director of randum prepared by the Director on conclusion that the Local Government be amended as suggested by the Directo be raised locally in addition to the an Governor agreed tentatively but decided
74. D.E. Correspondence, Acting Government Secretary. 18/11/25.
75. Ibid. Director of Education to Solicitor Gener. 76. Administration Report, Director of Education 7. Ibid. 1929, p. 17.
SI

T INSTITUTIONS
of Education and the Government e Committees and who felt that the lected areas in the North-Central, ld have to close down unless some maintenance.74 This problem was Ordinance of 1924 which permitted n, and by the Attorney General's mittees could pass bye-laws which ittee funds.75
in from the Village Committees ation District Committees was the ld Rs. IOO,OOO for repairs allocated ittees. At first the allocation was school going child and cents 55 for system favoured the better provided 1ted on estimates prepared by the pe totally inadequate and although und Rs. I„OOO,OOO in 1929 it did not nment schools. The general comttees was that they had no funds to as usually sufficient only for repairs
ld to face the practical difficulty of seemed to have had his reservations policy even before the Ordinance she made strenuous efforts to get vernment Ordinances amended to of the responsibility for educational Iretary, the Chairman of the Local Education met to discuss a memothis subject. They arrived at the and Education Ordinances should ir so that funds for education could nual grant by the legislature. The that the Executive Council should
Agent, North Western Province to Colonial
1 for Attorney General, 22/1/25.
1926, p. 18.

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UNIVERSITY OF
discuss this proposal after a decision the recommendations of another Co. ancw the question of financial re. authoritics.78
This Commission had been as education, communications and pu services. The recommendations79 were a compromise between the Commission of I917 and the polic Ordinance. It endorsed the vicw that local bodies should become loca schools, appoint and dismiss teacher the curriculum. But it also felt th: adequate resources for this task and management of schools:
“We are reluctantly compelled state of the development of local gov to apply fully the principle that e
national Service.
Education should therefore be as the general revenue could not expenditure local funds must help to Commission therefore proposed an machinery was available. This rat value of lands and buildings liable to according to the government exper area and the ability of the area to be permitted to control the expend were willing to assume complete r their areas.
The Urban District Councils a the government to express their vie education rate. All eight Urban I and insisted that education should b
78. D.E. Correspondence, D.E. to Colonial 79. Sessional Paper VI of 1924, Report of th
80. Sessional Paper XXXIII of 1905, Comm. of the Financial Relations Com.

CEYLON REVIEW
had been made by the government on mmission already appointed to examine ations between the central and local
_~
Ked to report on whether the police, blic health should be public or local of this Commission published in 1924 uggestions of the Local Government y incorporated in the 1920 Education f the Local Government Commission | authoritics and establish and maintain ; and be responsible for attendance and at the smaller local authorities had inwere in no position to undertake local
to admit that in the present backward rernment in this country it is impossible ducation should be treated as a semi
a national service for the present but bear the whole burden of educational increase resources for education. The education rate in areas where rating 2 was to be one percent of the annual assessment and the rate was to be fixed Editure on elementary education in the bear the tax. Local authorities should liture of these funds if and when they sponsibility for educational services in
nd Local Board towns were invited by ws on the Report and on the proposed District Councils rejected the proposals e a national service.80 At a conference
Secretary, 9/8/23.
e Financial Relations Commission, ents of the Urban District Councils and Local Boards
52

Page 55
LOCAL GOVERNME
of the Urban District Councils it was d their infancy and in need of government a resolution was passed “that educations
and that no education rate be levied  ́၊ ` Unဝfiး] members of the Local Gov. cation should be a national service fo central government was the only auth
could efficiently distribute education. the development of local government
The Governor, Sir Hugh Clifford of the Commission. His view was t go back on the “public pronouncemen introduction of the 192O Ordinance, t the cost of education from general re lead to inequalities. He was also oppo had not in the past proved an efficient
“I have already drawn attention t to make local authorities raise an educa over the colony and particularly if th direct control over the funds so raised.
In a subsequent minute he added t - cipal Councils were probably the onl position to impose a rate.83 No dou of the difficulties involved in securing th a Legislative Council in which the un
majority.
The President of the Local Gover and said that the policy incorporated adhered to.84 The Governor put the Relations Commission before the Exec and the government made known its recommendation that an education rate bodies possessing rating machinery.'86
81. Ibid. 82. D.E. Correspondence, Governor's Minute 17 83. Ibid. Governor's Minute, 16/5/26. 84. Ibid. D.E. to Colonial Secretary, 22/4/26.
85. Minutes of Executive Council, 7/3/26. "f 86. Sessional Paper XXXVIII of 1926, op. cit.
S3

NT INSTITUTIONS
ecided that these Councils were yet in tassistance for a number of years, and hould be considered a national service in the case of local bodies'.81 The ernment Board too agreed that eduir many years to come and that the ority which in the present situation No local rate should be levied until justified it.
, also opposed the recommendations hat the government could not now t of policy' made at the time of the he object of which had been to meet venue because local taxation would sed to the idea of a local rate which way of raising revenue:
o the doubtful policy of attempting ation rate if it cannot be imposed all
ley are not to have immediate and '82
hat the Colombo and Kandy Muniy local authorities which were in a bt the Government was also aware le passage of such legislation through officials now formed a highly vocal
nment Board also opposed the rate in the 1920 Ordinance should be recommendations of the Financial Itive Council which rejected them,85 decision that “it cannot accept the should be levied in the case of local
(2/26.

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UNIVERSITY OF
But the Director of Education continued to agitate for a new polic Secretary: “I think it very desirable to apply their funds to educational p the Municipalities and urban Counc in educational activities when the do so. His new scheme was that t area should be a Municipal Commit from the Department. In other correspond to the nine Provinces V officio member, so that there woul) Provincial Committees.
The Colonial Secretary consult ment Agents about this proposal. 8 against this proposal and were unani had enough to do and had no funds did not wish to be an education auth its resources were inadequate.88 solved “that government should b that it should not be created an edu. be given power to apply its funds if it Only the Kandy Municipal Counc annual value of properties assessed f Education Committee responsible Authority as in England.90 The D that it would be inadvisable to impo that the consensus of opinion was as local authorities should be empower
The situation remained thus ti not only depleted government's res tional burden of taking over a la managers found themselves unable The Education District Committee the Director once again pointed OU 87. D.E. Correspondence, Colonial Secretar 88. Ibid. Chairman, Municipal Council Ga. 89. Ibid. Chairman, Colombo Municipal C
90. Ibid. Chairman, Kandy Muncipal Cour 91. Ibid. D.E. to Colonial Secretary, 15/12/

CEYLON REVIEW
did not accept this decision as final and
In 1926 he wrote to the Colonial that all local bodies should be permitted urposes.' He could see no reason why - ils should not be permitted to participate Village Committees were allowed to he education authority in a Municipal tee with one or two Inspectors coopted reas the education authorities should with the Government Agent as an exld be in all, three Municipal and nine
'd the Municipal Councils and Govern7 The Government Agents reported mously of opinion that the local bodies for education. The Galle Municipality ority nor use its funds for education as he Colombo Municipal Council ree informed that the Council's view is cation authority and that it should not : so desired for educational purposes."89 il agreed to allocate 19, rate on the or rate for education but it wanted an to the Council to be the Education Director of Education therefore agreed se an education rate in view of the fact Jainst the proposal, but he still felt that ed to devote funds at their discretion.91
ll 1930 when the economic depression ources but also imposed on it the addirge number of assisted schools whose : to continue financing their schools. s needed a large increase of funds and it to the Colonial Secretary that either
y to Government Agents, 5/5/26. Lle to Colonial Secretary, 28/7/26. Jouncil to Colonial Secreatry, 9/6/27.
cil to Colonial Secretary, 30/6/26. 26. -
54

Page 57
LOCAL GOVERNMEN
the Legislative Council should increase should be enabled to allocate a part District Committees. A school site in a he saw no reason why the rural areas s. the Colombo Municipal Education D. site.92 The President of the Local G Director although he anticipated consid Council and the local authorities, especia rejected the proposal of the Financial R District Councils were no more prosper
The Colonial Secretary once aga
Councils as to whether the present legis local bodies to provide and maintain revenue or from the proceeds of a Municipal Council rejected the propos: no prospect of improvement. The Ka their earlier decision and were willing to ment but opposed a special education ra enough to raise the ordinary rates.94 wanted the option of providing funds
the Council should be the local authc
present grant,95
The president of the Local Gover District Councils and informed the Col tion of Kurunegala which had stated til but not made compulsory, all the other unwilling or unable to bear any share the views expressed by these Council national service; that increased taxatio contribution should be accompanied b that self-governing institutions were ye
As the Director of Education and ment Board were still of the opinion
92. Ibid. D.E. to Colonial Secretary, 19/3/30. 93. Ibid. President, Local Government Board to 94. Ibid. Kandy Municipal Council to Colonial 95. Ibid. Colombo Municipal Council to Color 96. Ibid. President, Local Government Board to
55

NT INSTITUTIONS
its vote substantially or local bodies of their revenue to the Education Colombo cost a lakh of rupees and hould be starved of funds to enable istrict Committee to purchase one overnment Board agreed with the crable opposition by the Legislative lly because government had already slations Commission and the Urban OuS in OVW.93
in consulted the three Municipal lation should be modified to enable :ducation either from their general special education rate. The Galle ll as their financial position showed indy Municipal Council referred to discuss the matter with the governte as the depression made it difficult The Colombo Municipal Council for education but on condition that rity and government continue its
nment Board consulted the Urban onial Secretary that with the exceplat a special rate should be allowed Urban District Councils were either in the cost of education. Some of
were that education should be a n was impracticable; that financial y local control of education; and insufficiently developed.96
the President of the Local Governthat the local authorities should be
Colonial Secretary, 7/5/30. Secretary, 4/8/30. ial Secretary, 3/7/30.
Colonial Secretary, 30/12/30.

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UNIVERSITY OF
required to make some cotribution t referred to the Colonial Treasurer w now refer the matter to the Executiv Donoughmore Constitution.97
The period of Crown Colony the situation unchanged, and despi reluctance of the local authorities an his chief advisors of their financial di legislation rcquiring local contributio by the 1920 Ordinance was adhere centralization continued to be the ma in Ceylon.
The pattern of central and loca ceding pages indicates that British ad with evolving a satisfactory finan government and local bodies. Lo seriously considered, not even in rather vaguely conferred the status of but some local control of educatio obviously inherent in the colonial rel must lie in the hands of the colonial government to control the machin government than through miscellane
The financial relationship final educational authorities, for after 192 the entire burden of educational ex of policies formulated at the beginni response from the local authorities ca and economic policies.
The local authoritics were bot substantial contribution to the cost o tradition of local government eithe them alive to their responsibilities in had been created only in the last t there was no large rural self-gove
97, Ibid. Colonial Treasurer to C.S. 5/3/31.

CEYLON REVIEW
o maintaining schools, the matter was ho suggested that the Director should e Committee for Education under the
-
administration ended in 193 I leaving te all the efforts of the Director, the i the recognition by the Governor and fficulties prevented the passage of new n to education. The policy laid down d to and administrative and financial in feature of educational administration
ul administration sketched in the preministrators were primarily concerned cial relationship between the central cal control of education was never the Town Schools Ordinance which local authorities on urban local bodies, nal provision was inevitable. It was
ationship that the control of education power and it was much easier for the ery of education through the central
Pous local bodies.
y evolved gave no satisfaction to the O the central government bore almost penditure. The reasons for the failure ng of the century and for the lack of in be traced to general colonial political
h unable and unwilling to make any feducation. No strong and continued r in their past or recent history made this respect. Urban local authorities hree decades of the 19th century and ning unit analogous to the County
----
56
議
ܥܬ

Page 59
LOCAL GOVERNMEN
Councils of England. It is significant ti to education, meagre though it was, we had for centuries conducted the affairs (
- -
Administrators often referred to th
authorities and in particular were crit urban authorities. But these were the had been strongest in pre-western times and the political policy of the colonial this sense of responsibility. Centraliza stration and the majority of the officia included, were responsible to the colo and not to the local authority. Cent creased after 1920 for as the Director ( rence to the I92O Ordinance “The old with the principles of self-governmen accordance with the traditions of the co
The main reason for the failure of the financial inability of the local auth contribution to educational expenditu difficulties of the local bodies caused go to transfer the main, financial respon: - Although educational officials clamou. realities of the situation were different rities was no imaginary excuse to evad
Ceylon was known as the most pr century, but this prosperity was depen trade and the increase of revenue therefo while the corresponding rise in living and middle classes of society. The lo chiefly from property taxes and these in not compare with the expanding resou socio-economic conditions of the mas the country, benefitted least from the the gap between plantation or export Was COin-Ous.
When the education officials urg contribute towards education they w
57
 
 

NT INSTITUTIONS
hat the only local contribution made is by the Village Committees which of the small rural community.
he lack of responsibility of the local ical of the lethargic attitude of the very areas in which centralization ; while the entire colonial situation 2 overnment did nothing to promote tion was the keynote of the adminials serving in local areas, education nial government in the metropolis ralization in education, in fact, inDf Education commented with refeOrdinance was more in accordance t than the new one is and more in Duntry.”
the policy of the administration was orities to make more than a limited re. As we have seen, the financial vernment policy to be modified and sibility to the central government. red for more local expenditure the
The poverty of the local autho2 responsibility.
osperous Crown Colony in the 20th dent on the expansion of its export re accrued to the central government, standards affected mainly the upper cal authorities derived their income creased very little in value and could rces of the central government. The s of the Ceylonese, the peasants of economic policies of the rulers, and agriculture and peasant agriculture
ed that the local authorities should are demanding that the sections of

Page 60
UNIVERSITY OF
society that could afford least shou fact the much vaunted prosperity ha government and the classes of society ment schools. The increase in the s central government through the ye the economic developments of the dependence of the government on economic depressions, and the expan fluctuate with the rise and fall of the
Epilogue
The period of Crown Colony a out any tangible achievement in the vision and management of educatio the centre was partially achieved in t completed in 1947. But the pattern few structural changes in these ye. changed, political and economic fact for local bodies to play an active rol ween the central and local authoriti noughmore Reforms till I939, the C the State Council were appointed t to ensure a closer relationship betwe educational organisations. The 193 break away from the policy embodic the cooperation of local bodies in Committees were to be created in M other areas to advise the Executive C tion on local needs. These Comr Officer of the area, two members ret other members nominated by the Go conferred to set up Urban Education Urban District Councils and Rural E mittee areas to replace the Local Education Authorities were to prep provision for the educational needs specified part of the cost of educat additional rate to meet these expense nance of 1906 these educational ful

CEYLON REVIEW
Id contribute more, whereas in actual d increased the resources of the central which did not really patronise govern
hare of educational expenditure by the
ars was therefore the logical result of eriod. At the same time the extreme its export trade made it vulnerable to ision of educational facilities tended to
general revenue.
dministration thus ended in I93 I withfield of local participation in the proon. National control of education at he thirties and the transfer process was of educational administration showed ars for though the colonial situation ors continued to make it impracticable e in education. The relationship betes was unchanged even after the Donly difference being that members of b the Eeducation District Committees
en the policy-making body and these
9 Ordinance attempted in theory to 'd in the I92O Ordinance and to invite educational work. Local Advisory Aunicipal, Urban District Council and Dommittee and the Director of Educanittees would include the Education commended by the local authority and Vernor. At the same time powers were Authorities under Municipalities and ducation Authorities in Village ComAdvisory Committees. These Local are local education schemes to make of the area, and to bear the whole or on and were empowered to levy an S. But like the Towns Schools Ordiictions were not obligatory, and the
58
) r4ܝܐ

Page 61
\قی
LOCAL GOVERNMEN
decision as to whether a particular loca cation and assume responsibility for ed Executive Committee for Local Admin
Needless to say the local authoriti suming these responsibilities as they h for similar economic reasons, and the CC to presuade the central government tot meals which had been its chief contribu Special Committee on Education in its the lack of cooperation on the part of the Municipal Councils and the more at least accept responsibility for prim: till the end of this period no local body any of the functions permitted by the I9 Committees continued to function, b work in backward areas they were larg
The State Council was therefore as ment in creating a more positive relatic authorities partly because the same si
against any effective contribution by li policy of Centralizing educational adr
than modified during these years despi Ordinance, for the new legislature was lise policy than to effect any real devol.
The same disposition to favour cer of the governments that have held pow independence. Despite a progressive strative routine after I962, no educatio any significant changes which would government agencies. The recommer on reforms in local government and aptly illustrate the current attitude to Commission on Local Government i reference to this subject:
98. Administration Report of Colombo Municip
99. Sessional Paper XXIV of 1943, The Special ( të 100. Administration Report, Director of Educatio
59

NT INSTITUTIONS
l body could meet the cost of edulucational, provision was left to the istration of the State Council.
es showed the same aversion to asad shown in the past three decades lombo Municipality even attempted ake over the provision of free school tion to education in the past.98 The Report published in 194399 deplored local authorities and suggested that well-to-do Urban Councils should ary education in their areas. But evinced any interest in undertaking 39 Ordinance. The Local Advisory ut while they did some creditable ely inactive in urban areas.100
unsuccessful as the colonial governonship between the central and local ocio-economic conditions militated ocal authorities. On the whole the ninistration was Strengthened rather te the vague aspirations of the I939 more anxious to control and nationaution of authority.
itralized control is seen in the policy er in the 20 years that have followed but slow decentralization of admininal scheme since 1947 has envisaged involve the participation of local dations of two recent Commissions reforms in education respectively the question. The Report of the ssued in 1955 made the following
Ial, Council, 1934, p. 11. Committee Report on Education. n, 1943, p. 46.

Page 62
UNIVERSITY OF
“It cannot be said that there authorities to take over educational We feel that local authorities have fields which have been generally acc authorities in Ceylon......... and participation in educational activiti of the central government in the fi state and until that policy has be smoothly throughout the Island, th delegation of this function to institu
Six years later the National Eo blem against the background of the welcoming local cooperation, did I for even partial local control of edu
“At the present time when ther facilities available in different areas a for, we do not consider it feasible Junior School or Senior School e come in IO to I5 years perhaps whe cation can be transferred to some of thereafter being to enunciate genera to the Local Body."102. It is unlikel will mark any immediate change in
It is obvious that the role of th has from the beginning been deter economic situations. The colonial could not be implemented in an en success, and the greater realism of m creation of a similar impasse today. ment organisations and the policies and now inevitably threw the onus stration, and it is an index to the in that nationalisation of policies has in tion of control that has been an inte
101. Sessional Paper XXXV of 1955, The Rep 102. Sessional Paper XVII of 1962, Final Rep.

CEYLON REVIEW
has been any strong demand by local activities in their respective areas......
: yet much leeway to make up in the epted as those for development by local we therefore cannot recommend their 2s as yet. Moreover the whole policy eld of education is still in an unsettled
en satisfactorily settled and functions e time will not be ripe to consider any tions on the circumference.' 101
ducation Commission viewed the progeneral educational situation and while not feel that the times were propitious cation:
e are wide disparities in the educational nd when vigorous organisation is called to give local bodies responsibility for ducation..................... the time may n the full responsibility for school eduthe Local Bodies, the role of the State l policy and to make a per capita grant
y that the creation of District Councils
either policy or practice.
a local agencies in educational activities mined by the demands of political and government conceived policies which virol ment which did not favour their odern policy makers has prevented the The economic position of local governof the central government both then of responsibility on the central adminiportance ofeducation as a social force nplied little relaxation of the centralizagral part ofeducational policy.
SWARNA JAYAWEERA.
ort of the Commission on Local Government, p. 203. rt of the National Education Commission, p. 143歳下
6O

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ܡܨܚ ܠܢ
Prolegomena to the Engl.
I.
HE dialect of English spoken in name “Ceylon English” has intri chiefly as a source of amusement in the popular dramas of H. C. N. de La lism of Tarzie Vittachi, S. M. J. Louis, of the subject is Professor H. A. Passé's on a part of his doctoral dissertation). has been much analyzed and quarreled linguistics. These studies reflect the st the sounds of language to the neglect syntax, lexicon, and etymology. In th ing work, so far as I know, and it is o satisfactory. The work could be fruitf not only has intrinsic linguistic interest
problems of English language teaching
Most writers shy away from the committal “Ceylon English.” But “ some importance, for it makes a differer as a dialect or as a second language. Ti acquired second language, but for ma home and at school as a native speaker that is learned itself grew up the way Again, though one may think immedi influenced by another language, yet ther such influence: the dialect of Brookly “Pennsylvania Dutch' to German, ; English of Ceylon has not only phonol peculiarities arising largely, but not enti and Tamil. The contrast with English if we consider the Scandinavian coun fiữmber of people, particularly in urbar
6.

Study of Ceylon ish
Ceylon and generally going by the gued the Ceylonese for many years, and bemusement, as, for example, nerolle and in the occasional journaand others. The only serious study The Use and Abuse of English (based The phonology of Ceylon English over by scholars trained in modern uctural linguists enchantment with of the more important subjects of is area, there is only Passé's pioneernly a beginning and not altogether Lully undertaken again. The subject ; but is also relevant to pedagogical in Ceylon.
word “dialect, preferring the nondialect is justified, I think, and of ce whether you regard the language rue, for many, English is a formally ny others it is still learned both at learns it; and the version of English a dialect does in relative isolation. ately of a dialect as a variation une is more than enough precedent for In owes much to Yiddish, as does and Irish English to Gaelic. The ogical but also syntactical and lexical rely, from the influence of Sinhalese as a second language is quite evident tries, where, as in Ceylon, a large areas, are fluent in English. There

Page 64
UNIVERSITY OF
one finds some peculiarities of pronu if any of syntax and virtually none mark is much closer to Standard En closer than the English of some areas second language in Europe is to con ction irrelevant to a dialect, whic speakers of the same dialect-as in
has a certain resistance to assimilatic tance unknown, except phonetically
Educated Englishmen of pro “standard’ dialect of London and t Lawrence will recall. The phenom so few Ceylonese have spent enoug that dialect. But I have heard at speaking very elegant “Oxford En the next moment speaking to a gro dialect. I have had the experience 1 students in my flat American phon faction; but by imitating the pronul dialect, I was understood at once.
The dialect status of the Englisl gical ideal of instilling Received P1 habits are too firmly entrenched to follow, of course, that dialectical var munication with non-Ceylonese spe; But Ceylon English should be acc acceptance can and should dispel so. which plague many speakers. The than southwestern American “howd
The dialect is as definable in it dialect, these characteristics obtaining to Trincomalee. Some people inte doubts about the possibility of ade variations from place to place and exist, of course, but so do they in all lections of idiolects. The problem i generally and to base any further This can be done for phonetic as well
(

CEYLON REVIEW
inciation (a “Swedish accent'), but few ut all of lexicon The English of Denglish than that of Ceylon, and both are of England itself. The use of a spoken nmunicate with native speakers, a funh is used for communication among Yorkshire and in Ceylon. A dialect on to the “standard” dialect, a resis, to a second language.
vincial origin often speak both the their own dialect, as readers of D. H. anon is rare in Ceylon, simply because h time in Southern England to acquire leas one eminent Ceylonese educator glish to an Englishman and to me and up of Ceylonese schoolteachers in their myself of attempting to converse with ation, and being met by mute stupeinciation and intonation of the Ceylon
1 of Ceylon suggests that the pedagoIonunciation is quixotic. The speach be significantly altered. It does not iation should be encouraged, for Comakers of English is obviously of value. apted for what it is, a dialect. This me of the bugaboos of “correctness greeting “How?' is no more an error
99.
y.
ts general characteristics as any other from Jaffna to Matara, from Colombo }rested in the subject have expressed 'quately describing the dialect, citing from class to class. Such variations. dialects, which are no more than cols to identify those features that obtain refinements of description on them. as for other features, despite consider
/
D2

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PROLEGOMENA TO THE STU
able variety among the indigenous a suitable range of informants is necessa sketch include university graduates, bl. well as cooks and drivers, both T 98ܢ Colombo, Kandy, Jaffna, Negombo, a I assume that language features share fairly be taken to comprise the main st
Ceylon. The kind of patois collected
The ideal person to undertake : English would be trilingual, and he wol man and an American to point out pect probably not be attuned. With little myself to rely quite abjectly on inform ignorance will appear plainly enough the subject naturally begins with Passé only reasonably comprehensive effort to An admirable and partially successful reliable and suffers from a general inade tentative and noncommittal about the nevertheless devote the most important errors,' which are not errors, for the m The nomenclature is not particularly c fails to distinguish genuine translationer is a good example: It is a direct tran not belong to any dialect or sub-diale different from, say, “He is from Mar pakkam), also a translation, but an acc use of “put (Use and Abuse, page 34 “Who said?” (pp. 40-4I), cited as erro lectical variations, all being common in The value of this chapter is the possib Here, once or twice, Passé falls into and equivalency. Thus he gives the so both may mean the same thing, but the lation of the Sinhalese “make a touch, or even suggest “play.” The same is t “break rest'; it is not credible that the translated as “break. In investigating find a word that, in the first example, C if the source language is used not only
63

JDY OF CEYLON ENGLISH .
anguages and dialects. Obviously cy. My own sources for the present isinessmen, and government officials amils and Sinhalese, chiefly from ind the towns of the western coast. d by such diverse informants may ock of the general English dialect of by Vittachi is sub-dialectical.
a comprehensive study of Ceylon ld have the assistance of an Englishliarities to which his own ear would Sinhalese and no Tamil, I have had lants, and no doubt many errors of in what follows. Whoever studies 's The Use and Abuse of English, the account for distinctive Ceylonisms. effort, it is nevertheless not always quacy of approach. Though rather status of Ceylon English, Passé does t chapter of his book to “translation lost part, but dialectical peculiarities. lamaging, but it does mislead, and rors. Of these, “to drink a cigarette' slation of Sinhalese bonava but does ct of English. It is thus altogether adana side' (Sinhalese patta, Tamil epted locution in the dialect. The ), “What else?', “Who else?', and Is by Passé, are in fact not even diaboth British and American English. le Sinhalese sources of Ceylonisms. the trap of confounding translation urce of “play out as tattu karanava; : English cannot possibly be a transwhere there nothing to translate is rue of nidi marunawa as the source of Sinhalese word for “kill' should be such expressions, one must obviously an be translated “play, a word that in this expression but also in other

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UNIVERSITY OF
contexts, such as “The children are Now in fact there is a source for “p ennai vilayadi potton, “He played in kirarkal, “The children are playing U mata keliya. Similarly “break r Sinhalese ninda kadanava (cf. Mama
Most egregious is Passés comple had as much influence on Ceylon E In most instances it is impossible to whether a Ceylonism comes from impression, perhaps inadvertently, t His treatment of “put as a verbal fac he gives, supposed to be derived colloquial English. On the other Ceylonese use of the verb as in “I’l dog put a shout to me, “Thanks f tion is Tamil in origin: Athu Saththa puththahaththai kiilai pottar, “He put no Sinhalese equivalent.
An historical study would revea of most Ceylonisms (a study that si school books), readily assimilated by lels in their language; for the Indian English sooner and more intensively the basic shape of Ceylon English.
I suspect, too, that much of Pas “what-child-how-to-say-no-to-the-f generally regarded as an amusing doubt that the conversational style from Jaffna,” is any longer to be fou case, it would be most interesting to change suggests that the post-indep with the general decline of English,
* 1 Interestingly enough, Mr. de Lanerolle delightful plays were actually taken by him from

CEYLON REVIEW
playing, or "They are playing cards." lay' and “play out' in Tamil: Aven ne (out)” (cf. Chinnapillaikal vilayādug"); and in somewhat low Sinhalese st must have something to do with
iiigana kaduwa, “I broke the plate").
ite neglect of Tamil, which has certainly Inglish as Sinhalese and possibly more. ascertain on linguistic grounds alone famil or Sinhalese, but Passé gives the lat Sinhalese is the chief or only source. totum is a case in point. The examples from damanava, are actually standard hand, he fails to cite the peculiarly I put a short walk up the lane,” “The or putting me awake. This construcin pottathu, “He put a shout' (cf. Avar the book down”). There is apparently
l, I suspect, that Tamil is the first source hould include, as Passé suggests, early Sinhalese speakers because of the paralis and Ceylon Tamils, having taken up than the Sinhalese, probably established
sé's material is no longer current. The ace kind of thing seems now to be quaintness of an older generation. I of Ludowyk's classic play, “He Contes 1nd outside the drama.*1 If this is the b know why. The chronology of the endence national language issue, along may be of significant relevance.
has told me that many of the Ceylonisms of his 1. Passe directly. 晝實
64

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PROLEGOMENA TO THE STU
III
Of the following Ceylonisms, mos
are not, in my opinion, adequately acc
isions verified from diverse sources.
Blackguard. A favorite verb in Ce fashioned in British and American Engli the colonial period.
Break rest. Sinhalese minda kadana sense “keep awake," possibly a blend of the latter alone hardly accounts for th parallel Tamil expression.
Chap. Briticism less current in En;
Fellow. Another Briticism. But to animals and not infrequently to inan is usually “the big fellow, a young dentist may refer jocularly to your teeth
Finished! A general exclamation
result. In a discussion of athlete's foot: finished!” “If I go without telling the h apodosis of a conditional statement, as in Sinhalese ivarai are both used in the same potha kiyavala ivarai and Nan puththakam reading the book.')
Formerly, “Formerly the roa rich, carrying over the habit of both using an adverb where British and Am and sometimes "once “Formerly i and unidiomatic in Standard English.
From where. “From where are yo
I come from?”) Perhaps overlearned
ride of not ending a sentence with a pre
6S

DY OF CEYLON ENGLISH
t are not cited by Passé; the others unced for. I include only expres
ylon, but rare and extremely oldsh. Evidently an inheritance from
va, “spoil, disturb sleep." In the this and nidi maranava, “kill sleep,' e English. There seems to be no
gland than in Ceylon.
in Ceylon it is regularly extended imate objects. A mature elephant slephant is “the little fellow." A
as “these fellows.
for any kind of bad or unpleasant
“If I don't dry between my toes, ome people, finished!" Usually the the examples. Tamil mudiniuthu, a way as exclamations. (Cf. Mama vasitchu mudiniuthu, “I have finished
d was here,” “Formerly he was Tamil (munne) and Sinh. (issara) of rican English prefer “used to be,” in these examples would be stilted
u coming?” (SE: “Where do you from the old-fashioned textbook position.

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Go and come. Sinh. Managihin enna t!! same construction (“Having gone, I con as well as Ceylon, and the most enchanti said to express the folk belief that it is ba valediction it conveys, then, the same sen hasta mañana. German aufuviedersehen, et “I’ll go to Colombo and come,” “I’ll put food and come.
Hammer (on) “The police hammere indeed more common than “hit,” “stri verb in either Sinhalese or Tamil that cou languages use the same verb for striking rathu), but they are obviously more g noun6, Sinh. mitiya and Tamil suthial, h: lese mița molavanava, “make, clench a expression undoubtedly comes from Brit century, from which it passed into wide Ceylonese.
Hopeless! An exclamation usually tried to see the commissioner all day. F enough in this sense in Britain and Amel a predication (“The post office is hopeles Sinhalese nor Tamil seems to have ar. instance of truncation (discussed below).
How? So How? So how after a long common greeting is common to both (Eppidi?); the second is probably Tamil ( (Kohomada huigak kalakata passe?).
Is it? “You want some trousers, is fourteenth, is it?” Not nearly so comm the interrogative suffixes -da and -iya. U The use of is it allows the speaker to Standard English and to preserve the strl
*In Sinhalese there is the verb talanawa, to strike, hammer out. But as the author suggests the Ceylonis
66

YLON REVIEW
, Tamil Nän poi varen, exactly the ne') and usage, common in India ng expression to a foreigner. It is ld luck to take a final leave. As a timentas Italian arrivederci, Spanish c. But it is more than a formula: : a wash and come,” “I’ll have my
d him.' This is very common, ke,” etc. There seems to be no ld be readily so translated.* Both a nail or person (gahamava, adikkieneralized than “hammer.' The ave no verbal derivatives. Sinhafist,' comes close. In fact, the tish boxing slang of the nineteenth r usage and was picked up by the
equivalent to “Impossible.” “I Hopeless!" The word is common ica, but it is almost always part of s'), rarely an interjection. Neither ly equivalent. It is probably an
time? The first version of this Sinhalese (Kohomada?) and Tamil Pinei eppidi?), the third Sinhalese
it?” “You are leaving on the on as isn't it, it probably translates Jnlike isn't it, it asks a real question. avoid the inverted word-order of icture of Sinhalese and Tamil.
to beat and also to flatten with a hammer, to m may be derived from boxing Slang. Ed.
}

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PROLEGOMENA TO THE STUDY
Isn't it? Sinh, nẽda, Tam. illeya, bot structure, i.e., the word for “no with an ubiquitous tag in Ceylon and India, and statement. “He is going to cite an instanc the Tripitika is, isn't it?”, “That is not the r English, of course, the pronoun is expecte As a reiterated demand for reassurance in the “hello” that punctuates telephone coi explanation-'Some speakers, in trying to substituting isn't it indiscriminately for no likely that isn't it, introduced as the genera has simply leveled out the other forms. T. leled in many other languages: Spanish n nicht wahr, etc. It is not, however, gene though many individuals punctuate with such as you see.
It seems. A curiously common expressic or Tamil, it appears to owe its popularity speaker to avoid indirect discourse and t reborn as a leopard, it seems.” “He is a g is normal English, of course, but nowhere aerbal formula it had wide vogue a genera to a narrative joke: “It seems there wer should not be surprised if the British colo source of this habit of Ceylon English.
Junction. As explained by Passe but it 1 is used in thc same way as Sinh. handiyi.
Mean. “I have a terrible job. Terrible Day.' This is probably too rare a pattern it from only two sources-but it is a v. occurs in both Sinhalese and Tamil, but English, which does not express the relation Sinh. Mata jarã raksāvak tibenava. Jarã r karanna tibenava, Tamil Ennudaya velai mulu velaiseiya venum, English I have a terrible job
Ngi Same as isn't it.
67

OF CEYLON ENGLISH
with the same morphemic interrogative suffix. This is a can be used with any kind of ', isn't it?', “You know what all thing, isn't it?' In Standard to have a proper antecedent. conversation, it corresponds to rversations in Ceylon. Passé's avoid no, fall into the error of '-is improbable. It is more l equivalent of needs and illeya, he use of isn't it and no is paralo, French n’est-ce pas, German 'rally characteristic of English, functionally similar expressions
on with no parallel in Sinhalese to the fact that it allows the the subjunctive. “Kuveni was great womanizer, it seems. It so formulaic as in Cevlon. As tion or so ago as an introduction e three Irishmen . . .'; and I nial Joker were the immediate
may be added that Tamil santhi
job means, must work on Poya for inclusion here-I have heard ry interesting Construction; it is altogether alien to Standard ship between the two seniences: ksāvak kiyanne Põyadavase väda koodathu. Ennanda Poyadaysille : I have to work on Poya Day.

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Not to worry. I used to worry abo sion (a westerner has mixed feelings the infinitive? It looks like a struct but Sinhalese and Tamil would yiel exactly to General English.
Don't worry. Then I came across Capp' and realized that, of course, of Slang and Unconventional English) sa But it originated in the services, and second world war. As with humm. chase a chimera: the first language is r expression is engaging, I think, be philosophy.
Play (out). Sinh. kelinava, Tamil also the occasional usage play for: looking for some probably devious records this in British slang and says i I have never come across it in the Unit dictionaries of the American idiom. is a contribution of Ceylon and India
Put. Tamil poidu, discussed above.
Scold. In General English only “scolds.” When a journalist report he suggests humorously that the Presi In Ceylon English as in Sinhalese (b. can scold anyone else. The gener. originally from over simple translati
Siie. He lives on Moratuwa s may be added Tamil pakkam, used t words, like the English, may also rc one's body, etc.
Thrice. Archaic in Standard Engl in the Ceylon dialect. “I have g influenced by the morphological r Sinhalese and Tamil and by Biblical

CEYLON REVIEW
ut this common and charming expresabout the sentiment, however). Why tural carry-over from a first language, d only the imperative, corresponding
the phrase in the cartoon strip “Andy it's Cockney. Parridge (A Dictionary ys it came into general vogue in 1957-8. may have came to Ceylon during the r, it can be seen how easily one can not the only source of the dialect. The cause it is less an injunction than a
vilayadu, discussed above. There is “He is playing for my watch' (i.e., way of appropriating it). Partridge t came from America circa I 93o. But ted States, nor is it given in the standard It seems more likely that the expression I to British English.
هم نه
a parent or a person in loco parentis s that the President scolded the press, dent treated the newsmen like children. ninava) and Tamil (eesurathu), anyone all use of the word probably derives on (cf. foramierly).
ide." Explained by Passé, to which he same way as Sinhalese patta. Both fer to the side of a house, the side of
ish, the adverb is current and universal one to that play thrice.” Probably egularity of the ordinal numbers in English.
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PROLEGOMENA TO THE ST
True? Sinh. ảttada? Tamil Uni Really?
Upcountry. Sinh. uạa-rata, as expla the same in morphology and usage.
What to lo? Sinh. monapa k, English What can you do? What's 't carry-over from the first language to such locutions (Where to see? How to sa,
Why not A: “The minister is “Why not!” As far as I know, this it does not mean “Why shouldn't he you be surprised?”, “Everyone kno question, but an emphatic affirmative disbelief. A: “You mean they war “Why not!” A: “Was he really b (The ordinary use of why not is also c in either Sinhalese or Tamil that could
a generalization from its original restri
III
Among grammatical peculiarities as “I am a tailoring man,” “I am an man.” “I am a new man' where St “I am unemployed” (American “I’m
(American “I'm broke'), and “I am a Tamil use the construction: Mama maj
Highly characteristic of Ceylon Ei “Come, come, Doctor, sit, sitl' T Sinhalese and Tamil as polite requests avoids the imperative-Won't you “Please come in.' The bare imperati
ciated, may startle an outsider. At a
American remark to a Ceylonese gen was rather stuffy and he thought he *飞二、
* The equivalent of “why not!” in Sinhales
бо

UDY OF CEYLON ENGLISH
naiyaahavaa? English, Is that so?
ined by Passé. Add Tamil mêlnâdu,
1rannada? Tamil enna seikirathu? o be done? Here is the structural the dialect. Once common perhaps, y no?, etc.) I think are disappearing.
taking bribes.” B: “No!” A: usage is distinctive to Ceylon, where 2?” but “Of course.” “Why should ws it,” “Decidedly!" It is not a answer to an expression of doubt or it you to work on Poya Days?' B: itten by a viper?” B: 'Why not!” urrent.) There seems to be nothing account for this usage; it is probably cted usage' (cf. scold and formerly).
I
is the construction of such utterances unemployed man, “I am a centless andard English has “I am a tailor,
out of work”), “I have no money' stranger here.” Both Sinhalese and hana minihek, Nān oru thaiyalkaran.
nglish is the repetition of imperatives: hese repetitions are common in both Polite Standard English, however, sit down?'-or appends “please': ve, especially when vigorously enunSmoky party I once heard a young tleman he was chatting with that it would step outside a moment for a
e is Mokada mitte l Ed.

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breath of fresh air. “Yes, yes out, get out!" Similarly the English often carries the connot waste time.”
The expression “Come, c habit of truncation. Standard Standard English, as Passé has ol a fact that has made possible English is characteristically relu complement or qualifier. The Tamil, and we have such typ: (I don't think so), "You like?" you want to see it?), etc., and have some tea?' the answer, Truncations of the heads of ser "Can manage. The translat noted in the preceding section,
These phenomena obvious genous languages. Yet it must out, get out!” or "Finished!" not translating from his “nati may be as much his native lan may not even know the Swab: the characteristics of the Ceyl carry-overs from Sinhalese or T translations at all, let alone tran
The question of correctne issue. Three deviation, from widespread, are not altogether used where careful Standard instance, in a newspaper article his departure for the United S sistently as to suggest that he v humility not to describe thos The past tense usually being u the sentence seems to imply e longer has any humility. Th pressions as "Are you in Cey

OF CEYLON REVIEW
the gentleman boomed alarmingly, “get repetition of “yes” (ou, ou) in Standard lation, “Yes, I know all about that, let's not
ome, sit, sit also illustrates the Ceylonese English is “Come in, sit down." Indeed bserved, uses adverbs prolifically in this way, the system of “Basic English.' Standard ctant to leave a verb without some kind of opposite seems to be true of Sinhalese and cal Ceylonisms as these: “I don't think" (You like it?), "You want to see?” (Do in response to such a question as "Will you “No, I had” (No thanks, I just had sotme). tences are familiar in Ceylonese "Can do,” ion expressions "True?” and "Finished!", are also typical truncations.
ly arise from the characteristics of the indi: be noted that when a Ceylonese says, "Get or "Can do' (puluval, seiyat eelum), he is ve' language. In many instances English guage as Sinhalese or Tamil; moreover, he asha equivalent. The point is that, though on dialect originated for the most part in Tamil to English, they do not now constitute slation errors.
SS is more slippery when verb forms are at Standard English practice, though not very uncommon. Sometimes the simple past is
English prefers the present perfect. For : about a University Professor at the time of tates, the writer used the past tense so conwas writing an obituary. E.g., "He had the who disagreed with him as charlatans." sed for events that are over and done with, ither that the subject is dead or that he no e present for the future appears in such exlon next year?” It is surprising that this
7o

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doesn't occur more often conside English: "Are you going to be in Ceylon next year?' 'Will yo will is sometimes seen or heard:
s: 99 you would like it.
So common that it may be cal aspect of a verb for the simple a newspapers: "If you are having "For each one accepted, we are th 'He said that the National Gove make the people forget.” “The may be thinking [may think) tha their whims and fancies.' The maw account for this: 'Is the hum bent who is missing (who has bee Ι7th : -
None of these verbal variatic but rather from a compromise w subtleties of a highly complex verb simplifications are going on in S instance, can scarcely be said to Ceylonese extension of the presei to misunderstanding, nor does it ment or precision.
Deviations from standard wo rently stem directly from the str represent at least a dialectical ten Again from the newspapers: “B stock of paper come?” “Mr. me. DR. Perera: Oh? I didn't kn last has a fine Irish lilt: cf. “And v Mr. Iriyagolle and Dr. Perera ma is called for: from a rhetorical poi thing, an improvement upon Stan
- The 1 hetoric of Ceylon Eng. - Particularly grievous is Dr. Passes

STUDY OF CEYLON ENGLISH
ring the several alternatives of Standard in Ceylon next year?” "Are you to be u be in Ceylon next year? Would for "So you are going to Europe. I'm sure
led dialectical is the use of the continuous spect. The following are all from the if you have a copy, why are you asking? rowing out we throw out ninety-five rnment was thinking thought it could capitalist press and capitalist merchants t the country can be ruled according to predilection for the present continuous an skull that of the temple's chief incumin missing since the night of September,
ons is the result of translation, of course, 'ith (or confusion of) the intricacies and system very difficult to master. Similar tandard English: the future perfect, for
exist in the colloquial language. The nt continuous seems rarely to lend itself seem to me to attenuate linguistic refine
3rd order sometimes occur which appaucture of the indigo nous language, and dency, though not an outstanding one. ut from where did this about one year’s Senanayake: Don't go. You fascinate ow you were that way inclined. (The what if I have a wee drop taken?") Both y have been misquoted, but no apology nt of view, the constructions are, if any
dard English.
IV
lish has been most deplorably neglected. neglect, for although he devotes a major
7I

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UNIVERSITY O
section of his book to rhetoric, h material when all about him bloc paradise. There is, as everyone kr that loves eloquence; it is discernit Olympian heights of Temple Tre a display of oratory? And what
Ceylon English is not only the lo juste, often surprisingly successful colloquial English in America an English relies heavily on a small ba adverb groups. The Ceylonese ) Latinate equivalents. And this is English. Thus a servant says, “I the professor of English responds,
The same professor is abashed to ht grip on English, say, “The motor crushing of all: the three-year-old beetle is clinging to the paper.”
Conversely, Basic English is my first visit to Ceylon, I was talk of arranging a dance performance making a concerted effort to ove monotone, but to no avail. All m J. Selvadurai, of the Vidvalankara sort of thing). I would say, for e. One. Nonplussed, the young m who translated, “Doctor says, if it quarters can be arranged.” Whic blem was not my phonation, but these are all too abstract and there matical sense that Basic English is symbols, but the number of com manipulate. In this respect Engl non-Germanic, languages. Neithe all comparably rich in factotum w the Ceylonese will say “operating,” etc., where I should simply say “ difference between spoken and wr. less use of the “basic' vocabulary since the Ceylonese student learns

F CEYLON REVIEW
: uses exclusively English and American om the flowers of a veritable rhetorical ows, something in the national character le from the lowliest rustic village to the - es. What occasion can go by without is remarkable and relevant to a study of ve of words but the search for the mot - , which is not at all characteristic of i Britain. As already noted, Standard sic stock of words, particularly the verbhave little use for these, preferring the true even for those with very minimal bid master apply that ointment?’ And almost shamefacedly, “Yes, I put it on." var his driver, who has at best a desperate is not operating properly. And most | child who observes casually that “the
the English least understood. Early in ing to a young man about the possibility His English was excellent, and I was rcome my propensity for a mumbling y remarks had to be translated by Mr. A. University (who is very expert at this xample, “If you need a place, I can get an appealed silently to Mr. Selvadurai is a question of accommodation, suitable h was understood perfectly. The promy lexicon: “place,” “get,' 'one'- 'fore confusing It is only in a mathesimple: it has a small number of lexical binations is very great and difficult to sh differs from most other, especially r Sinhalese nor Tamil, I am told, i, at ords. It is thus quite understandable that “employed,” “succeeding,” “studying.” working.” This is also a characteristic tten English; written English makes far than does the spoken language. And English much more from written texts
72

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PROLEGOMENA TO THE ST
than from the spoken language-whi be-his spoken English is likely to be or American student, and thus to have
Such considerations indicate the style of Ceylon English, but are not for it. The most important forces ha dialect was formed primarily during pompous literary style was in vogue, which has remained very influential. indigenous culture and languages tow style. This is undoubtedly of greate the favorable reception of the Victo for instance, the cultural importance markedly poetic style of Japanese En and rewarding kinds of language study for the analysis of style can reveal ag. its users.
Following are some examples o with a typical range of success.
Petitionary grandiloquences:
Honoured Sir,
I most humbly beg to brin gracious Honour's kind, merciful the fervent hope of obtaining im light of these facts:-
Further to my letter of the 3r along with which I forwarded to lists in which my name appearsyet-I shall be grateful if you wo in the name of my wife-Mrs. D
Begging that immediate actic
霹 Your

UDY OF CEYLON ENGLISH
ch is, of course, exactly as it should more Latinate than that of a British a more eloquent ring to it.
purely linguistic groundwork for the of themselves sufficient to account ave been cultural. First, the Ceylon the Victorian era, when a florid and particularly in British officialdom, Second, there is the proclivity in the ard the same kind of high rhetorical }r significance, for it surely explains, orian style by the Ceylonese (just as of lyric poetry in Japan explains the glish). One of the most interesting could be made of this phenomenon, reat deal about the inner character of
f typical Ceylonese grandiloquence,
g the following facts to your most and sympathetic consideration with lmediate and adequate redress in the
dJuly, I964 and I6th August, 1965you a copy (certified) of the Electoral -to which I have had no response as uld kindly transfer the said allotment }-M-P- mee Miss D-M-S-.
on be please taken in this matter.
Thanking your honour.
I am, Honoured Sir, Humble and Obedient Servant.

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Business gradiloquence: Dear Madam,
We have to bring to the above refrigerator to y( condition.
However on the 2nd C stand that the refrigerator our representative went alc when they had found the r
shown in the chamber.
After they had inspec gass pipe inside the chambe at two places, and whatever in the pipes, but forced ou of fact no coolness is given to the gentleman who occu
When he was asked si said that since four days inc was shown.
It would cost us nearly in the sealed system, dehy refrigerant.
We believe that you v 1latter.
Is there also a certain love of m unclear exactly what the subst: following instance of secretari simple inquiry, “Can I see the F
Dear Sir,
I wish to inform yout your request and that he h a Walting to meet you at II tomorrow) in order to disc

OF CEYLON REVIEW
your kind notice that we supplied on hire ur upstair flat on 1/9/65 in good working
if October, 1965, we were made to underis not in working order. On this request ing with our electrician to attend to same, 'frigerator functioning well, but no cooling
ted the machine well they had found the r been damaged (pierced by a sharp blade) gass for cooling and freezing is not restored it through these dentures, and as a matter to the chamber. This matter was pointed
py this flat.
nce when the freezing had stopped, he had
cooling of chamber nor formation of ice
قیر به
y Rs 350/- to attending to refrigerant leak derating and re-charging same with fresh
vill realize our position with regard to this
ystery in the national character? It is very ince of these two epistles might be. The al grandiloquence was a response to my legistrar some time tomorrow?':
at I have spoken to the Registrar regarding as asked me to inform you that he shall be -30 a.m. on Tuesday the Isth instant (i.e. uss the matters referred to by you. .
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Mr. T- was not availabl I could not get an appointme inform him to join your discu
Advertising grandiloquence: Sufferers from Catarrh are studies, business or profession
Therefore all who are interest children and friends are kind the dire disease known as cat cured.
It should not be inferred, howev
unavailable when occasion dema Is reprinted in its entirety:
T
Kelani
Town
 

STUDY OF CEYLON ENGLISH
2 at the time of writing this note. Hence nt to include him. But I shall certainly ission at II-30 a.m. if it is possible.
unable to be engaged attentively in any or associate freely with their friends.
ed in their studies, business or profession, ly advised to take proper treatment for arrh without delay and get themselves
er, that a highly succinct, plain style is inds. The following newspaper article
hey stink
Kelaniya, Aug. 29
ya and Dalugama
Council areas stink.
JOHN HALVERSON
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Кадата ( New) Oο Agricultural Geogra
Peasant Sett
HE Kagama (new) colony i
and lies between the Kala Oy It was established in 1944 a I959. Each allottee possesses five irrigation water) and three acres C irrigation water). A total extent
low-land and I,659 acres, high-la
The Phy
Kagama (new) colony is on a l 3OO-4oo feet (Fig. 1). The draina Kattiyawa ela. During the dry s. trickle of water.
Figure1 Kagama (new)
The meteorological station in above mean sea level does not rec
1. Administration Report of the Land Commis.
 

ony: Analysis of the phy of a Dry Zone
lement Scheme
situated in the Anuradhapura district and its tributary Kattiyawa ela (Fig. 1). ld 746 allottees had obtained lands by acres of low-land (land provided with f high-land (land not provided with of 4,242 acres comprising 2,583 acres, ind had been alienated. -
sical Background
evel plain varying in elevation between ge of this area is to the Kala Oya and eason, these streams have only a thin
Ο 2 Miles
Colony: relief and drainage
this area, Maha Illuppalama, 45o feet ord temperature. The closest temper
ioner for 1959 (1960), Government Press, Colombo.
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KAGAMA (NEW
ature recording station is Anuradhapur and about 17 miles away and the te1 illustrate the temperature conditions in
Mean Monthly Temperatur
Jam. Feb. Mar. Apr. May June Ju 76.2 78.2 8I.S 83. It 83.7 83.2 83
Source: Report on the Col.
The mean annual temperature f mean monthly temperatures are high an to month except for the slightly lower monsoon, from November to January.
The rainfall statistics for Maha Illu this area. The station records a mod 58.4o inches. -
Mean Monthly Rainfall at M
Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr. May June Ju .T.93 4.62 7:23 4.15 1.38 T 5.53 *ܢ.
The table shows that the Wet seaso The little monsoon (which occurs ju rairs are from February to May with : confined to the three months June, July
The original natural vegetation oft evergreen forests.2
The Growth and Decay
This area forms a part of the ancie settlement of which, begun earlier, was ninth centuries A.D. Kala uveuva, one of province, was constructed during the
2. C. H. Holmes: The Climate and Vegetation Rographical Society, Vol. 6, 1951, pp. 145-153.
77

V) COLONY
a, at 3OO feet above mean sea level imperature statistics for this station this arca.
as at Anuradhapura (F)
ly Aug. Sept. Oct. Nov. Dec. .4 83.4 84.5 8I.2 78.6 76.6
ombo Observatory, 195 7
or Anuradhapura is 8I. II° F. The ld show little variation from month. temperatures during the northeast
ppalama illustrate the conditions in erately high mean annual total of
Maha Illuppalama (inches)
ly Aug. Sept. Oct. Nov. Dec. 4O I.62. 3.OI 9.47 9.98 8.08
in extends from October to January. st before the southwest Monsoon) peak in April. The dry season is and August.
his area would have been dry mixed
of Early Settlements
nt province of Nuwarakalaviya, the completed between the fourth and the major irrigation projects in this reign of King Dhatusena (460-478
of the Dry Zone of Ceylon, Bulletin of the Ceylon

Page 80
UNIVERSITY OF CI
A.D.). This tank was formed by a dan Dambulu oya and Mirisgoni oya which tank. The Jaya ganga carrying water froi is also attributed to King Dhatusena. It as a combined irrigation and water supp
The decline of this area was assoc depopulation of the Dry Zone during showing settlements, tanks and irrigatio communications gives an impression of establishment of this settlement scheme.
Fgr est
Figur e 2 Kogarna (new) Colony: are a before cc
Present Sett
Selection and Source Regions of Allottees
The allottees of this colony belong Local, Compensation and Labourers, diffe of selection of colonists in vogue.3 Th below:
Immigrant Local
Compensation
Labourers
Total
3. B. H. Farmer: Pioneer Peasant Colonisation in 204-207.
78
 
 

YLON REVIEW
thrown across the valleys of the unite shortly before entering the m the Kala Veuva to Anuradhapura was about 4o feet wide and served
y channel.
lated with the general decay and the thirteenth century. Figure 2 channels in use and derelict and the state of this area, before the
xtტ flis catio fა.
lement
as Colony Boundary
yی په مE=
vitrage Garse n
Coこorg!
" Man R08
- M| (or Rog&
--- Car tīrs
- Foot Pata
3à tarmi,
s:': Abandones tana
all. Irrigation Channel
ჯ] + • + Abanda რé d: #rrigar loA Chamné?
to the four categories: Immigrant, 'rentiated according to the methods eir distribution in 1953 is shown
І36 229
7S 76
5 Ió
Ceylon, 1957, Oxford University Press, pages

Page 81
KAGAMA (NEW)
Social and Economic Background of the Colonis
Some data on the background of the
writer are shown in Table I.
Occupation, 8o allottees had practi occupation, three allottees had practised it a the remaining three had no agricultural culturists, 79 had cultivated paddy. The cultivated chenas and vegetables on a con pursuit.
Land Ownership and Tenure. Of the owned land previously, 26 had owned lan were landless. Of these, 25 allottees had while eight owned only paddy land and si the individually owned paddy holdings had acres, while many of the garden-land hol acres. The majority of the jointly-owned than the individually owned plots and had acres. There had been little difference bet plots and the individually owned ones.
Agricultural traditions. Out of the 79 paddy, 39 had cultivated during two seaso. while 4o allottees had cultivated only dur had not been possible for these allottees on Paddy cultivation had been based on the irrigation systems and in the case of some lo Kala Velva.
The simple wooden plough drawn by common implement in preliminary tillag traditional or unselected varieties of seed Transplanting had been practised by I4 all manure had been used by 24 allottees and a
Production and Income. The majority medium to good yields of paddy varying fr sown to about 35 bushels. It was not regaling allottecs' income prior to sett
79

COLONY
s
36 colonists interviewed by the
sed cultivation as a primary a secondary occupation, while background. Of the 83 agrimajority of these people had
mercial scale, as a secondary
colonists interviewed, 39 had djointly, while the remainder owned paddy and garden land, x only garden land. Many of varied in size from half to three dings were larger: one to five paddy holdings had been larger varied in extent from half to six ween the jointly-owned garden
allottees who had cultivated ns of the year: Maha and Yala, ing Maha. A Yala cultivation
account of shortages of water. monsoon rains, simple villagecal allottees, on water from the
a pair of bullocks was the most e, in paddy cultivation, while paddy were used by everyone. ottees, weeding by 28, organic rtificial fertiliser by 13.
of the allottees had obtained om about ten bushels per bushel possible to obtain information lement. I2 allottees obtained

Page 82
UNIVERSITY OF
Åļļupes us Sɔs||tsitae S43qtuəW so ooANso ooAN
096] thị Åņuipos fo ɔzʊS
vae o#で封」~~ ~~~~ : ~ ¡_ae ())
sisultae Sə||stubsthị Sàɔquias fò zoo,fõ roN.
{1stupH fo ɔzțS spuțồųO“ON34SbO'0N GIRARIA HEILNI SLSINOTOO 98
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uosẽŋɔŋ.
NO VJLVCI
*ONI
:Í HT8VL
~ ~ ~ | ~~~~: ,
ueĂput XI 6Z
Āŋutsuuusop
*ON
que IosuuUus
Ấuoðast,O

REVIEW
H. N. t, ཏེའངག t ༽ །༤ འཐུང་ -- 4=ܡܢ
གངས་ f) VO |~CC ON Ge =
--
SC SF NC lr) verft N f) NC, CN
eness is VO ~ CC ON O
CEYLON
గి
כ
um
//SULIŢIsnýN]]IsUtit L. §sɔɔɔnoqťTI
]Atepe’H ILUIS13||Oų3ťO UťULIOYI A.SULIȚIST, W GuoŋɛsuɔdtưOO
6tA^tInGI /.' .UuessI 9JƏsƏŋɛʊʊIISÁJQūnoƆ—AAoos /#| IepoT
??setIt($Toron of(SHŌŌŌsh GT 70ƆSƆī£TUTUIŢQseo,

Page 83
ܒܵܢ
KAGAMA (NEW
annual cash incomes varying from rupe 25 allottees received from the sale of sub rupees I8—2OOO per year, while 2 I g 20-IOOO annually, from non agricultur
Land U
Figure 3 shows the land classificatio on the soils of this area is not available, fication cannot be shown. The other cation of land into the two major categ local differences of relief and slope, to t the lay-out of the irrigation channels of forest for the use of the allottees. T
inadequate and of little use, since an c maintain them was non-existent.
as Colony Boundary
目 Low Lond [II] High Land
2. Reservations-civic centres and other
development
Figure 3, Kagama (new ) Colt
Agricul
Cultivation practised on the low-la
Low-land Cultivation.
The Kala uveuva and the yoda-ela w channel which takes off water from yrovide water to this area, (Fig. 4) Kala
8I.
 

7) COLONY
es 25-6.OO from the sale of paddy, sidiary crops, incomes ranging from ot incomes in the range of rupees all sources.
Use
n of the colony. Since information the influence of soils on land classifactors that determined the classifiories: low land and high land, were he extent that these factors affected system. There was no reservation The areas allocated for pasture were organisation among the allottees to
O 2 Miles
P. Pasture Reser va t i ora
Unproductive Land Outside Colony
pny: tand classification
ture
ld and high-land allotments differed.
Tere restored in I 887. The Kagama the yoda-ela has been extended to wewa suffers from deficient supplies

Page 84
UNIVERSITY OF
sColony Boundary s- Main Channet
- Distributary Chan net
Figure4, Kagama
of water, since the restoration of th the upper reaches of the Hawanell. the Kala uveuva. Hence up to the ti been provided to the colony regu during Maha. It was only during for a Yala cultivation and the allot for the crop.
The most important crop gr irrigated paddy. Maha cultivatio though not assured, but Yala has sc shortages of irrigation water. The on low-land allotments during Y allottees to be a more risky crop tha tion. Vegetables brought in less fallow, when paddy was not cultiva
High Land Cultivation
Most allottees cultivated the s Coconut was of greater importanc all but two were growing coconut on the full extent of their land. 25o trees in each. The extents dev, with that of coconut, more coconu
4. H. N. C. Fonseka: Parakrama. Samudr Dry Zone of Ceylon, The Journal of Tropical Geog
 

CEYLON REVIEW
new) Cotony; firrigation.
Le Dewahuwa and Kandalama tanks, on oya and the Mirisgoni oya which feed me of this inquiry, irrigation water had larly, only for one cultivation a year, a few years that water had been issued tees had found the amounts insufficient
own on the low-land allotments was S.
in was possible throughout the area, far been a very uncertain crop due to
allottees did not grow rotational crops ala. Tobacco was considered by the in paddy and also it needed more attenprofits than paddy. The land was left Ited.
ame crops as in Parakrama Samudra.4 a than before. Out of the 86 allottees,
Some allottees had planted coconut There were four allotments with over oted to vegetables and dry grains varied ts there were in the land, there was less
Colony, An Example of Peasant Colonisation in the aphy, Volume Twenty Two, June 1966, pages 10–නිෂ්
82

Page 85
KAGAMA (NEW
of vegetables and dry grains. The all vegetables and dry grains under the success of coconut in this area may be c conditions on account of the proximi and the Kattiyawa wewa. A few allot on small extents of land during Maha.
Techniques of Pá
The extent to which the improve were practised by these allottees is show
Technique
Light iron plough Tractors
Pure-line seed paddy Transplanting Organic manure Artificial fertiliser Weeding
The simple wooden plough drawi used than the light iron plough. Som the use of the iron plough when they strong enough to draw it. Others die they did not have the money to buy were dissatisfied with the quality of th Government. On one occasion, seed had in fact been a seven-month variet Most allottees preferred to use the tradi
Practice of transplanting was conf of the allotments. The extents cultiva as one or two liaddas. While high labc planting, the chief problem was the she weeded their fields said they found it di growth due to deficient water supplie weed said they were not used to this p
83

V) COLONY
lottees said it was difficult to grow shade of the coconut palms. The lue to the favourable ground water ty of the Maha Illuppalama tank tees were cultivating cigar tobacco
idy Cultivation
:d techniques of paddy cultivation In below:
Number of allottees
25 I4
III
8
I3
4. 3 I
1 by a pair of buffaloes was more e allottees said they had to give up found that their animals were not d not use the iron plough because pne. The majority of the allottees le pure-line Seed distributed by the said to be a four-month variety, y and thereby the crop had failed.
tional varieties of seed paddy.
ined to Maha and to small extents ted by some allottees were as small ur costs limited the extent of transrtage of water. The allottees who ficult to cope with the heavy weed s in the area. Some who did not ractice, while others could not find

Page 86
UNIVERSITY OF
the money to hire people for this wo insufficient. The limited use of or shortage of animals within the colol of the use of artificial fertiliser, but
Only a few people in this colo in favour of the use of tractors bec area. A recent epidemic had destro radhapura district. However, these to make advanced payments to obtai in this colony was mostly for plough animals.
Agricultur
Statistics of yields of paddy real for the last Yala crop indicate that yields in the following yield groups Thus their yields were poor to med: of the improved techniques of padd the low yields of their allotments ch during December 1957, the bund of waters washed out completely the irrigation water resulted in heavy Diyasiyambala, which were very diff
In
The principal source of the all Most of the allottees secured incom IOOO and IOOI—I 5oo for both Mah productions is taken into account it have been able, even to cover up of the rest obtained only meagre to
Some allottecs obtained an inc 3OO from the sale of subsidiary cro coconut. While a few allottees obt many were employed as casual labc
5. In 1959-60 the average expenditure fe RS. 500. .

CEYLON REVIEW
ork, when family labour and attan were ganic manure was due chiefly to the by. Many people here were in favour they lacked the funds to purchase it.
tly used tractors. Many allottees were ause of the shortage of animals in this oyed much of the animals in the Anu: allottees did not have the ready cash in tractors on hire. The use of tractors ing. Threshing was largely done with
al Production
ped in the low-land for Maha I959 and t the majority of the allottees secured
I6-20, 2I-25, 26-30 and 3 I-35. ium. This reflects the limited practice y cultivation. The allottees attributed iefly to two factors: I. the major flood Kala wewa was breached and the food fertile top soil, and 2. the shortage of growth of the weeds, Kuda metta and icult to eradicate.
COe
lottees income was the sale of paddy. es within the two groups rupees SOI— 'a and Yala. When the cost of paddy i is seen that some allottees would not the expenditure incurred, while most poor incomes.
ome varying from about rupees so to ps, the most important of which was ained substantial incomes from trading, purers during the off seasons of paddy
or a five acre paddy allotment was in the range of
84

Page 87
KAGAMA (NEW
cultivation at the Agricultural Research tees income from non-agricultural sol rupeeS 3OO-IOOO.
During times when cultivation of sufficient water, the Government provi example, the construction of roads and from such work. -
Transport and Cc
Three minor roads connect this ar road (Fig. 5). There are regular bus s radhapura and Kekirawa. From Kekir to Kurunegala and Matale via Dambul to the colony is Kekirawa about ten Trincomalee lines. The railway is single trains a day in each direction between Colombo Fort and Trincomalee.
EPoaveldNo Anu
e- colony Boundary
=> Molin Rood
- Minor Road
Figure 5 Kagamo (ne
Internally the colony is served maintained by the Irrigation Departm surface. Private lorry traffic is permit of their distance, but motor cars are all allotments are connected with the mi notor cars could operate during dry
85
 

7) COLONY
Station, Maha Illuppalama. AllotIrces for 1959 was in the range of
paddy was not possible due to inded relief works in the area as, for the people obtained small incomes
Immunications
ea to the Anuradhapura—Kekirawa ervices on this road between Anuawa, there are frequent bus services la. The closest railway connection miles away, on the Batticaloa and : tracked and there are two passenger Colombo Fort and Batticaloa and
*odhapurg O 1 2 Mites
الس صعصعصصصصظسسسسسسسسسسسسسة
Konapathi råwa
w) Colony: communications,
Dy minor roads. These roads are :nt and they do not have a metalled :ed only on some roads and on parts owed throughout. Most high-land nor roads by cart tracks, on which weather, but during the rainy season

Page 88
UNIVERSITY OF
they are so muddy and rutty as t regular facilities for passenger trar motor cars belonging to allottees a hire. Allottees made use of this faci bicycles. The women folk and chi bullock carts were used to transpor these carts and small vans transpo shops within the colony, from outs
Ma
The chief avenues for the sale purpose co-operative societies unde traders in the bazaars at Eppawala the colony. Drawbacks in the ope forced people to sell their paddy to the guaranteed price of Rs. I2/- pe Samudra Colony.0
These allottees faced the same tables, fruits and dry grains as the those colonists, who were close by fited from the better facilities for me two places. Copra sheds in the n surplus of coconuts.
Credit and
79 allottees Were indebted, se were indebted to the co-operative allottees fall into the groups Rs. IOOThe debts would have been greater there was no cultivation due to wa
lend.
SI allottees were indebted to provisions on credit. The debts o the four groups Rs. IOO-200, 20.
6. Fonseka, op. cit. pages 18-19. 7. Ibid.

CEYLON REVIEW
D be almost impassable. There are no sport in this area. There were a few ind others and these were given out on lity in emergency. Most men possessed ldren had to walk to get about. Half t the paddy to the buying depots while rted other goods to the boutiques and - ide.
rketing
of the allottees' paddy were: the multir the Guaranteed Price Scheme, private and Konapathirawa and traders within ration of the Guaranteed Price Scheme the other sources at rates much less than bushel, as happened in the Parakrama
problems of marketing the surplus vegeParakrama Samudra alottees.7 Only to Eppawala and Konapathirawa benearketing provided by the bazaars at these eighbourhood of this area bought the
| Indebtedness
ven were free from debt. 56 allottees . The debts of the majority of these –2OO, 2OI-3OO, 3OI-4OO and 4OI-SOO. but for the fact that during times when ter shortages, the co-operatives did not
traders on account of the purchase of f the majority of these people fall into (-3OO, 3 OI—4oo and 4OI—5OO. The
----

Page 89
KAGAMA (NE\
allottees of this area said, traders were u because of their distressed condition, paddy crop a year and the undependab But for one benevolent mudialalie in E: not have been possible. Most of the to this mudalalie. Five allottees were i. debts were in the range of Rs. so-4OO. allottees to borrow cash, as they had no of their paddy crop deterred many a cre
Conclu
The most serious problem that the shortage of water for paddy cultivati Kala uveuva. The resulting uncertaint only very low incomes. The large fan considerably. Some allottees said th worse than that in their original villag
The construction of the Nalanda
progress, at the time of this survey, will
to Kagama. Thereby it is hoped thi people will improve.
87

V) COLONY
sually unwilling to give them credit, due to the cultivation of only one ility of the success of even this crop. pawala, their very existence would above mentioned debts were owed indebted for borrowing cash. Their
It was virtually impossible for the security to offer. The uncertainty ditor from accepting it on mortgage.
Ision
se people have experienced was the on due to the deficient supplies in y of the paddy crop brought them lilies depressed their living standards at their present condition was even
CS.
oya reservoir scheme which was in
provide an adequate supply of water at the economic condition of these
H. N. C. FONSEKA

Page 90
The Guaranteed Marketed Agricul
Peasant
relationship between the per surplus in agriculture. Nurks increase in per capita productivi ty o in disguise' would be consumed a crease, unless some machinery was capita consumption of the remain pressed a similar viewpoint.2 Mt generality of this doctrine. First, haviour assumptions underlying it, which appear to him more realis economies," argues for the opposi the per capita productivity and the some indirect' and circumstantial6 ments: “Increased productivity, or transfer of surplus labour to indust in the marketed agricultural surplu.
I is a commonly held view that
The purpose of this note is to a typical peasant economy, in order of an inverse relationship betweet marketed surplus or of a backwal peasant economies, is not of genera
1. Nurkse, R. - Problems of Capital Form Oxford University Press, 1954. Particularly p.
2. Dobb, M. H. - On Economic Theory shers. New York, 1955. p. 152.
3. Dubey, V. - "The Marketed Agricultu Countries' in the Economic Journal, Vol. LXIII 4. Ibid. - Characterized by "interdepende underdeveloped economy and the growing cont.
5. Ibid. - pp. 690-694. 6. Ibid. - pp. 694-701. Such as “the bel War.” pp. 698-699.
7. Ibid. - p. 700.

Price Scheme and ltural Surplus in a
Economy
in peasant economies there is a perverse capita productivity and the marketed 2, for instance, was of the view that the wing to the removal of the “unemployed ind the marketed surplus would not inemployed to prevent a rise in the per ing farm population. Dobb also exore recently, Dubey has examined the Dubey questions the realism of the beand on an alternative set of assumptions, itic in the context of underdeveloped te case of a direct relationship between marketed surplus.5 Then, he produces evidence in order to support his arguincreased surplus on the farms following
ry, would, he concludes “lead to a rise
99
777
S
lduce some direct evidence from another to support the view that the doctrine the agricultural productivity and the d-bending supply curve, attributed to
validity.
lation in Underdeveloped Countries, Basil Blackwell,
and Socialism; Collected Papers. International Publi
ral Surplus and Economic Growth in Underdeveloped , (December 63) No. 292, pp. 689-702.
nce of consumer preferences, the dual structure of the ict between the advanced and the backward sector."
aviour of rural indebtedness during the recent World
----
"5ܨܬܬܐ
88

Page 91
* ܢ
GUARANTEED
Ceylon is the typical peasant ec context. Cultivation of its food cro nomy. The dominance of small hold For example, the percentage of area wi of the cultivated area and the percenta than 5 acres constitutes 96.3% of th peasants in most parts of Ceylon are cultivate food crops on primitive line representative of peasant economies th nated by larger holdings' and 'richer
As a war-time measure to stabiliz an Internal Purchase Scheme to buy lo crops. This Internal Purchase Schen Price Scheme (G.P.S.) in 1948. Paddy almost the entire list of locally prod under the G.P.S. Although the G.P food crops, my attention in this note is owing to two reasons:- (I) Paddy dity covered by the scheme and consti ‘subsistence’11 agriculture. (ii) It is a sufficient statistical data relevant to thi
Before the G.P.S. came into forc grown for self-consumption of farm any surplus over and above their con exchanged with the village boutique sites or sold for cash to the itinerant t
8. Sessional Paper 13 of 1952: Report of the St Statistics, July, 1952. The position in 1952 would h 9. Dubey. op. cit, pp. 700-701. On the basis c Labour Enquiry, Indian Rural Credit Survey and 14.4% of the households have holdings above 10 ; importance of the larger peasant (or "the richer peasar in area cultivated' . . . . . . . . “would support the v probably not be consumed by the farmers in unde pansion of the marketed surplus.”
10. For the completelist of articles covered by tistical Abstracts of Ceylon, Department of Census Price Scheme in Ceylon' in Indian Journal of Agric stration Report of the Commissioner of Agrarian Sc 11. According to National Income Statistics f Central Bank of Ceylon for the year 1964 and Statis of “subsistence' agriculture see the next paragraph.
8.

PRICE SCHEME
onomy that has been chosen in this ps belongs entirely to a peasant ecolings is one of its chief characteristics. thholdings of 5 acres or less is 70.1% ge of the number of holdings of less he total number of holdings.8 The still conservative and illiterate and 5. These conditions seem even more an those of Indian agriculture domipeasants.'9.
e the cost of living, Ceylon instituted cally produced paddy and other food he was converted into a Guaranteed and eighteen minor crops, 10 covering uced foodstuffs of importance, came .S. covers paddy and eighteen other will be directed only to paddy. This is by far the most important commotutes nearly half of the total output of lso the only one regarding which is note are available.
ce, paddy and other food crops were ers and their families. If there was sumption requirements, it was either keeper for their other material requirader. The cultivation of food crops
Irvey of Landlessness. Department of Census and ave, if at all, changed for the worse since then.
of the data furnished by the First Indian Agricultural National Sample Survey, Dubey points out "that acres and operate 63.6% of the land area. "The it') and "the dominance of relatively large holdings tiew that increase in agricultural production would rdeveloped areas, but could be reflected in an ex
this scheme and their guaranteed prices see- (1) Staand Statistics and (2) Fonseka, J. V.-"Guaranteed ultural Economics, April/June 1963. (3) AdminiIrvices for 1964—65. p. kk. 60. or years 1959-1964. c.f. Annual Report of the tical Abstracts of Ceylon-1964. For the definition

Page 92
UNIVERSITY OF
in Ceylon thus belonged to a subsist economy. The G.P.S. gradually ch
The avowed object of the G.P. incentive to local production and producers. The scope of this note either a critical evaluation of this o its realization. The scope of the no responsiveness of the marketed sur of the guaranteed price and other r offered for it.
ΤΑ
PADDY PRODUCTION AND
Guaranteed Producti Price (Mil. Bushe YEAR
Rs. Cts.
(1)
47/48 8.00 18.7 48/49 23.1 49/50 22.0 50/51 9.00 (Aug.) 22.0 51/52 12.00 (Sept.) 28.9 52/53 12.00 21.9 53/54 s 31.1 54/55 92 35.7 55/56 92. 27.5 56/57 s 31.3 57/58 39 36.6 58/59 9s 36.4 59/60 33 43.0 60/61 53 43.2 61/62 93. 48.1
Note:- *The two paddy seasons run f
March to August (Yala). The 30th September are taken here,
f:- Bushel of Paddy-ap Source:-Administration Reports of the
Table I shows the production ar with its guaranteed price, for the pel the marketed surplus is shown by ti duction of paddy. The data regard records of purchases are maintaine of production, however, are not as direct estimates ofproduction but oi

CEYLON REVIEW
ance rather than an exchange or money anged this picture.
... for paddy has been to provide (I) an (ii) a measure of income support to precludes me from undertaking here bject or an assessment of the extent of te is limited to an examination of the lus of paddy to the upward revision elated incentives of a pecuniary nature,
BLE
PURCHASE UNDER THE G. P. S.
D1). Purchase Marketed ls)f Under G.P.S. Surplus
(Mil. Bushels)f (3)-
Percent of
(2) (2) of (1)
0.47 2.5
0.52 2.2
0.42 1.9
0.52 2.4
1.32 4.6
0.33 1.5
3.61 11.6 1341 37.5
9.73 35.4 13.26 42.4 16.27 44.4 16.64 45.7 20.84 48.5 22.40 51.9 27.04 56.2
rom about November to February (Maha) and from refore financial years running from 1st October to rather than calender years.
proximately 31.3 lbs. of rice. Commissioner of Agrarian Services.
d purchase under the G.P.S., of paddy, iod I947-148 to I9óI-'62. In this Table le percentage of purchase of total proing purchase are accurate since proper di at Government Stores. The data reliable, because they are not based on sample crop-cutting surveys. Never
90

Page 93
GUARANTEED
theless, by and large, they give a roug indicate the general trend of producti from the Table that the average annual has much exceeded the annual rate of during this period.*
The guaranteed price also has risen the same period. The per capita produ of both an increase in the physical pro the guaranteed price. How has the increase in per capita productivity?
From the inception of the G.P.S price of paddy was kept at Rs. 8 per b appear to have had any appreciable effe income. Consequently there was also ted surplus until '5o/SI. In 5o/SI, as ficant expansion in the marketed surp) total production. This could be attri of Re. I/- in the guaranteed price in A
The guaranteed price was raised fi I962. The production of paddy beg setback in 52/53 when there was a cr The marketed surplus increased nearly t nearly fivefold by '53/54.12 The subs responsible for this increase in the mar
The increase in both production : marked in 1954/55. The Commission the increase in the marketed surplus r the implementing organisation of the view, here too the pecuniary incenti to January 1955, ration books were from this time, they were issued to all rice was also reduced from 55 cents ti wards, in May, 1955.
* It is assumed that the labour force in paddy population.
12. The unusual drop in the marketed surplus a due to the crop failure and should be treated as extra
13. Fonseka, J. V. op. cit. - 14. Price order No. 234 of 20/5/55.

PRICE SCHEME
h order of magnitude and suffice to on within this period. It is evident increase in total production of paddy population growth of about 2.6%
from Rs. 8 to Rs. I 2 per bushel within 1ctivity has thus increased on account bduction per head as well as a rise in marketed surplus responded to this
... until August 195I, the guaranteed ushel. This price of Rs. 8/- does not :ct on either farm production or farm no significant increase in the markeshown in Table I, there was a signius, even without any increase in the buted, at least partly, to the increase ugust, I9SI.
rom Rs. 9/- to Rs. I2/- in September, gan to increase rapidly except for a op failure owing to a severe drought. Iwofold in I951/52 and had increased stantial price differential was mainly keted surplus.
and marketed surplus was once again er of Agrarian Services has attributed mainly to the improved efficiency in Guaranteed Price Scheme. 13 In my ve was the more predominant. Up not issued to paddy producers. As producers, and the price of rationed o So cents per measure14 soon after
| cultivation has not grown faster than the total
nd the reversal in the expected trend in 52/53 was neOuS.

Page 94
UNIVERSITY OF
The paddy producers could now sell their locally produced rice at 75 paddy works out to nearly 75 cts. the possibility of this new exchange measure of local rice was tantamoun local paddy. The influence of the from the much more marked increa actual production in 54/55 and 55/
In May, I 95615 the price of rati measure with the Guaranteed Price bushel. The relative price of local surplus increased from an average of average of 42% in the following rationed rice was reduced still furt marketed surplus increased to 45%, a the previous year was very significal duction in that year, however slight
In June I96o17 the price of rati measure, thereby doubling the 1955 production and marketed surplus be crease in marketed surplus was muc can be attributed to the rise in the re
The data presented in this no sant is responsive to price incent of a perverse relationship betw marketed surplus in agriculture, curve which is often attributed to
15. Price order No. 237 of 14/5/56. 16. Price order No. 267 of 2/6/58. 17. Price order No. 299 of 11/4/60. 18. De Silva, S. B. D.- Investment and Econ degree of Ph.D. of the London University. Acc paddy growing districts, of the proportion of out price with the trends in yields reveals an inverse improvements, the coefficent of correlation in 58significant, and when allowance is made for the ex often made in Ceylon estimates, the negative coef regarding the whole island and a number of years, one year and for a few districts which may have t

CEYLON REVIEW
r buy the rationed rice at so cents, and
cts. per measure (Rs. I2 per bushel of er measure ofrice). The creation of of I measures of imported rice to I t to an increase in the relative price of shange in the relative price is evident se in the marketed surplus than in the
56.
oned rice was reduced to 40 cents per of local paddy remaining at Rs. 12 per paddy rose further and the marketed 36% in the previous two years to an two years. In June '58, the price of her to 35 cents per measure.16 The s a result. The increase in '58/59 over it because of the decrease in total proit might have been.
oned rice was reduced to 25 cents per relative price of local paddy. Both gan to increase once again. The inh faster than that in production, and lative price of paddy.
te indicate that the Ceylonese peaives and that there is no evidence een per capita productivity and or of a backward-bending supply peasant economies like Ceylon. 18
mic Grouth in Ceylon: Thesis approved for the ording to him "a comparison in respect of 14 major put that was sold to Government at the guaranteed relationship between marketed surplus and yield 59 being -0.1'. A correlation coefficient of 0.1 is not aggeration in yields in particular districts, which is ficient may even turn positive. In any case, the data as I have given, are more reliable than the data for heir own peculiar characteristics. - -
92
سٹیجS

Page 95
GUARANTEED P
The Commissioner of Agrarian Service a direct relationship between price an minor food crops. “The impact oft to him, “could be seen from the sign red onions, potatoes, chillies and bo year'19. There is no reason to doubt capita productivity and paddy, the mo,
.T 19. In his Administration Report for 1964-65, p* ܗ ܓ
93

RICE SCHEME
as also has now come round to accept d marketed surplus with respect to he recent price increases, according ificant increases in the quantities of imbay onions purchased during the this same relationship between per st important food crop of Ceylon.
A. D. V. de S. INDRARATNA
ublished in August, 1966. p.kk, 61.

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Sarvastivada and it
A
HE question as to what cons
has engaged the attention of sc those who expressed divergen Buddhist scholar, Stcherbatsky, whi teachings represent the earliest form a philosophical Realism when it mai present and future, exist.2 This beir Stoherbatsky has endeavoured to give by quoting a stitra from the Samyukt himself advocated such a view.4 T found in the Agama version was not Stoherbatsky came to the conclusion vadins because it did not agree with
In the present paper We propos clusions reached by Stcherbatsky. In questions: (a) Does the sutra quote vada standpoint that “everything ex. vadins suppress this stitra, and if not, in the Pāli Nikāyas? Answers to ti whether the interpretation given by early Buddhism is acceptable or not.
(a) Does the sutra quoted by standpoint that “everything exists' (sarva
Notes indicated by letters are given ir 1. Sticherbatsky, T, I., The Central Co Word 'Dharma' (hereafter abbreviated as T. R. V. Murti seems to follow Stcherbatsk to be as old as Theravada, Central Philoso 2. A-pi-ta-mo-chi-she-lun (hereafter a translated by Hsüan Tsang, Taisho Shins) 29, p. 104c.
3. CC p. 4, n. 13. The reference, whic work by McGovern, is not very specific. It of the Samyukta Agama (TD vol. 2, p. 9 lb),
4. CC p. 4. 5. ibid., p. 4, n. 13.

s Theory of Sarvam
sti
:tituted the earliest form of Buddhism :holars for the last few decades. Among It views on this subject was the famous o held the view that the Sarvastivada of Buddhism.1 * This school advocated intained that “elements (dharma), past, ng one of the basic tenets of this school, : authority of antiquity to this teaching a Agama and showing that the Buddha his stitra in the form in which it was traced in the Pali Nikāyas and therefore that it was suppressed by the Theratheir particular tenets.
e to examine the validity of the condoing so we may have to answer two d by Stcherbatsky justify the Sarvastiists (sarvan asti)? (b) Did the Therahow are we to account for its absence nese questions would enable us to see Steherbatsky regarding the nature of
Stcherbatsky justify the Sarvastivada Im ast) ?
1 the appendix at the end of the article. inception of Buddhism and the Meaning of the CC), (Third edition, Calcutta, 1961), p. 2. y when he said ''The Sarvastivada, can claim phy of Buddhism (London, 1960), p. 67. bbreviated CSL) (= Abhidharmakosa-šastra), vu, Daizokyo (hereafter abbreviated TD), vol.
h appears to have been taken from an earlier seems to be the 17th slitra of the 13th fascicle
94

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SARVÄSTIVĀDA AND ITS TI
The following is a full translation
Thus have I heard. Once th the monastery of Anathapindika time there was a brahmin named where the Buddha was and greeted he sat on a side and addressed the say “everything exists. What is th The Buddha spoke to the brahmin you. Brahmin, you may reply does the eye exist?'. He replie (The Buddha continued) “Brahmi forme, there is visual conscio Depending on visual contact wou neutral, arise?. “Yes, Sramana of the ear, nose, tongue, body anc stioned further (lit. elaborated) experience (fei ching chieh")'6. W discourse, the brahmin was very seat he left.7
Stcherbatsky points out that the himself is supposed to have put forwar
I wasa discussion with the Ajivikas, wł
deeds upon our destinics, since they unfortunately we have not been able to in the sutra referred to above. The in (po lo men") named Sheng-wen about nothing from the introductory portic doubt, the Chinese rendering of Januss in the other sūtras of the Chinese Ag parts. 10 Janussoni was a mahasalabrahi such as Cańkī, Tārukkha, Pokkharasāt of the Buddha, of whom he was a gre;
6. The phrase fei ching chieh occurs in Sūtra (TD vol. 16, p. 524a) and the Sanskrit te: reads a visaya (p. 49).
7. I am thankful to my colleague, Dr.W translation.
8. CC p. 4. 9. Akanuma, Chizen, Indo-Bukkyo Koyu) 10. bid., sometimes referred to as Sheng
11. Malalasekera, G. P., Dictionary of Pā p. 950.
9S

HEORY OF SARVAM ASTI
of the sutra quoted by Stoherbatsky.
e Buddha was living at Sravasti, in situated in the Jeta grove. At that Sheng-wena. He came to the place him. Having greeted the Buddha, Buddha thus: “Gautama, (people) he meaning of 'everything exists'?". Sheng-wen: “Now I will question as you like. What do you think, d: “Sramaņa Gautama, it exists.” ), (in the same way) there is material usness, there is visual contact. ld feelings, pleasant, unpleasant or Gautama'. “The same can be said mind. But if this were to be quethen it goes beyond the sphere of
hen the Buddha had delivered this pleased and having got up from his
occasion upon which the Buddha l the watchword “everything exists' no flatly denied the influence cf past
were past and non-existent. But trace any references to the Ajivikas terlocutor in the sutra was a brahmin
whose views we can gather almost on of this stitra. Sheng-wen is, no oni,9 for we find this name occuring amas which have their Pāli countermin, ranking with eminent brahmins i and Todeyya. He was a follower at admirer.11
he Chinese translation of the Lakóivatdra, xt (ed. Bunyiu Nanjio, Kyoto, 1956 reprint)
. Pachow for his suggestions regarding this
neishi Jiten, pp. 240b-24 lb.
-lo. 'i Proper Names, (London, 1937-1938), vol.

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UNIVERSITY OF
Moreover, this stitra should be in the Samyukta Agama, one which it. These three sutras seem to have evident from the three questions p garding the meaning of -
(1) “Everything” (i ch'ieh'= sa (2) “Everything exists” (i ch’ie (3) “Every dharma” (i ch'ieh fa
It is interesting to note that the in the Pali Nikayas. Here it is calle Samyutta Nikāya. 14 Following art SulltraS.
Agama Version
Thus have I heard. Once the Buddha was staying in the country of Sravasti, in the monastery of Anathapindika situated in the Jeta grove. At that time there was a brahmin named Sheng-wen who came to the place where the Buddha was and greeted the Buddha. Having greeted the Buddha he sat on a side and addressed the Buddha thus : “Gautama, (people) speak of “everything. What is the meaning of “everything?” The Buddha addressed the brahmin: “Everything means the twelve ayatanas. Eye, material form, car, sound, nose, odour, tongue, taste, body, tangibles, mind and concepts. These are called “everything. Again, there may be those who say that this is not 'every
12. Samyukta Agama, 13. 16 (T.D. vol.
13. ibid., 13. 18 (TD. vol. 2, p. 91b). 14. Samyutta, Nokāya (PTS), vol. 4, p.

CEYLON REVIEW
examined along with two other sutras recedes 12 and the other which follows 13 been placed in a particular order, as is
osed in them. The questions are re--.
ovam), (Sutra No. I), h yu'= sarvan asti), (Sütra No. 2), *= sarva dharma), (Sũtra No. 3).
'quivalent of Sutra No. 1 is to be found d the Sabba Sutta and is included in the the English translations of these two
s
thing. (They may say) That which the Sramana Gautama describes as everything, I will give up and proclaim another everything. Always there could be such a theory. But, if questioned (he) would not know. It increases doubt and confusion. Why? Because it is beyond the sphere of experience.” The brahmin Shen-wen listened to what the Buddha said and being pleased,
Went a Way.
Nikāya Version
Thus have I heard. Once the Buddha was staying at Savatthi, in the monastery of Anathapindika in the Jeta grove. Then the Exalted One addressed the monks: “O monks!" They responded: “Yes, O Lord!' and the Exalted One
2, p. 91a-b).
15.
96

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SARVĀSTIVĀDA AND ITS TI
spoke thus: “I will preach to you 'everything. Listen to it. What, monks, is “everything? Eye and material form, ear and sound, nose and odour, tongue and taste, body and tangible, mind and concepts. These are called “everything. Monks, he who would say, 'I will reject this
The close similarity between these As far as the contents are concerned, ti variation can be noticed only with reg tents. The fact that this stitra is comm to its high antiquity. But it has not sūtras in the Pāli Nikāyas.
Stcherbatsky points out that “wh by the words “everything exists, he exists' means that the twelve ayatanas ( has confused the contents of the first t one which discusses the meaning of “e other which discusses the meaning of “e atthi). It is only in Sutra No. I that mentioned, but not in Sitra No. 2 w Stcherbatsky. Thus instead of a sta means the twelve ayatanas exist', we means the twelve ayatanas'. In Stitra ayatanas can be had only by implicati follows from Sitra No. I. If we care that it refers not only to the twelve a consciousness as well as contact and fee
Stcherbatsky argues: “Now the the many classifications of the elemen The Sarvastivadin school admitted elements were called dharmas'.16 He the word sabba seems to have been use not mean “everything' but every item
15. CO p. 4.
16, ibid., pp. 4-5. $ 17. ibid., p. 4, n. 13.
97

HEORY OF SARVAM ASTI
everything and proclaim another everything he may certainly have a theory (of his own). But when questioned he would not be able to answer and would be subject to vexation. Why? Because it would be beyond the sphere of experience (avisayasmin).”
two versions cannot fail to strike us. here is hardly any difference. Any gard to time description of these conon to both traditions seems to point been possible to trace the other two
en pressed to say what was meant (the Buddha) answered “everything xist". Is It seems that Stcherbatsky wo sütras in the Samyukta Āgama, verything (i ch'ieh= sabban) and the verything exists (ichieh yu = sabban the twelve ayatanas are specifically nich is actually the one quoted by tement such as “everything exists have the statement that “everything No. 2, the reference to the twelve on, especially because the argument 'fully examine Sitra No. 2, we find yatanas, but also to the six forms of
lings.
twelve ayatanas are merely one of ts of existence of matter and mind. seventy-five such elements. These maintains that even in their school d rather like a technical term. It did of the Buddhist table of elements. 17

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UNIVERSITY OF
But considering the antiquity of the and the Agamas, it would be difficul to the table of elements which was o Abhidhamma. -
Furthermore, if the Sarvastivada asti) is to be interpreted as only imply these three sūtras in the Samyukta Ā a theory. But the Sarvastivada the are two more important aspects of th Firstly, the Sarvastivadins admitted mate nature (svabhava) in dharmas as take place in the dharmas which the When the Sarvastivadins said that “e eternal substratum (dravya) or the ull Secondly, their existence (astitva) is n ultimate nature (svabhava) of dharmas of time, past, present and future.20 problems on which the Sarvastivac schools, and also the doctrines which
Let us see whether these two i theory are set out in the sutras quO sitras, “everything means the “twelv out in the sūtra that if there was a qui beyond these twelve ayatanas, then t isbeyond the sphere of experience (s. statement of the empirical attitude the answer which seems to be the Steherbatsky. It seems to reject th wanted to prove, namely, the existe of a phenomenon as opposed to its pe empiricism of carly Buddhism is furt In reply to the question as to what Buddha replied that the sense organs a on which arise consciousness and con
18. Tattvasamgraha-paijikdi, edited by (Gaekwad Oriental Series, vol. 30), pp. 504
19. CSIL, 20 (TD vol. 29, p. 104b-c). 20, bid.

CEYLON REVIEW
Sabba Sutta, found both in the Nikayas t to maintain that the term sabba refers nly presented during the period of the
theory that “everything exists' (sarvan ing that the twelve ayatanas exist, then gama may be taken as justifying such pry does not mean this alone. There is theory which cannot be overlooked. an eternal substratum (dravya) or ultiopposed to the perceptible changes that y termed characteristics (laksana), etc.18 verything exists', they meant that the timate nature (svabhäva) exists (asti).19 ot confined to the present alone. The is said to exist during the three periods These, no doubt, are the two main la differed from the other Buddhist distinguish it from early Buddhism.
important aspects of the Sarvastivada ited. According to the first of these fe ayatanas. But it has been pointed testion as to whether there is anything he reply would be that any such thing Piching chieh'= avisaya). This is a clear of early Buddhism. The last part of most significant has been ignored by he very idea that the Sarvastivadins ince of an ultimate nature (svabhava) rceptible characteristics (laksana). The ther elaborated in the other two stitras. i is meant by “everything exists, the ind the sensible objects exist, depending tact. According to this analysis, what
E. Krishnamacharya, (Baroda, 1926), vol. 1 -505.
శ్లో
98

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SARVĀSTIVĀDA AND ITS TE
is meant by “everything and “every d term 'sense-datum'. It is clearly impli data to describe the nature of the phenc
Moreover, it is difficult to see in
Sarvastivada theory that dharmas, past, is said that “everything means the “twel that the twelve ayatanas, past, presental would have expected to find. Here th future, and for that matter, to any conce Buddhism, there is no denial of present namely, the sense organs and the sense o have any substance (svabhava). This is that any inquiry which goes beyond sen of experience. It seems that even wi recognised in Buddhism, it is not poss. stratum which the Sarvastivada thinker According to early Buddhism, the nonbe better seen by the development of th 'elements (dharma) which, as Stcherbal to be ultimate realities by the Sarvast and are without substance (svabhava).
Buddhism, the elements (dhamma, f (anatta, wu wo").23 Such an explanati of attributing originality to the Mahay a theory of the non-substantiality of “el although Stcherbatsky has quoted these
theory, they in fact render baseless the
The Sarvastivada theory that ev. exist, may be contradicted by another the Agamas.25 According to the analy
21. Theragäthä, v. 678; Dhammapada, v. 2 Sabbe dhammā anattā’ti yadā pa. Atha nibbindati dukkhe esa maggo 22. CUC' p. 62. 23. Majjhima, Nikấya, vol. 1, p. 228; Sam! 47ìguttara, Nikāya, vol. 1, p. 286, etc.; Samyu.] Ekottara Agama, 23.4, (TD. vol. 2, p. 668c); Di
24. Murti, T. R. W., The Central Philosop Conception of Buddhist Nirvana, (Leningrad, I 25. Samyutta, Nokấya, vol. 3, pp. 70-73; Sc sa). Cp. Jayatilleke, K. N., Early Buddhist T.
99

(EORY OF SARVAM ASTI
harma may be summed up by the 'd that one cannot go beyond sense menal world.
these three stitras any basis for the present and future, exist. When it ve ayatanas there is no implication d future, exist, as the Sarvastivadins ere is no reference to the past and ption of time. According to early ense data and therefore their causes, bjects. What is denied is that these clearly expressed by the statement se data would be beyond the sphere th the higher forms of experience ble to observe any permanent subs would posit in any phenomenon. substantiality of phenomena would e extrasensory faculties.21 Thus the isky points out,22 were considered (vadins, are reducible to sense-data This is the reason why in early t") are said to be non-substantial on would demonstrate the futility ana as a philosophy which upholds ements (dharmanairatmya).24 Thus, sitras in support of the Sarvastivada Sarvästivada theory of sarvan asti.
Brything, past, present and future sutra included in the Nikayas and sis found in this slitra, the Sarvasti
79, iñāya, passati,
visuddhiyā.
utta, Nikāya, vol. 3, p. 133, vol. 4, p. 401; ta Agama, 10.7, (T.D. vol.2, pp. 66b-67a); rgha Agama, l. l., (T.D. vol. l., p. 9b). ty of Buddhism, p. 26; Steherbatsky, The 927), p. 41. myukta Agama, 10. 5, (T.D. vol. 2, pp. 65cheory of Knowledge, (London, 1963) p. 316.

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UNIVERSITY OF
vada theory may be taken as an
linguistic convention, and in fact
refutation of the Sarvastivada theori runs thus: “There are these threel or terms, which are distinct, have
the present and will be distinct in t the recluses and brahmins who
material form (rūpa) thcre has ben and has changed is called, reckoned reckoned as “exists (atthi) nor as repeated with regard to the other form (rūpa) is not arisen, has not co will be (bhavissati) and is not recko ... Whatever material form (rupa) called, reckoned or termed as “exists (ahosi) nor as “will be (bhavissati) found in the Sabba Sutta, should have to avoid the mistake of maintainin (svabhava) exist during the past, pre:
(b) Did the Theravādins suppress t “everything exists” (i.e., Sütra No. 2) absence in the Pali Nikāyas?
As pointed out earlier, Stcherb suppressed this stitra because it did On the contrary, we have, shown quite in conformity with the teachi in fact, represent a refutation of the
Akanuma Chizen, in his very identifying this sitra with any one c is because the Nikayas contain no s version in all the details. It may b Pāli Nikāyas which discuss the prob Both occur in the Nidana Samyutta (
26. Kathavatthu, vol. 1, pp. 140-141. 27. Samyutta, Nikāya, vol. 3, pp. 71-73 28. The Comparative Catalogue of Chin 29, ibid., p. 46. 30. Samyutta, Nikāya, vol. 2, pp. 16-1'

CEYLON REVIEW
instance of overstepping the limits of the Kathavatthu quotes this stitra in its 7.26 The description in the Pāli version,
nguistic conventions or usages of words.
peen distinct in the past, are distinct in
he future, and which are not ignored by
are wise. Which three? Whatever which has ceased to be, which is past and termed has been (ahosi); it is not will be (bhavissati). ... (The same is
four aggregates). Whatever material me to be, is called, reckoned or termed ned as “exists (atthi) or “has been (ahosi). has come to be, has manifested itself is (atthi) and is not reckoned as has been ".27 This statement, along with that served as warning for the Sarvastivadins g that dharmas in their ultimate nature ent and future.
his siltras which discusses the problem of
and if not, how are we to account for its
atsky opines that the Theravadins have
not agree with their particular tenets. that the contents of these sutras are
ngs in the early Nikayas and that they, Sarvāstivāda theory of sarvan asti.
aluable catalogue,28 has refrained from if the sūtras in the Pāli Nikāyas. 29 This titra which corresponds to the Chinese e noted that there are two sutras in the lem of everything exists' (sabban atthi). of the Samyutta Nikaya. 30 Of these, the
ese Agamas and Pali Nikáyas, (Nagoya, 1929).
; 76-77. సి
IOO

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SARVASTIVADA AND ITS TH
first is called the Kaccayanagotta Sutta and in the history of Buddhist thought.31 I the Buddha considered as extreme view 'everything exists' (sabban atthi) and th thing does not exist (sabban natthi).31 of this stitra is to be found in the twelfth and therefore presents no problem. which, like the Kaccayanagotta Sutta, r Here too, as in the Kaccayanagotta Sutta been made use of to reject the two extre
Although the Janussoni Sutta does n by Stcherbatsky in all its details, yet w justify a comparison of these two sutras. not preserved a sutra which correspond Secondly, the interlocutor in the Chinese from whom the Pali version derives its in occurs in the thirteenth fascicle of the corresponds to the Nidana Samyuttain v
The main difference between the P the former refers to two non-Buddhist exists (sabban atthi) and that “everythi while the latter refers only to the theory Now, the theory that “everything exists' version is, as the commentator has righ ward by the Eternalist (of the Vedic trad “everything does not exist (sabban na Materialist. This may be the reason w several stitras from the Nikayas in its re of sarvam asti, does not refer to this stitra gotta Sutta, although both of these stitra of the problem of “everything exists."
31. The Kaccayanagotta Sutta, which discuss extremes of sabbam atthi and sabban natthi, is r Nikaya itself (vol. 3, pp. 134-135), and quoted commentary on Abhidharmadipa, ed. by P. S. as by the Madhyamikas (Madhyamaka-karikd, Vallée Poussin, Bibliotheca Buddhica, vol. 4, P 3la. Here we are giving only a literal transla 32. Samyukta Agama, 12. 19 (TD. vol. 2, p .76-77 .Samyutta Nokāya, vol. 2, pp .3قی 34. Sārathappakāsnī (Samuta-atthakath
TOT

EORY OR SARVAM ASTI
has occupied a very important place t discusses two main theories which is, namely, the eternalist view that e annihilationist view that “everyThe Chinese or the Agama version Il fascicle of the Samyukta Āgama, 32 The other is the Janussoni Sutta efers to the two extreme views.33 1, the argument from causality has
inneS.
ot correspond with the suitra quoted e find several factors which would Firstly, the Chinese Agamas have is exactly with the Janussoni Sutta. version is Sheng-wen (= Jāņussoņi) ame. Thirdly, the Chinese version Samyukta Agama which roughly which the Janussoni Sutta is included.
'ali and the Chinese versions is that theories, namely, that “everything ng does not exist (sabbam n'atthi), that “everything exists (ichieh yu). (sabban atthị) mentioned in the Pali tly remarked,34 the theory put forition), as opposed to the theory that thi) which was advocated by the thy the Kathavatthu, while quoting 'futation of the Sarvastivada theory or even the oft-quoted Kaccayanas include discussions and refutations
es the “middle path” between the two 2ferred to in another sutta of the Samyutta by the Sarvāstivādins (Vibhāṣāprabhāvirtti, Jaini, Darbhanga, 1963, p. 270) as well
15. 7; Madhyamika-vrtti, ed. by L. De la etersbourg, 1913, p. 269). tion of the phrase Sabban natthi p. 85c-86a).
d), vol. 2, p. 76.

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UNIVERSITY O)
If we are to see any relations Chinese version quoted by Stoherb the latter leaves out the Materialist lysis of the Theravāda canon wou atthi denoted different theories at c as is evident from the Nikayas, the theories (sassata-dithi) accepted b brahmana) beyond the pale of Bu dhamma, we find the phrase being the Sabbathivadins (= Sarvastivad rialist theory of sabban natthi was later Buddhists of the Theravada former. The theory that “everyth the Eternalists of the Vedic tradi argued that everything in this wo. panna).36 But, for the later Bud some of their own adherents, nam mountable difficulties. The argui adduced to reject the eternalist the not have been effectively used becat causality.37 The best and the mo, was therefore the argument from Sabba Sutta. Hence, the later Bul problem of “everything exists” (sal theory that “everything does not Janussoni Sutta on the model of the this definition of sarvam (ichieh) a of the Agamas seem to have compi of sarvadharma (i ch’ieh fa), using Sutta and placed them in that parti
If this surmise is correct, then i Sutta of the Samyutta Nikaya wal by Stcherbatsky from the Chinese atthi) in the Pāli Nikāyas represent found in the Chinese Agamas and
35. Kathâvatthu, vol. 1, p. 115 ff. 36. Samyutta, Nikāya, vol. 2, pp. 17,
37. Yet we find the Madhyamikas u Sarvastivada conception of svabhava, M p. 259 ff.

F CEYLON REVIEW
hip between the Janussoni Sutta and the atsky, then we may have to explain why theory from its discussion. A careful anaild reveal the fact that the phrase sabbamı lifferent periods. In the earliest period, phrase was used to denote the eternalist y the recluses and brahmins (samanaddhism. But in the Theravada Abhiused to denote a heresy advocated by ins).35 Its antithesis, namely, the Matenot even referred to. Thus we find the
tradition paying more attention to the ing exists' (sabban atthi) put forward by
tion was rejected by the Buddha who rld is causally conditioned (paticcasamuphists, a similar theory put forward by Lely, the Sarvāstivādins, presented insurment from causality, which was earlier bory of the non-Buddhist thinkers, may ise the Sarvastivadins themselves accepted st effective argument against this theory
empiricism and this they found in the ddhists seem to have taken up only the ban atthi) leaving out its antithesis, the
exist (sabham n'athi), and recast the : Sabba Sutta. Not being satisfied with ind sarvan asti (i ch'ieh yul) the custodians led another stitra defining the conception the same argument found in the Sabba cular order.
t is possible to maintain that the Janussoni s a distant precursor of the stitra quoted Agamas, and also that the phrase (sabban an earlier and more archaic use that that the Therivada Abhidhamma. Instances
76. sing the argument from causality to refute the âdhyamaka-kârikâ, 15. Il ff. ; Mâdhyamika-orti,
IO2

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SARVASTIVADA AND ITS T
are not wanting where the Agama discussions which are comparatively || them in the Abhidhamma. A very ni fact is the Vibhainga Sūtra of the Samyuk of this sutra defines ignorance (avija) Truths,39 the Agama version gives a m details, according to the Theravadins, (abhidhamma-pariyaya) rather than to yaya).40 Thus we find material whic but which are part and parcel of the The in the Chinese Agamas.
According to the available histor from the main Sthavira tradition duri main reasons being the criticism and 1 theory that everything exists' (sabban scriptures were introduced into Ceylor But during the period after the third ce powerful in Northern India and the to them had to contend with the doc the Sarvastivadins. The extant Aga preserved by some of these schools whi vada school. If so, they would have c pretation of the problem of “everythi be attributed to the Buddha himself
38. 12.16, (TD. vol. 2, p. 85a-b). This vers place as is evident from the several versior Tibetan. The Buddhist Sanskrit version w Samyukta discovered in the caves of Turfar dzuvanzig Sütras des Nidânasamyukta, Berlin, from Nalanda (edited by N. P. Chakravart a fragmentary portion of the sutra was also fol temple near Tunghuan in China, see Sino-In the Chinese version included in the Samyul by Hsuan Tsang called Yüan-chi-ching, (TD tructed the Sanskrit version from the Tibeta p. 21 ff.
39. Samyutta Nokảya, vol. 2, pp. 2-4; Vol Nipata, v. 724; and the same definition is tol Agama ‘46.5, (T.D. vol. 2, p. 797b).
40. Sanmohavi nodamā (Vibhagathakati 41. Kathdvathu, vol. 1, p. 115.
42. Clark, W. E., Some Problems in the istory, in Harvard Theological Review, vol

HEORY OF SARVAM ASTI
tradition included within the stitras ate, while the Theravadins included interesting example illustrating this ta Agama.38 While the Pali version as the ignorance of the four Noble ore detailed definition and these very belong to the Abhidhamma tradition the Suttanta tradition (suttanta-purih are not found in the Pāli Nikāyas ravada Abhidhamma, beingincluded
ical records, the Sarvastivadins ceded ng the third century B.C., one of the rejection by the Sthaviravadins of the I atthi). 41 After this, the Theravada 1 and developed in relative isolation.42 ntury, the Sarvastivadins became very other schools which were opposed trinal interpretations put forward by mas are believed to be the versions ch were opposed to the main Sarvastiertainly felt the need to give an intering exists” (sabbam atthi) which could Moreover, if the stitra quoted by
sion seems to have occupied a very important is found in Buddhist Sanskrit, Chinese and as found in the manuscript of the Nidana (edited by Chandrabhal Tripathi, Fünfun
1962, pp. 42-43) and two brick inscriptions i, Epigraphia Indica, vol. 21, pp. 179-199); und inscribedin adhwaja-pillar in the Minchou dian Studies, vol. 1, p. 19 f. In addition to ita Agama, there is yet another translation ... vol. 2, p. 547b f.). N. A. Sastri has reconsn, see Arya Sālistamba Sūtra, (Adyar, 1950),
. 5, p. 439; Dĩgha Nikāya, vol. 2, p. 90; Sutta be found in the Agama version at Ekottara
(i), p. 138.
Criticism of the Sources of Early Buddhist 23, 1930, p. 132.
(O3

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UNIVERSITY OF
Stcherbatsky was in existence at th there was no reason why it was not väda theory of sarvan asti.
Thus we may arrive at the fol quoted by Stcherbatsky does not su asti, and if it did, then the Sarvastiv: support of their standpoint. On th their crude Realism. Secondly, thi Janussoni Sutta, was recast on the mo the Sarvastivada theory became a 1 Thirdly, the Realism of Sarvāstivad asti does not represent the earliest f early sũtra literature. The emph: denial of any substance (atta = swab, puts it, thing-in-itself.' (svo bhavo) Realism giving a phenomenalistic ir
43. Madhyamika-ertti, р. 260.

CEYLON REVIEW
e time the Kathavatthu was compiled, quoted in the refutation of the Sarvasti
owing conclusions. Firstly, the sutra port the Sarvastivada theory of sarvam dins would have certainly quoted it in e contrary, it serves as a refutation of s stitra which has its precursor in the del of the Sabba Sutta at a time when ather popular and widespread heresy. a as expressed in the theory of sarvan orm of Buddhism as contained in the isis on sense data coupled with the hava) or, as a later Buddhist thinker 43 makes early Buddhism a form of terpretation.
D. J. KALUPAHANA.

Page 107
SARVĀSTIVĀDA AND ITS TE
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HEORY OF SARVAM ASTI
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Page 108
Tradition in Ea
to write the history of early
successful in tracing historica literary traditions in the Sangam interested in this field of study the hi periods continues to be a problem. life of a race generally indicates conti is no evidence to prove that there w cultural history of the Tamils at an diately preceding the Pallava occup a dark age in the political history can assume that in literary history to until this continuity in the literary ment traced historically, the literary written, as it has been done in the countries. I wish to point out in t will have to face in reconstructing period. The difficulties will be still cally the development of the literar
LTHOUGH many scholars wi
It is generally believed that th belong to the Sangam period, which about three centuries. With the hel kaaram of Tholkaappiyam which is a we will have to work out the grow the early centuries of the Christian political history of the Tamils had literature, too, which had the life of would have undergone many chang Tamils, which had its origin in the the days of the Sangam, could not period, which, as stated above, lasted fore, its growth and the various sta worked out with the help of the v The main task of those interested in the anthologies but also the poems in

Irly Tamil Poetry
thin the last fifty years have attempted Tamil literature, none has so far been lly the growth and development of and post-Sangam periods. To those story of the Tamil poetry of these early
Continuity in the social and cultural nuity in its literary history also. There as any radical change in the social and y time even though the period immeation of the South is considered to be of the Tamil country. Therefore, we othere would have been continuity and tradition is established and its develophis ory of the early periods cannot be case of the literature of the European his article some of the difficulties one
the literary history of the Sangam greater when one tries to trace historiy tradition in the post-Sangam period.
e eight anthologies and the ten Idylls is said to have extended over a period of p of these works and of the Porulhathirepository of the early poetic traditions, 7th of the tradition of Tamil poetry in era. In this period, during which the gone through many vicissitudes, the the people as its source and inspiration, ges. The literary tradition of the early works that were produced long before have been static during the Sangam for more than three centuries. Thereges of its development will have to be vorks that have been preserved for us. this field of study is to arrange not only these anthologies in their chronological
IO6

Page 109
TRADITION IN EAE
order. Many a scholar has attempted has so far succeeded because every C genuine work of the Sangam period of the work as genuine historical data history of the Sangam period. On who depends mainly on the pathika otherwise interesting work, The Chr. study of the language and the cont would have revealed to scholars th: Sangam period and that Kapilar, Pa. period did not compose the poems
written during a later period to eulog supposed to have lived during the S fifty words and phrases in the poems the poems of the Sangam poets or, 1. poets who were supposed to have
anthology. Here are a few of them:
மனுலக் கலவை 121) நனையமைகள் nhar நூலாக்கலிங்கம் nhu தொறுத்த (வயல்) thotu வெய்துறவு veith பைதிரம் paith பத்தல் path LIDIT GAGuLi ri haa பாகுடி paak பரிவேட்பு pari வழியடை vazh மூயின 11 Ulu ஒலித்தலை olith குலை kula ஆநியம் aanh இளை ilhai (பரவா) வூங்கு (par பதப்பர் path வையாமாலையர் வசையுநர் vaiy படலம் paT வெவ்வர் VeᏙ" கண்டி kaN
செங்குணக்கு Cen:

LY TAMIL POETRY
to do this preliminary work but none ne has taken Pathittuppaththu to be a and the details found in the pathikam for the reconstruction of the political i such scholar is K. N. Sivarajapillai, in of Puthittuppaththu for writing his nology of the Early Tamils. A critical ints of the poems in Pathittuppaththu it it was not a genuine work of the raNar and other poets of the Sangam in the work. It is definitely a work ize some of the Chera kings who were angam period. There are more than of this work which are not found in hore importantly, in the poems of the composed some of the “tens in the
T kulNakku
aalakkalavai (Poem II) Laiyamaikalh ( . 12) laakkalingkam ( , 12) 1ththa (vayal) ( , 13) ll1taVll ( , Is) hiram ( , 19) thal ( , 19) Ciliiyar ( , 20) uTi ( , 2I) veeTpu ( , 2.1) iyaTai ( , 22) yina ( , 22) thalai ( , 22) i ( , 24) iyam ( , 24) ( , 28) vaa) vuungku ( , 29) арpar ( , 3O) amaalayar vacaiyunhar ( , 32) alam ( , 39) 721 ( ) ( ) (
s
2
S
O)
о7

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UNIVERSITY OF
இரை இய iraii) நளிந்தனை nhall கட்டளை வலிப்ப kaT ஆரிறை aarit. குவவுக் குரை kuva முத்தை muth
Even those who are not very familia will not fail to note in the poems oft genuine feeling which we find in th A critical analysis of the content oft clear the artificiality with which m described. The contradictory nature is a clear proof that it cannot be rel reconstruction of the history of the will have to be excluded from consid political and literary history of the Sa
Kaliththokai, which is considere depended upon for the reconstructio period, though some useful informati growth of the akani tradition (theme of forms in the Sangan) and the Post-Sa this anthology are ascribed to five po the Sangam period. When one mak anthology, and notes the metrical for and cultural background in which th agree with Nachchinaarkkiniar who s composed by various poets over a lo Nallanhthuvanaar, a poetwho lived lo a few of the poems appear to belong t and tradition, the majority of them moved from the Sangam period. T of the kali rhythm—its origin in th rhythm, its development into the c urazhkali, until its disintegration later and viruththan, which came into exist period-could all be traced with the These poems which exhibit these varic been composed within the limits of th kali metre, oththaazhicaikkali appears,
(

CEYLON REVIEW
a ( , 52) inhthanai ( , S2) alhai valippa ( , 81) i ( , 82) vukkurai ( , 84) thai ( , 85)
with the work of the Sangam poets lis work a lack of the sincerity and the e compositions of the Sangam poets. he poems in the anthology will make artial incidents and other details are of statements found in certain poems ied upon as a source of data for the early Tamils. Therefore, this work eration when we attempt to trace the ingam period.
to be a Sangam work, cannot be n of the literary history of this early on can be gleaned from it to trace the love) and the development of metrical ngam periods. The five divisions of ets of whom at least two belonged to es a critical study of the poems in this ms employed in them, and the social ey were produced, one is tempted to tates that the poems in it (which were ng period of time) were compiled by ng after the Sangam period. Although the Sangam period both in language reflect the culture of a period far rehe various stages in the development e venba, its appearance as a distinct omplicated form of kochchakam and nto the Smaller units thutai, thalazhicai, 2nce at the beginning of the Pallava help of the poems in this anthology.
us stages could not, therefore, have all : Sangam period. Of all the forms of from the larg number collected into
8

Page 111
TRADITION IN EARL
this anthology, to be the most popula and its simplicity of form, and in these early lyrical ballads of the West. The
poems in the order of their metrical dev development of the literary tradition
be traced; it would by no means, he poetry during the Sangan) period.
The anthology Paripaa TTu will in the Sangam period. Like kali, it d considered to be as suitable as that rhy love in akan poetry. Since all the pc able today, the evolution of its form fr it reached in its development cannot b of the kali metre. However, three stag delineated with the help of the existi which it was made use of for love the on Vaikai; the second stage, during wil for the expression of divine love whil communication of human love, can Murugan and Thirumaal; the third an devotional in nature, can be seen in sc bably have been composed at a time w
ning to be felt in the Tamil land in the 6
when it reached the highest stage in as the highest form of kali. From the therefore, it had become less useful a of the feeling of bhakti or devotion to saints of the Pallava period had to e1 priate forms, viruththam and thutai, in th to presume that the genesis of the metr lopment through the three stages desc two centuries and that the period in closer to the Pallava period than to that this anthology too would not be literary history of the Sangam period.
Let us now consider the other Kutunthoki, and Akamaa nuutu to see w the development of the literary tradi šírce anthologies exhibit a single pa
IO

Y TAMIL POETRY
ir on account of its dramatic nature respects it may be compared to the arrangement of these and other kali elopment would enable the historical during the Post-Sangam period to wever, reveal the history of Tamil
no way reveal the literary history of eveloped from the venba and was thm for the expression of themes of ems in the anthology are not availom its beginning to the highest point e traced with certainty as in the case ges in its development can be roughly ng poems. The first stage, during mes only, can be seen in the poems hich it began to be used as a medium 2 continuing to be a medium for the be seen in some of the poems on d last stage, during which it was fully me of the poems which would prothen the bhakti movement was beginthCentury. The form of paripaa TTu, its development, was as complicated : point of view of the common man, s a medium for the communication God. Hence the Saiva and Vaisnava mploy the simpler and more approleir pethikams. It would not be wrong ical form of paripcia TTu and its deveribed above would have taken at least which it developed would have been the Sangam period. It is thus clear of any help to us in ascertaining the
akam anthologies, namely NhattiNai, hether they are of any use in tracing tions of the Sangam period. These ttern in organisation, which is that
9

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UNIVERSITY OF
poems in akaval metre are grouped according to the length of the poem: different scholars at different times, t according to the poetic conventions o which is one of the rasic rhythms e developed from its simplest form to MaNimeekalai during the course of a under discussion contain poems exhit lopment of this rhythm. Unlike Akanaanuutu, the last of the three to poems that illustrate its earliest patte the I2OO poems in the three antholog were all composed at a certain period cular stage in the development of T hypothesis, when examined in the lig given under the poems in Putanaanuut The poems can be grouped broadly exhibiting the conventions and tradit cessive periods in the Sangam age. Ol one could be traced fairly accurately that are available in Putnaanuutu an akaval anthologies referred to above.
Before going into the problem vailed during the time of this one ge be said with regard to the manner i Poems composed by more than a hun of the Tamil country have been as different scholars. Would it have b have gone to distant places in search were not many facilities for travelli poems that were suitable for their an be collected later by others who com probable that these scholars would throughout the length and breadth o poems of a certain length and left the that poems that were found in various in one place by the efforts of scholars these collections were made use of compile these anthologies. There h

CEYLON REVIEW
into four hundred in each of them s. Although they were compiled by hey all contain mainly poems written if a particular period of time. Akaval imployed in early Tamil poetry, had
the highly developed form it has in few centuries. The three anthologi piting the different stages in the deveNhattiNai and kutunthokai, however, be compiled, does not contain any }rns. It is generally believed that all ties are of the same pattern, that these of time and that they exhibit a partiamil poetry in the early days. This ght of the colophons and other details u, does not appear to be quite correct. inder three heads on the basis of their tions that prevailed during three sucthese three periods at least the middle I with the help of the historical data d in some of the poems of the three
of ascertaining the tradition that preneration of poets, a word will have to n which these poems were collected. dred poets who lived in different parts sembled together in these works by been likely that these scholars would of these poems at a time when there ng and to have collected only those thologies, leaving the other poems to piled the other anthologies? It is not have gone to distant places scattered f the Tamil country and selected only rest. Therefore, it could be presumed places were all collected and preserved and kings interested in them and that by scholars during a later period to as been difference of opinion among
DIO

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TRADITION IN EARL
scholars as to which akuin anthology w. NhattiNai but others say it was Kutunth the subject under consideration I do not
The details as to how the three per historical data that are available canno However, I wish to indicate the main li could be worked out. We find that in in Putanaanuutu and in the three akaval and Akanaanuutu praise the noble dee whose numbers are quite considerable. which kings, chieftains and poets were lived within a generation or two of one this could be done. Aricilkilaar, Kapil zhaar address Peekan in order to bring and his wife Kannaki. Auvaiyaar, in p Anjci, mentions ParaNar (in Puram 9 can conclude that Aricilkilar, Kapilar, P. Auvaiyaar were contemporaries. No ParaNar praised the valour of the Pan should be judged as the greatest of the
particulars of the poets etc. are as follow
ITalikkuntuur Kizhaar KalaaTanaar Kutungkoozhiyuur Kizhaar MaangkuTi Maruthanaar KuTapulaviyanaar Nhakkiirar
7. - ParalNar
8. Mathurai-k-kaNakkaayanaar
9. AalankuTi VangkaNaar lo. ThaayangkaNNanaar II. Iizhaththuppuuthanh
theevanaar 12. Aalampeericaaththanaar I 3. Peeraalavaayar I4. MathuraiththaTTangkaN
Nanaar
III
 

Y TAMIL POETRY
as compiled first. Some say it was kai. Since this is not relevant to I wish to discuss it here.
iods could be worked out from the it find a place in this short article. ines along which the middle period lany of the poets anthologised both | anthologies NhattiNai, Kutunthokai ds of various kings and chieftains
This fact may be used to ascertain contemporaries, or which of them another. I shall indicate here how ur, Para Nar and Perungkuntuurkiabout a reconciliation between him raising the gallantry of Athiyamaan ) as her contemporary. Thus we aralNar, Perungkuntuurkizhaar, and less than nineteen poets including diyan ruler NheTunjcezhiyan, who : kings of the Sangam Age. The
VIS :-
(Puram 76, 77, 78, 79) ( „ п7, 23, 25, 37I) ( „ п7) ( , 24, 26, Mathuraikkaanci) ( , 18, I9) (Akam 36, 56, 253, 340, 358,
NheTunalvaa Tai) ( ,, II6, I62, Kutunhthokai
393) (Aham 338) ( , IO6) ( ,, І49
( , 23 I ( ,, 47, п75)
( , 392)
( )
, , 335

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UNIVERSITY OF
I5. Muthukuuththanaar 16. Pothumpilkizhaar
Makanaar VengkaNN I7. Vittuutu VaNNakkan TaTTanaar I8. Maruthan IlhaNhaakanaa I 9. ITaikkali Nhaattu Nihallu
Nhath thaththanaar
Most of these poets, if not all, would of these poets praise other kings and these kings and chieftains are, moi temporary poets too. By thus gro of time or of a particular generation able in the Sangam works, we will b during the time of the great Pandiyar as Paari, Peekan, Anjci, Oori, Nh: contemporaries. When we apply th poets to grouping of contemporary logies, we will discover that a fairly
one third in fact, were composed by
to a single generation in the Sangar we will be able to work out fairly ac ventions of the period of Kapilar, was more or less fixed and did not va poets of the time. There are many three anthologies, who cannot be as to the reign of any particular king.
vention or tradition from those oft poraries of Kapilar, Para Nar and N added to the poems of the period of a few poems left which would have
or after this period.
I do not wish to go into the deta time of these great poets. It is nec tradition did not originate during from the tradition which existed pr formed only a particular stage in literary tradition of the Sangam per poetry in the three anthologies, we

CEYLON REVIEW
( , I37)
iyaar (Nattinai 287) ട്ട
ܥ ܒܕܬ ( , 298) 99. 39) LU
(CitupaaN 6-67)
have been his contemporaries. Some chieftains who lived at that time, and reover, praised by various other conuping the poets of a particular period on the basis of the historical data availbe able to list about so poets who lived king NheTunjcezhiyan and rulers such nnan, Kaari and others who were his is method of grouping of contemporary poems found in the three akam antholarge number of poems in them, about these poets, that is, poets who belonged m age. With the help of these poems ccurately the poetic traditions and conPara Nar and Nakkiirar. The tradition *** ry according to the tastes of individual poets whose poems are found in these signed to any particular generation or But their poems do not vary in conthe group of poets who were contemlakkirar. If such poems too could be the great trio then there will be only to be assigned to a period either before
بحیر
ils of the tradition that prevailed at the 2ssary to point out, however, that this this period; it had, rather, developed ior to this period. As this implies, it the growth and development of the iod. When we glance through the love will not fail to observe that the subječi
2.

Page 115
TRADITION IN EARLY
matter of poetry was derived from the s and that, as life changed, so did the pc
based on the life of a people changes as is Tamil poetry as it is true of the poetry of | age was not static but was changing slov was reflected in the literature of the tin distinct Stages in the development of t period. The first stage in the develop1 found in the poems written before the t
second stage is illustrated by the poems
Para Nar. The third Stage in the develo observed from the poems in Aingkutun, must have been written long after the does not appear that this anthology is a
different poets, as is commonly believed the poems in this work, it appears alm designed and executed by a single poet the time of Kapilar and Para Nar. By tha both in the conventions and in the poet
. Theimportance of Aingkutunhuutu f history of early Tamil poetic tradition ---- « conventions find a place for the first ti
convention of a single poem in akaval gives place in it to ten verses forming is given in it to the description of natur for the indirect expression of modes, fee of the days of Kapilar and Para Nar. love finds a place in it for the first time as a link between the stages reflected NhattiNai, Kutunthokai and Akanaanuut thokai and ParipaaTTu in the developm author of this important work has be form often stanzas forming one unit o' used by the poets of the Pallava period period. An analysis of these experimen find a place in this article.
I shall conclude this article by giv m tradition of early Tamil poetry
anged in certain aspects even before
II3

TAMIL POETRY
ocial and cultural life of the people etic tradition. A poetic tradition the life changes. This is true of any language. Life in the Sangam tly and the influence of this change ne. We are able to observe three he poetic tradition of the Sangam ment of poetic tradition would be ime of Kapilar and ParaNar. The produced in the days of Kapilar and ment of the akam traditions can be huutu, an anthology of poems that days of Kapilar and Para Nar. It collection of verses written by five When we analyse the pattern of lost certain that it must have been living at a time far removed from t time great changes had taken place ic tradition.
or one who is interested in tracing the cannot be overestimated. New me in this anthology. The earlier metre forming a unit of expression a single unit. Greater importance e and to the use of such description ling and attitudes than in the poems Kaikkithai, the theme of one-sided in Tamil poetry. It serves almost in the earlier anthologies namely, and the later ones, namely Kalithent of early poetic tradition. The en experimenting with a metrical expression, which was extensively ind perfected only at the end of that ts is a fascinating study but it cannot
ring an example to show how the based on the life of the people had the days of Kapilar and Para Nar.

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UNIVERSITY OF
The love theme, which was the si aspects or divisions according to
lived. Thus the theme of separati who lived in the Paalai region as t of that region, since these men had periods at a time to earn their liv divisions in akam or love originated: regions, Paalai, Mullai, Kutinji, M During the time of Kapilar and P. into the more fertile regions of K ment, and therefore, the theme of the new pattern of society that occu Therefore, the paalaiththiNai or sep; for the people of the Paalai region time of Kapilar and ParaNar for th to distant places through the arid P. This change in paalaiththiNai had oc Nar. This is only an example to poetry was changing as the life of th During the Sangam period the life changing rapidly on account of the economic, religious and cultural life in the literary tradition of the pec Therefore, this change in the trac place cannot be traced historically a logies and the ten Idylls are not
Until Tamil scholars take to this ; early Tamil poetry cannot be trace

CEYION REVIEW
ubject matter of early poetry, had five the environment in which the people on in love was assigned to the warriors eing appropriate to the life of the men to be away from their homes for short elihood. The tradition of having five at a time when people lived in all the five arutham and Neithal in the Tamil land. araNar the people of Paalai had moved utinjci and Mullai for permanent settleeparation had to be modified to fit into pied only four of the five natural regions. aration in love, which was meant earlier was considered appropriate during the e men of the hilly tracts who had to go aalai region in search of their livelihood. curred by the time of Kapilar and Parashow how the early tradition of love le people was changing in the early days. of the people in the Tamil country was : Aryan and European influences on the of the people, and the consequent change ople was almost inevitable at that time. lition and the stages by which it took s long as the poems in the eight Anthoarranged in their chronological order. aspect of study seriously, the history of
V, CHELVANAYAKAM
༄།
II 4

Page 117
Reviews
Visuddhananda Pathak, Histo, by Motilal Barnasidass, Varanasi, 196:
The present volume on the early history of Kc push back the historical horizon of ancient India to by myth and legend, and even as prehistoric. Prof a similar history on ancient Vaisali (see UCR., XX these early Indian kingdoms, pioneers like Pargiter, and even Raychaudhuri followed a very cautious pa nature, there is a display of greater confidence. He pioneering spirit of the earlier works. The present definitive history of pre-Mauryan Kosala, basing pi Mahabharata, Ramayana, Purdinas and the extensive
Kosala forms an area which is no longer know still retain or echo the old names, and thereby remi glorious past. Ancient Kosala, according to the au sixteen Mahajanapadas, and the earliest forerunnel golden age of Kosala, which was anterior to the r illustrious politico-cultural personalities such as M. among men, the Gautama Buddha.
From the time of the Indus Valley Civilization wide gap in the archaeological evidences which cou such as the Vedas, Brahmanas, Puranas and the Epics awning gap. As a result the author has been com sketchy and often not very intelligible literary evide admits, would go back to over 2000 years. To this in the Buddhist literature, coming down from the ti the absence of the consolidating effect of archaeolog work remains a conspicuous feature. This, howeve and detailed documentation of the available sources,
The first chapter provides a fairly exhaustive asserts the historicity of the Brahmanical, Epic, Bu The next chapter on Historical Geography of ancie a fine display of the author's deft skill at examining out of it all a refreshingly new picture. With the the laborious task of sifting history and fact from leg alogy this chapter marks a further advance on the it totally fails to accomplish the difficult task of cr a result, chronology remains blank for the most pa ception. These difficulties of the author are again I the Kosalan Power. Here the reader is left wonde into any chronological pattern. The next two chap of the Kosala Kingdom, though marred by much forms the author's most valuable contribution to distinct service to Rama, by transforming him into for so long remained a romantic but historically a sl
- The remaining chapters (VII-XII) provide a pa that prevailed in Kosala, and the neighbouring lan social and religious conditions of the times. Heres
II
 
 

y of Kosala, pp. xii-479, Published . Price Rs. 25/-.
sala up to the rise of the Mauryas is an attempt to a period hitherto considered by many as obscured assor Pathak's study follows closely on the heels of , No. p. 96). In discussing the ancient history of Smith, Rapson, Rhys Davids, Hopkins, Bhandarkar th, but in the present study, and others of a similar wever these new studies also do not lack the same study in particular, is a very bold attempt at a more imarily on a critical and exhaustive analysis of the Buddhist literature.
in by its ancient name. A few townships however nd us of their associations with the ancient and the thor, was a land of great renown, being one of the : of the subsequent greatness of Magadha. The ise of Magadha seems to have been illumined by indhata, Sagara, Raghu, Rama, and the foremost
up to that of the Mauryas, there is a significantly ld supplement and corroborate the literary sources, The present history of Kosala also falls into this pelled to reconstruct the whole history out of the 2nces, and historical traditions which, as he himself he has added in retrospect the incidental references time of Buddha to many centuries later. However ical and other independent evidences on the entire r, is to some extent compensated by the extensive
as well as the results of later researches.
survey of the relevant sources. Here the author ddhist and Jain traditions of pre-Mauryan Kosala. nt Kosala, interspersed with history and legend, is a wide range of subjects and data, and producing third chapter on Genealogy and Chronology starts gend and tradition. Though with regard to Geneioneer studies of the afore-mentioned savants, yet ating a plausible chronology for the period. As t, with the most recent period being the only exeflected in the chapters on the Rise and Growth of ring whether all the personages and the events fit ters on the Age of Rama, and the Decline and Fall repetition, form interesting studies. In fact this he study of ancient Kosala. Here he has done a a plausible historical personality, where as he has adowy figure.
noramic view of the different types of principalities ls, their administrative machineries, as well as the ome new light is thrown on the constitutional and
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UNIVERSITY OF
institutional terms such as paura-ianapada, mantri-pa examination of the validity of many of the earlier t states of ancient India. Here the author rightly po monarchical states would have conformed to ones of important differences which gave each of them : whole these chapters on government, society and results of original research.
The printing of the book is not above the usu
G. Coedès: The Making of So, Wright. Berkeley: University of C
George Coedès, Director of the Ecole França introductory cultural history in The Making of Sol data or historical events than an earlier standard E by Reginald le May. In one sense it is also more 1. tionally focuses on the Southeast Asian peninsula 1 Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam) to the near exclusio
The monograph begins with a geographical Southeast Asia before developing the manner in wi of the area. Professor Coedès supports the thesis primarily one of Sinicization by conquest where purposes but, rather, gradually came to be emulat and Dvaravati. In this analysis is included a helpful for the introduction and spread of Indian cultural it ships that developed between Indian and indigeno important problem, that of the sociologists (e.g. H de La Vallée Poussin) itis evident that Professor C. ("Le substrat autochtone et la superstructure indienn I:2, 1953) he had described the Indian cultural in indigenous substructure. In this volume he depict formula of assimilation: syncretism of Brahmanism of diverse foreign elements. Such formulae are in to this one when it is applied equally to the Indiani,
The third section of the study treats the Indo from the sixth to the thirteenth century, that is, from of archaeological data to the Mongol invasions. country, Vietnam under Ly dynasty (11th-12th c. Ankor (9th-12th centuries) and the Burmese civiliz As one would expect both from its importance di numerous publications in Bulletin Ecole française 1911-1956, Cambodia receives the most extensiv summary of the periods of pre-Ankor and Ankor; the example par excellence of “Cambodia's outs Due to the general decline of Indian cultural influ the fourth part of the monograph treats the events diachronically. This latter approach is resumed on the fourteenth through the nineteenth centuries.
Among Professor Coedès' conclusions is the the Indochinese states came under a decisive Chine

CEYLON REVIEW
risdid, rajasabha etc., while there is also a thorough heories regarding the nature of the non-monarchical ints out that it is wrong to assume that all the noningle type. On the other hand they had a huirinber a character and individuality of their own. On the
religion, appear to be more like re-statements than
al Indian standards.
KARUNARATNA WIJETUNGA.
uth East Asia Translated by H. M. California Press, I966, 23 o pages.
ise d'Extreme-Orient has produced a most useful theast Asia. This study is more oriented to factual Inglish-language cultural history of Southeast Asia imited in scope than le May's study in that it intenabelled broadly as "Indochina' (Burma, Thailand, n of Malaya and Indonesia. -
framework and description of the pre-history of nich China and India influenced the Cultural matrix that Chinese influence in the Red River Delta was as Indian culture was not introduced for political led by the peoples of Champa, Funan, Shrikshetra summary of various theories attempting to account nfluence in Southeast Asia and the types of relationus elements. Of the two major approaches to this H. G. Quaritch Wales) and the Indologists (e.g. L. pedes sides with the latter. In an earlier publication e au Cambodge et à Java', Cahiers d'histoire mondiale, fluence as a superstructure Superimposed upon an is the penetration of Indian influence in terms of a 1 plus tolerance of Shivaism equals the assimilation nevitably too facile. It is especially true in regard zation of the Dravidian countries in India.
chinese states of Vietnam and Carnbodia and Burena l the beginning of the period of a significant amount The emphasis is on the characteristic period of each enturies), the Khmer civilization with its capital at ation with its capital at Pagan (11th-13th centuries). uring this time as well as from Professor Coedes d'Extrême-Orient ("Etudes Cambodgiennes") from e treatment. Included in these chapters is a useful art with an emphasis on the style of Ankor Watt as tanding contribution to man’s cultural heritage”. ence in Southeast Asia after the Mongol invasions, of the thirteenth century synchronically rather than ce again in dealing with the history of the area from
well-advised observation that Vietnam alone ofaī se influence borrowing so many cultural traits from
I6
ہے۔

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صحح\
REVI
China that even after political independence it neve In the light of current political events in Southeast A. with ever-increasing relevance.
The organization of The Making of Southeast A.
a recounting of historical events interspersed with or
art, architectural and literary activities. As would b
descriptive with a minimum of analysis. As a result
tedious. Although the study is indeed well-balance times through the nineteenth century, this very bal by extreme brevity. For example the six hundred the nineteenth century is compressed into twelve same period fare any better. Despite this objection plishes what it sets out to do, namely, to provide ar Southeast Asia as an aid both to the general read États Hindouisés d'Indochine et d'Indonésie (third revis this volume adds more weight to Professor Coede Indian cultural influence in Southeast Asia.
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EVXVS
r ceased to be an offshoot of Chinese civilization. sia this fact of cultural history looms on the horizon
sia is clear and lucid. The bulk of each chapter is
followed by a highlighting of the most important e expected from such a format the book is primarily
the barrenness of description occasionally becomes din its coverage of Southeast Asia from prehistoric ance means that nearly the entire work is marked rear history of Burma from the thirteenth through ages, nor do Cambodia and Vietnam during the l, however, Professor Coedès' monograph accomoutline or a framework of the cultural history of 2r and to future investigators. Preceded by Les ed edition, 1964) and numerous specialized studies s' reputation as the most significant interpreter of
Donald K. Swearer

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IMPORTANT
The Editors sincerely regre of Ceylon Reviev has been dela hoped to publish Vol. 25 (1967) by the end of 1969. This will b Review in its present form. The journals with separate editorial rently with Vol. 25, and will be are Modern Ceylon Studies, A Jo Journal of Humanities (temporar shortly giving full details of th
Since 1966 Lake House Book have been the sole agents for a foreign. Exchanges have contin rian, University of Ceylon, Per
 
 

ANNOUNCEMENT
that the publication of The University yed considerably in recent years. It is which will mark the 25th anniversary, the last issue of The University of Ceylon re will be no issue for I968. Two new boards will begin publication concurissued initially at least once a year. They Irnal of the Social Sciences and The Ceylon y title). Prospectuses will be sent out ese two new journals.
shop, P.O. Box 244, Colombo, Ceylon, Il sales and subscriptions both local and led as usual to be handled by the Libraadeniya.
THE EDITORS

Page 122
Colombo Somadasa,
ty Press,
VeS lished by K.
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e Ceylon
inted at th
Pr
D
and pub
 

3, by R. L. de Alwis, Printer to the University, Librarian, University of Ceylon.