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Vol. XXV, Nos. 1 & 2
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談鯊※※※※※※※※※※※※
ERSITY EYLON IEW
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CTOBER 1967
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Page 2
Editors
P. E. E. FERNANDO
W. J. F. LABROOY
K. W. GOONEWARDENA
April & Oct.
CONTE
Ceylon and Malaysia . A study of Prof. Research on the Relations Between by R. A. L. H. Gunawardana
Buddhism and the Tragic Sense of Li by M. W. Padmasiri de Silva
A Problem in Dhvani Karikas by G. Wijayawardhana
Viiracoozhiyam - as a Grammar of Ins
by A. Velupillai
Land Use Problem in the Gal Oya
Peasant Colony
by H. N. C. Fonseka
The Riddle of the Sphinx
by Merlin Peris
UNIVERSITY OF CE
The University of Ceylon was established o Ceylon Medical College (founded 1870) and the It has at present the Faculties of Oriental Studie Agriculture and Veterinary Science. The Univ. of Ceylon the publication of the Ceylon Journal its chief means of contact with Scientists elsewhe of Medical Science. The University of Ceylon R contact with scholars in literary subjects, to provi in those subjects conducted in the University, an The Review is published twice a year, in April Cc respondence regarding exchanges should be a Cec Peradenia. The annual subscription is post free

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bber 1967
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YLON REVIEW
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Page 3
میلاد
University of
Vol. XXV, Nos. I & 2
Ceylon and Malaysia. S. Parana Vitana’s Res
bet Ween the
I
P HE geographical position of
commands the entrance to the
its development as an impor borne trade which linked Europe iu in the east. In the sixth century, merchantmen from Ethiopia and Pe he described as “the greatest in thos other merchandise brought from land Male, Kaliana, Sindh and Adule in from Ceylon were sent to these lan ware, precious stones and elephant
It becomes clear from other so by this time, to take a growing inte first embassy sent from Ceylon to t reign of I-hi (4OS—4I9 A.D.) was fif sent by the Persians to China. The missions in 428, 430 and 435 and ano and six missions in 670, 7II, 742, 74 nasty was in power. Usually, the e addition to Buddhist manuscripts : country'. Only in a few instance these instances, mention is made of
This paper was read before the Ceylon Studies ܀
March 28, 1969.
1. Cosmas Indicopleustes, The Christian Top Publications, 1st series, Vol. 98, 1897, pp. 363-3
 
 
 

Ceylon Review
April–October, 1967
A Study of Professor arch on the Relations Two Regions
Ceylon in the Indian Ocean which Bay of Bengal from the west helped tant entrepôt in the extensive seathe west with the Chinese empire Cosmas Indicopleustes recorded that :rsia called at this emporium which : parts' to purchase its products and s as far away as China in the east and the west. He also noted that ships ds to trade in cloth, spices, metalS. 1
urces, too, that Ceylon had begun rest in the trade with the east. The ve court of the Easterıı Tsin in the y years earlier than the first embassy Pien-i-tien refers to three subsequent ther in 527 to the court of the Sungs 6, 7 So and 762 when the Tang dynvoys are said to have brought, in ind sacred objects, "products of the are these “products' specified. In earls, precious stones, ivory, golden
Seminar, University of Ceylon, Peradeniya, on
graphy, (trsl. J. W. McCrindle), Hakluyt Society 3. ."

Page 4
UNIVERSITY OF
filigree work and 'very fine shagg like the Sumatrans who had begur Imperial Court, the Sinhalese were between China and the West.
Participation of the Sinhalese in have been an important factor in East Asian lands. An eleventh cent king Airlanga mentions Sinhalese merchants residing at the Javanese had in the trade in elephants with led to hostilities between the two co I.4. As late as in the sixteenth cent voy to China, noted the presence of On the other hand, the active role as O.W. Wolters has pointed outó t trade of the Indian Ocean Would ha ports. It seems reasonable to postula two regions would have led to the e each region upon the other.
The late Pierre Dupont was one interesting possibility in suggesting from South East Asia, grouped und Come from Ceylon. In his examin Western Java and another from C. of the influence of Sinhalese sculpt from Celebes to the second , or the from Western Java to the sixth or til Ancona, too, in her examination
2. John M. Senaveratne, Chino-Sinhalese Vol. XXIV, 1917, pp. 74-105. The ‘shaggy stuff fine cloth imported from Ceylon finds mentic Perhaps, it was a similar fabric imported from C. Old Javanese inscriptions from the end of the A fabric called 'Lanka cloth’ is mentioned also in et notre Seigneur, Annales du Siam, Vol. 1, 1926, p 3. G. Coedès, Les états hindouisés d'Indochir 4. Ciūlavammsa, 76. 17-21. 5. Tome Pires, Suma Orientalis, (ed. A. Cort No. XC, 1944, Vol. II, p.628. . . . . . 纥了
6. O.W. Wolters, “The “Po-ssu Pine trees', 'B : 7. Pierre Dupont, ‘Les Buddha dits d'Amaräx pp. 632–636.

CEYLON REVIEW
stuff of white colour'.2 Probably, to send diplomatic missions to the
lying for a share in the carrying trade
. ܐ ܓ
the trade of the Indian Ocean would strengthening their ties with South iry inscription issued by the Javanese among the communities of foreign
ports. The interests that Ceylon Burma was one of the causes which untries in the reign of Parakramabahu ury, Tome Pires, the Portuguese enmerchants from Ceylon at Malacca. that the Malaysians—and particularly, he Sumatrans-played in the carrying ve often brought them to Ceylonese te that this close contact between the xpansion of the cultural influences of
of the first scholars to consider this
that some of the sculptural works ler the Amaravati school, could have ation of two Buddha images from elebes, Dupont has traced evidence ural traditions. He dated the image : third century, and the two images he seventh century.7 Mirella Levid of these images, has suggested the
relations in the early and middle ages, JCBRAS, of white colour' was probably cloth. A variety of on in the Rajataragini (ed. R. S. Pandit, p. 35). bylon which was referred to as waihan sinhal in the ninth century (Artibus Asiae, Vol. XXIV, p. 245). Siamese annals (C. Notton, Histoire du Dhammarâja
75). te et d’Indonesie, Paris, 1964, p. 268.
esao), Hakluyt Society Publications, Second Series,
SÓ AS, Vol. XXIII, 1960, pp. 323-35O, Tati en Asie du Sud-Est, 'BEFEO, Vol XLIX 1959.
ܠ ܐ
2.

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CEYLON AN
possibility of their origin in Cey Dupont in assigning the image from and those from Java to the end of sixth century, 8 Another scholar, I
a discussion on an image of Avalokite
bang district in Sumatra, the possil Ceylon, Comparing it with a statu. Situlpavva, and ascribed it to about tly, J. G. de Casparis has published the Ratubaka Plateau in Central Jai the communities of Buddhist monk Vant to note here that this evidence and Malaysia comes from the sam Ceylon appears to have taken an in tact with the regions in the eastern relations between these two regions a later period when Ceylon had bec expansion of Theravada Buddhism of Dupont have further brought o' from the northern parts of the Malay school and dates to the fourteenth have been subject in particular to
Modern historical writings on teristic Indo-centrism, tended large by this evidence. The over-empha in the ancient history of Ceylon, at found in the attempt of one histor up to the coming of Europeans in periods, has made historians blind t Ceylon maintained with lands oth modern writer seems to have inhe clers of the past. The chronicles of tend to over-emphasise relations be
8. Mirella Levi D’Ancona, "Amarāvatī, Cey
Vol. XXXIV, No. 1, 1952, pp. 1-17.
9. Devaprasad Ghosh, "Two Bodhisattva In Ind. Soc., Vol. IV, 1937, pp. 125-127.
10. J. G. de Casparis, 'New Evidence on Cul | Times', Felicitation Volume presented to Prof. C. Ce
XXIV, 1961, pp. 241-248.
11. Pierre Dupont, "Le Buddha de Grahi
p. 105-113.
 

) MALAYSIA
on. However, she disagrees with Celebes to the early fifth century the fifth or the beginning of the eva Prasad Ghosh, suggested, in a svara found at Bingin in the Palemility that the inspiration came from of the same Bodhisattva found at the seventh century.9 More recenan eighth century inscription from a which points to contact between s in Java and Ceylon.10 It is releon cultural contact between Ceylon e period when, as suggested earlier, creased interest in commercial Conhalf of the Indian Ocean. Evidently, continued into, or were resumed in, ome the source of inspiration for the in South East Asia. The researches ut that a group of Buddha images i Peninsula, which he terms the Jaiya and fifteenth centuries, appears to influences from Ceylon.
ancient Ceylon have, with characly to ignore the implications raised siis on the role of Indian influences extreme example of which may be ian to divide the history of Ceylon to North Indian and South Indian o the significance of relations that er than India. To some extent the ited this tendency from the chroniCeylon written by Buddhist monks tween Ceylon and the home of Bud
on and Three Imported Bronzes', The Art Bulletin,
ages from Ceylon and Sri Vijaya, Jnl. of the Gir.
ural Relations between Java and Ceylon in Ancient edes on his seventy fifth birthday, Artibus Asiae, Vol.
et l'Ecole de Caiya’, BEFEO, Vol. XLII, 1942,

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dhism. Little evidence is found in t maintained with Rome or the land prisingly enough, not even the Bu China and South East Asia find me tain only one clear reference to co,
It is in this context that the re on the relations between Ceylon an in the historiography of Ceylon. a seminar held at Dambadeniya in I. ment of his ideas are to be seen i. in Mediaeval Times”, published in Royal Asiatic Society in 1960. In a p in North Ceylon, published in year, Paranavitana presented evident Kingdom. He returned to the si Ulakudaya's Wedding published i the year 1963. He brought forth f two public lectures delivered at the U of which was published in the Tra Linguistic Society of 1964. In the foll writing on an inscription from Atur Paranavitana, and containing mat published in the Epigraphia Zeylani I966 in the special volume of Essays C gave his reading of the slab inscrip site of the Abhayagiri monastery. of Ceylon and Malaysia, in which w new information as well as material certain noteworthy omissions whic
12. See Daibadeni Sahitya Sammelanaya, San Colombo, 1959, pp, 23-27, 33-34.
13. S. Paranavitana, "Ceylon and Malaysia in
1960, pp. 1-43. "The Arya Kingdom in North Ceylon', JC "Princess Ulakudaya's Wedding", UCR, 'Linguistic Studies in Ancient Ceylon an Newly Discovered Historical Documents Re graphed paper dated 4th Nov., 1964, Yearly 1967, Jahrbuch für Buddhistisch Halle, German Democratic Republic, p. Appendix to the 'Giri tale Stone-seat insc 'Ceylon and Sri Vijaya', Essays offered to his seventy fifth birthday, Artibus Asiae, 1 Ceylon and Malaysia, Colombo, 1966.

CEYLON REVIEW
nem about the brisk trade that Ceylon
· of East and South East Asia. Surldhist missions sent from Ceylon to ntion in these chronicles. They contact with the Malaysian region.
searches of Professor S. Paranavitana Malaysia occupy an important place He approached this problem first at 5812. A more systemacic developan article, 'Ceylon and Malaysia the Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the aper entitled 'The Aryan Kingdom the same journal in the following e on Malaysian activities in the Jafna bject in a paper entitled "Princess in the University of Ceylon Review for Irther evidence on the same topic in niversity of Ceylon, Peradeniya, one insactions of the University of Ceylon owing year, the text of the interlinear upolayagama, read and translated by erial relevant to the subject, was ca. More evidence was presented in fferedito G. H. Luce where Paranavitana tion No. 1 of Mahinda IV from the The same year saw the publication ork Paranavitana brought together published in earlier papers but with will be discussed in due course. 13
melana Satahan, Department of Cultural Affairs,
Mediaeval times”, JCBRAS (New Series) Vol. VII,
CBRAS (New Series) Vol. VII, 1961, pp. 174-224. Vol. XXI, 1963, pp. 103-137. d Šrī Vijaya”, TUCLS, 1964, pp. 79-100. ating to Ceylon, India and South East Asia, Mineopp. 1-22, subsequently published in Buddhist Forschungen, (ed. Heinz Mode), Buddhist Centre . 26-58. iption', Ep. Zey., Vol. V, Pt. 3, 1965, pp. 440-443. G. H. Luce by his colleagues and friends in honour of |66, Vol. 1, pp. 205-212.

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CEYLON AND
The publication of the first of on this subject drew forth a polemic where he challenged the conclusions evidence. 14. The value of the criticist
dy of relations between South and S.
paired by his inadequate knowledge used this shortcoming effectively to in the following year. 15 The radical from his evidence should, if they ar of a substantial portion of the ancient He argues for a relationship betwee beyond the economic and cultural sy ted and the single military expeditio close connection between the two ruli According to the information he cit ficant role in the politics of the two r continent during a considerably long he held this relationship to be so in demise of Parakramabahu I and the name that he suggested that 'we may History'. Hence it is singularly unf that Paranavitana's writings initiallof scholars, particularly historians, in sequent researches has drawn few c least in print. The only publication so far to examine the conclusions draw by K. Indrapala of Ceylon and Mala
14. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, “Ceylon and Šrī Vij pp. 125-140.
15. S. Paranavitana, Ceylon and Malaysia: A (New Series), Vol. VIII, 1963, Pt. 2, pp. 330-337.
16. In fact, what some might called a prematu periods of Ceylon history in certain text-books. See History of Ceylon, 1961.
17. JCBRAS (New Series), Vol. XI, 1967, paper at a seminar at the School of Oriental and Af critically examined the conclusions that Paranavitat This study was a part of the researches undertaken it has not been included in the thesis he finally pre Polonnaruwa and the Rise of Dambadeniya, a work paper was read before the Ceylon Studies Seminar, Ucd study available to the present writer. For so
-

MALAYSIA
he papers that Paranavitana wrote l article by K. A. Nilakanta Sastri,
that Paranavitana drew from his is made by this pioneer in the stuuth East Asia was somewhat inf Ceylonese sources. Paranavitana is advantage in the reply he wrote 'onclusions that Paranavitana draws e accepted, involve the re-writing and mediaeval history of Ceylon.16 in Ceylon and Malaysia extending heres that earlier writings postulain recorded in the chronicle into a ng houses of Sri Vijaya and Ceylon. es, this relationship played a signiegions as well as of the Indian subperiod. Even in his very first paper portant in the period between the Iccession of the second king of that call this the Malay Period of Ceylon ortunate that, in spite of the interest y created among the community Ceylon, the publication of his subomments, favourable or critical, at in which an attempt has been made n by Paranavitana is a critical review ysia.17
aya”, JCBRAS (New Series), Vol. VIII, Pt. I, 1962,
Rejoinder to K. A. Nilakanta Sastri’, JCBRAS
re revision has already been made of the relevant e.g. C.W. Nicholas and S. Paranavitana, A Concise
pp. 101-106. In 1963, A. Liyanagamage read a ican Studies, University of London, in which he a drew in his initial contribution on the subject. y Dr. Liyanagamage for the Ph.D. degree. But sented. It does not appear even in The Decline of based on this thesis, published in 1967. After this Dr. Liyanagamage very kindly made his unpubme comments on this study, see also n. 38.

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The extensive and impressiv marshals to support his theories 1 heads: re-interpretation of evidenc graphic sources and material from
As Paranavitana himself point is mainly one of nomenclature; and linguistic evidence. The dangers in conclusions from the similarity of recalls the attempt made by a mentioned in the Milindapariha wi Ceylon. 18 Further, exactitude an an important rule to be followed tely, Paranavitana uses place-name a key-term he uses often, is someti but sometimes it is located in Sum: Vitana had included a map in his he identified could have been in had been taken, some of the mista avoided. Further, as Nilakanta Sa. ary sources like the Rajavaliya, Mal tuguese accounts that Paranavitana removed in time from the events conclusions. Paranavitana makes no
The bulk of the material that Malaysia is drawn from new evide University of Ceylon Linguistic So According to him, extracts from a nu Param parāpustaka, Māgharājavritānta valusa, are to be found on about ty examined or discovered recently at p Ramesvaram in South India. They giriya, the Rambiva slab and the at the Abhayagiri monastery whi In his account of the nature and e Paranavitana points out that they students of the history of Ceylon a
18 C.E Getin, Researches on Ptolemy’s Ge 19. See Ceylon and Malaysia, pp. 2, 17, 2 20. Ep, Zey, Vol. I, pls. 10, 28; Vol. II, p

CEYLON REVIEW
array of evidence that Paranavitana ay be broadly categorised under two found in well-known literary and epiecently discovered epigraphic records
d out, his study based on these sources here he relies heavily on controversial volved in drawing important historical place-names becomes clear when one amous scholar to identify Nikumbha h Negombo, a modern place name in consistence in the use of terms is in research of this type. Unfortunavery loosely. For instance, Malaya, mes identified as the Malay peninsula, tra. 19 One often Wishes that ParanaDeylon and Malaysia, where the places larked. If this elementary precaution kes he has made could easily have been tri has pointed out, some of the literlakathāva, Kedah annals and the Poruses to base his arguments on are too they mention to yield any reliable attempt to test their historical validity.
Paranavitana utilises in his Ceylon and ince, which, in his lecture before the ciety, he claimed to have discovered. mber of chronicles, the Sundarivritanta, , Suvarunapuravanisa and the Rajaventy five inscriptions that he has relaces scattered all over the Island and at include a slab inscription from Vessaslab inscription No. 1 of Mahinda IV sh have already been published.20 tent of the contents of these records should prove extremely important to
well as of India and South East Asia.
graphy of Eastern Asia, London, 1909, p. 92, n. 3.
- 12.
6

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CEYLON AND
However, these documents pre: use them for historical purposes wit information they yield is important. three categories: (i) writing executed i
of original inscriptions (ii) inscriptio1
records indited in both normal and 1 of the records fall within the first Madirigiriya inscription belong to th cription which falls into the third is significance.
The presence of interlinear writi phenomenon. For instance, interline found on the Allahabad inscription of the first time that interlinear writing would involve the re-writing of the tions that Paranavitana himself made ( underline the problems of decipher utilisation involves: “There are to cribed slabs and pillars of different da land, writing superficially incised in n in between the lines of the original in These writings are of such nature th when one's attention is focussed on tampage of the inscription is not pr of showing them, the writing may no later writing has been written over and as a mere jumble of criss-cross lines, it possible for writings of different p. rest.”21 Apart from being indited i records are said to reveal other eccent vitana, in some of the records which Ulakudayadevi and her bridegroom. is written over that of the bride, or v. some of the records are engraved ov had been indited previously. “In ar. Paranavitana comments, “I have coi the word spasti. . . . The whole of
21. See Buddhist Yearly, 1967, p. 26. ,گیس

MALAYSIA
ent the scholar who attempts to in problems as formidable as the
Roughly the documents fall into in minute letters in between the lines is with letters of normal size and (iii) ninute writing. The great majority Category. A few records like the e second while the Abhayagiri insaid to contain information of great
ng, though unusual, is not a unique ar writing of a late date is to be Samudragupta. But this is perhaps is used to draw conclusions which history of a period. The observaon the nature of these records would ment and authentication that their be seen on a large number of instes found in various parts of the Ishinute characters, crowded together scription and also going over them. at they may be totally overlooked the original inscription. If the esepared with the particular purpose it appear on the estampage....This over again and at first sight, appears but concentrated observation makes riods to be discriminated from the in minute interlinear writing, some Trico features. According to Paranaprovide genealogical information on "the pedigree of the bridegroom ce versa. To add to the confusion, er a layer of the word svasti Which
area measuring Is in. by 23 in., inted more than 250 repetitions of he Abhayagiri slab (Ep. Zey. Vol. I,

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UNIVERSITY OF
No. 20) measuring 8 ft. by 3 ft. 3 not only in the empty spaces betw but also over that writing."22
The difficulties involved in the hanced by the fact that some of the thering. In certain instances, Para the basis of his comparison with on other slabs. But in other instal turally. Here one has to constant with what is perhaps the least scient logy. The reading of a word as w be most open to the subjective bias to be taken by the epigraphist to ir doubtful readings and the conjectu nate that, in giving the readings vitana fails to follow the system he vious publications in the Epigraphia cating doubtful readings with sim tions with square brackets. His ef Continuous reading. The usefulnes poses is severely affected by this r
In order to test the reliability of chose the Abhayagiri slab inscription to contain both normal and interlinea in a bad state of preservation even singhe decided to publish it in the E portion of the record was extrem could get a continuous reading onl too with a number of doubtful ri From there up to the fiftieth line w which is in Sinhalese ends he found the right portions of the lines. Fr. Wickremasinghe could read only a continuation of the record in Sansk condition after having been expose Century.
22. UCR, Vol. XXI, 1963, p. 127. 23. Ep.Zey., Vol. I, pp. 213-229. See comn

CEYLON REVIEW
h., is covered with this word, written ten the lines of the original writing,
decipherment of the writing are enslabs have suffered badly from wealavitana has supplied the lacunae on copies of the same record found ces, they have been restored Conjecy keep in mind that one is dealing fic branch of the discipline of archaeoill as the interpretation thereof could of the scholar. Hence strict care has dicate separately the clear letters, the
of the relevant inscriptions, Paranahad constantly adhered to in his preZeylanica and other journals of indiple brackets and conjectural restoraorts are directed merely at giving a s of his reading for historical puregrettable omission.
the given readings, the present writer
No. 1 as a sample as it is supposed
r writing. This inscription had been at the time D. M. de Z. Wickremapigraphia Zeylanica. The lower right ely weathered and Wickremasinghe up to the eighteenth line and that adings and conjectural restorations. here the main part of the inscription t progressively more difficult to read m the fiftieth to the fifty fifth line word or a letter here and there of the rit.23 Today the slab is in a worse to the elements for a further half
:nts on p. 213.

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CEYLON AN
In his paper on Ceylon and Sri V. of essays offered to G. H. Luce, Par: from the fiftieth to the fiftyfifth lin. smaller letters in continuation of the ras of a strophe unread, and that in t He further states that this slab and a inity24 are both 'covered from top to characters, inscribed in the spaces bet lese writing, as well as going over tinues, "there are about four lines o one inch in height. At the top of these are extracts from a book nan Lineages), written in the reign of Vil named Bhadra who was the pupil oft of Suvarnapura (Sri Vijaya), and had giri Vihāra of Anurādhapura.”25 P these interlinear writings, some of th and Malaysia.
Photographs of the Abhayagiri sil inscription have been published. H to enable verification of the given r the readings, the present writer used inscription used by Professor Paranas sor for the most kind gesture of plac lines of the inscription are separated from each other. The area in whi lines is a portion 6.5 in. in height an tions of the slab. One would expec to be easily defaced by being expose gives a continuous reading of this without the “trained eye of the e tion, was a jumble of criss-cross lin of erosion. Here and there, while 1 vitana speaks of, one may sometime of a letter. But it could easily be of mination of the slab and the two est is impossible, even for a trained epig
24. The Abhayagirí slab inscription No. 2, E 25. Essays offered to G. H. Luce. . . . Vol. I, p. .
کس
9

) MALAYSIA
Jaya”, published in the special volume navitana not only reads the portion but also traces seven more lines in record. He leaves only a few mathe portion executed in larger letters. nother discovered in the same vicibottom with writing in very small wee the lines of the original Sinhathem. In some places, he conwriting within the space of about the second slab is a statement that ned Paramparāpustaka (the Book of Tramabāhu (III I—II 32), by a monk he Sthavira (the Head of the Sangha) received his education at the Abhayaaranavitana has drawn heavily on
rem yet unpublished, for his Ceylon
ab inscription No. I and the Bõlāna lowever, they are not clear enough radings. For the purpose of testing two estampages of the Abhayagiri titana. He is grateful to the Profesing them at his disposal. The main I by horizontal lines drawn 1.6 in. ch Paranavitana traced seven more d is one of the most weathered sec: 'superficially incised minute letters' to the elements. But Paranavitana portion. What the present writer, bigraphisto, could See in this poris and blotches, evidently the marks ooking for the writing that Parananotice what appears like the form (e’ဲ imagination. However, an exaampages makes it quite clear that it raphist, to get a continuous reading
p. Zey., Vol. I, pp. 230-241. O7.

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UNIVERSITY OF
as Paranavitana has done. This pli thered away in a large number of on the estampages. (See Fig. 1). A the presence of interlinear writing better preserved portions of the ts this, too, did not yield affirmative
The attempts of the present wr therefore, necessarily restricted to t tion of the record. According te relevant to the discussion, Java, Su places within this portion. Of the tions of the slab which are the most yanila-kamika and ji-java-mahipala tana's reading, at the beginning re in a relatively well preserved part of assumed that line S3 started with la The word kamika, on which both Wi is quite legible. The same could b indicate that there was another lett recognize this letter, quite apart frc could be either sa or ya as read by but one would find it difficult to rul the form ha, with a medial i or i this letter and kā is to veathered reading j-java-mahipala, Wickrema letters which he rendered as palo. with Paranavitana's reading of the not trace the sign of the medial a the second letter in line S3. Hence characters j-java-ma could have bee ding it. Thus the present writer of an afirmative nature in his atte by Paranavitana.
Certain serious defects are no vitana adopts to develop the theses Even if one were to accept Paranav, own comments that the inscription of different layers, the latest of whi century or a period subsequent to

CEYLON REVIEW
rtion of the slab is completely wealaces and leaves only white blotches urther attempt was made to ascertain
by taking pencil rubbings of the
to relevant slabs at Abhayagiri; but
results.
ter to verify the given readings were, e first five lines of the Sanskrit porParanavitana's reading, key terms Varņņapura and Malaya, occur in six e, four are said to occur in those secbadly Weathered. The phrases malahich occur, according to Paranavispectively of the lines S3 and 54 are the slab. (See Fig. 2). Wickremasinghe and read the passage as lasi. . kāmikā. ckremasinghe and Paranavitana agree, e said of la and its position seems to er before it. But it is impossible to om reading it as ma. The third letter Wickremasinghe and Paranavitana;
e out the possibility that it represents
attached to it. The space between
to enable a clear reading. Of the inghe had read only the last two One may find it possible to agree letter before pa as ha. But one canbove it. Further this letter is below
it is rather doubtful whether all the n inscribed in the small space prececould not obtain satisfactory results mpts to verify the readings published
liceable in the technique that Paranae presents in his Ceylon and Malaysia. ana's readings, it is evident from his belong chronologically to a number h has to be dated in the seventeenth it. Paranavitana makes no attempt
།
O

Page 13
Fig. 1. Abhayagiri Slab No. 1. Enlarged photc blotches indicating weathering testify to
by Professor Paranavitana.
 

graph of a section of the lower portion. The white the difficulties in verifying the minute writings read

Page 14


Page 15
*
Fig.
2. Abhayagiri Slab No. 1. Phot
 

ograph showing left portions of lines 51-55,

Page 16

! 9

Page 17
CEYLON AND
to separate these layers. Nor does to separate the more reliable evident is directed at presenting a continuol less thesis.
It is difficult to understand why information, were indited between not on separate slabs and pillars. Paranavitana's explanation that the ai inst their works being destroyed by easy to believe that these opposing fa were expected to spare them because which had been set up several centu should have attributed to their oppo for historical sources. The motive C in such a fashion that one layer of wr the case of the Bolana inscription, is al and comprehension. Further, it is iu names of the chronicles that are exte outside the interlinear writings on covered. Hence, in the absence of in the historical sources of both Sou ticity of these sources is open to se
The preceding inquiry into the utilised reveals that the foundation o most unreliable. In the next part of th by Paranavitana will be examined wi against other known historical ey
“When the eleventh year of the 1 of the Javakas known by the name rible Javaka army under the treacher lowers of the Buddha.' Thus the in his account of the reign of Par the only definite instance of relation be found in the chronicles of Ce vatnsa, (Hvv.), a work written not lor
26. Cv. 83. 36, 37. کی۔

MALAYSIA
e try to test his evidence or even e from the less reliable. All effort
s narrative and an ostensibly flaw
these records, containing such vital the lines of older inscriptions, and Not many would be satisfied with thors were taking precautions agaopposing factions. It is not very ctions seeking to destroy the records they dared not damage inscriptions ries earlier. To do so the authors nents a very high degree of respect f the scribes in inditing a document iting was carved over another, as in so a feature which defies explanation mportant to note that not even the insively used by Paranavitana occur inscriptions he claims to have disadequate corroborative information th and South East Asia, the authenrious doubt.
source material that Paranavitana which he has built his theories is is paper, the arguments put forward th a view to testing their validity ridence.
reign of this king had arrived, a king of Candabhamu landed with a terous pretext that they were also folauthor of the Calavamsa recorded, ākramabāhu II (r.236— r27o A.D.), s between Ceylon and Malaysia to flon.26 The Hathavanagalla-viharag after the event, also mentions the

Page 18
UNIVERSITY OF
incident and refers to the invader question of the identity of the inv by Coedès of the Sanskrit inscripti record mentions a king of Tamral ring the title Candrabhanu. It is Peninsula was known by the nam formation in the Ceylon annals, tl dated to about I 247 A.D. Hence conclusion that the Jaiya inscription perSon.
The first invasion of Candabh to the Cillavamsa, a second attemp this ruler in about 26O A.D. This has pointed out that the second in of the first invader as the term Can
1121)0.
Apart from these references in mali mentions a mission sent to C his friend Siri Dhammarāja of Siri of the Buddha which was said to pos managara has been identified wit dent is dated in the year 78 of the of the Buddhist era i.e. I256/7 A.I is accepted, it may be taken as evid Ciūlavanusa.
In his attempt to prove close two regions, Paranavitana cites th missions that Parākramabāhu II se to help organize the Sinhalese sa sent to the Cola kingdom. The o specific purpose of inviting Dham wide reputation for his virtue.
27. Huw. (PTS), London, 1956, p. 32. 28. G. Coedès, Recueil des inscriptions du Sia 29. Jimakālamālā, (PTS), 1962, p. 87. .16--9 84 وCg .30

CEYLON REVIEW
as the king of Tambalinga.27 The rader was settled with the publication on from Vat Hva Vian in Jaiya. This iiiga named Śrī Dharmaraja and bea
dated in 1230 A.D.28 The Malay a
e Javakadvipa. According to the inhe invasion of Candabhanu has to be there is little reason to doubt Coedès l, and the Cillavagisa refer to the same
hanu was unsuccessful and, according t to conquer the Island was made by , too, was unsuccessful. Paranavitana vasion could have been led by a son labhanu was a title and not a personal
the Ceylon chronicles, the Jinakalaeylon by Rocaraja of Sukhodaya and i Dhammanagara to obtain an image isess miraculous powers. 29 Siri Dham
in Nakhon Si Tammarat. The inci- ܢܬܢ
Siamese Saka era and the year I 8OO D. If the authenticity of this account 2nce corroborating the account in the
and prolonged contact between these e reference in the Calavamsa to two ht to foreign lands to obtain monks igha. 30 One of these missions was ther was sent to Tambaratha for the makitti, a monk who had earned a
fin, Bangkok, 1924-9, Vol. II, p. 41.
I2

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වේ.
CEYLON ANT
Geiger was inclined to believe t in South India.31 Paranavitana po tutes Tamalingam for Tambaratha in makitti.32 The Elu-attanagaluvalusa ( lation of the Huw, gives Tamalinga
- - ܢܬܐ.
account of the invasion of Candabhan
Paranavitana identifies Tambarațțha the Jaiya region.
The term Tambarattha finds ni strophe in a fragmentary inscription in the reign of Vikramabāhu I (II IIIname Ananda who is compared to : Lanka'. The last two padas of the part, refer to his connections with th Cola land. 34. The second reference (Pmv.) written by Anuruddha. Acc was born in "the township of Kavir and was living at the time of writin ratha. 35 Malalasekera is of opinion at the beginning of the twelfth centu of the Jinalankara, speaks in the reputation among the learned men could be interpreted as 'the Cola land of the Colas. It is very tempting and to identify Tanja of the Piny. Colas 38. But the context of precludes such an interpretation; it in the thirteenth century, Tam Coļa country. For separate missio The evidence in the Polonnaruva i suggest that Tambaratha and Colar,
31. Cv., (trsl.), Vol. II, p. 155 n.2. 32. Piv., (ed. A. V. Suravira), Colombo, 196 33. Bav., (ed. Munidása Kumäranatuňga), 34. Ep. Zey, Vol. IV, pp. 71-72. 35. Pmv., (Devänanda ed.), Colombo, 1926, 36. G. P. Malalasekera, The Pali Literature of 37. Jinalarikara, (ed. R. Palita), 1955, p.31 38. In his unpublished paper, Liyanagamage rattha in the Cola kingdom by identifying Tafija to have subsequently changed his views. For in Th (p. 137), he accepts the identification proposed
ܐܢܐ

MALAYSIA
hat Tambarattha should be located nts out that the Pijavaliya substi — the account of the arrival of DhamEaw), the fourteenth century transmu in place of Tambalińga in its L.33 On the basis of this evidence, with Tambalinga and locates it in
ention in three other sources. A from Polonnaruva, probably issued —II, 32), mentions a hierarch by the a banner raised aloft in the land of trophe, which are readable only in e Sangha of Tambaratha and of the
occurs in the Paramatthavinicchaya ording to its colophon, the author a in the land of the city of Kanci g at the town of Tanja in Tamba
that this monk would have lived ry. 36 Buddharakkhita, the author Colophon of this work about his of coliyatambarattha. 37 This phrase and Tambaratha or as "Tambaratha to accept the second interpretation with Tanjavur, the capital of the the reference in the Calavamsa
is clear from this that, at least baratha was distinct from the ns were sent to these two places. inscription cited above, too, would attha were distinct from each other.
1, p. 118. 1925, p. 47.
p. 337. - - Ceylon, Colombo, 1958, p. 169.
ollows Geiger in attempting to locate Tambawith the capital of the Colas. However, he seems e Decline of Polonnaruwa and the Rise of Dambadeniya by Paranavitana.

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UNIVERSITY OF
And if Paranavitana's identificatio instances would point to close cult Jaiya region during a considerab
Paranavitana's identification is = Tamalimgam (Tamalimngamu) = reveals that it is not as dependable there appears to be a certain amou term Tamalingam in Sinhalese lite relates a story about sixty Sinhales of Tamalingamu in Darinbadiv and putra) on their way to visit the st dharmaratnakaraya describes how the Asoka to Devānampiyatissa came do lingam tota (the port of Tamalim both these contexts, Tamalingamu the port of Tamralipti. In fact, cei into Sinhalese give Tamallimgam ir the Pali originals. The Sinhalese gl lingam in place of Tamalitti while without change. 42 It would thus b used the term Tamalingam and its limgomu to refer to three places: T lipti. Hence it seems univWise to argu fied with Tambalinga as the same to both these places in Sinhalese w
Apart from Tāmralipti and Tām meaning copper were used to den have to be examined before any conc of Tambarațțha. Tambadiparațțha Burma. Dhammasenāpati, the Bur the Pali grammar, states in its colop (Pagan) in Tambadiparatha. The to the year 16or of the Buddhist
39. Saddharmúlankäraya, (ed. Bentotta Sadd: 40. Saddharmaratnakaraya, (ed. Kosgoda Nä 41. Halvegoda Sīlālaikāra edition, p. 81,
Vol. VII, Pt. 1, p. 20. i 42. Daladasirita, (ed. V. Sorata), Colombo
43. A. P. Buddhadatta, Pãli Sãhỉtyaya, VC

CEYLON REVIEW
of Tambaratha is accepted, these ral contact between Ceylon and the
long period.
based on the equation Tambaratha Tambalinga. A closer examination it would seem at first sight because t of confusion in the use of the key tary works. The Saddharmalankaraya a monks who reached the roadstead headed for the city of Palalup (Pagalicred Bo tree89. Similarly, the Sadship bearing the Bo sapling sent by wn the Ganges and touched at Tamagam) on its way to Ceylon. 40 In could hardly be any other place but tain ancient literary works translated place of Tamalitti (Tamralipti) in oss41 on the Dāṭhāvanusa gives Tamathe Daladasirita retains the latter form a clear that Sinhalese translators have variants Tamalimgamu, and Tamaambarațțha, Tambaliñga and Tāmrale that Tambarațțha should be identiterm Tamalingam is used to refer rorks.
tralinga, names beginning with tamra ɔte several other places. These will usion is arrived at about the identity was a name used to denote a part of mese monk who wrote the Karika, on that he lived at Arimaddanapura Sasanavamsa dates its composition ra.43. It could be somewhat later.
itissa), Pānadura, 1934, p. 361. avimala), Colombo, 1931, p. 361. uoted by Paranavitana, JCBRAS (New Series),
55, p. 32. -
| II, 1962, pp. 480- 481.
=== خي ܐܢܫܝܢ ܓܪܐ
4

Page 21
།
ܒyܠ
CEYLON AN
The Nighandutika or the Abhidhanap, by a Burmese minister called Catu century. He mentions that he lived of Tambadiparattha.44 G. H. Luce to point out that the region to the e known as Tambadipa while the regio: was called Sunaparanta.45 This is
the Shwezayan pagoda at Thatón whi raja who is described as the lord of has identified Makuțarāja with Manu (IO44-IO77 A.D.), who ruled over suggested, Tām bāviseya may be c latter is a term synonymous with
The Mahabharata mentions an i. vadana, too, refers to a certain Tam that they denote Ceylon which was k dvīpa. 51 The name of the South II very much into the past and finds in possible that the land round this river In fact, in the Matsya Purana and the as one of the nine divisions of the bility that Tambaratha could have b
to be kept in mind.
The foregoing discussion demic identifying Tambaratha with Tamt There were several other regions rot have borne or did bear similar nam accept Paranavitana's identification which speak of Tambarațțha and Ta makitti used these names also to de
44. A. P. Buddhadatta, Pāli Sāhityaya, Vol. I) 45. Journal of the Burma Research Society, Vol. 46. Pierre Dupont, L’archéologie Móns du Dvå 47. G. H. Luce, Mons of the Pagan Dynasty, 48. See n. 46. 49. Mbh., Poona, 1940-61, 2.28.46. 50. Divyavadana, (Cowell and Neil), p. 525 51. Franklin Edgerton, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskr
p.251.
52. Ea, Purāna, Poona, 1905, 77. 24—25. 53. Matsya Purdina, Poona, 1907, 114, 8, Wisn

D MALAYSIA
adipikasaruvannana was composed rangabala in about the fourteenth in the reign of Sihastira, the king has quoted the Jambudipa Uchavi ist and south of the Irrawaddy was to the north and west of this river supported by an inscription from ch mentions a king called Makutathe Whole of Tām bāviseya”.46 Luce nā, the contemporary of Anawrahta Lower Burma. 47. As Dupont has ompared with Tamravisaya;48 the the Pali Tambarattha.
sland called Tamra. 49 The Divyaradvipa.50 Edgerton has suggested nown at one time as Tamraparinidian river Tamraparnini goes back lention in the Vayu Purana. 52 It is was also known by the same name. Visnu Purana, Tamraparnina occurs Bharatavarsa.53 Hence the possieen a region in South India has also
instrates the difficulties involved in alinga on the similarity of names: nd the Bay of Bengal which could es. It might have been possible to f the Calavamsa and the Pijavaliya malinngamu as the home of Dhamnote the kingdom of Candabhanu.
, p. 535.
XLII, p. 39. ravati, Paris, 1959, Vol. I, p. 9.
p. 9.
t Grammar and Dictionary, London, 1953, Vol. II,
Риrӑта, Calcutta, 1961, 2.36.
S

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UNIVERSITY OF
But this is not so; in these works the Javakas. Unfortunately, the bhānu as having come from Tamb: the arrival of Dhammakitti.
By way of supporting his
that there was *a Tanjongpura son would very well have been the Tai pinicchaya'. 'There is also, he add ju-kua mentions a certain Tanjor of Java. SS This has been interpre Tanjong-pura. 56 Tanjung-puri, d. among the tributaries and neighb the Nagara-Kértagana, S7 Pigeaud wh Tanjungpuri in the Island of Bc chronicle supports this identificatio among scholars.
It is true that many places in t tanjong as a part of their conjoint 1 guage means cape or promontory which Paranavitana cites to support headland of the river Tembeling. at one such place, it is very unlike lived at Tanja without giving the
No place bearing the name Te other hand, there were at least two One of these was Tanjavur, model the Colas for some time. But, as p to have been outside the Cola coun bāhu II. However, another city b) namannir plates issued in the sixt ruler. In this record, Rajasimha ( Tanjai at Naippur, fought a battle
54. Ceylon and Malaysia, p. 81. 55. F. Hirth and W. W. Rockhill, Chau-juTwelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, entitled Ch
56. Les etats. ..., p.340. 57. Rekawi Prapañca, The Nāgara-Kěrtāgati 4 Study in Cultural History by Theodore G. Th. 58. Ibid. Vol. IV p. 31; see also pp. 128, 23

CEYLON REVIEW
e is merely referred to as the king of vv. and Eaw., which refer to Candainga or Tamalingam, are silent about
Rعم۔ dentification, Paranavitana remarks ewhere in the Malay peninsula which anagara referred to in the Paramathai, a Tanjong Tembeling.” 54 Chau-- g-wou-lo as one of the dependencies ed by Coedés as a transliteration of scribed as a principal city is listed urs of the kingdom of Majapahit in o edited this Javanese chronicle located rneo.58 Internal evidence from the in which has found general acceptance
he Malay peninsula have the term lames. For tanjong in the Malay lanTanjong Tembeling, the toponym his identification, merely means 'the Had the author of the Pinu. lived ly that he would have stated that he actual name of the place.
ija is known from Burma. On the places by this name in South India. in Tanjore, which was the capital of ointed out earlier, Tambaratha seems ry, at least in the time of Parakramathis name finds mention in the SinBenth year of Rajasimha, the Pandya laims to have "defeated the king of Lt Kodumbai, the seat of one of the
ta, His Work on the Chinese and Arab Trade in the -fan-chi, Amsterdam, 1966, p. 83.
t, translated into English as Java in the 14th сетtиrү, 'igeaud, The Hague 1960-4 Vol. III p. 16.
6 ܘܐܩܝܡܘ ܝ ܢ

Page 23
.63 که=
CEYLON ANI
powerful Cola subordinates, burnt
Southern Tanjai at Naval.'59 If th Cola capital, it is seen that another ( the south of the former, finds ment a prince independent of Pāņdya aut finds mention also in the Taigaivana twelfth century by the scholar who centuries later than this date. The
of the Pandyas who ruled from Tan poem, this city was situated near the Evidently, the principality which ha this time, accepted the suzerainty
The difficulties involved in iden area of the Malay peninsula induces Tambaratha occurs in all its known India. In one instance a person bor in Tambaratha while in the other thi with the Cola country. This woul the Cola kingdom. The Tañja of well identified with “Tañjai (or Tanc Sinnamannir plates and the Tancaiva evidence available to us, that Tamba located in South India rather than
Central to Paranavitana's thesis he proposes in the fifth and sixth chap which occurs in the literary and ins rence to Kalinga occurs for the first ancestry of Vijaya is traced back to princess.61 The Cülavausa records t (301–328 A.D.), the Tooth Relic of from the Kalinga country.02 In the a ruler of Kalinga “whose mind w living beings in war' fled to Ceylon the beginning of the tenth century,
59. South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. III p. 449, 60. Tañcaivānan kõvai, (ed. S. R. Ramasami Pill 61. Mv. 6. 1. 62. Cu. 37. 92.
Cu. 42. 44-49.
10139-3 - Ι

) MALAYSIA
Vaiji and destroyed the king of : first Tanjai is identified with the ity by the same name, evidently to on in the inscription. Presumably, hority was ruling there. This city nkovai, a literary work dated to the edited it, but possibly about two hero of this poem was a feudatory ai of the south. According to the Podiyil hills by the river Vaikai. 60 d been independent earlier had, by of the Pandyas.
tifying Tambarațțha with the Ligor one to consider other possibilities. contexts in association with South in in the city of Kavira goes to live ree instances it is mentioned together d suggest that it was situated near the Pmu, could, therefore, be very çai) of the South mentioned in the nankovai. Hence it appears, on the ratha of the Pali sources has to be in South East Asia.
is the radically new interpretation ters of his book for the term Kalinga criptional works of Ceylon. Refetime in the Mahavamsa, where the a prince from Vanga and a Kalinga hat, in the reign of Sirimeghavanna the Buddha was brought to Ceylon reign of Aggabodhi II (6O4—6 I 4), as disturbed on seeing the death of with his queen and a minister.03 By nobles belonging to a Kalińga clan
llai), Madras, 1952, pp. 11, 16, 20. 27, 31, 310, 339.

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UNIVERSITY OF
could be found holding responsibl archy. Certain officials of both K are referred to by the term Kilim, editor of the inscriptions suppos tact with Kalinga in the reigns of (IOSS—ILIO) and Vikramabāhu I princesses from Kaliñga. The issu supposed to belong to the Kaling as “the pinnacle of the Kalinga cl: bāhu II (II 32—TIS3), son of Vikram as a scion of the Kalinga clan.06 I was the son of Vijayabāhu I by til likewise supposed to belong to
This close relationship betweer when, for the first time, a prince in the person of Nissankamala (I tion found at Polonnaruva, that he of Parakramabahu I.67. He was where he was born, and groomed period of turbulent political activit mabahu saw a number of scions of lese throne, some though for a sl for nine years was followed by Vikramabāhu II (III96) and Sāhas yanavati (I2O2-I2O8) and his ne last ruler to come from Kalinga how he invaded Ceylon with tw. from Polonnaruva, oppressing the cruelty. His soldiers are referred las.68 The Pujawaliya, which was tions that Magha of Kalinga cam to conquer the Polonnaruva kingc Daimilas for nineteen years.69
64. Ep. Zey., Vol. IV, p. 64. 1. A. 18. Ano may be connected with Kulinga, a clan-name
65. See infra p. 44.
66. Cip. 63.8
67. Ep. Zey., Vol. V., p. 205 Il. A 15-19.
68. Cu. 80. 54-79
69. Pjw., pp. 108-9.

CEYLON REVIEW
positions in the administrative hierassapa IV (898—94) and V (9T 4—923) probably derived from Kalinga as the d.64 Ceylon came into closer conMahinda IV (956—972), Vijayabāhu I ---- (IIII—III 32) all of whom married is of these unions seem to have been clan. Mahinda V refers to himself n”.65 The Clavagisa describes Gajaabahu I by the Kalinga princess Sundari, is possible that Vikramabahu I, who e Kalinga princess Tilokasundari, was this clan.
Kalinga and Ceylon reached its climax born in Kalinga ascended the throne I87-II96) who claims, in an inscripwas a binamuvan (nephew', 'son-in-law) brought from Simhapura in Kalinga, for kingship by Parakramabahu. The which followed the death of Parakrathe Kalinga clan ascending the Sinhahort time. Nissankamala, who ruled is son Virabāhu (II 96), his brothers samalla (I2OO–12O2), his queen Kalphew Codaganga (II96-II97). The was Magha. The Cillavamsa describes bnty four thousand soldiers and ruled local population with unprecedented o as Keralas and sometimes as DamiWritten not long after the event, mene with twenty four thousand Malalas om and to rule With the assistance of
ther interpretation of the term Kilim is possible. It which occurs in the Mahditatisa. Mt. 19.2.
8

Page 25
CEYLON AND
Till the time Paranavitana's firs no doubt about the identification of this name. Evidence from the contex to support this identification. The three kinsmen of the queen Tiloka and Bhima, who came to Ceylon in their sister that Vikramabahu I cho himself has pointed out in an earlie names Madhukannava and Madhuk name of a Ganga king who ruled larly, Nissahkamala's nephew who the name Codaganga with another Mahadevi, one of the queens of Ni to as a member of the Gangavamsa, the Kalinga rulers of Ceylon had a clo: where the Gangas were in power.
However, Śrī Jayagopa, who is 1 the Kalinga rulers of Ceylon, cannot rulers of the more important dynasti this period. Nor was Simhapura the capital had been located there at a tin centuries when the Komarti plates of tha grant of Umavarman were issued selves by the title Kalińgādhipati anc or Sihapura. Hultzsch who edited With modern Singupuram, which is si sennapeta.75 But, by the period unc shifted to Kalinganagara.
Sircar tries to explain this difficult of the Cillavansa were merely contin to Simhapura as the capital of Kaling: Sinhalese inscriptions of this period, of the Kalinga princes. This discrep. for a Kalinga and a Simhapura else
70. Cy. 59.46 71. S. Paranavitana, "The Kalinga Dynasty of C 72. Ep. Zey., Vol. II, p. 106 11. B2-3. 73. Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, pp. 142ff.; Vol. XII, pp 74. The Struggle for Empire, (ed. R. C. Majumc
IC
محی۔

) MALAYSIA
t article was published, there was Kalinga with the Indian region by ts where this term occurred seemed Calavamsa, for instance, mentions Sundarī, Madhukaņņava, Balakkāra the time of Vijayabahu I. It was se as his queen.70 Paranavitana : article the similarity between the amarnnava. The latter was the in the eleventh century.71 Simifollowed him to the throne shared king of the Ganga line. Kalyana issahkamala, is specifically referred 72 This information suggests that se connection with the Orissa region
mentioned as the father of three of be identified with any of the known les which ruled over Orissa during capital of Kalinga at this time. The he between the fourth and the sixth Candravarman and the Brhatpros. These two rulers refer to theml issue their edicts from Simhapura these records identified Simhapura tuated between Chicacole and Narader discussion, the capital had been
y away by suggesting that the authors (uing an older tradition in referring a.74 But, as Paranavitana points out, too, refer to Simhapura as the home ancy prompted Paranavitana to look where. On the other hand, these
Deylon', Jnl. of the Gir. Ind.Soc., Vol. III, pp. 57-64.
. 4-6. dar and A. D. Pusalker), pp. 267-8.

Page 26
UNIVERSITY OF
princes who willingly left their ho very well have belonged to a mir that they were the descendants of continued to live there after thei
Professor Paranavitana adduces hypothesis that when the Sinhalese and the thirteenth centuries refer to name in Eastern India that was meat it was from this Malaysian region came to Ceylon.
Firstly, he proposes to identify The main evidence on which Paran from the Rajavaliya which was wri According to the Pujavaliya and th who fought under Candrabhanu w the soldiers of this king are referred evidence, Paranavitana equates the goes on to point out that in the Puja to the soldiers in Magha's army.
- In support of his identification Paranavitana cites evidence from the poet Rahula. Among princes from their respects to the Bodhisattva at E prince who brought presents which probably derived from Malaya, is
much as it could be connected with in locating in Sumatra.78 Paranav Malala in the Kauyasekhara with the S that takul (Skt. takkola) "is include« the commodities brought in ships to Malay Peninsula'. This statement i. Sastri 79 but an attempt to verify the
75. Pju, p. 117; Cu, 83. 36, 37. 76. Rajävaliya, (ed. B. Gunasekara), 1953, 77. Kavyasekhara, (ed. Ratmaläné Dharmara 78. See Paul Wheatley, The Golden Khersonese 79. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, “The Tamil Land Vol. XI, 1944, pp. 26-28. -

CEYLON REVIEW
meland to come over to Ceylon could or ruling family. It is also possible the old dynasty of Simhapura who
fall from power.
I number of arguments to support his iterati of the period between the tenth Kalinga, "it is not the region of that it, but a region in Malaysia' and that that the rulers of the Kalinga dynasty
Magha as an invader from Malaysia. avitana bases this hypothesis is drawn ten in about the eighteenth century. 2 Calavamsa, the bulk of the soldiers ere Javakas.75 But in the Rajavaliya to as Malalas.76 On the basis of this term Javaka with Malala. Then he paliya Malala is the term used to refer
of Malala as a reference to Malays, Kavyasekhara of the fifteenth-century various regions who came to pay Benares, this work mentions a Malala included takul.77 The term Malala, applicable to the Malabar region as Malaiyur which most scholars agree itana relies in his identification of outh East Asian region on the argument l in ancient Tamil literature among South India from the regions in the made on the authority of Nilakanta sources would reveal that it is based
. 45. mā), Canto 10, v. 118. | Kuala Lampur, 1961, p. 200. and the Eastern Colonies', Jnl. of the Gir. Ind.Soc.,

Page 27
\
CEYLON AND
on a number of surmises. The releva refers to ships bringing spices enterin the eastern wind. 80 It is noteworthy South East Asian lands. It is on the b: that a surmise has been made that the
but this need not necessarily be so.
karam makes no mention of takkola b, only in the fourteenth-century comi the term vāsaint which occurs in the ori among other things to takkoli. 81 Thu that takkola was imported to South I on rather unreliable and indefinite
Takkola has been taken to mear if cubeb was imported to South India. it was not grown in India, just as mu Ceylon may have to import rice to in In his review of Ceylon and Malaysic to the fact that in 1504, not long after t Sekhara, cubeb was among the cargoe coast. Moreover, the accounts of Gar and of Valentyn written in I 675 mer Malabar region. It is quite likely tha
it ted from the Malabar coast for quite sor
For certain versions of the travels of M In trying to determine the meaning in Tamil the term takkolam was also leaf, arecanuts and long pepper.84 T together With akil, milaku, kôttam and the hilly regions.85 It is also notew Sinhalese work written in about the
mentary on the Kalingabodhi Jataka to
80. The Silappadikaram, (ed. V. R. Ramachandra
81. See The Golden Khersonese, pp. 182-3
82. JCBRAS (new Series), Vol. XI, 1967, p
83. Garcia de Orta (Garzia dall'Horto), Dell'Isto Indie Orientalie..., (Trad. dal Portughese da Annib. Valentyn, Keurlyke Beschryving van Choromandel, Peg See The Travels of Marco Polo, New York, 1958,
84. Tamil Lexicon, University of Madras, 1928
85. malai-patu-tiraviyam. Pinkala-nikantu, Ma that the text is using malai to denote 'hill'. (p. ܬܐ .
2.

MALAYSIA
nt statement in the Qilappadikaram g the emporium of Madura with that there is no reference at all to asis of reference to the eastern wind ships came from South East Asia; On the other hand, the Cilappadieing imported to Madura. It was mentary by Adiyarkkunnalar that ginal verse is explained as referring s it becomes evident that the belief india from Malaysian regions rests
evidence.
cubebs by Paranavitana. Even this does not of course mean that ch as a rice-producing Country like heet her excessive internal demand. 1, Indrapala82 has drawn attention he time of the writing of the Kavyas sent to Lisbon from the Malabar cia written in the sixteenth century ition cubeb as an export from the it this commodity had been exporme time before the sixteenth century. Aarco Polo also mention this fact.83 of takul, it is relevant to note that ised in other senses to denote betel The Pinkala-nikantu gives takkolam, kumkumam, as the five products of rorthy that the Dharmapradipika, a twelfth century, refers in its comtakul as a plant found in the Hima
Dikshitar), Madras, 1939, Canto 14, vv. 106-112. 3.
105. ria dei semplici ed altre cose che vengono portate dall' Briganti), Venezia, 1589, pp. 39-403; Francois tu, Arrakan, Bengale. . , Amsterdam, 1726, p. 243; pp. 305, 391.
3, Vol. III, p. 1704. dras, 1917, p. 72. It is clear from a later entry 90.)

Page 28
UNIVERSITY OF
layan precincts. 86 The preceding the author of the Kavyasekhara m in mind when he wrote about the could very well have been thinkin
The Huw, states that Magha
ment contradicts Paranavitanas hy in Ceylonese sources to denote t admits the difficulties raised by the would be vague if the normal that the original reading would hav would have changed Jambi to Jar with Sumatra, where the moder. would imply that Kalinga where 11n Sumatra.
Clearly this is one of the wea vitanas arguments. Though it w that a person came from Jambudip There are many instances of menti sources of Ceylon of individuals g the earliest being the reference to t vangsa. 88 Further, Jambi or Tchan to as a city, the capital of Mo-lo-y the southern part of Sumatra. 89 TI of the known sources to show th; Nor is Jambidiipa even an attested to reading in any one of the manusc editions of the Huw. The Huw, w, tion of Vijayabāhu III (I.272 A.D. clear that the reading of the term w because the earlier of the two Sinh
by this year, uses the term Jan Sinhalese.90
To overcome the difficulties ra. vitana attempts to give another i pradesa, but this seems to run count
86. Dharmapradipika, (ed. Dharmakirti Sr 87. Hvv., p.30.
88. Div. 12.51. 89. T'oung Pao, Vol. XXX, 1933, pp. 90. Bav., p. 44.

CEYLON REVIEW
discussion should make it clear that y not have kept a Malaysian region Malala prince who brought takul. He of a ruler from the Malabar region.
came from Jambudipa. 87 This state
pothesis as the term Jambudipa is used e Indian sub-continent. Paranavitana assage but opines that this statement leaning is attached to it. He suggests } been Jambidipa and that later copyists ibu. Jambidipa, Parnavitana identifies town of Jambi is situated. This Aagha came from has to be located
kest and most tendentious of Paranaould seem that a statement indicating a is vague, this form was quite usual. on in the chronicles and other literary oing to or coming from Jambudipa, he arrival of Mahinda in the Dipa-pei of the Chinese sources is referred u (Malayu) which has been located in
here is absolutely no evidence in any
at Sumatra was known as Jambidipa. ponym. It does not occur as a variant ipts consulted for the many different as evidently written after the corona) which is referred to therein. It is as not Jambidipa at least in 1382 A.D. alese versions of the Hvv., completed udipapradesayen in rendering it into
sed by the passage in the Eav., Paranainterpretation of the term Jambudipa:r to his arguments cited in the prece
Dharmäräma), Päliyagoda, 1906, p. 274.
76-7.
22

Page 29
CEYLON AND
ding paragraphs. He states that the t
with a specific technical sense to deno continent like Malayadvipa and Y that the author of the Eav. Would ha in the sense of the modern English
pointed out that if the author of the South East Asian regions in mind, it v than referring to an Indian region by ferring to the kingdom of Candrabhi desa.91. It would be difficult to belie
refers to a South East Asian region
"vague term in another place with
It should be clear from the fore reason to doubt that the terms Jambud anything other than their convention nent. It would seem that Paranavita of the home of Magha with an area is Javaka = Malala equation. This is a f tion. The Pujavaliya, which was writ bāhu II, is perhaps the most reliable o and the closest to the events under disc
bahu II had to fight against three dif
Demalas' and the Javakas, to unify t these peoples, the Javakas were the
bhanu. It also describes the army o of twenty-four thousand Malalas. forces of Magha and Jayabahu had b numbered forty thousand. In the these two kings they are referred to The accuracy of the classification of Caled in question. But it is clear t to as Malalas while those of Candr and Javakas occur as two distinct peo of these terms in the Pijavaliya does tion on which Paranavitana's hyp argues that Malala is equated with
sanne on the Kokilasandeśa. 93 Mala
91. Eav., p. 47 92. Pjw., p. 116. 93. Kokila sandesa, (ed. P. S. Perera), Colombo
2

MALAYSIA
rm pradeśa is used in Sanskrit texts e "dependencies of the Indian subIvadvipa. Therefore, he suggests, ve used the term Jambudvipapradesa usage Further India. It might be Eaw. used this term with one of the ould be a much more vague usage the term Jambudipa. Further in renu, he uses the term. TamaliigamuTe that an author who in one place by its particular name would use a in the same chapter.
going discussions that there is little vipa and Jambudi papradesa Connoted al meaning i.e. the Indian sub-contina's hypothesis on the identification South East Asia rests mainly on the joint which needs careful consideraten by a contemporary of Parakramaf the sources available on this period ussion. It describes how Parakramaerent groups of people, the Malalas, he island under his leadership. Of soldiers who fought under Candraf Magha the Kalinga' as composed The third was Jayabahu. The joint oth Malala and Demaļa soldiers and lescription of the campaign against as demala rajun, “Dravidian Kings. 92 Magha as a Dravidian king may be at the forces of Magha are referred abhanu are called Javakas. Malalas les and the context of the occurrence not warrant the Javaka = Malala equaothesis is based. Paranavitana also Malayuru in an eighteenth century yuru calls to one's mind the term
1906, р. 95. Quoted in Ceylon and Malaysia, p. 83

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UNIVERSITY O
Malaiyür mentioned earlier. Ho tion could be applied to the passa Malala and Malayuru occur in t meanings.94
The sense in which the term clear if the relevant passages are the Cülavaqisa. In the latter wo Kalinga, bringing with him twen about announcing that they were K Later on, it is stated that Parakram: sand Keralas and Damias in his s It becomes evident from this that t accounts of these events and that it that the Pūjāvaliya uses the terr
However, Paranavitana prefers Kerala i.e. the Malabar region. H they would not have been content Secondly, he maintains that the ter. the influence of the Kalingas, whom nant in Ceylon politics. On the proposes to identify Kerala as deriv to the Vayu Purana, to denote the Bharatavarşa.96
It may be pointed out here th mercenaries was not rare. As evid himself drew heavily from the Co recruits for his second invasion of C nãta and the Kerala regions were em power and prestige but also by wel armies as in the case of the Colas of S It is not surprising, therefore, for Malabar for his invasion of Cc
94. Piv., (ed. Saddhàtissa), 1930, p. 106. 95. Cv. 80. 58–62; 83.50-1. Geiger's trans 96. Иäyи Рuräта, Canto 45, v. 82. 97. Cu. 88. 62, 63. 98. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, Colas, Madras, 19; and A. D. Pusalker), 1957, p. 257.

CEYLON REVIEW
ever, it is doubtful whether this equae in the Pujavaliya as both these terms is work evidently with two different
Malala is used in the Piavaliya becomes ompared with the parallel passages in k, Magha is said to have come from y-four thousand soldiers who roamed ralas and cruelly oppressing the people. bahu II had to fight against forty thouruggle against Māgha and Jayabāhu. 95 he two chronicles agree closely in their was in place of Kerala in the Calavamsa 1 Malala.
not to accept the obvious meaning of : argues that if Keralas were Malayalis, to win political power for a foreigner. in Kerala occurs in the Cillavamsa when he identifies as Malaysians, was domibasis of these arguments, Paranavitana ed from Kirata, a term used, according peoples who dwelt to the east of the
at the practice of using South Indian ent from the Ciūlavauunsa, Candrabhānu la and Pandya territories for military Deylon.97 Mercenaries from the Karnployed not only by adventurers seeking -established dynasties in their imperial outh India and the Palas in the North.98 Magha to employ the inhabitants of ylon.
ation of Civ. 83.20 is inaccurate.
, p. 134; The Struggle for Empire, (ed. R. C. Majumdar
4.

Page 31
LS
Lt
CEYLON AND
An inscription issued by Nissank against Paranavitana's interpretation
* ) * - " regions including the home of Mag vitana identifies as a Malaysian prince,
-ganda outbursts in his slab inscription
at Polonnaruva. While extolling the right to the kingdom of Ceylon, he st: Buddhist regions of Cola and Kerala. V Buddhist country like Ceylon.99 It is Considered the presence of Kerala pri Secondly, the Keralas occur in associ doubt that it is the Malabar region w reveals the dangers involved in an atte term Kerala on grounds of its associal ments that Paranavitana adduces to pr do not appear to be sufficiently con
Paranavitana cites the story of th Kaliiga by Danta and Hemamala as f of this region. He points out that in t works Danta is said to have gone sou and argues that Tamalitti from where therefore, be the same as Tamralipti the Daladapiljavaliya and the Sinhalese limgam, and Tamalingamu in place Citing his earlier identification of Tai vitana maintains that, if the Kalinga in Eastern India, they would have bee inconsistency. He identifies Dantap fori and situated “just south of Mergu of 1595.101 This would imply th Dathavamsa and the later literary v Tooth Relic was brought has to b modern Thailand. It is important arguments have to be taken in a deny that the actual region from whic
99. Ep. Zey., Vol. II, p. 159 ll. B8-10. 100. Daladapijavaliya, (ed. Kanadulle Ratanara Asabha Tissa, Kelaniya, 1883, p. 81.
101. L. Fournereau, Le Siam Ancienne, Annales
گھر
4-1039 2.

MALAYSIA
amala provides a strong argument of Kerala as denoting the eastern ha. Nissańkamalla, whom Paranaindulges in one of his usual propaat the northern gate of the citadel virtues of the Kalinga line and its ates that royal princes from the nonwere unfit to occupy the throne of a evident from this that the Kalingas nces to be a threat to their power. ation with the Colas. There is no hich is meant in this passage and it mpt at another interpretation of the tion with Kalinga. Thus the arguove the Malaysian origin of Magha V11n CIng.
e bringing of the Tooth Relic from rther evidence for his identification he Dathavamsa and the later Sinhalese thwards from the city of Dantapura : he took ship to Ceylon could not, in Bengal. He further shows that sanne to the Dāṭhāvanusa give Tamaof Tamalitti in the Pali original.100 naliningam with Tāmralińga, Paranathat these writers had in mind was in guilty of desavirodha, geographical ura with a place named Tandai' according to a Portuguese(?) map at the Kalinga mentioned in the orks as the region from which the a located in the southern part of
to note here that Paranavitana's 'phenomenalist sense; he does not h the Tooth. Relic was brought was
nsi), 1954, p. 50, Dáthåvansa and Sanne edited by
du Musée Guimet, Vol. 27, 1895, pl. vi.

Page 32
UNIVERSITY OF
the Indian Kalińga. In fact he se identification he proposes for th the arguments he put forward Sumatra. 103
The presence of a Dantapura
in an inscription from Purle which
Mahārāja Indravarman of Kaliñga. tapura in the year I 49 of an unspe cription believes that it was proba record may be dated to the end o. gests the identification of Dantapu way from Chicacole to Siddhantan pura was the city that the authors o they wrote about the bringing oft when he says that Dantakumara is
city. The invasion of Ksiradhara have obliged a fugitive fleeing frc the city. But the Dathavamsa adds its banks for some time after havi Apparently, he was waiting till C Later on, he starts on his journey W rallipti. Paranavitana's assertion tha wards' finds no support in the D. which carry this legend. This is in Paranavitana's main argument is ba gam(u) in the other two sources do identification of the port of dep; the term has been used in other in same port. 107 Further, if it was r authors had in mind, it is not very the Dathavamsa, would have used
Tambalinga which was in vogue a bringing of the Tooth Relic in Pali not seem to bear out Paranavitana's sian region in mind when they us
102. See for instance A Concise History of Ce 103. See supra p. 22. 104. Ep. Ind, Vol. XIV, pp. 360-3. 105. The Age of Imperial Kanauj, (ed. R. C. N 106. Dôithôivanqnsa, v. 305. 107. See supra, p. 14.
2

CEYLON REVIEW
ms to admit this was so. 102 But the Kalinga of Dathavanusa contradicts arlier to locate Kalinga in Southern
in Kalińga in Eastern India is attested records a grant of land by a certain It was issued from the city of Dancified era. 104. The editor of the insbly the Gańga era, in which case the the ninth century. 105 He also suga with modern Dantavaktam on the It is quite possible that this Dantaf the literary works had in mind when he Tooth. Relic. Paranavitana is right said to have fled southwards from the who had earlier attacked Patali would m him to proceed southwards from that he crossed a river and lived on ng hidden the Relic in the sand. 106 onditions of political turmoil abated. hich brings him and his wife to Tamit they continued their journey southithavamsa or the other literary works portant as it is the point on which sed. The use of the term Tamalines not present any obstacle against the arture with Tamralipti in Bengal, as stances explicitly to denote this very eally the Tamralinga region that the likely that Dhammakitti, who wrote the term Tamalitti in preference to t the time. Thus the legend of the and Sinhalese literary works does claim that the authors had a Malayed the term Kalinga.
"lon., p. 114.
ajumdar and A.D., Pusalker), 1964, p. 73.

Page 33
ܥܡ ܡ .
CEYLON AND
The Siyabaslakara, a Sinhalese w Kavyadarsa and datable to the tenth ment as an example of poetical descri facts: Kalinigu vene gaja räs piiri (The elephants.) 108 It thereby implies tha in Kalinga. In fact, the gloss on this century, states in explanation that elep as they were in Aramana (Lower B. the Kalinga referred to in these two W. Kalinga which was well-known for another argument the fact that Aran contradistinction to Kaliñga, Parana known to the Sinhalese of the tenth the northern part of the Malay P
This is a conclusion based on the sula was not well known for its elepl gets from works like the Ling-wai T II, 78, the more Well-known Chu-fan 1225 and the Sung-shih of 1345 on th during the later Sung period is that inconsistent with geographical facts. doms like Tan-ma-ling, Ling-ya-ssu coast of the Malay Peninsula, Jih-lo–t thern and eastern areas of Sumatra as ivory. The last two works include outside the natural range of the ele has suggested, that Java merely recould also cite the description of Q. found elephants to be "numerous" is described as a province under the r the way to China from India, has b various parts of South East Asia; but with a region on the west Coast of th acceptance among scholars. 12
108. Siyabaslaklara, Canto, 3, v. 42. 109. Siyabaslakara with Sanne edited by H. J: 110. Paul Wheatley, "Geographical notes on son Jnl. Malayan Br. of R.A.S., Vol. XXXII, pt. 2, 1959, S
111. The Golden Khersonese p. 226. 112. P. Pelliot, Bulletin critique', T'oung Pao,
2.

MALAYSIA
Ork on rhetoric based on Dandin's century, cites the following stateption inconsistent with geographical orests of Kalinga are teeming with t elephants were not in abundance work, written in about the twelfth hants are not as numerous in Kalińga urma).109 Paranavitana argues that orks cannot be the same as the Indian its large elephants. And citing as hana is mentioned in this work in vitana concludes that "the Kalinga to twelfth centuries was a region in eninsula.”
2 assumption that the Malay Peninlants. But the impression that one ai-ta of Chou-chii-fei dating from -chih compiled by Chao ju-kua in Chinese trade in the Indian Ocean such an assumption would also be
These three works mention king(-chia) and Fo-lo-an on the eastern ing in its northern part, and the norimportant regions known for their Java, too, in the list. But Java lies phant, and it is possible, as Wheatley exported this commodity. 10 One iqullah given by Ibn Battitah who in this region. Qaqullah, which ule of the king of Mūl-jāwa and on een located by different scholars in Pelliot's identification of the place e Malay Peninsula has found general
yatilaka, 1901, p. 87. he commodities involved in Sung Maritime trade, see pp. 111-1.12; The Golden Khersonese, pp. 67-69.
Vol. XIII, 1912, pp. 453-455. ||

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UNIVERSITY OF
It is possible on the other hal phants, which became an extremel this period, exhausted the supplie remote past, gained a reputation fo to the elephants of Kalinga are to time of Hiuen-tsang. Moreover, Ceylon had started importing ele by the time of Parakramabahu I involved in transporting elephants seem unlikely that the Sinhalese Burma, if the Kalinga region had r been earlier. This would explair implying that elephants were not
To support his identification o Asia, Paranavitana also furnishes et devi, the Kalinga queen of Vikrar takes the phrase devotunu minda u inscription and compares devotunu ning two bridge land. He also meaning trade route and suggests between two trade routes. A ki in the Sui-shu and the Tang annals and Langkasika. Its capital bore City.114 Paranavitana suggests th setu (bridge 'causeway) and ident devotunu manda in the Dirnbulagala the Kalinga region, from which S in the Ch'ih-tu region.
The term duawujatan is not atte of a kingdom but is only a conject To-p'o-teng which occurs in Ce available is not adequate to locate Bali and others in the region near the Various views have been put for Wheatley's location in the Mal
113. Cu. 76.17-21.
114. See The Golden Khersonese, pp. 26-3 115. J. L. Moens, Jnll. Malayan Br. of R.A.S., N 116. G. E. Gerini, Researches on Ptolemy's Geo

CEYLON REVIEW
d that the increasing demand for elepopular instrument of warfare during of Kalinga which had, in the more its bellicose elephants. No references be found in foreign sources after the - , is evident from the Calavamsa that hants from Rāmañña (Lower Burma) 113 On considering the difficulties over a long distance by sea, it would would have brought elephants from mained as abundant a source as it had the statements in the Siyabaslakara abundant in the forests of Kalinga.
f Kalinga with a region in South East fidence to establish that Sundaramahanabahu I, was born in Malaysia. He an which occurs in the Dimbulagala with the Malay word dua uvuvatam meaconnects wofunu with Skt. wartina
that devotunu mainda meant 'the land ngdom called Chih-tu is mentioned as situated to the south of Tamralinga
the name Shih-tzu-cheng or Lion at Chih-tu is a derivation from Skt. ifies it with the region referred to as inscription. This would imply that undari came, will have to be located
sted in the Malay sources as the name ural restoration by Moens of the term rtain Chinese sources. 115 Evidence it precisely. Some have located it in Trang river in the Malay Peninsula.116 ward on the location of Chih-tu; ay Peninsula, immediately to the
ol. XVII, Pt. 2, pp. 22-23. raphy of Eastern Asia, London, 1909, pp. 473, 489.
28

Page 35
CEYLON AND
south of Ling-ya-SSu(-chia), fits in dence. 117 Evidently, a certain amount fications proposed by Paranavitana as with both To-p'o-teng and Chih-tu.
that the identification of Kalinga with
particularly the latter, would contradi by Paranavitana where he tried to con be located to the north of Tamraling: close to Mergui in the northern ext
The difficulties involved in the votunu minda in Malaysia directs one pretation of the term. The context more an epithet of Vikramabahu than pretation is not impossible. 119 Bo studied this record were of the opinio to the fact that Vikramabahu was bo king by the chief queen. 120 Paran on the ground that 'such an express add anything to his prestige, for king were the rule rather than the excepti gives does not seem to justify his r eulogies which occur in Sinhalese question refer usually to the descent and from the Solar dynasty. These teristics which marked out one king kings of the main Sinhalese line. On th bahu was born of annointed parents cation which brought political adva Jayabahu whom he had to fight to or Mānābharaņa, Kittisiri megha anc khinadesa and Rohana in defiance of The use of such a title would have legitimacy of his claim to rule over til indeed wanted to refer to the land o.
117. For a discussion on various theories on thi 118. This would also contradict the Ho-ling= together with, and as distinct from, Ho-ling, in the 119. okāvas rajakulen nipan sudonā parapuriem ā , (mdinda upa)n vikumba nirinduhata agamehesunyi gaja Zey, Vol. II, p. 194 Jl. 1-3. Ep. Zey., Vol. II, pp. 189, 196; Ceylon :120.ر
2

| MALAYSIA
with most of the known evi
of confusion underlies the identi
he identifies the home of Sundari 118 Finally, it has to be pointed out either To-p'o-teng or Chih-t'u, and at the arguments put forward earlier vince the reader that Kalinga should 1 and that it was probably situated remity of the Malay Peninsula.
dentification of a region called de's attention to Paranavitana's interof the passage suggests that it was of Sundari, though the latter interth. Bell and Wickremasinghe who in that the phrase in question referred rn of crowned parents i.e. son of a avitana rejects this interpretation ton in an eulogy of a king does not s who were sons of crowned parents on.' The reason that Paranavitana ejection of the interpretation, for the inscriptions including the record in of kings from the line of Okkaka ! were by no means special characbut were qualifications claimed by all e other hand, the claim that Vikramawould in fact have been a qualifintages to him. None of his rivals, capture the throne of Polonnaruva, | Sirivallabha who ruled over Dakhis authority, had this qualification. been a means of demonstrating the he whole of Ceylon. Had the queen her birth, it is more likely that she
s subject, see The Golden Khersonese pp. 26-36. Kalinga equation. For To-p'o-teng is mentioned
Tang annals. See Gerini, op. cit, p.473.
hirugotikulen abhinnavä rūsirin siridiniū (de) voțiunu bähudevayan vädu sundara maha devon vahanse. Ep.
Antiquary, 1917, pp. 4-12.
9

Page 36
UNIVERSITY OF
would have mentioned the kingdo men, without using a term which
who read her inscription. And if ginal translation of the record, the home of Sundari in the Malaysia
In a slab inscription at Polon of land to an official who is said to h and thence on Wards’.121 Paran: Suvarnina-Javaka which is taken to Javaka. Of CourSe, it is very unli. of a person as Nilakanta Sastri sug terms, Suvarnnadvipa-Javaka or St. dealing with the history of South mention Javaka but refer to a Yax The Ramayana distinguishes Suva Javaka of the Cillavausa was in th to the Kathasaritsagara, Suvarninadvi (Kedah) to India. 124 The term Su to be an unlikely Combination to den On the other hand, it is not stated the original home of Nissankamall could very well have been a place sometimes called Rangiri Dainbulla have saved the king from bodily
In its account of the period of under the sway of the Colas, the C Jagatipala from Ayojiha who perish Hultzsch suggested that he might a king of Ceylon but originally a r. have died under similar circumstanc ted by Wickremasinghe and Geiger. by Rājendra II, also refers to a V: (Kalingar-man), whom Rajendra cla
121 Eze, ws V 205 A21 122. JCBRAS (New Series), Vol. VIII, Pt. 1, 123. Rmy, Bombay, 1902, IV. 30. Vv. 30, 31. 124. Kathdisaritsdgara, London, 1924, Tarang 125. Cu. 56. 13-5. 126. SII., Vol. III, p. 52.
127. Mu..., (trsl), p. xxix. 128. SII., Vol. III, p. 59.

CEYLON REVIEW
n of Kalinga like her other CountryVould have been unfamiliar to many on these grounds, we accept the orie would be no need to look for the
region.
aruva, Nissankamala makes a grant veguarded his person at Ruvandambu vitana equates Ruvandambu with be an abbreviation of Suvarninadvipaely that Ruvandambu was the name gested. 122 But neither of these two varņņa-Jāvaka, is attested in sources East Asia. The Indian sources do not advipa which may be its equivalent. inadvipa from Yavadvipa. 123 The : Malay Peninsula while according pa lay on the sea-route from Kataha varninadvipa-Javaka seems, therefore, ote any one South East Asian COuntry. in this record that Ruvandambu was a or that it was outside Ceylon. It in Ceylon, like Darinbulla which is , where the official concerned would
harm.
political turmoil when Ceylon passed ilavatusa refers to a princeling called ed in a struggle against the Colas. 125 be identified with Vira-Calamegan, sident of Kannakucci, who is said to es. 126 This identification was accep27 Another Cola inscription, issued ra-Calamegan, king of the Kalingas ms to have defeated in Ceylon. 128
1962, p. 137.
I. 123. v, 110.

Page 37
CEYLON AND
Paranavitana proposes to identify the same invididual and, on the basis oft a king who is said to have come from
is called the king of the Kalingas in th tion of a city called Ayodhya in Kali ༄། 《། locate the Kalinga of this record "in
The only evidence that Paranav called Ayodhya in Tennasserim is th legendary tale quoted by Queyroz | There is, of course, the well-known
tion of Ayodhya in the Calavamsa wit of Kalinga in Thailand, to the nortl examination of the sources would sh to Paranavitana's hypothesis do not r fact common to Jagatīpāla and Vīr their fortunes. But these unsettled t sharing similar fortunes. The differ Hultzsch admitted, the difference of certain. In fact, in a later paper, Hultz
The second identification seems found at Manimangalam and dated i. ༄། Rajadhiraja I claims to have deprive kings of Ceylon, Vikramabahu, Vikra raja, of their crowns and to have d bharana. Vira-Calamegan perished family fell into Cola hands.131 Ano dated in the fourth year of Rajendra I dispatched to Ceylon by this king c Vira-Calamegan and took two sons o A comparison of the details of the that they are not referring to the s. shared the same name, the king from in the inscription of IO46 has to be who perished resisting the later invas there would be no need to look for
129. Fernao de Queryroz, The Temporal and Spi. pp. 48-49.  ܼ ܒ 130. E. Hultzsch, Contributions to Singhalese 131. SII., Vol. III, p. 56. 132. SII., Vol. III, p. 59.
گر

MALAYSIA
se three sources as referring to the his identification, he points out that Ayoha (Ayodhya) in one account, e other. And as there is no menhga in Eastern India, he proposes to Tennasarim, close to Lower Burma.
itana has of the presence of a city e reference to a certain Ajota in a 129 This seems hardly adequate. city of Ayuthia; but the identificah Ayuthia would imply the location
of the Malay Peninsula. A close Dw that the two identifications est on a firm foundation. The only a-Calamegan was the similarity of imes would have seen many others ince of their areas of origin and as names make the identification unsch Withdrew his identification.130
even less tenable. In an inscription in his 29th regnal year (IO46 A.D.), ld Vira-Qalamegan and three other uma Pandya and Sri Vallabha Mahãecapitated the Pandya king Manain battle and some members of his ther inscription from the same area I (IO 55 A.D.) mentions that an army aptured and killed the Kalinga king f king Manabharana as prisoners. 132 two inscriptions makes it quite clear time invasion. Hence, though they Kannakucci whose death is recorded lifferentiated from the Kalinga ruler ion launched by Rajendra II. Hence a Kalinga in the Malaysian region.
itual Conquest of Ceylon, Vol. I. (trs). S. G. Perera),
chronology, JRAS, 1913, pp. 517-531.

Page 38
UNIVERSITY O.
Finally, we may consider th a sub-commentary on the Vinaya port of his attempt to locate Kaling menting on the phrase milakkhal cites Demaļa and Ijjāvaka (var. J. proceeds to explain Andharata or could be translated either as 'And country and the lijavaka country Tamalingamu country which is Paranavitana cites this statement sian region to the learned men of centuries. But it is also possible monk who wrote the Vinayarthasan century or in the early part of th explain Andha which had by this and confused it with the regions contact in his time. Further, eve1 pretation of the passage it would called Andha in the Malay Penins theory on the identification of Kal the passage raises the possibility o Ceylon and the Malay Peninsula, e. bhānu.
It should be evident from the that the evidence that Paranavitan his contention that the term Kalii in the period between the tenth a Malaysian region. Further his the assumption that there was a South name. Chinese sources refer to a r from 640 to 88 A.D. Of these so term Po-ling with a note that the was Mayers who first suggested it might be recognized in the ter.
133. Windydrthasanuccaya, (Manuscripts at Dł Andharația nam tamalliñiga rața ijjāvaka (var. iliāva
134. Proceedings of the First International Conf pp. 58-59.

CEYLON REVIEW
passage from the Vinayarthasamuccaya, Pitaka, that Paranavitana cites in supa in the Malay Peninsula. While comhasa, 'barbarian languages, this work
ivaka) as examples. Then the author
Andha country in a passage which a country is the same as Tamalingamu or as 'Andha country is the same as also called the Iijavaka country. 133 o prove that Andharata was a MalayCeylon in the twelfth and thirteenth that Medhankara, the forest-dwelling Accaya in the latter half of the twelfth thirteenth century, was at a loss to Dime given way to the term Vengi, with which Ceylon had come into if We concede Paranavitana’s interonly imply the presence of a region ula and is too flimsy a basis for his inga. It is noteworthy, however, that the prevalence of contact between ven before the invasion of Candra
discussion in the preceding paragraphs a presents does not necessarily prove nga was used by the Sinhalese literati ld the thirteenth century to denote a sis depends to a large extent on the
East Asian kingdom known by this gjon called Ho-ling during the period rces, the Sung-kao-seng-chuan uses the region is also called Ho-ling. 134. It y 1876 that the Indian name Kalinga
Ho-ling.
ymmayuktikarama, Vigada, Bemmulla.) folio chau. a), nam ratayi.
"ence Seminar of Tamil Studies, Kuala Lampur, 1966,
2

Page 39
CEYLON AND
Since that time, this identification Such savants like Takakusu, Chavann its way into text books. This Ho-li main prop on which hypotheses on the
R - to South East Asia and the foundation
based. 135 Even if this interpretation it is important to note that the term 8T8-820 A.D. Hence there is absolut of a kingdom by the name Kalinga in thirteenth centuries when the Kaling
More recently, the lately lamented after a deep and painstaking study of th term Kalińgais usually transliterated in { Kie-ling-kie(-kia) or Ko-ling-kie (-ki of all the three syllables of the name. that on consideration of the number of to the first of the Chinese characters Po-ling, the Ho-ling = Kalińga equati the other hand, that Ho-ling was m Walain, the nom du Palais (kadatuan) the Ratu Baka plateau in Java from t
the ninth century, roughly the same p
tion in the Chinese sources. 136 Y who has studied this problem, has
equation as unacceptable. He beli Chinese rendering of the term Sail Damias put forward has found grea Coedès, one of the exponents of the edition of his well-known work on til
135. "On est d'accord pour considérer le nom c l'on établit Volontiers un rapport entre l'apparition d' du vie siècle, et les conquêtes des souverains hindo côte Orientale de l'inde vers la même époque. Ces con celles des Indo-Scythes et de Samudragupta, un exoc auraient fondé à Java (ou sur la Péninsule) un nouvea chine et d'Indonesie, Paris, 1948, pp. 137-138.
136. Louis-Charles Damais, "Etudes Sino-Indon comme designation de Java'', BEFEO, Tome LII, F
137. Yutaka Iwamoto, 'On the Ho-ling Kingde Sentinar of Tamil Studies, Kuala Lampur, 1966, p.
ܢ
5-101.39 33

MALAYSIA
was accepted without question by es, Pelliot and Coedès and found ng= Kalinga equation formed the emigration of the people of Kalinga of a new kingdom of Kalinga were of the term were to be accepted, does not find mention after about tely no evidence on the existence South East Asia in the twelfth and a dynasty was ruling over Ceylon.
Louis-Charles Damais pointed out, e problem of Ho-ling, that the Indian Chinese Works as Kia-ling-koic(-koia), a), all being renderings into Chinese
Damais has convincingly proved syllables, the value usually attached and the existence of a variant term on is untenable. He suggests, on ost probably the transliteration of of a royal family which ruled over he seventh till about the middle of eriod in which Ho-ling finds menutaka Iwamoto, another scholar also rejected the Ho-ling = Kalinga aves that Ho-ling represents the endra. 137 The interpretation that ter acceptance among scholars and earlier theory, has revised the latest le history of South East Asia accor
lu Ho-ling comme une équivalent de Kaliñga, et un Etat de ce nom dans le mers du Sud au milieu us Pulakeçin II et Harsha, dans le Kaliñga sur la quêtes auraient provoqué, comme précédemment le verse l'Inde extérieure ou des princes en exile" u Kaliñga', G. Coedès, Les états hindouisés d'Indo
siennes : III. La transcription Chinoise Ho-ling asc. 1. 1964, pp. 93-141. im', Proceedings of the First International Conference p. 58-66.

Page 40
UNIVERSITY C
dingly. 38 Thus it would seem has removed the main basis on been founded; and hence his Ka
Professor Paranavitana devote sia to an attempt to establish tha! can be traced back to the earliest this relationship led to the extens Malaysian kingdom and to the fou by a scion of the Sinhalese royal í between the two royal families v certain times to play a decisive ri
East Asia.
An example of the type of a to prove his theses is the interpret samudda. A story in the Mahavan refers to a Brahmana at Anuradha parabhandani. 139 Geiger translate overseas. The author of the Van the passage, adds that the merchandi Paranavitana identifies samuddap Asian regions on the plea that known products of this region. B vanusa and the Vannsatthappakāsinī ai that the latter is merely giving exe island. The manner in which the co inverted form parasamudda also supp vitana assumes that the evidence ht samudda with Malaysia when it occur but the same story occurs in othel replaced with Jambudipa. 142
138. Compare n. 135 with Les états. ... Pari with reference to Ho-ling,°... le royaume de chances d'etre a l'origine du nom chinois....
139. Mv. 23. 24. 140. samuddapãre bhandlānīti kappūracandar 141. Papa ficasadani, (P. T. S.), Vol. V, p. 142. Dharmapradāpikā, p. 98. Karma vibhā Sominda), Colombo, 1961, p. 61.

R CEYLON REVIEW
that research by Damais and Iwamoto which Paranavitana's identifications had Inga theory will have to be rejected.
I
four chapters in his Ceylon and Malay
the relations between the two regions times. He would have us believe that on of the suzerainty of Ceylon over a dation of the ruling house of Sri Vijaya amily. According to him the relations ere so close that they joined forces at »le in the politics of South and South
rgumentation that Paranavitana utilises ration that he gives to the term parasa concerning the Warrior Süranimala pura who had in his possession samuddald the term as merchandise from risatthappakasini, while commenting on ise included sandalwood and camphor. 140
sandalwood and camphor were wellut it is also possible that both the Mahāre using the term in its literal sense and imples of merchandise imported to the immentator equates samuddapara with its orts this explanation. However, Parana} has cited is adequate to identify paras again in a story in the Papancastidani, 141
works with parasamudda having been
, 1964. Coedès drops the earlier passage and adds Valaing dont le nom, suivant L. C. Damais, a toutes
p. 151.
ādāni pāra samuddabhaņdāni. Vap. p. 4.49. 75. ya, (ed. Mäda-luyangoda Vimalakīrti and Nähinne
34
ira as a term denoting South Eas
S

Page 41
CEYLON ANI
tO Paranavitana proposes a new in ad inscription of Vasabha to obtain mo) Ceylon and Malaysia in early time faction made by a certain Naka wh - a personage called Ayi Sayi. In the inscription, Paranavitana equated th
y- which occurs in the Paficatantra as th ÍS lowing Monier Williams, he translated Lat Ayi, Paranavitana pointed out, is th a Sinhalese inscriptions, and as to the ya bility of it being derived from Šāt mis
at In his Ceylon and Malaysia, where th ship between the two regionis, Paralı
of explanation. He reads navaka as And Ayi Sayi is identified with Aji Javanese kingdom who brought civ
SCS (1- P.C. Bagchi’s hypothesis that Aji Sal la from the western part of India144 a- records the fact that it was a Sinhale (). his journey to Java.
D1). -
40 This example is interesting as it illu S- Paranavitana adopts in his book to arri 1- this instance the basis of his conclusic names Ayi Sayi and Aji Saka. The hi d of the legends about him for purpo ԼC accepted without question. The Ja tS Saka have been written down only i
earliest definite reference to this figur teenth Century which quote the le 1. variations of these legends. Accord king. But according to others, Bas Saka is mentioned as the tenth king a year roo2 of the Javanese era. Mear Bali and the eastern parts of Java sta refer to Aji Saka at all. 145 An exa
143. JCBRAS (New Serie), vol. V, Pt 2, 19 144. A Comprehensive History of India, (ed. K. 145. Thomas Stanford Raffles, The History of Je
کمرہ

MALAYSIA
erpretation of the Perimiyankulam evidence of close relations between This inscription records a benedescribes himself as the navaka of original paper where he edited this i term navaka with Skt. jñāpaka 2 title of a royal official. And, folit into English as “master of requests'. princely title commonly found in name Sayi, he Suggested the possi
Sati or Svati. 143
he sets out to prove a close relationlavitana follows a different method i variant form of navika, “mariner". Saka, the legendary founder of the ilization to that land. He accepts a was a prince of Scythian descent and concludes that the inscription se mariner who transported him on
strates some of the techniques that ve at very important conclusions. In n is the alleged identity of the two storicity of Aji Saka and the validity ses of historical reconstruction are vanese legends which mention Aji in comparatively recent times. The e is in the Chinese annals of the fif gends. Moreover, there are many ng to some, Aji Saka was the first 1 Keti was the first king while Aji ind is dated to a period as late as the while lists of kings from Sumenap, it the line with Tritresa and do not mination of the legendary material
8, pp. 129-137. A. Nilakanta Sastri), p. 772. |va, London, 1817, Vol. II, pp. 6-8.

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on Aji Saka reveals that they do r blish the historicity of this persona the individual mentioned in the
In the next stage of the develo the term malayarāja, which occurs se for the expansion of Sinhalese suze term occurs for the first time in the 53 I A.D.), who is said to have in title malayarajagga and placed him with the task of protecting the Aggabodhi I (57I-604) appointed raja and gave him his daughter in m also called Aggabodhi rose to the r ceeded his uncle as king. 147 Mog. title on the general who helped him rāja at the time of Aggabodhi IV vagusa as a wealthy patron of Bud monastery of Maņdalagiri. 149 Kas dhatha appointed to this position revenues were assigned to an alms-ha raja under Sena III (938–946) was a reign of Parakramabahu I it was th naries who had been assigned this
Paranavitana identifies malaya in Peninsula and proposes two interp Firstly, he suggests that the term w raja-ga, 'going to the kingdom of implying that Dathapabhuti was between Ceylon and the Malay P that Paranavitana suggests is that D. as the ruler, de facto or titular, of a which the Sinhalese king(s) claimed tation that Paranavitana puts forwa that he is faced with. It is evident
146. Cu. 41.35. 147. Cu. 42, 6, 10. 148. Cu. 44. 43. 149. Cu. 46. 29. 150. Cu. 52. 68-69, 151. Cu. 53. 36. 152. Cu. 69. 6.

CEYLON REVIEW
it provide adequate evidence to estaor to warrant his identification with Sinhalese inscription.
ment his theory, Paranavitana cites Teral times in the Cilapausa to argue
ainty over the Malay peninsula. The account of the reign of Silākāla (SI 8ested his son Dāghāpabhuti with the in the Dakkhiņa desa, entrusting him ocean’ (rakkha natthanga samuddiassa). 146 his nephew to the position of malayaarriage. Later on this prince who was link of mahādipāda and eventually sucgallāna III (6 I 4—619) conferred this to usurp the throne. 148 The malaya667-683) is mentioned in the Cillahism who built a relic-house at the apa V (9I4-923) had his son Sidand, on the death of this prince, his Il built in his memory. 150 The malayaminister called Aggabodhi. In the e commander of the Tamil merce
title. 152
these instances as denoting the Malay retations for the term malayarajagga. as derived from the Sinhalese malayaMalaya, and interprets the passage as laced in charge of communications eninsula. The second interpretation thapabhuti received this designation region in the Malay Peninsula, over
sovereignty. The dual interpred is an indication of the difficulties
from the instances cited above that

Page 43
CEYLON ANI
the title malayaraja was current in C that of Parakramabahu I. Some of t over parts of the Island as provincia of Anuradhapura. In such instances.
-- the reign of Aggabodhi IV, he cites
tain other instances, as in the case of the malayaraja enjoyed de facto authorit
On examining the context of th of the title malayarajagga on Dathapabh immediately preceding this passage of Silakala, as having been invested v to administer the Eastern Province the first of Paranavitana's interpreta term malayarajagga, it is not very like would be appointed to rule over til person was placed in charge of the coast, as Paranavitana himself states, important area for communications as well as the other hypothesis about dom in the Malay Peninsula, or at depends on the meaning one attaches to consider the other possibility, wh the contexts cited above, that malay regions of central Ceylon. Moreover in the Calavamsa denoted Malayadvis ted, as Sir Roland Braddell has conv not in the Malay Peninsula as Paranav the phonetical equivalent of the tern to denote a kingdom in Southern S any evidence in either Malaya or Sur these areas, it would be more advis malayaraja as denoting the hilly re.
Paranavitana uses this variant instance to argue for the prevalence and Malaysia. The Calavamsa refers
153. Cav. 41. 33-4.
154. Roland Braddell, Malayadvipa: a study Tropical Geography, Vol. IX, 1956, pp. 1-20.
155. See The Golden Khersonese, pp. 41-3, 54.
كاري
3

D MALAYSIA
eylon from the reign of Silakala to he princes who bore this title ruled rulers and succeeded to the throne
as in the case of the malayaraja of the first interpretation while in cerSiddhatha, he tries to maintain that ly over a part of the Malay Peninsula.
e passage recording the conferment uti, it is evident that the two strophes mention Moggallana, the eldest son fith the rank of adipada and assigned (purathiman desan). 153 If it was tions that was really meant by the tly that the incumbent of this office he Dakkhinadesa while some other Eastern Province. For the eastern would have naturally been the most with South East Asia. Further, this Sinhalese princes ruling over a kingleast claiming suzerainty over it, to the word malaya. One has also ich appears to be more likely from a could connote the mountainous even if it is presumed that malaya ba, this region will have to be locaincingly shown, 154 in Sumatra and itana seems to presume. Mo-lo-yu, l, is also used in the Chinese annals umatra. 155 And in the absence of natra to support Sinhalese rule over able to identify malaya in the title gion of central Ceylon.
Interpretation of malaya in another of close relations between Ceylon | to Sena. I (833–853), whose army,
in early Indianization', The Malayan Journal of

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UNIVERSITY OF
was routed by the Pandya king who Anurādhapura, heading for Malaya he is found staying at the “confluence evidently a place on the way to the at various places along the high dwayamukha with the confluence of Paranavitana argues that even if Ge place would be out of the way for highlands. He proposes to identify the river Mahavali in Trincomalee Peninsula that Sena was heading for strong argument. For a person wh Mahavali, along which a part of the w pura to Mahāgāma also lay, would h: foot-hills of the Malaya region. In states that Dutthagamani cleared the region as a part of the preparations holds in the Rajaratha. 158 It is thus the Malaya highlands, Could have t statement in the Cillavansa which r.
the highway (nahanlagga) would all
In addition to adducing new va in the chronicles, Paranavitana draw to support his hypotheses. An insc by Eduard Miller who edited it to a rulers: Budadasa Taripali Mahanan Mahida Mahasena. Tavakabāya Maha issued this inscription as he is mentio tion records a donation on behalf of “our diademed lord’ (apa Cudi paru H, apaya usually associated with the se
Paranavitana reads the phrase to tavaka from Javaka, Supporting his Co is the Tamil equivalent of Javaka, an
156. Cu. 50. 20, 37.
157. Cv., (trs), Vol. I, p. 141, n. 3. 158. Mv. 25. 5.
159. Eduard Müller, Ancient Inscriptions in Ce

DEYLON REVIEW
nvaded Ceylon, as having fied from
(malayabhimukhan). Subsequently, of the two rivers (gangadrayarakha), Malaya region, after posting guards
way. So Geiger identified gagi
the Amban and Mahavali rivers. ger's identification is accepted this one who was going to the Malaya gangadwayamukha with the delta of und suggests that it was the Malay
This does not seem to be a very
o followed the banks of the Ter ell-known highway from Anuradhalve easily reached the jungle-covered fact, the author of the Mahianisa stretch of road through the Malaya Le made to attack the Tamil strongclear that Sena, if he was going to aken this Well-known route. The sfers to Sena posting guards along so support such an interpretation.
riant interpretations of the material s evidence from certain inscriptions ription from Tissamaharama, dated bout the fifth century, refers to two nika Jețatisa Maharaja Apaya and raja. It is evidently the latter who ned in the first person. The inscripthe other king who is referred to as aka). Both bear the title inaharaja overeign ruler of the Island.159
wakabaya as tavakahoya. He derives
tention by pointing out that Savaka | giving instances ofsa > ta change in
lon, London, 1883, pp. 76—77.
8

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CEYLON ANI
Sinhalese. He connects boya with b He thereby identifies Mahida Mahaser the suzerainty of the king of Ceylon
Here it is necessary to remind o -ܥܬܐ` that Paranavitana draws on the extens * lese rulers over a Malayan kingdom is from South East Asia. It rests enti tation of the term tavaka which is nio 蠱 of Javaka. This is too flimsy and u: port such a weighty conclusion. O Mahanamika jeatisa in an inscriptio fied with Mahanama (AIO-432). 160 commentaries as Sirinivāsa and Sii the inscription could have been a c tinued to rule over Rohana after Anur occupation.
An inscription from Veherakema District mentions a certain Vahaka M an endowment in its favour. Para record dated it to the seventh cent the old principality of Rohaņa wher always effective. Usually Rohana d times of political turmoil; it was also rule. It was probably on considera suggested in his introduction to the should be identified as a prince “w. tions which prevailed at Anuradha seventh century, set up himself as ar.
In his Ceylon and Malaysia, Pa. plausible explanation that he himse
inscription as providing further evic tions with Malaysia. Against his p1 that neither in historical works nor
Vahaka', or its equivalent in Pali, b
very same paragraph Paranavitana a
160. Cey. Jinl. of Sc., Sec. G., Vol. II, p. 18. 161. Samantapasadika, (P.T.S.), Vol. VII, 1947 162. Ep.Zey., Vol. IV, pp. 142-143. بیبیسی

D MALAYSIA
hoja, meaning ‘‘possessor or “ruler. a as a king of Javaka who accepted
urselves that the weighty conclusion ion of the sovereignty of the Sinhaabsolutely unsupported by evidence 'ely on the highly suspect interpret attested anywhere else in the sense ncertain a piece of evidence to Supin the other hand, Budadasa Taripali in from Monaragala has been identi
Buddhaghosa refers to him in his ikudda.161 The king who issued escendant of Mahamama Who Conidhapura had passed under Dravidian
in the Panama Pattu of the Amparai saharaja who built a caitya and made navitana who originally edited this ury. 162 Veherakema is situated in e the rule of Anuradhapura was not eclared its political independence in the centre of resistance against foreign tion of these facts that Paranavitana 'dition of the inscription that Vahaka ho, in the unsettled political condipura during the greater part of the independent sovereign of Rohana.
ranavitana proposes to set aside this If put forward and to interpret this idence for his theories of closer relaevious view, he argues, “is the fact in epigraphy has the name “Vaha” or een met with.” But later on in the dmits that the Sinhalese form of the
p. 1415.

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UNIVERSITY OF
name Vasabha occurs as Vahaba in in the genitive singular in the Vall Vahaba had a variant form Vaha or name went out of vogue after the
Fejecting his earler interpretation on t to identify Vahaka with the name of mihira's Vrhat-Samhita and as Var He points out that the terms Vahad later period. 164 Varusakadvipa has
name for Baros in Sumatra. 1 65 T Veherakema inscription records an ins patronising the Buddhist sangha in
Paranavitana does not sound c. rejection of his earlier interpretation two variant forms of the name Wasat reign of the king of Anuradhapura v deny the possibility of the use of a Similarly, the absence of the incidence modern times is not a necessary indica by the seventh century. On the oth record is understood as connoting th the king ruled, it would imply that mention in it. This would be mos question as to how a king of a Malay grant four karisas of fields in Ceylon. Coromandel coast where kings of S type, they state in great detail not c but also the means by which they acc granted. 166 On considering these dif Vahaka was a Sinhalese king who rul Surmised..
Paranavitana cites an important published record from Madirigiriya. in a badly weathered condition. He quotes a passage from it which read
163. Vrhatsamhita, (ed. H. Kern), Calcutta, 190 Trivandrum, p. 332.
164. Ep. Zey., Vol. I., p. 49 l. 47; Cv. 48. 65; 49 165. R. C. Majumdar, Suvar 22, 22 advi pa, Dacca, 166. Ep. Ind, Vol. XVII, pp. 310-327; Vol. XX
4.

CEYLON REVIEW
Some inscriptions and as Vahayaha puram gold plate, “indicating that /ahaya.' But he maintains that the time of Vasabha (65-IO9). After
hese grounds, Paranavitana proceeds
an island, given as Virsa in Varahalsaka in the Manjusrimilakalpa. 163 ü and Vahadipa find mention in a been identified by Majumdar as a his interpretation implies that the tance of a ruler of a state in Malaysia
Ceylon.
onvincing when he argues for the of the record. On considering that ha were being used even during the who bore this name, it is difficult to third variant form at a later period. : of this name in sources preserved till tion of its having gone out of vogue er hand, if the term Vahaka in this e name of the country over which the name of the king does not find
t unusual. It would also raise the
"sian state came to have the right to
In records found in Bengal and the ri Vijaya make grants of a similar inly their name and line of descent uired the rights over the land they ficulties, it seems more probable that ed Rohana as Paranavitana originally
piece of evidence from a yet unAccording to him, the record is dates it to the eleventh century and malenā agboyā arak sayura ya vakaren
5, p. 89; Maijurimulakalpa, (ed. Gopinath Rao),
38, 76.
1937, Pt. I, p. 75. [I, pp. 213—266.

Page 47
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ബ
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pat navi and translates it as “the mar coast of Javaka) of the sea protected draws two important conclusions from to the existence of maritime relation country. As pointed out earlier, such a Secondly, he states that it proves that “ protect the sea was given the designatic doubt the reading of the inscription th fortunately, the record is not yet publis) wishes the text and a photograph of this in the appendix of Paranavitana's book. authority of Paranavitana for the text tion the validity and the adequacy of clusion. It has already been pointed
very unlikely that Dathapabhuti, who w raja by Silakala, had been placed in c Malayan regions. Further, even if we inscription, it would be difficult to pres the Malay Peninsula, if it was the same ted by the term Yava. Paranavitana suggesting that the two terms were sy it is not very likely that two such varia sentence of an inscription. Hence it
malena as denoting a ruler of the Ma
one such official was placed in charge C not necessarily mean that this was the bore this title.
An inscription from Mayilagastota Vitana as containing information bea
term malayaraja. It was issued by Ap: as a son of Kāśyapa V (9 I 4—923). Th read by Wickremasinghe who edited (ra)pur (vatnu povas) tamā (kârii uda) tisa doubtful and were as such indicated proposes a new reading of a part of thi bà vas tama kării and translates it as stati
by Apa Mihindu “on account of (his) b of Däva to increase.” He traces the di
7 EP-ZeY. Vol. II., p. 61.
10139-6 4 li

MALAYSIA
iners arriving from Yavakara (the by Malenā Agboy. Paranavitana this evidence: firstly that it points s between Ceylon and the Javaka possibility is, of course, quite likely. the dignitary whose duty it was to on of Malayaraja. One may not at Paranavitana has given; but, unned for one to be certain of it. One importantinscription had been given
Even if one were to rely on the sole of this inscription, one could questhis evidence for his Second Conout in an earlier context that it is ras invested with the rank of malayaharge of communications with the s accept the present reading of the sume that the term Malaya denoted : area (Javaka coast) that was denotries to get over this difficulty by nonymous. Even if this were so, nt forms would be used in the same seems more advisable to interpret laya highlands. And the fact that f the protection of the ocean does : duty expected of all officials who
in Rohaņa is also cited by Paranaring on the interpretation of the
i Mihindu who has been identified e lines A23-28 of this record were it as Mahaveher nakahi (dam) rad pa piriven. Some of his readings were
within brackets. 167 Paranavitana S phrase as diva rad parapura vadha ing that Uda Tisa pirivena was built
rother who makes the royal lineage erivation of the term Diva to Java.

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UNIVERSITY OF
“The words would be appropria case of a Sinhalese prince espousing being accepted as the king of the He proceeds to identify this person Kassapa V, who, according to the tion of Malayaraja.
Paranavitana draws further ex Sundarivrtanta, one of the docume the interlinear writing on the Abh According to this work, a Maharaja belonging to a line of rulers founded by a Cambodian prince and was fo a king called Sena was ruling over C Mahendra led an expedition to he toring Suvarņņapura to him. The his role of liberator with the hand of rinnava. Paranavitana identifies S to as Suvarninajavapura in these rec empire; Siddhatha, the founder of dhattha, the Son of Kassapa V who Sena IV (954-956); Mahendra witll as Mahinda IV; Sundari with the p1 espoused 168 and the king of Kamb defeat of Sri Vijaya with Rajendra the emperor of Śrī Vijaya.
The identifications that Paran powerful dynasty which ruled ove by a member of the Sinhalese roya maintained between the two ruling writtanta, if accepted, also points to time of Sena IV and to the persor intervened in South East Asian po bodian forces to restore the emper
168. Cu. 549-10.

CEYLON REVIEW
e,” Paranavitana comments, “to the : an heiress of the Javaka family, and egion over which the family ruled.'
ge with Siddhattha, the Other son of -
Dilavanusa, was appointed to the posi
idence for his hypothesis from the its he claims to have extracted from ayagiri inscription mentioned earlier. of Javaka, Gunarnava by name and | by a certain Siddhatha, was defeated rced to flee to Ceylon. At this time eylon with a yuvaraja called Mahendra. p Gunarnava and succeeded in res: Sinhalese prince was rewarded for Sundari, the grand-daughter of Guņāuvarnnapura, which is also referred ords, as a reference to the Śrī Vijaya the Śrī Vijaya ruling house, with Sidwas appointed malayaraja, Sena with the yuvaraja who later became king incess from Kalińga that Mahinda IV oja who reigned at the time of the varman. He refrains from identifying
vitana makes would imply that the r the Sri Vijaya empire was founded 1 family and that close relations were houses. The account in the Sundarithe military power of Ceylon in the al capability of Mahinda IV to have litics and to have defeated the Camor of Śrī Vijaya to his throne.

Page 49
CEYLON AND
These identifications seem to raise sions that Paranavitana draws from t the Mayilagastota inscription that Paran tion that two variant terms, Malaya an
note the very same place. As has beer
arguments are not sufficiently convini two terms were synonymous. Furth whole interpretation is based is ope A24 is too defective to enable one t two readings, dam or diva, is accepta reads po and not bii. There is a mark and the form ba which occurs in lil himself admits the difficulties regardi. a footnote. 109 This is significant as this as Paranavitana reads it, is crucial to
The identifications that Paranavi Kassapa V was in a position to appoint East Asian kingdom. If this were so. would have dismissed the incident wi considered Kassapa. V to be a model k Brihaspati and devoted ten strophes to tion he sent to India to Support a If Mahinda IV did indeed succeed in bodian king and winning for the kin lost, as it is claimed in the Sundarivrt the author of the Calavamsa, who we failed to mention this episode which of the most glorious in the annals of
The genealogical information in with the information in the Cillava reveals discrepancies which, too, thro Paranavitana has made. The followii pared from the information in these
169. Ceylon and Malaysia, p. 23, n.80.
丁 4.

MALAYSIA
problems as weighty as the conclunem. Firstly, the interpretation of avitana gives is based on the assumpd Däva (Javaka), were used to conpointed out earlier, Paranavitana's cing to make one believe that the er, his new reading on which the in to serious objection. The line o determine precisely which of the ble. But it is quite clear that A26 ed difference between this character hes A7, B6 and B7. Paranavitana ing the reading of this character in letter, or the word meaning brother the whole interpretation.
tana makes would also imply that one of his sons to rule over a South. it is not likely that the Calavatusa th a single stanza. The chronicler ing, compared him to Kuvera and a description of the ill-fated expediPandya king against the Colas. defeating the forces of the Camg of Sri Vijaya the throne he had anta, it is difficult to imagine why is by no means biased against him, hould have appeared to him as one
the Island.
the Sundarivritanta, when collated usa and the Sinhalese inscriptions, w doubt on the identifications that ng genealogical table could be pre
SOUCCS
3

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UNIVERSITY OF
Ādipād
Kassapa IV
Udaya IV Devā= Udaya III
There are two hypotheses abou believe that he was a son of Kassap son of Udaya III. It should be clea pothesis is accepted, Sundari shoul after Mahinda IV. Hence the them or of their having been conte
The identification of Sundari v IV is based on the assumption, pro part of this essay, that Kalinga in region. Objections may be raised grounds as well. Paranavitana hims difficulties though he does not specif from Polonnaruva, a certain Mahar son of King Mihind and his queen pinnacle of the Kalinga clan' (kalii edited this inscription, identified M. the son of Mahinda IV. It is evident of Mahinda V, through whom he clai
170. Ep.Zey., Vol. IV, p. 64, Il. A18-19.

CEYLON REVIEW
| Kassapa
Sena II
Kassapa V = Devā
Siddhattha
SO1)
Guņārņņava
Guņavatī= Srī Māra
Sundarī
t the descent of Mahinda IV. Some a V while others hold that he was a r from this table that whichever hyd have lived about four generations possibility of a marriage between imporaries does not seem likely.
with the Kalinga queen of Mahinda ved to be unwarranted in the earlie the Cillavamsa denotes a Malaysian
against this identification on other elf seems to have been aware of these ically say so. In a pillar inscription aja Sirisaigbo refers to himself as a Saiga and also says that he was “the gu kulakot) 170. Paranavitana, who hārāja Sirisaňgbo with Mahinda V, from this inscription that the mother med descent from the Kalinga family,

Page 51
CEYLON ANI
was Saňgā (Saṁghā) and in the circuli identify the Kalinga queen of Mahin the Sundarivrittanta is said to have bee
To get over this difficulty, Para pretation. He suggests that the terr have referred to Mahinda IV himsel support of this suggestion he points o of Mahinda IV, refers to his mother, a Paranavitana argues, is derived fro1 On the basis of this interpretation, I was born of a princess from Sumatra. both Udaya IV and Mahinda IV wo descent with the royal family of S
However, there are, as in the Ca earlier, serious difficulties about attri Polonnaruva inscription to Mahinda inscriptions of Mahinda IV does on to the Kalinga clan. Nor has Uday in the Badulla inscription that Uday raidina was his mother. 171 The terr Devgon rajna in another Contempora queen. 172 Samuda, like Dev, was derived from Sanskrit Samudra, rathe of origin. The name Samuda is too f a marriage alliance between the rulir
Paranavitana presents evidence fi discovered recently, the Paramparap radically alter our understanding of til reigns of Mahinda V and Vijayabāhu of Ceylon worked in close collabor against the power of the Colas whos loss of independence and sovereignty for a short period. The two royal Mahārāja Māra, identified by Parana had married a daughter of Mahinda ascended the throne subsequently we
| 171 Ep.zey, vol. V., p. 185, 11. A 7-8.
172. Ep. Zey., Vol. III, p. 222 ll. B4-5.

D MALAYSIA
mstances it would not be possible to da IV with the princess about whom in written.
navitana adopts a new line of interin kalingu kulakot “is more likely to f, than to his son Mahinda V.” In ut that Udaya IV, the maternal uncle S Samuda-gon. The term Samuda, m. Samudra, a name for Sumatra. Paranavitana suggests that Udaya IV
If this line of argument is accepted, uld be connected through matrilineal Uliminata.
Se of the other arguments discussed buting the title kalingukulakot in the V. In not a single of the numerous e find a reference to his belonging ya IV been described as such. It is a IV mentions that Samuda goni biso in gon biso radna, like in the case of ry record, seems to denote the chief more probably a personal name, 'r than a term indicating the country limsy a piece of evidence to postulate ng houses of Sumatra and Ceylon.
om another Work he Claims to have ustaka, which, if accepted, would he history of the period between the I. According to this work, princes ation with the kings of Sri Vijaya e rise brought about in its wake the of both these kingdoms, at least families were linked by marriage. vitana as Māravijayottuńgavarman, IV and Sańgrāma and Samara who re the issues of this union.

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According to the Paramparapus the time Rajendra captured Mahind with Kasyapa, the son of Sena V. have been involved in the defence soon as he had expelled Tamil for back in Ceylon. Kasyapa had ret Malaya highlands. The Śri Vijaya ft The Anuradhapura kingdom was g his brother Sena, while the Rohana yayana, Kasyapa's son. Evidently, t for a third time when Mahendra, son dhapura. The two monarchs Col. campaign to place their protege, Sun The resultant alliance of the three k. Sundara Pandva married a daughter self married a daughter of the king vitana, the 84th chapter of the Para tion of a signal achievement of this t bharaņa, son of Samara, successful Sundara Pandya in supporting the clai
The information in the Parampa did not succeed in maintaining a h for seventy eight years 173 as hithert lands round the Bay of Bengal whic of the Cola power united against placed their own nominee on the t impressive achievement was due to the king of Sr Vijaya.
This information, however, con of Ceylon. To the authors of the ( as to the later chroniclers, Vijayat Ceylon after a sustained struggle last parapustaka would have us believe t the whole Island by deposing Kasy driven away. The Ciūlavan sa men sent to the king of Burma and the sub
173. 992-1070 A.D. The Pajavaliya, however, p. 105.

CEYLON REVIEW
ka, king Sangrama was in Ceylon at V. He went back to Suvarnnapura Paranavitana surmises that he would of the Island against the Colas. As es from Śrī Vijaya, Sańgrāma was Irned earlier and was living in the rces drove out the Colas from Ceylon. ven over to Kasyapa, Mahatittha to Kingdom was placed under Maudgale king of Sri Vijaya came to Ceylon of Sena, was on the throne of Anuraaborated in organizing a successful dara Pāņdya, on the Pāņdya throne. Ungdoms was cemented bv mar jage. of Mahendra while the latter himof Sri Vijaya. According to Parananparapustaka is devoted to a descripiple alliance. It reports how Manay collaborated with Mahendra and
ms of Kulottunga to the Cola throne.
rapustaka would imply that the Colas old over the kingdom of Rajaratha D believed. It also implies that the
b were adversely affected by the rise
the Cola so succersfully that they hrone of the Cola kingdom. This
a large extent to the initiative of
radicts the evidence in the chronicles Dilavansa and the Pijavaliya as well ahu I was the hero who liberated ing a long period. But the Paramhat Vijayabähu became the king of apa long after the Colas had been tions an embassy that Vijayabahu sequent arrival of ships from Burma
refers to eighty-six years of Dravidian rule. Piv.
' ) ܠܥܠ

Page 53
CEYLON AND
bringing various items of merchar argues that the reference to the arriv because there had not been any such
basis of this assumption he surmises th would have blockaded Vijayabāhu’s te nism towards their allies in Rajaratt a reference in the Paramparapustaka to from the Śrī Vijaya kingdom who u bahu and was later reconciled with him the Maharaja of Sri Vijaya and gave
riage to Vijayabahu. Paranavitana iic Sundari mentioned in the Calavamsa
Vijayabahu espoused. 175 Needless to to ships from Burma is too flimsly a b vitana draws. The problem of Kali should suffice to point out here that th sources and the chronicles point to th den chieftains prior to the accession o difficult to explain why Mahendra, the suppress these refractory elements a his firm authority if he was powerful and place his nominees on the thrones
In not one of his many inscripti any aid he received from the Sri Vijay win the Cola throne. Nor do we f Pandya kingdom or of the Malaysia mation that Parana V. tana presents. inscriptions from Abhayagiri and Mihi IV were issued by Mahendra, the fa identification is accepted, these recor the events under consideration, at least are verifiable. Paranavitana claims tha giriya contains information corrobo fortunately, the text of the inscripti. record, like the Abhayagiri inscriptic weathered to yield a reliable cont
.58.8-9.رCH .174 175. Cu. 59. 29-30.
47

MALAYSIA
dise to Rohaņa. 174. Paranavitana all of ships occurs in the chronicle Contact for a long period. On the at the fleet of the Sri Vijaya empire rritory in retaliation for his antagona. Paranavitana proceeds to cite a certain Suryanarayana, a prince successfully fought against Vijaya
Subsequently, this prince became his daughter Tilokasundari in marlentifies this princess with Tilokaas the princess from Kalinga that say, the reference in the chronicle asis for the conclusion that Paranahga has been discussed earlier. It e evidence in both the epigraphical e presence of a number of indepenif Vijayabāhu. Hence it would be : father of Kasyapa, was not able to ld bring the whole Island under enough to launch invasions to India of the Pandya and Cola kingdoms.
ons does Kulottuńiga Coļa refer to a, Pandya or the Sinhalese rulers to ind evidence in the records of the in region to corroborate the inforParanaviana believes that certain ntale previously assigned to Mahinda her of Kasyapa. But, even if this ds do not contain information on in those portions where the readings t the hospital inscription at Madiriorating the Paramparāpustaka. Unon has not been published and the n discussed earlier, seems to be too nuous reading.

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UNIVERSITY OF
Finally, it has to be pointed out parapustaka, which Paranavitana us tant conclusions relating to the per cated documents. The informat should have been considered impor South East Asia; but it does not fi inscriptional sources of India or S trated in the preceding paragraphs vitana marshals from local sources not appear to be warranted. And to be considered sources of doub
Paranavitana devotes the sevel Malaysia to an attempt to demonstra the two regions during the period b centuries. In the seventh chapter Firstly, he attributes the foundatio of Jāvaka kings. Many would ag. that certain toponyms from the Jal to the south of it up to about Man east point to a close and long-lastir possible that some of them represe the time of Candabhanu, though so later period. They would not necess. were responsible for the establishm
of Jaffna.
Legends in works like the Yalp teenth century, and three poetical Vaiyapatal and the Kailasamalai, wh period, attribute the foundation oft racinkan, an invader with the face o of Vijaya. Paranavitana follows G nayagam in attempting to find in th tion of the Northern kingdom by that this collection of legends in la obviously gross inaccuracies as the
176. S. Gnanaprakasar, 'Sources of the Yal Register, Vol. VI, pp. 135-141; H. W. Codringto nayagam, Ancient Jaffna, pp. 328ff.

CEYLON REVIEW
that the Sundarivrittanta and the ParamS as the main sources to draw imporod under discussion, are not authentiDn contained therein concerns what
ant events in the history of South and
hd corroboration in the annals or the uth East Asia. It has been demons
that the supporting evidence Parana
is based on identifications which do as such, these two works will have ful bistorical value.
IV
1th and eighth chapters of Ceylon and te the significance of relations between etween the thirteenth and the fifteenth he puts forward two bold hypotheses. n of the kingdom of Jaffna to a line tee with Paranavitana when he states fna Peninsula and the coastal districts nar in the west and Mullativu in the ng association with the Javakas. It is int Malaysian settlements dating from me others may have to be traced to a arily indicate, however, that Malaysians ent of the first independent kingdom
ana-waipava-malai, written in the eigh
works, the Takcina-kailaga-puranan, ich may date from a somewhat later he Tamil kingdom in Jaffna to Ukkif a lion and descended from a brother nanaprakasam, Codrington and Rasaese legends an allusion to the foundaMagha.176 But it is most doubtful e literary works, which contain such location of the capital of the Nor
dina-vaipava-mdilai', Ceylon Antiquary and Literary , Ceylon Coins and Currency, 1924, p. 74; C. Rasa
8

Page 55
CEYLON AND
thern kingdom in Ceńkatakamakar. is a credible source of information f history of Jaffna. As Indrapala has p
nation of the relevant sources, 177 thi
dered more as a popular Tamil version
thing which grew round the actual e
the Jaffna kingdom.
Of course the rejection of the ide, dary figure in the Tamil literary wor that Magha continued to rule in Nor by Parākramabāhu II. For none of 1 event states that he was killed. It re in the absence of any specific evidenc tion that Magha came from Malaysia questionable factual foundation. Hen a kingdom further North after his del imply that the kingdom of Jaffna had
In the Kudumiyamalai inscriptio reign (I264), Jatavarman Vira Pandy that he launched in response to an appe
He claims to have defeated one king an
and to have given to “the son of the dom of Ilam formerly ruled by his f in the previous year, this king claims the crowned head of the Javaka'.179 father of the prince who was nomir
Paranavitana proposes to identif this passage as evidence in support of Jaffna kingdom. Apart from the dif of the Javaka origin of Magha, it has and the Cillavamsa separately mention : of Candabhanu, which, as A. Liyan:
177. Karthigesu Indrapala, Dravidian Settlements 1 Jaffna, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of
178. See K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, “Śrī Vijaya, Indische Taal-Land en Volkenkunde, Vol. LXXVII,
7. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy,
10139-7 4.

MALAYSIA
(Senkadagalanuvara, i.e. Kandy), or the reconstruction of the early pinted out after a thorough examis cycle of legends has to be consiof the Vijaya legends than as somevents concerning the foundation of
ntification of Māgha with the legenks does not preclude the possibility thern Ceylon after he was defeated he chronicles which deal with this mains, however, a mere possibility e. Further, Paranavitana's assumpis, as pointed out earlier, based on a ce, even if Magha did indeed found feat by the Sinhalese, it would not a Javaka origin.
n issued in the eleventh year of his a refers to an invasion of Ceylon all made by a minister from Ceylon. d killed another during this invasion Javaka (sava(ka)n maindan) the kingather.'78. In an inscription issued to have captured “the crown and Probably this reference is to the lated to the throne.
the Javaka with Magha and cites his hypothesis on the origin of the ficulty of accepting the assumption to be pointed out that the Pujavaliya tJavaka invasion, the second invasion gamage has cogently reasoned out,
in Ceylon and the Beginnings of the Kingdom of
ondon, 1965, pp. 407 ff.
Candrabhänu and Vira Pándya', Tijdschrift voor
1937, pp. 251-268.
Madras, 1916, No. 588.

Page 56
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has to be dated to a period betwe would be more reasonable to ident records of 1263 and 1264 A.D., and 1. with Candabhanu than with Magha rington to about I 247 and by Pa The reason Paranaviana gives, i.e.
with the king mentioned in the Ku is said to have ruled over Ceylon, against this identification. For Car valusa, established his authority in before he tested his strength with
On considering the possibility Jaffna kingdom with the Javaka pri varman Vira Pandya, jit becomes fuu In his inscriptions that the kingdom in Peninsula. It is quite possible that it pura which seems to have been C kingdom. Further, even if it is C. over the Jaffna region, there is no e of rule by a dynasty founded by hir Ibn Battuta, that the first definite Peninsula is found. 183 And this re. Cakravarttis who came from South at present appears to be inadequate to
tion of the Jaffna kingdom by a
The second hypothesis that Pa of kings beginning with Vijayabah Javaka extraction, is based mainly attributed to this king as a term di this identification, Paranawitana prc the Darinbadeniya dynasty was bro by the Javaka kings of Jaffna who the throne of Kurunigala. But as P.
180. Amaradasa Liyanagamage, The Decline of 1968, pp. 151-152.
181. H. W. Codrington, “Notes on the Dan: Register, Vol. X, 1924, pp. 37-53, 88-99; UHC Vc
182. Cu. 88.64.
183. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, Foreign Notices of 1939, p. 269.

CEYLON REVIEW
en 1258 and I262 A.D. 180 Thus it fy the Javaka king referred to in the ot in the earlier records of Jatavarman,
whose defeat has been dated by Cod
anavitana himself to II 255 A.D.1 81.m-1
hat Candabhänu Cannot be identified Idumiyamalai inscription as the latter would not be an insuperable obstacle dabhanu had, according to the Cilla“Padi, Kurundi and other districts” he rulers of Darinbadeniya.182
of connecting the foundation of the nce nominated to the throne by Jatather evident that there is no evidence question was situated in the Northern included the region round Anuradhautside the pale of the Darinbadeniya onceded that the Javaka prince ruled vidence to testify to the continuation m. It is only in 1344, in the Rehla of reference to a kingdom in the Jaffna Ference is to the dynasty of the Arya India. Hence the evidence available warrant the hypothesis of the foundaprince of Javaka origin.
ranavitana puts forward, that the line Lu V (I 333—II, 34-II) was a dynasty of on the identification of salvulu, a title rived from Javaka. On the basis of ceeds to suggest that the collapse of ught about by an invasion launched placed Vijayabahu V, a kinsman, on aranavitana himself admis, the sources
Polonnaruwa and the Rise of Dambadeniya, Colombo,
hbadeniya dynasty, Ceylon Antiquary and Literary ill. H, Pt. 2, pp. 620—621.
South India from Megasthenes to Ma Houan, Madras,
Ο

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UNIVERSITY OF (
of this period are silent on the circut Dainbadeniya dynasty. Neither is t earlier, to testify to the continuation i
north.
(ع
ܢܬ
t
It is in the Kavyasekhara and the
is assigned to Vijayabahu V. This t the names of several o her individuals in the Madavala inscription of the Lh (T357—I 374), Parākramabāhu VI in til sirita, and Rājasimha I (I 58 I—II, 593) three works, these individuals are ful Lämäņikula or the Lambakaņņa cla occurs in association with Darinbaden century chronicle, traces the ori. village where the descendants of the who accompanied the sacred Bo-tree Writers like D. B. Javatilaka have fo last work in suggesting that savulu sh the village where the family of Viiayab to regal power while others like Rat1. to trace the etymological derivation Sakya. 187 It should be clear from th dence available is insufficient to warra these interpretations. Hence the thi of the term that Paranavitana recom
his bold hypothesis.
In the eighth chapter of Ceylon a ther evidence to support his claim th who bore the title savulu belonged to also tries to prove that this king launch sian regions. " He adduces three mai hypothesis. The father of Parakran Jayamahallē or Jaya mahalāna in the li
184. Ceylon and Malaysia, p. 129; Parevisandesa, (ec sirita, (ed. Šri Charles de Silva), Colombo, 1954, vv. 15 v. 68; Sävulsandesa, (ed. R. Tennakon), Colom
185. savullu lakala daňbadeni pura, v. 72. 186. Rajaratnakara, (ed. W. Saddhananda), 1887, 187. Pärakumbasirita, (ed. D. G. Abayagunaratna tilaka, pp. v-vii: Kāvyaśekhara, p. 230.
SI

CEYLON REVIEW
instances of the disappearance of the there evidence, as we pointed out in power of a Javaka dynasty in the
Pairakumbaisirita that the title savulu erm occurs also in association with ike Marttandam-perumalun-vahanse ird regnal year of Vikramabāhu III he Parevisandesa and the Parakumbain the Savulsandesa.184. In the last rther said to have belonged to the n. In the Parakumbaisirita, 185 savulu liya. The Rājaratnākara, a sixteenth gin of the term savulu to the prince Suryagot, one of the princes , were said to have been settled. 186 lowed the explanation given in the ould be identified with the name of ahu V was settled before its ascension nalane Dharmarama have attempted
of the term from the clan name e preceding discussion that the evini a decision in favour of any one of rd variant etymological explanation mends is hardly adequate to prove
und Malaysia, Paranavitana cites furat Parakramabahu VI, another king a family of Malayan extraction and ed a successful invasion of the Malayin arguments in support of his first habahu is variously called Jayamala, terary works of thisperiod. Taking
i. T. Sugatapala), Dehivala, 1932, v. 28; Pärakumbā27,72; Kavyasekhara, (ed. R. Dharmäräma), Canto bo, 1955, v. 68.
P. D/. ), Colombo, 1931, see Introduction by D. B. Jaya

Page 58
CEYLON AN
the second part of this term to be der that the father of Parakramabahu w bore the personal name Jaya. The interpretations of terms and titles the Saddharmaratnakara, written durin to as jagatipati candabhānu.188 Par candabhanu was used by the kings o Parakramabahu implies that he also ment that Paranavitana puts forward of the Ming dynasty to a captive who was released in T 41 I-I2 A.D. ascended the throne under the nam be identified with Parakramabahu Parana Vitana Surmises, Was a translit of Java.
Though the derivation of the te malaya may seem a possibility from examination of the contexts in whic lese texts makes it clear that they v Parakunthasirita, which refers to the f jayanahalina, mentions in an earlier ferred on prince Sumitta who accor brought to Ceylon. It further adds title. And it is to this prince of the sirita traces the descent of Parakramal Sumitta to the post of jayamahasena i the Mahabodhivamsaya and the Puja, that, after the conferment of the tit the festivities connected with the
The term jayamahalena in the M rendering of jayamahalekhaka in the posed to have been written in the t
188. Saddharmaratndkara, ed. (Devananda), 195 189. JCBRAS, Vol. XXIV, 1915-6, pp. 110— 190. ekala eniriñdu sumit kumarum palañdaudi m vägdama karavā puden visituru—nimala kula parapuren sälasi dumiňdun puda sirit karavanu va niraturu. Pan 191. Simhala Bodhivamsaya, (ed. Baddégama I Рјv. p. 84.
192. Univ. of Cey. Hist. of Cey. Vol. I, Pt. I,

D MALAYSIA
ved from Himalaya, Parainavitana argues ould have been a Malay prince who other three arguments are based on ised to refer to Parakramabahu. In g the reign of his king, he is referred
anavitana points out that the title
f Ligor and suggests that its use by was from Malaysia. The third arguis based on a reference in the annals Sinhalese prince called Yeh-pa-nae-na As he is said to have subsequently e Pui-la- ko- ma Ba-za. Lai-cha, he can VI.189 The name of the prince, eration of yapa-nana, meaning “lord
rms māla, mahalē and mahalāna from an etymological point of view, an h these terms occur in ancient Sinhavere used in a different sense. The ather of Parakramabahu by the term context that this title was first conmpanied the Bo-sapling when it was that it was conferred as a hereditary Lambakanna clan that the Parakumbapahu.190 The appointment of prince s also mentioned in two earlier texts, aliya. The first of these texts adds le, Sumitta was placed in charge of sacred Bo-tree.191
faha Bodhivamsaya was the Sinhalese Pali original which is generally supenth century. 192 Thus there is little
5, p. 536
11. iņivoțiunu pilvituru = udulla sat maňgulätuu pițin pura enalesa deminia yamahalčina tanaturu-vipula adarin 'ak umhasirita, v. 11. Kirtti Śrī Dharmaratana), Välligama, 1911 p. 193.
p. 393.
е

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ܠܐ
CEYLON AN
reason to consider the derivation for as acceptable. There is no mention this rank on him in the Dipavamsa mahale or jayamahalina was the titleh of monastic officials encrusted with th of rituals pertaining to the sacred Bo quent period they claimed to belong of the prince Sumitta. The elevatic to supreme power in the Island prob rise in status and power.
The other two arguments of Pe Even if the identification of Yeh-pa-n nana is accepted, it does not necessarily bahu was a prince of Malay extract Gadaladeniya inscription of Senasan “heir-apparent’.193 As regards the te it occurs only in the Saddharmaratrial possibility that the author who comp of “resplendent like the moon', befor the Malay extraction of the princes v
bāhu.
The Vittaratnakarapaticika writte Bengal who lived in Ceylon during verses composed in praise of this ki metres. In two of these strophes, P. purapati (lord of Kusumapura i.e. 1 Magadha).194. In an earlier instanc viracita-paday is used to refer to t it as “he who has set up his abode a The phrase is also capable of some graced the excellent city of Kusuma has visited Kusumapura or “he who pura”. One could be fairly certain tic verses does not mean actual overlo by this time, had been brought un being ruled by a series of Muslim k
193. Ep Zey, vol. IV, p. 12. 194. Vrttaratanakara and its Paficika, (ed. C. A 195. Ibid. p. 26.

MALAYSIA
the term Suggested by Parana vitana
of Sumitta or the conferenient of r the Mahāvansa. Evidently, jayasld by a monastic official or a group task of Supervising the performance -tree. It is possible that in a subseto the Ksatriya caste as descendants h of the dynasty of Parakramabahu ably marks the culmination of their
ranavitana are even less substantial.
prove the contention that Parakramaion. The term yapa occurs in the mata Vikramabāhu in the Sense of m candabhanu, it is noteworthy that tara. One has to keep in mind the losed this strophe used it in the sense e concluding that it is an allusion to who were the forbears of Parakrania
in by Ramacandra, a Brahmin from the reign of Parakramabahu VI, cites
arakramabahu is addressed as kusumaPataliputra) and magadhapati (lord of
ne king.195 Paranavitana translates : the excellent city of Kusumapura. other interpretations: “he who has pura with his footsteps i.e. he who has established his sway over Kusumathat the description in these eulogisrdship over the Magadha area which, der the kingdom of Bengal and was ings defying the authority of Delhi.
Sīlakkhanda), Bombay, 1903, pp. 66, 72.
53

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Further, terms like Kusumapura an names of centres and regions of poli candra who came from Bengal wou tion when he wrote the Paicika.
on the information that the poet g father of Parakramabahu, as a desc
Paranavitana attempts to identi Peninsula and Kusumapura or Patali Parakramabahu claimed suzerainity this hypothesis, one will have to be sa these names existed in Malaysia and to that area through conquest or
In the account of a mission sen I7SO, Vilbagedara Mudiyanse, who to the interruption of their return jou were forced to land in the district of kingdom, and spend some days at a vitana identifies Muvan Lakhon wi He suggests that it was this city that and is mentioned as Kusulmapura iri that the region round the city wou the Indian parallel.
The weakness of this argument is Indian city does not necessarily imply also have been named after the regio ted. Moreover, there is no evidenc Dharmaraja or Nakhon Si Tammai This city seems to have preserved modern times. Another city know north-eastern regions of Thailand It is true that in the Thai langua found to be interchangeable with na too, derictes “city”. But this does ni easily be identified with Nakhon Si found as elements in the names of sevel
196. dharmāśoka nirpanvayejayamālo niahipatih197. Cey. Jnl. of Hist, and Soc. Studies, Vol. II, N
5 4

CEYLON REVIEW
Magadha had gone out of vogue as cal organization. Of course, Rāma| have been quite aware of this S1 tualost probably, this claim was based ves when he refers to Jayamala, the
dant of the line of Dharma Soka.196
y Magadha as an area in the Malay utra as a city therein, implying that }ver a Malaysian region. To accept isfied that a region and a city bearing hat Parākramabāhu had won a claim through some other means.
to Siam by the king of Kandy in was a member of this mission, refers rhey as a result of shipwreck. They Muvan Lakhon, within the Siamese city called Pāțaliputra. 197 Paranath Nakhon. Si Tammarat in Ligor. Vilbagedara refers to as Pataliputra the Paicilea. He further surmises
ld have been called Magadha after
that the adoption of the name of an that the region round the city would in which the Indian city was situaat all to indicate that Nagara Sri at was ever known as Pataliputra. its ancient name right up to the
as Muang Lakhon, is found in the
close to the borders of Laos. ge the term lakhon is sometimes khon, which means 'city'. Muang, it mean that Muang Lakhon could Tammarat. These two terms are l other Thai cities. Muan Nakhon
sya putrah prajāśriye parākramabhujio bhavait p. 20. . 1, 1959, pp. 67-69.
܂ ܢ ܠ ܠ

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CEYLON AND
Phenom and Muang Nakhon Sawan to modern times. There is yet ai. C to accept Paranavitana's identificatio Vilbagedara mentions that he passed
way to Siam and also on his way back ti he reached Kāmbõja after he left Pata
with the area in the Malav Peninsula Muang) was situated on the way b would imply that the ship in which
Malayan Coast up to the cape of Pat the kingdom of Kamboja and sailed
of Sian to arrive at the mouth of ti tion of the return journey makes it
the ship followed. After leaving the
Bankasö W_ich Could be identified mouth of the river Bang-pa-kung,
Subsequently, passing Ponnadaliyan the Cape of Liam,199 and Kamb Timulin and Pilul Pisan which ha E. E. Fernando as the islands c eastern coast of Johore.200. It may be Crawfurd, the English envov sent to t of the nineteenth century, followed a
island of Pulo Ubi, situated close to Lakhon should have been therefore,
eastern coast of the Gulf of Siam rath would thus appear that the evidence 1 quate to locate Magadha or Kusum
The Parakumbiasirita, an eulogy his reign, uses the passage gajapati hay, to describe him. It has generally bee was like) a container filled with th
198. P.E.E. Fernando suggests that Wilbaged araw along the Malayan coast. But this is unlikely as the statute miles at Nakhon Si Tamnarat and about 3.
199. The letters na and ta are often mistaken the original form of this name was Pontadaliyam, the French term Pointe de Liam, meaning the 'hea Liam in charts of the eighteenth and the nineteenth Χίν, χν.
200, Cey. Jnl. of Hist, and Soc. Studies, Vol. II, N 201. John Crawfurd, Journal of an Embassy from th
Cphin-China, Exhibiting a View of the Actual State

MALAYSIA
are two such names preserved up ther fact which makes it difficult 1. In his account of the mission, the Kingdom of Kamboja on his D Ceylon. On this outward journey Kini which could easily be identified known by this name. Muvan (or etween Kamboja and Siam. This Vilbagedara travelled followed the ani and turned north-east to reach along the eastern Coast of the Gulf Le river Me-nam. 198 The descripslgarer that this was the route that stuary of Me-nam, the ship reached with Bang-pa-soi, situated at the to the east of the river Me-nam. l, which may be identified with õja, Vilbāgedarra reached Pulu ve been rightly identified by P. of Tió aman and Pisang off the relevant to mention here that John he SiameSe court in the third decade 1 similar route after touching at the the Cambodian coast.201 Muang a place which was situated on the er than in the Malay Peninsula. It marshalled by Paranavitana is inadeapura in the Malay Peninsula.
on Parakramabahu written during pati narapati raiunedi maida gat katara in taken to mean: “(Parakramabahu e extract obtained by crushing the
rould have seen the coast of Cambodia while sailing distance between the two coasts is more than 275 25 at Patani. for each other in Sinhalese writing. And, if one can easily see in it an attempt to transliterate dland' or the 'cape' of Liam. For the location of centuries, see L. Fournereau, op.cit., pls. ix, x, xiii
o. 1, 1959, pp. 77 n.43; 83 n.168.
e Governor-general of India to the Courts of Siam and of those Kingdoms, London, 1830, Vol. I, p. 91.
SS

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arrogance of kings who are lords of e vitana proposes a different interpreta the arrogance of kings who are lo lords of men, captured Kagara. He and cites this statement as evidenc Parakramabahu had conquered a reg vitana draws further evidence from t of a mission from Ceylon sent to th within the reign of Parākramabahu. king by the phrase Ko-li-shengvitana interprets it as a rendering into sinhala-śrīvijaya-rāja and Surmises til Sri Vijaya Raja after his conquest of suggests, that even his predecessors Śrī Vijaya, and Parākramabāhu’s c: justify the claim.”
Before we proceed to examine t East Asia which would enable us to has put forward, it would be relevan launched a successful invasion to Ke would have been assigned much m Court panegyrists than the mere passi kumbāsirita. This Work devoties eigh cally to describe the military expl author narrates the victories he score sițu, the prince of Gampala, the Är the Malavaraiyar of South India.204 tion to Malaysia in this context. any of the other works containing a it does not seem very advisable to E Paranavitana has done, on a passage
1 O1S.
202. gajapati hayapati larapati rajunedi mciida pitara-raianiya muniba na piyarana kay nalu saras turu katära. Pärakumbdsiritav. 73.
`203. JCBRAS, Vol. XXIV, 1915-6, p. 111.
204. Pöirakutubôisirita v v. 46—53.
205. See for instance the description of the vic M. KumäraIqaturqpga, 1933, vv. 137—150) which contains no mention of an expedition to the N
S6

CEYLON REVIEW
ephants, horses and men. 202 Paranaion: “He who, after having crushed ds of elephants, lords of horses and identifies Kațāra with Kațāha (Kedah) : to substantiate his hypothesis that ion in the Malay Peninsula. Paranale Ming annals which give an account e Chinese court in a year which falls
These annals refer to the Sinhalese sia-la-shi-li-pa-chiao-la-jo.203 ParanaChinese of the Sinhalese title Kalingaat Parakramabahu assumed the title Kedah. It is also possible, he further “claimed to be titular sovereigns of lpture of Kataha was undertaken to
he historical information from South test the hypothesis that Paranavitana t to point out that if Parakramabahu 'dah, it is but to be expected that it Dre prominence in the works of the ng reference in a strophe in the Pirat strophes in an earlier context specifioits of Parakramabahu. Here, the over the kings of the Vanni, Jotiyayacakravarti, the Karnata ruler and There is no mention of an expediNor is such an exploit referred to in description of this reign.205 Hence ase such an important conclusion, as which admits of variant interpreta
gat kaitāra-bujabala yasa valturu tuturių kala sakvalinut vi koțāra-väljaň bi meraju tuti pluvatara kapata rājiga
ories of Paräkramabähu VI in the Girasandesa (ed. substantiates the account in the Peirakumbaisirit a but alaysian regions.

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Similar doubts could be raised ev vitana has suggested for the title in Paranavitana uses for his argument is
shi-li-pa-chiao 5 # E is which t But the Chinese maintained very clo, Vijaya and the chroniclers at the Imp
scholars used certain specific charact Chinese writings like the works of I
tion Che-li-fo-che fl. 15 逝 佛 逝 while the later chronicles
shih, the writings of Chao-ju-kua (12 (1425-32 ) who lived in the period t term San-fo-tsi 三 侦 睿 ° Ming-shih would have used two varia in the nutmber of characters and in same region. Hence the attempt of Sri Vijaya Raja to Parakramabahu do Chinese evidence he cites.
Elsewhere, Paranavitana has pu germane to the problem under disci tain the genealogies of Candravati, t and her consort, Sundara Pandya, are on a slab from Bolana in the Hamb; set up in the ninth or the tenth century who ruled over Rohana.207 As poi taining this information is executed i Some characters are minute and ** one size is engraved over that in anc Paranavitana, the contents of this in
linear writing on twelve other epigraph inscriptions from which Paranavitan with Malaysia in the Anuradhapur
-
206. See Journal Asiatique, Series 11, Vol. XX, 1 to Mr. Mahinda Werake for his obliging assistance D. J. Kalupahana for drawing the Chinese characte
207. UCR, Vol. XXI, 1963, pp. 103-137.
39 5.

MALAYSIA
en about the interpretation Paranahe Ming-shih. The key term that represented by the four characters
is taken to represent Sri Vijaya.
e relations with the empire of Sri trial Court as well as other Chinese ers to denote Sri Vijaya. Earlier Ising and Houei-je use the appella
or its shortened form Fo-che like the Sung-shih and the Ming
25), and particularly of Ma-Houan nder discussion consistently use the
It is most doubtful that the
nt terms, different from each other heir phonetic value, to denote the
Paranavitana to attribute the title es not seem to be supported by the
blished certain records which are ussion. These records which Conhe daughter of Parakamabahu VI, according to Paranavitana, indited un toța district which was originally and bears an edict issued by a prince inted out earlier, the writing conh'small characters of varying size.' in some places writing in letters of ther size and type' According to scription are repeated in the interls. Some of these are the very same obtained information on relations a period.
22, pp. 4-6, 8, 15, 24, 32. The author is indebted in verifying the Chinese references and to Dr. is which appear on this page.

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The pedigrees in the Böläna in bahu VI through his maternal gr. Vijayabahu V. Vijalayabahu V is Mahārāja. Jayamāla, the matern was a son of Dharmāśoka Mahārāja, bhanu Maharaja through another b, (II), father of Parākramabāhu VI, 8 through a third branch of the f:
According to the genealogical bahu V, who ruled from Hastis Parakramabahu IV, had obtained came to Ceylon. His son, Parakr. the kingdom of Java. Dharmas and grandfather of Parakramabahu Jayamāla (II), the father of Parākra Jāva.
This information indicates that bahu VI were kings of Java or S very close relations with these re Candrabhanu traces this relationshi bhanu Maharaja is said to have be who was appointed to the throne o Paranavitana points out that Candra fied as distinct from the Javaka in that both Gandagopala and Candr which is identified by Paranavitana
Further, the genealogy of Mag Suvarnnapura, is traced back to a by Paranavitana as the same king w Sashkamala in the latter's inscriptions like Maravijayottunga. The descen Siddhayātra and Kāśyapa to Mahā tissa. The interlinear writings on a gama are said to contain addition According to Paranavitana, this re to Ceylon from Suvarnnapura. E place at Suvarņņapura, where he ha riage to Sūryyanārāyana, the Mahā
208. Epizey, vol. V, Pt 3, 1965, pp. 40

CEYLON REVIEW
ription trace the descent of Parakramaind-mother to Parakramabahu V and mentioned as a son of Candrabhānu | grandfather of Parakramabahu VI,
who, too, was descended from Candraanch of the family. Further, Jayamala
tas also a descendant of Candrabhanu mily.
information in these records, Vijavairipura (Kurunigala) after defeating
the sovereignty of Java before he mabahu V, too, spent his last days in oka and Jayamala, great-grandfather VI, were rulers of Suvarnapura while nabahu VI, is said to have reigned in
some of the forebears of Paräkramaavarmnapura while others maintained gions. Genealogical information on p to a much earlier period. Candraen the son of Gaņdagopāla Mahārāja f Subhapatana by his father Magha. bhanu of this record should be identiVader of the same name. It appears abhanu were kings of Subhapattana,
as the Jaffna Peninsula.
ha, who is described as a king from Certain Jayagopa Mahārāja, identified ho is mentioned as the father of Nisand from him to kings of Sri Vijaya 5 of these kings is traced back through naga, the brother of Devanampiyanother inscription from Aturupolayaul information oin Nissañka1malla.208 cord states that Nissahkamala came ren his death is said to have taken d gone to give his daughter in marraja ruling at the time.
43.
8

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Paranavitana states that an inscr. same type of interlinear writing yie Malaysia in the reign of Parakramabal Parakramabahu was living at Suvar the Sinhalese throne by the Chinese
bahu came to Ceylon, his son Purand.
kingdom. The decision of Parakram riage to Sundara Pāņdya is said to har pura. Parākramabāhu invaded this k tated terms of peace to the effect that monastic order at the Abhayagiri mc vitana proposes to identify Suvarnina evidence from the Ming-shih and the support his contention that the kingdo invaded by Parakramabahu.
It should be evident from the pr reading of the interlinear writing on corroborate the hypotheses he puts f on a number of crucial points: the Vijaya by a prince of the Sinhalese r. both Nissankamala and Magha: th Jaffna by Magha; the relationship be ruling house of Jaffna; the descent of sian ruling family and his successful is The text of the interlinear writings C was published in I965 in the third pa Zeylanica and the genealogical inform inscriptions appeared in the number for October, 1963, published in Aug prising that Paranavitana does not dra sources for his Ceylon and Malaysia w lowing year.
It is not likely that this onission, iterrate what had been published elsew Ceylon and Malaysia are verbatin repr Paranavitana had earlier published. this omission were doubts about the a validity of the information they con
് S9

MALAYSIA
iption from Rambava bearing the lds information on relations with hul VI. According to this record, inapura before he was elevated to emperor. Even after Parakramalra continued to live in the Javaka abahu to give his daughter in marve led to hostilities with Suvarninaingdom, defeated its ruler and dicthe defeated ruler should enter the Dinastery in Anurādhapura. Paranapura with Śrī Vijaya and cites the Parakuin basirita discussed earlier to m of Śrī Vijaya had been successfully
cceding account that Paranavitana's the inscriptions he has discovered orward in his Ceylon and Malaysia foundation of the dynasty of Sri oyal line; the Malaysian origin of e foundation of the kingdom of tween the Savulu dynasty and the Parakramabahu VI from a Malaynvasion of the Sri Vijaya kingdom. in the Aturupolavaganna inscription rt of fifth volume of the Epigraphia nation in the Bolana and Ranbiva of the University of Ceylon Review ust, I96s. Hence it is rather surw on the information in these three
hich was published only in the fol
was dictated by a reluctance to rehere. For some of the chapters in bductions of parts of articles which f, on the other hand, the reasons for uthenticity of these records and the tain, such doubts seem to be quite

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Justified. Apart from the "eccent problems of verification they pre raise doubts about the information Suvarngapura mentioned in thes as a reference to the Sri Vijaya en in connection with Śrī Vijaya only datable in the tenth or the eleventh ture painting in this manuscript re pure lokamáthah, "Lokanätha of t Suvarnina. 209 Obviously, Suvarn rally been accepted, a mistake for island of Sumatra was known. Th sian or any other Hindian Sources tc the term Suvarianapura.
Even if this identification and t are accepted, the credibility of the checked against known facts about information in the Aturupolayagan from the Leyden grant, confirmed a and predecessor of Maravijayottul reason which raises doubts about th inscription is the absence of any di Śrī Vijaya or the Śailendravamsa For Nissankamala was hardly a pi about his relationship with the lead was any basis for such a claim. It identification is accepted, Kalinga \ round the Jambi Valley in Sumatra Paranavitana Suggested in an ea
The records of the Sailendra ho an allusion to a relationship with other hand they trace the origin oft Bāla putra. Son of Samarāgravīra, the set himself up as ruler in Sumatra afte Javanese prince sometime round 85
209. A. Foucher, Etude Sur l'iconographie boud ADD 1643 of the University of Cambridge, Mi
210. Ep. Ind, Vol. XXII, p. 242 l. 81-82. Jo états.... pp. 259-260.
211. See J. G. de Casparis, Prasasti Indonesia, 1

CEY ON REVIEW
tic features of these records and the ent, there are other difficulties which
they contain. It is the region called records that Paranavitana indentifies pire. The term Suvarnnapura occurs
once. This is in a Nepali manuscript -
century. The legend below a miniaads as folloys: ѕиvarттариre šrivijayae city of Sri Vijaya in the city of hapura in this context is, as has genesuvarnindivipa, the name by which the ere is no evidence in Chinese, Malaysuggest that Sumatra was known by
he readings that Paranavitana published ir contents appears questionable when the history of South East Asia. The na inscription contradicts the evidence lso by Chinese sources, that the father nga was Cilamargivarma.210 Another be accuracy of the information in this rect reference to the connection With in the inscriptions of Nissankamala.
erson who would have been reticent
ling royal family of Malaysia if there has also to be pointed out that, if this vill have to be located in the region l, and not in the Malay Peninsula as lier context.
use of Śrī Vijaya do not contain even the Sinhalese royal family. On the he dynasty to a Sailendra prince called : ruler of Java. Evidently, this prince the was expelled from Java by another 6 A.D.211. It would thus appear that
rique de l’Inde, Paris, 1900. p. 193; Nepali MS No. niature No. 23. rhal Asiatique, Series 11, Vol. XX, 1922, p. 19; Les
950, Vol. I, pp. 99-100, 107-110, : Vol. II, pp. 294-7.
O ܠ  ̄
*
s

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CEYLON AN
the information from records issued Sri Vijaya empire contradicts the inf on the Bolana and other inscriptic
The ancient kingdom of Śrī Vij the beginning of the fourteentin cen
of Odoric de Perdenone that by I: (Achen) and Sumoltra were ruling O Even the Southern parts of Sumatra of Śrī Vijaya. In his account writt
攣 kingdom called Kieou-kiang in th San-fo-t” si which had been restricted The powerful kingdom of Ayuthi Malay Peninsula. But by 1380, the being ruled by the house of B ruling families which came into Evidently, political power over two of Malacca gave the Bharubhas the c the Straits on which the prosperity largely dependent. Further, the kin. over the tin producing tracts of Sou Sultan Mansur Shah of Malacca, si
On the other hand, there is reasc based in Java which had, by this tin political forces in South East Asia, kingdom of Sri Vijaya under its Padang Rocho found in the Jambi \ by most scholars for the conquest Javanese chronicle Nāgarakěrtāgama w bang and other kingdoms of Suma empire.217. The annals of the Mil
the fortunes of the Sri Vijaya kingd
212. H. Cordier, Les voyages en Asie au Xive sié 213. Journal Asiatique, 1922, pp. 30-32. 214. See W. F. Stuuterheim, 'A Malay Sha' Orientalia, Vol. XIV, 1936, pp. 268-279.
215. Tonle Pires, The Sunila Orientalis, Vol. I, 216. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, History of Śrī Vije 217. The Nāgara-Kērtāgama, Vol. III, p. 1

D MALAYSIA
not long after the foundation of the Irmation from the interlinear writings
S.
iya was very much ol, the decline by ury. It is evident from the writings 2 I Muslim principalities like Lamori ver the northern parts of Sumatra.212 lid not remain under the sole control in in 1450, Wang Ta Yuan refers to a Palembang region as distinct from to the area round the Jambi Valley.213 laid claim to suzerainty over the principalities of Kedah and Pase were arubha(2), another of the Muslim prominence during this period.214 kingdoms on either side of the Straits ontrol over the trading routes through of the Śrī Vijaya empire had been gdom of Kedah maintained its control th-westeri Malaya till its conquest by Dmetime after T459.215
in to believe that the Majapahit empire he, become one of the most powerful succeeded in bringing the declining politiral control. The inscription of alley has been cited as tangible proof of Sumatra by the Javanese. 216 The Tritten in I, 365 refers to Jambi, Palemtra as dependencies of the Majapahit ig dynasty provide more details on Om. According to these records, the
le di bienheureux frere Odoric de Perdonene, pp. 136, 153.
r in Old-Sunnatran Characters of 1380 A.D.” Acta
p. 108; Vol. II, p. 248.
ya, Madras, 1949, pp. 95-96, Les états..., p. 367.
0.
5.I.

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territory originally occupied by this A.D. into three principalities. In I one of these principalities, sent an
authorisation to use the old title “ki was granted by the Chinese empero who had the Chinese envoys assassina did not take any measures to punist explains that the king of Java had p dently, Wu-lis was an unsuccessful a Majapahit control. After this inc court and this kingdom ceased and, a grew more and more poor. By t kingdom had been completely subjug name to Kicou-kiang, and the onl from the Chinese inhabitants who about 1425. The Imperial Court
some of these leaders; but the Maja rently, never questioned.218. The Ying to a period between 1425 and 1432
viously called San-so-t's', was a
The Sing Tcha Cheng Lan of Fei Sin under Javanese rule.220 And accord bearing tribute from the kingdom ol after I 425. Presumably, the autho this area had been re-established in
The preceding discussion should involved in accepting the statements has published as well as his hypothese had become independent by about identify the invasion of Sri Vijaya With the invasion of Kedah, which a in the Parakumbasirifa. It should als ruler as the king of Sri Vijaya was a 1. cal complications. Therefore, it is their experience of the earlier episo Parakramabahu VI in ther official r the old Śri Vijaya dynasty continu 218. Journal Asiatique, Series 11, Vol. XX
219. Ibid. p. 32. 220. Ibid. p. 35.

CEYLON REVIEW
kingdom had been divided by 1373 377, Ma-na-tcho Wou-i, the ruler of Embassy to the Chinese emperor for ng of San-fo-t si (Sri Vijaya). This to the irritation of the king of Java
edin revenge. The Chinese emperor
the Javanese king. The chronicler reviously conquered San-fo-tsi. Eviltempt to declare independence from dent, contact between the Chinese ccording to the chronicler, San-fc-t's Le end of the fourteenth century, the gated by the Javanese who changed its y resistance to Majapahit rule Came rebelled under a series of leaders till maintained diplomatic contact with pahit claim over Sumatra was, appaYai Cheng Lan of Ma Houan, datable A.D., states that Kieou-kiang, “predependency of Tchao-wa (Java).219 too, confirms that this territory was |ing to the Ming records, embassies Kieou-kiang became extremely rare rity of the Majapahit dynasty over 1 an effective manner.
clarify some of the basic difficulties in the inscriptions that Paranavitana Is based on them. The Kedah region 380 and it would not be possible to recorded in the Bolana inscription ccording to Paranavitana, is recorded to be clear that the recognition of a hatter which Could cause grave politimost unlikely that the Chinese, with ie, would have assigned this title to cords. Further, the assumption that d in authority is not borne out by
, 1922, pp. 25-39.

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CEYLON ANI
evidence from within Sumatrą or fro questionable whether Parākramabāhu ting and overpowering the ruler of St. attempted to do so and that there was
the wrath of the Majapahit empire; Cheng-ho had not wanted to do. A
would have been one of the most bi Sinhalese ruling house. It is difficul wrote many laudatory passages about to describe such an exploit in all its
Moreover, it is not easy to expl. records used by Paranavitana, particul inscription, containing such valuable in this unusual manner. in minute ci another. Itis dificult to understand wł the genealogies of the royal family an most significant exploit of the king. uses, it is claimed, are from different the information they contain was wi why it did not enter the literary trad problem because most literary works w bāhu VI contain eulogistic accounts however, confirms the information case of the Sundariurtanta and the Par records which do not admit of verif other evidence will have to be consic for purposes of historical reconst
V
Ceylon and Malaysia and the eight these two regions are the latest writin eavours of Professor Paranavitana. worthy attempt on his part to venti usual field of research. As an epigra mind and a thorough knowledge of vitana has made perhaps the most si: standing of the ancient Culture of t unfortunate and disconcerting that failed to come up to the high standard tently maintained in his previous w
6

D MALAYSIA
in the Chinese annals. It seems also VI would have succeeded in defeai Vijaya, even if we presume that he such a ruler. He would have roused and this was something which even ind if he did succeed in doing so, it illiant political achievements of the t to imagine that the eulogists who Parakramabahu would have forgotten
detail.
in away how the newly-discovered arly the document from the Rambiva information, canne to be inscribed baracters, one layer of writing over by new edicts were not set up to record to mark what should have been the The inscriptions that Paranavitana parts of the Island. If, accordingly, dely known, it is difficult to explain ition. This is a particularly difficult ritten during the reign of Parakramaof his activities. None of them, in these records. Hence, as in the amparapustaka discussed earlier, these ication and are not corroborated by lered sources of dubious credibility
uction.
other papers on the relations between gs to come out of the scholarly endThey also represent the first noteure beyond the spatial limits of bis phist equipped with a perspicacious South Asian Source material, Paranagnificant contribution to the underhe Sinhalese. It is, therefore, most the works under consideration have of critical scholarship that he consisritings on epigraphy. Paranavitana
3

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draws heavily on material from inte one example of which, as pointed ou He has published the texts of these ful and emended readings. He has history of Malaysia. But he has no source material with the evidence
It has been pointed out earlier
theses Paranavitana puts forward o Malaysia are based on variant inter Tambarattha and Malaya. His atten are hardly convincing. Nor cot consistent. As has been pointed o Kalinga in a number of different extremity of the Malay Peninsula t vitana's vivid imagination and er etymological interpretation; but
in historical research. He has br an inordinate dependence on lingu awareness of the dangers besetti for historical inquiry. It is not in best linguistic and etymological ev. further investigation. Few historian vitana in drawing historical conclusi
Even though historians would that Paranavitana has drawn from theless, most likely to wield a desirab by shaking students of ancient and approach which has become deeply Scholarship. Such a change in atti perhaps help them to acquire a mor standing of the factors and influence development of Ceylon in the period
221. The author wishes to acknowledge his deb and Drs. Sirima Kiribamune, K. Indrapala, A. Kul to Mr. W.J. F. LaBrooy for his encouragement; to here; and to Messrs. E. V. Christian and C. Jayak in the preparation of the map.

CEYLON REVIEW
"rlinear tritings on inscriptions at least tearlier, does not admit of verification. : records without indicating doubt
drawn significant conclusions on the t attempted to test the validity of his
available from that region.
in this paper that some of the hypoin the relations between Ceylon and pretations of toponyms like Kalinga, lpts to locate these regions in Malaysia ld it be said that his arguments are ut earlier in this paper, he located places ranging from the northern oJava beyond in the south. Paranaudition are masterfully employed in this appears to be a disadvantage ought into his historical writing istic evidence without an adequate ng the adoption of such methods cessary to remind historians that at idence can be used only as a basis for is would go as far as Professor Paranaons from evidence of this type.
I hesitate to accept the conclusions his evidence, his writings are, neverble effect on historiography in Ceylon mediaeval history off the Indo-centric ingrained in the local traditions of tudes and ways of approach would e balanced and comprehensive underis which were at work in the cultural before the advent of the Europeans. 221
R. A. L. H. GUNAWARDANA
t to Professors G. Obeyesekera and P. E. E. Fernando, asooriya and A. Liyanagamage for their Comments; Mr. D. B. Mahawatta for the photographs reproduced ody as well as to Miss V. Perera for their assistance
༄།
64

Page 71
TāFarallipti (Ton-mo-li
Nðg opottana
Ant5ld hopurio ° 3RGo kanno
d
Polonnoruya
CEYLON 8 SOUTH EAS
Ensigtig N. Máillae
--- 200 32 ୫୯୧
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

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g
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.
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-
t 1. ○\リfi འོ།།༽
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ANDAMAN scs. t Tengl J j j - nei 臀、 s MA erguí
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KALINGA indicates areas in South East Asia where Profes

Page 72
ur G)
in Phonform 근 ༽ །།
& MAuqing Nakhen Squawon W
es
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st Asia where Professor Paranavitana attempts to locate this
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

cartography by E.W.Christian
region.

Page 73
| |
 

Page 74
Buddhism and the
11 ܚܙܘ¬÷.
propose to examine in this paper made by Sidney Hook in a talke Sense of Life'. The primary a the concept of the tragic which he ex ding a certain usage for the word 't Buddhism distorts the Buddhist attit tude to suffering in general. One teachings of the Buddha will find disappointing. First I shall sum up and then present my own objection
(i) According to Hook, there Buddha renounce the world. They these are not the realities fundamen term tragic refers to “a genuine experi which issues out of a conflict of inc Setween the good and the good, the
right and the right.2
(ii) With the development of forms of sickness will disappear and where sickness is present it may be t not an illustration of it. In relation may appear to be pitiful but not trag also a matter for scientific medicine
growing old biologically but on
(iii) “But what of death-Buddh pation with which has become so fash existentialist philosophers that their p
s
1. Sidney Hook, Pragmatism and the Tragic American Philosophical Association, Vol. 33, 19 P.T.S.L.)
2. Ibid, pp. 16-17.
C' Ibid, p. 11.
9-101 39 (
 
 
 

ragic Sense of Life
certain observations on Buddhism, titled, “Pragmatism and the Tragic m of my analysis is not to challenge pounds. He is perhaps recommenagic. However, his exposition of ude to death and the Buddhist attiwho has made a close study of the Hook's interpretation of Buddhism is contentions regarding Buddhism is to his thesis.
were three factors which made the re sickness, old age and death. But all to the tragic sense of life. The ence of moral doubt and perplexity", ral ideals. Thus there are conflicts good and the right and between the
scientific medicine the most serious will not be replaced by others. Even he occasion of tragedy, but by itself to the forces of nature man's plight ic. The harmful effects of ageing is
Anyway, there is no tragedy in y sorrow.
a's third appalling discovery-preoccuonable today among some European hilosophy seems to be more a medi
ense of Life, Proceedings and Addresses of the 59-60, pp. 5-26. (Hereinafter abbreviated a

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UNIVERSITY OF
tation upon death than upon life. whatever is tragic in life? I canno I convince myself that its nature an covered by Kierkegaard and Hei “It is the reflective attitude toward one displayed by those in its last ag. and place in life. The attitude ex wiser than that expressed by the c
Hook also refers to Tolstoy's C he must think of his own death, an must die then life has no meaning” more than a fear of death and a cr says that death has its uses, for it g last for ever. He concludes that
(iv) All this bring him to his eyes appears tragic. There are thi of life. They are the approach of h of love, and the method of creat Hook rejects the first as it is unsa incomplete and ambiguous and supp his own method, he finds the Bud that the Buddhist saint who out of when they are the only methods, le refuses to accept what he calls the ethics of purity.'7
(i) The Concept of Dukkha
There are a number of objectio analysis of the Buddhist concept c to as the truth of suffering is not li it is a wider formula with a very it has to be understood as one of the The four noble truths form the basi
5. ibid, p. 12 6. Ibid, p. 13, Emphasis mine. 7. Ibid, p. 18

CEYLON REVIEW
Is not death the ultimate source of t bring myself to think so. Nor can d significance in life waited to be dislegger and their modern disciples'.
death not the popular attitude or the nies, which throws light on its nature hibited by Socrates in facing it seems ontemnors of the rational life....'
aim that if a man has learnt to think d to a statement of Sartre that “if we * All this appears to Hook as “little aving for immortality'.5 Hook also ives us an assurance that no evil will death as such is not tragic'.6
own positive solution, to what in his ee approaches to the tragic conflicts istory typified by Hegel, the approach ive intelligence (Pragmatic method). tisfactory, rejects the second as it is ports the third method. In the light of dhist attitude un satisfactory. He Says , Compassion refuses to use force or kill taves room for greater evil. Thus he Christian and especially the Buddhist
III
is that can be made against Hook's f suffering. Firstly, what is referred mited to sickness, old age and death. broad frame of reference. Secondly, four noble truths and not in isolation. s of Buddhist doctrine. They are the

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BUDDHISM AND THE TI
truth of suffering, the origin of suffe of the eight-fold path leading to the when the four truths are taken as asp like moral perplexity and emotional emphasises the factor of suffering onl
sophical positions like nihilism and
later, Buddhism does not uphold si
Thirdly, the concept of suffering to the related doctrines of impermanel Hook distorts the meaning of dukkh fering from the very surroundings that to project the Buddhist concept of suf ground of his own definition of “trag
What is the truth of suffering a Bir death (marana), sorrow (soka), lam grief (domanassa), despair (upayasa) joined with the unpleasant and to be failure in getting what one wants is five groups of mental and physica individual constitute suffering (dukk
Jn translating the Päli Word du
simple word that will compress all the
dictionary reveals the complexity of in English covering the same ground . words are too specialised, too limited with specific and concrete instances wediscern a broadening group of m frustration, conflict, tension, insecur Then we come to even broader conce emptiness and insubstantiality. Horn * Anguish', but gives a word of warn *But where it has been used the stres mental than on the physical disease; intended, I have used other words. suggests the idea of an evil hollow “t
8. Dīgha Nikāya, Vol. 2, XXIII, 18. 9. P. T.S. Pali-English Dictionary, Ed. T.W. R
6 ܝ݇ܬܵܐ

RAGIC SENSE OF LIFE
ing, the extinction of suffering and extinction of suffering. It is only cts of a unified doctrine that factors fears can be explained. One who 7 is in danger of embracing philopessimism. As will be explained Ich extremes.
has to be understood in its relation ce (Anicca) and egolessness (Anattâ). a as he isolates the concept of sufgive it meaning. Lastly, his attempt fering (as he sees it) against the back:ic is misleading.
th (jāti), decay (jara), disease (vyadhi), entation (parideva), pain (dukkha), are referred to as suffering. To be I separated from the pleasant and the suffering. In short, clinging to the | qualities that go to make up the
ha).8
kkha, it is not possible to find one 2 aspects of its meaning. The P.T.S. the word thus: “There is no word is dukkha does in Pāli. Our modern , and usually too strong'.9 Starting of physical pain and bodily ailments ore abstract meanings-mental sorrow, ity, anxiety, despair and restlessness. its like unsatisfactoriness, disharmony, er for instance recommends the word ing that the word may be too strong. is appears to be wanted more on the where physical disease is more clearly
The word dukkha etymologically e empty of that which should rightly
hys Davids & W. Stede, Part IV, p. 159.
7.

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fill, and which be perhaps taken a ground around which human miser existent ego. Here the doctrine of du to the doctrine of anatta. This aspect ed the attention of scholars like CC my claim that the Buddha did not me of suffering. On the other hand, to dealt with “basic or original anxiety views elaborated by Scheler, Freud, E Core of our being a basic anxiety, a li forms of anxiety and unease draw t to anxiety according to Conze, “have
În general the word dukkha has Sophical sense, a narrower psychologi sense.12 It is in this general philoso factoriness and disharmony have been prominent when dukkha is considere samsäric existence, along with im it is said-What is impermanent (al What is suffering, that is void of an
Physical pain is easy to recognise themental. The Pãliscriptures make; able feeling and mentally disagreeabl can range from mild irritation to the Hook remarks that with the develop serious forms of sickness will disappe the fact that increasing numbers fall a certainly has been tackled by the psyc shown elsewhere, on the One hand t modern psychoanalysis in Buddhism regression and the re-emergence of can be accounted for in the light
10. Middle Length Sayings I, Trans. I. B. Horn 11. Edward Conze, Buddhism, Oxford, 1951. 12. O. H. de A. Wijesekera, The Three Signate 13. Samyutta Nikāya, IV, I.
14. M.W. P. de Silva, A Study of Motivational
the Psychology of Freud, Ph.D. Thesis, Haw
68

CEYLON REVIEW
s nibbana'.10 The empty hollow y is woven, is the belief in a nonIkkha has to be understood in relation of the meaning of dukk, a has attract
inze, whose observations strengthen -
rely deal with some superficial aspect ise modern terminology, the Buddha ''. Conze says, “According to the Heidegger and Jaspers, there is in the ttle empty hole from which all other their strength”.11 These references : quite a Buddhist ring about them'.
three broad usages -a general philocal sense and a still narrower physical phical sense that words like unsatissuggested. This meaning becomes
as a universal characteristic of all permanence and egolessness. Thus hiccarin), that is suffering (dukkha).
ego (anatta). 13
, though it is inevitably mixed with a distinction between bodily disagree
e feeling. The mentally disturbing
most tragic forms of despair. When ment of scientific medicine the most ar, he fails to give some thought to prey to mental sickness today. This hoanalyst to a point. But as I have here are remarkable anticipations of , on the other hand the factor of neurotic features that baffled Freud of Buddhism.14
er, 1954, p. xxii.
pp. 22—23. ܝ 1, Wheel Publication, Kandy, Ceylon, 1960.
Theory in Early Buddhism with Special Referenceo to faii, 1967, unpublished.

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BUDDHISM AND THE
In fact, Freud says that all men Buddha also says that we suffer fro: but that mental disease is Continual ti Even Freud inspite of his excessive bi
Y that the very nature of an instinct is si quate to it. The failure of response
rigidities, but further back to the an If this interpretation of Freud is cor Buddhist concept of tanha.
Man is basically restless accordin nourished by three types of cravin (kama tanha), the desire for selfish p for annihilation (vibhava tanha). It the origin of suffering (dukkha-san ching for temporary satisfaction, now itself. When boredom breaks in o and novel forms of satisfaction in son to satisfaction of desires sets in, mat contented. When Society frowns o pleasure in the imagination. Decay and the object of pleasure, and that this need not make us pessimists or the extinction of suffering. This as separates philosophies like existen
(2) Pleasure and Pain
As important as the concept of Buddhist attitude to pleasure. Conc been used to describe the doctrine inability to understand the Buddhi. the reality of suffering Buddhism do In the same way that evil and sufferi trick (as being mere illusion), the the various types of pleasures and t
15. M. W. P. de Silva, An Analysis of Some M.A. Thesis, Hawaii, 1966, Unpublished.
6 ܐܰܐ
 

TRAGIC SENSE OF LIFE
are at least partially neurotic. The in bodily disease from time to time ll the holy state of arahat is attained. ological orientation, at times suggests Ich that no response is wholly adecan be traced, not merely to societal bivalent structure of instinct itself.15 rect, we discern a close echo of the
g to the Buddha, as he is continually 2-the craving for sense gratification Irsuits (bhava tanha) and the Craving s this craving which is considered as hudaya). This craving always Searhere, now there, exists ever renewing ne direction, it turns for variegated Le Other direction. When obstruction becomes angry, aggressive and disin him, he retreats to his castles of sets on both the subject experiencing is the root of insecurity. Now all nihilists. There is a path leading to will be discussed later, is what clearly tialism from Buddhism.
dukkha is the allied question of the epts like pessimism and nihilism have of dukkha. This is often due to an it attitude to pleasure. In accepting as not deny the presence of happiness. ing is not reduced to a conjuror's rope Buddha makes a detailed analysis of he pleasure principle in general.
Psychological Concepts in Early Buddhism and Freud,

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UNIVERSITY OF
There are three types of feelin and indifferent (adukha-m-asukha) kind of hedonic tone, and it is pleasa disagreeable. Pleasure is considered aside the immaterial and the mater the earth is referred to as a sense sph human beings is abundantly pleasan the animal world. In fact, it could pleasures than pain in the world of n with the virtues of the householder condemned, what is condemned is t and illegitimate (Visama-lobha).
However, in the majority of ser sures are referred to as a source of dan for the one bent on the attainmen the Pali scriptures refer to the bliss qualitatively different sort that can such states do not involve any atta attachment (upādāna) is the fact that 1 that come on his way, till an unbe. Thus for the man who considers th ficult, the Buddha recommends the is said of such a one that he seeks Wea without greed and longing. He ge others and does meritorious deeds.
(3) Attitude to Death
The phrase, Tragic Sense of Life philosopher Unamuno, 18 The mean and his predicament could be summer that I must die and the enigma of w palpitation of my consciousness." and the riddle of life are aspects of th I wish to know whence I come and whither goes everything that enviro
16. 4nguttara Nikāya 1, 80.
17. Ibid..... V, 176. 18. Miguel de Unamuno, The Tragic Sense 19. Ibid., p. 40.

CEYLON REVIEW
s-pleasant (sukha), painful (dukkha) The term vedana suggests some it if it is agreeable and painful if it is is a natural phenomenon and leaving all planes of existence the world of
-
ere. It is also said that the realm of
t, when compared with the hell or be said that in a sense there are more en. In the homily to Sigala dealing
enjoyment of desire as such is not he pleasure that is vicious, excessive
mons given to the monks, sense pleager. This is all the more emphasised t of mind development. However, of renunciation and pleasures of a
be enjoyed by the monk.16 But chment. The persistence of strong makes man blind to the little tragedies trable one puts him off the balance. le life of complete renunciation diflife of a righteous householder. It tlth by lawful means, and uses wealth
ts ease and pleasure for himself and 7
, is the title of a book by the Spanish ing of death disturbs him immensely up in his own words “This thought at will come after death is the very
For him the meaning of death : same problem. He says, “Why do
whither I go, whence comes and is me, and what is the meaning of
Life, Dover, U.S.A., 1954.

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BUDDHISM AND THE
it all? For I do not wish to die ut assert his hunger for immortality, in t a plea for passion over rationality.
death is a basic theme in the philos
> philosophers who are labelled as existe
“fear of death and a craving for imm Buddhism also in the same category. to death and the Craving for im
Hook favours the reflective attitt the popular attitude or the one displa far as I know, the popular attitude about it. “To the average man deal for talk or discussion. It is sometil only the shock of a bereavement unde
mely death of a parent, wife or a c
rudely awaken him to the hard facts a general observation about man's
has pointed out we can try to forget
in the “idle chatter of every day ex inauthentic and anonymous existence situations become necessary.22 Hen popular attitude to death.
However, this does not mean til morbid. It is not a morbid expressi Buddhist does not preach any excess we are expected to do is to display an facts of life instead of covering up the a way out of misery and ignorance
Buddhism is critical of mourn reactions to the death of those dear weep and mourn but to understand its on numerous occasions. The Storie in a very concrete way the Buddhist the Uraga Jataka convey the same mc the ashes of the dead: Why should I
tread.’” -
20, Ibid. p. 33. 21. V. F. Gunaratne, Buddhist Reflections on De
22. Heidegger, Being and Time, Trans. Mac
ܢ .

RAGIC SENSE OF LIFE
erly.... '20 His own solution is to he most quixotic manner, by making Meditation on the phenomenon of ophy of Heidegger and many other ntialists. Hook describes all this as a rtality, and by implication includes
Now what is the Buddhist attitude mortality:
de to death (as he calls it), as against yed by those in its last agonies. As to death is that of avoiding talking h is by no means a pleasant subject ling dismal and oppressive....it is r his own roof, the sudden and untihild that will rouse him up....and
of life'.21 says a Buddhist making
attitude to death. As Heidegger these situations by getting immersed istence. But to be roused from this the shock of encountering ultimate ce Buddhism too is critical of the
hat the Buddhist attitude to death is on of death in its last agonies. The ve pessimism or melancholia. What element of realism and face the hard realities before us. In fact, in showing
Buddhism is optimistic.
ing and melancholia or weeping as to us. What is necessary is not to meaning as referred to by the Buddha of Patacara and Kisagotami depict attitude to death. These lines from ral : “No friend's lament can touch grieve? He fares the way he had to
th, Wheel Publication, Kandy, Ceylon, 1966, P. i. uarrie and Robinson, New York, 1962.
7重

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I certainly agree that the existe attitude. They do sometimes disple Not only is the Buddhist attituded a clear diagnosis of the meaning of tise the phenomenon of death and not go beyond this. A Buddhist is equanimity and understanding. Lib and self torment. Undoubtedly on on its meaning and develop an ins recollection on the fact of death (m practised by the monk. Its a corre attachment dominate their persona anger and hatred dominate (dosa c. initially. They are advised to prac compassion. This illustrates the fac peutic system based on the psycholog in its attitude to death. In short, a problem of human Suffering like sel: the quixotic vitalism of Unamunc and are subject to the delusion of tt
Thus the Buddhist attitude regar contrast to that of the Jains who pr The deliberate attempt to live throu nique of purging and burning up t the Buddha. While such violent at human suffering issue forth from Unamuno's lament for immortality preservation. Anguish cannot be n be mastered by equanimity.23
(4) Immortality and Annihilation
Hook claims that all this pre death is really a manifestation of t there are certain misguided critics nibbana as a craving for immortality trine of annihilation. This misund heed to the concepts of bhava tan immortality), and vibhava taņhā (cra differ from the concept of nibbana
23. Majjhima Nikāya III, Devadaha Sutta.

CEYLON REVIEW
tialist often go beyond the Buddhist 7 elements of morbidity and nihilism. fferent to this, but the Buddha offers eath. The existentialist often drama
the nausea of existence but does Expected to face the fact of death with
bration is not possible by mere agony.
should face the fact of death, reflect ght regarding its meaning. In fact, arananussati) is a form of meditation ctive for people in whom greed and lity (rāga carita). Those in whom rita) are advised not to practise this ise thoughts on loving kindness and : that Buddhism is in a sense a theray of man. This fact is also expressed Il violent attempts to deal with the -torture, asceticism, suicide and even are misguided. They lack insight
te ego in a subtle form.
ding anguish (dukkha) offers a striking
actised the way of self mortification.
gh painful experiences and the tech--
- ܓܠ he effects of karma is condemned by
tempts to deal with the problem of
the craving for self-annihilation, emerges on the craving for selflastered by anguish. Anguish has to
occupation with the phenomenon of he craving for immortality. In fact, who interpret the Buddhist ideal of
Some others consider it as a docerstanding can be avoided if we pay a scraving for self-preservation and ring for annihilation), and how these

Page 82
(
BUDDHISM AND THE TI
Bhava tanha arises with a false the dogma of personal immortality in an ego entity existing independent cesses that constitute life. This entity -ever existing thing continuing after
the view that the physical and the m with the ego will be annihilated at de superficial examination these two atti against the larger background of the are considered merely as contrasting at If we compare both these concepts w. stands in opposition to both bhava tap. says that people usually lean on this du and this attitude is projected on to th nibbana as pure being, pure consciou nihilistic interpretation.
The Buddhist should not fall in and thus be critical of Unamuno's ap the craving for immortality will fail and dukkha. The Buddhist should b In fact, the charge of being an annihilati The Buddha replied that if he preach lation of killesas (defilements). Maga troyer of growth (bhinahu). But the destruction but the control of t greed and the development of wisdo pared to the restoration of health and malady in human beings. Thus the was rejected by the Buddha. The pl fear of death and a craving for im immortality doctrines and calls man t is necessary is to develop an insight
If people think that death can evil will last for ever, 25 as Hook the dogma of annihilationism. The
24. Ibid..... I, 140. 25. P.T.S.L., p. 12.
1 ܐܝܼܵ
10 1039 73

RAGIC SENSE OF LIFE
onception of personality, based on (Sassata ditchi). This is the belief y of those physical and mental prois assumed to exist as a permanent, death. Vibhava tanha emerges on ental processes which are identified ath (uccheda dițihi). Though on a tudes appear diametrically opposed, law of dependent origination, they titudes of a being bound to craving. th nibbana, the concept of nibbana nā and vibhava taņhā. The Buddha |ality of existence and non-existence, e ideal of nibbana. Some consider sness and pure self, others give it a
to the net of immortality doctrines proach. Those who are subject to Io realise the truths of anicca, anatta e equally critical of annihilationism. onist was made against the Buddha.24 es any annihilation, it is the annihihdiya refers to the Buddha as a des
what the Buddha taught was not he sense organs, the suppression of m. In this context nibbana is com
suffering to the presence of a basic nihilistic interpretation of Buddhism hilosophy of dukkha is not fed by a mortality. Buddhism is critical of o dispel morbid fears of death. What into the nature of human suffering.
give them “some assurance that no uggests, they are under the spell of Buddhist will also remind Unamuno

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UNIVERSITY OF
in his own words that it certainly is to base the affirmation of immortality ation of the desire for immortali
(5) Existentialism and Buddhism
Conze, examining the true and European philosophy, makes an inter Though it is not possible to agree tive philosophy made in this article, dhism and existentialism (though s misunderstood problem. In his a himself to three kinds. (1) Some l tial. (ii) Those like Hume are Bergson and existentialists are pre what he says on existentialism, wh existentialist resemble Buddhism ine of the Four Truths the existentialis that everything is ill. Of the seco Craving, they have only a very im the fourth, they are quite unheard tentialists have not found a way ou other hand the Buddhist is “cheere. lightened by multifarious meditatio1 of life. Denied inspiration from t are apt to seek it from authoritari
Though the Buddhist concept tialist concept of suffering, the exis tence is certainly rooted in the ser to day existence of man. To cite t to achieve authentic existence, “is to death, the only event, as Heidegge each of is alone'.30 However, the in not merely making us aware of also making a diagnosis of them an
26. Miguel de Unamuno, The Tragic Sense 27. Edward Conze, Spurious Parallels to B. p. 112.
28. Ibid.
29. Ibid. 30. Mary Warnock, Existentialist Ethics, Mac

CEYLON REVIEW
a tragic fate without a doubt, to have
upon the insecure and slippery found
为对
6 y’.2
false parallels between Buddhism and sting point regarding existentialism.27 ith all the observations on comparahis comparative examination of Budtort), sheds Soise-light on this much alysis of false parallels he confines ke Kant, are not paralels but tangenmerely deceptive. (iii) Those like liminary. Limiting our analysis to at does he mean by saying that the rely at the preliminary level: “In terms ts have only the first, which teaches hd, which assigns the origin of ill to perfect grasp. As for the third and bf”28 Conze observes that the exicut of their world weariness. On the by the hope of ultimate release and hal experiences which ease the burden he spiritual world the existentialists an social groups . . . .29.
Df dukkha is wider than the existententialist call “back to authentic exisse of tragedy that Surrounds the day he view of Heidegger, the only way treat one's life as a progress towards thinks, in which we are genuinely, Buddhist analysis goes beyond this, the tragedies that surround man, but d suggesting a remedy. This is why
f Life, p. 47. ldhist Philosophy, Philosophy East and West, 1963,
millan, London, 1967, p. 14.
ീട
74.

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BUDDHISM AND THE TI
Conze's analysis is far more satisfact not make any attempt to see the fil Buddhists, philosophers with existenti like Sartre and Heidegger.
Hook says that the agony over de of the intellectual life of our philoso of any philosophy which conceives it tainly those who make a quest for wi 鬱 thoughts of death. But yet one shou death, understand it as a phenomenon some people are agonised by it. Thi Today not merely the existentialists, evinced an interest in the problem-w is the meaning of life 232 Does the in ful life impossible? To some it app relevant, yet it cannot be irrelevant ignore it and that some are obsessed reflects one's attitude to life.
The Buddha does not ignore the it. Yet it cannot be said that he is in this factor, though the practical psy - actually used by people. The Budd a comprehensive vision of the riddle goes much beyond existentialism. T is not merely to be attracted by a mc a new perspective, 33 it is to see thing
(6) Moral Perplexity
There is another aspect to man factors of intellectual puzzlement and 3 this a person must be at least partially in the World and that makes him rais and whither do I go.” Gotama’s own bearable asceticism of the times is a fi and suffering it can cause. Accordin
31. P.T.S.L., p. 12. 32. Ilham Dilman, Professor Hepburn on Me 33. Mary Warnock, Existentialist Ethics, p. 57
7ܧܓ

RAGIC SENSE OF LIFE
ry than that of Hook. Hook does er shades of difference among the list leanings like Tolstoy and others
th. “is one of the unloveliest features phic times-and certainly unworthy self as a quest for wisdom'. Cersdom should not be agonised by the ld come to terms with the factor of , and give an explanation as to why S is what the Buddha has attempted. but some analytic philosophers have lat is the meaning of death and what Evitability of death make a meaningears as a paradox; death cannot be either. It is true that some people by it, but one's attitude to death also
: fact of death nor is he obsessed by herely offering a way of adjusting to chology of Buddhism may thus be la offers an analysis, a diagnosis and of life and death. Thus his doctrine to follow the doctrine of the Buddha iod or merely to see the world from S as they are (yathabhitan pajanati).
's unhappiness. This is due to the moral perplexity. To be subject to sensitive to the presence of suffering e the question-“Whence do I come n experiment with the severe and unhe demonstration of the heartburning
g to the Buddha such perplexity and
aning in Life, 1965, Vol. 3, No. 2.
'S

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UNIVERSITY OF
doubt (kankha) can be overcome. Ses thinking and hinders the inne the factor of moral conflict as the Buddha does not limit the basis of alone, he has diagnosed the nature of puzzlement. In fact they come un the nature and destiny of man and ditions human suffering.
The corrective to this is right v. as the understanding of the four nob ries that have misled people. The ego-illusion, eternity and annihilat there are various theories of deter by the Buddha. Moral perplexity the laws that govern the destiny moral retribution (kamma) and (paticca-samuppada).
Regarding the problem of mo there are number of objections that gerates the dominance of the dilemr tentialist for mourning over the phen digm of the moral problem from Sopi cing another existentialist theme—the the examination of moral values. Til face problematic issues as moral bei cited in text books are not so comm
Secondly there are other types C important. The man who knows w the right thing. The man who is su to temptation. The man who preter when he is merely deceiving him. self-deception and many such fact Buddha was not merely interested ir people under extraordinary conditio debility of the common run of huma cribed by a recent writer on ethics
34. E. J. Lemmon, Moral Dilemmas, Philosop
7.

CEYLON REVIEW
i is karmically unwholesome, paralydevelopment of man. Hook takes basis of the tragic view. While the human suffering to moral perplexity
moral perplexity as well as intellectual
der wrong views (dirrhi) regarding ie Within the causal setting that Con
bw (samma dithi). This is described e truths. There are many false theomost powerful are the two forms of on doctrines. In the moral realm minism and indeterminism criticised can be eliminated by understanding of the individual (bhava), law of
he law of dependent origination
ral Conflicts as presented by Hook, can be made. Firstly Hook exagnatic situation. He blames the exisomenon of death but draws his parahoclean tragedy. In this he is embra
: emphasis on extreme situations for
his is not to deny the fact that we do ngs, but that hypothetical examples on as some think them to be.
f moral situations which are equally hat he aught to do but fails in doing iddenly taken unawares and gives in ds that he has done the correct thing elf. Moral weakness, temptation, ors are equally important.34 The
the moral dilemmas of exceptional 1s. He also probed into the moral nity. This point has been well desWhat parades heroically as a conflict
lical Review, Vol. 71, 1962, 139-58.

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BUDDHISM AND THE
is often a clash of interest in which th but unpleasant, or it is a comma seeming importance is doubtless rel which features ethical conflicts to a
Thirdly ethics is not the ultimate Sila (morality), samādhi (meditation)
a wide arena of individual action. be divorced from this context.
It is neither necessary nor possib ethics here. But its basis can be sl of the state of the perfected one (arah ethics. This is good in itself, and end, as a means is a right action. A promotes ones own welfare as that firmly rooted on an analysis of the p thus is free from the problems that ethics. Buddhism accepts the fact evaded. Man has free will and of within the purview of ethical evalu. be analysed against the background Early Buddhist psychology traces t six roots-raga (craving), dosa (hatred as immoral roots. Araga (charity), are moral roots. While the Buddha doing actions that spring from the man to do positively good actions th: are three avenues of action; bodily, through these avenues are conditione function at various levels. Sometin actions, sometimes our desires spring of which we are not aware. Thus necessary. These take us to other di and meditation (samādhi) and kno
All this provides the Buddhist reference for examining broad pro
dilemmas. The philosophical basis
35. Henry Margengau-Ethics and Language

RAGIC SENSE OF LIFE
e voice of ethical imperatives is clear d imperfectly understood....Their ated to our fascination by tragedy,
degree unusual in life.'35
realm in which the individual moves. and Panna (wisdom) together form Hence the Buddhist ethics should not
le to outline the Buddhist theory of nortly summarised. The attainment t) is the sumnum bonum of Buddhist whatever is used to bring about this right action is described as one which
of others. The Buddhist ethics is Sychology of human motivation and beset purely formalistic theories of that moral responsibility cannot be nly volitional acts (sancetana) come ation. These volitional acts have to of the motivational roots (mula). he springs of human motivation to I), and moha (delusion) are described adosa (love) and amoha (knowledge) has requested man to refrain from immoral roots he also admonishes at spring from the moral roots. There vocal and mental. Actions that issue d by dispositions. These dispositions les we are vaguely conscious of our from certain dormant traits (anusayas) a process of vigorous self-analysis is mensions of action like concentration wledge (paññā).
with a very comprehensive frame of blems of morality and also specific of ethics, the interpretation of the
Von Nostrand, U.S.A., p. 267.

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UNIVERSITY OF
ethical code, the facts of the context desire to do the correct thing as it all these come into play in a given n. or intention (cetanā) plays a very si
An attempt to examine moral d doctrine has been attempted by Franc As he suggests a rational examinatio no over emphasis of this kind Of dil men commit evil acts (akusala) of knowledge and a deeper understandi tions for the elimination of human ethics is therapeutic. Why do men more important question than how ca At least the latter question has to be If Hook uses the term 'melioristic to the therapeutic basis of Buddhist et tention. 38 -
(7) Love
The Buddhist ideal of compassio He says, “The Buddhist Saint or any o to life of man or beast refuses even to is the only method, as it sometimes is suffering and death, makes himself re more so because he claims to be ac mentioned earlier Hook cites three app the way of love as ambiguous and in if love is more than a feeling of diffuse no man can love every one or identif is ambiguous as “There are various ki they lead may be incompatible.”41
The question arises whether the cited by Hook are exhaustive. E I will limit the discussion to a clarif
36. Francis Story, Dialogues of the Dhamma, Wheel 37. P.T.S.L., p. 23. - 38. M. W.P. de Silva, A Study of Motiational Theor 39. P.T.S.L., p. 18.
40. libid, p. 19.
41. Ibid, p. 19.

CEYLON REVIEW
all situation and above all a genuine sincerely appears to the individual; bral situation. The factor of motive gnificant part.
lemmas in the light of the Buddhist Story, in a very preliminary way. 36 of these are possible. But there is mima in Buddhism. How is it that body, speech and mind? Can selfg of man bring about better condisuffering? The basis of Buddhist get into problematic situations, is a n we resolve this particular dilemma. analysed in the light of the former. describe his version of pragmatism,37 hics should certainly attract his at
in has been misunderstood by Hook. ther who out of respect for the right use force, or to kill, even when this , that will save the multitude from sponsible for the greater evil, all the iting out of compassion.” As was roaches to life and of these considers tomplete. "It is incomplete because d sympathy but is expressed in action y himself with every interest'.40 It inds of love and the actions to which
three approaches to tragic conflicts ut without raising this question, ication of the Buddhist concept of
Publication, Kandy, Ceylon, 1965.
» . . 1967, ch. iv.

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BUDDHISM AND THE
compassion. The Buddhist scriptures (brahma vihara). They are metta (co. towards those in distress), mudita (at justly happy), and upekkhā (impartia is used in a very loose sense, but in Pal with Words used in the Buddhist sic differentiate metta from any kind of s It has also to be distinguished from (pema, simeha). -
昏 - Compassionate love is not a di as Hook maintains. The very spread using any military force, and its finest of Asoka, who remarked, “All men the Buddha is pervaded by this mess: never ceases by hatred, through loving is the message of Buddhism. The do plete doctrine, neither is it ambiguous kinds of love', they have to be psych clarified, without blaming the doctri Sigalovada Sutta is a good instance relationships are analysed. The relati
teachers and students, husband and servant, layman and recluse. To instance, the parents express their lov restrain them from vice, exhort then contract a suitable marriage and ha way all the other relations based on t respect and regard are analysed.43
not be scared of the linguistic boge
It is not possible here to analyse it punishment, 45 killing, etc. They h.
scholars. A Buddhist is not expecte the circumstances are. The Buddha between Koliyas and Sakyas shows ii compassion works. There are mal
42. Dhanma Pada, 5. 43. Dĩgha Nikāya, Sutta 31. 44. K. N. Jayatilleke, Buddhism and Peace, Wh 45. Bandula Jayawardena, Crime and Nikāya
 

TRAGIC SENSE OF LIFE
mention four sublime states of mind impassionate love), karuna (sympathy bility to rejoice with those who are lity to all). The English word love i it is easier to make finer distinctions riptures. The Buddha is careful to ensuous love (kāma, rāga, methuna). feelings of affection and attachment
fused feeling, unexpressed in action of Buddhism was achieved without expression was found in the kingdom are my children'. The doctrine of ge of compassionate love. “Hatred kindness it comes to an end'42—that Ctrine of Compassion is not an incoms. If as Hook says there are “various ologically distinguished, linguistically he of compassion for it. In fact the where some of these basic human onship between parents and children, wife, friend and friend, master and cite the duties of the parents for re for the children in five ways; they to virtue, train them to a profession, ind over the inheritance. In this he diverse emotions of love, devotion, This shows that the Buddhist need y that is love.
detail the Buddhist attitude to war,44 ave been analysed in detail by some d to use force and violence whatever is actual intervention during the war a practical way how the doctrine of ly contexts where the Buddha has
eel Publication, Kandy, Ceylon, 1962.
Literatira, offic Buddhisto, Vosia. XXXVIII., 1967,
9.

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UNIVERSITY OF
demonstrated the futility of war as a has to be seen against the wider back instance one should not take to proft of life, like the sale of arms, huma Thus the request not to kill does no
The doctrine of compassionate lic Though Hook does not see the val Fromm say that it is the problem of the problem of human existence. 47 overcoming man’s narcissism. The analysis of the roots of egoism which This takes us beyond compassionate lc and truth. Knowledge about the tru universe is necessary, to establish the footing.
(8) The Tragic
A detailed analysis of the linguis word tragic is not necessary for our burden of Hook's argument rests on of the tragic, it is pertinent to make concept of dukkha has an experienta of factual data. The concept of the preted in the light of norms that guic that Hook has blatantly confused two he should have been more cautious in the overtones of dramatic theory to There are logicians who draw inspi philosophers who draw their example ship between literature and philosoph altogether antagonistic. But this in sophers of religion should be extra ca from literature.
Secondly there are many theol there are no apriori grounds in favou for Sophoclean tragedy is not any bet
46. Majjhima Nikaya I, 129. 47. Erich Fromm, The Art of Loving, Unwin Boo 48. See, T. R. Henn, The Harvest of Tragedy, U.K.
8t

CEYLON REVIEW
method of settling disputes. All this ground of the right way of life. For isions that prosper on the destruction | beings, flesh and poisonous drugs. t remain at a negative level.46
ve is a message relevant to our times. e of this doctrine, others like Erich love that should have an answer to He says that this can only be done by Buddhist scriptures make a detailed fortifies the doctrine of compassion. ve to other ideals like self-knowledge ths regarding the nature of man and doctrine of compassion on a sound
sic issues involved in the usage of the purpose, here. But since the whole his preference for a certain definition some brief remarks, about it. The basis and is interpreted in the light tragic, is primarily a concept interle dramatic theory. I am not saying realms of discourse, but rather that transfering a word already containing D the field of philosophical jargon. ration from mathematics and moral 's from jurisprudence. The relationly is more controversial, though not lakes it very necessary that philoreful when they draw their analogies
ies of drama about tragedy, 48 and r of one theory. Hook's preference ter than others. The concept of the
is, London, 1962.
1956.

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BUDDHISM AND THE T
tragic in drama is a concept that h; concepts are monotonous enough to concept of the tragic in drama mere themes. Also the word tragic has m the matter of definition anyhow rema that the “primary locus of the tragic s in law, and in history'.49 Certainly it does not bear on life. But the natu as varied as the variety of dramatic th difficult to limit all tragedy to moral “It is tragic to be robbed off in the bri the vigour and vitality of youth sudde There are many such contexts, where appear, and yet there is a legitimate
The concept of human suffering and richer concept than the notion doctrine of the Buddha in this light is to the perils of human tragedy.
* P.T.S.L., p. 17.
10139-11 8

RAGIC SENSE OF LIFE
s a history. The history of some e ignored. But the history of the y emphasizes the variety of tragic iny uses in ordinary language, and ins a problem. Hook himself says ituation is not in a play but in life, tragedy in drama loses meaning if ire of the tragic in life situations is tories about the tragic. Thus it is lilemmas. For instance the phrase, liance of life', refers to the fact that ily falls a prey to the hand of death. : a tragic moral dilemma does not ise of the word "tragic.
is a more comprehensive, complex
of tragedy offered by Hook. The
certainly a diagnosis and an answer
M. W. PADMASIRI DER SILVA

Page 91
A Problem in
HVANYÄ LOKA of Ānand D no introduction to student This treatise is well know of Dhvani, the most progressive a realm of Sanskrit poetics. The the axioms of modern Western aesthe avenues of contemplation for Ind treatise to expound this theory, Dh in the history of Sanskrit poetics, an of scholarly discussions and inter
The basic thesis of the theory which contributes to the evocation expressed meaning is the soul of possess two main functions-viz. the the presence of this suggestive quali writings of a documentary or dida make use of the expressive quality on the suggestive. When this sugg in its contribution to poetic appeal, be the essential element of all go
Dhwanyaloka is committed to cations. In the first instance, it essa of suggestion in poetry distinct fron cation—a thing which was not hitl It also attempts to distinguish it from ted, such as poetic figures (alarinka expounds how suggestion is to be ex butes to poetic appeal, its relation to tive subjects. The work is in the for tory prose virtti, examples (mostly entire work is divided into four
8

Dh Vani Karikas
avardhana (circa 9th C. A.D.) needs
s of Sanskrit poetic theory and poetry. In as the pioneer work on the theory nd practical school of thought in the ory of Dhvani anticipates most of the tic thought and has opened up new ian theorists of poetry. As the first anyaloka occupies a place of eminence d its teachings have formed the subject pretations both then and now.
of Dhvani is that suggested meaning of poetic beauty over and above the poetry. Words employed in poetry 2 expressive and the suggestive. It is ty that distinguishes poetry from other ctic nature. Such writings primarily
of words while poetry depends more
estive quality overrides the expressive that is called dhvani, and this should od poetry.
xpound this theory in all its ramifi7s to prove the existence of the quality In the qualities of expression and indiherto accepted by theorists of poetry. other aspects of poetry already accepa), styles (riti) and so forth. It also pected from poetry and how it contrithe theory of Rasa and a host of relain of versekarikas, subsequent explanain verse) and parikara slokas. The chapters called uddyotas. . ܓ
܂ ܟ ܢ .
 ി 2.
*

Page 92
A PROBLEM IN I
The object of this paper is to draw in this valuable treatise which deman pretation-for, it poses a contradictio) thesis postulated by the theory of
The second karika in the first 魯 follows :
Arthah sahırdayaślāghyah k Vacyapratiyamanakhyau tas
The subsequent prose exegesis (v clarifies and substantiates the idea (
Kavyasya hi lalitocitasannivesac sthitah sahrdayaSlaghyo yoʼrthastasy bhedau.
The meaning of the stanza is cle following virtti makes it all the mo1 translated into many languages such a nada ; and among them, those auth German, English and Hindi have und substantially the same way.2 As a I- following English translation by I
*That meaning which wins the adm to be the soul of poetry. The 'Expre
as its two aspects'.3
The virtti is translated as follows admiration of cultured critics and w! even as the soul is of a body which is graceful and proper limbs, has two Implied.'
1. The karika and the virtti are quoted from D,
2. The German translation by Dr. Jacobi app
Prof. A. M. Ghatage, Deccan College, Poona 6 for
to say anything about the Kannada translation du able to procure a copy of that work.
3. Anandavardhana's Dhwanyaloka or the Theo
8

HVANI KĀRIKĀS
attention of the scholars to a karika
ls scrutiny and an intelligent interthat could result in weakening the Dhwani.
uddyota of Dhvanyaloka reads as
įvyātmā yo vyavasthitah, ya bhedāvubhau smrtau.
rtti) too may be quoted here, as it ontained in the kārikā.
iruņab šarīrasyevātmā sārarūpatayā ra vācyah pratīyamānaśceti dvau
ar and presents no difficulty, and the e explicit. Dhwanyaloka has been s German, English, Hindi and Kanors who translated this work into erstood and translated this karika in representative example I quote the Dr. K. Krishnamoorthy.
liration of cultured critics is decided issed and the “Implied are regarded
; : “That meaning which wins the ich is of the very essence ofpoetry, naturally handsome by the union of aspects, viz., the Expressed and the
vanyaloka, NSP edn, Bombay 1891, pp. 12 and 13. ears in ZDMG, Vols. 56 & 57. I am grateful to drawing my attention to this work. I am unable e to my ignorance of that language. Nor was I
ty of Suggestion in Poetry. Poona 1955, p. 3.

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UNIVERSITY OF
This meaning, though obviou here it is stated unambiguously th of the soul of poetry. The soul of the critics is said to be having a two or the expressed while the other is ously this is contrary to the basic po as mentioned in the very first kari is the soul of poetry. As mentione rists pointed out that expressed sen it be poetic, documentary or did is its suggested sense. ‘Kavyasyat which the text begins. Hence, how ment in the very next karika that soul of poetry?
Sanskrit theorists of old were diction. It was noted by Abhinav and by Visvanatha in his Sahityada is to resolve the contradiction by giv in question. In his opinion, thoug face of it, it is not real. What the k of poetry is divisible into two, butt (I) vācya and (2) pratīyamāna. Hc (worthy of approbation of cultured second category, viz. pratīyamāna alone should be accepted as the soul C kramya sahrdayaślāghya iti viśeṣaņa tasya dvau bhedavamsavityuktam. Based on this interpretation, the k. "That poetic expression, one aspect poetry and is praised by the critics, and the suggested'.5
Although this interpretation : posed by the karika, it has to be admi verbally expressed therein. And thi natively into what is so expressed. does not make room to construe th
4. NSP edn., p. 13. 5. This translation was supplied by late Dr. Dhvani, one of the outstanding authorities on
8

CEYLON REVIEW
as it may seem, sets a poser. For, t expressed sense (vacya) forms a part poetry which wins the admiration of old division, and one of them is vacya pratiyamana or the suggested. Obvistulation of the Dhvani school which, tā of Dhvanyāloka, is that suggestion R
earlier in this essay, the Dhvani theoe is common to all writing whether actic; but what distinguishes poetry mā dhvanih’ is the aphorism with can one reconcile with this, the statehe expressed sense forms a part of the
not oblivious to this apparent contraagupta in his Locana on Dhwanyaloka pana. What Abhinavagupta attempts ing a new interpretation to the kārikā h a contradiction appears here on the arika really means is not that the soul hat sense in poetry is so divisible into wever, the adjective sahrdayaslaghya critics) is the special attribute of the (suggested). Hence that and that of poetry. 'Ata evartha ityekatayopadvārā hetumabhidhāyāpoddharaņadršā Na tu dvāpyātmānau kāvyasya.”* irika may be understood as follows: of which is established as the soul of
has two divisions—i.e. the expressed
ldequately circumvents the obstacle tted that this is not exactly the meaning S is deducible only by reading imagiThe verse as well as the prose virtti e adjective Sahrdayaslaghya to qualify
A. Sankaran, the author of The Theories of Rasa and Sanskrit Poetic Theory.
¬ ..
4. പ്രീ

Page 94
A PROBLEM IN
the pratiyamana sense alone. It is a established as the kavyatma and wh only by a process of artificial constr Thus it remains an ingenious attem
facing it squarely.
Apparently, Visvanatha is not Abhinavagupta. Hence, even thoug well acquainted with the writings of the contrary, he finds the sense cont irreconciliable with the dhvani theor sistency on the part of the propour noktam — Arthaḥ sahırdayaślāghyahiti
mā dhvanih iti Svavacanavirodhā
In modern times too, many sc engrained in this karika and have att pretation. Sri P. S. Subbarama I atman here is synonymous with arth mentioned herein is nothing but the karika really means is that sense in po sed and (2) suggested. The adject and it is the sense that is worthy of most essential element of poetry is
=( sense. It is divided into two sorts,
An eminent scholar who seems padhyaya Prof. P. V. Kane, and his to the above mentioned citation Prof. Kane notes the view of the ; himself expresses the following opir of artha, the soul of poetry, as div accordance with ordinary ideas. atman in the karika is synonymous hold the view that the adjective Sahrd māna sense and that alone should l position maintained by Abhinav
6. Sahityadarpana (ed. Mm. P. V. Kane), 5t 7. Studies in Dhvanyāloka or Reign of Rasa, T mention that this is a translation of the karika i the above citation, it is obvious that such is the 8. Notes to Sahityadarpana, 5th edin. 1965
f
8

DHVANI KĀRIKĀS
in appellation to artha which is also ich has two divisions. Hence, it is ing that this idea could be obtained. pt to by-pass the difficulty, without
satisfied with this interpretation of h he is a follower of Abhinavagupta the latter, he does not accept it. On ined in the karika in question quite y, and pronounces it to be an inconder of dhvani. "Yacca dhvanikäre
Atra vācyasyātmatvam Kavyasyātlevapastam.6
holars have recognized the problem empted to give it a satisfactory inter'attar is of opinion that the term a. Consequently the soul of poetry sense in poetry; and hence what the etry hás two aspects-viz. (II) expresive Sahrdayaslaghya qualifies arthapraise of the cultured critics. “The universally acknowledged to be the the expressed and the suggested.'7
to hold this same view is Mahamahoopinion is recorded in his comments from Visvanatha in Sahityadarpana. author of Locana in this context, but tion. The Dhvanyaloka here speaks ided into vacya and pratiyamana in Thus according to him too, the word with artha. And he does not seem to ayaslaghya applies only to the pratiyape considered the soul of poetry—the gupta. -
h edin. 1965, pp. 4 and 5. richur 1938, p. 13. The author does not expressly question. But from what precedes and succeeds CaSC.
p. 29.

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UNIVERSITY OF
However, how far is it advisab able with artha: Does that not co. soul of poetry is dhvania Although surmount the difficulty posed by the of the theory of Dhvania
Sri Sivarāmakrşņa Śāstri too w here is identifiable with artha in poet He draws attention to the fact that in is introduced with the words: dhasya bhümikânı racayitumidamu meant to serve as the basis to the defin taken in the succeeding pages. When defined, it is natural by way of introd on this matter, so that the required basis. Hence, it is possible that in Dhvanikara expresses is not his own prevailing at the time.
Based on this point of view, the pounded as follows. Poetry is con (Sabda) and sense (artha). Out of th body of poetry, and is easily grasped b. Sed 111 Locana too: “Tatra šabdiastä But it is the sense-artha-that detern sense that is praised by appreciative cr artha is what enlivens it; and hence, th poetry. Thus the adjective Sahrday Though Sabda is grasped by every re. those who are truly appreciative of view prevalent among scholars whet And in the second half of the karika would deal with this poetic sense. Ac into two divisions-viz. (II) expresse
This exegesis deserves our serio the problem posed by the karika, an The fact that Sabda should be considers
9. This point of view and the exegesis based view with the author of this paper.
10. op. cit, p. 13.

CEYLON REVIEW
to hold the term atman as identifiradict the initial aphorism that the such an identification would help to irika, is it in keeping with the spirit
uld favour the opinion that atman y-but he views it in a different light.9 Dhvanyaloka, the karika in question Patra punardhvanerlaksayitumarabyate. Accordingly, the karika is tion of dhvani which is being underthe new concept of Dhvani is to be action to postulate the existing views definition may be built upon that he first half of the karika, what the
view, but the widely accepted view
meaning of the karika may be exposed of two entities, viz. sound em, Sabda should be considered the every reader. (This view is expresvaccharirabhaga eva sannivisate.) 10 lines poetry: not ordinary sense, but itics. If sabda is the body of poetry, lat has been established as the soul of aslaghya qualifies sense in poetry. der, poetic Sense is grasped only by. it. This may be considered as the Dhwanyaloka came to be written. is shown how the Dhvani theorists Cording to them, this can be divided i and (2) suggested.
is consideration as it easily resolves it is not without textual support.
the body and artha the distinguish
hereon were expressed by the scholar in an inter
\_

Page 96
A PROBLEM IN
ing mark of poetry is attested by Loc bhumika in the preceding virtti, it is is giving the view prevalent at the
In attempting to arrive at a sati another important fact deserves mei the word atman. In Dhwanyaloka, in the sense of “soul. It is true that this sense; but at least in a few pla svarupa-nature. In this context consideration.
In the first uddyota in dealing that dhvani is beyond the scope of sahırdayahırdayasamvedyamanākhyetara na pariksyavadinah (Even those, whe is only within the experience of cultu betray only their lack of discern.
Once again, in dealing with t anusvanopama in the second uddy
Krameņa pratibhātyātmā Śabdārthašaktimūlatvātso'pi
(The other element of this suggestic resonance, and the temporal sequence able. It is also twofold :- that which “that which is based on the power
Now in both these passages, th “soul would convey no plausible m taken to mean “nature' (svarupa), t context. In fact in both these inst the word atman by Svarupa. 12 He that sometimes Dhwanyaloka uses at that is not without lexical support.
11. NSP edition, p. 59 and p. 94 respectively. moorthy, op. cit, p. 19 and p. 37 respectively.
12. For example, see Dīdhiti commentary 66, Varanasi 1953, p. 84 and p. 153 respectively

DHVANI KÄRIKÄS
Ina itself. And relying on the word ot difficult to assume that the author
time.
factory comprehension of the karika tion here. That is in the usage of he word atman is not always used in a majority of instances it is used in tes it is also used synonymous with , the following passages deserve
with the views of those who declared words, Dhwanyaloka states: 'Yepi meva dhvanerātmānamām nāśişuste'pi declare that the nature of suggestion Ired critics and that it is inexpressible, ment.)
hat variety of suggestion known as ta, karika 24 reads as follows :
yo 'syanusvānasannibhah, dvedha vyavasthitah.”
in manifests itself in the same way as of the two meanings will be noticeis based on the power of word, and of sense.)
e word atman, if it is understood as eaning. On the other hand, if it is hat sense fits appropriately into the ances, commentators have explained nce, it can be asserted beyond doubt man synonymous with Svarupa, and
The translations are quoted from Dr. K. Krishna
Dhyanyaloka, Haridasa Samskrta Granthamila
37

Page 97
UNIVERSITY OF
If the word atman is taken to : can be understood satisfactorily wit tency. For, then in its entirety it
That sense which is worthy of established as the nature of poetry is and the suggested.
It is artha that determines the of artha by itself is not considered have some special virtue, and that st appreciative critics (a fact attested t presence of a sense which wins the a determines the true nature of poetr and sense (Sabdartha) is a quality sh poetic, documentary or didactic, it guishes poetry from the rest.
This poetic sense, which on acco is established as of the nature of poet expressed and the suggested. In oth sense (while all other forms of speech And it is found that both these types in poetry. The fact that the suggest disputed ; and that is what Dhwanyalo the expressed sense is also found app many a beautifully conceived figure Creative genius of the poet. And gives rise to a suggested sense which nature, that enters the sphere of d
*This article is an adaptation of a paper submit Varanasi in 1968.

CEYLON REVIEW
lean Svartipa, the karika in question out making room for any inconsiswould mean:
raise by the appreciative critics, and of two divisions, viz. the expressed
ature of poetry-but mere presence poetry. To become poetry it must eciality is its praiseworthiness of the y Abhinavagupta too). Hence, the lmiration of the appreciative readers . Though the possession of words ared by all forms of speech such as is this particular feature that distin
unt of it being praised by the critics ry, can be divided into two-viz. the r words, poetry possesses a twofold lave only one, namely, the expressed). of senses contribute to some charm ed sense is appealing, need not be ka takes great pains to prove. And realing in diverse ways-especially in
of speech which springs from the when this beautiful expressed sense surpasses the former in its appealing hvalni. *
G. WIJAYAW ARDHANA
ed to the All-India Oriental Conference held in
ད།
ܘ `

Page 98
s
JViiracoozhiVClI12—C1
Inscription
one represented by tholkaappiyal
The fact that piracooshiyan was appiyam cannot be accounted the r wiracooehiyan because Neeminaathar summarises tholkaappiyan. Accordin tholkaappiyan was a grammar of bot Caldwell says, literary dialect in the tionalised and standardised, liable of loquial dialect is not inhibited that was the literary dialect of Tamil and th have been increasing with the passa importance each dialect should be giv for the grammarian.
I is said that there were two schoo
By the beginning of the Age of for a new Tamil grammar seems to bly felt that commentaries to tholk started writing new grammars. piracoozhiyan was the oldest. Viraco Tamil Scholars as a whole, par influence in it and partly because o criptional Tamil differs from literary Colloquial expressions. Though. In inadequate as a source for colloquial ble for study of medieval spoken T more important position in modern spoken Tamil is considered the reall thamiththiranaar, the author of piir importance of spoken Tamil when
1. Dr. P. S. Subrahmanya Sastri. History o of Madras, Madras, 1934.
2. Robert Caldwell–A Comparative Granna University of Madras, 78, Madras, 1956.
10139-12

s a Grammar of
all Tamil
ls of grammatical thought in Tamil, in and the other by piracoochiyan. written many centuries after tholkaeason for the different approach of n, written after piracoochiyan, only g to the paayiram of tholkaappiyati, h literary and colloquial Tamil. As Indian languages tends to be convenly to very small change while coly. Therefore the difference between e colloquial dialect of Tamil should ge of time. Therefore, how much ren in a grammar, becomes a problem
the Imperial Coozhas, the necessity lave been felt. Some scholars probaaappiyan were enough while others Among the new Tamil grammars, oathiyan was not well received by the tly because of excessive Sanskrit f its slant to colloquial Tamil. InsTamil in having a large admixture of criptional Tamil is in many respects Tamil, yet only that source is availaamil. The spoken Tamil occupies a linguistics than literary Tamil. The iving language of the people. Putihcoozhiyan, seems to have realised the
he framed his grammar.
Grammatical Theories in Tamil (Preface), University
r of the Dravidian or South Indian Family of Languages,
89

Page 99
UNIVERSITY OF
Studies in Inscriptional Tamil S. into case relation sandhi and non Ca Tholkaapiyan has that classification an cal works follow it. 3 Viiracooshiya, when it dispensed with this classificati mentaries of grammatical works gir that it is difficult to establish the need This classification is probably more u than colloquial Tamil. The author's inscriptions before and after the tim him that this classification is not ver Tamil. 5 Where tholikaappi yaH ment case relation sandhi, many examples in non case relation sandhi are also see tions to the doubling of consonants : forms with double consonants. Whe by thannual for case relation Sandhi, nant occurs only in a small percenta the change of consonant does not o sandhi and non case relation Sandhi. tioned for non case relation Sandhi,7 a of consonant in non case relation San consonant is found in a number of c. Inscriptional Tamil was close to the si this classification was not importan
A glance at examples where case that in examples where particular cases Forms where these particular cases are case relation Sandhi forms. Change particular plosive which follows, is
3. Kanesaiyar, S. —-tholikaappi ya Hii eshtath thathik makal Press, Chunnakam, 120, Ceylon, 1952.
4. Kurumurthy Aiyar, K-piracooshiyan,
5. The author's studies are two unpublished the of the period 800 to 920 A.D.-submitted to and acc degree in 1964.
A Study of the Language of the Tahil Inscriptions o than Kulaceekara-submitted to the University of C
6. Kanesaiyar, S.-tholkaappiyam ezhuth that makal Press, Chunnakam, 123, 287, 288, 300, C
7. Aatumuka nhaavallar-Nhlannut Kala NT iki 1953.
9.

CEYLON REVIEW
ow that the classification of sandhi relation sandhi is not very useful. | nhan:111111 and Some other grammati1 seems to have struck a new path in in its treatment of sandhi.4 Come so many examples of exceptions for rules, based on this classification. eful in studying literary Tamil more studies of the language of the Tamil s of piracoozhiyan, have convinced useful in the study of Inscriptional ons doubling of the consonant in of doubling of the same consonant in the inscriptions. Further excepre also found to be as numerous as 1 change of Consonant is mentioned if is found that the change of consoge of the situations referred to and ccur generally in both case relation When change of consonant is mennumber of examples with no change dhi are also found. Such change of ases in case relation sandhi too. As poken Tamil, it is quite possible that t in spoken Tamil.
relation Sandhi should occur shows are involved, the Sandhi is optional. involved, seem to behave like non of Consonant-m, according to the nentioned in tholkaappiyan for non
aara HHH illa HHHHH inhaccitlaarkkiniyar Jiraiyin, Tiru
fina, 1-14, Ceylon, 1943. Ses, A Study of the Langllage of the Tahlil Inscriptions apted by the University of Oxford for D. Phil.
Ca Taavarman Cunthara Paa NTiya and Maatavareylon for Ph.D. degree in 1962. ikaaramum nhaccinaarkkiniyar uraiyum--Tiruylon, 1952. "yurai-Mudlir. G. Subramanyam, 172, Madras,
NA

Page 100
VIIRACO OZHIYAM-GRAMMA
case relation sandhi. 8 But this chan in the language of the inscriptions w are involved. Thus the study of th thro W scholars on the side of the aut the efficacy of this classification in systematisation gave this classificatio
Viiracooshiyan is the only Tamil of the consonant zh before the oth, says that if zh, is followed by a plosiv followed by inh, zh, changes nih into have been examples for these chang formulated these rules. But the ex criptions later than piracoozhiy
zh becomes T before plosive pukaTpaTara; Kalu T peru zh changes the following nh
kii Nookkiya.
Viracooshiyan again mentions a positions, not mentioned in tholkaap mentioned in tholkaappiyan. Wh. Coochiyan mentions only -aal. In before piracoozhiyan, there were tw. twelve examples with aal.
examples with -aan:-
ututhiyaan (S.I.I. Vol. XII. meetpaTiyaan (S.I.I. Vol.
8. Kanesaiyar, S. —tholikaappiyan ezhuthutha Press, Chunnakam, 257, Ceylon, 1952.
9. Kurumurthy Aiyar, K.—viiraCooshiyan, 10. South Indian Inscriptions, Volume V, p. vanesvara temple-lines 2 & 7.
South Indian Inscriptions, Volume VIII, pag 11. Kantacamiyar and Devaneyappavanar, N The South India Saiva Sidhantha Works Publishi
Kurumurti Aiyar, K–viiracooshiyah, Jaffi
 

OF INSCRIPTIONAL TAMIL
e is also found to be quite common hen the accusative and locative cases : language of the Tamil inscriptions or of viracoochiyan who challenged his time. Probably, the attempt at
undue importance in literary Tamil.
grammar that provides for the change er consonants. Puththamiththiranaar e, it is changed to T or N and if it is N and then disappears.9 There must is before the author of piracooshiyan umples quoted below, are from ins
H.
m pi Nakkuntam into N and then disappears :-
number of new case signs and postpiyan. It also omits a few of theim le tholkaappiyan mentions -aan, virathe language of Inscriptional Tamil o examples with-aan while there were
p. 20, line IO). II, p.23o, line 26).
hikaarahih nhaccindarkkini yar liraiyum, Tirumakal
Jaffna, 9. Ceylon, 1943. ge 179, Inscription from Tiruppuunturutti Puspa
e 82, Inscription from Kaalhaiyaar temple-line 22 —-tholikaappi ya H2 collathikalarann Ceehaavaraiyar trai,
Society Ltd., 51-72, Madras, 1952. l, Collathikaaram 1-10, Ceylon, 1943.
Ο Ι

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UNIVERSITY OF
examples with -aal -
puuththotumpaTTiyaal (S. kaalaal (S.I.I. Vol.XII, p. pitaraal (S.I.I. Vol. XII, p. nitaiyaal (S.I.I. Vol.III p. ponnaal (S.I.I. Vol. III, p. Inaalhaal (S.I.I. Vol. XII, neyyaal (S.I.I. Vol.XIII, kaacaal (Epigraphia Indica cuulavuzhakkaal (S.L.I. Vol nilaththaal (S.I.I. Vol. XIII. muzhaiyaal (S.L.I. VolXII, kuuTaiyaal (S.I.I. Vol.III,
The language of the Tamil inscr positive in that there were twelve ex example with -aan.
examples with -aal:-
peeraal (S.I.I. Vol. VIII, p.82,
VII, p. 9, line 3). eerikalhaal (S.L.I. Vol. VII, anavarathaananaal (S.I.I. Vc maatihthaal (S.I.I. Vol. V, p naalhaal (S.L.I. Vol. V, p. 18 arulhaal (S.I.I. Vol. IV, p. I pa Niyaal (S.I.I. Vol. VII, p kulhaththaal (S.I.I. Vol.VII kaiyyaal (S.I.I. Vol.V, p.
While tholkaappiyans mentions - i. mentions - il as that case suffix. In there were seven examples with - in
examples with -in :-
thalaiyin (S.I.I. Vol. III, p. ponnin (S.I.I. Vol. III, p.2 akavaayin (S.I.I. Vol.XIII, pirampin (S.I.I. Vol.XIII, p. kaalin (S.I.I. Vol.XII, p.48 palhlhiyin (S.I.I. Vol. III,
thamizhin (S.I.I. Vol. III,
92

CEYLON REVIEW
.I. Vol.XII, p. 43, line r s). 6, line 27).
48, line 44).
222 line 7). 27, line 8). ঙ্গে p.4S, line T s). ..I 28, line I).
Vol XXI, p. 109, line IO). III, p.23 O, line I6). - p.46, line I3).
p. 34, line 3).
.222, line 8).
iptions after piracooghiүат WaS OC amples with -aal while there was no
line 23, also p. 3 OO, line I, 3, S.I.I. Vol.
p. IO, line 3). ol.V., p. TST, line Is). . I79, line 21). 1, line Io, Vol. IV, p. I 33, line I 4) 33, line 8). .255, line I5).
p.9, line 4).
I38, line 24).
as the fifth case suffix, piracoochiyan he inscriptions before piracoozhiyan and nine examples with -il.
14:54, line TOI).
line 5). p.T54, line 5). se 18, line 4). line 8).
.223, line II 2). 454, line 90).

Page 102
VIIRACOOZHIYAM-GRAMMAR
examples with -il :-
nellil (S.I.I. Vol.XII, p. 4 naalhil (S.L.I. Vol. VII, p
nettiyil (S.I.I. Vol. III, p.
maavil kizhaththimayakkalil ceyyil (S.I.I. Vol. XIII p. ellaiyil (S.I.I. Vol. V, p. teruvil (S.I.I. Vol.III, p. - puutuuril (S.I.I. Vol.XII,
In the inscriptions after piracoochi) and eleven examples with -il.
examples with -in :-
varaiyin (S.I.I. Vol. V, p. pitappin ( ibid,
muth thiyin ( ibid. ) veempin ( ibid.
(
veelaiyin ibid.
examples with -il :-
nilangkalhil (S.I.I. Vol. VIII varampukalhil ( ibid. cTuththapaathan halluuril (S. muthalikalhil ( ibid.
tiruvoththuuril mantaa Tikal ulakil (S.I. I. Vol.V, p.I79 marumakkalhil (S.I.I. Vol. naalhil ( ibid. aattil (S.I.I. Vol. V, p.248, teewaraTiyaaril (S.I.I. Vol.
Thus the case signs mentioned quently met with in the inscriptions. have replaced -aan and -in in spoken reason why piracoochiyan gives then a postposition signifying place in the le in the inscriptions. Viracoozhiyan natinual do not do so. The postpos
9
 

OF INSCRIPTIONAL TAMIL
i line 24).
456 line IO).
454, line 98). (S.I.I. Vol. XII, p. 72, line 4).
I 53 line 2). 88, line IA).
22, line. 4).
p. 45, line II).
any, there were five examples with -in
79, line 3). line A).
line T2).
T3).
, p. 82, line 20).
) I.I. Vol. V, p. 27, line 4).
line 2).
hil (S.L. I. Vol. VII., p,36, line 5).
line I6).
/III, p.3OO, line 7)
he 18).
line 7).
VII, p.289, line 4).
by piracoochiyan, are the ones fre
It is quite possible that -aal and -il Tamil and that might have been the so much prominence. Pakkal was cative case and it was used frequently hentions it while thoskaappiyam and tion nhintu Was mentioned in Con

Page 103
UNIVERSITY OF
nection with the fifth case by vira medieval Tamil grammars and it to of the inscriptions. uTaiya is a po spoken language today. It was m. by muhannu ul. This postposition wa and viracoozhiyah mentioned it.
forms like uTaiyaan, uTaiyaalh, u sixth case but Dr. P. S. Subrahmany they have to be treated as appellativ in certain contexts in which forms i. the inscriptions, it seems that they
For example, Kaanjcivaayilu Taiyaar (S.I.I. Vol. II, p. 93, line 4) means U Kaanjcivaayil. Puththamiththiranaa cal study, syntactical function was
Tamil verbs are generally classi thanvinai and pitavinai. tholkaappiya viracoozhiyaux mentions them by Sans thaathu. 12 Kaaritha thaathu or caus kaaritham, kaarithakkaari tham (do kaaritham (treble causals). Inscripti thamiththiranaar provide examples
examples :- Causal :-
aakki (S.I.I. Vol. III, p. 93 kuuTTi (Epigraphia Indica eetti (Epigraphia Indica, itakkina (S.I.I. Vol.VI, p. tiruththi (S.I.I. Vol.III, p. Curukki (Epigraphia Indica
Double Causal :-
ATTuviKKa (S.I.I. Vol.II uuTTuvippathu (S.I.I. Vol. puthukkuviththaar (S.I.I. 'N
inhanulaar, even though he car clear about this classification. He t verb at one place and for the imp
12. Kurumurti Aiyar, K.-piracoo Shiyain,

CEYLON REVIEW
Dochiyan alone among the early and was found to be used in the language tposition of the possessive case in the tioned neither by tholkaappiyan nor in Common usage in the inscriptions Viracoochiyan mentions appellative Ilaiyaars etc. as postpositions of the Sastri criticises it on the ground that forms and notas postpositions. But e; e uTaiyaan and uTaiyaar are found in have the force of the possessive case.
Uthaiyathi vaakaran Thillaiyaalhiyaar
haiyathi vaakaran Thillaiyaalhiyaar of r probably realised that in grammatimore important than mere form.
fied into simple and causal verbs, i.e. in does not mention this callssification. krit terms keevala thaathu and kaaritha all verbs are further sub-divided into uble causals) and kaarithakkaarithakonal Tamil before the time of Puthfor some of these sub-divisions.
'
, line I6). , Vol. XXI, p. IO9. line I98). Vol. IX, p. 88, line 74).
I67, line 5). 454, line 99).
Vol. XXVIII, p. 9I, line T3).
- p. 8, line 3), XII, p. 48, line 5). "ol.XII, p. 27, line 7).
e after viiracoozhiyan, was not very es the term eevalvinai for the causal rative mood of the verb at another
ffna, 35, Ceylon, 1943. -
4.

Page 104
ܗܐ
VIIRACOOZHIYAM-GRAMMAR
place. Therefore on this point to grammar appears to have an edge ov grammarS.
Forms like aana, poona, aaya and
Tamil, were used in the inscriptions. tival participles ending in na and ya anc gives these forms as examples. 14 Othe marians do not mention then.
Passive forms are rarely used in were in existence even in tholkaappiyan Inscriptional Tamil. Neither tholkaap forms. piracooshiyan mentions it b where the root paTu or some other of lowed by -a and then the personal
Thus it seems that piracoozhiyan criptive grammar than the other early a for the language of the Tamil insc
13. aarumuka nhaavallar-mhainnutt kaN'Tikaiyu, 953.
14. Kurumurti Aiyar, K.-viiracooshiyann, Jaffi
15. Kurumuirti Aiyar, K.-viiracoozhiyann, Jafi
9S
 

OF INSCRIPTIONAL TAM IL
), viracoozhiyah, as a descriptive er the early and medieval Tamil
pooya which are found in spoken piracoozhiyan mentions past adjec| Perunteevanaar, the commentator, er early and medieval Tamil gram
Tamil. But passive forms in paTu 1 and there were examples for it in piyan nor than null mention these y a Sanskrit term karmakaaraka le is added to the original root folterminations are added. 15
Dan lay claim that it is a better desind medieval traditional grammars, riptions.
al-Mudir. G. Subrahmanyam, 93, 95, Madras
ta, 36, Ceylon 1943 na, 44, Ceylon, 1943.

Page 105
Land Use Problem i
(left bank)
HE Gal-Oya (left bank) colon in the Dry Zone of Ceylon cultivation with a total colon allottees have been settled in 40 vi mately ISO families. Each allottee of lowland and two acres of highlal vated on the irrigated lowland dur The River Valleys Development B take up to the cultivation of subsic lowland during Yala, with a view has not been a success. The Crops fall into four main groups: (a) tree and (d) vegetables.
This paper is an attempt to an Gal-Oya colony. It emerged from tive villages of this colony carried o of this nature would be useful in tw lems of the peasant allottees in Gal-O taken to their speedy solution and ( utilised in planning other major set Development Project currently bei
The three villages selected for nine represent respectively the three in this colony: (i) Compensation the area submerged by the Senanaya and Muslim villagers and those wit East coast strip of the Batticaloa dis proper, consisting of people from Zone. The principal method of in
* Paper presented to the Symposium on Land Geographical Congress, New Delhi, 1968.

the Gal-Oya Valley
eaSC1 Int Colony
, the fore most of the peasant colonies sovers an area of 24,884 acres under st population of 4,897 in 1963. The lage units, each Comprising approxihas received approximately three acres d. Paddy is the dominant crop culting both the Maha and Yala seasons. oard had encouraged the allottees to liary crops, especially tobacco on the to conserve irrigation water, but this cultivated on the unirrigable highland crops (b) rain fed paddy (c) dry grains
lyse the problems of land use in the field investigations in three representa
_്
C
ut in I966. It is believed that a study Y -
O ways: (i) highlighting the probIya, would lead to effective steps being 2) lessons learnt in Gal-Oya could be tlement schemes, as the Uda Walawe ng undertaken by the Government.
this study, numbers one, seven and principal categories of allottees settled purana (old) villagers displaced from ke Samudra; (2) Local, landless Tamil little land in the densely populated trict and (3) Immigrant, the Colonists he land-hungry villagers of the Wet estigation followed in this study was
Use of Developing Conntries, 21st International
ܝܓ
6

Page 106
LAND USE PROBLEMS IN
questioning the allottees. I 3 o allot village one representing the compensat seven representing the local category representing the immigrant category
sample, were questioned.
The problems are discussed be
All lowland allotments in the co during Maha and Yala. During the allottees out of the 3o allottees int during the Maha, 84 allottees cultiv reasons for non-cultivation by some unirrigability of their fields due to del tion of the fields above the level of the ( difficulties. In addition to the above in all the three villages, it was found th: were tapping water irregularly, very the result that there was not enough to feed the fields of the Muslinn allo village were helpless. Further, stray villages of Anamala and Navithinvel by the Muslims. These factors forc Irlands to the podiyars. the rich midi agricultural labourers. A larger nun vated during Yala, since in addition to in Maha, there was a general shortag and this was particularly felt in villag supply: the Senanayake Samudra. situated from the Samudra, only nine viewed cultivated the 1966 Yala cro
The cultivation of tobacco as a r. ments during Yala was practised onl allottees out of the 48 allottees intervi extents of land varying from a quarter cultivation of tobacco during this se allottees interviewed were (I) unfav soils (2) lack of sufficient knowledge v. pertaining to this crop and (3) the
103.913 9
 

THE GAL-OYA VALLEY
ees comprising, 48 allottees from on category, 4 I allottees from village and 4 I allottees from village nine selected on the basis of a random
OW.
ony were not cultivated regularly gricultural year 1965-66, while Io9 }rviewed, cultivated their lowlands ated during the Yala season. The
allottees during Maha were: (I) ective field channels or due to situahannels (2) ill-health and (3) financial
mentioned factors which operated ut in village seven, the Tamil allottees much more than their share, with water lower down in the channels ttees, who being a minority in this cattle from the neighbouring Tamil also destroyed the crops cultivated ed many Mislims to lease out their dle class land-owners, and Work as ber of allotments remained uncultithe operation of the same factors as e of water in the colony as a whole ges further away from the source of Thus n village seven, the furthest allottess out of the AI allottees inter
P.
Stational crop on the low-land allotin village nine, even here only 22 swed cultivated this crop in 1966, on to halfan acre. The reasons for nonason by the greater majority of the ourable sandy, saline or ill drained ith regard to the cultivation pract ces bsence of a proper organisation to

Page 107
UNIVERSITY OF
market the produce. The cultivat only Conserve irrigation water, but to the allottees than from the Cl
Tree crops cultivated on the hi were in varying stages of successful in all three villages. Most allotmei 2o trees per allotment while severa had over 20 trees. One allotment another in village seven, IOO trees. cessful growth of coconuts in these : to the high underground water-tabl tanks, major irrigation channels, an of significance in village one. The in the case of the colonists, intervi while there were two allotments wit relatively less important than orang important in the two other villages tance in village one could be attrib had practised citrus cultivation in t area. The cultivation of Murunga where it was cultivated in nearly Murunga Cultivation was of not muc allotments contained only a single tre suited to the Dry Zone because of it widely grown because of poor cro available for ready marketing. Pa east monsoon rains was practised in vated varied from quarter to one a seven, where several allottees cultiva highland. The cultivation of dry village one, where many allottees cu three quarter acre plots. This coul allottees were mainly chena cultivate allottees had no tradition of cultivat tables was of some significance in vil tees cultivated plots varying in size half an acre during Maha. The lim to unsuitable sandy soils of the highl Maha, consequent on the North-eas

CEYLON REVIEW
bn of tobacco during Yala would not would bring in much greater income
tivation of paddy.
th-land allotments of the three villages
growth. Coconuts were doing well ts in village one had between eight to allotments in villages nine and seven n village nine contained ISO trees and Many trees were in bearing. The sucreas could be explained with reference there, due to situation in proximity to d the lagoon. Citrus cultivation was lumber of orange plants per allotment, awed, varied between ten and thirty, h nearly IOO plants in each. Lime was ge. Citrus cultivation was much less : seven and nine. Its greater imporited to the fact that the allottees here heir villages of origin in the tank-bed was practised only in village seven, I4 allotments. Even in this village, h importance, since nine out of the I4.
e in each allotment. Murunga, though
ES drought-resistant character, was not op prices due to inadequate facilities, ddy cultivation based on the Northall three villages. The extents cultiCre. It was most important in village ited paddy on the entire extent of the rains was of any significance only in tivated a Yala crop of maize on about d be attributed to the fact that these rs in their home villages. The other ing dry grains. Cultivation of vegelages one and nine, where many allotrom Small extents to about quarter to ted cultivation of dry grains was due nd allotments, surfeit of water during monsoon rains, which are invariably
ܓܪܐ
8

Page 108
LAND USE PROBLEMS IN
angmented by depressions, shortages o operative in village one, the problem c is a menace to the allottees in their growers in these two villages were cu , vegetable cultivation was hardly of any - only a few allottees were cultivating a insignificance of vegetable cultivatio factors: (a) the Tamils and Muslims. C any background and experience in th their villages of origin and (b) the rel; on the highland.
On the whole, highland allotme: loped in village nine than in either of least developed in village seven. Wh. and the lack of water during Yala, w agriculture in the highlands in gener village one and salinity consequent or seven. Everywhere lack of labour w availability of family labour. The al hire labour for highland cultivation. work in the Hingurana Sugar planttaio - offseasons of paddy cultivation rather KON of the highland allotments.
in village nine could be explained wit traditions of these allottees in their vil
The allottees animals consisted c. problems confronted the allottees in was the lack of sufficient pasture withi maintained in the highland allotment cultivated stretches in and around the cleared up for expansion of colonisatio Friction among allottees was quite fr anothers allotments and the resultin crops. This resulted from the anima thefts of ropes and chains used to tie fences around most allotments. Dur to find sufficient feed to the animals w parched up. Feed has got to be broug
V
9.
 

THE GAL-OYA VALLEY
f family labour and a special factor feradicating the weed, illuk, which highlands. Most of the vegetable iltivating chillie and a few, onions. significance in village seven, where little manioc and long beans. The in here may be attributed to two f the Batticaloa district had hardly e cultivation of subsidiary crops in ative importance of growing paddy
nts were more systematically devethe other two villages. They were ile infertile sandy and gravelly soils are problems facing development of all, illu k problem was particular to proximity to the lagoon to village as a problem inview of the limited lottees considered it uneconomic to It was found more remunerative to in at a daily wage of Rs. 3.50, during than devote their time to the deveThe better development of highlands h reference to the better agricultural lages of origin in the Kandy district.
f buffaloes and neat cattle. Several rearing animals. The chief of these in the colony. Animals were usually s, in near by forests or in other unvillages. Forest areas are fast being in or are being occupied by squattors. equent due to cattle trespass on one g damage to highland and lowland ls wandering astray due to frequent them and the absence of perimeter ing the dry season it was a problem rithin the colony as all vegetation got ht from neighbouring purana villages

Page 109
UNIVERSITY OF
several miles away. Cattle diseases were prevalent and tended to dest plained that the veterinary servic problems act against any significan the colony. Added to these, it was plough and thresh was dwindling d and the speed with which work c.
Improved methods of paddy
allottees only to a limited extent propagated by the Department of
I966, the most popular varieties o However the allottees were not obt three years to maintain the purity o ment of Agriculture. Instead they as seed or obtained a stock from a fe butes seed paddy to the allottees th Societies at subsidised prices. Hov available at the Co-operative societ them. A case in point was the Wa one which was not functioning at
paddy had been distributed by this in 1963. The allottees said that even operatives, the purity of the seed would not have been possible to obtai allottees were ignorant of the benef seed paddy as advised by the Depar have the necessary funds to buy see prices.
Transplanting was practised to nine, where 23 allottees practised this to two acres during Maha I965-66, extents during Yala, I966. In villag on about half acre extents during during Yala. In village seven this p The factors which restricted the pract of family labour, the average size c In village seven this problem was fur and Muslim women folk did not part

CEYLON REVIEW
as mastitis and foot and mouth disease by the animals and the allottees Comes available were inadequate. These development of animal husbandry in found that the demand for animals to ue to the increasing supply of tractors uld be done with their use.
cultivation were practised by these Improved varieties of seed paddy Agriculture were used. During Yala seed paddy used were H4 and H5. aining fresh stocks of seed once every seed as recommended by the Departused paddy from each year's harvest low farmer. The Government distrirough the net-work of Co-operative wever stocks of seed paddy were not tes at times when the allottees needed vinna Co-operative Society in village the time of this investigation. Seed Co-operative Society for the last time if seed paddy was available at the Cowould have been questionable and it in the seed at the required time. Some its that could be derived by changing tment, while many said they do not paddy from outside at unsubsidised
any significant extent only in village method on extents varying from half while II allottees transplanted similar e one only three allottees transplanted Maha and there was no transplanting actice was hardly of any significance. ce of this method were: (I) shortages f the family work force being three. her accentuated by the fact that Tamil cipate in transplanting; (2) the expen
ܢܝܼ
OO

Page 110
LAND USE PROBLEMS IN
diture of hiring labour from outside is rupees three per day and inadditio labourers are needed to transplant ( which lack the property of water rete during Yala and (5) the undulating n which encourage an outflow of wate in standing water. The allottees their fields. Some allottees were of in a better growth of the paddy pla attack by pests and disease, especial in a greater expenditure on pestic
Practically all the allottees inter fields using both weedicides and m 1965-66. Shortages of family labo weeding. The extent to which wee seven, where 26 allottees out of the with weedicides during Maha and s Hand weeding was of very little sign least practised in village one where during the two seasons. The allotte weeding in villages seven and one w. operative societies to obtain weedicic from outside sources at unsubsidised sprayers and (c) shortages of family la could be as much as rupees five pe had found that certain types of wee eradicated by any means known ti
The majority of the allottees in fertiliser during the two seasons in number of allottees that used fertilist number in village seven. The use cance in village one, where only two allottees in village nine could not themselves of the credit facilities fo operatives, consequent on unsettled villages, the problem was that the c Fertiliser was available in the open than the Government subsidied, pric
 

| THE GAL-OYA VALLEY
the cost of hiring a female labourer free food had to be supplied. Ten ne acre in a day. (3) sandy soils, rtion; (4) shortages of water especially ature of the land in some allotments, , transplanting had to be carried out who did not transplant broadcasted the opinion that transplanting results t, hence there is a greater chance of y the stem-borer. This could result ides.
viewed in village nine weeded their anual labour during Maha and Yala ur hindered more intensive mannual ding was practised was less in village
4I interviewed, weeded their fields even allottees weeded the Yala crop. ificance in this village. Weeding was only seven allottees used weedicides es' reasons for the limited practice of are: (a) the absence of facilities in Coles and the lack of funds to buy these and higher prices; (b) shortages of bour, the daily wage rate for weeding day and free food. Some allottees d, berala and katugedera, could not be
them.
villages nine and seven used artificial the agricultural year 1965-66. The 'r in village nine was greater than the f fertiliser was hardly of any signifiallottees manured their fields. Some ise fertiliser due to inability to avail r the purchase of fertiliser from codebts. In the case of the other two p-operatives had no fertiliser for sale. market, but at a much higher price e and the allottees could not afford to
OI

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UNIVERSITY OF
buy it. Some allottees in village o their allotments did not absorb ferti away by the wind.
The limited practice of the imp by the allottees resulted in poor to m ments. 92 allottees secured yields be Maha I965-66 and 33 allottees obtair per acre for Yala I966. The allottees sandy and gravelly nature of the SC water supply due to inadequate conti mittees regarding the distribution o in village nine and lowest in village ( intermediate. The relatively higher village nine reflect the greater exter here. These allottees also used gre; allottees of villages, seven and on
Statistics of the income of the all that nearly 70 percent of the allottees not exceeding RS. 75 O/— during Maha allottees received similar incomes reflect the state of the paddy yields re about 75 percent of the paddy crop allottees other sources of income we produce, (b) hiring draught animals (c these, only one source, hiring labour, sufficiently large number of allottees. interviewed, derived incomes varying by hiring labour either to podiyars foi Government sugar plantation at
The principal conclusion that em of income derived from agriculture. supplement their meagre incomes E

CEYLON REVIEW
le considered that the sandy soil in iser and when applied it was blown
Coved methods of paddy cultivation adium yields from the lowland allottween six and 30 bushels per acre for ed yields between six and 25 binshels attributed these yields to the infertile ils and the problem of insufficient of exercised by the cultivation comwater. Paddy yields were highest ine while those of village seven were
yields secured by the allottees of ts of land transplanted and weeded liter quantities of fertiliser than the
lottees from the sale of paddy reveal interviewed received gross incomes 1965-66 and nearly 90 percent of the during Yala 1966. These incomes ferred to earlier. It was found that
was sold during each season. The
re: (a) sale of tobacco and highland ) hiring labour and (d) trading. Of brought any significant income to a
39 allottees out of the I3O allottees from Rs. 3 o to Rs. 8oo per annum work in their paddy fields or in the Higurana.
erged from this study is the lowevel
This has forced many allottees to y hiring their labour.
H. N. C. FONSEKA
s

Page 112
ANURADHAPURA,
s a as
குதி & ܓܒܘ ܣܡ
இ ܓ f
༽༤ ܓ ܠ
KURUNEGALÀ O
இை
KANDY
Figure I Location of Gal
 
 

as = = =BOUNDARY OF DRY ZONE
Oya (12ft bank) Colony

Page 113

আশ~~~";
C_

Page 114
Navakiri Aru
Toበk
himidurawa ,
Tonk
Aligalge Tank
INGINIYAGAL
ހށަހަޅިހަހި
Figur
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

Chadiyantolo Tank
Vera godo \
Tank
Kondegwat toqwaħ
Amparai a Tank ノ N ?
A Ο
\\
ရှို့
ప్రాప్తి
V y تعصبر
/ - COLONY BOUN
- VILLAGE BOU
J_La_L. IRRIGATION CH MAN ROAD - الامي کے حصہ us u - كخعي TANK - - - - 9ه
: 2. Layout of Gal Oya (left bank) Colony

Page 115
Gall Oya (left bai
Figure 2 Layout of
 

< o للس. d 오 ヒ a.
MILES
Chadiyantalawa
tank
DONY BOUNDARY,
LAGE BOUNDARY
RIGATION CHANNEL
N ROAD
NK
nk) Colony ܚܝ - ܠܐ ܝ

Page 116

^
ܕܗ

Page 117
The Riddle C
HE Sphinx, a female monster, Thebes, sang her riddle to all
effect, that walks on two legs one voice 2' All those who failed to all had failed) she killed and devo with the reply Man the Sphinx he
The Thebans, rejoicing at the their king but, as a gift, gave him their
This briefly is the Sphinx episod the Attic dramatists, has come to be led to the hero's marrying his
However, in this article I will att formed no part of the central myth perhaps Hesiod, which was purely complex Freud was to discover in re secondly, that the significance of bot found in a different context, that of the interweaving of the Sphinx epis psychological myth of the father-sla did happen, gave that too a new an mystical religion which alone is ca rehandling of the life of Oedipus afte sion of those events, also unknown and miraculous end.
The earliest sketch of the integ nekyia of the Odyssey. Here Odys: whom he encountered in his desc among them fair Epicasta, mother
fate which brought her there til
1. xi.: 271-280.
 

f the Sphinx
perched on a hill at the approach to comers. 'What is it, she asked in three legs and four legs but has but give the correct answer (and so far ured. But when Oedipus solved it self leaped from her perch and died.
ir deliverance, not only made him widowed queen Jocasta for his bride.
e of the Oedipus legend which, with accepted as the circumstances which mother.
empt to show, firstly, that this episode of Oedipus as known to Homer and an expression of the psychological scent times and name after the hero ; h the Sphinx and her riddle are to be mystical religion ; and thirdly, that iode into the fabric of the originally ying mother-marrying hero, when it d remarkable meaning in the light of pable of explaining the subsequent r his terrible anagnorisis by the incluo Homer, of his self-blinding, exile
ral story of Oedipus is found in the eus, talking of the shades of the dead ent to Hades, tells of how he saw and wife of Oedipus, and of the sad
LUIS :
D3

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UNIVERSITY OF
Μητέρα τ' Οιδιπόδαο ίδον, ή μέγα έργον έρεξεναϊδρεί η γημαμένη ώ υιεί ο δ' ον π. γημεν άφαρ δ’ ανάπυσταθεί αλλ' ο μεν εν Θήβη πολυηρά Καδμείων ήνασσε θεών όλοα ή δ' έβη εις Αίδα ο πυλάρτα άψαμένη βρόχον αιπυν αφ’υ ώ άχεί σχομένη, τώ δ' άλγες πολλά μάλ, όσσα τε μητρός
(And I saw the mother of Oedipus, committed a dreadful deed, marrying he before he married her. Soon afterwards men. But he ruled over the Cadmean anguish through the dread counsels of the of Hades, the strong warder, when poss high on a roof-heam. And to hin she | mother's Avengers bring to pass.)
This brief recounting of the story whatever of the Sphinx episode. T the self-blinding of Oedipus, or aga must it be thought that the account is On the contrary it denies their possi subsequent to the discovery of his sins through the dire counsels of the god. in lovely. Thebes.
άλγεα, taken With πάσχων, afflictions (these being added to by th than a single pain of the self-inflicted of the loss of sight. What these dAye perhaps that they included the sorrow raids upon his cattle, mentioned by H. a hero of the heroic age. In any case
2. Op. 162-163.
IO

CEYLON REVIEW
αλήν Επικάστην, σι νόοιο ιτέρ εξεναρίξας
A. s ιθέσαν ανθρώποισιν. . τώ άλγεα πάσχων S” δια βουλάς. ο κρατεροίο, ψηλοίο μελάθρου,
/ κάλλιπ' όπίσσω
Ερινύες εκτελέουσιν.
the beautiful Epicasta, who in ignorance own son. And he had slain his father the gods made these things known among s in lovely. Thebes, though he suffered gods. As for her, she went to the house essed by her pain, she had hung a noose eft behind full many a sorrow, all that a
, it will be noticed, makes no mention
his is not all. It does not know of .
in, of his exile from Thebes. Nor merely silent about these two details. bility when it goes on to state that, Oedipus, though suffering anguish
, continued to rule over the Cadmeans
suggests a plurality of continuous ose of the mother's Avengers) rather wound or the consequent affliction O are we have no indication except his sons caused him as well as those isiod, which led to the death of many it is not specific enough to imply the

Page 119
THE RIDDLE OF
self-blinding; on the contrary, the as over Thebes gives us reason for thinki any such serious manner.
The later version, known to us fra blind and ageing Oedipus, exiled an
Greece, came at length to Colonus in him the hand of friendship and afforde Apollo called to him and, attended by was permitted to witness, he vanished remarkable and awe-inspiring mann
This again is at variance with wh the Iliad, in its single reference to him, of his having continued to live in The there. For it states that Mecisteus, t Thebes in order to attend the funeral at the burial of Oedipus.
ός ποτε Θήβασδ' ήλθε δεδο
/ ές τάφον, -
(. . . . who once came to Thebes to a
in death.)
* The word Sedov Tótos', writes
death in fight, or at the hands of an assa the tone of epic language to understand fall from greatness. Certainly there understanding it figuratively as a su context, associating Oedipus with bull the fall referred to is none other than th tion of the word must be forced and none exists.
3. Oed. Col. esp. the messenger's announceme Coloni HS, the Tyrannus already reveals the transfigura destiny awaiting him.
4. xxiii . 679. Euripides in Phoen. follows H battle between his sons. But so does he Jocasta.
5. Soph : The Plays and Fragments. Part I. See his A Handbook of Greek Mythology 6th ed. (1'
to so 14 IO.
 

THE SPHINX
sertion that he continued to rule ng that he was not incapacitated in
m Sophocles8 at least, says that the wandering through the land of Attica where Theseus extended to | him the longed-for refuge. Here mysteries which none save Theseus from the face of the earth in some
εΥ.
at Homer knew of Oedipus. For adds to the assertion of the Odyssey bes by implying that he even died he father of Euryalus, once visited games which were celebrated there
υπότος Οιδιπόδαιο
ittend the burial of Oedipus who had
N
Jebb, plainly refers to a violent ssin , it would not be in accord with it as a figurative phrase for a sudden is no need to go to the extent of dden fall from greatness when the rial, gives the simple inference that at of death. Any other interpretabesides create an ambiguity where
nt 1579-1666. Though written long before the ion of the hero and his knowledge of the special
lomer in keeping Oedipus in Thebes until the
Pausanias (1.28.7) observed the discrepancy. he Oed. Tyr. (1914) p. xii H. J. Rose agrees. 58) p. 188.

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UNIVERSITY OF
Roseó conjectures that Oedipu heroes who fell fighting over his f that it makes Oedipus death the re takes place around Thebes and thu of the Odyssey. Even so, it must
But whatever the circumstan according to the earliest version of of some kind, secondly, that he m that he was buried there.
There is no indication of anyt end. He is buried with funeral ce was customary at the burial of a m certainly there would have been a t
It appears then that this core known to the Attic dramatists was an and complete. It was simply the sto hero which Freud was to recognize conscious desires of human beings the “ Oedipus complex .
It does without the Sphinx/epi hero, his exile and the manner of h to the idea, nor do they necessar
Jebb,7 commenting on the sketc observes that the hero's marrying deliverence of Thebes from the S. traces of those details of the story a dramatists and thus reads implicatio it itself does not carry.
I can see nothing in Oedipus m. the Sphinx episode any more than same time, he could well have come different circumstances.
6. The Oxford Clas. Dict. s. v. Oedipus. 7. op. cit, p. xiii.

CEYLON REVIEW
s himself may have been among those ock. This theory of his has the virtue sult of violence as well as an event that s in accord with the Homeric account of course remain a conjecture.
ses of Oedipus death, the likelihood, the story, is that he met it by violence it it in or around Thebes, and thirdly,
hing in the least miraculous about his remonies, including athletic games, as an of heroic stature at the time. And omb (tdobos) to show as his there.
myth, upon which the richer version elaboration, was by itself self-consistent ry of a father-slaying mother-marrying : as a mythic expression of those sub
and make famous in psychology as
sode ; nor are the self-blinding of they
is departure from life complementary ily flow from it.
h of the Oedipus story in the Odyssey, his mother, Epicasta, may imply the phinx. He is obviously looking for is are known to us through the Attic ins into this earliest version of it that
Larrying his mother which necessitates his marrying someone else. At the to marry her through any number of

Page 121
s
ܘ `
THE RIDDLE OF
Far from presupposing the Sphin led to his marrying his own mother, E name of the lady with that of Jocasta of the possibility of two different wives b hero who kills his father and marries hero (here the same hero) who kills princess, Jocasta. A subsequent conf have resulted in the identification oft while she remains his mother, she is confluence (which appears to have ta the two myth-motifs are unmistak
The Sphinx episode of the Oedip an independent adventure of the hero, the mythologies of many a people of th a monster upon answering its riddle an thereby8. If we go on to presume t maiden Jocasta but that she was the tru the theory of a fusion of the two Epicasta became Jocasta and also how t by that incestuous union in the later ve -ing to the Homeric version of the Oa is soon after (dabap) their marriage
First mention of the Sphinx Com He not only knew her as the daughter | the bane of the Cadmeans 10, thus im of the Thebans, and therefore, of her r the central myth of Oedipus, though i than the passing reference to the detail fighting for Oedipus flocks.
A connection between Oedipus a. fest in the evidence till we come to
8. See W. Christ Gesch. der griech. Lit. 6th ed. () Some have considered the killing of the Sphinx an c later elaboration. For inst see M. Bréal in L. Con
9. Theog. 326. 10. Theog, loc. cit. ܓ .
C
 

THE SPHINX
episode as the circumstance which picasta, the very discrepancy of the the later versions leads us to suspect y two different myths, the one, of a is mother, Epicasta, the other, of a the monster, Sphinx, and marries a uence of the two myths seems to he one wife with the other, so that now called Jacasta. Even after this ken place some time after Hesiod)
eable.
UIS Saga SceInS tO have originated as telling as it does a story, familiar in le world, of a prince who vanquishes d marries a maiden whom he rescues hat not only was the name of this e mother of Oedipus four children, myths would easily explain how here came to be children of Oedipus Irsions in spite of the fact that, accorlyssey, his mother-wife killed herself
es from Hesiod, himself a Boeotian. of Echidna and Orthros9 but also as plying knowledge of her destruction iddle. Hesiod must also have known in his extant works there is no more , already mentioned, of heroes dying
ind the Sphinx is however not maniPindar and Aeschylus.
912) p. 73; L Laistner Das Rätsel der Sphinx (1889).
riginal part of the myth and all else an addition or stans La Légende d'Oedipe (1881) p. 4.

Page 122
UNIVERSITY OF
Pindar, who, like Hesiod, haile instance of the riddle of the maide (αίνιγμα παρθένου εξ αγριάν γ * the wisdom of Oedipus (Tàv Oið ance couched in enigmatic languag the skill which solves riddling spec It is conclusively established in Aesc which concluded his trilogy on the Laius, Oedipus and The Seven aga
This must mean that the associ: belonged to a greater antiquity than have been earlier than Hesiod him monster's destruction of the Thebar the story of the Sphinx's appearan been rounded off with the mannel destroyed. And no other version is that which make Oedipus the a
We can even go much further known to Homer himself and thus itself. For if Epicasta, dying soon not have had any issue by him, who the Iliad 13 knew fought against TI itself is that he must have been the st he had married some time before or a And such a lady, on our conjecture, i the Sphinx episode.
Thus it would appear that ori which Oedipus kills his father and 1 in which he kills the Sphinx and ma pendent of each other and distinct is that created them. They were know perhaps to Homer before him, com with that wealth of lays that belo
11. Fr. 62. 12. Pyth. iv. 263. 13. iv. 378.

CEYLON REVIEW
from the land of Boeotia, talks in one monster issuing from her wild jaws' cGov) 11 and in another refers to ró6a O'odstav) 12 to describe a wise utterpresumably on the implication that ch is equally capable of weaving it. hylus to the extent that the satyr play fall of the house of Labdacus, the 1st Thebes, was even entitled Sphinx.
ܪ tion between Oedipus and the Sphinx the time of these two writers. It must elf, to judge from his allusion to the s. For from its first formulation itself e in the region of Thebes must have in which she was herself ultimately known of how this was effected than gent.
und take it that the whole episode was as old as the mother-marrying myth after o the marriage to Oedipus, could was the mother of Polyneices whom hebes 2 The answer which suggests on of Oedipus by another wife whom ter his marriage to his mother Epicasta. s to be found in Jocasta, the heroine of
zinally these two myths, the one, in harries his mother Epicasta, the other, ries the princess Jocasta, existed indetheir nature as well as the inspiration fin in that discrete form to Hesiod, and ng down from more ancient times
ged to the Theban cycle.
o8  ീ

Page 123
THE RIDDLE C
But sometime after Hesiod and of mythological economy aided by two brides, Epicasta and Jocasta, a C have taken place as a result of which, came to be identified as one and the sa as Jocasta, and following upon this the bride of the Sphinx episode, ce incestuous union with his mother, was issueless.
This derivation of the children with his mother must then be consi of the two myths. And so far as w they are so derived. This no doub Oedipus and consequently the pote fear. And the Attic dramatists did
On the other hand, and intere Theban cycle of epics (in which the woven for the first time in literature Oedipus wife to be Jocasta, confirme of Oedipus were not born of her bu the name Jocasta is being used for
Our concern about the mothe More pertinent to the present study : fluence of the myths had upon the Odyssey says that after the gods rev. rule in Thebes and the Iliad implies new and remarkable account of thin undergone a sea-change. Upon lear he met and slew on his way from De
14. Apollod. iii. 55 says there were others accepts it despite the popular version, citing as pro by the artist Onasias in Plataea which depicts Eury. her children. According to Pherecydes of Leros two children who were killed by the Minyae but and Ismene were born to him by his other wife, E of issue to the incestuous union, and it will be note of Oedipus. It is by the Attic writers, so far as (as mother-wife). Scholiast on Il. iv. 378 admit her Astymedusa and did not make her the mot
 

F THE SPHINX
before the date of the Oedipodeia, out he fair similarity of the names of the onflation of the two myths seems to in the first place, Epicasta and Jocasta me lady, henceforth popularly known the children of Oedipus by Jocasta, me to be children begotten by that un union which Homer had implied
of Oedipus from the incestuous union ered an accident of the conflation : know, it is by the Attic writers that t increased the horror of the fate of ntial of the story to evoke pity and not fail to exploit it to the full.
itingly enough, the Oedipodeia of the two myths may have appeared interI, even when it had taken the name of d the ancient tradition that the children it another wife, calling her—now that the mother-wife — Euryganeia. 14
r of Oedipus children is incidental. is the remarkable change that the conafter fate of the hero. For where the baled the truth, Oedipus continued to that he died and was buried there, a gs is found. The story seems to have ning the truth i.e. that the man whom lphi to Thebes was his own father and
who followed this tradition. Pausanias ix. 5. 10 sq. of the evidence of the Oedipodeia as well as a picture ganeia bowed with grief because of the fight between 456 B. C.) Jocasta, Oedipus' mother-wife, bore him.
as in the Oedipodeia, Eteocles, Polyneices, Antigone ryganeia. This incidentally is the earliest ascription that the issue so ascribed are not the known children e know, that they are made the children of Jocasta ed the existence of a second wife, though he called her of the children.
09

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UNIVERSITY OF
the queen he married upon solving Oedipus blinds himself; thereafter, some indefinite time through Greece Apollo calls to him and, attended by to witness, he disappears from the
The discrepancies between the o Oedipus, after learning what he hac Thebes until the end of his days ; he He does not die by violence, wheth terminates his life by disappearing in meet his end in Thebes but in Attica. he meets that end in this later versio funeral games such as those at which even have been a tomb to show :
What then is it that led to this Subsequent to the anagnorisis ? And of these several events
The answer to these questions meaning of that remarkable creature, t ded. For it was clearly the interact the Sphinx upon the originally psy kills his father and marries his nother tation of things.
Freud explained the father-slayi
as an expression of the unconscious
15. Lusimachus (contemp. of Cic.) and Arizele that Oedipus was buried in the temple of Demeter the 'Oidipodeion'. Pausanias i. 30. 4 testifies to mentions the sepulchral monument (1. 28. 7) as bei the Seminai, explaining that the bones of the hero remarks no Seminai-cultin Colonus though Sophocll
topography. Antigone (Oed. Tyr. 1756) calls th Theseus (1763) θήκην ιεράν ήν κείνος έχ
έπιτνε δίχα τε παντός . Thus Sophocles
identified as the tomb of Oedipus was the spot on (Oed. Col. 1661-1662) that the earth gaped open a land which has his bones shall be blessed.

CEYLON REVIEW
the Sphinx's riddle his own mother, he goes into exile ; after wandering he comes to Colonus in Attica ; here mysteries only Theseus was permitted
arth in a miraculous manner.
ld and the new versions are obvious. done, does not continue to rule in blinds himself and becomes an exile.
వ
er in battle or by assassination i he a miraculous manner. He does not And certainly the manner in which is such that there cannot have been Mecisteus took part; there would not is his 15
reformulation of the life of Oedipus what, it may be asked, is the meaning
is to be found, if anywhere, in the he Sphinx, and the riddle he propounon of the episode in which he slays chological myth in which Oedipus that brought about this new represen
2
ng and mother-marrying of Oedipus wish of a son to possess his mother
is used by Schol. on the Colonus reflect a tradition in Eteonos in Boeotia and that this shrine was called
heroon of Oedipus and Adrastus at Colonus but تلك الحي g on the Acropolis in the precincts of the shrine of had been brought there from Thebes. Pausanias as describes the grove of the Avengers with careful
2 place Oedipus was last seen a τύμβος and et . But Ismene (1732) says of him άταφος سے--
seems to imply that whatever place in Colonus was
which he last stood. The suggested possiblity d swallowed him looks' at his prophesy that the

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དེ་
THE RIDDLE C
and dispose of his father, the rival The manifestation of this wish in c. Sophocles i Oedipus Tyrannus 16 thu
V ኃዞ s A. πολλοί γάρ ήδη κανόνείρι
A. s μητρί ξυνευνάσθησαν, αλλ παρ' ουδέν έστι, βαστα τό
( Many a man has dreamed that he
be treated as of no consequence if life
Velikovsky in his Oedipus and theory in which he seeks to bring t logical intention of the Oedipus myt observation that the creature too mee suicide, and O. Rank's explanation o repulsive traits of the mother, he sug or the overpowering of the mother killing of the father. Otherwise, h killed a king be burdened with the taking the queen ?
Why indeed ? Velikovsky obse myth-motifs, or rather, of a legend w marrying, and an episode which the encounter with the Sphinx. B thinks they got there already inter
to the complex pattern discovered by
in holding that the whole thing is
based on some great degree of histo the Oedipus legend however gives u that went to form the complex pa
time in Greece itself before they we
· the Greek account is concerned, thi
story still reveals the relief of these other and interlocked by the identif of the other.
16.. 980-982. 17. (1960) p. 32. 18. The Hero (1937) p. 178-180.
 
 

R THE SPHINX
his mother's affection, by murder. teams is noted by Jocasta herself in
σιν βροτών V ሥ© /ገ% €ሃ
ά ταύθ’ ότω ν βίον φέρει.
slept with his mother. Such things must s to be endured.)
Akhnaton 17 puts forward a tentative he Sphinx herself within the psycho1. Basing himself on Theodor Reik's ts death in the same manner as Jocasta, the creature as the incarnation of the gests that the victory over the Sphinx was the necessary counterpart of the 2 asks, why should a prince who has riddle of a maiden monster before
rved the existence here of two distinct rith some historical basis, the mother
was clearly mythical in character, ut as far as Greece is concerned, he woven into a single story conforming Raglan18 (though he differs from him not pure mythological invention but rical truth). The review we made of s reason to think that these two myths ttern existed independently for some re brought together and that as far as too took place in Greece itself. The two separate myths, one inset in the cation of its heroine with the heroine

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UNIVERSITY OF
If the similarity of the mode of c the Sphinx significant in the Oedip the mother image and necessitates ht father, it is indeed pertinent to ask wh of the mother image, also dies-and manner as the Sphinx, that repulsi
To my mind, the death of the death of Jocasta than it has to do wit brought into significance with the de Cadmeans whom she used to kill befo
And their death as well as her solution.
Before turning to the riddle, how the nature and significance of the ri existed a close connection between th even with the most superficial know enigmatic nature of the monster hers not as easily discovered for with the characteristically appears to have dev
shedding the old.
Velikovsky, in that same fascina that Oedipus was in reality the Pharac the myth was originally the Egyptian later transplanted on Greek soil. O. makes him suspect an Egyptian origin the Sphinx, a monster primarily nati elsewhere and in any case popular in
propter, the Oedipus story.
Egypt is almost certainly the lan characteristics of the Sphinx whom ( her immediate derivation was from the distinct femininity of the creatur
19. A. Dessenne Le Sphinx, étude iconograph,

DEYLON REVIEW
ath of the Sphinx and Jocasta makes complex as the repulsive aspect of : death as much as the death of the Jocasta herself, that attractive aspect tot merely dies, but dies in the same : aspect of the mother image.
phinx has no more to do with the the death of Laius. If it has to be th of anyone, it is the death of those re she herself was killed by Oedipus.
depended upon the riddle and its
ever, it would be worth considering idling monster herself. That there e Sphinx and her riddle is suspected ledge of the story, if not from the elf. What the Sphinx stood for is history of the myth, the monster
eloped new symbolism while not
ting work of his, attempts to show ph Akhnaton and that the Thebes of Thebes. The myth, he thinks, was he of the prominent features which of the myth is the presence in it of re to that land before its appearance Greece post, and thereafter largely
of the sphinx's origin 19. But two )edipus encountered and slew show he Near-East. The first of these is , the second her possession of wings.
ие (1957). سے--
2

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THE RIDDLE OF
The Egyptian type is usually wingless at prominently in the lands of the Eup being that, belonging to the seventh cen
don, which is both winged and fem
Wingless sphinxes and likewise m beards, are not unknown to the early tured examples of the wingless sphinx.( from the Near-East) occur on the Sacre enough, Thebes itself has yielded a sm crouching sphinx.22 Bearded males sp lizing vase-paintings of the archaic per
VaSCS.
Notwithstanding these examples of the characteristic representation of the and female. The noble specimen tha the Naxians in Delphi as well as the be the round found in Attica and Aegina and female. Similarly bewinged and creature upon later vase-paintings, of v
her crouched upon a pillared pedestal a
fist, with the words call Tipt (and thr Correspondingly, in literature the Sp whom Oedipus slew, is always a maide remark her possession of wings in h representation upon the shield of Part in his only other surviving allusion
as a female Sphinx, even winged. See Dessenne op.
with a practise of representing the human face of
Sphinx of Gizeh being possibly the aspect of Kep 21. Milchhoefer Mitth. des deutschen archaeol. In (the original land of Cadmus) was in this case, as in Asiatic influences.
22. Milchhoefer op. cit, p. 54. 23. Cylix in the Museo Gregoriano, Vatican. 3rd ed. (1922) p. 207 sq.
24. 541. 25. Fr. 232.  ̄
10139-15
 

THE SPHINX
d male.20 Winged sphinxes appear rates, the earliest known example ury B. C., of the palace of Esharad
ale.21
le sphinxes, distinguished by their art of Hellenic countries. Sculpfemale and thus showing derivation | Way at Miletus while, remarkably all terracotta image of a wingless hinxes are prominent in the orientaod, particularly on Protocorinthian
wingless sphinxes and male sphinxes, creature in Greece is both winged t stood in front of the Treasury of lautiful marble figures sculptured in treat her as conspicuously winged female are the representations of the which a most interesting one depicts nd facing an Oedipus seated, chin on ee (footed ?)) issuing from her.23 hinx, identified with the monster n. Aeschylus, like Hesiod, does not is brief description of the pictorial henopius in his Septem24, nor again, to her.25
ghteenth Dynasty seems to have been represented cit. p. 107. This may have been in accordance the sphinx in the likeness of pharoahs, that of the
lrČīl.
titutes in Athen. 4th year (1879) p. 48. Phoenicia many others, the meeting point of Egyptian and
See J. Harrison Proleg. to the Study of Greek Rel.

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UNIVERSITY OF
This is however an omission, no sion of them is remarked both by
A fragment of an oinochoe it Oedipus-Sphinx episode as pure co1 with wings and claws but with a displays the hind quarters of a dog. the name we know her by, Sphinx' or probably, “the creature of C
In her Asiatic setting the Sphi lions and bulls of Assyria, so that he of a lion. In her advent to Boeotia, of a dog, deriving that part of herse The tail is rendered as a snake, the b1 representation as a snake-head. Her Echidna, a Snake.
If we remember Cadmus” Asia who settled in Boeotia, peopling it b famous for snake-worship, it is possil introduced the snake-tailed Sphinx, d. lands of the Euphrates to Boeotia in monster was sometimes called Kass.
If in her wingedness and femini the Near Eastern type, her characte prototype itself. Her riddling, for iu the pitiless enigmatic smile displayed the monster, the colossal Sphinx of G by the expectancy of her traditional haunches, as though waiting for a
26. Οed. Tγr, 508 πτερόεσσα κόρα 27. Phoen. 1019 sq. She is called TTepotoo 28. Inv. 3186. Jahrbuch dll. Inst. 1891. A 29. Sophocles Oed. Tyr. 391. He calls he Echidna is fore-part nymph and hind-part snake
30, J. Harrison op. cit. p. 210-211.

CEYLON REVIEW
a denial of those features ; her possesSophocles 26 and Euripides. 27
the Berlin Museum,28 treating the nedy, shows the Sphinx as a monster log-like head, while Oedipus in turn
The monster is inscribed, not with . but as Kassmia", the, “Cadmean one, admus.
nx belonged with those man-headed r body may have been regularly that however, the body was probably that f from her father, the dog Orthros.29 ush at the end lending itself easily for other parent, it will be recalled, was
tic origin and that he was an ophite y sowing snake's teeth and making it ble that it was he or his people who aughter of the viper Echidna, from the Greece. Which is why perhaps the mia, the bogey of Cadmus .30
nity the Greek Sphinx derives from listic traits she owes to the Egyptian lstance, may have been suggested by even in the earliest representation of hizeh. This was further accentuated postures, Crouching or squatting on
reply.
α and a δάιον τέρας φοιτάσι πτερους. nzeiger, p. 119, fig. 17.
e V - ραψωδός Kýcov . If Orthros is a dog, See Theog. 309 and 297-300).

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We need not take this to imply associated with a riddle ; the riddlin Greeks themselves though suggested b
However the conception and trea
time, a symbol of death can be traced Thebes there, where a grave shows a paws resting upon three human bein vase shows two sphinxes with a prosti a from Lanarka depicts winged griffins a
We have here the origin of the sto by the Greek Sphinx whom Oedipus Hesiod call her the bane of the Cad snatcher of the Cadmeans.33
On the other hand the detail of Oedipus seems to have been inspired || of Marduk and Tiamat as set forth it the number of artistic designs it gav is replaced by a winged horse, a scor human-headed animal with a long be: however a human figure, undoubtedl A Marduk in these combats with Wing
is the design upon a cylindrical seal w (presumably a king) in conflict wit stag but a winged sphinx remarkably Oedipus slew. 34 The version of the st slew the Sphinx with his own hand 8 the monster's death in the myth-form Greece, like the Sphinx herself, from
31. Lepsius Denkm. v. 3. 76c.
32. Milchhoefer op. cit. p. 57 and 51. 33. Phoen, 1021. Καδμείων άρπαγα 34. See The Mythology of All Races ed. J. A.
35. Corinna in schol. Eur. Phoen. 26. Se Thisbe in Boeotia and thought to belong to Mycene a second gem, a like figure aiming an arrow at a r second as well, may derive from the representatio mostly of chimerical form. They possibly depic Laius. The genuineness of these is however ra
 
 

THE SPHINX
hat the non-Greek sphinx was also was probably an invention of the the enigmatic aspect of the monster.
tment of the Sphinx as, at the same ack to Egypt, remarkably enough to bearded sphinx with one of its foregs.31. Following this motif an Attic ate man between them while a bowl d sphinxes with a man held captive.32
ry of the destruction of the Thebans encountered and slew, which made means and Euripides after him, 'the
her own destruction at the hands of by a pictorial variation of the combat the Epic of Creation. For among e rise to, the female dragon Tiamat bion-man, a winged unicorn, winged ird, or a winged sphinx. Frequently y the king, takes the place of the god ed monsters. Notable among these rhich not only shows a human being h a winged sphinx and an antlered approximating in detail to that which ory which goes on to say that Oedipus may be a look back at the manner of in which the story originally reached the Near-East.
MacCulloch (1964) vol. V (Semetic) p. 281 sq. and
C. Robert Oidipus (1915) ch. 2. A gem from in times shows a young man attacking a sphinx, and an in a chariot. The motif of the first, if not the is of the battles of Marduk with various creatures, Oedipus slaying the Sphinx, and again, his father her doubtful.

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In the Hesiodic Theogony the S. and probably original form of the which she perched was known as
This has given rise to conjectu. from the monster or the monster f loc. cit, thinks the former the case. hill was older, Jebb37 conjectures th been suggested by the accident of a town in which Phoenician and Egyp
Like everything about her, the riddle. The detail of the story at E that a sphinx may in fact have occup tured representation set up by the f which fairly resembled the head or t. As a result of this the early settlers the hill after the name of the monster, vice-versa. Later, as Jane Harrison Phix' may have become Sphinx.
In Greek mythological art sph keres, evil spirits or symbols of insc like the gorgons, carried away boy combats. Gradually, and by that ve acquired apotropaic or prophylactic shields, helmets, tombstones and as the protection of the living, the de
By classical times, which also sa the Sphinx herself came to be treate messenger of divine justice, “the wis.
But the Sphinx whom Oedipus far from this. She was that dreadf
36. loc. cit. See also Hesiod Shield of Her. 33, on Lycophron 1465, Steph. Byzant. s. v. фке Sphinges.
37. op. cit.: append. (4) to vs. 508 p. 228. 38. op. cit, p. 211.

CEYLON REVIEW
hinx is called Phix(dog), the Boeotian ame of the monster, while the hill on Mt. Phicium ( ɖòtiketov ởpos ). 36
es as to whether the hill got its name »m the hill. The Scholiast On Hesiod f on the other hand the name of the t the very localising of the myth had hill with such a name existing near a ian influences had long been present.
lame of the Sphinx itself presents us a est leads us to hazard the suggestion ed the hill or its vicinity, be it a sculprst Cadmeans or a rock outcropping he head and some part of the monster. of Boeotia would have come to call or if the name of the hill was the older, 38 suggests, by a slight modification
inxes were represented as a type of rutable and ineluctable death which s and youths or were present at fatal ty token of fatality, they seem to have significance and were represented on akroteria on temples, and so on, for ad and the sacred.
w the humanisation of the Medusa, d as a benign creature, the enigmatic
virgin' of the tragic poets.
encountered and killed was still very tl monster whom Hesiod called 'the
Plato Crat. 414d, Apollod. iii. 5. 8, Tzetzes Schol.
Ov. Plautus Aul. iv. 8. 1 calls her Pices instead of *
|-

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THE RIDDLE C
bane of the Cadmeans and Aeschylus raw flesh, bringing of ill-luck to him observes her wild jaws and Sophoc her victims she counted the son of C
s In her advent to Greece then, th were primarily in Egypt and the Neal enigma of death. But a subsequent symbol of a somewhat different sort ,of her name from Phix to “Sphinx سيتضح
name being connected, and undoubt
However, the nearly unanimous with the etymology of the name Sph the mark that this secondary symbo has so far remained concealed. Bu have been evident that a creature su victims to death by, of all modes, creature lion-like and having curved ( to kill her victims is by holding them by the bearded sphinx on the grave i flesh with the jaws like a dog or lic
Creature should have been consider A definite clue to the meaning Sphinx is derived is, I think, to be f as a kind of knot or bond which, as i
people and requires releasing .
V,,
of Zeus, who leads the citizens to E distress, call him 43
ός γ' εξέλυσας, άστυ Καδ
W e حـصبر s \۔صبر σκληράς αοιδού δασμόν ОИ
(.... You uho, coming to the ci
39. 40.
41.
42. p. 131.
43.
payment which we rendered to the cruel
Septem 527 sq. and 543. See also 760 Fr. 62.
Oed. Tyr. 1199 τάν ')/OH, ψώνυχα Oedipod. fr. 2 Allen; See also Apollod. iii. Arist. Frogs 1287 calls her “the harbinger verse cited by Jebb The Oed. Tyr. of Sop Oed. Tyr. 35–36.
 

F -- THE SPHINX
9 the reproach of the state , eater of who bears her as his ensign. Pindar'0 les' her curved talons while among reon, Haemon of the luckless name. 42
e Sphinx must have been, as sphinxes -East, asymbolic representation of the recognition of her by the Greeks as a is unmistakeable in the modification he etymology of the new form of the edly rightly, with the verb Oduyyev.
translation of Oduyyev in connection inx as to throttle has been so wide off lism the Greeks saw in the monster t even to casual observation it must ch as she would hardly have put her throttling. The manner in which a slaws and wild jaws would be expected down with the forepaws (as depicted in Egyptian Thebes) and tearing their on. It is surprising then that such a ed a throttler .
of Oduyyev from which the name bund in the recognition of the riddle t were, binds the city of Thebes or its Sophocles, we find, makes the priest beg Oedipus for help in the city’s
ܩ μειον μολών, παρείχομεν,
ty of the Cadmeans, released us of the songstress.)
παρθένον . 54. Also E. Haspels Attic Black-Fig. Lekythoi (1938) of misfortune and the solution of the riddle in 1. p. 2 with the riddle, 'the Muse of the dead."
I7

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while Oedipus himself later asks th
S. ¢ሃ /) 2 e y ۔هي πώς ούχ, όθ’ ή ραψωδός ε ηύδας τι τοίσδ’ άστούσιν ε
(How is it that when the riddle-s that brought release to the citizens ?)
The death of her people is a 6ao city of Thebes. Jebb 45 however righ The notion is not, paid in full, tribute suggesting that of the riddle he adds, Till he came, the Öaopudis was bound.
Surely then ėgéÀ votas and ėkÀ UT manner of Croua-Oijua, body-tomb correctly, to the Orphics), i.e. 8 a.o. By his act of freeing Thebes from th the Sphinx, he also released it from had bound the city and its peop.
In the light of this, the word O'du meaning of to throttle , but in its fi the one Who binds Or the Binde: widespread and popular symbolism and other forms of constriction. Vi knot round all whom she accosts, in logical feeling of constriction that ex she herself or Hera, the goddess who figures in this context in the equal who binds .46
44. Oed. Tyr. 391-392.
45. op. cit, p. 16 n. to vs. 35.
46. See Mircea Eliade Images and Symbols (1961) p. 209 n. to Theog. 326 takes it to mean 'to grasp and identical with that of the Harpies viz: an imperso and sudden disappearances, as by pestilence." Mich: p. 220-221 rightly sees the Sphinx as a "binder' rat than a female incubus and a demon of death.

CEYLON REVIEW
e Seer Teiresias44
ιθάδ’ ήν κύων, κλυτήριον,
nging bitch was here you said nothing रा
uós tax levied by the Sphinx from the ly observes of εξέλυσας. . . . δασμόν : ut loosed it’, —the thought of the which Oedipus solved . And then was a knotted cord in which Thebes
plov imply a play on 8a0 uós (in the attributed popularly, and perhaps 16s-8eopads or payment-bondage. e tax of citizens that was incurred to the bond or noose with which she le.
ܡܓܠ ܩ
yyev must be taken, not in its second rst, to bind . The Sphinx is in fact , belonging in this capacity to the in mystery religion of bonds, knots siting the city of Thebes she casts her rolving them in that magico-psychoresses itself in such symbolism, while despatched her against the Thebans, well-known capacity of the God
ch. 3 p. 93 sq. F. A. Paley The Epics of Hesiod (1883) rays, "The legend of the Sphinx was probably nearly lation of the influences which caused sudden death el Grant Myths of the Greeks and the Romans (1962) er than a 'choker', but he takes her to be no more
,2 --

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THE RIDDLE OF
The riddle the Sphinx asks mus with which the Binder binds her vict calls for forts. In this sense it is th rinth, which is itself often conceived a
that metaphysicO-ritual unity which c
death and initiation.
Aside from its ligher uses, the ri vehicle for the preservation and transi philosophical speculation and-of int. incomprehensibility to the uninitiate core. 47 in this respect riddles were no which Aristophanes 48 calis ypíqbot, a
Riddles of this nature, like oracle discover their hidden meaning, a ski The earliest known Greek riddle, tha Curetes about his missing son Glauci (he who sees many things) for intel riddling contests between seers and w and Mopsus and again Theognis and
a trial of each other's claim to some s
हैं." thing, Oedipus taunting of Teiresias
riddle makes this evident.
ܓܤ V / έπεί, φέρ' ειπέ, που σύμάι .2 e 5a, li S A ’36 ܗ 7TCUS OuX, OU ?) po puq)OOS e
ኃ/ ܵ صر ηύδας τι τοισδ’ άστοί σινε
/ 9 s s V και τOι το γ αινιγμ Ουχι
V \۔صبر άνδρός διειπείν, αλλά μανη
47. The riddle, like the labyrinth symbol. inv around which obstructs the uninitiate from reaching within it the Mystery. 'Mystery', writes W. F. J. E word which means 'shut”, μύω ; in the ancient sel esoteric religion closed to all but the initiated’. St. a neophyte in a mandala to initiation by entry int Minotaur. Ceylon Journ. of Humanities vol. II in
48. Birds 970. 49, op cit. 390-394.

THE SPHINX
then be recognized as the knot ms ; for like the knot the riddle too eliterary counterpart of the labya knot to be untied and belongs with Dmprises ideas of difficulty, danger,
idle served in antiquity as a literary hission of ritual, religious ceremonial, rest to us here-esotoric teaching, its serving to protect the secret at the t unlike the utterances of the oracles, word Commonly used for riddles.
s, called for skill of a special order to which belonged to the mantic art. t given as an oracle to Minos by the ls, was referred to the seer Polyidus pretation, while mention is made of ise men, such as that between Calchas Homer, which, to all purposes, seem pecial knowledge or insight. If any49 for his failure to solve the Sphinx's
τις εί σαφής: νθάδ’ ήν κύων, κλυτήριον, Γούπιόντος ήν
s είας έδει.
plves the popular symbol of the Centre, the maze it. In this context, the Centre represents or holds night (Cumaean Gates (1936) p. 79) 'comes from the ise it means a series of rites belonging to a secret or e Eliade op.cit. p. 53 where he likens the placing of o a labyrinth. See my article The Labyrinth and the ... 2 (1971)

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(Come nouv, tell me uvhere have ) that when the riddle-singing bitch was h. to the citizens? Yet the riddle at least up there was need of the mantic art.)
The riddle with which the Sphi her is at a superficial level hardly a diff it has come down to us even help tow remarkable Wisdom to solve. I wou average intelligence to hit at the an
But why then, it may be asked, Oedipus an almost proverbial reput philosophy.? What was there about much so that Teiresias' failure to take to be a seer ? What was there so terr rendered the unsuccessful dead and
itself that it led to the death of the r
Connected with riddle contests is loser lost his life. For instance, in th and Mopsus, Calchas, or as another v as a consequence of defeat. Similarly by Theognis and died of mortificatio itself, in certain parts of Germany the greeted with Such expressions as Ei Henkers scheeren , , Kommt in die meaning that he is dead.
But what is the meaning of this these boys, when it says that they d hard to think that death or expro failure in answering riddles even in a sense. Mortification at the failure to implications be with respect to the los sion, of the requisite wisdom, cannot
We must then suppose that such ex than the physical existence of the pers
of a riddle or lost a riddle contest.
2

CEYLON REVIEW
u proved yourself a seer ? How is it re, you said nothing that brought release is not for any chance person to interpret;
x bound those who encountered ult one. The formulations in which ards the answer so that it calls for no ld not put it beyond a youngster of wer in a few moments.
id the solution of this riddle win for tion in occult matters as Thales in it that it called for the mantic art so it up made Oedipus belittle his claim ible about the failure to solve it that what so shattering about the answer iddling monster herself?
the widespread mythology that the he contest between the seers Calchas rersion has it, Mopsus suffered death
Homer is said to have been vanquished
in. To turn from mythology to life boy who failed to solve a riddle was " ist des Henkers , , Muss sich zum Hölle or simply Er ist todt , all
death ? Surely it cannot be that ied, died in reality. Similarly it is ssions of death connected with the tiquity are to be taken in the literal olve a riddle, however profound the er's possession, or rather, non-posseshave led him to such an extremity.
pressions referred to something other in who failed to discover the import They derive from the context of

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THE RIDDLE OF
mystery religion, to which also belong in the riddles. The defeated are unini the riddle as also a knot symbol, all thi were reckoned dead', firstly in the alive', the twice-born , and second the av typua into which the o god wh riddles involve the idea of initiation.
The riddle of the Sphinx is remar an esoteric riddle and as a knot symbo knot or cord which binds Thebes or sender, Hera, as the god who binds . pant in a one-way riddling contest in the possession of some secret knowle possessor alive or initiate and all whom the monster despatched to Hac answer, establishes his possession of that the riddle involves.
In keeping with riddle mytholog Oedipus and the hero marries the que that he frees.50
With the growing influence of D.
seems to have evolved a new symbolic sent against the Thebans by Hera no the god whose inscrutable purpose is hero and whose oracle increasingly det story of Oedipus begins to bristle w are not specified as Pythian) while the one which naively tells the Thebans t someone solves her riddle.51
It is difficult to determine whethe tion as a human-headed lion in Egypt wings as well in the Near East, symbo death. In her advent to Greece ho 50. Apollod. iii. 48 says Creon offered the king solve the riddle and destroy the Sphinx. In this as
solideia. See also Eur. Phoen. 45 sq.
51. H.W. Parke and D. E.W. Wormell The De
O39-16 2

THE SPHINX
the teachings or μυστήρια occult te (dipuvnýtov), dead. Taken with ie who failed to solve such a riddle ense of the initiate alone as being , as being constricted in the toils of binds has cast them. All such
able in this twofold nature, both as For while the riddle figures as a er citizens with the Sphinx or her the Sphinx also figures as a particiwhich she probes her opponents for dge or wisdom which renders the the rest, those many Cadmeans es, “ dead’. Oedipus alone, by his secret knowledge or wisdom which
y, the monster dies or is killed by en of the beseliged city of Thebes
elphic religion however the Sphinx significance. The creature who was w becomes the creature of Apollo, made responsible for the fate of the ermines its terrible fulfillment. The ith oracles (though sometimes they Sphinx herself is made the subject of hat they will not be rid of her until
the Sphinx, in her original concepor subsequently with the addition of lized corporeality as much as she did wever, she came as the daughter of
lom and its widowed queen to anyone who would in other details he may have followed the lost Oedi
phic Oracle (1956) vol. I p. 310-311.

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Echidna, the viper, displaying the f a serpent. This left the Sphinx a cr of four kinds of living things, humal and reptile (tail).
At this stage it becomes evid all into a symbolic representation o of this is needed, it is found in the inc the shoulders of some of her statues scales of fish. An example of the is to be seen in the marble sculptu Spata in Attica ( 57o B.C), which c tion of all the kinds of mortal Crea femininity of her human head, the
The symbolism of corporeality association of sphinxes with death the inevitability of this fate to all ti ment of the creature does no mor explicit, emphatic and complete. religion seizes upon it in its reinter ying mother-marrying hero so as to savant-in-the-making of its god
Similarly, the riddle itself mu are to understand how it works t represent the myth in this new
The riddle, as prefixed to the mai and quoted or referred to by ancient
Έστι δίπουν επί γης και και τρίπον, αλλάσσει δε έρπετά κινείται ανά τ' αί αλλ' όπόταν πλείστοισιν ένθα τάχος γυίοισιν αφαι
52. Compare Empedocles fr. 117 which in i existences, not to mention age and sex.

CEYLON REVIEW
ct by a metamorphosis of her tail into ature composite of parts representative
(head), animal (body), bird (wings)
nt that the creature is being worked all mortal creation. If further proof sed or polychrome decorations around which have all the appearance of the phinx in this growing concept of her e from the top of a gravestone from epicts her in her complete representaion of the earth, and perhaps, in that
two sexes as well.52
may well have been implicit in the from the very beginning, remarking at is of mortal nature. The develope than make its symbolism grow more And it is in this state that Apollonine bretation of the story of the father-sla
present him in a new light-that of རྩིས་ཕར་ of growing prestige.
st be taken in its true import if we ogether with the Sphinx-symbol to On.
nuscript of Sophocles' Oedipus Tyrannus writers and scholars, reads as follows:
গ্ৰী τετράπον, ού μία φωνή, όυήν μόνον όσσ’ έπι γαίαν
VA θέρα και κατά πόντον. ρειδόμενον ποσι βαίνη, ρότατον πέλει αυτού,
own way seeks to exhaust the varieties of corporeal
蒙
ܗ

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THE RIDDLE OF
(There is on earth a creature with t with only one voice. For it changes its on the ground or through the air or sea. number of feet, then is the swiftness of it
Atheneus derived the riddle in thi g who was the pupil of Isocrates and w which he dealt with the mythological their treatment of the same. Thus th
to at least the earlier part of the fou
This particular riddle is a rema among many peoples throughout the found in precisely the same form amol and in a slightly different form am Remarkably enough it appears in our to the poet-monk Vidagama and in makes it unlikely of derivation fro
But it is in a Gascony story55 tha of the riddle but of the context in tells of how a great beast with a hum of which the halfit promised to him w creeps like the serp two legs like the birds ; at sunset it go could not solve the riddles, we are tol poor young man, anxious to win the the riddles, slays the monster and c
The versions of the riddle prese equate the stages of human life, in o. I, 2, 3, and 4, and in another, to the pa
53. See J. G. Frazer's transl. of Apollod. (Loeb
' transl. with comment. of Pausanias's Descript. of Gre The Mongol version goes: "Morning, four; noon 54. Dahann Gata Malava 22. See also P. Sanna riddle is hardly likely to have been a composition
氢 උදය ගමන යන්ගේ මැදය ඉර මුදුන ය පදය සැපත් අවරට සොඳය මෙපද තේර 55. Frazer l'occ. cit.
. ܓܢ
 
 

THE SPHINX
vo feet and four feet and three feet but orm alone of all the creature that move But when it walks supported on the most s limbs weakest.)
s form from Asclepiades of Tragilus, rote a work called Tragodoumena in material used by the tragedians and e riddle in this form is carried back Irth century B.C.
rkably widespread one and occurs world in one form or another. It is ng the tribes of British Central Africa ong the Mongols of the Selenga.53 wn literature in the verses attributed any case belonging to a date which m any European source. 5*
t we have a close parallel, not merely which it occured in Thebes. For it an head dwelt in a cave full of gold ho solved three riddles, one of which 2nt and worms ; at noon it walks on es away on three legs . Those who d, the monster devoured. At length a gold and marry his lady love, answers arries away the gold.
inted by the Sphinx to the Thebans he case, to the sequence of numbers, rts of the day, i.e. morning, noon and
Cl. Libr.) (1921) vol. I p. 347 n. 2. See also his ece (1913) vol. V p. 138-139 comment. on ix. 26. 2
two; evening, three'. gala's Sinhala Sahitya Vamsaya (1964) p. 285. The of the poet. More probably it was folk. It reads
න් සතර පයකිනි. න්නේ දෙපයකිනි | ගිය තුන් පයිනි දෙවගාත් නුවණකිනි

Page 138
UNIVERSITY OF
evening. The first of these, that w as having two legs, three legs and fo attempts to get in the first four inte This may be no more than a casual
nothing more than that. On the ot I (of voice) among the 2, 3 and 4 ( complete the integers which go to
by number-mystics of the Pythagor the three stages of life to morning,
form in which the riddle appears an in our own literature. Death, by ir among the Greeks, a possible sugs will dawn thereafter.
Aristotle56 defined an a.övu,ypua. said cannot be reconciled; the firs Pindar, 57 is for this very riddle. No its parts, the riddle brings them tog “the creature Man”.
In this respect the subject of ther that monstrous creation of incongruc three stages of varying leggedness, old age, while the solution of the ri of these incongruities in a single ent riddle in the Gascony story, it would infancy to a serpent and his twoSimilarly the Sphinx's riddle (in the association between man and the res parts in the makeup of the Sphinx) his nature of all the creatures of earth, of this fact. On the other hand very man's life in the myth itself, for, as emphasised there ín the sífe of Oe
56. Poet. 22 αίνιγματός τε ιδέα α: s A / αδύνατα συνάψαι.
57. loc. cit.

CEYLON REVIEW
hich describes the subject of the riddle ur legs but one voice, it will be noted, gers as much as the unity in diversity. play on the sequence of numbers and her hand the slipping in of the number of leggedness) might be an attempt to construct the Tetractys of the Decad van order. The version which equates noon and evening compares with the hong the Mongols of the Selenga and nplication, is equated with night with, gestion of rebirth in the new day that
as an expression in which the things t use of the word in Greek, i.e. by twithstanding this irreconcilability of ather in the constitution of its answer,
iddle is not unlike the riddling Sphinx, us parts. Man here is the creation of - the sum of infancy, adolescence and ddle itself consists in the resolution ity, a creature with one voice. The have been observed, likened man's egged stage, adolescence, to a bird. Athenaeus version) seems to evoke an t of creation (already represented by when it says that man alone changes air and sea. Nothing is to be made much is made of the three stages of we shall see, they are dramatically dípus himself.
€ሃ A ύτη έστί, το λέγοντα υπάρχοντα

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R. THE RIDDLEC
But what are we to make of th so much so that the Sphinx was guilt who failed to guess its meaning ? I when someone found the correct a
that both the riddle and its answer are
If anything, the answer to the possibility that what the Sphinx was than the Superficial answer to a supe for, I suspect, is a riddle within the ri the monster of Apollo is probing fo of his shrine is the possession of a secre teries of initiation, the possession of Apollo as his savant, a man of god Pherecydes, Epimenides, Pythagora who were intimately associated with the riddle had of mantic art and won from solving it as the possessor C all, it accounts for that remarkable ch nine representation of the myth whi Oedipus alone is found initiate in the the Sphinx proved ; all those others
dead - dead in the sense of n.
Up to this point Oedipus life h and the two-legged stage. His infa subconscious desires which make up distinguishes him as the hero of ric monster and cuts the bond which in the third stage, the three-legged, i. of the Oedipus legend finds its full sig the hero's realization of the aweful tr interpreted psychologically but as
purpose is beyond man’s compre
The whole myth now appears i. Apollo's determination of the desti god's oracle in Delphi; as an youth fated acts by that same oracle; that what he has done, or more properly,
I
 

F THE SPHINX
e riddle 2 Is it a simple brain-teaser I of perversity when it killed all those so, why would she kill her own self swer to it? Does this not indicate of a profounder import than appears ?
riddle, Man', must alert us to the requiring was a knowledge far deeper rficial riddle. What the riddle stands ddle, the riddle of man himself. What in the citizens in the neighbourhood t knowledge associated with the myswhich qualifies the possessor to serve " ( 69eîos divňp ) like Abaris, Aristeias, and those other Greek shamans his cult. This accounts for the need also for the great reputation Oedipus f a wisdom in occult matters. Above ange brought over him in the Apolloch make a sadhu of this great sinner. : occult science of man, as the trial of who failed to construe the riddle were iystery religion.
nad exemplified the four-legged stage ncy is an emphatic expression of the the “Oedipus complex ; his adulthood ldle-mythology who slays a riddling it has cast round the city. But it is in which the Apollonine interpretation nificance, the stage which begins with uth of his prior deeds, no longer to be a terrible infliction by a god whose hension.
in a new light. Before his very birth, ny of Oedipus is proclaimed by the he is driven to the commission of those same oracle helps in his realization of what Apollo has done to him.
25

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UNIVERSITY OF
The psychological complex re. problem never existed. What the inspiring drama of the transfigurat
With this catastrophic realizatio baptism of fire, at the height of the 1 through the physical pain of self-blin He is bewildered, feels himself the inscrutable purpose ; like Teiresias,
The signs are unmistakeable. L loss of physical sight being a concon Third Eye', the eye of mystic insight Teiresias and other Seers, the Symbol to come ; he is beyond the touch of he did to another of his savants, Pyt his bones shall be blessed. Mysterie those of Theseus)60 attend his end; a being buried in Thebes) he walks una and, in a miracle that leaves Theseus : the earth.
In the light of all this, the exile O traditional exile for bloodshed requir lord and master, Apollo, himself on Python. It is not known how long as an exile ; it was long enough to ti presume a period of from seven to nine
58. Accordingto one account, Teiresias was strt but later she relented and cleansed his ears With the SI stand the language of the birds (for prophesy). Ac he agreed with Zeus that a woman derived more pl by the gift of prophetic vision See Robert Graves. 10-11. sec. 105g and h and n. on sources.
59. Oed. Col. 1626-1628. Cf. Aristot. fr. 191 R Pythagoras.
60. Theseus is a remarkable figure in Greek relig Oedipus is not the only polluted person to whom he who solved the riddle and slew the Sphinx, he had si labyrinth, that physical counterpart of the riddle, I star) at the Centre. The spool of thread used by hir he performed a dance called the Crane' which in article cited.

CEYLON REVIEW
edes to the back-ground ; a moral myth presents us now is the aweon of a man.
which shatters him, this, as it were, ental agony of which he seeks relief ding, Apollo takes possession of him. incomprehending agent of the god's e is become a “man of Apollo'.
ke Teiresias he is blind, the denial or itant of the opening in him of the 58; the staff, that third leg, is, as with
of his profession. He foresees things uman evil. Apollo speaks to him as hagoras.59 The land which receives that no human eyes may see (save ld instead of dying (by violence and ided to a sacred spot, purifies himself we-struck, vanishes from the face of
f Oedipus must be interpreted as the ed by Greek religion which his Wii, `~) ce underwent for the killing of the Oedipus wandered through Greece urn him into an old man. We may years, the stipulated term of expiation
ck blind by Athena because he had seen her bathing, take on her shield so that he could hear and under ording to another, Hera stuck him blind because asure in the sex-act; Zeus later compensated him
The Greek Myths Penguin Bks. (1955) vol. II p.
ise (= Diels/Kranz Vorok (1961) vol. 1 p. 98 for
on, being even associated with a descent to Hades. gave hospitality; there is Herclues. Like Oedipus in a half-man half-beast monster and pierced the aching the sanctum of mystery (symbolized by a (to enter) is a popular symbol of the Way. Later tated the windings of the labyrinth. See my
5

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THE RIDDLE C
His acceptance into the tenenos in Col who avenged murder, must, if anyth by the fulfilment of this ritual per
Sophocles gives reason for think in Athens in his day, in which the vouchsafed to Theseus of yore and N the descendants of the Theseus. H I implies by these lines of his Oedipus I hour of his life, tells Theseus before Attic citizens:
What fol A holy mystery that no ton You shall then see and knot To the place appointed. T Of all this people to whom Not my own children, thoug You are to keep it for eve And when your life is draw Disclose it to one alone, a
And he to his, and so for
61. 1526-1532. E. F. Watling translin Sophoc Cf. 1640-1644. There was cult of Oedipus and A. in Boeotia at Eteonos (Schol Soph. Oed. Col. 91). 149). It is possible that in Attica he had cult in t i Coienus (Paus i 28 6 Se L. R. Farnel Greek
I
 
 
 
 

F THE SPHINX
onus of the Eumenides, the goddesses ing, signify his requital of their claim iod of purification.
ing that there was a cult of Oedipus e figured the mysteries which were which was in the care and conduct of cannot think what else the dramatist Colonus'61 which Oedipus, in the final an audience of over thirty thousand
ous, gude may 12 anne, 7, coming alone here is no one else I can reveal it, h I love them well. , you alone, ing to its end, chosen heir, ever and eter.
MERLIN PERIS
es: The Theban Plays (Penguin Cl) (1959) p. 117-118. rastus in a heroon at Colonus (Paus. i. 30. 4). Also The Aigeidae established a cult in Sparta (Herod. iv. e temple of the Semnai on the Areopagus as well as Iero Cults and Ideas of Immort. (1921) p. 332-334.
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by R. L. de Alwis, Printer to the University. brarian, University of Ceylon.