Page 1
Development, Sociol Citize
Rethinking the Po
EmancipOtory P
ACCre
Microe N
Septembe
InternOfiono Cent
COO
 

|CES Occasional Paper Series
nship and Humon Rights: ico Core of on roject in Africo
SS by
eOCOSOS
1, 2006
e for Ethnic Studies

Page 2
Michael Neocosmos is ProfessO

r of Sociology, University of Pretoria

Page 3
Development, Social Citize Rethinking the Political C Project i.

nship and Human Rights: Core of an Emancipatory n Africa

Page 4


Page 5
Development, Social C Rights: Rethinking th Emancipatc
in Af
Addre
Michael Ne
Septembel
international Centre

ICES Occasional Paper Series
itizenship and Human
e Political Core of an
ry Project
rica
SS by
OCOSOS
r 11, 2006
for Ethnic Studies

Page 6
International Centre for Ethi 2, Kynsey Terrace, Colombo 8.
Copyright © International Cen June, 2007
Printed by Unie Arts (Pvt) Ltd. No.48 B, Bloemendhal Road Colombo 13

nic Studies Sri Lanka
tre for Ethnic Studies

Page 7
Development, So Human Rights: ret core of an emancip
The twentieth century has b the state (...)
in truth everyone is prepare horrors" (of neo-liberalism. prepared to critique (liberal major consensual fetish. Lit true subjective principle, e. support for liberal capitalism translation).
At the very time when it mo West has never been furthe humanism - a humanism ma (Aimé Césaire, 1972: 56).
We ought to scrutinize that people, for that act ...) is the Rousseau, 1979: 59, empha
Soyons reéalistes, demando demand the impossible). S
1. introduction
I begin from the axiomatic point took, namely that of a neo-col understood and fought for in Africa central to the liberatory vision of emerged victorious at independenc seen, by radical nationalism in par

cial Citizenship and hinking the political atory project in Africa
en, in fact, that of the power of
to criticize (...) the "economic ...) On the other hand, no one is democracy. This is a taboo, a eral) democracy is, in fact, the 'erywhere in the world, of the (Alain Badiou, 2004: 3, 15, my
st Often mouths the Word, the r from being able to live a true de to the measure of the World
act by which people become a real foundation of society (J-J. asis in original).
ns l'impossible! (Be realistic, ogan from May 1968, Paris.
hat, despite the form it eventually )nial process, development was as part of an emancipatory project he pan-African nationalism which 2. Indeed independence was always icular, as only the first step towards

Page 8
freedom and liberation from oppre development. It was after all NI liberation would only finally independence from imperial domir by many nationalists as unfree bec and not so much because of its justice and equality was not nece:
The failure of development was not the result of a betrayal or of a common worldwide concepti according to which human emancip: one form or other of state politics were mirror images of each other: it could liberate humanity and that on to progress. Today, the first prop second has been dropped from h are inseparable twirls, it is in fact false so is the former, for human political project. To maintain that an economic question, is to neces foreclose the possibility of politica capital are simply managed by thi were prior to the mid-seventies. democracy, 'actually existing developmentalism have all relied do) on the state (or supra-state-like forces, as it was held that no othe Today, such state manageme of the economy by the state in th which is in all essentials equivaler Such management is today prir interests, while restraining, incorpc impact of popular responses So a The shift from a dominant So-calle to a more "flexible' regime in a glot this change, not its Supersession neo-Colonialism have taken differe
2

ission, the second being economic Krumah who had noted that "true COne With national eCOn OmiC nation. Up to this day Africa is seen cause of its economic dependence, Oolitics, as if the road to freedom, ssarily a political one. to emancipate the people of Africa a Contrick, it was rather the effect on in the twentieth century, a view ation Could only beachieved through . indeed economism and StatiSn was believed that only the economy ly the state could drive the economy Iosition has been retained but the egemonic discourse. Yet the two the case that just as the latter is 2mancipation is and can only be a human emancipation is essentially ssarily Collapse into statism and to al agency. Today, the interests of estate in different ways than they n fact, economic liberalism, Social socialism' and Third World (and, insofar as they still exist, still 2 institutions) to manage economic rentity could possibly do so. 2nt simply means the management e interests of capital in a manner ht to "private sector management'. marily biassed towards financial orating and otherwise softening the as not to threaten these interests. d Fordist "regime of accumulation' balized economy is a dimension of (Harvey, 1990). Imperialism and nt more complex and more diverse

Page 9
forms in today's 'globalized' world, th that if we are to Consider devel emancipation, it must bethought dit to the market which can only er Contradiction in terms as the idea O to have any meaning.
If neither the state nor the marl then is to help to rethink develo economistic manner, and perforce is not state-focussed, despite the ul and its institutions in the field of pol its foundations in both the State a truly political - ie. as emancipatory challenge without which we cannot only hope to make a very small col
2. Development and Freec
The idea of an economic prerequisite to the notion of progress in whichev liberal, Social-democratic or "marxi of the “primacy of the productive forc of the primacy of economic develo state in the process. In capitalist manage change So as to maintain forms of liberalism, or to mitigate the as in the Case of Social-democrac 1996). The 'progress' which ninete could be realised through the tele held by twentieth century thought now via an act of will through contro heights of the economy ora numbe This overwhelmingly voluntarist per to developmentalism (whether in Afri but permeated the whole of twentic the confines of development theol shown.

ey have not disappeared. It follows opment as an aspect of human Fferently today, and not abandoned mancipate the few' - an obvious femancipation has to be universal
ket are emancipatory, the challenge pment in a non-statist and nonto rethink politics in a manner that navoidable importance of the state itics. To detach development from ind in the economy, to think it as - this is the major yet necessary move forward in Africa today. I can ntribution to this thinking here.
dom
2 for freedom, was of Course Central er ideological configuration ittook, st-leninist' (where it took the form es”)". The corollary of this ideology pment was the central role of the SOcieties, the State was either to Order as in the Case of the various unequalising effects of the market y, or both (Cowen and Shenton, enth century thought maintained ological unfolding of history, was to be realisable in the "here and ol of the state (or the 'commanding r of variations on the same theme). spective was therefore not unique ca or elsewhere in the Third World), eth century thought, even beyond y as Badiou (2005a) has clearly

Page 10
Today, the temptation often exists of social democracy, to bring back of) the post-war European Social de the long lost writings of the revolt such as Tom Paine (see Stedma state is currently refurbishing th seeing Malaysia as its (democra good' or 'social citizenship' are re the need to spend state resource the 'social responsibility of big component in public-private' part not yet been abandoned, there S many by these formulations, as t alternative to the extreme Crassne of Western neo-liberalism. How liberalism is clearly insufficient; undertaken, such purported alt expensive error for thinking/devel
in both Europe and in Africa ( of the twentieth century were the dominance of economic thoughto reduced to (class) interests expre: the colonial state attempted to o home by 'developing its colonies Shenton, op.cit.), in post-coloni, practices were Continued paradox dependence. The same coerciv working people were now justified few cases were attempts made possibilities inherent in the peopl
Not only did the state do subsuming popular-national int reproducing neo-colonial stru accumulation did not only take pla it did so in compradorial ways (Shi class (and other) struggles eithe removals, labour, Cultivation, dis

to re-varnish the tarnished slogans (perhaps a slightly modified version mOCratic model and even "redisCOver tionaries of the eighteenth century n-Jones, 2004). The South African 'developmental state' model and tic?) model. Notions of the "public surfacing along with arguments on ls on infrastructural projects, while capital is touted as an important nerships?. While neo-liberalism has eems to be a Serious Seduction Of hey seem to presage some kind of ss and highly exploitative character 'ever, an economic critique of this if a critique of its politics is not ernatives could end up being an oping an emancipatory alternative. and probably worldwide, the politics politics of states and parties and the verpolitics, as the latter was usually ssed by parties and the state. While vercome its economic problems at , especially post 1945 (Cowen and al Africa the same Colonial Statist cally in order to overcome economic 2 and exclusive politics against the in terms of building a nation. In very o free and encourage the Creative
A
minate development, it did so by erests to Western Ones and thus Ictures and practices. Capital :e via the plunder of state resources, vji, 1985). While the state managed r through outright coercion (forced bossession etc) the idea was either

Page 11
for the state or market to 'capture', Hyden, those beyond their powe exploitation. Development then w start, it was COnCerned to increaset achieving economic growth, butg growth could only be achieved fun referred tO aS the “forma SubOrdir words an increase in exploitationth capital accumulation primarily thr has been mentioned On numerous part in the coercive character of pro
Today the state has delegates its development management fur NGOs. These are frequently simultaneously vehicles for sociale class of development pri fessiona largely joined the state, not nece Subsumed within the new mode of has been replaced by professionali for example, have often been transf and demands, to being professio state rule which forms the Context f to this new mode of rule is the heg and the incorporation of NGOs int( them into parastatals, or by subsul politics. I shall return to this belov unpack the modern basis for humi this affected citizenship in the se the half-century of 'development speech and the recognition of the rig This along with the transition from World level has been Commented L the subject of debate has been thi
If we attempt to analyse th development from an emancipato arguing we should do, a crucial le. namely that the state cannot em

in the formulation made famous by r in order to increase the rate of as thus contradictory from the very he welfare of the population through iven the paucity of technology, that damentally through what Marx had nation' of labour to capital; in other rough physical means. It increased ough dispossession, therefore as SOCCasions, the state took a direct duction relations (Mamdani, 1987). id (or perhaps better sub-contracted) ctions to external bodies such as / simply new parastatals and 2ntrepreneurship for a 'new' middlels. The activists of yesterday have 2ssarily directly, but by becoming rule through 'civil society'. Activism sm. “Feminism’ and “empowerment’ ormed from being popular struggles ns. We have now a new mode of or re-thinking development. Central gemony of human rights discourse ) the state either directly by turning ming them within a state domain of V, but before I do it is important to an rights discourse, particularly as cond half of the twentieth century, ... We all know about the Truman ghts of nations to self-determination. Colonialism to neo-Colonialism at a pon at length. What has been less e political side of the process.
le process of transformation and ry perspective, which is what I am SSon has become apparent today, ancipate anybody, or at least no

Page 12
more than a select few'. Why? F. only wish to mention three core on First, because state subjecti founded on a managerialist ideology is identical to that of private Corp sector management) and a specif “public administration'), which ha particular concerning a certain se service' towards "the public' see Irrespective of the specific characte is a feature of the state in general, therefore has, in truly democratic by popular democratic pressure. the fact that the foundation of th regulation, and that the state sees and knowledge and not only of the therefore in its management of SoC to substitute itself for popular stri organisations, all in the name of th the maintenance of social stability should be stressed that I am referrir in simpler terms to 'subjectivities'. A from possible structural or other coni different institutional Or other interest or the enactment of progressive SO( perhaps be re-iterated that the stat way, either conceptually or politically Sociologically, I would include priv mainstream press within the state and the latter within the ideologicals Poulantzas, 1978).
Second, because the State existing emancipatory politics into professionals (planners, economist etc) under its ambit within bureauc|| This amounts to a process of de nationalist or revolutionary politics,

or a number of reasons of which es here.
vity is invariably bureaucratic and I. Today that managerialist ideology prate interests (so-called “private ic "public sector management' (or d Suggested some specificity in ocial responsibility by the "public 1ns to have been pushed aside. r of managerialism today, the latter of all states without exception and Conditions to be Counterbalanced This feature is simply the result of he state is precisely control and s itself as the monopoly of power deployment of violence. At best cial change, all the State can do is uggles and independent popular |e monopoly of knowledge and/or y. To avoid misunderstanding, it ng here to state 'modes of thought', \ll this is to be clearly distinguished tradictions Within the State between s, or indeed from state provisioning cial legislation. Moreover it should e (institutionalised power) is in no (, to be reduced to the government. fate security firms as well as the , the former within the repressive tate apparatuses (Althusser, 1971,
systematically transforms a prea technical process to be run by S, lawyers, judges, administrators, ratic structures and subjectivities. 2-politicization of Say a popular . In sum, the state systematically

Page 13
evacuates politics from state life i under liberal democratic systems, itself becomes simply a question of and analysed by professionals. Th but ultimately universal in its fundar parlance, the institutionalization c their transformation into "human rig by the state itself (Neocosmos, historical process contiguous with liberation in Africa, it is also an on for democratisation are gradually system of power and de-radicalisec feminist and environmentalist dema such as "empowerment', 'good gov Third, because evidence ove state (along with Corporate, bureau in Nhatever form and irrespectiv universally been the main threat to later has only been won by hard foi peasants, women and all the mutit the world. Thus, while it is impor between various mutually controll ultimately only the people who can freedom and democracy, nota con instance then, it is only the politic fight for freedom justice and equality of cases whereby the people ne Constitutions subverted, undermine in search of uncontrolled power. T de-politicized, or because constitu evident manipulation and corruptio of their gradual exclusion of popula To stress that the State cannot that the State is not of use in the de it is absent from the sphere of politic the first phase of the post-coloni; developmentalism, although a natio

n favour of technique. In addition, politics is reduced to voting which numbers to be predicted, counted is process is a highly complex one mentals. It also includes, in today's frights fought for by people and Jhts' to be defended and delivered 2005). While this is obviously a he achievement of independence/ going process. Popular demands incorporated by the state into the din the process, for example some hds have been embraced by names 'ernance' and 'sustainability. rwhelmingly suggests that it is the Cratic or communitarian interets) e of ideology, which is and has genuine democracy; and that the ught popular struggles by Workers, udes of the oppressed throughout tant for state power to be divided ing institutions and "powers', it is be the fundamental guarantors of stitution or the judiciary. In the last ally organised people who are to 1. In Africa the examples are legion ever rose to defend demoCratiC 2d and finally overthrown by rulers his because the people had been tions had lost support due to their n by politicians, or simply because r COncernSo. emancipate does not mean either velopment process or indeed that saltogether. In actual fact, during al state (1960s - 1970s), that of nal emancipation project may have

Page 14
failed because of its exclusion of least some state project was in e the case today”. Despite its pro that programme at the time canno were precisely in an emancipato this point is simply to note that st simply obsolete today. In fact, tod an emancipatory politics, as Such a from thought. Thus, to remind ours pan-Africanist struggles for develop is crucially important for the recap vision that we must be faithful, an
In sum then, the question we the state cannot emancipate an perforce emancipatory developme cannot do So and no one believ’es be thought as an emancipatorAo pri way of addressing this issue an development and emancipation thr Marshall and the experience of Eu democracy.
3. Social Democracy and
It is useful to start with the dilent sociological thought, namely that maintenance of any Society was one hand with a moral community was concerned with the managem order to maintain stability (Cowel sociology was concerned with Consciousness" in Durkheim's Sen agreed parameters of Social life i 1979). While in turn of the ce. accompanied by a heavy dose of ideologies, this does not diminisht contemporary world. For example,

large Sections of the population, at xistence, a fact which is no longer blems the necessity of supporting it be denied, while in fact its origins ty vision. The best way of stating ate-led emancipatory projects are ay we have to completely re-invent Conception has simply disappeared selves of the emancipatory vision of ment in the early life of nationalism, turing of such a vision. It is to this d not to a fetishism of state power. have to pose ourselves is: if indeed ybody how is emancipation and 2nt to happen? Clearly the market it can, so how? Can development oject today? I want to discuss one d the Connection between state, ough a brief look at the work of T.H. Iropean, particularly British, Social
Social Citizenship
ma which was central to classical
the fundamental problem of the to combine state authority on the on the other. While political theory ent of social change by the state in n and Shenton, op.cit.), classical the existence of a "collective se, which would set the commonly h the nation (see also Rousseau, ntury Sociology, the notion was
social pathological and religious he argument's significance for the it is this moral community which is

Page 15
seen as able to provide the condit sphere according to which, recoul from the public arena. This idea of Vivre ensemble) finds resonance rights discourse. It refers to conse liberal political philosophy of Han should be noted in passing that th without its own problems, as it ca whole sectors of the population, as be ingrained within Society as a W repressive.
However what is more impo that the development of such amore Sociology, be a simple state impos the whole fabric of society. This liberal discourse for which moral COnstitutionalism, the rule of lawan( These features of liberal democrac state politics at the level of the stat from holding the state directly to a interests in civil society, a fact w consensus. Ultimately the whole ( which members of the elite are in the character of the state as Such. colonial period onwards has been or authority and the attempt (when community through state ideology ( very little effort made to ground thi: people. This process was illustrate Zaire where an attempt to forge a Cu form of a simulacrum of pan-Africar which evidently bore a purely for (Badiou, 2001). The only conceptios up to a moral community today is popular culture, but within what is si culture" imported from the West (N notion below, for the present it is us

ions for a consensus in the public Se to violence would be excluded wantingtolive together" (le vouloir Oday among advocates of human insual politics and is central to the nah Arendt (e.g. Arendt, 1982). It is notion of "living together' is not n be founded on the exclusion of ; in racism for example, which can hole. Consensus Can indeed be
rtant for our present purposes, is tl Community could not, for classical ition, but had to be present within is quite contrary to today's neocommunity can be built through i the overall legitimacy of the state. y simply amount to restrictions on e itself; wider society is excluded CCount except through organised hich does not necessarily imply of Society can only have a say on DOWer at election time, but not On The African experience from the he of state coercion, little legitimate
it happened) to build a moral if One form Or another. There was S in the lived relations of ordinary d particularly clearly in Mobutu's htural Consensus took the extreme lism in the notion of "authenticité", nal resemblance to the original which comes close to measuring
no longer sought within African metimes termed "a human rights utua, 2002). I shall return to this eful to examine Marshall's work,

Page 16
as it provides an interesting and im outlined.
T.H. Marshall was quite uni human rights and development with of social democracy in the post-wa Marshall's writings is not only his s social democracy, in which the ne on the working masses could be social spending, but also his belief an equality which he saw as embc was supposed to be a political an equality of citizens in relation to t state. A double dream in capital post-war economic boom and ot especially during the statist SOC optimism saw an end to the seemir and social rights, this end being la society of the future" (1964:346). post-war Western Europe with the rights', which these were meant acceptable standard of econom education" (1964: 290). Although totally egalitarian society, after all working classes to work harder, th independent working class, prote rights as citizens" (ibid.: 287). The society, in which everyone would thus"be accepted as full members "the inequality of the Social class S the equality of citizenship is recog become, in certain respects, t inequality" (p. 77, emphasis added itself, he saw the "welfare state" a notion of) the "affluent society". "
tends to forget about the se earned and to ConCentra

portant solution to the problem just
gue in laying out the link between in what was the dominant paradigm r period. What is interesting about erious commitment to a genuinely gative effects of market capitalism fundamentally countered by state in 'progress' as leading to equality, died in citizenship. Of course, this d not an economic equality, ie. an he state, itself constructed by the st conditions, yet in conditions of full employment it made sense, ial optimism of the period. This "g linear succession of civil, political gely equated with “the more equal Such a future was being realised in setting up of "welfare states'. 'Social to deliver, were "the rights to an lic welfare, to health and ... to these rights would not lead to an inequality was required to spur the he idea was to produce a "free and !cted and sustained by their basic deathen was to create an inclusive benefit from citizenship rights and of the society" (p.78). In this Way, ystem may be acceptable provided nized" (ibid.). "Citizenship has itself he architect of legitimate social . However unless it could transform s being threatened by (Galbraith's he affluent society":
rvices by which incomes are e only on the getting and

Page 17
spending of them, howev hysterical and perverted for the reward is logically relate orto any service Whatever (
Such a Society, Marshall argued, "it looks eagerly for windfalls" from expense accounts, football pools based on the opposite principle. It economy, but held that there wer which ranked above it and must be the market" (ibid.). He continued ( is more disturbing is that the Afflue to have a Soul at all, either to lose what it lacks" (ibid.: 302). Now t effects of the development of this "a to as neo-liberal capitalism, we nee In fact his perspective is limited by much more aware of today from our point in Africa.
Nevertheless, what should obvious attempt to legitimise class c at length) - an oppression eviden double conception of the importanc central to classical sociology: firs necessity for a moral order for a nec so that the poorer sections of ther Stake in it, and Second the local citizenship. This method of resol earlier, between state power and as in a specific way by European socia possible partly by the manner in w accumulation, exploitation, consum with the role of the state as a virtua already mentioned.
Interestingly, in hindsight, N remarks concerning "voluntary soc

ver come-by. In its more 'm it ceases to Care Whether 2d to productive labour at all p.298).
Awas the antithesis of welfarism, as Speculation legal or illegal, "bogus premium bonds"; the latter "was did not reject the capitalist market e Some elements in a civilized life achieved by curbing or Superseding despondently by noting that: "what 2nt Society does not appear as yet or to look for, and it is unaware of hat we have seen the disastrous affluent society which we now refer ld to go beyond Marshal's thinking. a number of factors which We are historical and geographical vantage
be noted here is not so much the ppression (as has been mentioned tly sustained by the state, - but a e of state legitimacy, a notion itself t the subtle understanding of the :essary commitment to the system, national community can develop a ing of this stake in the rights of ving the problem which i identified Ocietamoral Order, was addressed a democracy. This way was made thich Fordist capitalism combined ption and full employment policies, monopoly of welfarism, as have
Marshall also made a number of ieties", by which he refers to what

Page 18
we call today NGOs, which are wo that "representative governmental if the citizen cringes before the c authority" (p.348). What he sees as between statutory and voluntarys fact that he realises that there is fl forms of operation between sta asSociations, and moreover that th "moral responsibility” towards th representative - they have "no such as "voluntary Supporters gradually employees of the society" (p.350). is part of public policy" (p.353) a word" (p.355). These observation: we hear today regarding NGOs, them is that voluntary NGOs hav part on the basis of a subjectivit state. Marshal does not believ practices are in any way oppres: genuinely popular organisationsir Moreover, at least four dist di SCOurse, SilenCeS Which en contradiction between state pow and perhaps most obvious silence union and other working class stru the reason for the political influence of a Labour party within the state franchise). The "left turn' of most o after WWI did not exclude Britair USSR among the working people Marshall proposes, are all grante discourse, not won by any popula transition to social rights was not popular struggles, but only on then in all classes of a more humane at (p.98). Social democracy was then In this way, the provision of social r

th repeating. He notes for example one will not create a true democracy fficial, or if he sullenly resents his a solution however is "co-operation ervices" (ibid.) and this despite the ndamentally no distinction, in their tutory and voluntary bodies and ese voluntary agencies only have a ir clients as they are not directly | constituency” (p.349) - particularly become replaced by "professional After all he notes: “voluntary action ind "the state must have the final are more sophisticated than many the Conclusion We can draw from e clients and operate for the most y which is identical to that of the te that (liberal democratic) state sive, hence his failure to consider
his argument. inct silences permeate Marshall's able his statist Solution to the ær and social citizenship."The first is the absence of reference to trade Iggles in Britain which were largely of socialism, including the presence (let alone for the extension of the fall the peoples of Western Europe l, and of course the prestige of the was high. The human rights which d by state legislation in Marshall's struggles. Briefly then, Marshall's seen as depending in any way on narch of 'civilization' and the "spread ld realistic sense of social equality" the outcome of 'historical progress'. ghts could be seen as the unfolding

Page 19
of a state logic of rationality expre social legislation.
Second, in the light of this s minorities such as Women and immi are not mentioned. Obviously the 's in the 1940s and 50s were precis movement and social compact dur represent other sectors of the work incorporation of the dominant lead state (although large parts of it remair during the 'shop-steward movement of Women and ethnic minorities/ex COme to the fore in the 1970S. Th ignorance of the declining British providing surplus profits to British C Surpluses (invisibles' as they user balance of payments accounts) wer welfare to the British people. Wha cheap raw materials from the about African Continent and elsewhere, en economy of the time. This was a c has been analysed at length by Cowe The final Silence concerns the COer absence of independent popular of passive citizenship. Evidently thes the State which now included, V organisations in the form of the Trac Social democracy was thus a it required a passive populace on wh by the state, so that when the state mid-1970s onwards, those left to defe political weakness. Finally of course rights was itself contingent on ec dependent on market competition, not only unavoidable but seen to be economics always took precedenc was seen as a necessary prerequisi
13

ssed predominantly in inclusive
tate logic, the rights of political grant workers from (ex-)colonies social rights' granted by the state ely a result of a powerful union ing the war years, which did not ing population. It expressed the 2rship of this movement into the ned excluded as became apparent of the 1960s). It is the exclusion :-colonial subjects which was to e third silence was the obvious empire which was however still 'ompanies. The fact is that these to be called in macro-economic e enabling the provision of social atever the details, the access to to be independent colonies of the abled the expansion of the British colonial social-democracy which n and Shenton (1996) for example. cive character of the State in the ganisations and the consequent e social rights were bestowed by within its institutions, workers' les Union Congress (TUC).
“civilised socialism”. Politically, ich such rights could be bestowed decided to Curtail them from the no them were in a state of extreme , the granting of social citizenship onomic growth which itself was this is why class inequality was necessary; for Social democracy, e over political freedom. Wealth te for democracy, never the other

Page 20
way round. The corollary was of C could never be politically free. It W among the nationalist elite in post to remember for our present pur contradiction between state pow emancipatory project of politicale of a passive citizenship which pre bestowed by the state. It was emancipatory project. Passive ci discourse was thus a necessary of social democracy as a whole, ar of the contradiction. This is simply a passive citizenship; it is the state of these rights, not the citizenry expansion of social rights to incl A.K. Sen, 1999), explicitly or impli iesolution to the Contradiction bety today.
4. Social Citizenship in Af
We can agree with Marshall that the problem of reconciling state l Yet today, economic provisioning c because We live at a time of eCOn conceptions of full employment provisioning which characterise Keynesian forms of accumulatio the post-war period. Mass unemp today as unavoidable features of C classical Social democracy is ul Current global Socio-economic Co can therefore not be so easily c( direct political rights of citizenship Welfare, state Social infrastructure are simply absent for the majority subjectivity. In any case if we aret

purse that the poor, or "the indigent' as this point which was to resonate colonial Africa. However, the point bOSes was that the Solution to the 2r and moral citizenship within the quality, was arrived at on the basis supposed equality of human rights hus the state which pursued this tizenship founded in human rights political Condition for the existence Iditled directly to a statist resolution because human rights presuppose ! which is the provider and defender '. Those who today advocate the ude the "right to development (eg. citly are obliged to assume a similar ween state and moral Order in Africa
'rica Today
social citizenship is thesolution to egitimacy with a moral community. cannot be put before popular politics omic Crisis which has overtaken the , mass consumption and welfare d FordiSt Cum Social democratic/ h, as well as developmentalism, in loyment and mass poverty are seen ontemporary capitalism. A return to likely if not impossible within the ntext. The populations of the world nvinced to defer or abandon their through the provision of economic and high standards of living; these in conditions of hegemonic market ) remain faithful to an emancipatory

Page 21
Conception of development, this C Today if it is to have any meaning with a fundamentally different col What is very interesting to conceptions of the necessity to d among many of the popular mo Colonial as well as post-colonial not always understood in an ider of an identification of "moral Con
Citizens. In other Words it Could b of popular opposition in Africa ha of moral Community as an active C Ordinary people seem concernec the State and Colonial/market Cut in which active citizenship play. argued that it is this conception character of a true democratic ul of human rights discourse which We can see from an analys independence in Africa, what happ periods. This could be termed a shift from an inclusive moral COrr of struggle for independence, to of passive citizens after independ of one of the first struggles for ind last, in Algeria and in South Africa 1990) analyses portraya clear dis upsurge against Colonialism, whe active citizens taking their ov independence period, when they approving of the chauvinism whic (to begin with). I have outlined African case in my own work, wit and ReConciliation Commission political agents in the 1980s t (Neocosmos, 1998, 1999, 2006). from an active popular concept

:an no longer be conceived as statist. , social citizenship must be provided internt.
note, is the common prevalence of evelop a moral community politically vements against the oppression of states. In fact, this notion, although htical manner, contains the leit motif munity with a community of active e suggested that a common feature is been precisely the understanding itizenship of political agency, whereby to oppose to the clear immorality of Jre, a different conception of morality s the key role. Indeed it could be of active citizenship which has the niversal, not the passive citizenship
is dominant today. sis of the trajectories of struggles for ened throughout the world at different shift from rights to human rights, a munity of active citizens in a period an exclusive essentialist Community dence. This can be seen in the Case ependence in Africa and in one of the a. In the former case Fanon's (1989, stinction between a period of popular are people become transformed into wn destiny in hand, and a postbecome passive citizens of the state, h systematically excludes foreigners very similar processes in the South h the added importance of the Truth in transforming South Africans from o supplicant victims in the 1990s in both Cases We can See a transition ion of citizenship which is largely
15

Page 22
inclusive in perspective, to a pas citizenship as indigeneity which is 'others'. The fundamental reason collapse/defeat of an independent Understanding the transitior links between state power, activ necessary for national emancipa discourse' from its position of uniq (statist) conception of politics; it th critique of liberalism. If in wishing colonialism/apartheid, we remai organisation the shift is invisible, w by the state after liberation attem continuity. A human rights cultur discourse - Canthus be understooC and reproduction of what Badio system, ie. the liberal state whichs In those Countries where human ri the government, it nevertheless pr for an oppositional perspective, provide a main source of subsiste Citizenship, from an emanc subjects bearing rights conferred b who think (who are capable of tru agents through their engagement not as politicians. In fact it is impo on political agency was Central to prevalent among many popular Fanon's Studies in a Dying Color into different examples of change popular struggle. These include C society, the effect of independent family. The idea of active citizens account, but merely wish to m citizenship which contrasts radical issue under postcolonial conditiot Algerian liberation struggle and b the Earth he states:

ssive state-imposed conception of exclusive of the growing number of for the change in either case is the t popular emancipatory politics.
in this way illuminates some of the e citizenship, and the moral order tion, and displaces "human rights ueness, to being only one particular erefore contributes to a necessary g to understand the transition from in at the level of the state/party/ hich is what the re-writing of history pts to do in order to show a linear e - the hegemony of human rights las part of the process of production u calls the capitalo-parliamentary implymanages capitalistinteress. ghts discourse is being resisted by Ovides the main ideological support in this way authoritarian systems nce for liberal democracy. cipatory perspective, is not about by the state, but rather about people ths in Badiou's senseo) becoming in politics as militants/activists and rtant to understand how this stress popular struggles and how it is still movements today. For example, nialism' is a detailed investigation in social relations brought about by hanges in the position of women in radio station, and changes in the hip is clearly illustrated in Fanon's hention one of his comments On y with his later account of the same ns. Written in 1959, ie. during the efore his Work on The Wretched Of

Page 23
...) in the new society that Algerians. From the outse living in Algeria is an Algerial Algeria it will be up to every citizenship or to reject it infa 152).
In other words, the point is that d upsurge, citizenship as a unif community of active citizens, is b between people on the basis of i their devotion to thestruggle. Byt have the following well known acc Colonial State:
On the morrow (; independ [...) violently attacks colonia to the bitter end against th dignity as a nation'. It wa nationalization and Africani The fact is that such actions tinged by racism, until the problem to the governmen these posts' (...) The work masses of the unemploye craftsmen for their part lin attitude; but in all justice let the steps of their bourgeoisi goes into competition with and Craftsmen start a fight a ... From nationalism W nationalism, to chauvinism, foreigners are called ontole their street stalls are Wrecket (...) Commands them to go satisfaction (ibid.: 125).

is being built, there are only t, therefore, every individual n. intomorrow's independent Algerian to assume Algerian vour of another (Fanon, 1989:
uring the period of popular national ying, inclusive Conception, as a being born. No distinction is made ndigeneity but only on the basis of he time he writes The Wretched We ount of xenophobia under the post
ence (the) native bourgeoisie ul personalities [...] It will fight nese people 'who insult our aves aloft the notion of the ization of the ruling classes. will become more and more bourgeoisie bluntly puts the t by saying "We must have ing class of the towns, the ed, the Small artisans and e up behind this nationalist it be said, they only follow in e. If the national bourgeoisie the Europeans, the artisans gainst non-national Africans 'e have passed to ultraand finally to racism. These ave; their shops are burned, d, and in fact the government , thus giving their nationals

Page 24
We have here an acCOunt of a clea of citizenship I have referred to: founded on active citizenship anc indigeneity and passivity". It is a with work on the South African st similar points regarding the charac (Neocosmos, 1998, Van Kessel, 2 popular struggle but to note tha enables the development of a diffe Kessel (2000: 210-15) in fact notes of her book the centrality of a m citizens in the popular struggle agai equally pervades Fanon's account Such notions are also pr movements and community den colonial as well as post-colonial pe dia-Wamba's (1985) account of thi study of women's struggles over C Sibanda's (2002) account of a peas alia. The point then is that in p alternative conception of citizenship this is not all that exists) as a C citizenship with indigeneity. Ther rights discourse and its claims on on the state. Such prescriptions inc Charter: "South Africa belongs to a Govern". These prescriptions are: not pleas for human rights to be c. "social citizenship" today must be
5. Can a "Human Right
Citizenship?
Development today is regularly participation' and "human rights'. a popular politics outside the paran The language is pervasive in the

rtransition between the two forms the popular inclusive conception the state conception founded on so important to note the similarity ruggle of the 1980s which makes er of popular struggle inthis period 000). The point is not to idealise , despite all its contradictions, it rent Conception of citizenship. Van explicitly in one of the case studies Oral political community of active nst apartheid, an observation which
evalent in accounts of popular hocratic political practices in the riods, they are present in Wamba2 Mbongipalaver), in Amadiume's itizenship in Nigeria (1997) and in sant organisatiori in Zimbabwe inter opular-democratic struggles, this ) and hence politics exists (although :ounter to the statist equating of e is then a politics beyond human he state, a politics of prescriptions lude, in the manner of the Freedom II who live in it...", "The People Shall assertions of rights to be fought for, onferred by the state, in sum then understood as "active citizenship".
s Culture' Enable Active
used along with names such as ndeed it seems impossible to think eters of discourse of human rights. Societies of the South and seems

Page 25
today the only way in which huma simply because human rights dis through which people in commun their rights vis-a-vis the depreda capitalist interests. Yet at the sam also the language of the new for inter alia, for the invasion of Afghar countless civilians in the process. also central to the language of th becoming in the formulation of oner in development (Cooke and Koth Sense of this Contradiction, does emancipatory potential today, how as opposed to morally? Does h disable the active citizenship whic centre of our thinking today? Thes need of answers. I shall propose a follows. Íshall try to deal with thes under two main headings: the re discourse and political passivity anc in imperialism today. Both are clos discourse is fundamentally a-politic
5.1. Human rights discourse
Human rights are said to be realise liberal discourse as 'civil society'. usually equated with NGOs, but ti operate at the margins of legality excludes politics outside a domain Civil society is better understood a the state attempts to exercise its This attempt is often successful (o exist) despite the possible contrac specific NGOs. It is in civil society be realised, however these are to be them firmly away from any (emanci
1.

nemancipation can be conceived, Course, provides the parameters ities resist oppression and assert tions of authoritarian States and he time, "human rights' language is m of imperialism, the justification, histan and Iraq and the slaughter of Human rights and participation is e World Bank and is in danger of ecent publication, "the new tyranny" ari, 2002). How are we to make human rights discourse have an are rights to be thought politically uman rights discourse enable or h have argued must be put at the e are some of the question of in dire way of approaching them in what se issues, admittedly Superficially, lationship between human rights ithe role of human rights discourse sely related because human rights Cal.
and passive citizenship
d within what is referred to by neoCivil society in the literature is his excludes organisations which or which are totally "informal'. It formally recognised by the state. as a domain of politics over which hegemony (Neocosmos, 2004). therwise civil society is said not to fictions between government and that citizenship rights are said to realised in a manner which keeps patory) politics which question the

Page 26
state itself as they take place with However before addressing this fact that civil society is not the only and moreover it is possible to Sugg forms a realm of politics which is d the point simply, the politics of civ the state which pronounces on the civil Society".
However from the perspect project, the state should not be a organisations are legitimate or not, allow itself to narrow the concep only society itself should be entitl this sense South Africa for exam extremely powerful and "vibrant', a organisations in the 1980s but th and were not described as Such a illegal nature and their illegitimacy was precisely the political distanc state, the fact that they had exite operated beyond the (obviously r which accounts for the "vibrancy'o South African townships of the 1 Conversely, it can also be pointed of civil Society, also implies recogn of the legitimacy of the state. T revolutionary organisations within therefore, these same opposition C 1980s (UDF, Civics, Youth and W were fighting the apartheid state constantly testing the limits of legali ilegal), Could not be rigorously sa they only were described in such ti had no option but to recognise th people.
For neo-liberalism therefore conditions of mutual recognition be
2:

in the framework of 'human rights'. issue, it is important to stress the f realm of politics outside the state, Jest that civil society in Africatoday ominated by the state itself. To put il society are state politics, for it is legitimacy of the organisations "of
ive of a democratic emancipatory lowed to dictate whether popular and neither can intellectual inquiry t to adhere to state prescriptions; led to bestow such legitimacy. In ple, can be said to have had an is well as politicised, set of popular ese never formeda 'civil society”, ut the time because of their quasiin the eyes of the state. In fact, it e of these organisations from the d the state domain of politics and estricted) civil society of the time, f such popular organisations in the 980s (Neocosmos, 1998, 1999). out that the neo-liberal conception lition by civil society organisations his view cannot include explicitly civil society. For such a viewpoint organisations in South Africa in the omen's organisations etc), which as such and which were thereby ty (their activities were often wholly id to form a "civil society'. Indeed erms in the 1990s, when the state heir legitimacy in the eyes of the
civil society exists solely under 2tween it and the state, only under

Page 27
liberal democracy. It is this mut parameters of the state consenst Moreover it is the State which universality. Civil Society organis they represent particularistic intere in other Words if a popular organisa interests' or "the national interest seen by the state as a threat to th A State 'national Consensus is S politics comprising the political r institutions on the one hand, and t Citizens on the other. Other fic organisations are seen as beyond legitimised in state discourse. therefore exist outside or beyond civil society. Because of such pari be conflated with 'organised soci some form of exclusion (Neocosm liberal democracy and say colonial can be said to concern interaliat eXclusion.
Simultaneously this mutual "human rights' which are visual ahistorical anda-contextual) (Shi to debate Or Contestation because technically or naturally derived. realm within which human rights rights, even though fought for and throughout Society, are supposec by the state. They are taken out juridical realm, where their fundam from sight so that they become th the judicial system. Human rights spurious Western philosophical hul an ideology through which individ by the state itself (Althusser, 197 politicization and technicization of

ual recognition which defines the is and is itself the result of struggle. retains the monopoly of national sations can be tolerated but only if sts. Any claims to such universality, tion is said to represent "the people's ', would mean that it is liable to be he latter's monopoly of universality. tructured within a State domain of elations between the state and its he 'official' or "formal' civil society of orms of politics by unrecognised the Consensus and can thus be deThese organisations and politics the limits at best at the margins of ialit therefore, "civil society' cannot ety' as the term necessarily implies nos,2004). The distinction between /apartheid forms of authoritarianism he extent and forms taken by such
recognition is given substance by ised as formal and universal (ie. vji, 1989), and therefore not subject they are deemed to be scientifically, Civil society today is said to be the are realised or expressed. These achieved through popular struggles i to be "delivered' and "guaranteed' of popular control and placed in a entally political character is removed e subject of technical resolution by , therefore do not only depend on a manism of "Man' for their conception, uals are “interpellated as subjects” '1)12. They also represent the depopular victories under the control
21

Page 28
of the state. The people are forc addressed and defended, to do SC in relation to the state institutions Thus, even though "right transformative processes and insula 2000:63), the politics of human politics and is predominantly redu. is limited to a demand for inclusi Thus a struggle for rights, if succ outcome of a fundamentally de-pc asserted abstractly that, while inp state expressed the will of God, i state expresses the will of Man; fr that will (Althusser, op.cit). In sum, of which are experts and state expe abar tracted by the state from the so which alone give them meaning, a independent of that context and th ordinary pecple and democratisec their technical quality shown to be socio-political content (Foucault, 2 it has been rightly mentione essence of the Marxist critique o and oppressed were systematica rights because of unaffordability, li the resources which (bourgeois) s are necessary for the realisation stressed, was simply impossible ir supposed universality of rights was rights (as indeed the idea of "Man' a was in fact, the Western, white, points were valid, what was not al they implied that, generally speak excluded from formally legitimatec if human rights discourse ( privilege for the privileged and to the from state politics, it also has the

2d, if they wish to have their rights primarily within the confines of, or of the judiciary. S discourses can both facilitate te andlegitimisepower” (Krenshaw, ights is, at best, a state-focussed ced to a technicized politics, which on into an existing state domain. :essful, can end up producing the oliticized politics. In fact it could be re-liberal writings and practice the n liberal writings and practice, the eedom simply consists in obeying technique and science (the bearers rtise) are in this manner unavoidably cio-political context and conditins and thus acquire a life of their own, ose Conditions. To be accessed by l, they need to be re-politicized and at best, only partly independent of 2000). don many occasions - this was the f 'bourgeois rights' - that the poor tly excluded from exercising their ack of knowledge and access to all tate power monopolises and which of rights. Equality of rights it was an unequal society. Therefore the fallacious as the "human' in human as a transcendental human subject) bourgeois male. Although these ways added by the critics was that cing, the majority would tend to be ipolitics under liberal democracy. contributes to the maintenance Of exclusion of the oppressed majority effect of absolving the latter from

Page 29
the responsibility of engaging in pc because it is maintained that Some (or the criminal justice system as NGO, political party or whateverwill resolve the political issue at stak the judiciary will only deal with inc the historical Context of SOCial Stru relations are rarely raised. Moreov rights comes from the state itself, we of one state institution (usually the and unrepresentative) being charg against other state institutions; the this particular right is removed from The whole system, both mat effect of excluding the majority fro hand, while making it difficult if no politically on the other. It amounts de-mobilization and dis-empowerm politicization of the majority (Englur the complete antithesis of an active basis of democracy and gives a who "the rule of law". Non-citizens, c structures such as international CC rights which can only be claimed despite the liberal view that it is univ bearers of rights, these can usually a state, as it is the latter which (Mamdani, 1995). Of course, the a feminist scholars in particular have as the powerless are much less ab and Werbner, 1999; Hassim, 1999 The effects of political dis-er political passivity must not be unde civil life, as they permeate deeply it of the fabric of society itself, as the replicates and makes possible thi (Foucault, 2000). This is particul
2

litical activity themselves. This is xternal body such as the judiciary a whole), the health system, an nother words a state institution - e on their behalf. As, for example, ividualized subjects and not with ctures, issues concerning power er, given that the greatest threat to have the interesting phenomenon judiciary, its members unelected ed with defending people's rights state is thus meant to police itself,
the people.
erially and culturally thus has the m official state politics on the one t impossible for them to mobilize to a permanent system of political ent-aprocess of fundamental dehd, 2004). It leads to and sustains citizenship which is the necessary ble new meaning to the expression: lespite the setting up of juridical urts, are regularly excluded from through one's 'own' state. Thus, "ersal human subjects who are the f only be accessed by "citizens' of bestows that status upon them pparent benefits of citizenship, as noted, are differentially distributed, e to secure them (eg. Yuval-Davis
npowerment and the consequent rstood as restricted exclusively to to the Constitutive Social relationS authoritarianism of Social structure authoritarianism of state power irly obvious in conditions of post

Page 30
coloniality in Africa, conditioned authoritarian legacy of colonialismar then that personal responsibility b alia over education, housing, Work knowledge as well as over self or pe Neo-liberalism which provides the choices without power, and abys conditions and capacity for its own to make responsible subjective ideological source of child-like pow state (or other) power is expected ti this is systematically internalised in is arguably what lies at the root of iss as those of HIV-AIDS, the alienation of people-centred development anc for the state, the "common sense immutable absence of a capacity that an even weaker "other can alw and obvious answer to one's power intervention of power, in whatever NGOs, family, etc), fails to live up cultivated. Xenophobic violence, v babies, the elderly and soon (the w been noted on in numerable O( powerlessness.
Paradoxically then, a rights ( with providing the enabling environm of liberalism in a post-colonia systematically enables its oppo empowerment - through the h consciousness. Today even state p. after all what is "good governance' administration? At the same time We noted, that the distinction betw management has been largely o dominates today; this we are told is governance" and even "popular part
24

as these societies are by the Idapartheid. It is quite unsurprising ased on power, and control inter let alone over desire, sexuality, rsonhood, is quite simply lacking. socio-political passivity of empty mally fails to even consider the induced or interpellated, Subjects decisions, is itself the ultimate terlessness. The simple fact that O decide on One's behalf, and that the process of identity formation, ues of powerlessness as disparate of youth from society, the absence dpoverty. Conversely and happily ' apparent "obviousness' of the to make SuC decisionS, meanS lays be found to provide a simple eSSness in thuse cases where the form (state institutions, market, to expectations which it has itself iolence against women, children, eakest SectorS Of Society), as has ccasions, is closely linked to
discourse purportedly concerned ent for freedom, within the Context society, fundamentally and site - political and social disegemony of a state-centred olitics is reduced to management; if not efficient management and must remember, as have already een public and private sector bliterated; it is the latter which an effect of 'globalisation'. "Good icipation' in hegemonic discourse,

Page 31
simply refer to the most capitalpossible (Taylor, 2002).
Having systematically de systematically disabled their eng agencies and politicians can "irresponsibility of allowing too muc as this would lead to support fo punishment, Xenophobia, racism, produced political passivity, illitera used as justifications for placing re on “enlightened despotismo from apartheid and colonialism, state oppressed was used as a justificat power. In sum, liberalism in postcol against the formation of a moral Col words against the construction C understood. In the absence of politi political passivity, political choicesca majority, and political morality dis necessary conditions for political exc moralism of "human rights discour conditions. Human rights discou citizenship and especially to the dev "human' rights are and can only b rights. In this way we can begin to formation of a "human’ rights is a state is central; by accepting "humar our right to the state to decide for process of institutionalising rights i rights struggles and replacing the States have easily been able to get of ideological Confusion and the dec but because Of the immen Se level they had been imbued in the imme This process can be briefly illustrate Reconciliation Commission in post It is arguably the case tha Reconciliation Commission (TRC)h
25

friendly management techniques
politicised the population and agement in active politics, state then regularly emphasise the h free expression and organisation r demagogic politics, for capital and so on. In other words having cy and ignorance, these are then strictions on democracy by calling those in power - much as under !-induced ignorance among the On for the maintenance of Colonial onial Africa systematically militates mmunity of active citizens, in other if a political community properly cal agency given the hegemony of nnot be made by the overwhelming appears; these are of course the lusion and violence. The miserable se’ is fundamentally part of these 'Se then is an obstacle to active elopment of emancipatory politics; e understood as institutionalised inderstand that the process of the process for which the role of the rights' we have agreed to alienate us what and who is human. The Sthen a process of de-politicising m by a state-centred discourse. away with this, not only because ine of alternative centres of power, ; of goodwill and trust with which diate post-independence period. d by the example of the Truth and apartheid South Africa. t the South African Truth and ld a profound effect on the making

Page 32
of the liberal post-apartheid state functions of this process were to races through uncovering the truth rights", but the reconciliation proc was undertaken on the political fou It did however provide a forum f. apartheid state to be heard, but in C of 'victimhood' whereby South Africa fully as political agents during the interpelated as victims, passively Commission. Fullard and ROuSSea that the TRC process failed to tra (ie. state practices) of the past, by which power treated the powerless continuity from the past if there ev to show why this was SC as a resu theory of the state. For example ... voices from this period remail Citizens who formed the overwhelr
rightly note that having their expe major achievementfor the commi apprehended ultimately as excess than as the necessary outcome C subjectivities) so that "undoubtedly, the gross human rights violations th of apartheid" (ibid).
it is understood then that "th organised political activists ... but residents swept up in the conflicts" from the process, either in terms importantly neither in terms of a sr a number of factors including the a perpetrators. They were simply rect discarded. The impression one g that it has been "a Government backburner" (ibid.: 97). In fact, th
2

Wilson, 2001, Meister, 2002). The 2nable reconciliation between the egarding "gross violations of human ss primarily concerned elites, and ndation of human rights discourse. or the Voices of the victims of the oing so it contributed to a discourse ns, who had constituted themselves 1980s, were now overwhelmingly requesting to be helped by a state u (2003) for example, clearly show nsform what they call the "habits" simply relating the contempt with during the process itself, an evident er was one. But they are less able it of the absence in their work of a 2, they note that "the most lasting h those of the victims (...) ordinary ning bulk of those who came to the tical violence" (ibid.: 83). They also rience officially recognised, was a ssion, but these experiences were es by individual perpetrators (rather of oppressive state structures and the TRC failed to adequately situate hat it addressed in the Wider COntext
pse Who came to the TRC Were not were most often very poor township (op.cit.: 90), they got little or nothing
of much compensation but more nall victory overpower, because of absence of effective prosecution of ognised for a while and then cynically |ets from Fullard and Rousseau is
choice to keep the TRC on the e legitimacy of the apartheid state

Page 33
was never challenged by the nev could be forgiven for underlining th apartheid and post-apartheidelite of power. As the authors gently ur have something to do with "a more impulses" (ibid.).
The simple point here the is to the creation of a post-apartheid and legitimation of a discourse on interpellated Black South Africa requesting redress from the judic same time, for human rights disco 96) "the cost of achieving a moral to reach a political consensus th "this political consensus operate that regard themselves as "recov effect of human rights discourse O and to build COinSenSus around foi fact that the TRC did not devote time and effort to an examination rights" by the apartheid state on th periphery, through which a sen established between the people of a conception of citizenship and "b two defining features of the citizen political agency and inclusiver undermined by the TRC. In thism fundamentally to the hegemony ( within the country which beca Constitution.
In Africa generally the techn of politics from the state and its rep has meant the exclusion of the m the structuring of a state and elite c and passivity especially as the : dominance and technicism. We a the way things are done, for this is
2

N government after 1990, and one he congruence of interests between is in the maintenance of the system iderstate the point, this failure could general muting of ... transformative
that the TRC process contributed liberal state through the promotion human rights, and simultaneously an citizens as victims, passively cial apparatus of the state. At the urse, in the words of Meister, (2002: consensus that the past was evil is at the evil is past". He continues: s to Constrain debate in Societies ering from horrible histories". The f the TRC was thus to close debate getting the past. Concurrently, the artything like the same amount of of the "gross violations of human |e Countries of the Southern African se of solidarity could have been the region, contributed to narrowing elongingoto one of indigeneity. The ship of the 1980s popular struggleless - were thus systematically anner, the TRC process contributed of a liberal human rights discourse me ultimately embodied in the
icisation of politics, the evacuation lacement by managerialist ideology, ajority from active citizenship and :onsensus around political illiteracy state concurrently "naturalises' its retold that there is no alternative to s natural and in conformity with the
7

Page 34
consensus of the scientificity of s in Africa, the realm of rights, has middle-class phenomenon wł opportunities for social entrepreneu of the elite who, as a result, are benefits of citizenship (eg. Kanying (1971: 263) formulation "the stat appears particularly apt under suc
5.2. Human rights discours
In a different context, Chatterjee a NGOs in spreading human rights one of the main pillars of imperial these points here as they are con: Crnception of democracy and hum: that in the new form of imperialis centre - it is not simply that the powe or their own economies is undermit national sovereignty is being unde This takes a number of forms incl the International Human Rights C notaCCountable to their own people NGOs (Oxfam, MSF etc) of West is clearly in this way that the found connection between imperialism extremely Welby Chatterjee:
Liberals are now saying th human rights must be est Where these are violated, t without undue regard for sovereignty. If the leaders little Concern for the law, if the over the human rights of p excuse of national Soverei their rescue? In that Case h

tate activity. Moreover, civil society pecome, Sociologically speaking, a hich provides employment and Irship for professionals and members the only ones to acquire the full a and Katumanga, 2003). Gramsci’s e = political society + civil society” ch COnditions.
e and the new imperialism
lso stresses the role of international discourse which, he argues, forms ism today. It is important to stress stitutive of the currently hegemonic an rights. It is important to recornise Sm, - Which does not have a lear er of governments to make decisions 1ed, even perhaps more importantly, 'rmined by human rights discourse. uding the trial of gross violators by ourt in the Hague (so that they are and the propagating by international ern conceptions of human rights, it ations of empire are being led. The and human rights is explained
at ... international law and ablished all Over the World. he guilty must be punished,
the privileges of national of states themselves have y themselves ride roughshod eople, then why should the gnty be allowed to come to uman rights would never be

Page 35
eStablished. What is neede of a global code of state pl international institutions to r code. On what authority will institutions be set up? Boc one country one vote, such as Assembly, will be utterly in liberal democratic COuntries r their responsibility in Creatin the operation of an ideal glo for this sovereign sphere...
Of course, if the responsibility of " ensuring that democracy and the rul throughout the world and if ther resistance to such acceptance, th must be imposed by force if neces
Chatterjee (2004: 100) continues:
The theorists of the new em. wonderful things. This em empire without an emperor. here, as it should be in a de why this empire has no gec like the empires of old Wh conquered by War to add to empire expands becausen even governments, looking economic prosperity, want umbrella. Thus empire dc destroy property; rather, ite within its web of power, n network. The key to empire is always a limit to force, Hence empire's vision is a Can See the eXerCiSe Of COr

l, therefore, is the drafting actice and the Creation of Ionitor and implement this these international judicial es run on the principle of the United Nations General dequate to the task. The Iust come forwardto accept g the institutional space for pal sovereignty. The name
is empire. (2004: 98).
Western democracies' extends to e of human rights is to be accepted e is any (obviously misguided) en democracy and human rights Sary.
pire have talked of still more pire is democratic. It is an
The people are sovereign mocracy. That is precisely graphical limits. This is not ere territories have to be he size of the empire. Now ore and more people, and or peace and for the lure of o come under its sheltering es not conquer territory or hoompasses new Countries akes room for them in its not force but control. There here is no limit to control. global democracy (...) We rol right in front of our eyes

Page 36
... Even such a deeply pC for alleged violations of hul the jurisdiction of new inter The trial of Miosevic is the
this. However this is not all, while s European court of Justice or the Hague are set up by agreement b Such as the UN, there iS alSO ar insidious aspect to the establishin discourse: the operations of "int Chatterjee continues:
If the protection of human r then that task is being ca international Courts. It is be by numerous such intern International, MédeCins Sans able and Committed activ Suspected that they are, lik sand and pebbles that go bridgehead of empire. But foundations of empire are b
As Mutua explains, "although the Europe, with the express purpose is today a civilizing Crusade aime Rarely is the victim conceived as Continues:
Since the barbarity of the sit World-MN) is consideredo - whereas in fact We are a situation, One that Calls for one that is peopled by its
perceived, from the heights as the un Civilized that dema

litical matter as punishment man rights has now become national judicial institutions. e most dramatic example of
upra-national courts such as the nternational Court of Justice in the
etween StateS in multinationa fOra other much more Subversive and g of the hegemony of human rights ternational civil Society' so-called.
ights is a function of empire, rried out not simply by the ing done daily, and diligents, ational NGOs as Amnesty s Frontières, or Oxfam, whose vists probably have never e little Squirrels, carrying the nto the building of the great that is where the ideological eing laid (p100-1). 本
human rights movement arose in of containing European savagery, it ld primarily at the Third World ...) white” (op.cit.: 19, 30). And Badiou
uation of victims in the Third nly in terms of "human rights' ways dealing with a political a political thought-practice, own authentic actors - it is of our apparent civil peace, nds of the civilized a civilizing
O

Page 37
intervention. Every interventi requires an initial contempt including its victims. And th Coincides, after decades colonialism and imperialisr Satisfaction in the 'West', \ according to which the mist result of its own incompeten of its subhumanity (Badiou,
And even more directly:
The refrain of "human right ideology of modern capitali we won't torture you in cave the golden calf. As for thos it, or who don't believe in ou the American army and its them be quiet. (Badiou, 200
in case anyone doubts this, it is those in power in South Africa so refrain of the equating of human rig minister of trade and industry, fore for freedom and democracy in Sout by the successful campaign to lin 1998: 57). Clearly from a positio state it does seem that human rig "immeasurably increase" freedom, this "freedom' is nothing like unive the recent ideology of "multicultural fundamentally to be a disguised fo softer" and more democratico im makes the following observant com of the offshoots of human rights di the current form of imperialism us benign term 'globalization':

On in the name of a civilization for the Situation as a whole, is is why the reign of "ethics' of courageous Critiques of m, with today's sordid selfwith the insistent argument 3ry of the Third World is the Ice, its own inanity - in short,
2001: 13).
s" is nothing other than the sm: we won’t massacre you S, So keep quiet and Worship e who don't want to worship |r superiority, there's always European minions to make 1-2: 2-3).
perhaps important to recall, how easily swallowed the hegemonic hts with market freedoms, the then xample, stressing that "the struggle h Africa was substantially advanced k trade and human rights" (Erwin, n of power, in a post-authoritarian hts do "substantially advance" or yet it soon becomes apparent that rsal, nor indeed democratic. Even ism" in plural societies can be seen rm of racism corresponding to new perial relations. Zizek (1999: 216) ment vis-a-vis multiculturalism, One scourse today, and its affinity with Jally referred to today by the more

Page 38
the form of ideology of multiculturalism, the attitude global position, treats each treats colonized people - as be carefully studied and "re capitalism involves the par the colonising nation-state | involves a patronising Euroce for local Cultures without rC culture...) multiculturalism is referential form of racism, a "respects' the Other's identit Self-enClOSed'authentiC' CO multiculturalist maintains a his/her privileged universal a racism which empties its content (the multiculturalist she does not oppose to the C his or her own culture); non this position as the privilege( from which One is able to a other particular cultures prop for the Other's specificity is one's own superiority.
This is a crucially important rema centre for capital (or indeed empire today - capital is literally global - the racism and no centre for human rig is the equivalent of multiculturalis Society. Human rights discourse ist vanguard of the new form of empire packaged by international NGOs, s and entitlements become ultimate human rights to be delivered and p not by people themselves. That is by the apparently liberatory chara provide a vision and theory of freed
32

this global capitalism is which, from a kind of empty Ocal culture as the Colonizer natives whose mores are to spected' ... just as global dox of Colonisation Without metropolis, multiculturalism intric distance and/orrespect ots in one's own particular a disavowed, inverted, self"racism with a distance' - it y, conceiving the other as a mmunity towards which the distance made possible by position. Multiculturalism is own position of all positive is not a direct racist; he or )ther the particular values of e the less he or She retains i empty point of universality ppreciate (and depreciate) erly-multiculturalist respect the very form of asserting
Irk. Just as there is no Obvious ! as Hardt and Negri, 2001 argue) re is no Centre for "multiculturalist hts discourse. It is the latter which m in the legal/NGO realm of civil he new racism, it is the ideological 1 it has been re-discovered and reo that popular struggles for rights ly transformed into demands for rotected ultimately by states and why it is So easy to be convinced cter of liberalism, for it seems to m. However, it is becoming more

Page 39
apparent that just behind the benign NGOs or the humanitarianism of th at Out War and the destructive and of the US, the only super-power and In sum then, the politics of the new of neo-liberal "democracy' and h fundamentally flawed to think that a emancipatory content'. Of course, uneasy, must repeat that I am no rather what I am concerned to argue the Struggle for rightsby people, par appeal, and the requests for huma multinational institutions. In fact V against any injustice or oppression, ( and asserting one's humanity, when one is simply exhibiting one's passiv then, it is the second practice which agency from people, it is various st Content of humanity which they sin individuals; human rights discours humanity as it systematically under be therefore no emancipatory po discourse and proliferating the r international Conventions does not (
In this context then to argue development'orto equate human rig is simply to remain within the para rights discourse. Given that such political agency, it seems strange to it. Whether they do so or not, the agree that the 'success of developm Organisation itself. Thus to argue for simply to put one's faith in state p citizenship more prevalent under a certainly not obvious, to say the leas democracy and the possibility to fig just because such struggles may ni
33

and smiling faces of international e UN lies the hideous grimace of systematically anti-human power |World policeman (Harvey, 2005). imperialism today are the politics uman rights. This is why it is discourse of human rights has an in case activists may start to feel it dismissing struggles for rights, e is for a clear distinction between ticularly those with a universalistic an rights from states, NGOs and when one is struggling for rights one is exercising active citizenship one is appealing for human rights, ity vis-a-vis power Paradoxically is de-humanising, as it removes tate institutions which decide the nply reduce to politically passive se is thus the antithesis of true mines human agency. There can litics founded on human rights lumber of recognised rights in constitute the way forward. for the recognition of a "right for hts with development (Sen, 1999) meters of liberalism and human a right can only be secured by me to require states to recognise development literature seems to ent ultimately depends on popular development as a human right is }olitics and liberalism. Ils active regime of human rights? This is t. The relationship between liberal Jht for rights is at best fortuitous; ot take place does not mean that

Page 40
people's rights are not trampled that "development advances freec of social- democratic - i.e. state - ti is the more accurate one, develop freedom must include the right to of the state and parastatal institut from the depredations of capital, th liberalism. Liberalism does not gr be fought for. Sen (1999: 147 economics and politics in a statis removing poverty and misery, org rights...?" His answer is to argue but he does so in a liberal way, S grants these rights and freedoms, only 'grant' such freedoms if force One is entitled to ask how is t independent popular politics? (in The issue then becomes the abilit and politicalindependence in thef after the "human rights' have beer If one wishes to find away a oppressive state and the necess in Africa, the arguments of socia This is fundamentally because emancipatory) politics in favour O simultaneously leaving the whole level in silence), thus reproducin eternal and abstract'danse maCat of these have to be made account of politics. While the state is de the field of politics, politics can no fundamental re-thinking is require at the foundation of a new Social C It is more important than ever that vulgar money-spinning and mise discourse, which forces people constitute a humanism without a agency in favour of appeals to t

upon by power. Thus, to maintain Om" is to remain Within the COnfineS hinking. Rather the opposite slogan ment depends on freedom and such hink and to organise independently ions, in order to think emancipation emselves made possible by political ant such rights, indeed they have to ) poses the opposition between t fashion: "What should Come firstuaranteeing political liberty and civil for the primacy of political freedoms, O that it should be the State which Given that the state in general will d to by the people themselves, then his to happen in the absence of Idependent that is from the state). y to Sustain such active citizenship ace of statist political demobilisation
'granted'. round the Contradiction between the ity to construct a moral community |-democracy are no longer helpful. they deny the importance of (an f the economy and the state (while neo-colonial edifice at the global g, within the context of empire, the ore' between state and market. Both able to society, hence the centrality finitely an important component of ) longer be reduced to the state. A d, one which places political agency :ontract between society and state. this thinking distance itself from the rable moralism of a human rights nto victimhood, as it has come to roject which has discarded human he state. In the absence of Such
34

Page 41
critique, the language of 'decency 'democracy and "freedom' (Sen) w appears to be in Africa despite the save it from total corruption.
I shall argue below that er passivity of victimhood in favour of Reasserting the centrality of politic particularly as (emancipatory) pol is clearly largely absent at prese should arguably begin by stressin community of active citizens, dra traditions and popular movements on the philosophy of those who human militant activity (eg. Badio to recover an emancipatory project an analysis of politics that intellec
6. Social Movements and
Given the collapse of the great em. century, social movements are ofte the actual Solution to an emancipal alone have not shown themselv movements are difficult to Sustain C of emancipatory struggles has be revolutions of the eighteenth centu as concerning the linkage betwe hand and organised politics on th particularly since Lenin's What is resolved through the formation of parties. These have allocated to th knowledge, While movements provi Irrespective of their specific ideolc were said to be necessary in Orde and direct it tOWard the desired Ou melded with the state, the problem

and "fairness' (Rawls) and that of ill remain the empty verbiage it now e valiant efforts of such thinkers to
nancipatory politics eschews the the construction of political agency. cs in theory is a difficult enterprise, itics is not always in existence and nt. Such a rethinking of politics g the central importance of a moral wing on the experience of various ; in Africa and elsewhere as Well as attempt to understand politics as 1, 1998a; Lazarus, 1996). In order of development, it is precisely from tual work mus begin.
Politics
ancipatory projects of the twentieth 2n seen today as the hope for, if not ory future'. Yet social movements es to be emancipatory. After all, vertime. One of the core problems en understood, at least since the ry (American, French and Haitian), en a social movement on the One |e other. In the twentieth century, o Be Done, this problem has been bolitical organisations in the form of emselves the monopoly of political ded the impetus and the mass base. gy, political parties of intellectuals to lead (dominate) the movement Come'. Of course, as parties later of who the party represented, the

Page 42
state or the people/masses, arose to be faithful to an emancipatory ( the Contradiction was resolved in form must be transcended as it is
6.1. On political parties
The failure of social democracy i developmentalist project in the Socialism" in the East, have forced All these were state projects. Cent must be a different understanding the Source of all wisdom and for Whi thought as active citizens as Rous granted. It seems that in Africa to an active citizenship independent c Consensus Can be achieved, and gradually constructed. In the abse is possible in conjunction with the majority from national formal sta today where, in addition, political the enrichment of elites rather tha
The evidence for this dis, overwhelming throughout the World the German Social-democratic Fr Africa organised a conference in region. The conference documen 'statisation' of political parties, ar. lost their anchorage in society an their ties with the State. The doCur organisations, parties have lost muc SOurCeS Of new ideaS, as fora fO platforms for justifying political choic been taken over by NGOs. It stre not compatible with current po management and control. in sum, t of politics from political parties, a
3

nacute forms for those who wished 'onception of politics'. Invariably, avour of the state. Today the party
statist in essence.
n the West like the failures of the
South and of "actually existing us to rethink human emancipation. 'al to this new emancipatory project of politics in which the state is not chpeople are capable of exercising iseau (1979) himself had taken for day, it is only on the basis of such if the state that a genuinely national that a civic normative order can be nce of this, onlya state-consensus
indifference and alienation of the te politics, as is clearly the norm parties have become vehicles for n links between society and state. affection from liberal politics is including Africa'7. In October 2004, iedrich Ebert Stiftung in Southern Maputo on political parties in the t deplored the global trend of the guing that parties worldwide have d have concurrently strengthened nent also stated that as grassroots h of their relevance as independent r debate and deliberation and as xes, many of these functions having assed that ideological pluralism is litical practice which highlights he statement deplored the absence act which it saw as an irreversible

Page 43
trend throughout the world and the Broadly speaking this viewpoint is a upon disappearance of politics í changing the world into a bette bureaucratic statism and profes reference to the "new" Social demo in Britain, and similar trends in E Africa as in much of the rest of the by the problematic of governance little more than administrative effic While in Europe this de-po evident perhaps since the crisis of disaffection with politicians and hen It has been apparent on the contine being links between civil Society an democratic theory, have become S of dominant social groups intopovie reproduction of an extremely powe quite apparently as accumulatif ig access to State resources. Part instruments for reproducing sectari: interest, SO much has been evide for the so-called "second liberatio fact of course, the liberal concept these parties as links between the On the view that the state domain i of politics. If Society were itself to b of a genuinely popular domain of p parties as presently organised bec Contested as the exclusive form O' In fact, Hannah Arendt made here long ago, namely that parties as State institutions:
parties, because of their moi be regarded as popular O contrary, the very efficient in

Southern African region in particular. n example of the much commented und ideological debate regarding r place, and its replacement by sional expertise particularly with cracy (e.g. the rise of "New Labour" uropean Social Democracy). In 2 World, state politics is structured , a notion which at its Core refers to iency. iticisation of politics has become social democracy, in Africa, popular ce parties has been longstandingo. 2nt that political parties, rather than d the state as maintained by liberal tate agencies for placing members rful state posts with the consequent rful and corrupt elite, which is seen at the people's expense through Eies in Africa often end up being anism at the expense of the national ht since the struggles of the 1980s n” of Africa (Ake, 2002). In actual ion of political parties which sees state and civil society, is premised s the exclusively legitimate domain epoliticised through the expansion olitics, then it could be that political Ome redundant, or at the very least
political organisation. the main point which I am stressing must be understood fundamentally
hopoly of nomination, cannot rgans, but ...) are, on the struments through Whichthe

Page 44
power of the people is curtail from the very beginning, presupposed either that the ( affairs was guaranteed by such participation was not in admitted strata of the popul representation, or, finally, t the Welfare State are administration, to be handle which case even the represe possess an authentic administrative Officers, Whc public interest, is not ess business of private manag 272, emphasis added).
This statement acquires even more between public and private mana Now, if it is true that politics has be and the State and the evidence to til We need to ask the question of whet in NGOs and Social movements altogether from social life. In order even before we can investigate ite the scope of this paper), we neec distinction between State and civil S. it is embodied in neo-liberalism, is politics, in other words within the p
This can be done by stressi forms and domains of politics cha elite/ruling class who are associa politics, state politics, dominant/ht domains and forms of politics prac oppressed/coerced by it on the othe etc). This distinction must be und relations, cultural practices and dis This is the view taken for examp

led and controlled...) Hence, the party as an institution itizen's participation inpublic other public organs, or that ecessary and that the newly ation should be Content with hat all political questions in ultimately problems of d and decided by experts, in antatives of the people hardly area of action, but are pse business, though in the entially different from the ement. (Arendt, 1963:269,
relevance today when the difference gement has virtually disappeared. en evacuated from political parties nis effect seems rather convincing, her politics has now been embodied or whether it has disappeared to beginto approach this question, mpirically (something well beyond to Construct an alternative to the ociety, a distinction which, because therefore also embodied in State roblematic of 'governance'?0.
ng a distinction between different racteristic Of the State and of the ted with it on the one hand (elite 2gemonic politics, etc), and those tised by those excluded from and r(popular politics, subaltern politics ertaken on the basis of the SOCial
SCOurSeS within which each exists. »le by Partha Chatterjee and his

Page 45
Colleagues in India who have an politics and subaltern politics, a Chatterjee and Pandey, 1992). Ch. that, in the case of India, "each acted in opposition to and as a lir process of Struggle, has also shap He Continues:
Thus the presence of populi: in the libera Constitutional C ought not to be read as a disingenuousness of elite pC in the elite domain of the Ve of subaltern politics over wh which also had to be negoti purposes of producing con: domain of subaltern politic familiar with, and even ada forms characteristic of the
He argues that in addition to "id separateness", scholarship mt conditioned historicities”, the speci domain and the "numerous fragme project" (loc.cit.). Elsewhere (Neo that different forms of politics
nationalism in South Africa in t apparent in the popular nationalist included elements of, but were emancipatory mode of politics. Alt 1990s, popular organisations of civ political society, in the first period tr of politics, while in the second th state domain of politics. It was th systematic political "demobilizatio politics, or into what Gramsci terme presupposes the absence (if not the

alysed the relations between state ind it is the view taken here (eg. atterjee (1993:12) notes for example domain of politics) has not only mit upon the other but, through this ped the emergent form of the other".
St Or Communitarian elements }rder of the postcolonial state sign of the inauthenticity or )litics; it is rather a recognition }ry real presence of an arena nich it must dominate and yet lated on its own terms for the sent. On the other hand, the is has increasingly become pted itself to, the institutional 2lite domain (ibid.: 12-13).
entifying the two domains in their ust also trace "in their mutually fic forms of the dominant hegemonic inted resistances to that normalizing cosmos, 1998, 1999) have argued characterised the party of state he 1990s from those which were movement of the 1980s. The latter not reducible to, a democratichough, both in the 1980s and in the | Society can be said to have entered hey did so within a subaltern domain ey became part and parcel of the is latter process which required a n", as entry into the state domain of d"bourgeois civil Society", generally fundamental defeat) of both popular
9

Page 46
activism and of the Cultural attri while the 'domains of politics rel politics takes place, "forms' or "r political practices. The central po officially sanctioned 'civil society does not constitute the exclusive forms of politics are not necessar
In general, it can be argued difference between the politics of the subaltern groups in society is itself plays in each. In particul establish their hegemony through form or other of authoritarian, bur practice. These various forms of p founded politics, if not wholly éta only restricts democracy in one w or other but channels it within for content while retaining its shell. along a Continuum between say li but they always exhibit elements practice, simply by virtue of the modern regime of power. The mana hegemonic in the public spheres well as in multinational organisatic so on, are evident examples of thi The hegemonic project of the is founded on a politics which i undemocratic (irrespective of the various interests or positions withi to manage state rule bureaucratic be more or less tempered and re. especially democratic prescriptio These subaltern forms of politics clearly contradictory, including as as democratic forms of politics an different representational forms fron state (e.g. religious, "traditional', lite
4.

outes which accompany it. Thus, er to the different arenas in which nodes' of politics refer to different ints are that the state along with its together forming a "public sphere') domain of politics, and that state ily the only ones in existence. hat the fundamental reaSOn for the he hegemonic groups and those of related to the role which the State ar, the ruling classes and groups the state and hence through one eaucratic or administrative political olitics are by their very nature statetiste in nature. Such a politics not ay or another and to sore degree malistic exercises which empty its These kinds of politics may differ beral democracy and dictatorship, of a bureaucratic Or authoritarian fact that they are founded on the gerialist politics which have become of today's liberal democracies, as ins such as the United Nations and
S.
ruling classes or groups therefore s structurally and fundamentally complex contradictions between n the state apparatuses), as it has ally. Its undemocratic nature may stricted by popular pressures and hs emanating from within Society. emanating from within society are they do both authoritarian as well d may be expressed in completely n those associated with the modern rary, theatrical, etc), but they may

Page 47
possibly form a distinct domair (Chatterjee, 1993). If it is to be mc has to be founded on a popular. project for the democratisation ( argument of this paper, that pc democratic politics are the kind nature emancipatory and which at of the people of Africa - the poor for the development of emancipate tend to be found primarily within despite the contradictions within founded on administrative, manag nature of which is anything but de In his more recent work, Cha between State and Subaltern dom notion of "governmentality" which forms of rule Such as sovereignty (F it was the emergence of "mass de in the West which produced an en citizens and populations. While ethical connotation of participatior hence of claiming rights from the State Secures legitimacy, under'gc secures its legitimacy through:
claiming to provide for the \ Its mode of reasoning is no rather an instrumental noti apparatus is not the rep elaborate network of Su information is Collected One that is to be looked after (C
Thus, populations do not bear an participatory citizenship fell by th and gradually "the business of gC serious engagement with politics"

of a counter-hegemonic project ore than a state-centred project, this -democratic politics and thus on a of the state itself. Indeed it is an pular-democratic or consistently of politics which are by their very 'e of greatest interest to the majority and the oppressed. The possibility Dry-democratic politics therefore will the popular domain of politics as, it, the domain of state politics is erial and bureauCratic COn CernS, the mOCratiC. tterjee (2004) extends the distinction ains through expanding Foucault's the latter distinguished from other oucault, 2000:220). For Chatterjee mocracies" in the twentieth century tirely new distinction, that between the concept of "citizen' carries an h in the sovereignty of the state and state, a process through which the overnmentality the regime of power
Well-being of the population. it deliberative openness but On Of COsts and benefits. Its publican assembly but an rveillance through which very aspect of the population natterjee, 2004:34).
ly inherent moral claims. Ideas of 2 wayside in the twentieth century vernment has been emptied of all (ibid.: 35). Of course one can see

Page 48
this as central to European social in Africa, where governmentality nation state under Colonialism, alc (1996) have called "trusteeship". Th in this case the State, Sees itsell Others for their own benefit. Weh into governmentality Soto Speak, Sc of citizenship and nation-building how "delivery can be seen today the post-apartheid state in South this the case, but in adopting tech and development, "older ethnograp of knowledge about populations - a for classifying groups of people intc legal, economic or electoral policy of "tribes' or religious groups in m South Africa today as objects of p
Interestingly, Arendt (1963: irrespective of political colour, W. historically agreed "that the end of people, and that the Substance administration". This refers to "go and it also stresses the point tha parties and popular assemblies invariably the former who were dominance. This has been largely indeed it has been in other histor clearly reproduces the prejudices ( noted, according to which eco prerequisite of political democrac from popular politics and which e variant.
Chatterjee argues then that are two sets of connections to pow society of citizens to the nation-sta and those linking "populations to multiple policies of security and We

democratic norms and to the State had predated the existence of the ong with what Cowen and Shenton he latter was the idea that an agency, as entrusted to act on behalf of ave then a post-colonial state born ) that in addition to stressing notions , it also becomes understandable as the main legitimizing feature of Africa for example. Not only was nical strategies for modernization hic concepts often entered the field s convenient descriptive categories ) suitable targets for administrative, "(ibid.: 37). Hence the importance lost of Africa and that of races' in Clicy. 273) notes that all political parties hether revolutionary or not, have government was the welfare of the 2 of politics was not action but vernmentality in Foucault's sense at in the conflict between political of the Social movement, it was historically able to establish their / Confirmed in the Case of Africa as ical experiences worldwide, yet it of twentieth century statism already in OmniC Welfare i S Considered a y. This is a view which abstracts !duates democracy with its liberal
in the post-colonial context there ver: the relations connecting a civil te founded on popular sovereignty, governmental agencies pursuing lfare" (ibid.: 37). Each of these he

Page 49
argues points to a distinct domai into details here other than to no the point that it is not in civil societ here, claims follow legal and adm whose access is limited to middle are to be found in what he calls a "claims are irreducibly political".
6.2. On social movements
Given the decline and loss of legi are we to understand the relation and politics, between the social m (2001) call 'multitudes", and politi of spontaneity imbues the "multit historical se ubject with which Marx 'multitudes' are to be the saviou adhered to also by Samir Amin (e quite unconvincing, simply becau are still imbued with insurrectionis of politics inherited uncritically fro were meant to take over state po historical subject if we are to be existence of Social movements is emancipatory alternative, and in Such movements to rise and fall a sustain. What is required in additi social movements, is the developr of an emancipatory politics, some capitalist Society.
South Africa is the One Africa movements is the most developec movements Seem to be Concerne of state 'delivery of housing, lanc the Commercialisation of these re. an alternative vision of society'. F undefined while little attempt so fa

h of politics. There is no need to go te that Chatterjee (ibid.: 60) makes y that politics is to be found because nistrative (ie. technical) procedures -class professionals, rather politics "political Society" of the poor where
timacy of political parties, how then Iship between popular movements novements of what Hardt and Negri cs? Hardt and Negri's idealisation udes' with the same qualities of a had endowed the proletariat. The IrS of humanity, a position largely g. Amin and Sridhar, 2002). This is se the politics of many ‘multitudes' st assumptions for example, a form m Our Statist past, as insurrections wer. In any Case there can be no
consistently anti-humanist. The hot in itself Sufficient evidence of an any case it is in the character of S their concerns become difficult to on to recognizing the importance of hent, both in theory and in practice, thing which is not simply given by
n country where the study of social today. Yet for the most part, these above all to protest the slow pace water, electricity, etc, along with ources, rather than with providing eferenCeS tO “SOCialliSm” are Stil left is made to construct an alternative

Page 50
in practice. The argument of these one which stresses the lack of ir capitalist system rather than an Same time the economic charact these movements a class charact see a "working class' everywhere (s Africa literature Still seems to eit (eg. Desai and Pithouse, 2003), failed to organise apolitical party is of such movements (eg. Ballard Barchiesi (2005: 237) notes muc "class-based discourses and prac community movements that are ( the South African transition". Yet of a collapse in wage-employme visions and Social claims based should add "sociological theories situation, and given the growing Cyr of state power, 'classism' has lost relevance. The difficulty has beer it with.
In sum so far, it appears diff intellectual supporters to think b Solutions, a perspective more an Clearly, if oppression gives rise to in maintaining that power is a resistance, then the OCCurrence oppressive system itself. It shou capital was a social relation of ex the essence of the capitalist mod the fact of worker resistance was, fc system itself. Labour unions wel resistance. Current popular move with capitalism, while the latter ha itself to the pressures of "new social environmentalism etc), in notato it had adapted itself to the old. In C

movements therefore seems to be tegration of communities into the alternative to that system. At the er of their demands seems to lend er to the delight of those wishing to ee eg. Alexander, 2005). The South her romanticise SOcial movements Or to maintain that to have SO far an indication of the lack of progress et al., 2005). On the other hand, :h more accurately that traditional tices retain a Crucial relevance for ontesting the neo-liberalisation of he observes that, given the context nt, "organizations, emancipatory on wage-labour are in crisis". We s' to this list. Given this economic nicism with regard to the incumbents much of its explanatory and political that there is as yet little to replace
Cult for these movements and their eyond statist or "classisto political d more at odds with social reality. resistance, and We follow Foucault
relation which always includes of resistance is simply part of the ld also be recalled that, for MarX, oloitation and that this relation was e of production, with the result that }r him, inherently part of the capitalist 'e precisely an expression of Such ments are not necessarily breaking s shown an uncanny ability to adapt movements' (women's movements, ether different ways through which ther words there is nothing inherent
4

Page 51
in Social movements themsel emancipatory potential, let alor movements are simply oppositic clamour for state "delivery', the incorporated. The appropriation of by the world bank constitutesye the "infinite flexibility of capital (C emancipatory perspective, the pc propose something new, somethi of life. They must be "for some exists. It is only in this way th developing an emancipatory mot historical Constant in Africa has moral order, a conception of a mor citizens. More critical analyses existencr of such a perspective Current-Sicial movements.
Insofar as political organis (2005c) argues that it needs to b state forms. In particular this meae beyond the party form which ful subjectivity. Political parties have (the party line); in order to re-th Africa, We need to develop an unc which do not have such a monopo political organisation and politica these cannot be allowed reprodu the sole fountain of knowledge and of development is to be develo "participatory development' which to the state driven process is S. practices. The various initiatives and others on India (where they seem to be attempting to devel where community struggles are a processes which can serve to processes, and help building str

ves which necessarily bears an he a project. In fact, when social onal, simply against what exists, or by can easily be demobilised and the discourse of popular participation tfurther evidence of this process of 3ooke and Kothari, 2002). From an int must be that movements have to ng additional, some alternative way thing and not simply "against what at they can hold the potential for de of politics. I have noted that one been an assertion of an alternative alcommunity, a community of active are necessary in order to elicit the
or something similar to it, among
ation today is concerned, Badiou e fundamentally distinguished from uns re-thinking political organisation ndamentally operates with a state the monopoly of political knowledge ink the politics of emancipation in terstanding of political organisations ly and in particular the links between it movement need to be rethought; Ice the role of the party or state as power if an emancipatory conception ped. In this sense the notion of is commonly used as an alternative ) vague that it covers an array of reviewed in the work of Wignaraja seem to be furthest developed) do op a logic which is not statist and ble to build: “alternative grassroots reinforce democratic and political Ictures with social justice built into
5

Page 52
them" (1990: 103). Yet at the same t initiatives are often dependent on a "political space", an 'enabling envir Both a truly democratic state which a popularly founded active citizer citizenship itself are apparently neec conception of development to be pc being sought in a "human rights cu has the opposite effect of reproduci potential tyrannical conception of " takeover by World Bank discourse a in the common ideological weaknes and Kothari, 2002).
At this stage, we need to me emancipatory politics which as a existence. Žižek (1999: 187-91) ha work of the post-althusserian philc Badiou. For Rancière (1995) the pc with no place in society, not only del in the public Sphere' on an equal moreover also see themselves as th society, for the true universality?“. TI designates the tension between the each part has its place, and "the pa order on account of the empty prin This is what Balibar (1994: 47) refer equality of men as thinking beings, or Zizek (loc.cit.) continues:
This identification of the nonpart of society with no prope (...) with the Universal, is th politicization, discernable in a from the French Revolution
European Socialism ... In th and democracy are synonym democratic politics always ar
46

me, it is clear that such community state which is willing to provide a onment' for popular mobilisation. is sensitive to the development of ship as well as such an active edforan alternative emancipatory ssible. Today this environment is ture' but, as we have seen, this ng a culture of 'anti-politics'. The community participation" and its lready noted above, has its roots s of popular organisations (Cooke
2ntion the basic Condition for an matter of fact is not always in a recently discussed this in the )sophers: Balibar, Ranciere and litical moment is that When those nanded that their voice be heard footing with those in power, but le representatives of the whole of nus Žižek notes, “political conflict structured social body in which rt of no part which unsettles this ciple of universality" (ibid.: 188). 3 to as "equaliberty", the absolute the "equation of man and citizen".
part with the Whole, of the rly defined place within it e elementary gesture of Il great democratic events (...) to the demise of exis precise Sense, politics OuS: the basiC aim Of antid by definition is and was

Page 53
de-politicization - that is, th "things should go back to r
We are now in a better position to for rights from an appeal for huma rights only becomes emancipato for by active citizens, it makes a follows:
The theme of equal rights is political, that is, emancipato in a space open to everyor not, despite all the apparent into its system of dema submission to the figure of
For Badiou politics begins when p to the kids of events mentioned
begins when one decides not to re to those events during which vic (Badiou, 1985: 75). It goes withc popular upsurges throughout the \ the popular struggles for national recent was that in South Africa in Van Kessel, 2000). Being faithful On the truths of Such events, Onth which such events foretell (Badi Such events mean is that possib whereas before they could not be have thought before the Haitian r not only rebel but could defeat
acquire control over their own na Mexican peasants could have Cre would have thought that the pe overthrown the oppressive apart their own political endeavours? In

e un COnditional demand that
lormalo.
distinguish a truly political struggle an rights. A prescriptive demand for ry when, in addition to being fought universal appeal. Badiou puts it as
really progressive and really ry, only if it finds its arguments he, a space of universality. If tradicalism a community puts nds, we have a profound the state (Badiou, 1994: 9).
eople (anyone) are militantly faithful by Zizek; in his own words: "politics present victims... but to be faithful tims politically assert themselves" but saying that such events include Norld and particularly, in our context, liberation of which one of the most the mid 1980s (Neocosmos, 1998, to Such events, means not giving up he new apparently impossible World ou, 2001, Hallward, 2004). What ilities now appear as truly possible conceived. For example, who would evolution in 1804 that Slaves Could both French and British armies to tion? Who would have thought that ated a better World in 1910? Or who hople of South Africa would have heid state themselves as a result of all these cases and in many others,
47

Page 54
an egalitarian emancipatory visio way, politics becomes "the art of th what appears as a "void' from wit world" is indeed possible but it car invention of an emancipatory politi
7. Concluding Remarks
While the statism of twentieth Centu to us today, not far from the surfa humanism for which there was not A better world could be built by "M humanism with a project, people w as such through the medium of th importance of the relationship betw The problem is that in the overwhelt is reduced to its liberal hegemonict as a national emancipatory projec most of the South by human rights the people of Africa are no longer (of authoritarianism, of the mark humanism in the twenty-first cent without a project (statist or otherwis as political agents but as victims, from the State, not to act On their ow is regularly reduced to being a clie this political neo-liberalism, there car no human emancipation at all. At today seem concerned with incor. and do not at first glance, provide a therefore requires both the re-ap citizenship' as well as a new theo the broad outlines of such a critique While it has been argued tha central today in order to resolve the
48

n was crucial to Success. In this e impossible", of making possible hin Current knowledge. “Another only be so on the basis of the reCS appropriate to our conditions.
ry development discourses is clear ce of this discourse also lurked a hing which "Man' was incapable of. an' through the state. This was a ere given as subjects and realised e state. Today no one denies the een development and democracy. ming majority of cases, democracy ype, ora variant of it. Development thas been replaced in Africa and discourse, a humanism for which subjects but only pathetic victims et, of natural disasters). Thus ury has so far been a humanism e); people are no longer conceived at best they are to make claims In behalf. In fact today, citizenship nt of NGOs. Without a critique of be no emancipatory development, most, struggles for human rights poration into the existing system, a way to transform it. This critique propriation of a notion of "active risation of a political subject. It is which have been attempted here. t a concept of social citizenship is Contradiction between a coercive

Page 55
State and the existence of a mora such social citizenship can only b Moreover, active citizenship cannot vision for the future, yet it must pro an emancipatory politics, a politic Scratch in Order to distance itself fri of such a politics is still in its infan in practice have still to be investiga becomes possible. What is ce emancipation must be brought bac to a pan-African emancipatory visi Of all the rights ascribed to h arguably that which distinguishes thus that which makes us truly h human rights discourse: this is the denied by denying the possibility of of One Waythought (la pensée un exists. As a community activist r leaders of the Country are saying and that the majority of the peop. everyone can think" (cit. Desaianc the starting point of a different col Lazarus (1996) who founds a who axiomatic principle, people are truths25. As acclaimed recently by Politique, 2005: 3-4):
When all is said an done, the the freedom to think; ...) i no freedom of thought. Th opinions. This means the
power (in agreement with the opposition (unhappy Wi is all ... Politics is not an it is a thought which fixes n it is better to achieve freedor to be constrained by opinic

Community, it was suggested that 2 understood as active citizenship. on its own provide an emancipatory }vide the conditions of existence of 's which needs to be thought from om state politics. The development 2y; its sites and possible existence ated, while its theorisation only now ertain is that development and k togetherif we are to remain faithful
ՕՈ. umanity, one of the most important, us from mere biological beings and uman, is systematically denied by 2 right to think. The right to think is anything different to the consensus ique), of anything different to what 2cently stated in South Africa: "the that it is them who know everything ble can't think. We are saying that j Pithouse, 2003:17). This must be nception of politics. As stressed by le theory of political practice on this Capable of thought, of producing Badiou and his friends (La Distance
issue in Contention Concerns h electoral systems there is are is only a freedom to hold freedom to support those in he government) or those in th the government) and that opinion or a consciousness, 2w possibilities [...] ln politics nthrough thought rather than
ՈS.

Page 56
In Africa, the struggle for freedor community of civilised nations"nori simply restrict thought to that of th rather this struggle is about reclair
Footnotes
The only exceptions were the v in command" in Chinese devi think beyond the centrality of th ultimately these experiments, r (GPCR) collapsed. See Badio
Generally speaking the so-cal interests of capital and local sta in the interests of working peo have ben those where servi housing) has been tied to com have been asked to pay unat number of rebellions and fully See e.g. [Desai and Pithouse, 2
The notion of "accumulation important concept developed continuation of ‘primitive ac development of capitalism. The the work of Rosa Luxemburg. T primitive" about plunder of cour Capital accumulation today.
The literature here is extensive is drawn upon quite selectively State in Order to fetishise the m
Of course the examples are te perhaps the survey by Ruesche sinking industrialisation to dem working-class able to struggle
important recent contributions t.
SO

n today is not about joining "the s it about "good governance", these he consensus of the new empire; ning the right to think.
arious Maoist attempts to put "politics elopment but given the inability to e party-state in the political process, nost notably the Cultural Revolution u (2005b).
led partnerships have been in the te authorities and have not operated ple. The most notorious examples ce provisioning (electricity, Water, mercial interests and where people fordable prices, thus leading to a Constituted movements of the poor. 003, Barchiesi, 2005.
through dispossession" is a very
by Harvey (2005) to denote the cumulation' long after the initial roots of this idea are to be found in here is absolutely nothing inherently 'se as the process is also central to
from both the left and the right and by those wishing to demonise the arket. But see Scott (1998).
Do numerous to mention here but meyer, Stevens and Stevens (1992) ocracy through the formation of a for democracy is one of the more o an old argument.

Page 57
None of this means that the sta politics, only that it is not so to Russia between 1917 and 19 by 1921 at the very latest, ti party-state had taken over (Ar
To be clear, the point is not tha the early post-colonial perio Rather, the point is that the ema politics failed. This is unde intellectually mistaken for it ma as to why the developmentals when it came under attack by and Why in fact popular mobili directed against this state anc hands of the advocates of lib the Celebration of the so-called is no doubt that the develo emancipatory (pan-Africani: transformation of developmen concerned to argue here that t not economic. See Ake, 2003,
According to Moses Finley, the this 'sense of community' foun the idea at the Core of Athenia community ...) fortified by thes traditions, which was an essent of the Athenian democracy" (1 saying: "We consider anyone w citizen not as minding his own See also Rousseau (1979: 14 Athenian city state can be argue phenomenon; rather Lazarus be constantly rediscovered in di exist. Limits of space precludi
For a detailed explication of Hallward, 2003.

te can never be a site of emancipatory lay. Clearly, historically, the Soviets in 19 come to mind as Such a site, but e Soviet movement was over as the weiler, 1972). But see note 16 below.
t "development failed" in Africa during i as is maintained by neo-liberals. incipatory project failed, ie a particular hiable, and to ignore this failure is kes it impossible toask the duestion tate was not defended by the people he Fis in the late 1970s and 1980s, sation, when it occurred, was rather thus unconsciously played into the 2ralisation and de-regulation (hence "second liberation" of Africa). There pmental state had betrayed that st) vision and contributed to the t into a neo-colonial process; I am he reasons for this were political and Adesina, 2004.
historian of antiquity, it was precisely ded on active citizenship which was un democracy: “it was that sense of tate religion, by their myths and their ial element in the pragmatic success 985: 29). Finley cites Pericles as 'ho does not share in the life of the business but as useless" (ibid.: 30). )-1). The discovery of politics in the d mot to have been a Once and for all 1996) shows that politics needs to ferent contexts as it does not always ! a discussion here.
Badiou's conception of truth see

Page 58
11
A more apt title for this work w Algerian Revolution, the origina Algerienne.
discuss the historical devel linking it to changes in forms liberation in NeOCOSmos, 2006
For a brilliant critique of huma which philosophically underpins brilliant critique emphasising r
This is one reason why it is emancipatory politics as he not well-ordered societies should outlaw states, into the Society C peoples have a duty to assist b
"well ordered' read the West, f Rawls' work seems yet anothel save the declining fortunes of (1982) earlier attempt, see Bad VerSO 2005.
See number 84 of the French published by Le Monde Diplom current state of popular resista
For example, in what Lazarus of politics” the notion of 'class the "leadership of the prole dominance of the communist p; class. I have argued (Neocos 1980s this slogan was being ri to popular democracy. In a s movementS” So-called have Sul The identification of political pa logical step, so that party=p stressed that such processes of political ideology.

ould have been: The Sociology of the | French title is Lan V de la Revolution
opment of xenophobic discourse by of citizenship in South Africa after S.
n rights and the conception of ethics ; them see Badiou (2001), for another neo-colonialism see Mutua (2002).
impossible for Rawls to think an es: “The long-term goal of (relatively) be to bring burdened societies, like if well-ordered Peoples. Well-ordered burdened soci- ties” (2003: 106). For or "burdened societies' read the rest. attempt to return to Kant in order to liberalism. Fur a critique of Arendt’s iou's recently translated Metapolitics,
publication Manière de Voir, which is latique for a detailed overview of the ince throughout the world.
(1996) has called the "stalinist mode leadership' - especially the slogan of tariat" - was understood as "the arty' as the latter substituted itself for mos 1999) that in South Africa in the e-interpreted within the UDF to refer similar manner, "national liberation ostituted themselves for "the people'. rties with the state is simply the next eople=nation=state. It should be have historically been independent

Page 59
16
20
21
Lenin was acutely aware of should defend the people even 275, 1919:25). Ultimately he to the issue of which side
Contradiction between State at the root of Mao's experiment See Badiou, 2005b.
The most commonly cited indic
is the pervasive and increasing For detailed studies on multiand Laakso, 2002.
See Frederich Ebert Stiftun Ranciere, 1995: 137 for exam
With regard to Britain howevel comments by Moses Finley wł knowledge among the citizens to those of ancient Athens. He ignorance are a fundamental fa decisions are made by politica at best has only an occasional is whether this state of affa necessary and desirable one participation, in the Athenian S 36).
For a fuller argument see Ne
Although this understanding O politics may exist is absolutely Chatterjee's claim that it c problematic, not only because the state, but more importal impression that politics is alv something which cannot be sh suggest that politics may or (Lazarus, 1996).
5

this problem arguing that the party against their own state (Lenin, 1918: was not able to find a lasting solution the party should represent in the nd people. A similar problem lies at at'cultural revolution', for an analysis
lation of this disaffection and passivity ly low turn out at elections worldwide. party elections in Africa, see Cowen
g, 2004. For the French case see ple.
, we need to note the very interesting no bemoaned the abs ence of political of that country in the 1970s in relation stated that "public apathy and political ct today, beyond any possible dispute; l leaders, not by popular vote, which veto power after the fact. The issue irs is, under modern Conditions, a , or whether new forms of popular pirit [...] need to be invented” (1985:
OCOsmos, 2005.
a realm beyond civil society in which Crucial for understanding Africa today, onstitutes a "political society" is the term is usually used to refer to htly because it gives the mistaken lays in existence within that realm, own. Rather it makes more sense to may not exist within various sites

Page 60
22 Such resources is provided as constitution, although it is qu contingent on the state havir capacity to do so. As a result, “reasonableness” of such prc Political issues are in this m Constitutional Assembly (1997
23 Formal employment has collap active population in 1994 to 49
24 Here we should recall Marx's
class in civil society that is not 127); it was precisely this exclu saviour of humanity as a whole f system. For Marx the proletaria a position can no longer be st given by history or anything else (1985).
25 As yet Lazarus (1996) has notb Badiou’s recently translated Me devoted to Lazarus' Work.
References
Adesina, J. 2004, "NEPAD and the towards the political economy of a d 35, ηo 1.
Ake, C. 2003, The Feasability of Dem
Alexander, P. 2005, "Globalisation a Puzzle from Johannesburg" paper pre Department of Sociology Seminar, M.
Althusser, L. 1971, "ldeology and
Althusser, L. Lenin and Philosophy a BookS.
54

"human rights' in the South African ickly added that such provision is g the financial and administrative legal arguments revolve around the bvision in specific circumstances. anner turned into legal ones. See
).
psed from 69% of the economically % in 2001 (Aitman, 2003: 172).
reference to the working-class as "a a class of civil society" (Marx 1844: ision which made the proletariat the rom the depredations of the capitalist: t was thus a subject of history. Such ustained. Political subjects are ndt
, they must be produced. See Badio
been translated into English howeve, tapolitics (2005) contains a chapter
Challenge of Africa's Development: iscourse", Society in Transition, Vol
ocracy in Africa, Dakar: CODESRIA.
nd New Social identities: a Jig-saw sented at the University of Pretoria,
ay 10th.
Ideological State Apparatuses", in nd Other Essays, London: New Left

Page 61
Altman, M. 2003, "The State of Emp Africa" in Daniel, J. et al. State of t Cape Town: HSRC Press.
Amadiume, 1997, Reinventing Afric
Amin, S. and Sridhar, V. 2002, “For interview with Samir Amin by V. Sridhı of KwaZulu-Natal, (www.ukzn.ac.za/cc
Anweiler, O. 1972, Les Soviets en R
Arendt, H. 1963, On Revolution, Lon
Arendt, H. 1982, Lectures on Kant’s PC of Chicago Press.
Assiter, A. 1999, "Citizenship Revisite Women, Citizenship and Difference,
Badiou, A. 1982, Theorie du Sujet, P
Badiou, A. 1985, Peut-on penser la p
Badiou, A. 1988, L’étre et l'évènemer
Badiou, A. 1994, “Being by Numbers", ArtForum, October.
Badiou, A. 1998a, Abrégé de Métap Metapolitics, London: Verso 2005.
Badiou, A. 1998b, D'un désastre obsc éditions de l'aube.
Badiou, A. 2001, Ethics: an essay or Verso.
Badiou, A. 2001-2, lnterview, Cabine (http://www.cabinetmagazine.org/issues/5
55

oyment and Unemployment in South he Nation: South Africa 2003-2004,
ca, London: Zed PreSS
Struggles, Global and National" an ar, Centre for Civil Society, University s/).
ussie: 1905-1921, Paris: Gallimard.
don: Penguin.
litical Philosophy, Chicago: University
d" in Yuval-Davis, N. and Werbner, P.
Ondon: Zed PreSS.
aris: Seuil.
politique?, Paris. Seuil.
nt, Paris: Seuil.
an interview with Lauren Sedowsky,
olitique, Paris: Seuil: English trans.
ur: sur la fin de la Vérité d'état, Paris.
the understanding of evil, London:
st Magazine Online, issue 5 Winter. falainbadiot.php).

Page 62
Badiou, A, 2004, “Beyond Formalis Bruno Bosteels, mercredi 1er déc
Badiou, A. 2005a, Le Siècle, Paris.
Badiou, A. 2005b, “The Cultural Rev vol 13, no 3, special issue on the Barlow.
Badiou, A. 2005c, "AGR interviews F Report, September. (http://inanbo, as
Balibar, E. 1994, "Rights of Man' a dialectic of equality and freedom" ir studies on politics and philosophy London: Routledge.
Ballard, R. et al. 2005, "An Anatomy January.
Barchiesi, F. 2005, "Classes, Multit Movements in Post-apartheid South Hegemony: social movements anc South Africa, New Jersey: Africa Wo
Césaire, A. 1972, Discourse on Col Press.
Chatterjee, P. 1993, The Nation postcolonial histories, Princeton: Pri
Chatterjee, P. 2004, The Politics of politics in most of the world, New
Chatterjee, P and Pandey, G. eds. Oxford University Press.
Constitutional Assembly (of the R Constitution of the Republic of , Constitutional Assembly.

tion", entretien avec Peter Hallward et mbre, (http://ciepcrhapsodyk.net/).
Seuil.
blution: the last revolution?" Positions, Cultural Revolution in China, ed. T.
rofessor Alain Badiou“, Ashville Global Tnews.rack2-purplecat.net/)
d"Rights of the Citizen': the modern
E. Balibar, Masses, Classes, laeas: Jefore and after Marx, New York and
of New Power", Mail & Guardian, 21st
udes and the Politics of Community Africa” in Gibson, N. ed. Challenging f the quest for a new humanism in rld Press.
onialism, New York: Monthly Review
and Its Fragments: colonial and nceton University Press.
he Governed: reflections on popular 'ork: Columbia University Press.
1992, Subaltern Studies VII, Delhi:
public of South Africa) 1997, The 'outh Africa, Annotated Version,

Page 63
Cooke, B. and Kothari, U. eds., 2002 York and London: Zed Books.
Cowen, M.P. and Shenton, R.W. 1996 Routledge.
Cowen, M.P. and Laakso, L. eds. 2 Oxford: James Currey.
Desai, A. and Pithouse, R. 20 ( Dispossession, resistance, reposs Park" CCS Research Report No.9.
Englund, H. 2004, “Transnational Govi the Contribution of civic education to Research Report No. 13, Durban.
Erwin, A. 1998 "Government is not an Vol 22, No. 3, June.
Fanon, F 1989, Studies in a Dying C Fanon, F. 1990, The Wretched of the
Finley, M. I. 1985, Democracy Ancie Press.
Foucault, M. 2000, Power essential London: Penguin.
Frederich Ebert Stiftung, 2004, "Wha Organisational Reform of Political Golaszinski, Maputo, 20-22 October.
Fullard, M. and Rousseau, N. 20 Reconciliation Commission in Tran Southall, R. eds. State of the Nation: HSRC PreSS.
Gibson, N. ed. 2005, Challenging H quest for a new humanism in South A

Participation: the new tyranny, New
, Doctrines of Development, London:
002, Multi-party Elections in Africa,
)3, "'But We Were Thousands' 2ssion and repression in Mandela
ernance and the Pacification of Youth: disempowerment in Malawi", CCS
NGO", South African Labour Bulletin,
2olonialism, London: Earthscan.
| Earth, London: Penguin.
nt and Modern, London: The Hogart
works of Foucault 1954-1984 vol 3,
t Kind of Future? Modernization and Parties" and Statement by Ulrich
13, "An Imperfect Past: Truth and sition" in Daniel, J., Habib, A., and South Africa 2003-2004, Cape Town:
gemony: social movements and the rica, New Jersey: Africa World Press.

Page 64
Gramsci, A. 1971, Selections frot Lawrence and Wishart,
Hallward, P. 2003, Badiou: a subjec University of Minnesota Press.
Hardt, M. and Negri, A. 2001 Empire, C
Hassim, S. 1999, "From presence new democracy" Agenda, no 40.
Harvey, D. 1990, The Condition of Blackwell.
Harvey, D. 2005, The New Imperialisi
Kanyinga, K. and Katumanga, M. 2003 of the Post-colonial State in Africa", A.
Krenshaw, K. 2000, "Were the Critic: the American debate about rights in t (ed.) Beyond Rights Talk and Culture
La Distance Politique 2005, "Parler Supplément à La Distance Politique,
Lazarus, S. 1996, Anthropologie du so
Lenin, V.E. 1918, "The Immediate Ta Collected Works, volume 27, London
Lenin, V.I. 1919, "The Trade Unions, Mistakes" in Collected Works volume
Mamdani, M. 1987, "Contradictory Cla Democracy: the case of Uganda" in Struggles for Democracy in Africa, Lc
Mamdani, M. 1995 "Democratic Theory
E and Ibrahim, J. eds. Democratisa, and prospects, Dakar: Codesiria Book
58

the Prison Notebooks, London:
f to truth, Minneapolis and London:
ambridge: Harvard University Press.
o power: women's citizenship in a
Postmodernity, Cambridge, Mass:
m, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
, Citizenship and Rights: the Failures frica Developm, ent, Vol 28, Nos 1&2.
s Right about Rights? Reassessing he post-reforni era” in M. Mamdani
Talk, Cape Town: David Philip.
Politique, Parler de la Politique", MarS.
Vom, Paris: Seuil.
SkS of the Soviet Government” in
Lawrence and Wishart.
the Present Situation and Trotsky's 32, London: Lawrence and Wishart.
ss Perspectives on the Question of Anyang Nyong'o, P. (ed.) Popular ndon: Zed Books.
and democratic Struggles" in Chole, ion Processes in Africa: problems
Series.

Page 65
Marshall, T.H. 1964 Class, Citizens University of Chicago Press.
Marx, K. 1844, "Toward a critiq introduction” in D. McLellan ed. Ka 1971.
Meister, R. 2002 "Human Rights a and International Affairs, vol 16, no
Mutua, M. W. 2002 Human righ Philadelphia: University of Pennsyl
Neocosmos, M. 1998, "From Peop of national liberation in South Afric Opposition in Contemporary Africa,
Neocosmos, M. 1999, "Intellectua Transitional South Africa: political seminar, Centre for African Studies,
Neocosmos, M. 2003 "The Contrad Nationalist Discourse: some analyt special issue on "Globalization and
Neocosmos, M. 2004 "The State oft critique on the South African left", P
Neocosmos, M. 2005, "Rethinking elements of a critique of political libe Hegemony (op. cit..).
Neocosmos, M. 2006, From "Fore explaining xenophobia in post-apa Books.
Poulantzas, N. 1978, State, Power,
Rancière, J. 1995, La Mésentente,

hip and Social Development, Chicago:
ue of Hegeľs Philosophy of Right. rl Marx: Early Texts, Oxford: Blackwell
nd the Politics of Victimhood", Ethics 2, fall.
ts: a political and cultural critique, Vania.
le's Politics to State Politics: aspects :a" in A. Olukoshi ed. The Politics of
Uppsala: Nordic Africa Institute.
tl debates and Popular Struggles in discourse and the origins of statism" University of Cape Town, April 21st.
ictory Position of Tradition' in African ical reflections", Africa Development,
Citizenship in Africa” Vol. 28 Nos 1&2.
he Post-apartheid State: the poverty of Oliteia, Vol 23 no 3, NCvember.
Politics in Southern Africa Today:
eralism” in Gibson, N. ed. Challenging
ign Natives' to "Native Foreigners': theid South Africa, Dakar: Code,Sria
Socialism, London: New Left Books.
Paris: Galilée.

Page 66
Rawls, J. 2003, The Law of Peoples, Press.
Rousseau, J.J. 1979, The Social C
Rueschemeyer, D, Stephens, E.H Development and Democracy,
Scott, J. 1998, Seeing like a state: human condition have failed, New
Sen, A.K. 1999, Development as Fre
Shivji, i. ed. 1985, The State and th Codesria Book Series. Shivji, l. 1989, The Concept of Hun Book Series.
Shivi, I ed. 1991, State and Con; democracy, Harare: SAPES Books.
Sibanda, A. 2002, "Voicing a Peasan Associations of Progress (ORAP) i and Moyo, S. eds. Peasant Organisa, in Africa, Dakar: Codesria Books.
Stedman-Jones, G. 2004, An End
Taylor, H. 2002, "Insights into Partici Labour Process Perspectives" in Co the new tyranny, London: Zed Book:
Van Kessel, 1.2000, "Beyond our Wi Front and the transformation of Sou University of Virginia Press.
Wamba-dia-Wamba, E. 1985, "Ey Reflections on the Practice of CO Resolving Contradictions Among t Action. July-September vol 11. no 3.

Cambridge, Mass. Harvard University
sontract, Harmondsworth: Penguin.
and Stephens, J.D. 1992, Capitalist london: Polity Press.
how certain schemes to improve the Haven: Yale University Press.
2dom, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
e Working People in Tanzania, Dakar:
man Rights in Africa, Dakar: Codesria
Stitutionalism: an African debate On
tAlternative: the Organisation of Rural n Zimbabwe" in Ben Romdhane, M. tions and the Democratisation ProceSS
to Poverty?, London: Profile Books.
pation from Critical Management and loke, B. and Kothari, U. Participation:
- כ
ldest Dreams": the United Democratic th Africa, Charlottesville and London:
(perience of Democracy in Africa: mmunalist Palaver as a Method of he People" Philosophy and Social

Page 67
Wamba-dia-Wamba, E. 1994, "Africa in H. Himmelstrand ed. African Per James Currey.
Wilson, R.A. 2001, The Politics of Tru
legitimizing the post-apartheid state Press.
Zizek, S. 1999, The Ticklish Subject: t London: Verso.
61

in Search of a New Mode of Politics' Spectives on Development, London:
th and Reconcilliation in South Africa: , Cambridge: Cambridge liversity
he absent centre of political ontology,

Page 68


Page 69


Page 70
ICES
COLOM
LL S Y LLLLS SY0000 L LL
 

ROAD, COLOMBO3.T.P. 23.3095