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- V. Karalasinghau
OP

ՐԿՐՈՏՈՎVIA ՆէՆԻՍULUTrif

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6zechcélce

fakzia (1968)
NO հo
e.

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Czechos (19.
By
V. Karala
INTERNATIONAL
47, Jayantha Weera Colomb

OUakİa 68)
ısingham
PUBLISHERS sekera Mawatha, O 10.

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First Edition
The translation o is from the Times Lit July 1968.
The names on Communists from the Poland, Hungary, Yugos who are identified in in the struggle for prc
The drawing on reproduction of one of which appeared in 1968. Like the oti) Leninist character of the Soviet occupation.
Prin
Kularatne
732, Mara
Color

October 1968.
f Two Thousand Words erary Supplement of 18th
the front cover are of U. S. S. R., G. D. R., 'lavia and Czechoslovakia, one way or another letarian democracy.
the back cover is a the hundreds of posters Prague on 21st August, hers, this expresses the the Czech resistance to
ted by
& Co., Ltd., dana Road, mbo 10.

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ΤΟ
Pavel Litvi
Larissa Da
Konstantin
Valdimir Di
Vadim Del
Citizens of the USSR :
of the Leninist traditio nationalism and prol who on 10th October, 1 by a Moscow City periods of exile for August 1968, in the Re. participated in a demor Soviet invasion of Socialist Republic.

OW
aniel
Babitsky remlyuga
Ο ΠΘ.
and true upholders in of socialist interetarian democracy, 968, were sentenced Court to varying having, on 25th d Square, Moscow, 1stration against the the Czechoslovak

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ii.
iii.
C O N T
The Background
Two Thousand Words
Why the Invasion ?
iv. Where does Imperialism
v. Rift in the World Comm
vi. Bourgeois and Proletaria
Appendices
1. Letter from the Lanka Sar ist Party of Czechoslova
2. Statement of Mrs. Sirim
N. M. Perera
3. Statement of the Central
Samaja Party
4. Statement of Progressive
Ceylon

E N T S
9
18
30
Stand? .. 35
unist Movement . . 43
an Democracy .. 47
na Samaja Party to the Communkia
La Dias Bandaranaike and Dr.
Committee of the Lanka Sama
Writers, Artists and Lawyers of

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Page 11
THE BACK
What is surprising is not th ed a political revolution but th fruition. The controlled revolu the new Social framework of nati on that country the Stali revolutionary impulse of the mas directed precisely to ensure that 1 conformed to the pattern of th of Stalin’s Russia. In the ver Communist leadership was em conflict, since Czechoslovakia, u countries, was an industrially on par With the advanced cou combination of a developed ind regime was incongruous, to S
Despite this fundament: survived in Czechoslovakia thro the death of Stalin, the reverbe of the CPSU, the Polish “sprir Budapest uprising of the Hu survival of a regime of terror, Czechoslovakia lacked even the Stalinist system, soon revealed ing the economic progress of a according to The Economist, "t stopped growing; in 1963 it a its 1962 level only during 196 this stagnation and decline ol both the silent protest of the w, of socialist democracy and the political democracy there can in the nationalized economy (

KGROUND
at Czechoslovakia accomplishat it took so long to reach tion of 1948 not only created onalized property but imposed hist political regime. The ses was checked and carefully he resulting political structure le degenerated Workers' state y success of the then Czech bedded the seeds of future nlike the other East European
developed country, almost ntries of West Europe. The ustrial economy and a police ay the least.
al contradiction, Stalinism ugh the thaw which followed irations of the 20th Congress ng” in October 1956 and the ngarian workers. But the which in the conditions of : raison d'etre of the original the impossibility of maintainin advanced country. Thus, by 1962 national income had ctually fell and recovered to 5.” (August 19, 1967). In f the economy is expressed orking class against the denial negative proof that without be no economic progress of an advanced country.

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10
CZECHOSLO
Behind the stern facade o the molecular process of up intellectuals, in particular the to the deep unrest. By the expulsions of writers followe year, the students joined in the regime. The unrest in t within the Central Committee Party and the first major shift 1968, President Novotny gav as First Secretary of the pa attempt to play the workers a in a fiasco. The failure of the Sejna, the military leader of prearranged flight thereafter, te the masses , into direct poli of all the old repressive lav to popular pressure which cul in Prague of workers and s Presidency and, like in all revo of events followed, in the wa
Vladimir Janko, a Deputy suicide soon after the cabinet in the defection of Genera Parliament condemned the i the Minister of the Interior, tł and the Attorney General Ja the new government dema workers came into the lead, position here was occupied the workers of the CKD So who, in the ranks of the C position comparable to that he works in the revolutionary P

V.A KIA (1968)
f the Novotny regime, however, pheaval was at work and the e writers, soon gave expression
middle of last year, a series of d and, towards the end of the
public demonstrations against che country was soon reflected of the Czechoslovak Communist E of power occurred: in January Pe place to Alexander Dubcek
rty. A short lived demagogic -gainst the “intellectuals” ended attempted coup d'etat of General
the Novotny faction, and his o the United States, soon brought tical participation, in defiance Fas. In March 22, in response
minated in a mammoth meeting tudents, Novotny resigned the olutions, a breathtaking sequence ake of mass intervention.
y Defence Minister, committed E had discussed his involvement 1 Sejna. The praesidium of legal activities of Jan Kudrna, ne Director of the Secret Police, n Batusek, and on the next day anded their resignation. The - and significantly, the leading
by the miners at Kladno and okolov machine plant in Prague Czech working class, occupy a eld by the workers of the Putilov etrograd of 1905 and 1917. In

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THE BA
their joint statement which s Czechoslovak working class. meeting of the Central Comm action programme (2) the ( for office' and (3) a thoroug allowed the outrages of the “process of democratization in the development of the pal (World Outlook 29th Marc
In the mass media of tl television, a veritable public of Stalinism, the place and the importance of democra etc. The vanguard was goi way to, Lenin and Bolshevisin Listy, the journal of the Wrii 27th to serialize Isaac Deu with a remarkably warm ap including the trilogy on Leo
The essence of a revolu the disregard of existing law it can truly be said that in re and assembly the revolutior were asserting and exercisir laws continued for a time t the end of April, the laws we reality and the government laws of the Novotny regime. atmosphere in the country t resigned in substantial num wanted a clear definition of th of civil rights.

CK GRO UND 11
oon became the charter of the , they demanded (1) an early hittee to adopt the “democratic' arly dismissal of those "unfit h analysis of the causes which past in order to ensure that the
becomes a permanent feature ty and of the whole of society.” h 1968).
he country, in press, radio and debate took place on the origin role of proletarian democracy, cy in a nationalized economy, ng back or, rather groping its n. And appropriately, Literarni ters Union, commenced on April itscher's Unfinished Revolution, preciation of his other writings in Trotsky.
ution is ultimately expressed in vs by the people in revolt and :spect of the rights of expression nary people of Czechoslovakia ng them, even though the old o be on the statute book. By 're made to conform to the new t repealed the old censorship
And such was the revolutionary hat even secret police personnel bers and those that remained heir powers within the framework

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12 C Z E CHO S L OVA
In the early stages of eve of the old power in a futile at privileges and later, to restore 1 reverence to the new mood c diehard Stalinists, though defeat but by no means vanquished, pa tion but were marking time to the Party Congress scheduled revolution is soon confronted the "loyalists' of the old regi new power. Very early in the s had proclaimed the need to dis thereby instinctively recognizing represented. The preparatory Party Congress inevitably rais the removal of all officials tainte of the Novotny era. In furt necessary struggle a group of ( the now celebrated document 20 on June 26th in the Literarni I
The right wing “Commun former President Novotny, av expression-a freedom which the and commenced a campaign c of the document 2000 Words. matter in the National Assembly spring of 1968 was no longer th the regime of President Novc the forum of the awakened peo ship of Josef Smrkovsky, hims fight against Novotny. Gener attack denouncing it as a "call demanded that the prosecutorWhat had incensed the Right fa

KIA (1968)
ry revolution, the remnants tempt to save some of their he status quo ante, pay due if the masses. So too, the ed in the Central Committee id lip service to democratizamake a last ditch stand at for September. And every with the task of eliminating me in order to stabilize the truggle the advanced workers miss those “unfit for office,' the danger that these sections work for the forthcoming ed, as an urgent question, d with the abuses and crimes herance of that historically czech Communists produced )0 Words which was published listy and 3 other journals.
ists,’ the adherents of the ailed of the new freedom of y had for so long Suppressedof vilification and distortion
They promptly raised the which since the revolutionary e rubber stamp it was under otny. It had truly become ple under the new chairmanblf one of the leaders in the 'al Samuel Kodaj led the
to counter revolution' and 2eneral take suitable action. ction was the call to 'Public

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THE BA
criticism, demonstrations, re to bring down people who h public harm,' and Josef Smr to air their irrational denuncia trated how genuine was the n Right and the Stalinist metho dregs employed only served the party in favour of the lea to the isolation of the dieha.
The cry of an aged and national assembly was howeve in the Praesidium of the Sc the Warsaw letter of the So and Bulgarian parties, the “c fied with the Communist auth portion of that letter deals \ no attempt was made to ans an “organizational-political pl To avoid all misunderstanding the document 2000 Words i below: “Despite the decisio. Central Committee of the Com which pointed to the threat anti-communist forces as the attacks of reaction met With 7 why reaction obtained the before the country, to publis the name of “Two Thousanc open appeal to struggle agai against the constitutional au and disturbances. This appe to the party, the National Fror an attempt to implant anal

> KGROUND 13
Solutions, strikes and boycotts ave misused power and caused kovsky in permitting the Right tion of the appeal had demonsew democracy. The rage of the i of criticism which the Novotny
to rally new support within dership and contributed further rds.
impotent general in the Czech ir, soon taken up by the majority viet Communist Party and in viet, Polish, GDR, Hungarian pounter-revolution, was identilors of 2000 Words. A good with this document, and While wer it, it was characterised as latform of counter-revolution.’ , the entire section dealing with n the Warsaw letter is given ns of the May plenum of the munist Party of Czechoslovakia pn the part of right wing and : main danger, the intensified to resistance. This is precisely possibility publicly to appear h its political platform under | Words,' which contains an inst the Communist Party and thority, an appeal to strikes all constitutes a serious threat t, the socialist state: constitutes 'chy.

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14 C Z E CHO SLO V
"In fact this statement c political platform of counter. be deceived by the assurances not want to overthrow the Sc not want to act without the c want to break the alliances Those are empty phrases aim of counter-revolution, to decei of the working class and all w
“This platform widely ciri preceding the extraordinary ( Party of Czechoslovakia not or found open supporters within its leadership, who support ( The Times, 19th July 1968) (E
The wild allegation quote “concretization” which the M itself of the Czech “counter-rev of the Warsaw letter today li it transpires that the counter the Stalinist majority in the S the publication of the docun Words!
The full text of Two Tho the next chapter and the reader is the allegation that it const counter-revolution.' There ar could legitimately be made - parochial character - but to l is to confess total bankruptcy ar mind. This of course is the ve the fakers of the Left and the Bolshevism. To understand ho

A KIA (1968)
onstitutes an organizationalrevolution. No one should of its authors that they do ocialist system, that they do ommunists, that they do not with the socialist countries. 2d at legalizing the platform ve the vigilance of the party orking people.
culated in the crucial period zongress of the Communist ly was not rejected, but even the ranks of the party and the anti-socialist appeals.' Emphasis in orginal).
2d above is about the only oscow bureaucracy permitted 'olution,' and the importance es in that delineation. Now revolution which so alarmed Soviet Communist Party was ment. . . . . . . . Two Thousand
usand Words is published in can himself see how baseless tituted “the platform of the e plenty of criticisms which - not the least, its utterly abel it counter-revolutionary ld betray a police-bureaucratic iry essence of Stalinism which Right attempt to palm off as w Bolshevism treated dissident

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THE BACK
opinion within its ranks, one n treated the "Left" Communis their opposition to the propo organized a faction but issues Kommunist, in March 1918. days, the new Soviet power was argued his way to winning ove policy. He no doubt polemic. and fashionable Stalinist epithet: revolutionary, fascist, imperialis ly foreign to him and the whole
But Stalinism needs thes incapacity to conduct a pol where the opposition represen way, the historic interests of the revolution. Throughout its hi been denounced as "fascist?” that alien and disloyal traditi Thousand Words was character counter-revolution.
That document was anythi Its central purpose was to tak socialist foundation of the political revolution which con of Novotny. Only consciencel who will write anything on co “Press Group of Soviet Journal the working of Soviet democrac journalism and are distinguish colleagues of the "yellow" capita to a different master, can writ of the Two Thousand Wor Czechoslovakia and do not

GROUND
15
ced only recall the way Lenin ts led by Bukharin who in sed treaty of Brest not only a a public factional journal,
Although in those critical held by a bare thread, Lenin r the opponents of his peace zed sharply but the familiar s and denunciations – countert agent, etc - were completee Bolshevik school.
e because of its congenital itical argument, particularly Lts in however inadequate a
working class and the socialist story all such currents have or "imperialist” and it is in
on that the document Two cized as the platform of the
ng but counter-revolutionary. e forward, on the basis of the economy, the Czechoslovak imenced with the overthrow ess men, hacks and scribblers mmand, like the anonymous ists,” who understand neither I nor the ethics of communist able from their professional list press only in their servility e as follows: “The authors ds’ extoll in effect bourgeois conceal their liking for the

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16
CZECHOSLOV
capitalist system.” It is at tt that the propaganda machine
operates.
The document's criticisi totalitarian past is equated while its concern to ensure is completely ignored and Soviet readers, treated like nun Church, were never given the fi but innumerable commentaries .men, were served up. Here
of the censorship laws whi maintains to perpetuate its of such laws in Czechoslovakia the diehard Stalinists in Mosc ideas simply chokes them.
The importance of this do We have here in the words of the predictable and dire consec cratic single party state based It is plainly narrated and all tl of petrified social, economic a regime - a cruel mockery of a thereafter record the positive months of the new power, vi make a fervent appeal to the declaration made pointed r party congress, to the efforts bureaucratic power to stage a to maintain mass initiative recrudescence of bureaucrati document “counter-revolution employing its peculiar notatioi

A KI A (1968)
is level of lies and falsehoods
· of the Stalinist bureaucracy
ns of the bureaucratic and with an attack on socialism, genuine socialist development
deliberately misrepresented. s in a convent of the Orthodox ill text of the original document
by dishonest and incompetent is an example of the working ch the Stalinist bureaucracy rule. No wonder the repeal 1 caused so much panic among ow. The fresh air of socialist
cument cannot be exaggerated. a group of Czech Communists quences of 20 years of a bureauon socialist property relations. ne more startling is the picture nd political life under such a Socialist state! The signatories
achievement of the first six z, freedom of expression, and awakened for vigilance. The eference to the forthcoming of the remnants of the old
come back and on the need as the bulwark against the sm. In proclaiming such a zary,” the bureaucracy was i to indicate that its parasitism

Page 19
THE BACK
is irreconcilable with proletar movement for democratization interests. Just as the defence is invariably expressed in “ps caste interests of the bureauc1 necessarily to be translated ir the international workers' move cy's fight against democratiza screen as the fight against 'c
The historic document Twa reading for the entire Left, not and therefore, the intolerance w of the Soviet bureaucracy, bu axis of those Communists v intervention in Czechoslovaki socialist democracy, the indub document Two Thousand Word the sponsors of this document the Communist Party. The "non-conformist' Communist the right to know what will be organizations in the bureaucrat of socialist democracy that is Communist Party of the Sovie
16th October, 1968.
ii

G R O UN D 17
ian democracy and that the is directed against its material of bourgeois class interests triotic' slogans, so too the acy of a workers' state has to the popular language of ment. Hence the bureaucration is projected on the world ounter-revolution.
9 Thousand Words is required only to understand the fear, hich grips the Stalinist school t to show the real political who defend Soviet military a. In their conception of . bitably socialist ideas of the s find no place, even though are themselves members of followers of socialist and parties the world over have the status of their respective ic and monolithic conception held by the leadership of the t Union and its defenders.

Page 20
TWO THOUS
The first threat to our n came other evil days, and ev spiritual wellbeing and chara that most of the nation welc But its direction fell into the would not have mattered so in experience in affairs of state, fai cal education, if only they h and decency to listen to the being gradually replaced by m
After enjoying great popu the war, the Communist P. confidence away for office, till else. We have to say this, anc who are communists and who at the way things turned policies transformed a politic on ideas into an organization proved highly attractive to eg to cowards with an eye to th bad consciences. The influ) affected the character and b internal arrangements made it incidents - for honest membe it continuously to modern fought against this decline, but what ensued.
Conditions inside the Cor and cause for identical condit

SAND WORDS
ational life was the war. Then ents menacing to the nation's cter. It was with high hopes omed the socialist programme. hands of the wrong people. It much that they lacked adequate ctual knowledge or philosophiad enough common prudence opinion of others and agree to Lore able men.
lar confidence immediately after arty by degrees bartered this it had all the offices and nothing l it is well known to those of us are as disappointed as the rest out. The leaders' mistaken al party and an alliance based for exerting power, one which ptists itching to wield authority, le main chance, to people with k of members such as these ehaviour of the Party, whose impossible - short of scandalous
•rs to gain influence and adapt conditions. Many communists they did not manage to prevent
mmunist Party served as pattern tions in the State. The Party's

Page 21
TWO THOUS
association with the State rob from executive power. No the State and of the econo) how to hold proper debates to govern properly and mana Elections lost their significance could not trust our represel if we could, there was no poi because they were powerless. trust one another. Personal Honesty was a useless virtue. of. Most people accordingly worrying only about themsely blot on the system being the even on the value of money. there was no more joy in W entered upon a period men and its character.
We all of us bear respor affairs. But those of us, wł than others, and those who a instruments, of unchecked pi the power of a self-willed ban the party apparatus into e It was this apparatus which not be done, which ran the co tive farmers, ran the factoric National Committees for t not even communist ones, own members. The chief si was to have represented the the Workers.' Were We to have to blame the worke our economy, for crimes c(

AND WORDS 19
bed it of the asset of separation one criticized the activities of mic bodies. Parliament forgot , the Government forgot how agers how to manage properly, , the law carried no weight. We ntatives on any committee or, nt in asking them for anything
Worse still, we could scarcely and collective honour decayed. assessment by merit unheard lost interest in public affairs, res and about money, a further impossibility today of relying
Personal relations were spoilt, ork, and the nation, in short, acing to its spiritual wellbeing
isibility for the present state of no are communists bear more |cted as component parts, or as ower bear most of all. It was d of men, spreading out through very district and community. decided what might and might operative farms for the cooperaes for the workers and ran the he public. No organizations, were really controlled by their h and deception of these rulers ir own whims as the “will of accept this pretence, we would rs today for the decline of mmitted against the innocent,

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20 C Z E CHO S L OV
for the introduction of censorsh about these things: the workers ceived investments, trading los Obviously no sensible person responsible for such things. W knows especially well that he h anything. Working-class fun voting instructions by someboc imagined that they were the ru stratum of Party and State offi In effect it was these men wh the deposed ruling class and t the new authority. Let us in Í long realized the bad trick recognize such individuals today old Wrongs, making good t powers of decision to r and members of the public, s and size of the bureaucracy. backward views among Party r tion of officials have been res influential. They still wield especially at district and com employ them in secret and wi
Since the start of this ye. a regenerative process of dem the Communist Party. We ha known even to those communi had hopes of anything good It must also be added, of co else where the process could h years the communists were alc of political existence: it was ol had any impact on courses of:

A KIA (1968)
hip to prevent any one writing would be to blame for misconses and the housing shortage. will believe the working class he all know, and every worker, ad virtually no say in deciding ctionaries were given their ly else. While many workers lers, it was a specially trained cials who ruled in their name. o stepped into the shoes of hemselves came to constitute airness say that some of them history had played. We can y by the way they are rectifying heir blunders, handing back ank-and-file Party members jetting limits to the authority They share our opposition to members. But a large proporistant to change and are still the instruments of power munity level, where they can thout fear of prosecution.
ar we have been experiencing ocratization. It started inside ave to say this, and it is well sts amongst us who no longer
emerging from that quarter. urse, that there was nowhere ave started. For after twenty one able to conduct some sort nly communist criticism which action; it was only the opposi

Page 23
Two THOUS.
tion inside the Communist ] of contact with antagonistic v. now displayed by democratici is only a partial repayment o Party to the non-communists down in a position of inequa are due to the Communist P: be granted that the Party is r eleventh hour to save its own regenerative process introduc into our life. It revives idea are older than the errors of having arisen below the surf: long ago have found expressi Let us not foster the illusion which now makes such ide has been due rather to the weak ly debilitated in advance by one standing in their way. foundations and ideology of reached their full maturity. the effect of the writers’ and sti of social changes is the econ its mark when it is spoken ur properly prepared. Properly our context, that must unfo impoverishment of our societ of the old system of governm of politicians calmly and qu at our expense. Truth, then, is merely what remains when e away. So there is no reason f for fresh hope.

ND WORDS
21
Farty which had the privilege ews. The effort and initiative Elly-minded communists, then, E the debt owed by the entire
whom it had been holding lity. No thanks, accordingly, rty, though perhaps it should making an honest effort at the honour and the nation's. The ces nothing particularly. new Ls and topics many of which
our socialism, while others, ace of visible history, should on but were instead repressed.
that it is the power of truth cas victorious. Their victory ness of the old leaders, evidenttwenty years of rule with no All the defects hidden in the the system must clearly have
So let us not overestimate udents’ criticisms. The source nomy. The true word makes ider conditions that have been
prepared conditions - in ortunately include the whole y and the complete collapse int under which a certain sort etly compromised themselves is not winning the day; truth erything else has been frittered or national jubilation; simply

Page 24
22
CZECHOSLO
At this moment of hop we turn to you. It took se us believed it was safe to spea it safe even yet. But speak ourselves so far that we ha our plan to humanize the re forces would take a cruel re those who so far have only wa ing will decide the issue for
The time now approachi when our inclination ingraine thing slip. But it is a safe
will give themselves no sumi rally everyone who is under an steps, even now, to ensure i Let us watch carefully how thi stand them and have our the impossible demand that always provide us with a si simple moral. Everyone will sions on his own respo conclusions can only be reach freedom of speech - the or our credit this year.
But in the days to com our own initiative and make
To begin with we shall o that a democratic revival communists, or even in opi be unjust, and foolish too. organizations ready built ,a the progressive wing. They and they still have in their hi

A KI A (1968)
, albeit hope still threatened, veral months before many of k up; many of us do not think up we did, and we exposed e no choice but to complete gime. If we did not, the old venge. We turn above all to ited. The time now approachyears to come.
ng is the summer holiday time, 1 by habit will be to let everybet that our dear adversaries ner breathing-space: they will y obligation to them and take themselves a quiet Christmas! ngs develop, let us try to under
answers ready. Let us drop someone from on high should ngle explanation and a single,
have to draw his own conclunsibility. Common, agreed ed in discussion, which requires aly democratic achievement to
e we must gird ourselves with
our own decisions.
ppose the view sometimes heard can be achieved without the Position to them. This would
The communists have their ad in these we must support have their experienced officials, nds, after all, the crucial levers

Page 25
T W O THO USA
and pressbuttons. On the c before the public with their
a programme for the first eveni ties, and no one else has a pro; We must demand that they pro in public in every district and will suddenly revolve around v acts of justice. The Czecho preparing for its Congress, whe Committee. Let us demand t than the present one. Today it is going to rest its position C of the public, and not on forc extent that we can believe the delegates to the Party's distric
People have recently been tion process has come to a h sign of fatigue after the excite reflects the truth. The seaso dismissals from high office an language of unaccustomed c the struggle between opposin somewhat less open; the figh and formulation of the laws, measures. Besides, We must their work, the new ministers secretaries. They are entitled themselves fit or unfit. Of th is all that can be expected at p. a remarkably good showing c
The everyday quality of c on what happens in the fact to the factories. Despite al

ND W ORD S 23
ther hand they have come Action Programme. This is ng-out of the crassest inequaligramme in such specific detail. duce local Action Programmes community. Then the issue ery ordinary and long-awaited slovak Communist Party is re it will elect its new Central hat it be a better Committee the Communist Party says f leadership on the confidence e. Let us believe that to the people it is now sending as it and regional conferences.
worried that the democratizahalt. This feeling is partly a ment of events, but partly it n of astonishing revelations, d heady speeches couched in laring-all this is over. But g forces has merely become t continues over the content over the scope of practical give the new people time for s, prosecutors, chairmen and to time in which to prove e central political bodies, this resent, though they have made lespite themselves.
ur future democracy depends ories, and on what happens Il our discussions, it is the

Page 26
24 C Z E CHO S L O
economic managers who h managers must be sought are all badly paid in compari countries, some of us Worse more money; money can be us rather ask the directors : tell us what they want to p they want to sell it to and be made, and of that, how m izing production and how distribution. Under dreary is being reflected in the press soft jobs. The workers, as in this battle by electing thi and works councils. And themselves best by electing as natural leaders, able and h to party affiliation.
Though one cannot at p1 political bodies, it is urgent community level. Let us di who abused their power, d dishonourably or brutally. N them to resign. To mention tions, demonstrations, di collections to buy presents strikes, and picketing at thei reject any illegal, indecent o would exploit to bring influen Our aversion to the Writing c so completely that the only e. in future would be that the themselves. Let us revive thi Let us demand public sessio

V. A K I A (1968)
ave us in their grasp. Good out and promoted. True, we on with people in the developed
than others. We can ask for printed and so devalued. Let und the chairmen of boards to roduce and at what cost, who at what price, what profit will uch will be reinvested in modernmuch will be left over for looking headlines a hard battle - the battle of democracy versus entrepreneurs, can intervene 2 right people to managements as employees they can help their trade union representatives onourable men without regard
"esent expect more of the central to achieve more at district and 2mand the departure of people amaged public property, acted Ways must be found of bringing a few: public criticism, resoluamonstrative work brigades, for them on their retirement, r front doors. But we should boorish methods, which they ce to bear on Alexander Dubcek. f rude letters must be expressed xplanation for any such missives ir recipients had ordered them : activity of the National Front. ns of the National Committees.

Page 27
TWO THOU
For questions which no one up our own civic committee nothing difficult about it: : elect a chairman, keep propel demand solutions, refuse to be the district and local newspap ted to the level of official m all the forward-looking elem that editorial boards be forme tives, or else let us start new pi for the defence of free speech our own staffs for ensuring or let us seek confirmation, let u authorities and publicize th them up on front gates. Let when they are prosecuting ge our aim to create anarchy or Let us eschew quarrels bet avoid drunkenness on politi informers.
The summer traffic throu, interest in the settlement of Czechs and Slovaks. Let u method of solving the questi wise merely as one of severe to democratize the system. may not necessarily give even problem of government is 1 governments in the Czech by a State and Party bureaucré indeed it might be strength “won more freedom.'

SAND WORDS 25
else will look into, let us set is and commissions. There is few people gather together, records, publish their findings, : shouted down. Let us convert ers, which had mostly degeneraouthpieces, into a platform for 2nts in politics; let us demand d of National Front representaapers. Let us form committees At our meetings, let us have der. If We hear strange reports, S send delegations to the proper heir answers, perhaps putting t us give support to the police nuine wrongdoers, for it is not a state of general uncertainty. ween neighbours, and let us cal occasions. Let us expose
ghout the Republic will enhance constitutional relations between is consider federalization as a ion of nationalities, and otherul important measures designed In itself this particular measure the Slovaks a better life. The not solved by having separate lands and in Slovakia. Rule cy could still go on; in Slovakia ened by the claim that it had

Page 28
26 CZ E CHOSL OV
There has been great ala of foreign forces intervening in Superior forces may face us, a own positions, behave decentl We can show our Government weapons if need be, if it will to do. And we can assure ol our treaties of alliance, fri reproaches and ill-argued susp things harder for our Govern ourselves. In any case, the on of equality is to improve our the regenerative process so far with enough courage, honour such relations and keep then that faces all governments of s
This spring a great oppo it came after the end of the w to take into our own hands o working purposes we call soci appropriate to our once good good opinion We originally is over and will never return.
So ends our statement a officials, artists, scholars, scient It was written on the initiative
The attached signatures list of our supporters, but a groups of the public whom w
Beno Blachut, National A Theatre Opera in Prague; J. and Science, Professor and D

A KIA (1968)
m recently over the prospect our developments. Whatever 1 we can do is to stick to our y and start nothing ourselves. that we will stand by it, with do what we give it a mandate ur allies that we shall observe andship and trade. Irritable icions on our part only make ment, and bring no benefit to ly way we can achieve relations domestic situation and carry as to elect one day statesmen and political sagacity to create n so. But this is a problem small countries everywhere.
rtunity came to us again, as ar. Again we have the chance ur common cause — which for alism and give it a form more reputation, and to that fairly had of ourselves. The spring By winter we shall know all.
ddressed to workers, farmers, ists, technicians andeverybody. of the scholars and scientists.
do not represent a complete sample of members of various e happened to reach.
rtist, member of the National in Brod, Doctor of Medicine irector of the Prague Institute

Page 29
TWO THOUS
for Diseases of the Blood Ci breeder of Chotebuz; Bohu Mathematician; Jiri Cvekl,
philosopher, Vera Caslavska. Cechrak, CKD (Ceskomor: industrial combine in Prague CKD technician; Milan Hanus engineer, writer; Miroslav | scientific worker of the Mi Czechoslovak Academy of S. worker; Rudolf Hrusinsky, act Hruza, CKD worker; Jan Ch buz; Jaromil Jires, film pro of Medicine and Science, Prof Internal Polyclinic of the Medi sity in Hradec Kralove; Vera Head of the Ophthalmic Clin Charles University in Prague; Doctor, Pedagogical Institut philosopher; Jaromir Kout Otmar Krejca, stage manager; and Science, Professor and for Sports Medicine; Miroslav of Science of the Higher Politi Communist Party Central C Conductor of the Czechoslo Vladislav Kruta, Doctor of M and Head of the Physiologic University in Brno; Vilem L of the Laboratory for Graphic Pavel Lukl, Doctor of Med Internal Clinic of Palacky Un of the Cardiological Society European Cardiological Societ

AND WORDS 27
rculation; Marie Buzkova, pig mil Bydzovsky, Academician, Assistant Professor, doctor, Olympic medallist; Zdenek avska Kolben Danek-heavy -liben) worker; Zdenek Fiala, , CKD worker; Jiri Hanzelka, Holub, Doctor of Medicine, robiological Institute of the ciences; Zdenek Holec, CKD or and stage manager; Dusan ocena, private farmer of Choteducer; Vilo Jurkovic, Doctor essor and Head of the Second ical Faculty of Charles UniverKadlecova, Doctor of Science, lic of the Faculty Hospital of A. Knop, Assistant Professor, e in Ostrava; Karel Kosik, ek, Academician, geologist; Jiri Kral, Doctor of Medicine Head of the Prague Institute Kral, engineer and Candidate cal School of the Czechoslovak ommittee; Karel Krautgartner, vak Radio Dance Orchestra; edicine and Science, Professor 'al Institute of J. E. Purkyne aufberger, Academician, Head : Research Methods in Prague; icine, Professor, Head of the iversity in Olomouc, Chairman 1, and Vice-President of the y; Zuzana Marysova, Chotebuz

Page 30
28
CZECHOSLO
State Farm; Jiri Menzel, stag CKD technician; Josef Nev Nemec, CKD worker; Bozel Lawyer in Prague; Emil Pet Member of the Czechoslov: Director of the Mining Institut of Sciences; Otakar Poupa, 1 and Science, Corresponding N Department of the Physiologic Academy of Sciences in Pragu of Medicine and Science, Prof Clinic of the Faculty Hospit Prenosilova, singer; Alfred
manager; Emil Radok, film p medallist; Jaroslav Seifert, Na of Medicine, Professor and E of Charles University in Pragu Doctor of Medicine and Scien Institute of the Czechoslovak Jiri Slama, Assistant Profe Science, Economic Research Ir in Prague; Oldrich Stary, Do Corresponding Member of t Sciences, Professor and R Prague; Jiri Snizek, CKD tech Sevcik, Doctor of Medicine, A gist in the North Moravian composer; Karel Silha, CKD worker; Jan Svankmajer, filr actress; Laddislav Tondi, Doct Professor, Department of Scie of the Czechoslovak Academ Topol, writer; Jiri Trnka, N and figurative artist; Jan T

JA KI A (1968)
e manager; Vladimir Mostecky, ersil, CKD worker; Jaroslav na Patkova, Doctor of Law, Cyrek, engineer, Corresponding ık Academy of Sciences and e of the Czechoslovak Academy Professor, Doctor of Medicine Member and Head of the Third al Institute of the Czechoslovak ne; Jaroslav Prochazka, Doctor Pessor and Head of the Surgical al in Hradec Kralove; Yvonne Radok, National Artist, stage producer; Jiri Raska, Olympic
tional Artist; V. Sekla, Doctor Tead of the Biological Institute ne; Zdenek Servit, Academician, ce, Director of the Physiological Academy of Sciences in Prague; ssor, engineer, Candidate of istitute of Industry and Building ctor of Medicine and Science, he Czechoslovak Academy of :ctor of Charles University, nician; Jiri Suchy, poet; Vojmir ssistant Professor and Psycholo. Region, Ostrave; Jiri Slitr,
worker; Vaclav Sroub, CKD 1 producer; Marie Tomasova, or of Philosophy and Science, ntific Theory and Methodology I of Sciences in Prague; Josef ational Artist, stage manager riska, actor; Ludvik Vaculik,

Page 31
T W O T H O USA
journalist - the author of the te Jan Vanysek, Doctor of Med and Pro-Rector of Purkyne Uni sky, Assistant Professor, Do Internist of the North Moraviar sky, Doctor of Medicine and
of the Ophthalmic Clinic of Pal Viktor Voros, CKD worker; ( Director of the Institute for of the Czechoslovak Academy o Vojta, National Artist, Membi Jan Werich National Artist; Em medallist; Dana Zatopkva, ( Zogata, engineer, agronomist.

N D VV O RID S 29
kt; Karel Vojir, CKD worker; cine and Science, Professor versity in Brno; Jiri Velemintor of Medicine, Regional | Region, Ostrava; V. VejdovScience, Professor and Head acky, University in Olomouc; )tto Wichterle, Academician,
Macromolecular Chemistry f Sciences in Prague; Jaroslav ær of the National Theatre; il Zatopek, Colonel, Olympic Dlympic medallist; Jindrich

Page 32
WHY THE
Even in the long history rights of nations and peopl since 1927, there is no para of Czechoslovakia by the Sc news coming so soon after Ciena and Bratislava has sho class opinion and is indeed aggressors who following th emboldened to intervene in nations and colonial countr desperately seeking to make defence of socialism and ag the ghosts of West Gern But only the hirelings of Mos
As recently as August the Communist Party of Cze reaffirmed his country's alle declared: “The alliance Wit and the omega of our foreig 17th). On the same day Pre kia and President Ceausescu treaty between their two cou declared that the two coun measures against plots an imperialist, military and re not the threat of a counte the Soviet Union to take t against Czechoslovakia,

NVASION ?
of brutal violence of democratic »s by the Stalinist Government llel to the military occupation viet and its allied troops. The
the 'standstill' agreements of cked world socialist and working
a great gift to all imperialist e Soviet action would now be
the internal affairs of smaller ies. Moscow propagandists are out that their intervention is in gainst “imperialist intrigue,' and man revanchism are invoked. cow would fall prey to this line.
16th, the General Secetary of choslovakia, Alexander Dubcek, giance to the Warsaw Pact and h the Soviet Union is the alpha in policy.” (The Times-August sident Svoboda of Czechoslovaof Rumania, signed a friendship ntries, which among other things tries would take "all necessary i aggression on the part of vanchist forces.” Clearly it is r-revolution which has impelled e brutal action it has launched

Page 33
WHY THE
The immediate cause for as indeed the military mano and the buildup of the war growing momentum of the pro commenced with the overthro January this year. It is well ] changes of January this year, the of Dubcek had introduced restored freedom of thought end to censorship of the pres as radio and television. TI were not initiated from above bi popular mass movement in the to say that this movement co in the country, which while on the basis of the nationalis established in 1948, introduce sections of the working class
As an integral part of th Party of Czechoslovakia had 1968, a congress of the party. congress would have given its s democratic measures carried o following the line advocated in intellectuals and Communist document 2,000 Words the c the party and the state appa with the crimes of the old re
Also on the agenda of thi statutes drafted by a Party Com Director of the Clement Gottw statutes had as their central party democracy within the fra lism. The statutes expressly re

INVASION?
31
Soviet military intervention. euvres, propaganda campaign atmosphere in July, was the cess of democratisation which
w of the Novotny regime in known, following the sweeping e Czechoslovakian Government genuine socialist democracy,
and expression, and put an s and other mass media, such nese developments themselves ut were the results of a genuine, country. It is no exaggeration Instituted a political revolution
it maintained and proceeded -ed socialist property relations ed political democracy to all
and socialist intellectuals.
is movement, the Communist convened for September 9th,
There is no doubt that this eal of approval to the sweeping ut since January this year, and 1 the historic appeal of Czech
workers contained in their ongress would have cleansed iratus of all elements tainted
gime.
s congress were the new party
mission headed by the Political rald Military Academy. These aim the restoration of inner mework of democratic centracognised the right of minority

Page 34
32
CZECHOSLOV
opinion and those holding specially protected and not tr to be given the right to state
while organised factions were the right of a minority to chang incorporated in the draft s is that the Czechoslovak Comm to the organisational position Party of Lenin as it was till 1 that year in the wake of the K tions of civil war, the Bolshev rights of minorities within tt temporary measure to create and centralised party machin Communist Party to the rich i platforms, debates and free the hallmark of Bolshevism, danger to the other Communi
Everywhere in Eastern revolutionary intellectuals ai genuine democracy and politic Soviet Union these forces over and one need only recall the Soviet poet, Voznesensky, to the name of socialism must of Pavel Litvinov (grandson of Litvinov) and the historian Ya whom Stalin had shot) at the f: writers, to show that there is who are loyal to the Soviet 1 police bureaucratic methods it was imperative for the Sc

A KI A (1968)
ifferent opinions were to be cated as outcasts. They were their position in public, and not permitted, none the less e Party policy was categorically tatutes. What this means unist Party would have returned and structure of the Bolshevik 921. It is well known that in ronstadt revolt and the condiik Party reluctantly suspended Le party, and Stalin used this
his monolithized, bureaucratic e. The return of even one iner political struggles, differing discussions which are in fact - would naturally have spelt st parties of Eastern Europe.
Europe the movement of ad advanced workers is for al freedom. Even within the the recent period had surfaced,
famous letter written by the che Editor of Pravda (Why in
you lie ?), the open protest the Bolshevik diplomat, Maxim kir (son of the Soviet General ercical trial of two young Soviet unrest amongst the intellectuals Union, but are opposed to the of the regime. That is why viet bureaucracy to drown in

Page 35
WHY THE
blood the democratic socialist But historically the movemen more powerful than the mos just as the socialist revolution i powerful than the greatest m
August 22nd, 1968.
Published in Daily Mirr.
POST S Since the fact of invasion certain quarters, the declaratio Czechoslovak Socialist Republi given below:
1. The Czechoslovak s today occupied by the forces o against the will of its governm as well as against the will of the nist Party of Czechoslovakia. history of international movem allied forces took place agai Communist Party.
The present state of crisis hours, the constitutional organs to function, individual members Assembly and leading body Czechoslovakia and of the N: other organisations have neither among themselves nor with the them spontaneous support duri

INVASION?
33
revolution of Czechoslovakia. t for socialist democracy is t powerful military machine n the capitalist world is more ilitary power.
or, 23rd August, 1968.
CRIPT - itself is now “disputed” in n of the Government of the c dated 21st August, 1968, is
pcialist Republic has been f five Warsaw Pact countries tent and National Assembly, leading body of the CommuThus for the first time in the Lent an act of aggression by nst the state ruled by the
lasts since the early morning of the Republic are prevented of the Government, National of the Communist Party of itional Front as well as the possibility of communication people who have been giving ng the last months.

Page 36
34 34
CZECH OSLO
2. Many members of the body of the Communist Par the National Assembly and o last link of communication re lovak Radio gradually silenc by the utmost strain of its em tances the Czechoslovak Go as well as the leading body o constitutional function and our country.
3. We call upon you national minorities, all citize following appeal:
(a) We demand the imme
of the five Warsaw Pa the terms of the Warsa sovereignty of the Czec
(b) We appeal urgently t
GDR, Poland, Hungar to stop military actic material values are be
We demand the immec tions for the func constitutional and polit tion of the individual
order that they may 1
4. We demand the imn body of the National Assemb point of the Czechoslovak G how to solve the existing s Czech Embassy in Colombo,

VA KI A (1968)
; government and of the leading y, the leading functionaries of thers have been interned. The
mains the semi-illegal Czechosed and kept in operation only ployees. Under these circumsverment, constitutional organs, f the Party, try to carry on the to secure the normal life of
Czechs, Slovaks, citizens of as of Czechoslovakia with the
diate withdrawal of the troops ict countries, the adherence to aw Pact and full respect of the choslovak Socialist Republic.
o the leaders of the USSR, y, and Bulgaria to issue orders ons at which bloodshed and ing destroyed.
diate creation of normal condiction of the Czechoslovak cical organs, the list of interna
members of these organs in restore their functioning.
mediate summoning of the full ly which would hear the stand-overnment and its opinion on ituation (Press Release of the 23th August, 1968).

Page 37
WHERE DOES IMPE
In the mountain of falseh the Stalinist propaganda mach
military action against Czechosl “the threat emanating from the which have entered into collus to socialism." In the official “the foreign forces hostile to s this has since been amplified Thus what is now taking pla the counter-revolutionary suppr tion but the carrying forward o To colonial peoples in particula appeal and it is therefore nece For this purpose we will have to The Times and Economist. S as capitalist journals, which tt of explanation is called for.
The Times and the Econ voices of the British imperialis the mass propaganda sheets Daily Express and the Spectato to the people but the journals wh tional finance capital and add of imperialism. Unlike the these have a limited, almost precisely because they are the higher echelons of capitalist soci and finance, statesmen and ad and the high judiciary and the a they have to give accurate inf

ERIALISM STAND ?
Loods now being piled up by Line in justification of Soviet ovakia one lie stands out, viz, e counter revolutionary forces Ton with foreign forces hostile
statement issued by TASS, ocialism” was left vague but to mean world imperialism. ce in Czechoslovakia is not ession of the political revoluf the anti-imperialist struggle. ar this argument has a ready essary to examine it closely.
occasion to refer repeatedly ince these would be dismissed ney undoubtedly are, a word
omist are the authoritative st bourgeoisie. They are not of British capitalism like the r seeking to “sell” capitalism ich speak the mind of internacessed to the policy makers mass "penny” newspapers, “exclusive” circulation but rehicle of information to the ety – the captains of industry ninistrators, top army brass
•my of modern technocracy – ormation and lay down the

Page 38
36
CZECHOSLO
broad lines of policy suitable being so it has been traditio The Times and Economist for and to know the mind of th Anyone who doubts this ne of Lenin where quotations occur.
It is common ground of stands at the spear head of th and is the only power capable
Wrangel” today. Whatever 1 ment and feeling, the othe German imperialism, cannot to function within the ambit And it is now well known t *thawing" of the cold war b since 1959 there has been a j super powers, a conscious di the USSR to settle outstandi detente in Europe is the res extends to the Elbe and includ rest of Europe is a sphere o America is a sphere of Ameri missiles were dismantled from of joint responsibility, etc.) with the US which is at the 1 since the price for a free hai “disengagement” from China assistance, etc.
As was to be expected r crisis, the rules of the detente the war of nerves in July, the (the Czechs) know, after all

V AKI A (1968)
for their special interests. This nal for the Left to turn to the
accurate information and news ne City, that is, of Big capital. eed only refer to the writings from these journals frequently
the Left that the United States se imperialist counter-revolution
of fulfilling the role of a “Super Ehe strength of revanchist sentir imperialisms, notably, West yet play this role and they have of American imperialist policy. hat not only has there been a netween the US and USSR but policy of detente between these cawing together of the US and ng questions. The basis of the cognition that Soviet influence des Czechoslovakia and that the -f Western influence, that Latin can influence and accordingly
Cuba, the Middle East a sphere In fact it is the policy of detente basis of the Sino-Soviet dispute ad in Eastern Europe is Soviet , denial of economic aid and
right through the Czechoslovak
were rigidly observed. During Economist bluntly stated, "They that if the Russian Army did

Page 39
WHERE DOES IMPE
come back to crush them they cc country giving them anything m (July 20th). The following we on this theme to explain w bourgeoisie's stake is elsewher the cold calculation of bourgeoi and slogans. The entire passa United States, Britain and W through all the Czech crisis a detente: as they would pray M. Say, or Mexico were being per Mr. Kosygin of course, would now, and he would certainly no German military games, if the foot. There is much to be said but not for being utterly frigid the trouble. Western policy h familiar system in central Euro have. The result is that the W as unready to cope with Mr. Dubc (27th July). (Our emphasis)
In plain, everyday English, a middle class language of Eton ar Economist told the Soviet bureal Czechoslovakia today. Tomori suppress the workers' revolution We understand you would have t the revolting workers and so platform of the UN assembly, j you resort to a blood letting. but it's a pity that there are like Dubcek be independent o

RIALISM STAND? 37
uld not count on any Western ore than tortured sympathy.' ek, the Economist expanded ny the Western imperialist 2, and in doing so revealed | class interest sans shibboleths ge is quoted below: "The est Germany have behaved 'cording to the rules of the Kosygin would do if Italy, suaded not to go communist. be at the United Nations t have troubled to stop East boot had been on the other for the West playing it cool, and immobile. But that is as come to depend on the pe as much as the Russians 'est seems to have been just cek”s success as the Russians.”
nd not the hypocritical upper ld Balliol, here is what the crats: "Do what you like in 'ow we will then be free to
in our part of the world. o pretend that you are with Mr. Kosygin will need the ust as we too need it in case We understand each other oopholes yet to let people
us.'

Page 40
38 C Z E CHO S L O
And after the invasion of in this understanding spirit, consumption like Reuters, h( “shocked' US President le the Soviet invasion. Thus, August reported as follows called an emergency meeting following reports from Rad had moved into Czechoslova the spirit of the detente, tha to police the world, the Sov Mr. Dobrynin personally ca before the announcement fr special correspondent in W as follows: “...... Mr. DC called at the White House to The meeting took place a radio announced that the inva according to the White Hol Ambassador spent one hour pressed to give the gist of t made it clear that he could ni transpired' between the Pres prefect understanding there interventionist in Vietnam interventionist in Czechoslc
While the Ceylon reade outcome of the US Nation: special correspondent alread “The National Security Col and it soon became clear tha referring the matter to the U The immediate reaction wa Mr. Gerald Ford, the mi

VA KIA (1968)
Czechoslovakia things continued The news agencies for mass wever, gave the impression of a arning over Radio Prague of the Ceylon Observer of 22nd "President Johnson tonight of the National Security Council o Prague that Russian troops kia.” But the fact was that in is, of US-USSR collaboration iet ambassador to Vashington led on the US President even om Radio Prague. The Times ashington, Louis Heren, cabled brynin, the Soviet Ambassador inform him of the Soviet action. few minutes before Prague ision was in progress.’ Actually use Press Secretary, the Soviet with the President and when he conversation, Mr. Christian ot go "into the specifics of what sident and Ambassador. What must have been between the and the representative of the vakia!
was left in suspense about the l Security Council, The Times quoted continued as follows: Incil met in emergency session it the US would not go beyond nited Nations Security Council. s one of relief. For instance ority leader in the House of

Page 41
W HERE ID O ES IMP
Representatives said that the U1 involved in a communist famil further continued: “The invasi but a fewfound some comfort i The Hot Line was not used (it is but at least an effort was made power. At the mass level made political capital and pre and agony for a small nation of authoritative journals of b opinion like The Times inforn the truth, namely, the Russians in their areas of influence anc so that the imperialists are fre when their time comes.
American imperialism wal Soviet action and the Wash Economist noted that the Preside and brief. It kept rhetoric to a ed no speculation about wh be' (24th August). There coul tionist in Viet Nam was merely what the Economist anticipate do, if Western imperialism had in Italy or Mexico. And in any e intervention in another country matter.
And the cave men of Am gospellers, were answered in Post: “It is equally nonsensi that the great forces that hal West, however haltingly, tow ever halted because the Soviets

ERIALISM STAND? 39
nited States should not become y dispute. The Times report ion has sickened most people in the Super-power exchanges. : reserved for dire emergencies) to forewarn the other super
the propaganda newspapers sented the picture of concern put the special correspondents big bourgeois and imperialist ned their exclusive readership
can do whatever they please il it is just as well they do, e to do likewise in their areas
s most understanding of the ington correspondent of the 2nt's statement "was restrained decent minimum and containat the consequences might ld be none, since the intervenspeaking for the record, just 2d that Mr. Kosygin would to drown a workers' rebellion :vent, for Mr. Johnson military is a purely formal and routine
erican politics, the cold war the influential Washington cal to conclude categorically ve been propelling East and ards detente, have been for came to see a threat to their

Page 42
40 C Z E CHO S L O Y
empire and their security in th tion in Czechoslovakia.” Th dent quoted the above and opinion. Indeed, Mr. Georg Press Secretary yesterday ref diplomacy must be brought ev Times 23rd August).
The Economist too reaf After rebuking Sir Alec D gloomy,' it continued as foll has taken place in east-west re trip to America in 1959 and h of government in Washingto upon a second premise as we the two super-powers that b{ of mutual destruction they n that they do not get drawn int common interest remains, have behaved in Czechoslovak are trying to stop the growt their own and other people's. why they want to regulate thi and allies in sensitive parts o the Middle East, so that they some one else began. This their own skins, which is at leas between Russia and America will not vanish because the thugs in Czechoslovakia.’ A clumsiness of the Russians back five years' (August 24t
Perhaps, unknown event German government organised sionary activity in collusion W.

A K1 A (1968)
e pace and degree of liberaliza2 Times Washington correspon
added, “This reflects official e Christian, the White House used to concede that detente ven to a temporary halt.' (The
firmed the policy of detente. ouglas-Home for being "too ows: “The improvement that -lations since Mr. Khrushchev's has lasted through two changes in and one in Moscow, rests ll. This is the recognition by ecause they possess the power nust try at least to make sure o a fight with each other. This no matter how the Russians kia. It is why the Superpowers h of nuclear armouries, both It is also a very good reason e quarrels between their friends f the world like Germany and will not get dragged into a war shared interest in preserving thalf of the reason why relations have improved in the 1960s, Russians have behaved like According to the Economist the has “probably set the detente h).
o the US, the revanchist West a “jaunt' of its own, a diverith the vestigal remnants of the

Page 43
WHERE DOES I MI
Czech capitalist class overth Czechoslovak Socialist Reput Soviet and West German go Thus The Times Bonn correspo ed, “In spite of angry popul Russians, with tomatoes thro the Bonn government seems maintain the possibility of when the present crisis blows was of course good reason fo the special correspondent furth the Soviet Ambassador in Bon handed Dr. Kiesinger a messag the Federal Republic that Ru was aimed at no other state warm terms the "great impor sets by good Soviet-German re Soviet approach was duly app
West German Chancellor, w “in his televised interview to convinced that these Russia intended.” (August 23rd).
Foreign Minister Willy Brand German Chancellor, Dr. Kie the Third Reich, played it a convenient division of labou who spoke for West German
What becomes abundant! collusion with “hostile foreign f ism, is a canard against the le nist Party. Collaboration, if was, but this was between US bureaucracy, since that very
Washington's acknowledgme

PÉRIALISM STAND?
41
rown in 1948, to harass the olic? But the conduct of the
vernments completely belie it. ondent, David Hotham, reportar demonstrations against the wn at the Soviet Ambassador,
to be leaning backwards to good relations with Moscow over.” (23rd August). There or such hopes in view of what ner reported: "Mr. Tsarapkin, an, yesterday (i. e. 21st August) ce from his government assuring ssian action in Czechoslovakia and emphasizing in remarkably -tance" the Soviet Government elations." The warmth of the reciated by Dr. Kiesinger, the 'ho according to The Times ld his listeners that he was in assurances were seriously
While the Social Democratic t waxed indignant, the Federal singer, a former diplomat of cool. While this represented r, there can be no doubt as to imperialism.
y clear is that the charge of orces” that is, those of imperialadership of the Czech Commu
not collusion, there indeed ! imperialism and the Moscow
collaboration is the basis of :nt that the policing of

Page 44
42 C Z E CHO S L OV
Czechoslovakia is the respon it is not without coincidence th boss was overthrown in Janu General Sejna fled to. . . . . . . .
30th August, 1968.
Published in the Ceylon Daily

A KIA (1968)
sibility of Moscow. Perhaps at when Novotny the Stalinist lary this year, his strongman . . . . the United States.
News, September 5th 1968.

Page 45
RIFT IN THE W
- MOVI
What is most terrifying a Soviet Union against the Sc vakia is that the power of an has been brought to bear in struggle within a Communi aspect of the conflict now ta To be more exact, what the achieve is the restoration to pc clique - it is immaterial wh probably Oldrich Svetka. A in a political struggle both wi is now sought to be foisted admittedly superior destruct military power of the mode
Morality apart, the 're of war of political issues alrea within the Czechoslovak Col revolution within the country in Czechoslovakia since Janua tion of a political revolution - principle, the law of the jun "fraternal' parties and in bureaucratized and hierarc of the Soviet action are so even the most exceptional circ reasons given in the official st lies, could induce even the to acquiesce in the barbarous

V
ORLD COMMUNIST
EMENT
bout the military action of the cialist Republic of Czechosloultra modern military machine the determination of a political st Party. This is an important aking place in Czechoslovakia. might of Soviet arms seeks to ower of the old diehard Stalinist ether it be Novotny or more clique defeated and overthrown thin the party and the country on them both, solely on the ive capacity of the mightiest rn World.
:activation' by the instrument dy settled by factional struggle mmunist Party and a political - the Superstructural changes ry 1968 come Within the defini- introduces a highly dangerous gle, into the relations between the internal life within these nic parties. The implications
palpably frightening that not umstances, even if true, and the atement by Tass are downright most docile Communist Party action of the Kremlin oligarchy.

Page 46
44
CZECHOSLOV
The precedent is too deadly large number of Communist independence from Moscow, a
mass parties of Italy, Fran countries, etc.
The equivocal stand of ( North Viet Nam party are expl: on Soviet aid in their immediat lism. Among the supporters are the parties of the US, W Party in exile in Moscow, w Party echoing the official version to change its line. This si considerable progress for the ( no doubt the forthright stand rescued it from the ignoble Communist organisations of th
The undeclared war o against the regenerated work
marks the final nemesis of S years ago, it emerged under the of isolation and backwardness the product not of Bolshevism the backlash of the Czarist en threw. On the social and econo revolution of 1917 - the nat state monopoly of foreign trade a political apparatus worthy of only into the life of society, the repressive police methods and before long, even Ivan, t human character.

A KI A (1968)
! Hence for the first time a
Parties have asserted their nd among them are the large ce, Japan, the Scandinavian
Cuba and the support of the ained by their total dependence e struggle against US imperiaof Soviet military intervention est Germany and the Greek phile the Ceylon Communist 1 has made adequate provision mall qualification represents Ceylon Communist Party and
of the SLFP and the LSSP servility of the “letter box" he US and West Germany. f the Kremlin bureaucracy ers’ state of Czechoslovakia talinism. A little over forty - peculiar historical conditions s of the first workers’ state,
which created that state but npire which Bolshevism over
mic foundations of the October cionalized property relations,
etc - there now mushroomed the old Czarist regime. Not put into the Bolshevik Party of Czarism were introduced, he Terrible, assumed a more

Page 47
R II F T I N T H E W O R L D C
But as Stalinism expan society recorded its economi between the socialist economi political structure was furthe tion measures of Khrushchev the Soviet Union, but these movement for political reforn countries. Belatedly Czecho, more thorough was the demo this is the source of danger to the irony is that in attemptin revolution, it is only hastening the Soviet Union. The invas of Czechoslovakia by the Sc the politics of Stalinism to th the Soviet people face the cha the shame of the cowardly ac this supreme act will the Sovie with history.
And the ferment of ideas
dissidence among the intellec prospect. There cannot be the tial minority, at the very leas commencement opposed the now known that a full meeting the Central Committee of the ( Union was summoned on the and that it was in session till a of Soviet troops into Czechosl a meeting would signify that Committee was sharply divided of the Central Committee th means unanimous,

O M M U N I S T M O V E M E NT 45
led into Europe and Soviet successes, the contradiction : relations and the totalitarian sharpened. The destalinizataved off a show down within , in their turn, sparked the in the other East European slovakia joined but all the cratization programme. And the Moscow bureaucracy, but g to crush the Czech political
the political revolution within ion of the Socialist Republic viet Red Army has brought e point of utter absurdity that allege to overthrow it to wipe it of 21st August. Only by at people settle their account
within the Soviet Union, as growth of the movement of tuals, amply bears out that slightest doubt that a substanit, would have from the very Brezhnev adventure. It is (members and candidates) of communist Party of the Soviet day before the Soviet invasion few hours of the actual march ovakia. The need for such the praesidium of the Central and the unusally long meeting it opinion within was by no

Page 48
46
CZECH OSLO V
As the monstrosity of the the resistance of the Czech peop already existing movement of there can be no doubt that th of the last 6 months will occi and that the Soviet Communist and Smrkovsky.
26th August, 1968.
Published in the Ceylon Dail

A KIA (1968)
e latest crime is realised and ble produces its impetus on the
revolt within Soviet society, e Czechoslovak developments ur in the Soviet Union itself, Party will produce its Dubcek
y News, August 29th 1968.

Page 49
BOURGEOIS AND
DEMO
The living agony of Cze an old problem of the internat the question of proletarian dem falsifications, slanders, lies, thr from the official Soviet docum it is this question which emerge dispute between the Czechos the Communist Party of the So surprisingly the question has ari way but in a specific and conc of expression. The Soviet C insist that the Czechoslovak censorship of the press, radio leadership of Dubcek had aboli of democratization since Jani specific demand addressed to Party leadership by the 5 Cor Warsaw in the early part of Ju “the cause of the defence of tl and all working people, of the lovakia demands. ....... seizu
mass information - the press emphasis).
Under the reform progra of mass media was removed a letter, "Anti-socialist and re control over the press, radio a them into a tribune for attacks

O PROLETARIAN CRACY
echoslovakia has posed anew ional revolutionary movementaocracy. Once the irrelevancies, Feats and menaces are excluded ents and Stalinist propaganda, s as the heart core and of the lovak Communist Party and viet Union and its allies. Not Esen not in a general and abstract erete manner, viz. the freedom ommunist Party and its allies
Communist Party reimpose and television which the new shed as part of the programme uary 1968. This is the only the Czechoslovak Communist mmunist Parties which met in ly. According to their letter, ne power of the working class socialist conquest in Czechosre by the Party of media of - radio, and television.” (Our
amme of Dubcek censorship nd, according to the Warsaw visionist forces have gained nd television and transformed on the Communist Party, for

Page 50
48
CZECH OSLO
the disorientation of the w people, for unbridled anti-soc
mining of friendly relations bet Republic and other socialis letter express mention is mad
Words" and this was charac denounced as “an organi counter-revolution.”
In its reply the Czech dissociating itself from the sen that “the consequences of the a ten the Party, the national fre conceded that unorthodox press, radio and public meetin is a long term task and reso administrative and power s further stated that "the camp against various functionaries
members of the new leadership from extremist positions both 1 aspect of our situation.” Hav has come out against these letter stated: "We know th by the abolition of censorship ment of freedom of express had been spread in the forr etc., before can now be expre of the Central Committee of Party thereafter asked whet ending of censorship and the could be considered as "forfeit of the Communist Party of C: reactionary counter-revolutioi

TA KI A (1968)
orking class and all working |alist demogogy, for the underween the Czechoslovak Socialist
countries." In the Warsaw 2 of the Czech document “2000 terized as "anti-socialist” and sational-political platform of
Communist Party while clearly timents of that document noted ppeal 2000 Words did not threaont and the socialist state.” It iews found expression in the g but declared that the solution rt could not be made to “old tructures.” The Czech reply paign and unjustified slanders
and public officials – including of the party - which are conducted left and right, are still a negative Ping declared that the leadership
methods in specific cases, the at this situation is facilitated - in our country and the enaction and of the press. What n of "whispered propaganda’ essed openly." The praesidium
the Czechoslovak Communist her such phenomena as the institution of free discussions ure of the leading political role cechoslovakia under pressure of nary forces,” and concluded

Page 51
BO UR GEOS AND PRO LE
that it was not so but a neces: in its own words, “this is only Situation.’’
In any other situation the not merit discussion, least of all & since even-bourgeois liberals Wol ship is invariably associated wi military dictatorships and Fasci of acute crisis need the 'secur in power, and with priest ridder Which needs to maintain a syst the liberating air of scientific ai the Roman Catholic Church h prohibited index in the last te years after the October revol rule and domination, the Sov claims the moral authority of til and has sent its armies to enfor Party reintroduce censorship ( had lifted 20 years after the ovel in that country. In making til principles of Marxism and L that it is necessary to examine W demand of censorship finds an doing so discuss the broader proletarian democracy.
Limitation of Bourgeois Democ
Even the most democrat actual fact a dictatorship of the the working class and the ot is not a Marxist quip but an acci society. In the words of Leni nature of bourgeois civilisation
iV

T ARIA N DEMOCRACY 49
sary phase of development, or part of our present political
question of censorship will among revolutionary Marxists, uld be opposed to it. Censorth police regimes, reactionary ist states which being regimes ity' of censorship to remain and institutionalized religion em of censorship to keep out nd secular ideas. While even nas not added a book to its n years, today more than 50 ution which ended capitalist viet Communist Party which hat revolution has demanded, ce that the Czech Communist of the mass media which it rthrow of the capitalist system nis preposterous demand the eninism have been invoked hether the police-bureaucratic y place in the system and in
questions of bourgeois and
racy ic bourgeois republic is in bourgeoisie which suppresses her oppressed masses. This urate Summation of bourgeois n: "In explaining the class n, bourgeois democracy and

Page 52
50
CZECH OSLO V
the bourgeois parliamentary expressed the idea formulate precision by Marx and Eng democratic bourgeois democra a machine for the suppressior bourgeoisie, for suppression handful of capitalists" 2
While the task of a socialis ing and smashing of this m creation of a new instrument, the severe limitations of the democracies. Lenin stressed
"In capitalist society, the most favourable conditi complete democracy in the d democracy is always hemme by capitalist exploitation, an in effect a democracy for the tied classes, only for the society always remains about t Greek republics: freedom to the conditions of capita
wage slaves are so crushed b cannot be bothered with der with politics; in the ordinai the majority of the populati tion in public and political
Despite the formal recog and the “legal” equality of all enjoyment, the real world of divisions and polarization – wit end and poverty and degrada

A KIA (1968)
system, all socialists have d with the greatest scientific gels, namely, that the most atic republic is no more than a of the working class by the of the working people by a
st revolution is the overthrowachine of oppression and the - Marxists always emphasized nost democratic of bourgeois this as follows:
providing it develops under ons, we have a more or less emocratic republic. But this d in by the narrow limits set d consequently always remains
minority, only for the properrich. Freedom in capitalist the same as it was in the ancient for the slave owners. Owing list exploitation, the modern y want and poverty that “they mocracy," cannot be bothered Fy, peaceful course of events, on is debarred from participa
life.”3
gnition of democratic rights
persons to their exercise and capitalism with its sharp class h wealth and influence at one tion at the other – makes a

Page 53
BOURGEOIS AND PROLE
complete mockery of bourgeoi of Lenin,
“Democracy for an insigi for the rich-that is the democi
we look more closely into the cracy, we see everywhere, in tl details of the suffrage (reside of women etc.), in the tech: institutions, in the actual obst (public buildings are not for “p talist organisation of the daily riction after restriction upon de exceptions, exclusions, obstacl especially in the eyes of one himself and has never been in classes in their mass life (and n nine out of hundred, bourgeo come under this category); b restrictions exclude and squeez and from active participatio
And not infrequently the democracy is brought out in to remind Kautsky of this ir
"Take the fundamental 1: their administration, take free of the press, or ‘equality of a and you will see at every turi of bourgeois democracy with class conscious worker is fam state, however democratic, w reservations in its constitution the possibility of despatching of proclaiming martial law, a 'violation of public order, and

TARIAN DEMOCRACY 51
a democracy. In the words
nificant minority, democracy racy of capitalist society. If
machinery of capitalist demone “petty”-supposedly pettyential qualification, exclusion nique of the representative acles to the right of assembly aupers!’”), in the purely capipress, etc, etc., - we see restemocracy. These restrictions, es for the poor seem slight,
who has never known want I contact with the oppressed nine out of ten, if not, ninetypis publicists and politicians ut in their sum total these e out the poor from politics, n in democracy."4 bourgeois essence of capitalist aily life. Lenin had occasion . the following words: iws of modern states, take dom of assembly, freedom Il citizens before the law,” i evidence of the hypocrisy ! which every honest and liar. There is not a single hich has no loopholes or uaranteeing the bourgeoisie troops against the workers, nd so forth, in case of aactually in case the exploit

Page 54
52
CZECHOSLO
ed class "violates” its p behave in a non-slavish
Even the “freest” bourg only for the bourgeoisie, while ship which sits heavily on the
"In other words, und in the proper sense of the for the suppression of or is more, of the majority by successful, such an undertak of the exploited majority for the utmost ferocity a suppressing, it calls for
mankind is actually wadi and wage labour.” 8
Bourgeois class rule exp of the bourgeoisie over the e cracy the different sections ( privileges and rights of dem circumstances even the bourge rights. Similarly, the dictato a dictatorship of the proletari: ing classes and the widest ( The difference in the two di the violence, compulsion and is now exercised by the majo in the old order, a minority : of state to keep the majorit in subjection. In the wor the vast majority of the per i.e. exclusion from democracy of the people - this is the during the transition from ca

VA KI A (1968)
psition of slavery and tries to
manner.'"5
eois democracy is a democracy at the same time it is a dictatoroppressed. To quote Lenin,
er capitalism we have the state word, that is, a special machine le class by another, and what
the minority. Naturally, to be ing as the systematic suppression by the exploiting minority calls .nd savagery in the matter of seas of blood, through which ng its way in slavery, serfdom
pressed itself in the dictatorship xploited masses and in a demoof the bourgeoisie alone had the ocracy, while under exceptional eoisie was denied these democratic orship of the proletariat signifies at over the expropriated exploitdemocracy of the working class. ctatorships or class rule, is that
force inevitable in state power Drity against a minority, whereas of exploiters used the machinery y of exploited and propertyless ds of Lenin, "Democracy for ople, and suppression by force, - of the exploiters and oppressors = change democracy undergoes pitalism to communism."

Page 55
BOURGEOIS AND PROLE
How the Proletarian Dictatorship
From its very institution, the puts an end to the bourgeois which the bourgeoisie by virtue of production and property en of expression and assembly, in effect denied the exercise of the conditions for the free ar rights by the toilers. It achie revolutionary measures of cap words of a resolution adopted Communist International:
“The workers know pe the most democratic bourg assembly' is a hollow phras public and private buildings leisure to assemble at meeti the bourgeois machine of p workers and the small pe majority of the population - As long as that state of affa ‘pure democracy,’ is a frau win equality and enable th democracy in practice is to the public and sumptuous p working people leisure and to of assembly is protected by a of the nobility or capitalist o trodden soldiers. Only when we speak of freedom of asse mocking at the workers, at at the poor. And this cha the vanguard of the working overthrows the exploiters, 1

TARIAN DEMOCRACY 53
o Ensures Genuine Democracy e dictatorship of the proletariat system of democracy under of its ownership of the means njoyed the democratic rights while the working class was these same rights. It created ad genuine exercise of these ved this by implementing the pitalist expropriation. In the by the first Congress of the
erfectly well, too, that even geois republic “freedom of e, for the rich have the best at their disposal, and enough ngs, which are protected by ower. The rural and urban asants - the overwhelming - are denied all these things. airs prevails, sequality, i.e. d. The first thing to do to Le working people to enjoy
deprive the exploiters of all private buildings, to give the I see to it that their freedom armed workers, not by scions fficers in command of downa that change is effected can mbly and of equality without
working people in general, nge can be effected only by people, the proletariat, which the bourgeoisie."8

Page 56
54
CZECH OSLO
And so it is with the that of free expression. In til
"Freedom of press’ is a of ‘free democracy.’ And and socialists everywhere times - that this freedom printing presses and biggest by the capitalists, and whi remains, a rule that is ma all the more strikingly, s! democracy and the repu as in America for example. real equality and genuine people, for the workers an of the possibility of hiring houses and bribing news capitalists and exploiters their resistance suppressed, used the term freedom to get richer and for the we capitalist usage, freedom of the rich to bribe the pre to shape and fabricate sorespect, too, the defenders to be defenders of an utte gives the rich control over to be deceivers of the people fine sounding, but thoroug from the concrete historici from capitalist enslaveme equality will be embodie Communists are building a opportunity for amassing w no objective opportunities f

VA KI A (1968)
other great democratic right, he words of the same document,
another of the principal slogans here too the workers know – have admitted it millions of is a deception while the best stocks of paper are appropriated le capitalist rule over the press anifested throughout the world harply and cynically the more blican system are developed, - The first thing to do to win - democracy for the working
peasants, is to deprive capital
writers, buying up publishing papers. And to do that the
have to be overthrown and - The capitalists have always
mean freedom for the rich to orkers to starve to death. In of the press means freedom ss, freedom to use their wealth called public opinion. In this s of "pure" democracy prove rly foul and venal system that the mass media. They prove e, who with the aid of plausible, Ehly false phrases, divert them al task of liberating the press ent. Genuine freedom and
d in the system which the and in which there will be no sealth at the expense of others, or putting the press under the

Page 57
BOURGEOIS AND PROL
direct or indirect power of in the way of any workingm in any numbers) for enjoyin in the use of public printin paper.”9 (Emphasis added)
It is well known that Lenin of the question of democracy i general, as was done by liber in the labour movement. H
democracy and following Marx was in fact the dictatorship of t) riat and a democracy for the bot of the proletariat was a dictat class and a full and genuine To quote Lenin, “It follows must inevitably entail not only and institutions, generally sp change as an unparalleled exte of democracy by those oppress classes. And indeed, the for that has already taken shape, the Rate-system in Germany, 1 in Britain and similar Soviet i all this implies and presents to
majority of the population, g for enjoying democratic right ever before, even approximatel cratic bourgeois republic.”10 under the dictatorship of the p lleled extension of actual enjoyi opportunities for enjoying den than even “in the best and republic.”

ET ARIAN DEMOCRACY 55
- money, and no impediments nan (or groups of workingmen, ag and practising equal rights g presses and public stocks of
sharply denounced the posing n general and dictatorship in als and their fellow-travellers e probed the class nature of said that bourgeois democracy he bourgeoisie over the proletaurgeoisie, while the dictatorship orship over the old exploiting democracy for the proletariat. that proletarian dictatorship a change in democratic forms eaking, but precisely such a nsion of the actual enjoyment sed by capitalism - the toiling m of proletarian dictatorship
i.e. Soviet power in Russia, Ehe Shop-Steward Committees
nstitutions in other countries, the toiling classes i.e., the vast greater political opportunities Es and liberties than existed y in the best and most demo
The proletarian democracy roletariat signified “an unparaenent,” and “greater practical -mocratic rights and liberties"
most democratic bourgeois

Page 58
56 C Z E CHO SLO W
The pre-conditions for su cracy, besides the creation C exercise of democratic rights expression, are the recognit of oppositional parties i.e. p. of the ruling party but submi state structure created by the by the ruling party of the minc parties. Indeed there can be bourgeois or proletarian, unles nised and properly enforced. state whether it exists under the or the proletariat is by defini bourgeois or proletarian del context it arises. This propos needless to say that it was th the Bolshevik party enunciatec tarian democracy. In view by later Stalinist “theoreticial that a single party state W Bolshevism. The entire histo is the refutation of this policem proceSS.
Historical Experience
The Bolshevik Party o November 7th 1917 after it the 2nd Congress of Soviet Deputies. The Soviets - wh individual country - are the C create when they enter the ( their struggle against the olc working class fight within the party character of the Soviets is the organisation since they are

A K I A (1968)
ich a wide extension of demoof conditions for the genuine like freedom of assembly and ion to independent existence arties which are independent t and function within the new revolution and the toleration rity views of these oppositional no talk of democracy whether is such rights were duly recogIn other words, a one party dictatorship of the bourgeoisie tion a complete negation of mocracy, depending in which ition is so elementary that it is e premise on which Lenin and i their theory of Soviet proleof the Vulgarization of Lenin ns' it must be repeated again as not a priori principle of ry of Bolshevism under Lenin an’s conception of the historical
rganised the insurrection of had obtained the majority at s of Workers' and Soldiers' at ever be the name in each organisations which the masses openly revolutionary phase of d order. All currents of the m for leadership. The multiinherrent in the very nature of the widest mass organisations

Page 59
BO UR GEOIS AND PROI
of the people in revolt. All te nuances find expression withi degress of consciousness of From February 1917, while by the S. R. and Mensheviks, the latter none the less called fo provisional Government and Congress of Soviets, althoug S. R. - Menshevik dominatec Bolsheviks an oppositional
The multiparty character c and striking feature. The E was clearly implicit in their c. to power - "All power to the to work in this milieu of cont party strife was epitomized Bolshevik chairman made Wh Bolsheviks had gained the m Soviet in September, 1917. record the first Bolshevik Pr as follows :-
“We are party people swords more than once. of the Petersburg Soviet in independence for all factic will never oppress the 1
The Bolshevik recognitio of Soviet democracy was “compromise' which Lenin of a few weeks before the Bols stated that “our party, like any after political domination fo

ET AR I AN DEM O C R A C Y 57
indencies, currents and political in them, reflecting the varying the newly awakened masses.
the Soviets were controlled and the Bolsheviks a minorityr the overthrow of the bourgeois
the vesting of power in the gh this would have meant a di Soviet Government with the
party.
if the Soviets is its most obvious Bolsheviks' acceptance of this entral slogan before they came Soviets. Their own readiness roversy, debate, discussion and in the declaration which the en he assumed office after the majority in the Petrograd City According to a contemporary 'esident, Leon Trotsky, stated
and We shall have to cross
But we shall guide the work a spirit of justice and complete ons; the hand of the Praesidium minority.”
in of the multi-party character further emphasised in the fered the SRs and Mensheviks, heviks seized power. Having other political party, is striving r itself, Lenin called upon

Page 60
58
CZECH OSLO
the SRs and Mensheviks “t and exclusively responsible to over all the power locally as
In exchange, Lenin sta advance no other condition, would proceed peacefully an would be peacefully overcom freedom of propaganda and t of a new democracy in the co elections) and in their functi to work within the legal ai of the Soviet organisation.
Lenin proceeded to declare the opportunity of quite freel of trying to win influence ir complete democracy. In word the Bolsheviks this freedom. impossible under a bourgeois ( in which the bourgeoisie partic ment, in fact, other than the So ment, such freedom would be p be a certainty, but still it woul of such a possibility at such worth compromising with the f
We have nothing to fear from on our side, and even the foi within the SR and Menshevik us, proves us right.”14 (Oui
Perhaps all this was a ri another example of the “amo policy of the Bolshevik party proceeded on the recognition of Soviets. Although the Me

A KI A (1968)
) form a government wholly the Soviets, the latter taking well."12
ited, "the Bolsheviks would
trusting that the revolution 1 party strife in the Soviets Le thanks to really complete ) the immediate establishment mposition of the Soviets (new pning,”13 that is, he undertook id constitutional frame work
:: “The Bolsheviks would gain y advocating their views and i the Soviets under a really is, "everybody” now concedes
In reality, this freedom is Government or a Government cipates, or under any Governviets. Under a Soviet Governossible (we do not say it would Id be possible). For the sake
a difficult time, it would be present majority in the Soviets.
real democracy, for reality is -ce of development of trends
parties, which are hostile to - emphasis).
use to hoodwink the enemy, oralism” of Lenin? But the - after the seizure of power
of the multi-party character ensheviks and the SRs while

Page 61
BO UR GEOIS AND PROL
they were in the majority in 1 the bourgeoisie, did not seize 1 overthrew the Provisional G out of the 2nd Congress of ti nonetheless offered to collab Government, provided these of the new institutions create
The very terms that the Bo the multi-party basis of the as is evident from the followi the Central Executive Comm “The Central Executive Comr is necessary to have in the gov Socialist parties that are in th and peasant Deputies and of the November 6 - 7 revoll peace, workers control and view of that the Central Ex the continuation of conversat of a government with the Sovi laid down conditions, one of government "the candidacy ministerial posts should be i.
Even the nationalisation o newsprint stocks, far from i party regime or assailing the was expressly introduced to ens in the Soviet are assured of g clear from the official Bolshevil of the bourgeois press was dicta needs in the course of the insu of counter-revolutionary acti as a measure of transition to

ETA RIAN DEMOCRACY 59
he Soviets did not break with lower and, when the Bolsheviks overnment, themselves walked e Soviets, the Bolshevik party orate with them in the new parties accepted the legality i by the October revolution.
lshevik party offered recognised Soviet system of democracy, ng Bolshevik resolution which ittee of the Soviets adopted: mittee is of the opinion that it 'ernment representatives of the Le Soviets of Workers, soldiers which accept the conquests ution, the decrees of land and the arming of Workmen. In ecutive Committee authorises ions relative to the formation et parties, and, thereafter, it which was that in the new of Lenin and Trotsky for insisted upon.'
f printing establishments and intending to institute a single lemocratic right of expression ure that the parties represented enuine democracy, as is made resolution: “The suppression ted not only by purely military rrection, and for the checking on, but it is also necessary ward the establishment of a

Page 62
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CZECHOSLOV
new regime with regard to the the capitalist owners of printin be the all-powerful and exclu opinion.
“We must further proceed printing plants and supplies of property of the Soviets, both in ces, so that the political part of the facilities of printing in p of the ideas they represent - i to the number of their constitue summed up the Bolshevik po resolution: “Novoe Vremia w Soviet should not have one y paper.17 As Lenin envisa and as the Bolshevik decree or clear what Soviet democracy the capitalist press was not th of expression or the introductie sion of the freedom of expressi facilities and paper to all pari to their strength in Soviet {
But the other Soviet parties far from availing their rights functioning within the const Soviets which the October 1 looked towards the overthros bourgeoisie behind whom s April 1918 the Japanese lan prospect of imperialist intervi therefore the right S.Rs at the
May 1918 called for the overthi ship, while the Mensheviks

A KI A (1968)
Press - a regime under which g presses and of paper cannot sive manufacturers of public
to the confiscation of private paper, which should become the 1 the capital and in the provinles and groups can make use roportion to the actual strength n other words, proportionately ats.”18 Trotsky picturesquely osition in his speech on this 'hich has not one vote in the vord of type or one sheet of iged before the revolution 1 the press made it abundantly
sought when it expropriated ne suppression of the freedom on of censorship but the extenon by the allocation of printing ties and groups in proportion elections.
-- right S.Rs and Mensheviks –
within Soviet democracy and itutional frame-work of the revolution had "legalised" - vn and expropriated Russian tood world imperialism. In ded at Vladivostok and the ention now became real and eir Conference in Moscow in Cow of the Bolshevik dictatorhopelessly torn by internal

Page 63
BO UR GEOS AND PROL
dissension were only united by regime. It is not surprising the Central Executive Commi right S.R.S. and Mensheviks
When the civil war broke on the side of the counter rev protect the new state power measures against them. In the ing of persecution by the Bolsi and Socialist Revolutionaries tj are persecuted for participating the bourgeoisie against the pri of the Mensheviks went over against us during the civil W Mensheviks, we even shoot the us, fight against our Red Army ders. We responded to th proletarian war — there can from the political point of vie hypocrisy. Historically, it is who have not been officially ( the Berne Conference, on the i and Socialist-Revolutionaries, the latter, yet keep silent about with the bourgeoisie, against furiously attack us for persecu they do not say a word about taken in the civil War 18 Soviets and despite their count early period of the Civil War, the till 1921. On November 30th Committee of the Soviets annull and in February 1919 the sam SRs. They participated by inv

E TA RIAN DE M O C R A C Y 61
their hostility to the Bolshevik therefore that in June 1918
ttee should have excluded the
from the Soviets.
out these parties were openly olution and the Bolsheviks to had of course to take stern words of Lenin: "In complainheviks, the Russian Mensheviks ry to conceal the fact that they in the civil War on the side of oletariat. . . . . . . . The majority to the bourgeoisie and fought ar. We, of course, persecute m, when they wage war against y and shoot our Red commane bourgeois war with the be no other way. Therefore, w, all this is sheer Menshevik incomprehensible how people certified as mad could talk at instructions of the Mensheviks about the Bolsheviks fighting t their own struggle in alliance the proletariat. All of them ting them. This is true. But the part they themselves have Although excluded from the ter - revolutionary role in the e Mensheviks were not outlawed 1918, the Central Executive ed the exclusion of Mensheviks e benefit was extended to the 7itation in the 7th and 8th All

Page 64
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CZECHOSLOV
Russian Congresses of the Sovie 1920, and Dan and Martov spol objective bourgeois historian, E the Mensheviks had party office issued newsheets and proclamat establishments over the signatur In August 1920 a Menshevik openly in Moscow and even repe
It must also be remembere seizure of power and 1921, the the German ambassador to the to annul the Brest treaty bet killed Volodarsky and Uritsky, seriously wounded Lenin him single party State been a prin later Stalinists held, any one of a sufficient justification for the Soviet parties like the Mensh Bolsheviks rightly came down wi acts of violations by these partie in this period. This was not a 1 of the Bolsheviks. On the conti toleration of even these comproi tion of the multi-party charac the true functioning of Soviet their legal existence.
In any event, the Bolshev. problem, not in the suppres means of oppositional Soviet to extra legal methods but in European countries of the so Bolsheviks had initiated. The and, therefore, the smooth wo

A KI A (1968)
ets held in December 1919 and ke for them. According to an E. H. Carr, "Throughout 1920 es and a club in Moscow and cions through friendly printing e of the central committee. ...
party conference was held orted in the Soviet press.” 19
ed that between the Bolshevik e Left SRs had assassinated Soviet Republic in an attempt Eween Germany and USSR,
two leading Bolsheviks and aself in Moscow. Had the aciple of Bolshevism, as the - these acts would have been
illegalization of oppositional eviks and SRs. While the _th a heavy hand on individual s, the parties were not banned measure of the irresponsibility rary, implicit in the Bolshevik nised parties was the recogniter of the Soviets, and that democracy itself necessitated
iks saw the solution to this sion by police-bureaucratic parties which had resorted the extension to the West cialist revolution which the consolidation of their victory orking of Soviet democracy,

Page 65
BOURGEOIS AND PROL
was wholly dependent on the tions in the advanced countrie perspective in which the Bolsh 1917, but by 1921, not only : revolutions, particularly in G capitalism itself was beginning t outpost of the world revolutio: fortress. The October revoluti its own meagre and dwindlin revolution.
And the first act of self-def revolution was to ban the M whom the overthrown bourgeo This absolutely necessary ste a severe blow to Soviet democra of proletarian democracy wit proletariat, and, the Bolsheviks, on this score. It was no acci matter of a few weeks, the Bolsh on themselves, in the exercise This further curtailment merely situation in which the first worke of the post war revolutionary
It is common place that d or proletarian can take root on climate, and the Russia of this i in this essential. The pauper
medieval Czarist monarchy wa years of the first imperialist wa caused by two revolutions in civil war and the war of interv the economy to serve the needs and exactions of “War Commi

ET ARIAN DEMOCRACY 63
outbreak of successful revolus of the West. This was the eviks seized power in October nad the anticipated post war ermany, been defeated, but o stabilize itself. The forward i soon became a beleaguered on had now to fall back on g “reserves” to defend that
ence against internal counterensheviks and SRs through isie sought to raise its head. p, undoubtedly, represented cy, a considerable diminution hin the dictatorship of the least of all, had any illusions dent that very soon, in the eviks had to place restrictions
of inner party democracy. expressed the gravity of the rs state was after the recession wave.
emocracy whether bourgeois ly in a favourable economic veriod was tragically deficient economic inheritance of the s further ravaged by three r, the economic dislocation ne year, the damage of the ntion, the running down of of the front, the requisitions inism" and the famine and

Page 66
64
CZECHOSLO devastation which came in the in these circumstances is that Bolshevik party were able to cratic machinery of the Soviet revolutions in the rest of
materialize, the inevitable de a foregone conclusion, and w! purely rearguard action to del something for the future re
It is not without significa of the impending nightmare o expression through Lenin. unavoidable establishment of s of democracy within the Bo see the implication of these Soviet Union not as a work state with bureaucratic def all the published writings of culminating with the demand the post of General Secretary, i
were concerned with the gro within the state and party and combating the new threat.
The struggle which Lenin was continued after his dea Left Opposition, and as was place in the platform of the i was the question of Party and of Lenin aided the forces whi control at home and world r bureaucracy who found in Sta This new privileged laver drov and in that drive completely

I A KI A (1968)
ir wake. What is remarkable the Soviet workers and their maintain for so long the demoin the expectation of successful Europe. Once this did not cline of Soviet democracy was hat happened, thereafter, was a ay the denouement and salvage vival.
ance that the first borebodings of Stalinism should have found
Already by 1921, after the ingle party rule and the curbing Ishevik Party, Lenin, quick to
events, was speaking of the rers' state but “as a workers’ ormations.” 20 And virtually e the last year of his life, for the removal of Stalin from n the postscript to his testament, Dwing danger of bureaucratism l of the ways and means of
initiated against bureaucratism th by Leon Trotsky and the
to be expected, an important anited Left Opposition of 1927
Soviet democracy. The death ch wanted to be free of workers’ evolution abroad, viz, the new in their spokesman and leader. e forward to undisputed power emasculated Soviet democracy

Page 67
BOURGEOIS AND PROLI
and, later even juridicially an October revolution, destroyed party democracy of the Bolshe revolutionary party of the S instrument for the defence of bureaucracy against the worki unions into mere appendages working class had no contro. the party and the state a reign
ment without trial, shootings, "civil war” against the advanc class and those sections of the loyal to the programme of Leni caste completely expropriated tł Union of all political power ar condition within Soviet soci domination and dictatorship defend its material privileges aga a police-bureaucratic regime, wi of such regimes, uncontrolled censorship, total ban on partie elections, the complete muzzlin
In his polemic against K: “the ruling party in a bourg protection of the minority only while the proletariat on all serio issues, gets martial law or pogro of the minority.”21 One featı is the protection which the ru to other bourgeois parties. U bourgeoisie there may either b Fascism. And the fundamental democracy and Fascism is tha the protection accorded to oth

TARIAN DEMOCRACY 65 nulled this institution of the I even the restricted inner vik party and transformed the Dviet working class into an the material privileges of the ng class, converted the trade of the state over which the 1 whatever, instituted within of terror, massacre, imprison- frame-ups etc. and bloody ced elements of the working e Bolshevik party who stood
n. In a word, this privileged ne working class of the Soviet ad reduced it to an atomized
ety. And to maintain its over the working class and inst the workers, it introduced th all the reactionary features
power of the secret police, s and fractions, lack of free g of all criticism, etc.
Lutsky, Lenin remarked that pois democracy extends the
to another bourgeois party, Ls, profound and fundamental ms, instead of the “protection ire of bourgeois democracy ing bourgeois party accords nder the dictatorship of the e a bourgeois democracy or distinction between bourgeois in the latter, i.e. Fascism, er bourgeois parties is with

Page 68
66 CZ E CHO S L OV
drawn, and these parties, alor parties, are proscribed, hunted imposed on society by means ( media and total regulation f
Under the dictatorship ol development or rather degener but. . . . . . Stalinism. Both are viz, Fascism was occasioned class to carry out its historic of a developed capitalist econo1 arose out of the attempt of a su revolution to get out of the impelled that working class to that original backwardness isolation ended but the qua the limited expansion into Eurc the contradiction between th of the Soviet Union and thi bloc and the reactionary, alm structure of Stalinism.
The overthrow of Stalin of repression, censorship, vio is the essential precondition economic development of th regime of the present intensifie economy. The bureaucracy find a solution through “Lieb but these only serve to aggr introduction of genuine Sovie proletarian democracy is incon of Soviet parties and the term ship. It is not without signi

A KI A ( 1 9 6 8)
1g with, of course, proletarian down and a totalitarian regime of mass terror, control of mass rom above downwards.
if the proletariat an analogous ation, is called not Bolshevism regimes of acute crisis, one, by the failure of the working task of socialist reconstruction my and the other, viz, Stalinism ccessful but isolated proletarian very backwardness which had
power. By Stalinist methods has been overcome and the lified economic advance and pe have only served to heighten le socialist property relations other states of the socialist ost barbarous, political super
ism with its police apparatus lations of legality and terror, for the further and all sided ese states. The authoritarian is the crisis situation within the seeks in its own manner to ermanism' and other quackery avate the crisis which only the t democracy can resolve. And ceivable without the legalization ination of any form of censoricance that all the movements

Page 69
BOURGEOIS AND PROLEI
of protest - Berlin 1953, Pozr Prague, have had this democra underlying aim, however formi
What has been common to introduction of political democra nationalized socialist property re or not, this movement is directl privileges and power of the ruling pation of the working class in de of the social product – possible racy - would immediately me disproportionate share now appro Hence the grim determination faction. It is this fight agains presented as the struggle against the bureaucracy also carries with which is not only responsive to class but represents its histo revolutionary convulsions are i Europe but within the Soviet base and the political superstruct And in the completion of this supremet riumph and the crown temporary communist movemen
10th September, 1968

TARIAN DEMOCRACY 67
nan, Budapest, and now in tization programme as their ulated.
o all is the demand for the cy on the basis of the existing elations. Whether expressed y aimed at the vast material bureaucracy. The free particicisions about the distribution only in a proletarian democcan a scaling down of the opriated by that bureaucracy. of the diehard conservative t democratization which is E “counter-revolution." But nin it the “faction of Reiss” the strivings of the working ric interests. Many more nevitable not only in East Union before the economic ure are brought into accord.
development will lie the ing achievement of the con
it.

Page 70
68
(1)
(2)
(3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11)
(12) (13)
(14) (15)
(16) (17)
(18) (19) (20) (21)
CZ E CHO SLO W
R E F ER
The Times (London) 19
letter
Lenin: Theses and Repo the Dictatorship of the Communis referred to as T
Lenin: State and Revol.
Lenin: - (
Lenin: Proletarian Revo,
Lenin: - C
Lenin: - C
Theses
Sukhanov: Russian Rey,
Lenin: On Compromises
29 - C
C - وو Bolshevik Revolution: & Fisher.
John Reed: 10 Days th
Bolshevik Revolution: ) Fisher.
Theses
E. H. Carr: Bolshevik
Lenin: Speech on the
Lenin: Proletarian Rev

* A KI A ( 1 9 6 8 )
ENCES
7.68 for the text of the Soviet & the Czech reply.
rt on Bourgeois Democracy and of the Proletariat (1st Congress tInternational 1919). Hereafter Theses.
иtion
lo - ution and the Renegade Kautsky lo —
lo —
olution (Oxford)
(September 1917)
lo -
lo -
Documents edited by Bunyan
at shook the World.
Documents edited by Bunyan &
Revolution Vol. 1.
Trade Union Question.
olution & the Renegade Kautsky.

Page 71
Hmmm.

ppendices unuININIUINOLINOVININIAI

Page 72


Page 73
Appen
Letter to the Commun
slovakia from the Lal
The First Secretary,
The Communist Party Prague.
Comrade,
The Lanka Sama Sama events in Czechoslovakia and with the utmost interest and v so, we have been able to us from the Embassy of Czecho: we would like to place on rec
It has been the consiste Samaja Party that socialism an and that the rule of the pro with the fullest democracy. I pleasure that we have observed kia in the direction of democra to the following:
1. The abolition of the of freedom of speech in respect cation.
2. The steps taken towal tutions of the Communist Par from the institutions of the
3. The announced deter role of the Communist Party willing acceptance of the worki generally, to be won and m

dix
ist Party of Czechomka Samasamaja Party
of Czechoslovakia,
ja Party has followed recent its relation to Czechoslovakia with close attention. In doing e information made available slovakia in Ceylon for which ord our thanks.
nt view of the Lanka Sama ld human freedom go together, letariat is entirely consonant t is therefore with the greatest the steps taken in Czechoslovaatisation. We refer in particular
censorship and the granting of the mass media of communi
rds the separation of the instity and of the National Front
State.
mination to rest the leading in Czechoslovakia upon the ing class and the toiling masses aintained by the Communist

Page 74
72
CZECHOSLOV
Party's unremitting devotion as with, their interests, instead juridical imposition of that role lovak people.
4. The steps taken towai in the Communist Party in the ratisation process which has
5. The moves to establ factories.
We wish particularly to Party of Czechoslovakia for this liberating process of demo edly serve to strengthen socia
In this connection we h should have arisen in socialist the purpose and effects of th the democratisation process b
ment and the Czechoslovak from the point of view of cou and penetration, or from the interests of the community their common military interest to regard the process of dem in the present national and int ing Czechoslovakia or the co
On the contrary it is our de entirely coincides with yours a part of the difficult struggl

A KI A (1968)
and service to, and identification
of upon a bureaucratic and = from above upon the Czechos
eds genuine internal democracy
context of the general democbeen set going in the country.
ish Workers Councils in the
congratulate the Communist being itself the instrument of cratisation which will undoubtlism in Czechoslovakia.
ave to regret that any doubt
quarters themselves regarding e steps taken in the course of y the Czechoslovak Govern
Communist Party. Whether ntering imperialist intervention point of view of the general of socialist states, including s, it is in our view not possible ocratisation in Czechoslovakia ernational context as endangermmunity of socialist states.
eliberate view which we observe s that democratisation, itself e to consolidate and develop

Page 75
APPE
the socialist society, will be Czechoslovakia, to the com to the world socialist and 1
We believe that it must to the world socialist and I outcome of the talks at Cie has refuted and frustrated th its allies and agents no doubt ! of the Communist Party of lead to disruption of the frien nity of socialist states or havet
In this connection we Bratislava of the principles of sovereignty and independence : states. The unreserved appl essential to the forward develo and of the community of so
In concluding this letter should like to state our belief th lovakia to which we have re for Czechoslovakia but also i states and the world socialist influence of the ideas you pro take in implementing them ca
within the boundaries of Cze spread beyond to the benefit states to which Czechosloval world socialist movement to wl ble no less than to her imm

73
NDICES
a source of new strength to munity of socialist states and progressive movement.
be a source of real satisfaction progressive movement that the rna Nad Tisou and Bratislava e hopes which imperialism and marboured that the new initiatives
Czcehoslovakia would either dly relations within the commuo be halted and even reversed.
welcome the re-affirmation at
equality, respect for national in the relations between socialist ication of these principles is opment of both Czechoslovakia cialist states as a whole.
of friendship and solidarity we at the development in Czechosferred are significant not only or the community of socialist
movement. In our view the claim and of the measures you nnot and will not be confined choslovakia but must and will
of the socialist community of tia belongs and of the entire nich Czechoslovakia is responsiediate allies.

Page 76
74
CZECHOSLO
We wish you increasing undertaken of regenerating s would like to assure you of o of this task.
Please accept our socia
For and on behalf of the I
47, Jayantha Weerasekera Colombo 10. Dated 10th August, 1968.

VAKIA (1968)
success in the task you have ocialism in Czechoslovakia and ur solidarity in the carrying out
list greetings.
Yours fraternally,
LESLIE GOONEWARDENE
Secretary Lanka Sama Samaja Party Political Bureau of the L.S.S.P.
Mawatha,

Page 77
Appe
Joint Statement of Mr
naike and Dr. N. M.
SLFP a
The SILFP and LSSP in ac policy of non-alignment wit condemn the invasion and occ of Czechoslovakia, and the sub by the armed forces of the U and Bulgaria.
These acts constitute a fla ty and national independen for which had been proclai signed at Bratislava a few d
We call upon the invadi troops forthwith from Czec the lawful authorities function to resume their functions.
SIRIM
N. M.
Dated 24th August, 1968.

ndix I
s. Sirima Dias BandaraPerera on behalf of the nd LSSP
'cordance with their announced h any military or power bloc, upation of the Socialist Republic version of its lawful government JSSR, GDR., Poland, Hungary
grant violation of the sovereignce of Czechoslovakia, respect med in the solemn agreement ays earlier.
ng powers to withdraw their hoslovak soil and to permit ing at the time of the invasion
A R. D. BANDARANAIKE
PERERA

Page 78
Appen Statement of the Cen
Lanka Sama
In its letter of 10 Augu Dubcek, First Secretary of the lovakia, the Political Bureau Party welcomed the process had been set going in Czech and expressed its solidarity wi in this connection. In that let the reaffirmation at Bratislava respect for national sovereig socialist states.
In the interval between th 21 August, 1968 the USSR allies the German Democratic and Bulgaria — undertook t of the Socialist Republic of Cz methods completed in a matt Czechoslovakia and the subve while at the same time kidnap the country. The pretext put that hitherto unidentified “le
National Assembly and Comn had called for this interventi cynical excuse on which it is h
In a statement made jointl naike, Com. N. M. Perera on : to condemn the action of the fi Czechoslovakia and subvertec

dix III tral Committee of the Samaja Party
st, 1968, to Com. Alexander Communist Party of Czechos
of the Lanka Sama Samaja es of democratisation which oslovakia since early this year, th the C. P. of Czechoslovakia ter, we also specially welcomed
of the principles of equality, anty and independence among
at letter and this statement, on and four of its Warsaw Pact : Republic, Poland, Hungary heir infamous armed invasion echoslovakia, and by blitzkrieg er of hours the occupation of rsion of its lawful government, pping many socialist leaders of
forward for this outrage was eaders” of the Government, munist Party of Czechoslovakia onist aid — a dishonest and ardly necessary to comment.
y with Mrs, Sirimavo Bandara24 August 1968 went on record ve invaders who have occupied - its Government. The state

Page 79
ΑΡΡΕΣ
ment pointed out that a flagra and national independence
place, and called for the with the Five Powers from Czec! called on the Five Powers 1 existing in Czechoslovakia at to function again. The stat to be in accordance with the any military or power bloc - Common Programme adopte Communist Party of Ceylo
The LSSP, has consiste human freedom go together, an is entirely consonant with the also consistently been of the of the socialist countries—in ever fuller democracy, the a critical significance in block positions taken by the new lead vakia remarkably coincides democratisation within the esta was essential for the revitalisat In these circumstances, we par ing steps taken in Czechoslo the Communist Party:-
1. The abolition of the freedom of speech in respect of
2. The steps taken towai tions of the Communist Part from the institutions of the

NDICES
77
ant violation of the sovereignty of Czechoslovakia has taken drawal of the armed forces of hoslovak soil. The statement to leave the lawful authorities
the time of the invasion free ement was expressly declared
policy of non-alignment with – a principle embodied in the ed by the SLFP, LSSP, and
n.
ntly held that socialism and id that the rule of the proletariat e fullest democracy. We have
view that the further advance cluding the USSR -- requires bsence of which has assumed ing their path forward. The Hership of the CP of Czechoslo
with our own thinking that ablished framework of socialism sion of Czechoslovak socialism. ticularly applauded the followvakia under the leadership of
censorship and the granting of mass media of communication.
cds the separation of the instituEy and of the National Front
state.

Page 80
78 C Z E CHO SLOW
3. The announced deter role of the Communist Party of the working class and the won and maintained by the C devotion and service to, and id instead of upon a bureaucr of that role from above upon
4. The steps taken towar in the Communist Party in the cratisation process which has b
5. The moves to establ factories.
Manifestly, these were t aroused anxiety and dismay a Soviet Union, the German I Hungary and Bulgaria. The f the future of Socialism in Cze measures above referred to wer of their own bureaucratic reg decided that unless these tre checked at all costs at the vi democratisation would spre Czechoslovakia to their own cc tibly as Czechoslovakia hers democratic regime. Hence th Czechoslovakia and the subve support among the broadest m demonstrated in the last few
None will be deceived b Suggest that the new move1 nothing but a cover for cou

A KI A ( 1 9 6 8)
mination to rest the leading upon the willing acceptance oiling masses generally, to be ommunist Party's unremitting entification with their interets, tic and juridical imposition the Czechoslovak people.
ds genuine internal democracy context of the general demoeen set going in the country.
ish workers' councils in the
he very developments which mong the ruling circles in the Democratic Republic, Poland ears they expressed regarding choslovakia as a result of the e in reality fears for the future times. They have apparently inds in Czechoslovakia were ry outset, the movement for ad across the borders of untries, and ever more irresis:lf consolidated her socialist 2 invasion and occupation of 'sion of its government whose asses has been so dramatically
days.
the fabrications seeking to ment in Czechoslovakia was nter-revolutionaries in league

Page 81
A P P E N I
with interventionist imperialism that the CIA and other nefari were desperately trying to fish fabrications were in fact only fur perfidiously planned under cove: referred to above.
It is a fact that pre-Dub crisis due to economic stagnatior ment, and that reactionary ele an opportunity to raise their Czechoslovakia were, in our vi a socialist way out of the imp democratisation. It was alrea taken the wind out of the sails won a new and wide base of masses. They had successfully socialism in Czechoslovakia.
The consequences of this limited to Czechoslovakia or Enormous damage has been do all over the world. The def morally weakened. Even here been thrown in the way of the st against the UNP-Federal Part
Further, imperialism whic anger with its dirty war in Viet an opportunity to come forward as the defender of the indepen World Socialist Movement Wh concern for Czechoslovakia, W. capitalist hypocrisy.

D II C E S 79
although we have no doubt ous agencies of imperialism in troubled waters. These ther pretext for intervention
cek Czechoslovakia was in 1 and bureaucratic misgovernments saw in that situation heads. The new leaders of ew precisely right in seeking »asse through the process of dy evident that they had
of reactionary elements and Support among the broadest begun the regeneration of
criminal aggression are not the Warsaw Pact countries. ine to the cause of socialism ence of Vietnam has been
in Ceylon, an obstacle has ruggle of the popular masses y regime.
h has roused the world to nam, has been provided with with characteristic hypocrisy dence of little nations. The hile manifesting the deepest ill unmask this imperialist -

Page 82
80.
CZECHOSLO V
On the other hand, it is o of Stalinism are dying hard, The world socialist movement condemnation of the attack Yugoslavia and Rumania, an criticism of such Communist I British, Dutch and Swedish
Again, although the outco cannot be predicted exactly, it though non-violent, resistance bullying armed action of the f world opinion have already the extent that they are talkin compromises. If the Czechos of world progressive opinion withdrawal of the invading objective of – in one way or ; movement in socialist Czechos victory have been won in Cz doom of the bureaucratic regi will have been brought much the imperialists who are always capital out of the misdeeds of ti countries.
We who cherish the ideas bureaucratic deformation of s events their revindication. I according to their own inner lo themselves and the world socia to the point where the final cl be thrown down. It is no lor

A KI A (1968)
lear that though the traditions they are undoubtedly dying.
will take heart from the bold on Czechoslovakia by nearby 1 from the publicly expressed Parties as the French, Italian Parties.
ime of events in Czechoslovakia is already clear that the bold,
of the Czechoslovaks to the ive invaders and the power of
dismayed the aggressors to g about withdrawal and about slovak people and the power succeed in compelling an early forces without securing their another — crushing the reform slovakia, not only will a great cechoslovakia, but the day of nes in other socialist countries nearer. It would also dismay s on the watch hoping to make he bureaucracies in the socialist
s of Trotsky on the subject of -ocialist states see in all these Che bureaucracies have acted gic. But the socialist countries Llist movement have progressed hallenge to Stalinism will soon nger a question of one isolated

Page 83
APPEN
socialist country surrounded by Stalin. The over-all power of vis a vis imperialism, the treme advances made in the socialist the great advances of the col have created a climate in which a shred of historical justificatio vakia however they turn out, w: history of the socialist world, an tic regimes and the pernicious i
working class of the world.
26th August, 1968.

DICES
81
imperialism, as in the days of che socialist bloc of countries ndous economic and cultural ountries in the last 20 years, onial movement – all these
Stalinism finds itself without n. The events in Czechoslo11 mark a critical point in the 1 hasten the end of bureaucraafluence of Stalinism over the

Page 84
Αρρε
Statement of Progres La
We deplore the necessit U. S. S. R. and its Warsaw the Czechoslovak Socialist
We consider that these (1) committed aggression a defenceless neighbour; (2) internal political disputes C in the process of being solved ally; and (3) violated the n slovakia.
We consider as a dange the contention of the U.S.S tions of the military security of the danger to Czechoslo its invasion and occupation of one nation to self-determi security needs of some other legal and constitutional G displaced by the Governme means of settling questions o
It is our firm opinion 1 nor Socialism nor any kind unless all nations, big and sm ignty and solemnly desist f internal affairs.

endix IV
sive Artists, Writers and
wyers
y felt by the Government of the Pact allies to invade and occupy Republic.
Governments, in doing so, have against a friendly, peaceful and intervened militarily in the f another country which were democratically and constitutionational sovereignty of Czecho
rous and unacceptable principle .R. Government that consideraof its country and its judgement ovakia's political system justify of Czechoslovakia. The right nation is not subordinate to the nation. Nor can one nation's
overnment be over-ridden or nt of some other nation as a f the former's political future.
that there can be neither peace of civilised society in the world all, respect each other's sovererom interfering in each other's

Page 85
APPE
We, therefore, call on th Poland, Hungary, German D (1) to withdraw all their t Czechoslovak Socialist Re respect the terms of the Br: them signed, viz. “to do ever * ing all-round cooperation of the principles of equality, res. independence, territorial inte and solidarity,' and (3) to slovakia to choose their according to the Constituti statutes of their political
Signed by :- George Key (Novelist, Poet, dramatist (Cellist): S. Nadesan Q.C. (L. Bandaranaike MP (Lawyer); artist and writer); Henry Ja Lester James Peiris (Film (Actress); Chitrasena (Dance Mervyn St. S. Casie Chetty ( (Author and Journalist); R critic); Rhoda Miller de Sil (Lawyer and former adminis of Pharmacology); H. A. Pa Gunasekera MP (Lawyer); Law College); J. M. Jayamann (Lawyer and Senator); K. SI (Lawyer); Winston Serasinghe Vajira (Dancer); Laki Sena

END I C ES 83
he Governments of the U.S.S.R, emocratic Republic and Bulgaria roops from the territory of the public without delay; (2) to atislava Agreement which all of ything in their power for deepentheir countries on the basis of pect for sovereignty and national grity fraternal mutual assistance
permit the people of Czecho
own leaders and Government on of their Republic and the parties.
yt (Painter); E. R. Sarachchandra and critic), Rohan de Saram awyer and Senator); Felix R.D.
Siri Gunasinghe (Poet, critic, yasena (Actor and playwright); Director); Iranganie Serasinghe r); Druvi de Saram (Pianist); (Lawyer); Theja Gunawardhana eggie Siriwardena (Writer and va (Journalist): Sam H. Silva trator); S. W. Bibile (Professor sse (Professor Emeritus); Prins R. K. W. Goonesekera (Principal Le (Lawyer); C.D.S. Siriwardena inya (Lawyer); S. W. Walpita ! (Actor); Harry Pieris (Artist); nayake (Designer); K. C. de

Page 86
84 C Z E CHO S L OV
Silva (Lawyer); Desmond Fern galingam (Lawyer); M. D. J. Perera (Lawyer); Stanley Tille Gunasekera (Professor of Anthr (Professor of Anatomy); D. | Pali); M. Sanmuganathan (La (Lawyer) L. W. Athulathmudali (Accountant); P. T. Fernando (L yer); U. C. B. Ratnayake (Law (Lawyer); M. T. M. Sivardeen
(Lawyer).

KI A ( 1 9 6 8 )
Indo (Lawyer); K. ShanmuSuratnam (Lawyer); H. D. keratne MP (Lawyer); Alex »pology) A. D. P. Jayatileke H. Kalupahana (Lecturer in wyer) Nihal Jayawickrema (Lawyer); T. R. Navaratnam awyer); W. D. H. Dias (Lawyer); Walter Wimalachandra
(Lawyer); S. S. Sahabandu

Page 87


Page 88
"We have reason to belie evidence, that the United St. enacting an, understanding support for the crimes of of influence. This is at th and self-determination of o Viet Nam. The secret diplon States and of the Soviet U sovereignty of men everyw identity of interests betweer capitalism and the bureaucra be fully understood and oppo
As four men who are have publicly denounced an States imperialism in Viet N communists to repudiate the the Bismarckian acts of th dealings are with those who and elsewhere. We do not Union under Lenin which r of spheres of influence in 191 right to self-determination of
The Soviet leaders, by the the ideas of Lenin, of socialis sustain imperialism itself.”
Bertrand Russell Jean-Paul Sartre Vladimir Dedijer Laurent Schwartz

eve, on the basis of prima facie ates and the Soviet Union are which involves the reciprocal
each in its agreed ‘sphere e expense of the independence ather nations, from Europe to nacy of the rulers of the United nion threatens the liberty and nere. It is essential that this a the rulers of United States cy of the Soviet Union should sed in the service of truth. devoted to socialism and who I fought the crimes of United Cam, we call upon socialists and e threat to socialism posed by e Soviet leadership. Its secret - commit genocide in Viet Nam
forget that it was the Soviet epudiated the secret diplomacy 7, and which insisted upon the all peoples, including their own.
ir acts and their policy, repudiate t internationalism and, thereby,
In a letter to the Editor, The Times – 9th October, 1968.