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Dr. K. Kailasapathy, Professor Arts at the University of Jaffna pa was in print.
ܵ - is artice that adorns this i tribution in English before his unti Professor Kailasapathy was ( since its inception and had served A distinguished scholar, teac Kailasapathy made a substantial an Tamil studies which won him the Sri Lanka and abroad.
As the founder - President of Kailasapathy played a key and pione the growth this new institution for Dean of the Faculty of Arts of ths valuable service o the development ( smooth running of the University.
The University community wou dominant personality in the “corridor
Professor Kailasapathy will, for and erudite writings - in both Tamila contemporary Ta; nil studies.
This issue of the journal is de in appreciation of the services teacher and intellectional.

of Tamil & Dean of the Faculty of issed away recently, while this issue
ssue is perhaps his last major conmely demise, closely associated with this journal
on its Editorial Board. her, writer and literary critic, Professor d lasting contribution to the field of much deserved recognition both in
the then Jaffna Campus, Professor ering role in laying the foundation for higher learning in Jaffna. Later, as
University of Jaffna, be rendered a of the Faculty of Arts and towards the
lid sadly miss this once familiar and s of learning.
ever, be remembered for his numerous and English-which immensely enriched
dicated the late Professor Kailasapathy rendered by this great scholor,
Editor

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THE SRI LANKA JOURNAL OF SOUTH A
Editor : N. BALAKRISHNAN, B.A. (c Managing Editor : P. BALASUNDER
The Sri Lanka Journal of Sol Faculty of Arts (formerly Faculty (formerly the Jaffna Campus of t
The Journal is intended to c subcontinent that are of both coi aim is to publicise the findings o Arts of the University of Jaffna, welcome.
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SIAN STUDIES
'EY.) M.PHIL. (LEEDS). AMPILLAI, B. A. (CEY.) Ph. D. (Durham.)
ith Asian Studies is a publication of the of Humanities) of the University of Jaffna ne University of Sri Lanka),
over subjects of relavance to the South Asian temporary and historical interest. Its primary f new research by members of the Faculty of contributions from other scholars are also
for review.
ld be addressed to the Editor.
ld be addressed to the Managing Editor.
Rs. 30-00 per year Rs. 40-00 per year BANGLADESH Rs. 55-00 per year NTRIES E 30 / s. 7-50 d)
OUTH ASIAN STUDIES

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THE SRI LANKA JOURN,
(OF
soUTH ASIAN STUI
vol. 2 No. 2
DECEMBER 1982
CONTENTS
European influences on modern Tamil P Poets
Crime and Prevention in Nineteen Cen
Some Aspects of Population Change in
District Development Councils and Tamil

AL
YES
oetry - Bharathi and the Europeon
- K. Kailasapathy
tury North Ceylon (Sri Lanka)
— Bertram Bastiampillai
Sri Lanka (1948 — 1971)
— By P. Balasunderampillar
Politics (Sri Lanka)
— N. Balakrishnan

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EUROPEAN INFLUENCES ON MODE BHARATH AND THE EUROPEAN
In dealing with European influences c reference to Bharathi, I shall in this paper movement, which probably, has been the the West. My overall approach is both not try to cover all the ground. Th and the manner in which the Romantic 6 reach out for artistic fulfilment will be ind movement will be delineated and traced markable endurance of the Romantic elem and unquestioned but nonetheless germar itself proof of the relevance of these elen so often, there occur in the arts certain I their products and radically change thei convenient illustration.
. The origin of the word Romanticistoc ever, since there is no indigenous Tamil v just said, the impact of Romanticism has re Tamil literature from the literature of the the original meaning of the word and its interesting to contemplate on the fact that in our language for Classicism, Realism,
* A revised version of a paper
Jaffna on March 3, 1982, comm Subramania Bharathi.

RN TAML POETRYPOETS
K. KALASA PATHY
in Modern Tamil Poetry, with particular consider and concentrate on the Romantic most important influence to come from theoretical and documentary. I shall he main features of the influence lements inspired many Tamil writers to icated. The various parts of the general to their sources of inspiration. The reents in Tamil culture, often unrecognized e to much of the literary effusion, is in hents to our modern movement. Every major eruptions which seem to affect all temper. European Romanticism is a
well known to need restatement. Howlord synonymous with it, and as I have sulted in the marking off much of modern previous period, a general explanation of semantic extensions will be useful. It is while appropriate terms have been coined Naturalism and such other technicalex
read at the Evelyn Rutnam Institute, amorating the Birth Centenary of

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2 Bharathi and t
pressions, a satisfactory and acceptable is yet to be found. I am sure the im Ishould not tarry too much atthis poin that in saying this I know the reasons. means not one but many things. That my discussion.
Romanticism as a movement flour although its beginnings were in the last happens different people prefer differel that Romanticism was the dominant at Rousseau's Descourses until The Commi Europe the movement spread to Ame American movement broadly pervadin, more than a century-if we take into a main achievements. Being a pan-co its efflorescence varied from country everywhere it manifested a strong reac and values. Generally speaking Roma from about 1780 and 1850. By mid Nir with the movement were dead: Byron Coleridge, Hazlitt, Pushkin, Lermontov Chopin, Schubert. Bellini, Balzac, Sten Wackenroder.*
What is to be borne in mind is t untouched by these Romantics: literatu benefited most. As has been poli i perceptions, tendencies, genres and crit the rest of the nineteenth century was i In terms of their attitudes and actions t the Romantics chose to admit all words ed poetical diction. By 'all words was in mythology a departure was made fi is, Graeco-Roman, to Celtic and Gerr adherence to the classical “rules of handling observable diversities; (it is t tion that it admired Shakespeare and they rejected the prescription of the subjects and took in a new range of s defying the rules prohibiting “the use of they exploited the sound of instrumer secularization of sacred music was to in their attitude to the past, they repuc

e European Poets
word coextensive in sense for Romanticism lications of this merit some thought. But
And I do not wish to give the impression Perhaps one difficulty is that Romanticism Will, I hope, become clear in the course of
shed in Europe in the Nineteenth Century quarter of the preceding century. As often t dates. Ernst Fischer for instance argues titude of European Art and literature from Jinist Manifesto of Marx and Engels.* From 'ica. As a result it was a European and g through the literary and artistic effort of ccount its prelude and the aftermath of the ntinental and trans-continental movement o country both in time and degree. But tion to existing cultural and artistic norms inticism as a European phenomenon lasted Ieteenth Century the major figures associated , Shelley, Blake, Keats, Scott, Wordsworth, , Goya, Buchner, Chateaubriand, Beethoven, dhal, Goethe, Schiller, Kleist, Novalis, and
hat hardly any creative endeavour was left re, painting. Sculpture and music of course put by Ja - es f . : un. ail the forns, ideas cal principies had been put forward which make use of in its further development. Le following may be recapitulated: in poetry in contrast to what may be called a specializmeant the language such as men do use'; om the sole reliance on the Classical, that Lanic; in drama they reacted to the strict he unities and exercised great freedom in
the lasting credit of the Romantic generatriollied his artistic greatness); in painting Academy which restricted them to antique ubjects and new artistic methods; in music certain chords, tonalities, and modulations S in order to achieve musical effects; (the large extent accomplished by Romantics); ated the prevalent assumption that nothing

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K. Kai)
worthy had taken place after the fall of th the Middle Ages and drew sustenance (1771-1832) particularly the historical n emplify this aspect of the Romantics inte the Romantic movement was its serious the past shown by some of the Romantic to cities and urban centres the Romantic travelled to far off lands and continents respectability to the word “exotic'; (it is : like Schelling, Schleiermacher, Goethe, responded to the discovery of Indian Cult ness in accommodating folk arts that we impetus to the flowering of new art form and folk music. When we come to relig unorthodox in many ways. Not all of til Were non-believers.
While these were the chief characte: Romantic movement it must also be rem basically the result of a conscious revoltag and rules of Neo-Classicism. This deliber: tradition gave the Romantics a sense of strife meaning resistance, opposition anc many Romantics suffered from a d pessimistic, there wereothers who were imb teristic feature of romantic art. Byron's
Throughout the 19th Century educa Beginning from the days of Macaulay's India had been conducted in English. The a class of men who would be “Indian in b opinion, in morals and in intellect'. Fo scious policy of discouraging too much o. aclassical type of curriculum was encour: new educational system was weighted do literary pursuits, as distinct from scientific was well set for the Europeanization of I seen the creation of a Department of Publ run on Western models. Thus in the 185 its great literature by the Tamil elite beca English language a contact was establish true that although the Tamil elite felt attra with avidity, they never became Anglicize swept of their feet. But there was suffi was coming to the forefront under the E

a Sapathy i 3
e Roman Civilization; they rediscovered rom them. The novels of Walter Scott ovels, which he practically invented exrest. In fact one of the salient aspects of concern with history. The reverence for s is really remarkable. In their response s shared certain common features. They and gave a new dimension and literary a well-known fact that German Romantics Schiller, Novalis, Schlegel and others ure with cries of ecstasy); their inclusivee despised by the earlier period gave an enriched by the influx of folk literature on and politics too the Romantics were nem were conformists and some of them
ristics and positive contributions of the Lembered that it was at the same time gainst the rigid but impotent conventions ate revolt against dead habit and decadent struggle or as Goethe put it, a feeling of i eventual success or failure. Although eep feeling of melancholy and were often ued with voluntarism, which was a charac
poetry reverberates with it.
tional horizons were widening in India. reforms in 1835 all higher education in aim of the British rulers was to bring up lood and colour, but English in taste, in ir this purpose and as a result of a conf “scientific' education for the natives, aged by the Britishers.“Right aWay, this wn by an almost exclusive emphasis on and technical instruction'. Everything India's elite. In 1854 CVery province had ic Instruction which tried to help schools 0s the study of the English language and me a matter of course. And through the ed with the literatures of Europe. It is acted to the English language and studied :d to the extent that some Bengalis were cient necessity lo study English since it British administration,

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4 Bharathi and t
So when the study of English was others under British rule, thought it he British people in India, it was mainly th immediately available to them. Of cou no doubt there, and were eagerly studie selected and presented by the Romanti says in connection with Bengali literat Tamil context:
This predisposition, as we might ca in literature; it was the literature ( social sciences which, for the Ben like qualities. Indeed, the elixir w it was really Shelley and Shakespe sherry and champagne being meet Blake, the literature of the Englis what England has meant to certai politically disanglicized future, will This has been an inspiration in the spirited and renascent.*
While the new educational system English certain other things were also was the discovery of the ancient Tamil gan corpus, Tolkappiyam and most of t almost lost to the Tamil literary world the whole a period of darkness and deso degeneration and paralysis the discovery light and hope. The modern movem fecundated by the springs of the ancient between the European Renaissance and that the influx of fugitive scholars from able manuscripts with them, contributi Catullus, Lucretius and the main body of classical studies and humanistic purs portant factors that stimulated and ass the rediscovered writings of classical ar be undervalued. They determined to : Renaissance manifested itself. For inst tragedy in Europe resulted from the inf
The rediscovery of Tolkappiyam al notion of classicism among the Tamil classicism of which their English mentor sance and post-Renaissance writers and

e European Poets
taken up earnestly by Tamils, who like all d the key to the power and prestige of the : literature of the Romantic period that was rse the literature of the previous ages were d, but the past itself was rediscovered and cs. What Buddha Deva Bose (1908-1974) are may mutatis mutandis be said of the
it, was nowhere more manifest than f Europe, rather than its physical or gali mind, had extraordinary, elixiras at first used as an intoxicant, for are that our ancestors got drunk on, ly pretexts. Shakespeare, Shelley and 1 tongue, this from the beginning, is in sections of Bengalis, and in the
mean to increasingly larger numbers. literal sense: our literature was in
generated a strong inclination towards happening, the most important of which grammatical and literary works. The Sanhe post - Sangam works in particular were by the Eighteenth Century which was on lation for the Tamils. In this situation of t of the ancient texts came forth as a ray of ent was paradoxically enough partially ast. In many ways one can see an analogy the Tamil awakening. It will be recalled the Eastern Roman Empire bringing valu2d to the rediscovery of Latin writers like of Greek literature which led to a revival uits. Of course there were also other imisted the Renaissance. But the impact of tiquity and the revival of learning cannot large measure the forms in which the ance the structural rigidity of the classical luences of the early plays.
ld the Sangam poems gave a fillip to the scholars who at once equated it with the Stook such pride. As much as the Renaisartists in Europe fell under the spell of the

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K. Kaila
works and norms of classical antiquity, th governed by the prescriptions of the earl scholars a sort of parity had been establi sicism.
It has been observed in the European aiming at uniformity. It was also eliti ulakam enpatu uyarntor mette, "the term Satisfied the ego of several English educat have had that education and the attendan and adhering to the ancient grammars th seeking a stability within known limits. certainty and stability in literary endeavo and satisfaction. That is one reason wi penchant for poetry than prose. Prose wi models to go by, Steeped as they were j chose the metres for the several genres on Likewise their subjects too were generally the efficacy of the rules or to put it in ano over meaning.
It was under these circumstances t began to attract the minds of many Ta. Romantic faith as a result of the failure of But more important was the immense uphe and consequently in the minds of men. and psychological-Was tormenting man Shelley himself said of his time, many wer form the world.' Boris Suchkov has di from Classicism to Romanticism.
Romanticism was extremely sensitive and, breaking with the canons of C works, and with the objective form
freedom of expression its banner, reg of the writer, not subject to any law of presenting the dynamics of life.
reveal a free treatment of compositic narration, and a free choice of place presence is felt throughout, and many monologues. The feelings in romar gerated, and on the whole romanticis looking on life and history as the thea are realised, determining by their fort

apathy
e Tamil scholars too, thought it fit to be est works. In the minds of many Tamil hed between European and Tamil clas
context that Classicism was a movement st in attitude. Tolkappiyar's aphorism world denotes the noble ones' must have 2d Tamil scholars who were privileged to benefits. In imitating the early authors e neo-classicists of our recent past were Given their social status they preferred ur which gave them scope, high honours by many of the neo-Classicists had a is still in the making and had no classical in a convention of bookish culture, they the basis of similarity with ancient usage. didactic in character. They emphasized ther way insisted on the priority of rule
hat the European Romantic movement mil writers. They gravitated towards neo-Classicism to satisfy their felt needs. avals that were taking place in the society The longing for freedom-both physical y sensitive persons. As the Romantic 2 moved by "a passionate desire to transscribed the essence of the artistic leap
to the mobility and pulse of history assicism, the static form of Classical of realist works, it made subjective arding only the free soaring fantasy s or prescriptions, as being capable Indeed, the works of romanticists n, liberties taken with the order of and time for the action. The authors' romantic works are really protracted tic poetry are intensified and exagm concentrates on man's inner world rein which people's passions and ideas itous play and flux, the flux of life."

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6 Bharathi and
By now it would have become clear ho these descriptions. There are two way of an artistic movement:the manner i the extent to which it permeates thei mean a person's deep concern with ide aspirations in action-by changing the for action can be seen in the Artist's ments, sacrifices and political options volvement and action was the provert to unhappy love, invalidity, opiate a fering in turn induces self-pity and eg that the Romantics felt it impossible to that were already well accepted, and fe and had to be created. These remar serve as a convenient framework to W who may be described as generally
Now, Bharathi very deliberately 1 of the late Nineteenth Century found though it must be remembered that ce1 tradition-like Gopalakrishna Bhara (1823-1874)-were intuitively tendin,
Bharathi's verse, finding the prev with his new creative impulses, break reaches out to the common man. Bh in Tamil. In an article titled Punarja he wrote as follows:
Books of ancient times were wri times change, language too chai place to new ones. Poets should stood by the people of their age pressions. Good poetry is that in easy and elegant style. Whe ceases to be enjoyable and will re
Elsewhere he said, certainly referring peared giving place to mere verbal cm differently when he compared the bri poetry”. His most lucid propositior Preface to Panchalisabathan, 'Wow
He who produces an epic in sim able metres and popular tunes wi

the European Poets
ow much of modern Tamil literature answers S by which we can hope to see the dynamics n which it affects the lives of the artists and r creativity. By Romantic life we generally :as and things and a passion for realising his : world or the self. This passion and energy chosen means-studies, researches, involve
Partly resulting from this passion for inbial unhappiness of the Romantic, often due ddiction, poverty or persecution. This Sufgocentric display. The crux of the matter is go on Writing almost entirely in conventions lt that new conver;ions were urgently needed ks, obvious as they may seem, are meant to hat follows. For I wish to discuss Bharathi representative of the Romantic movement.
urning his back on what our neo-Classicists
“poetic”, tried to create his own idiom, altain poets within the confines of the religious thi (c. 1785-1875) and Ramalinga Swami g towards it.
ailing forms and metres inadequate to cope is through the rigidity of convention and arathi analysed the causes of decay of poetry man. "Rebirth, in the sense of Renaissance,
(ten in the language then in vogue. As ges, old words became obsolete yielding adopt words that will be clearly underDifferent epochs require different exwhich conveys exquisite inner visions in poetry becomes obscure or ornate it pel the populace.
to the neo-Classical verses, "sincerity disap bellishments. But the great Kamban thought ght, clear cool flow of the Godavari to great ! on the language of poetry was made in the of Panchali (1910):
ple style and diction, easily understandbe infusing a new life into our language.

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K. Kailas
The meaning must be crystal clear time, the poem must not be wanting are expected of an epic.
This was a new poetic manifesto-the mai ury. I don't need to point out that Bharat reading public away from the exclusive elit to write. He was describing a style simple to say Bharathi's proclamation is reminis Wordsworth to the volume of Lyrical Bal 79.S. What was most provocative in W dhoose modest and familiar themes, subje eressed in "the real language of men'.
r: . blance between the theory of poetr similarity is striking and relevant. What is nodes reflect the degree of the poet's selfbelongs to an overall reawakening of cor ation that took place in India. Poets in c proclaiming a “new sensibility, a new m
“This intellectual awakening was bo into the world of action and politics', for, in India as elsewhere in Asia, are all incl blind revolt against the forcible imposition and then on a search for a new world ou structures, politics and religion are all bou. fore, that Bharathi too had this all inclu poetry is metamorphosised into a new rel this. Politics pervaded his entire being. moments his imagination is firmly rootei around him--a world of nationalist asp terfuge. Bharathi maintains fluid lines bet For instance, while writing of his adolesc shows him in one of his intense lyrical mo of his loved one, with that of the British sp to pass. The intensity of his longing tr transforms itself into a mature realistic The Song of Krishna', while dwelling on he cannot help but bring vignettes of cont and prison life. Bharathi's poetic ima to the ethereal and the earthy takes polit lyrics of resurgent nationalism in the sam Now if we turn to the Western Romantic see them as active agents in the spreading The Political Ideas of the English Roma

apathy 7.
ven to the neo-literates; at the same in the graces and refinements that
lifesto of Tamil poetry of the 20th Centhi was consciously appealing to a general e that chiefly read poetry when he began to follow and to understand. Needless cent of the "advertisement' prefixed by lads that he published with Coleridge in ordsworth's definition was his intent to cts drawn from "humble and rustic life' I don't want to make too much of the y of Wordworth and Bharathi, but the significant is the recognition that poetic awareness and self-knowledge. Bharathi Sciousness and self conscious modernizother Indian languages shared this trend, aning, a new abundance' in poetics.
und, sooner or later, to percolate down "all the great movements of our cenlury, usive movements, grounded at first on a of a westernculture that is finally rejected, tlook in which ethics, economics, social nd together'. It is not surprising theresive “weltanschauung. Patriotism in his igion. The poem "To Liberty illustrates Even in his most subjective personal i in the mundane realities of the world irations, political persecution and subWeen his personal and public 3xperienc S. Int love in “Autobiography“, a poem hat ments, he compares his avid anticipation bies waiting in stealth for freedom fighters anscends mere adolescent nostalgia and experience. Likewise, in Ka unan Pattu, the image of Lord Krishna as the falher, emporary political life-of baton charges ginatin with its simultaneous response ics in its stride. For he could sing fiery e breath as he sings poems of mysticism. s, especially the English Romanticists we ; of political doctrines. Crane Brinton in ticists makes the following statement:

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8 Bharathi and the
In the first place, romanticism as a change in men and things, the Revol the political changes of the Revolut romanticists were actively interestec political opinion of men of letters
Although Bharathi was, unique in this, can easily be assimilated into the world t says, “Romanticism meant rebellion pu to rise against foreign and homebred op ness, a struggle against feudalism, absol ponded to the distant struggle for Greek dog in Ireland, Greece and other parts of ing the world, to purge the world of ex
"Kings, priests and statesmen blast bud; their influence darts Like subtle desolate society’
His Queen Mab was sweeping in its co judges. Like Shelley, Bharathi too was i equally ecstatic of people in other land Bharathi's poem "New Russia' seems t Shelley's Ode to Liberty and Byron's Ode uring of scenes of the past in Isles of ( poem Endaiyum Thayum. When Bhara as maidens spent moonlit nights in danc following lines in Isles of Greece.
The Isles of Greece, the isles of Greg where burning Sappho loved and su where grew the arts of war and peac where Delos rose, and Phoebus sprut Eternal summer gilds them yet. . . .
Speaking of Byron it may be worthwhile he was the one to be held in high esteem Goethe acclaimed without any reservati of boundless genius”. And Mazzini, h “Byron gave a European role to Englis on a pilgrimage through Europe'. The of the great emancipatory forces of Ni latter part of the Century and even at th its nood and colour to Indian literature throughout India more than any Eng

2 European Poets
way of thought is a part of that vast ution, and as such has many links with ion.... Almost to a man, the English in politics. It is just here that the become especially valuable.
among his Indian contemporaries, yet he radition of romantic poetry. Ernst Fischer re and simple, a trumpet call to the people pressors, an appeal to national consciouslutism and foreign rule. Thus Byron resindependence. Shelley felt for the underf the world. He had a passion for reformploiters and oppressors
the human flower Even in its tender : poison through the bloodless veins of
indemnation of kings, nobles, priests and imbued with the spirit of freedom and was s fighting against brute force and tyranny. o have been considerably influenced by
to Napoleon Bonaparte. The poetic recaptGreece-Don Juan-is present in Bharathi's thi says, "It was on this land, our mothers e and frolic'one finds distinct echoes of the
Ce
Ilg, Յ
!ng
to note that of all the English romanticists in Europe and elsewhere. The German ons that Byron’s Don Juan was a “work himself a man of vision and action, said sh poetry. He led the genius of England ere is no doubt that Byron who was one neteenth Century Europe, was during the e beginning of the present Century giving . Perhaps he exerted the widest influence lish poet except Shakespeare. Arabinda

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i K. Kai
Poddar's graphic account of Byron's ir other parts of India as well. In "Lord By he points out that besides H.L.D. Derc Bengal, such outstanding poets and dr Bandyopadhyay, Hemchandra Bandyop were deeply indebted to Byron.
Bharathi's aestheticism drew sustel pecially John Keats. In Kuyil Pattu, ' definite traces of his acquaintance with gale'. On this I would like to mention “Keats, Shakespeare and Bharathi’s Ku (1962).
Bharathi expounds the lines of Kea of his essays. This is not to maintain derived from external sources. During dire poverty, servitude and ignorance h In these circumstances the English rom for Bharathi to re-establish aestheticism in his passionate defence of freedominal the women, and the underdog, Bharat philosophy of expansion and democracy For instance, Shelley, whom as we all k emulated, expected a great deal from W and time, but the new woman like Cythin woman. Once Woman is liberated she Shelley held that emancipated woman w It has been pointed out by some scholar gam of Shelley's new woman and the ( On the whole it is generally agreed by pervading lyricism and aestheticism of with the English Romantic poets. Of were not the only ones who enlivened a
Besides his voluntarism and the i essentially in the realms of feeling anda of literary expression from the Romant the lyric. It is a commonplace of aest connected to European Romantic faith. its essence:
Lyricism is a kind of basic element epos and drama also speak, and aroma of the Soul, even works of

lasapathy - i 9.
fluence on Bengali writers is applicable to son and the Literary Renaissance in Bengal zio (1809-1831), the poet leader of young ramatists as Madhusudan Datta, Rangalal bdhyay, Nabinchandra Sen and D.L. Roy
hance from the English Nature Poets, esThe Song of Kuyil (Cuckoo) there are Keats” “Endymion’ and “Ode to a NightinDr. V. Satchithanandan’s perceptive article yil Pattu” published in Essays on Bharathi
its-“Beauty is truth, truth, beauty” in one that Bharathi's appreciation of beauty was the dark period, Indian poets, owing to ad almost forgotten the concept of beauty. antic poets provided the impetus necessary in the mainstream of Tamil poetry. Thus lits forms-emancipation of the oppressed, ni’s thoughts were penetrated by the same that inspired many European Romanticists. now, Bharathi admired and in some Ways 'omen; not the women of his environment a who was also in Shelley's view the natura would become the most precious of allies. ill help reconstruct the glorious new world. s that Bharathi's Puthumai Penn is an amal'oncept of Shakthi in the Indian tradition. students of comparative studies that in the his poems Bharathi had much in common course it must be remembered that they ld enlarged his vision.
mpelling hunger for freedom which were ction, Bharathi also imbibed certain modes c poets, the most productive of them being hetic criticism that lyricism was inseparably
Hegel in his Aesthetics accurately defined
of romantic art, the tone in which the which pervades, like some universal he plastic arts.

Page 14
10 Bharathi and
Bharathi is essentially a lyrical poet. of his greatness as a poet. Walter Pat the highest and most complete form of are least able to detach the matter from from the matter itself'. He felt that pears to depend, in part, on a certains that the meaning reaches us through standing. In his lyrics Bharathia dominant emotion; "A stray word org the confrontation and explosion emerg its own'. In one of his brilliant lyric he speaks of poetic inspiration.
Here he comes, the angel of the w and one sounds of men's life on eart towards me, a dog barks, a begga somebody slams the street door, fro men talk and argue and quarrel, a notes that the wind brings'? I sit al
- These are the concluding lines of a poen bird to freely float in the sky, to reach ot space in joyous frenzy. And then almo and one sounds of men's life on earth. a voyage of the outer and of the inner that his feet are firmly planted on the ea strange seas of thought alone'. A per in his Gnanaratham, an allegorical wor! bringing into full play the poet's descri strength of his poetry: the unique coul and mundane, the ethereal flight of t responses that constitute the basic subs
So much for the most salient fea and poetry. But these and some other in the works of others too. Take for i its first and best response in Bharathi, a the ground. W. G. Suriyanarayana Sas of poems in 1901 and 1902. In spite G.U. Pope who translated the fortyEnglish, there was little sign of its inf Tamil. TEhe post-Bharathi generation mood and taste found no place for S. ground in introducing the sonnet-era f

he European Poets
It is his lyrics that afford ample evidence 2r considered lyric poetry to be "artistically poetry' which is "precise because in it we the form, without a deduction of something he very perfection of such poetry often apuppression or vagueness of mere subject, so ways not distinctly traceable by the underchieved the immediate communication of a esture set his imagination afire, and out of 'ed a lyric perpetually alive in an orbit of al poems, Moonlight, stars and the wind
ind, bringing to my ears the thousand h. There is the voice of a bell swinging cries piteously for a handful of rice, m the east floats the wailing of a conch, | child weeps-ah, who can count the hd weave them all joyously into songs'.
In that begins with the poet urging his mindut to the far star-cluster, and to speed across st abruptly the poet listenes to "the thousand
In a poem like this we see Bharathi making workd. The noteworthy fact about him is rth and his mind is often "voyaging through sect blend of the two voyages is to be found k in prose that combines utopia and reality, ptive powers. Here we have the source and nterpoint of tumult and peace, of sublimity he abstracting mind and the physiological ance of the poet's imagination and impulse.
tures of romantic strains in Bharathi's life features are to be found, naturally enough, ustance the lyric. Although the lyric found few before him had already begun to prepare try (1870-1903) had published two volumes of the very favourable opinion expressed by ne 'short poems in the first volume into uence upon the mainstream of poetry in
has almost leglected it. The new poetic striar. Et is true that he broke. Some new oral eminently suited for lyricism. In fact

Page 15
k. Kailas
in his Preface the author spoke with adol as great English poets who had enrichec ever as the English translator himself ca hardly with propriety be called sonnets'. ical factors which, in the eyes of the tr there wasn't the intense depth of feeling to special insight or intuitive perceptior tion is the predominant feature of Ron volume showed certain changes. There experience. Although the metre and the thing personal that he was trying to expr actual experiences: death of his teacher walk on a beach; an evening near the l through the city. These had personal re some "indication of a new departure in off the neo-classical influence upon him. correct and at time quite expressive of c lyric measures of Bharathi one feels the
value of his work remains chiefly acade
It is appropriate at this point, to si abounds in Tamil in the modern periot inspiration to the English Romanticists. notice in Sastriar's poetry descriptive pi need not dwell on the treatment and ii Scholars like T. P. Meenakshisundaram, rajan have dealt with it. Clearly, the e the necessary and Sympathetic backgrou1 has no independent existence on its own nayagam has aptly said, "the scenery w human sentiments that were dramatized description nor extolling of nature-raptul nature had to be kept under careful co. an insignificant place and role in the ma. period. It finds an incidental role in whom "divine' nature generated the po incandescence. But generally speaking t mythology rather than by natural scen epics is purely functional and in late mec Therefore the appearance of nature po entirely due to the Western impact. An was of cardinal importance;

apathy 1.
ration of Spenser, Milton and Shakespeare i the Sonnet adapted from Italian. Howndidly admitted, "these short poems could
Besides the prosodical and other "technanslator vitiated the quality of the poems, and the free play of imagination leading 1. The interplay of insight and imaginaantic poetry. However Sastriar’s second is in these poems the note of veritable diction were conventional there was somess. The provenance of all the poems were 's, eminent personages, and close friends; ke; in memory of his mentor; and walk :ference and meaning to him and did give Tamil poetry'; but he could never throw
His long rhymed lines were chaste and ertain moods, but compared to the short absence of a higher musical quality. The mic and historical.
ay something of the nature poetry that i and which undoubtedly owes its main As I mentioned a moment ago we already eces that have no precedent for them. I terpretation of nature in Sangam poetry. Rev. X. S. Thaninayagam and M. Varadamphasis of nature in Sangam poems is as ld or 'situation' for the human act. Nature merit for its own sake. As Father Thanias changed to keep in harmony with the ...' There was no indulging in nature e. It was as though the luxuriant tropical ntrol by the human beings. Nature finds nifestly didactic works of the post-Sangam the devotional hymns of Sambandhar in :tic spark and brought about the instant he bhakthi poets were animated by Puranic ry. The place of natural Scenery in the lieval literature nature Virtually disappears. stry in twentieth Century Tamil is almost i in this the influence of the Romanticists

Page 16
12 Bharathi and
At about the time when Suriyanar Poets' Feast (1902)-Subramania Bharat irakkam "Sorrow in Loneliness, Yan "I' were sonnets. At first sight, these poem Sastriar. Here is late Nineteenth Cer literary. The familiar features of scholas and syntax, conventional epithets, stock to be seen in current works. For insta word yanar’ meaning freshness, goodni the Sangam diction. Young Bharathih its usage. For in a footnote he has g Wordsworthian inspiration is evident. specimens gives an inkling of Bharathi a more subtle process than the mere r models is involved in his art. As Peri see Bharathi's poetic fire sparkling in th work it is quite clear that Bharathi did no Both in his lyrics and in the longer poel are interspersed exquisite passages exhi the mature poet absorbs and re-creates : nature poets. I shall limit myself to ol the first canto in Panchali Sabatham the at the invitation of Dryodana. Durin Draupadi for an evening walk. Under t ment of describing the sun set, Bharathi of a painter, “the modifications of effect a The passage shows Bharathi in one of his poetic portraiture he has added a pro this glorious passage one is suddenly rer responding passage in Wordsworth's p
How pleasant, as the sun declines, 1 The spacious landscape change in f Here, vanish, as in mist, before a fl Of bright obscurity, hill, lawn, and There, objects by the searching be Come forth, and here retire in purp Even the white stems of birch, the Soften their glare before the mellow The skiffs, at anchor where with ur Yonchestnuts half the latticed boa Shed from their sides, that face the Strong flakes of radiance on the tr

the European Poets
yana Sastriar published his “short poems' hi began writing his first poems: Thanimai and Chandrihai, “Moonlight'. These, too, is appear to be no different from those of tury elitist subject-matter, bookish and tic style and form-archaisms of Vocabulary allusions and metrical patterns-that were nce. the poem Chandrihai begins with the 'ss, fertility and new income. It is part of imself must have given some thought about |ven a gloss; yanar means beauty, The And yet a second glance at these early s poetic craft. We get the impression that eproduction or worse, imitation of certain lasami Thooran observed, already we can ese poems. Considering the totality of his t engage himself in pure descriptive poetry. ms like Kuyil Pattu and Panchali Sabatham biting great power. And in these passages, some imageries and descriptions of English he single illustration. Towards the end of Pandavas are on their way to Hastinapura g the journey while resting, Arjuna takes he pretext of adhering to the epical requireallows Arjuna describe with the minuteness is the sun goes down and the lights change.” his inspired moments. Not satisfied with se description in the notes. While reading minded of “An Evening Walk''. The corbem runs as follows:
o view orm and hue!
bod
wood; ims betrayed le shade; 'ottage white,
light; hbrage wide -house hide,
Sun's slant beam, imulous stream.

Page 17
K. Kailasa
To a careful observer Bharathi's evocato not all an echo of Wordsworth's poem. A regular subjects. Indeed hardly any volu ing a section on nature'. Such is the ins: portant subject-for our poets that one h be traced back to the English nature poe English nature poets had an original adv Worth and his contemporaries had a tra what is more crucial, were able to draw The parallel that comes to my mind in 1 earlier time and belonging to a different whose descriptions of feminine figures w their time.
Besides the Romantic poems on na work. The American poet Walt Whitl influence on the poetry of Bharathi. B. the Indian poets to experimentwith vers “What is novel about the poetry of Wa style. It is devoid of rhyme, alliteration Works belonging to the great languages verse is rare. Whitman believed that the rhyme and therefore he wrote free verse, language. In. Europe he is considered e Milton, Dante and Goethe. Europeans mocracy. He is a Mahan, most disting great truth that all are equal-men, wc equally, if not more, laudatory in his 1 see the close resemblance in views betwe Future Poetry Aurobindo refers to Whi new trends in European and American pi
“Whitman's aim is consciously, clear tion in the whole method of poetry a ought to have been this giant of poe this spiritual crowned athlete and vi soul of man and Nature and all hun greatest in the power of his substan of his style, the largeness at once of h
Rarely has Aurobindo lavished such p. calls him a prophet of democracy and
But while Whitman rejected metre a abandoned metre consciously. Metre v on his poetic genius. On the contrary, B

pathy, , , , , , 13
ry passage will be oddly reminiscent but fter Bharathi, nature poems have become me of poetry comes out without containStence on landscape as a subject-an imas to remind oneself that the idea should ts. In passing it may be noted, that the antage which our moderns lack. Wordsdition of nature poetry before them and rom the landscape painting of their day. he Tamil literary tradition, is one of an context-the poetry of the Bhakthi poets ere matched by the temple sculptures of
|ture there were also other influences at man (1819-1892) wielded a considerable harathi was probably among the first of libre. He says in his essay on Whitmano lt Whitman is that it resembles prose in
and such poetic devices. Many poetical
of the world are in blank verse. Free 2 meaning of poetry was in Words, not in retaining only the rhythmic beauty of the qual to such great poets as Shakespeare, treat him as one of the prophets of deguished seer, who fearlessly preaches the men, and children.' Sri Aurobindo was emarks about Whitman. Here again we en Bharathi and Aurobindo. In his “The itman several times in connexion with detry.
ly, professedly to make a great revolund if anybody could have succeeded it tic thought with his energy of diction, tal prophet of democracy, liberty and anity. He is a great poet, one of the ce, the energy of his vision, the force is personality and his universality.’ “ aise on any one. Like Bharathi he too one of the greatest poets.
is the vestige of feudalism, Bharathi never was never regarded by him as a restraint harathi infused new vigour into traditional

Page 18
14 Bharathi and
metres and used them to suit his intenti folk metres such as Sindhu and Kanni, and earthiness of the folk tradition. H dom and equality of the sexes found vision of Whitman inspired in Bharat “The Indian Nation reminds a reader Bharathi spans the length and breadth Cape Comorin-from Bengal to Indus i expansive United States. Likewise in
one can see the influence of Whitman'
Industry and manual labour are giv pieces on industry and labour can be and the poems of the Belgian poet Vel most Belgian poet and art critic seem likely that he had read him in French. Verhaeren was not translated into Engli in the British colonies, let alone in Bri Summarised Verhaeren's view thus: '' machine, the factory, the Steam engini cannon-everything is beautiful. Beauty i form of things; Machines are powerful It is interesting to speculate as to wha Judging by his comments on Whitman there is remarkably close spiritual rese it is probably that he liked his spirit o that would have appealed to Bharathi. as a personal responsibility and usedh sympathies, the partialities and convic of society..... Verhaeren arrives at an ness and variety of its contemporary r divine afflatus and characteristic beaut value of a redemptive illumination. pregnant formula for to-morrow. Prir it is apparent on all sides, here dissem in a serene and dominant brain. all human effort. And beyond mank universe from the atom to the star'.
Verhaeren's originality was in the urban world: strength, speed, size, fer of cities attracted him and constituted who was striving to formulate a new exhilarating, Bharathi says that men's

the European Poets
on. However, Bharathi experimented with hereby capturing in his verse the vibrancy e extolled the elements of democracy, freein Whitman's poetry. The pan-American hi a pan-Indian vision. Bharatha Desan of Whitman's "Starting from Paumanak'. of India-from the snowy Himalayas to in the same manner as Whitman covers the Thayim Manikkodi, “Flag of Motherland' s "Song of the Banner at Daybreak'.
en pride of place by Bharathi. His several paralleled with the Labor Songs of Whitman haeren. Emile Verhaeren (1855-1916) fores to have inspired Bharathi. It is almost a language he knew. For at that time sh and consequently was not widely known itain itself. In one of his essays Bharathi Strength is beauty, beauty strength-the 2, the steamship, the air plane, the large is not determined by the external shape and and hence there is inherent beauty in them'. t drew him toward the Belgian poet. 16 (and despite certain difference in expression, mblance between Whitman and Verhaeren) f democracy. There were other aspects too
"Verhaeren accepted the poet's mission is art to prove that he possessed the urgent tions that belong to the critic and reformer aesthetic appreciation of energy in the fullmanifestations. His vision of Energy as the y of the modern world, had for him the ... Energy is the regnant fact of today, the nary and most extensive of the eternal ideas, inated in hands, arms, torsos, there unified For good or evil it is the driving power of
ind, it vibrates throughout the material
8.
liscovery of a "new beauty' in the industrial, vour, will, ugliness, in short all the attributes
the substance of his poetry. To Bharathi esthetic, Verhaeren's ideas must have been conception of beauty is subject to evolution

Page 19
- K. Kaila
and varies-greatly at different epochs. new reality of contemporary life. Bharath ation of his country, an optimist. Hi ligiosity and the Vedantic vision of the et when most of his contemporaries grew secluded and disheartened, his voice gr and organ indeed, full of reverence andt
Bharathi's attraction for industry g( of strength. It is interesting to note tha. mother Goddess whom Bharathi worsh Shakti-the moving force behind the uni machines. Since he saw in Kali not only life sustaining force as well, it was easy symbol of power on earth–positive valu saw industry creating a new society, giving istic manner, he links this idea with the m and elevates the workers to the status of Brahma, the Creator, the "living gods' inclinations were and they were very imp lyrical. "Lyricism is a kind of basic elem essentially a lyrical poet.
Once again one is reminded of Verh and impressions kaleidoscopic in charact efectively. Zweig’s observation on Ver itself to every feeling, every rhythm, every its foaming voluptuous joy it can fold in its of cities, can contract to pick up the lov the thundering voice of the street, the han ing of lovers in a garden of spring. The feeling, with all the voices of men; for til has bacome the voice of the universe. O this intimate relationship between the wo. the-relationship which subsequently end
After examining the conditions und we come to the interesting problem of liter ween a writer’s own personal sympathie words, how do we judge a writer? Is t and his creations? The problem is a pe our own times. I think Bharathi too Bahmin by birth, a staunch believer in C apacifist in nature, and an individualist t

pathy * i5
ropean poets had erred in shunning the was, in spite of the squalor and degrad optimism was born out of his deep rernal harmony of the soul. Consequently ver more lifeless and languid, evermore wever more resonant and vigorous, like e mystical power of sublime prayer'."
2s beyond a mere aesthetic appreciation in Tamil "Shakti' denotes not only the pped but power as well. Bharathi saw erse-personified in the power of the the destructive force, but the creative and for him to identify with machines-the s of growth and development. He forebirth to a new epoch. In his eharacterin-stream of Indian myths and symbols reators par excellence, the counterparts of on earth. Whatever his philosophical ortant for him, his response was basically hent of romantic art”** and Bharathi is
aeren. The sweep of the various sights er Was a technique Verhaeren used very haeren is aposite, “The poem surrenders melody; it adapts itself, distends; with embrace the ilimitable length and breadth liness of one fallen blossom, can imitate mering of the machines, and the whisperpoem can now speak in all languages of e tortured moaning cry of an individual nly such a panaheistic feeling could create ld of self and the world surrounding self,
in an unparalled identity'. '
r which he lived; suffered and worked, ry judgement; what is the relation betand his literary achievement. In other ere an easy equation between his beliefs ennial one and is full of significance to pses this question. Although he was a d and religion, an idealist in philosophy, the core, he has sung poems repudiating

Page 20
16 Bharathi an
every one of these. His subjective ir ing the actual conditions around hir authenticity. In other words, in the c over his inert beliefs. My own feeli real historical process and social dyna have found a place in his poems in s
Perhaps we should also consider ularly lucky in his times. While the felt and a pale imitative middle-class traditions that were sufficient to nou: Bharathi was deeply rooted in the mo them; and yet as a result of his selfformal examinations) could see his compose the most intricate forms o time maintain a journal and write his knowledge of foreign languages the readers and listeners of his poetry allusions and folk-motifs that gave a sense he was with them and in another ation he displays a brilliance, energy aries. George Steiner's remarks on Shakespeare could draw at will on n. of tradition and the forward motion o conventions rely on this simultaneity C succeeded in altering the landscape of modern as if these had been lurking
i ment ushered in Tamil literature into
essentially national he transcended na universal poet.
Notes
The Necessity of Art (Pelican F Jacques Barzun, Classic, Rom Ibid. p. 99. Amaury De Riencourt, The St Buddhadeva Bose An Acre of
The pathetic state of traditiona Centuries is vividly described 1897). “Within our own time neither knew nor heard of any ruppadai, which, as part of the

í the European Poets
clinations did not prevent him from perceivand portraying them with accuracy and ase of Bharathi his realistic vision triumphed g is that Bharathi's grasp of the essence of mics is the result of his artistic sincerity; they ite of his conscious views.
he milieu in which he lived. He was particimpact of British rule was increasingly being was emerging, there was still much of the old ish a person who could get to their core. res of his people and was never remote from cquired education (he never completed any
society and himself objectively. He could traditional-oral-poetry and at the same personal notes. Neither his education nor distorted his personality. He shared with the mythologies, historical references, literary
consensus between him and them. In one without. As a result of this unique combin
and variety surpassing all other contempor
Shakespeare seem applicable here, "Thus nedieval and modern, on the intricate weave f intellect. Many of his primary devices and of impulse'. By a similar process Bharathi our awareness by presenting the ancient and just under the smooth surface. His achieve) the mainstream of world writing.In being tionalistic boundaries and evolved as atruly
looks) London, 1963. p. 53. antic and Modern, New York, 1961, p. 98.
ul of India, London, 1961. p. 290. Sreen Grass, Calcutta, 1948. pp. 60-61.
1 Tamil scholarship during the 18th and 19th n an article in the Siddhanta Deepika (Nov. s we know of a whole class of Pandits who of these Idylls except the first TirumurugarKL. Book of Saivalore, has even been popūlar,

Page 21
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
K. Kailas
though not well learnt and under: irst introduced as a text for the E Pandits of first grade Colleges wh it. We know also of some cases : copies (Mss.) of some of these Idyl ing what the nature of their conti only bitter cups in the hands of A History of Realism, Moscow, Riencourt, op.cit. pp. 296-298. Indian Literature (Proceedings of a 1972. pp. 116-124. Quoted by Suchkov, op. cit, p. 76. Walter Pater, “The School of G. Library Edition) pp. 110-111. Xavier S. Thani Nayagam, Landsc p. 139. Quoted by V. Satchithanandan in Sri Aurobindo Birth Centenary Liby P. Manseil Jones, Emile Verhaeren and Ideas, London, 1926. pp. 93-97. Ibid., Stefan Zweig, Emile Verhaeren, Lo1 Boris Suchkov, op. cit., p. 76 Stefan Zweig, op. cit., p. 77. Language and Silence, New York, A somewhat similar assessment of interesting. “Born in 1891 in a sr China, it was still not too late for education. Unlike many Chinese never be said of him that he was ign heritage. He was, thus, never at even the most conservative Conf match quotations from the Classi erudite of pundits. He was at ease
and thought. These two cultural did not constitute separate and di
integrated into a philosophical v
to the reader of his works that h or strident nationalism'. Hyman Edition of Hu Shih’s The Chines

apathy 17
stood by all. When Maturaikkanchi was 3.A. Examination of 1894, we know of even o were grumbling and murmuring against in which some Pandits, who owned stray s, gave up in despair all hopes of decipherents were. Even in print now, these are some of the otherwise able scholars'.
1973. pp. 75-7.
Seminar) ed. Arabinda Poddar, Simla,
/
iorgione" in The Renaissance (Modern
ape and Poetry, (2nd edin.) Bombay, 1966.
Tamil Culture, Vol. IX. No. 4 p. 350. ar), Vol. 9, p. 149. - A Study in the Development of his Art
ndon, 1915. pp. 74-77.
1961. p. 202.
Hu Shih by an American scholar seems hall village in Anhwei province in ea Stern him to have a traditional upbringing and intellectuals of later generations it could orant of or alienated from his own cultural a disadvantage in academic jousts with lcian scholars; he was ever prepared to cs and the commentaries with the OSt in the realm of Western history, literature, traditions, the Chinese and the Western, stinct sectors of his mind but were rather ihole. It becomes immediately apparent never suffers from cultural parochialism Kublin in Introduction to the Second
Renaissance, New York, 1963.

Page 22
CRIME AND PREVENTION IN NORTH CEYLON (SRI LANKA)
Ceylon (Sri Lanka) in t peaceful possession of the British. quelled, and these protests had b Ceylon was calm and comparativel the administering the island an ex to maintain any costly machinery the troops was itself a burden, ar a police force for the passive No Agent was the ‘Rajah” of his di
Without an effective ol metically apprehend criminals in til the Government gent was res and order within the limits of h of the provincial administrator fo ministration, during a period of th increased in North Ceylon and cau: had been earlier responsible for n pected to continue performing the
the contrary, appeared to aid the of the headmen and their calibre
Later on, however, mainly (1829-1867) thc numbers of heac etent and respectoble oficials Were acted more firmely and conscientic gahgs decreased. Further, as more

NNETEEN CENTURY
BERTRAM BASTAMPILLAI
he ninteenth centuary was relatively a
There were “revolts' but they were een from the central highlands. North ly a quiet area. The British who found pensive exercise were not too anxious for enforcing law and order. To keep d, therefore, they did not bother about rthern province where the Governmen omain.
gamaisation to detect crimes and systahe early and mid nineteenth centuries ponsible for ensuring security, peace is province. This was a vital function r, since the beginning of British admiirty or forty years, gang robbery had sed much mischief. Thc headman, who laintaining law and order, although exir duties in enforcing law and ordcr, on
robbers. This was because the quality had fallen low.
under Government Agent, P. A. Dyke lmen gradnally reduced and only compchosen to positions of headmen. They usly and the numbers of the robbber roads were built following the efforts of

Page 23
- Crime and
Dyke to improve the facilities for commu of these habitual robbers were apprehen p::nishment. But when Jafna town itse g: , ad into the interior areas of the Van where they continued indulging in acts of
In the other parts of the island. police system but Jaffna lacked one and du. ing the early years of the 19th cent bling commonly accounted for this incre North Ceylon had hence become essenti Agent stubbornly insisted that there was
From the islands, off Jaffna p North Ceylon there was extensive smugg other common offence was encroachment property. . Complaints regarding encroachr Palmyrah palm timber was highly priced stolen by merchants and complaints conc several from the mainland and offshore of the inhabitants who were small scale owing to the damage caused to their g vely and Kopay.
Since there were several facilitie Government Agent suggested paying re' help the government to detect the culp. April 1833. 10
A catogary of a headman callet in attending to police duties. But q vidanes provided was unsatisfactory. T these police vidanes were not maintaining Consequently several offences were being many.
The tradition of indulging in eril of early British rule. In 1830, the Chief menting about crime to the Celebrookes the inhabitants of North Ceylon were us redations on the property of others, ' ' ) was admissibie in court, the crime of slaves on the instigation of their masters North Ceylon were the theft of cattle, e uds and the cutting off of ears for stea crime was peculiar to ths Tamti regions inhabitants adorned their ears with exper punishments meted out by the Supreme ( not be checked, "

Prevention
unication, transport and travel many ded and were meted out deterrent if became unsafe, the criminals mini or the remoter parts of the district
depredation.
, the government had introduced a :rime could not be easily suppressed ury. Idleness, drunkeness and gamase in crime. * A police force in al, but in Jaffna the Government no need for a regular p clice force.
eninsula, and from some ports in ling in contraband like opinm. o Anon crown property and on private ments were regular and numerous.
in India. Palms were felled and erning this illicit activity had been islands. Moreover the majority cultivators, suffered constant loses's arden produce in villages iike Neer
is for smuggling with impunity, the wards to “informers' who could rits. ° This scheme was approved in
i police Vidanes were also enplyoed uite often the service these police he Government Agent realisc d that a proper System of regular patrols, '' committed and complaints were too
me had been common during the time f Justice, Sir Richa, rd Ottley, comCameron Commission concluded that ing their slaves for committing depMoreover, since the evidence of slaves perjury wae commonly committed by ... l * The ra,ther common offenccs iu specially in the interior, forgery, fraling ornaments. ' The latter type of of the North and East Ceylon. The lsive jewellery, and inspite of severe court the robbing the ear rings could

Page 24
20 Berty
In 1835, the District Judg fts and brea, ches of the peace foll were frequent. 19 The facility for were two hundred toddy booths w sold and the number of drunkard gested that as a beneficial and ne welfare of society that restrictions for buying toddy. ' A scheme wh ment of a sum of money for tap palms was mooted and sales of li. Festricted number of retail deleirs. Serving the palmyrah fruit which v poorer folk, Indiscriminate and ur toddy had diminished a valuable quired from Dyke, the Government alcohol had similar ill-effects in J. control the sale of toddy in Nor as in the Southern, Western and gestion was not welcomed and no imposed.
Later in 1864, in referring crime the Government Agent comm in Mannar, the population was concsume liquor. In the island large number of Roman Catholics there was more crime: hence a Ma. there.
In NuWa, rakalavia, a Sinha, rthern province a category of headin in 1840 to act as police officers ir still a need for a regular police for as the authority of the headmen prov 'generally speaking, wherever there w This was true, Yet, Nuwarakalaviya vernment was. SU slow in establishing
As early as 1843, the impos utilising the income from it for es ted. The government was unable cost of a police establishment. Th by special tcxation, or some such le was also determined to establish a areas. ** The increase in crime call deficiencies existed in thc manner i and in the way police vidanes were The Government Agents we ditions of the police system in vill improving it. * 1. If changes were tc Agents were also to propose the n required for making policing more

an Bastiampilai
e of Mannar district observed that thenwing exessive indulgence in drinking
obtaining toddy Was unresticted - there ithin a small area. Liquor was so freely S and idlers were large. The Judge sugcessary mea, sure in the interests of the needed to be imposed on the provision ereby licenses may be issued on the payping toddy from a limited number of quor were to be channeled through a
Such restraints would also help in conwas a Source of food normally of the limited use of the palms for obtaining source of sustenance. The Governor in
Agent, whether an unrestricted sale of affna as in Mannar. * He wanted to th Ceylon making it a dutiable article,
Central provinces. HoWever, this sug
restrictions on the Sale of liquor were
to the association of inebriation, and hented that in the Jaffna peninsula, unlike largely Hindu and did not habitually of Kayts, however, where there were a liquor was eommonly consumed and gistrate was needed to maintain peace
lese district attached to the Tamil Nohan colled kariakarawansa, Were authorised h their village divisions. But there was ce because lawlessness in villages persisted ved to be ineffective. In fact at one time as crime, the headmen had a hand in it'." had no police officer till 1896. The Go, a force to maintain law and order.
sition of an assessment in Jaffna for tablishing a police force had been mooto defray from the general revenue the e expenses of it had therefore to be met vy. 9 Governor Colin Campbell (1831-47) n effective police system in the interior ed for serious attentlon and numerous in which rural areas. were being policed, : functioning.
re hence required to report on the con - ages in their areas and on measures for be made and they were imperative, the hanner wherply the additional expenses effective coli be obtained,

Page 25
Crime and
- But the Government Agent provided for life and property in the In his classic report of August 1844. Sinhalese provinces of the South, in creased, 8 in the years following thi
By the mid forties' gang r the despecable crime of cutting off e. disappeared. Neverthless, the gang They were similar to the type of cri offences common in the Sinhalease ar highway robberies and brutal assaults Northern province.
This decrease in crime was c Agent had introduced for improving the number of police vidanes had be cials had been improved with more e. changes.* " The headmen of the superi often connected with serious crime in from arrest and obstructed the judicia They themselves were been involved i ing their own -- undesirable gangs. The ected improvements in the maniagar
Now, only a few of the next to have some connection with the cri ing on the government a need for in men too. In 1832, therefore changes character of these headmen: and th Since then, most udaiyars also had ir
The Agent finally suggested t to police vidanes; and that e devaours self-respect of these officiers. For the medium of these headmen by pa rate could be levived on the houses Agent clearly and consistently saw no in the North. '' .
In the mannar district in l8. in charge of the different divisions. I districts the number of police vidanes composed of vast jungle tracts, provi Hence, a larger police vidane establish where jungle lay adjacent to the inha in these parts lay again in finding pe the provision for proper remuneration.
However, although the Agent force in North Ceylon and was conv. peace and order through the services

Preventon 21.
isagreed. There was sufficient security
villages of the Northern province.
he pointed out that, unlike in the
North Ceylon crime had greately der
establishment of British rule.
bberies had become less frequent, while irs for robbing ornaments had almost robberies needed to be totally stopped. ne in South India than to the sort of eae. But, savage and cruel murdcrs, were now noticebly rarer in the
wing to the measures the Government the system of police vidanes. Although n reduced the quality of these offis ficient supervision and other salutary or grade, the maniagers, too had been the past They had screened criminals process by exercising undue influenee. n acts of terrorism, sometime maintainGovernment Agent had therefore eff system too in 1831.
grade of headmen, the udaiyars, seemed minols. Dyke had been for long urgproving the lot of this type of headhad been introduced for improving the By were now paid regular salaries. nproved. *o
lat fairer remuneratton should be paid should be made for increasing the providing a better police service through ying them responsible emoluments a in a village. But the Government need for a regular police establishmeat
4 * there had been six police vidanes ater both in the Mannar and Vann was increased. These districts, largely ed secure hide-outs for undesirables. ment was required here, especially, bited parts. But the principal difficulty
'sonel suitable for police work without
4.
recognized no recd for a regular police lced that he could maintain security of headmen there were instances of

Page 26
22 Bertra
trouble. In December 1848, the p complained to the Magistrate that interred and it had been decapitate and his family practising witchcraft. 1;ext year, a similar complaint was
Yet, in 1844 and thereafte: Teorganised, the Government Agent Crime was not increasing, but had force was unnecessary. 47
A common and widley pre timber after surreptitiously felling tr crime, the Government Agent had income derived from licenses issued state lands should be paid to the men would be more enthusiastic in land. The proposal was accepted also authorised to reward those who ties practised while felling timber. '
But the most baffling of the p) was so widespread and common in cer In 1836, therefore, Ordinance No. 5 we ing. The number of offences becam periodically, was an inadequate instru widespread in remote areas and speed essential. Hence, head men were req they failed to comply with this order he Sterling and three months of imprison crime was given over to headmen. T prohibited as yet another step for che plaints of this crime, made to the Gov from areas in Nuwarakalaviya. Catt their livelihood and loss of cattle almc
But as complaints kept on recur appointed a Justice of the Peace for provinces to inquire only into the ran such as Nuwaraklaviya, Tamankaduwa investigation he could commit cases the various preventive measures taken losses of cattle, especially from outly offenders to justice owing to long dista repeatedly had to traverse to reach th ducted. Representations against ca division of Nuwarakalaviya. There

m Bastiamptllal
olice vidane of Vannarponnai divisions his deceased's son's body had been dis alleging that a notorius “native doctor' were responsible for this deed. * In the lodged against the same suspects.
, whenever the police system was to be had been adamant that within his province decreased. Therefore, a regular police
wnlent crime was the illicit removal he ee on government lands. To counter this (ecommended that ten percent from for felling and removing timber fromeadmen. Given Sutch an incentive headprotecting the trees on government and in 1854 the Government Agent was furnished information regarding irregularit
oblems to be handled was cattle theft. It tain interior parts of the Northern province. is enacted to stem the increase in cattle SetalLe alarming. The Supreme Court, meeting ment for dealing with an evil which was so y apprehension and trial of the culprits were uired to report cases of cattle theft and if admen were penalised by a fine of five pourds ment. Thus the responsibility to check this he unauthorised slaughter of cattle was also cking this offence. There were scveral comernment Agent and District Judges especially le provided the peasants with the means for st economically cripped the poor cultivators.
ring, A.C. Brodie, a civil servant was specially
the Eastern, Northern and North Western pant cases of cattle lifting in remote regions | and the Seven Korales. ' Adfter a summary or trial by the Supreme Court. In spite of
still there were numerous complaints about ing areas, and it had been difficult to bring nces which the owners of cattle and witnesses
title stealing came mainly from the Southern fore in 1848, Brodie, an intelligent, active
V

Page 27
- ... "" . Crinţe
official was chosen to be a Justice O. place for inquiring into these crimes could not be imposed the complaina the sessions of the court in town, ai expenses incurred by them were re mediately a considerable decline in t shrewdly, 'The cattle stealers are by fa He was correct indeed.
In March 1849 when the Gove was again inundated with representa crime of stealing cattle. Summary that there had been a theft of three he village alone thirty-seven animals ha the main complaint referred to the lo siderably increased since 1843, and til were to go to court for redress. " It ( from fields and homesteads. In spit with this type of crime, the Governmen with so amny complaints, and at e
Therefore, in April 1849, on 1 the District Judge of Anuradhapura w to the Southern part of Nuwarakalaviy He was also required to record the nam of the parties suspected of being engag theft was to be despatched to the G
Brodie's report outlining the c forwarded to Dyke, the Governme kalaviya, J.T. Tranchell, was also ord and to assist effectively in checking t Advocate had observed that the crime also openly. ' Brodie's action, it wa arresting this criminal activity which W at, if not participated in, by the local
In the same year, in May the to gain more information about that c extent to which this crime was wides repressing thefts, and in arriving at re evil. SSS L SSS SqS Sq SSSSSSS SSS SSS . . . . The Southern division of Nu South by Matale and the Seven Kor under the supervision of ratemahatm

nd Prevention 23
the Peace who was to journey from place to on the spot itself. If Summary punishment its would have to call hereafter only once at d if they had travelled over twenty-five miles mbursed. Brodie’s enterprise brought imis crime, but he observed, cautiously and the most intelligent people in the counyrt' '8
inment Agent visited the interior districts he tions about the universal prevalence of the nquiries in the villages revealed immediately ad of cattle, and during three years in one | been lost. Similarly, in another village, is of cattle. The losses of animals had cone villagers explained their difficulties if they intailed expenditure, loss of time and absence e of appointing the itinerant judge to deal t Agent was taken aback when he was pestered very village.
representations from the Government Agent 'as instructed by the Government to proceed a for inquiries into cases of cattle stealing." es, coņnections, places of abode and practicds ed in this crime. A eneral report on cattle overnment Agentgoo
ses of cattle stealing at Anuradhapura was nt Agent. The Assistant Agent of Nuwara2red to proceed forthwith into remote areas e occurrence of these thefts. The Queen's had not only been carried on extensively, but
anticipated, would prove to be beneficial in s'. ...an organised system oftheft, connived Headmen”. o 3
Agent again toured Nuwarakalaviya mainly ime. ** He was interested in discovering the read and frequent, in devising measures for ommendations and measures for ending this
arakalaviya, district was bounded on the es. This district consisted of threè divisions as. Fifty four cases of thefts of cattle had

Page 28
24 − Berl
taken place in the area alone within "thieves' had perfected their system of for disposal; but the real and ultimate from the owners of the animals as a fel This crime was rapidly and generally villages prayed on their neighbours. to the courts because it entailed expe. reluctant to request aid from headme1 offenders or recovering lost property. The offence was particularly rampant to Matale. The villagers, therefore, cognisance of their miserable positio
After this study and survey, Government that the crime was very and spreading into areas where such lived in fear feeling insecure about th cultivation had suffered and might f unchecked. The inhabitants harboure ment and had abandoned ideas of reso the police and the headmen had forf manner in which cattle stealing prev, recently, introduced from the Seven K. wards and eastwards. .
The Government Agent realise that measures for dealing with it he powers to settle the cases summarily l had to be authorised to decide cases in ed to try cases in any of the districts a ditionally, the concession to bail out of of written affidavits had to be dispens cattle was essential they should not Supreme Court of one circuit should b
Furthermore, headmen who d were to be punished; those who infor to extort a reward were to be penalise be made an offence; and police head period in an area.”* But already, ti abandoned in Nuwarakalaviya, since expected to work under stricter cond all. Therefore, if police headmen w stipulated period they had to be remu) to be paid, "

ram Bastiampilai
twelve months preceding May 1849. The operation-cattle were driven off to a distance intention of the culprits was to extort money for finding “lost cattle and returning them. increasing; and unsavoury elements within Victims were deterred from complaining nse and delay. Their experience made them 1, who had been unhelpful in either detecting Obviously, the headmen too were involved. within the seven Korales and in areas adjacent requested the government to take special in and to afford them relief.
Government Agent, Dyke, reported to the common. Furthermore, it was increasing thefts had before been rare. The villagers eir property. Following the losses in cattle, urther decline if this crime continued to be :d an intolerable grievance against the governrting to court or to the police or to headmen; eited the confidence of the villagers. " The ailed indicated that the practice had been orales, and had later spread gradually south
d that it was an extraordinary situation and nce had to be exceptional. Comprehensive had to be provided to the District Judge who any part of the district, and even be empowerdjoining his own area of jurisdiction. Adfenders needed to be reduced; the requirement ed with and if the evidence of the owners of be subjected to expenditure or delays. A e empowered to try cases of another circuit.
id not report cases of cattle thefts to court med owners of cattle of thefts thereby hoping d; removal of cattle from area to area was to men should compulsorily serve for a specified le posts of police headmen were constantly none valued such offices. Now, if they were tions and demands none may accept office at ere required to function compulsorily for a erated or even otherwise these officials needed

Page 29
Crime
The Government now designed a bringing in of cattle between sunset an measure would be expedient. Also as set of the innumerable liquor shops, the jurc habitants of an area did not desire it, fac provided. The Chief Justice too agreed Apparently, cattle thieving, crime and
Accordingly, in October 1850 an ( more efectual suppression of cattle stea greatest urgency and importance. Catt It affected poorer people in a practical w; total disorganisation of society in some a right and the weak were helpless. Mon been repeatedly lodged; and clearly tho grievance. The out-cry against this crim universally exclaimed within the interio Nuwarakalaviya where the crime was b mitted. 79
Up to 1851, moreover, the offence c which was an unsatisfactory arrangemer the authority for trying such cases from 1 Courts. The Supreme Court had been i1 It met at the town, away from areas whe infrequently that speedy trials or immed was so much uncertainty about the outco not exercised any lasting effect in suppres tory justice was to be meted out. With of cattle theft to the District Courts, Or provide a more effectual means of coml
Nevertheless, cattle thefts contin from the Government Agent and other off Seven Korales, Nuwarakalawiya, and Mat ations caused by cattle thieves. The G fore, turned their attention once again tc was to be immediately assigned to those headquarters at Dambulla. A few effic prehending criminals to be produced for Peace was appointed from January 1855 officers. " Largely, because of the inter the Peace, A. Y. Adams, there was fort
In July 1855, the Governor again mahatmayas of any particular division reasonable suspicion of themselves conni be summarily dismissed. 8 This sort o'

nd. Presention 25
Ordinance prohibiting the removal or sunrise. Jurors felt such a deterrent }ral people in the villages had complained 's thought that if the majority of the inlities for the sale of liquor should not be that this was a reasonable suggestion." rinking were interlinked.
rdinance was enacted to provide for the ing in the interior as a measure of the e stealing was not a mere common crime. y. As a result of this crime there was a ceas; there was no law, the strongest was h after month, the same complaint had sands could get no redress for this one and for measures to combat it has been
regions from the important district of ing extensively and Systematically com
ould be tried only by the Supreme Court,
it. Therefore, the Governor transferred the Supreme Courts to the local District
heffective in dealing with this dereliction. re the offence was common, and also so late action was impossible; and as there. me at such trials the Supreme Court had sing this wave of crime. Hence, perempLa grant of jurisdiction to try these cases lainance No. 6 of 1850 was expected to
ating this crime.
ued unabated. Several representations cials about the state of the districts of the le had principally referred to the depradvernor and the Executive Council, therethis serious problem. An active official istricts as Justice of the Peace, with his 2nt police officers were to assist in aprial. Thus, a stipendiary Justice of the issisted by an interpreter and four police st and energy exhibited by the Justice of with a noticeable decrease of thefts.
'arned that if the headmen or the rate where cattle stealing prevailed aroused ing in such crimes, those officials were to drastic action was expected to do good;

Page 30
26 Bertra
andthehigherandthemoreimportan the better would it serve as an exam further convinced that as they pecu in the crime. Furthermore, where ( could detect no evidence to incrimina - the ratemahatmayas of the divisions w and their inefficiency afforded ampl in January 1858, a ratemahatmaya w repressing cattle stealing and lawless more energetic in promptly disposing deter the increasing incidence of this (
In 1859, the passing of Ordin been the attempts in the long run to c as it had always been in Nuwarakala tional assistant agent in 1861. Mor suddenly, but not for long as Brodie offenders to lashes and from being th: unknown.' ' This crime remained a ment with lashes appeared effective
Meanwhile by 1851, the ques came to the fore again. A Europea attention to the unprotected State o Jaffna town, which lay at the mercy o robberies were frequent, and if delin them into custody, nor could they be alone his house in Jaffna had been detected and the lost goods were no nearly as bad having a kind of Po.lice and held their appointments by favo them, and when at their stations, whic their duties, and were almost useless. district Dunlop alleged that they we the offence, but they showed no zeal do not receive their share of the plun need for establishing a good paid poli that respectable inhabitants would co he had heard, "daily on all sides not
Contrary to this view was t advised by the Government Agent, c the Magistrate's courts and even the been no such frequent robberies, or so complained that his servants had mis

in Bastiampillai
ttheofficialselectedforsummarypunishment ple to the others. The Government was niarily benefited, headmen were accomplices 'attle stealing prevailed and the Government te the culprits or could not apprehend them, vere unworthy of the government’s confidence 2 justification for dismissal." Accordingly, as retired owing to his inability to assist in ness. Further, District Judges came to be cases of cattle theft, and they act suitably to offence. 87
ance No. 41 however proved how futile had heck cattle stealing. 8 Cattle theft was as rife viya when R. W. Morris was appointed addiris was able to curb the occurrence of thefts
had done so ten years ago. He "sentenced 2 plague of the country, cattle stealing became
lure to law breakers and only severe punish in restraining offenders; but not for long.
tion of establishing a police force at Jaffna planter, R. J. Dunlop, drew the Governor's f the Northern province, particularly of the f bands of ruftians and thieves. Thefts and quents were caught there were none to take securely confined. Within the past five years burgled eight times, but the culprits were not it recovered. 92 He added that'. . . . we are Officer called vidahns. ... who were unpaid pur. Consequently they just did what pleased h was rare, they were so careless in discharging In every case of robbery, committed in their re aware of the thieves, either before or after in performing the service 'except where they der as blackmail'. ' ' Dunlop emphasised the ce force in the town and the country and added lsent to be taxed for the provision of it because hing but complaints on this subject'. '
he official attitude. The Colonial Secretary, lid not agree with Dunlop. The returns from complaints of Dunlop indicated that there had extensively. ' Dunlop really had frequently conducted themselves by quitting from service

Page 31
Crime and
without obtaining his leave. Further, revealed that there had been no cases (
Dunlop, however, insisted that had no records because the culprits wer instituted. Offenders were neither de want of a police force to pursue investig force no such crimes would ever have the government inquired from the Gover. not be established for the district of Ja which would not be burdensome to t
But the Government Agent was a unnecessary. The town was quiet and fensive. Yet there followed another r retary from some of the inhabitants of Jaf Some action therefore had to be take
Meanwhile, in 1852, a report fro system in Ceylon was published. 1oo Apa Negombo, Galle and Kandy, the other policing. The government however had inefficiency of these arrangements, and w Colonial Secretary had wanted reports ab ment Agents and other officials. * oo
Dyke, the Government Agent of th report in August 1844. He stated thi vidanes over a great mass of the island wa ment of that agency was impossible with these police vidanes. If payment was m be rendered efficient even immediately. was emphatic that considerable improven could not be effected except through the not espouse the establishment of a regu The Government concurred with C providing suitable remuneration to the u their service and influence for maintaini recommending an immediate adoption o pensive. The Government was also re ing the cost of paying police headmen a Therefore no action was eventually tak Hence, the duty of protecting life and prop ed entirely to unpaid headmen, who re Dyke's views and the Government's eff

Prevention 2.
he past records of two-and-a-half-years repeated robberies in Jaffna. "
is complaint was true. The Magistrate never traced and hence cases Were never acted nor brought to trial owing to the ions. Further, if there had been a police occurred. Because of these contentions ment Agent, whether a police force could fna from the proceeds of an assessment e inhabitants. 99
amant in insisting that a police force was the residents had been remarkably inofpresentation in 1851 to the Colonial Secna reiterating the need for a police force,
.
m the Executive Council on the police rt from a police force in Colombo and in areas had their own arrangements for a been concerned for some time about the y back in February and March 1843, the out these arrangements from the Govern
e Northern province, had submitted his ut policing through the agency of police impracticable and considerable improveout paying an adequate remuneration to ade to the headmen, the agency could Finally, and most importantly, the Agent ent in prevention and detection of crime id of such an improved agency. He did ar police force." overnment Agent Dyke on the need for paid police vidanes and thereby winning g law and order. 108 But it hesitated in the plan because it would be quite exuctant to introduce a new tax for defraycr the experience of the 1848 rebellion. in to implement any recommendations. rty, especially in the villages, was entrustained unenthusiastic. °° Thus Agent its ended abortively.

Page 32
28 - Bertri
Thomas Skinner, the Civil En admirably correct analysis at this t 1850's. 109 Disorder had grown ow. and following the state's policy of earlier been vested with authority a
In 1856, after so much delay towards creating a police system fc small police force would be useful ir contrary. The Superintendent of all the advantages of a police system thing appeared to be orderly, peace but much petty crime prevailed, and were never detected. Yet, providi confined to a circumscribed area as the Jaffna district. 1 Hence, again force.
-
Meanwhile, there were many unsuitability for discharging tiisir circularised among these officiais a SI property. But owing to the obviou justice were being frustrated. N be created.
The Government Agent, North towards providing a police service it to bear the costs of maintaining on for preserving peace and order and proved and made more efficient. small police force would confer a g
Governor, Henry Ward, (185: trate of Jaffna. The Magistrate and ment the need to establish a police fo patrol system or any other form of sec of the town. The Pettah of Jaffna w woefully inadequate services of onl in a worse position. Vidanes gener of their divisions, but really these h difficult to detect the actual situation because of the advantages they der
The more respectable inhabit ing conditions. They yearned for

in Bastianpillai
gineer in charge of road building, presented an ime of the growth of lawlessness around the ing to delays in the administration of justice Weakening the power of headmen, who had nd responsibility for maintaining order. 10
and deliberation a positive move was made r Jaffna. 11 The Governor concluded that a spite of the Government Agent's views to the Police visited Jaffna and reported that almost were being enjoyed by the populace. Everyful and clean. Acts of violence were rare, as there was no efficient police force culprits ng only a small police force with its activities the town, alone, would not be of much use for nothing was done about establishing a police
complaints about the police vidanes and their obligations. In 1853, the governmen thad et of riles to guide them in searching for stolen S ignorance of the police headmen the ends of o doubt, a police force was needed and had to
hern Province, was still not favourably disposed Jaffna. The inhabitants would not be able e; and the existing machinery of headment proiecting property could be adequately imHowever, he Governor was now firm that a reat advantage to the inhabitants. '''
S-60) was influenced by the views of the Magishis preedecessor had impressed on the Governrce. There was a total absence of a police or :urity for the life and property of the inhabitants ith thousands of people was provided with the y an unpaid constable. The outskirts were ally endearvoured to paint a peaceful picture eadmen were so cunning that they rendered it . Vidanes, valued their appointments largely lived by sly means that existed for extortion.
ants, were also quite unhappy with the prevailthe establishment of a police force and were

Page 33
Crime
willing to contribute towards its mair unequivocally pronounced that no trifli allowed to interfere when the welfare of the Magistrate differed from the Gove central government accepted the views
By August 1855, the Government police force at Jaffna. The Governme differed in their views, but the Governc that he should exercise his “undoubted for establishing a police force, and for Governor Ward also planned to visit confer with the authorities on the spot preservation of public security, which w,
Accordingly, by April 1856, it wa was to be constituted from January 1857, from the inhabitants of the Jaffna gravets, and heavier tax it would entail. Whe people pleaded for a reduction of the tax complained that a police force was not net
Nevertheless the decision of the problems arose owing to Government police force was unnecessary and could on the inhabitants. He prescribed coi proclamation, which made the Superin that it was useless in establishing a forc Government Agent was hence asked for question. 13 1
The Superintendent of Police beli established at Jaffna and with beneficial by Government Agent Dyke it was impos gent. Within the town, the advantag dybeing enjoyed to some extent by the 1 clean. Although violent offences we it were undetected because there was r
Dyke, however, stubbornly insist any attempt to establish a force withou been indeed difficult. On the other ha constraints he had prescribed would be had to overcome the intransigence of th established. As he was helpless in the the Colonial Secretary of the dificulty

and Prevention 29
itenance. Furthermore, the Magistrato ng consideration of expenditure should be the community itself was at stake. Thus rnment Agent on this question; and the of the former.
was quite convinced of the necessity for a nt Agent and the police Magistrate had or made it clear to the Government Agent abilities' in making the best arrangements obtaining the means to cover its costs. the Northern province in early 1856, and
about further measures necessary for the as presently provided for inadequately."
is proclaimed in Jaffna that a police force But there followed forthwith a petition who were apprehensive of the additional n the Governor visited the province, the es, which were already beinglevied. 1oo They 2ded as they could not afford to pay for one.
government was to be implemented. But Agent Dyke's tenacious insistence that a not be maintained out ofimpositions levied hditions that had to be embodied in the tendent of Police, Colombo, to conclude e in accordance with these terms. The
further views on this controversial
eved that an efficient police force could be
results. But out of the resources offered sible to create a suitable police contines a police system could offer were alrearesidents-the place was calm, orderly and re rare there was petty crime and most of to police force. 18
ed that the police were not required; and this co-operation and supportwould have ind, a force created within the limits and ; of no benefit. Thus the Superintendent le Government Agent if a force was to be
face of the Agent's obstinacy he apprised r : 3 5

Page 34
30 · Bert
Confronted with such obstacles eventually formed was naturally unsat the government pointed out that witho sanitary measures could not be enfor be maintained. It was certainly des on and the Government Agent was a
But Dyke remained obdurate a police force. They generally entertair exposure of the poor conduct of an ill-O cred these views,
Even by 1864, without any polic ment Agent was everything and handle ever roused public opposition as none tion. In such circumstances, Dyke's force was intelligible.
But the Government had by n the establishment and regulation of a regretted that only a limited amount o for considering the proposal. And unhappiness about the creation of a
In 1866, the residents of the Va in Jaffna had requested the Governor establishing a small police force at Jaffn force, which had hitherto restrained to required by the Governor. The pre mounting in spite of the Government The people of Karaiyur and Jaffna tow A small but efficient police force was . and property of the residents of Jaffna establishing such a force were requeste
Unable to withstand the escala limits of the town and suburbs of Jaffna The force was to function under the Agent, who in turn would act under Agent. There was to be a Head Con The Assistant Agent would officiate a Superentendent of Police would be in ( oppose any more the establishment of control and direction over it,

Pam Bostiampillai
, the sort of police organisation which was isfactory. By 1862, this was apparent and at the aid of an efficient police force effective ced nor could a proper state of cleanliness irable to establish a better police organisatigain asked for his suggestions. '"
nd dilatory. The people did not desire a led an unfavourable opinion of it, and the rganised police service recently had strength
e force for all practical purpose, the Governd all problems. None of Dyke's acts had had caused any ostensible public dissatisfac
opposition towards the creation of a police
ow made up its mind. An Ordinance for in efficient police force was framed. Dyke if time had been allowed to public officers again, the Government Agent indicated his police force within his domain.
narponnai, Nallur, and Chundikuli divisions to create a police force. Dyke's plans for la in the event of a withdrawal of the military some extent the commission of crimes, were ssure for the creation of a police force was Agent's view that it was not indispensable. n toonow asked for a police establishment 48 imperative for providing security for the life
and the Government Agent's proposals for d. 4
ting pressure any longer, Dyke outlined the
where a police force was to be established immediate superintendence of the Assistant the general direction of the Government lstable, two sergeants and a few constables. as the Assistant Superintendent, while the Colombo. Although Dyke, could not now f a force, at least, he planned to enusre his

Page 35
Crime ፈ
In June 1866, at last, a final annou would establish a police force in Jaffna change in the Government Agent's sugg Head Constable by an Inspector, who wa Government Agent. The cost of the la were to be defrayed from the general re a proportion of the money necessary for th and contingent changes, however, were t the residents. 8
While the Governor had generall entertained some misgivings about placi under an inspector, independent of loca Constable, lesser in rank, subject to hir Agent also discountenanced a formal forc or uniform for the “police. “. . . . the pe to any such requirement and the requirin, great impediment to procuring respectab
Finally, Dyke did have his way; under a Head Sergeant, instead of an Insp to the Assistant Agent's control." Fu Superintendent of Police, also concurred The force was to be composed of men fron ment if the recruits were compelled to don sion the consequences could be undesirab according to the recommendations of th the troops at Jaffna were withdrawn fro.
In January 1867, itself, however, the police service was unpopular.'" T satisfactory, although a higher Salary th To be in charge of the collection of the te force a writer or clerk was appointed ''' limit was prescribed difining the rate o
By May 1867, the Superintendent ( that the police force at Jaffna was large. was to be only a Head Sergeant and tw. cent on the value of the property of the re. was to be so composed so as to be mainta
... In August, after the reduction of forwarded to the Government Agent the observations for improving the force. '"

ad Prevention 31
cement was conveyed. ''The Governor and its suburbs from January 1867. A sted scheme was the replacement of the to be independent of the control of the nd and buildings for the police stations enue. The government would contribute salaries of the police personnel, Pensions be paid out of an assessment levied on
approved Dyke's proposals, Dyke still ng a force at a distance from Colombo control. He preferred instead, a Head and his assistant.' The Government e and there was to be no distinctive dress ople of Jaffna have a very strong dislike g of much in this respect would be a very le persons for the service". **°
the Governor permitted the force to be lector, and the establishment to be subject rthermore, the Governor, and the Chief with Dyke's views concerning uniforms.'
the area and in a newly created establisha type of garb to which they had an averle. Now that a police force was set up, e Commissioners of Military expenditure m January 1867. 18 -
the Government Agent complained that he applicants to join the force were unan that paid to messengers was offered. X necessary to meet the cost of the police but there was a lacunae in the lawfor no
assessment.
f Police, G. W. R. Campbell, commented Hence, Dyke reduced numbers-there nty-seven constables. A rate of five per idents was to be imposed, and the force ned within the amount thus realised.''
he establishment, the Colonial Secretary hief Superintendent's critical constructve Even under the able administration of

Page 36
32 Bert
... Dyke, radical change was necessary to force. There was no individual with service; the policemen did not live in a over an area. As they did not like to they failed to gain a varied experience the police force in Jaffna was peculiar of the Assistant Agent and had no co it differed very much from the reg
To remedy these shortcomings force could be improved with trainin Selected a very fine body of men.. yet, to bring the force in Jaffna up to the Jaffna police establishment neede the police of the colony to evolve ir uniformly good and easily Supervised. Campbell further commented that the police duties, being unpaid for their of either the police or the magisteria few of them were efficient. However serve as valuable auxiliaries of the r
But Dyke continued to exhibit sions and orders of the government, a which were in support of Dyke's vie reform would amount to a breach of service and to Dyke through whose creating a police force had been imp observed that regarding the offences called upon to tackle, the number of was therefore hardly needed. Moreo of the force, often levied on a large p sary burden. Thus was Dyke oppo towards the plans for establishing a
Dyke's contention was suppo Agent, William Twynam (1867-1895) that the number of serious cases, tri 1881, was two-hundred-and twenty-fiv 1867, in twelve years there had been these spells of twelve years each the 649; 309 and 323, repsectively. Tw. crime to the efforts of Dyke and position and tone of headmen there maintaining order,

ram Bastilampilai
effect a substantial improvement in the police
technical police experience attached to the common place of residence, but lived scattered be transferred from one division to another , which was useful and necessary. Briefly ; it was u functioning under the direct control nnection whatever with the regular force, and ular force.
, Campbell proposed a scheme whereby the g. "....Mr. Dyke has with great pains ..',acknowledged the Chief Superintendent, the level of a force elsewhere in the Colony, di improvement. oo This would also render to one homogeneous force which would be This plan was approved by the government. : village headmen, supposed to perform some services and not under the direct Supervision all officers, were often corrupt. Only a very , they could with some changes be made to egular police.'
an intractable attitude. In view of the deciind the declarations of the Queen's Advocate, w, an adoption of Campbell's proposals for faith to the public, the recruits in the police instrumentality the orders and decisions for plemented. Continuing his diatribe, Dyke and other matters, which the force had been nil entires was remarkable-the police force ver, a tax of five per cent for the maintenance roportion of poor properties, was an unnecesised to the last and recalcitraint in his attitude police force in North Ceylon.
rted by his worthy successor, Government
Quoting statistics, Twynam demonstrated 2d during a period of twelve years ending in e; and by 1855 was as low as hundred. By one-hundred-and-fifty-seven cases. Du' ' 'ring numbers tried before courts had been 886; ynam attributed this progressive decrease in not to a police force. Dyke had raised the by inducing them to exert their influence in

Page 37
* Crimer ar
Furthermore, in order to provide recommended the establishment of certa continuing them. o°Consequently the ci robberies and other serious types of crim seldom heard of. If crimes had still bee brought to justice. Thus, Twynam, ir a reduction of crime, without the machi reinforced his predecessor's opinion that Jaffna or North Ceylon. An improved suitable for maintaining law and order
Government Agent Dyke had b distant from Colombo, his province was wanted to be free to make his own deci his province. Therefore, he was intole With his long experience and intimate himself the expert not the Governor Dyke wanted to run his province econo inhabitants. The headmen could be pai duties. Such an arrangement was certai a special regular force. Through the ag could be effected quite economically. T indirect rule and imperialism on the che discharge his duties as pro-consul in h
REFE
1.
Rasanayagam, C., The British Peri pp. 13-14.
ibid.
ibid. Governor's Addresses, Vol. I. (C. SLNA (Sri Lanka National Archiv 30 November 1830; also see SL of 22 November 1929; entry of
SLNA-2011-54-Collector's L SLNA-20/11-54-Collector's D SILNA—6I972B—Collector to CI ibid
10. Dickman, C., The Manual of th
p. 191: also see his Heads of Mi p. 16, for convention-25 Novemb

Prevention PP.
the necessary support to headmen, he had n courts and insisted on the necessity for tting off of ears for robbing jewellery, gang , which had been once common were later committed the culprits had been generally dicated that Dyke had effectively ensured tery of a regular type police force, and he a regular police force was not needed for roup of headmen were quite adequate and in North Ceylon.
2come an independent official. He was an outpost, and as head of his area he sions and arrangements for administering 'ant of any interference from the centre. (nowledge of his province, he considered or his advisers in Colombo. Moreover, mically and with the least burden on its i and they could be entrusted with police nly cheaper than paying out of taxers for gency of headmen imperial administration here was a blend of the characteristics of ap in the way in which Dyke wanted to is province.
RENCE
d of the History of Jaffna.(Colombo, 1934)
lombo, 1876), pp. 72-73 s)-6972B-Collector to Chief Secretary. NA-2011-54-Collector's Diaries-entry 25 November 1829. aries-entry of 25 April 1830. - aries-entry of 28 and 29 October 1829. ef Secretary, 30 November 1930,
Ceylon Civil Service, (Colombo, 1865), tes, Circclar letters, etc. (Ceylon, 1849), 1832. -

Page 38
34
11. 12.
13.
4.
5.
16.
17.
8.
19.
20. 21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
3.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36. 37.
38. 39. 40. 4组。
42.
42,
w Bertra
See Dickman, C., Heads of the M SILNA-6/1161—Collector to Ch ibid Pippet, G. K., A History of the C 1938), p.25. ibid. ibid. Bennett, J. W., Ceylon and its Ca SLNA-20/520-233-Colonial 1835. ibid-See also enclosure-Extrac Mannar. ibid. ibid.
SLNA-20/786-428-No. 216, G. 2 July 1864. ibid. levers, R. W. Manual of the Nort Pippet, G.K., op.cit., p.x. Ievers, R.W., op.cit., p.70. SLNA-71574-No.95, Colonial 1843. SILNA-7/574—No.145, Colonia 1843. Pippet, G.K., op.cit., p.71. ibid
ibid
ibid ibid. pp. 122-123 Ievers, R.V., op.cit. p.70. Pippet, G.K., op.cit. See especiall Secretary, 9 August 1844, p.317f ibid. ibid.
ibid. ibid. ibid. ibid. . . ihid. ibid.

f Bastiampilai
sinutes, Circclar Letters etc. op. cit. p.35. ief Secretary, 10 May 1833.
eylon Police, Vol. I -1795-1870, Colombo,
pabilities (London, 1843), p. 235 Secretary to Government Agent-3 January
it from the report of the District Judge of
overnment Agent to Colonial Secretary,
h Central Province, (Ceylon 1899).
Secretary to Government Agent, 24 April
| Secretary to Government Agent, 27 June
y Appendix D-Dyke's No.211 to Colonial

Page 39
43.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
61.
62.
63.
Crime a
Boake, W.J.S., Mannar-A Monogy
Pippet, G.K., op.cit. ibid. pp. 105-107.
ibid. Governor's Addresses, op.cit. p. 2. Colonial Secretary to Government Government Agent's No.69-25 SLNA-6/1995-Government Ager (no number): also see enclosers, Gc from entry of 15 March 1849; SLN ary to Government Agent, 25 Au Pippet, G.K., op.cit. p. 205; also s ment Agent to Colonial Secretary, SILNA-20/854—259.--No.230, Col 17 October 1848. SLINA-20854-259-No.230, Co 17 October 1848; see especially enclo from Colonial Secretary, 16 October SLNA-612238B-Part I-Governn 27 March 1849, (no number). Pippet, G.K., op.cit., p.187. Ievers, R.V., op. cit., p.54. SLNA-6/1995-Government Age1 sent while on circuit. SLNA-6' 1995-Government Agent see enclosure-Extracts from Gover March 1849.
ibid. ibid-see especially entry of 15 Mar SLNA-20/188-261-No.70, Colo 27 April 1849; also see Government 27 March 1849. ibid., also see enclousre Colonia SILNA-—20/188—261-No. 79, Col 19 May 1849.
ibid. ibid., also see enclosure, Queen's Ad ibid SLNA-6/1995-No.68, Governmer 1849; also see SLNA-612238B-l Secretary, 16 May 1849,

nd Prevention 35
aph (Colombo, 1888) p.14.
'; also see SLNA-20/821-258, No.63,
Agent, 20 March 19848 and elsewhere. February 1848.
ht to Colonial Secretary, 27 March 1849. overnment Agent's Diary-extracts taken A-20549-270 No. 182, Colonial Secretgust 1854.
ee SLNA-6!!1995—See No.68-Govern16 May 1849, on cattle stealing also see onial Secretary to Government Agent,
lonial Secretary to Government Agent,
osure. Copy of Letter to A.O. Brodie,
1848.
ment Agent to Colonial Secretary
ut to Colonial Secretary, 27 March 1849,
to Colonial Secretary, 27 March 1849,
ment Agent’s Diary from entry of 14
h 1849 in Diary. ial Secretary to Government Agent,
Agent's letter to Colonial Secretary,
Secretary to District Judge, 4April, nial Secretary to Government Agent,
ocate to Colonial Secretary, 4 May 1849
Agent to Colonial Secretary, 16 May rt 1-Government Agent to Colonial

Page 40
36
65.
66.,
67.
68.
69.
70.
71. 72.
73.
74.
75.
76.
77.
78.
79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.
86.
87.
88.
89,
90.
91.
92.
23.
Bertra
ibid.
ibid.
ibid.
ibid.
ibid. ibid.
ibid.
ibid.
ibid.
ibid.
ibid. SLNA-20209-262-Colomi; April 1850. ibid., Governors’ Addresses, op. (iii., p
ibid.
ibid. SLNA-20/549-270-No.272, ( 15 December 1854. SLNA-20/549-270-No.272, 8 December 1854-see also en
Government Agent, 30 Decemb
ary Justice of the Peace. SLNA-20/1 168-273--No.16 21 July 1855-also see enclo Central Province.
ibid.
ibid. SLNA-62438-ffNo.27. Gov January 1858-also see enclo Dickman, C., Ceylon Civil Ser Pippet, G.K., op.cit., p.205. ibid. See reference to this view held ern Province in 1871, ibid. SLNA-20/778-264-No.37. 7 March 1851. ibid. See enclosure, Dunlop to
ibid.

m Bastiampilai
al Secretary to Government Agent circular 23
p.232-233,
olonial Secretary to Government Agent
Colonial Secretary to Government Agentclosures-No.281, Colonial Secretary to ber 1854 and letter to A. Y. Adams, the Stipendi
0, Colonial Secretary to Government Agent, sure, extract of letter to Government Agent,
ernment Agent to Colonial Secretary, 27 usure No.5 of 18 January 1858. vice Manual, op.cit., p. 170.
by W. C. Twynam, Government Agent, North
Colonial Secretary to Government Agent,
Governor, 24 February 1851.

Page 41
102.
: 03.
0.
05.
06.
07.
109.
10.
.
113.
114.
15.
116.
Crime and
ibid
SLNA-20,778-264-Colonial Secret also see enclosure, Colonial Secre
ibid. SLNA-20/778-264-No 98, Colo 6 June 1851, also see enclosure R.J.I
ibid SLNA-612096, Part 1-see Gove 1 March 1851, for this view.
SLNA-2011052-265-No. 79 Color September 1851; also see enclosurel Secretary,9 September 1851 on beh For an account of this see Pippet, C ibid. pp. 122-123. ibid., also see Dyke to Colonial Sec. 314.
ibid.
ibid.
ibid.
ibid. pp. 123-124, 134. ibid. pp. 136-137.
ibid.
SLNA-20/1076-274-No. 60, C 17 April 1956--also see ei1closures. No. 114, Colonial Secretary to G
closure No.30, Colonial Secretary 10 June 1856.
SLNA-20/1 168-273-No.227-Col. 24 October 1853; also see SLNAColonial Secretary, 21 August 185:
SLNA-20/1644-275-No. 207, 23 September 1856; also see enc Colonial Secretary, 5 August 1856.
ibid.; also see Pippet, G.K. op.cit.
SLNA-20/1770-268-Colonial of 9 September 1853-also see August 1853.
ibid,

Prevention 37
ary to Government Agent, 2 May 1851ary to Dunlop, 30 April 1851.
nial Secretary to Government Agent, unlop to Colonial Secretary, 12 May 1851
rnment Agent to Colonial Secretary
ial Secretary to Government Agent 20 atter from R. F. Thoussaint Jr. to Colonial alf of memorialists.
j. K., op.cit., p. 122.
retary, No.211 of 9 August 1844-ibid.,p.
olonial Secretary to Government Agent, -Proclamation to establish a police force; overnment Agent, 12 June 1856, and en7 to Superintendent of Police, Colombo,
onial Secretary to Government Agent -62305-No. 326, Government Agent t 5.
Colonial Secretary to Government Agent, losure No.50, Superintendent of Police to
p. 138.
Secretary to Government Agent, Circular enclosure-Instructions to Headmen-24

Page 42
117.
118.
119.
131.
32.
133.
134.
135.
136.
137.
138.
139.
140,
Bertré
SLNA-20/1644-275-No.20 23 September 1856-see enclo SLNA-62/349-see Petition c ing about the inability to pay volume of despatches filed sep
| SLNA-20/1168-273-No. 22
24 October 1853.
SLNA-20/272-No.126 Colo 1855-see also enclosure No. 7 June 1855.
ibid.
ibid.
ibid.
ibid. SLNA-20/1168-273-No.183, 23 August 1855.
ibid.
SLNA-20/1 076-274-No.60,
17 April 1856.
SLNA-6/2349-see enclosed ibid. SLNA-20/1644-275-No.207, 23 September 1856-see especia
to Colonial Secretary, 5 Aug
ibid.
ibid. - Pipet, G.K. op.cit. p. 138. ibid.
SLNA-20/1644-275-No.207, se
to Colonial Secretary, 5 August SLNA-20/1435-285, No.290, C 25 October 1862.
ibid. SLNA-20/1703-433, No. 47, G 2 March 1863; also see enclos Secretary, 1 November 1862. Martyn, John H., Notes on Jaff etc., With an Appendix. (Telli Catholic Gcardian, 17 March 18 ibid.

m Bastiampilai
, Colonial Secretary to Government Agent, sure for Dyke's view. - f the inhabitants of Jaffna Gravets complaintax to meet the costs of a police force in this irately. 7-Colonial Secretary to Government Agent,
nial Secretary to Government Agent, 25 June 24 Police Magistrate, Jaffna, to Governor,
Colonial Secretary to Government Agent
Colonial Secretary to Government Agent
Petition in this volume of despatches.
Colonial Secretary to Government Agent, ally enclosure No.50, Superintendent of Police gust 1856.
2e enclosure No.50, Superiniendent of Police
1856. olonial Secretary to Government Agent,
overnment Agent to Colonial Secretary, ure, No.372 Government Agent to Colonial -
la-Chronological, Historical and Biographical, palai, 1923) pp. 264-265 quoted from Jaffna 94,

Page 43
141.
142.
43.
144.
145.
146.
147.
148.
149.
150.
151.
152.
157.
158,
59.
Crime an SLNA-20/725-432-Government A, 1865 (no number-written on circuit)
SLNA-20/989-293-No.67 Colonial 7 April 1866.
SLNA-20/989-293-No. 109, Colo 18 May 1866.
ibid.
SLNA-20,725-432-No. 140 Gove 4 June 1866.
ibid. - . . . . . SLNA-20989-293-No. 135, Colo 25 June 1866.
ibid. -
SLNA 20/725-432-Government Ag
(no number), also see No. 135, Co 25 June 1866.
SLNA 20/725-432, No.232-Gover 25 August 1866. SLNA 20/989-293-No. 169, Colon
2 August 1866; also see enclosure Coloni Secretary.
SLNA-201989-293 No.195, Colon 14 September 1866; also see annexure al Secretary, 8 September 1866.
SLNA-20/989-293-No.207, Colo 12 October 1866. . SLNA-20/89-435-MNo.22, Gove 22 January 1867. SLNA-20/89-435-No.80, Govern 4 March 1867.
SLNA-20/89-435-No..112, Gover 25 March 1867.
SLNA- 20/89-435-No. 142, Gov 11 May 1867,
ibid.
SLNA-20/66-294, No.186, Colon
5 August 1867; also see annexure l Secretary (no date).

d Prevention 39
gent to Colonial Secretary, 10 October
Secretary to Government Agent,
nial Secretary to Government Agent,
rnment Agent to Colonial Secretary,
nial Secretary to Government Agent,
ent to Colonial Secretary, 7 July 1866 lonial Secretary to Government Agent
nment Agent to Colonial Secretary,
ial Secretary to Government Agent, No.224 Deputy Queen's Advocate to
ial Secretary to Government Agent, No.34, Chief Superintendent, to Coloni
lial Secretary to Government Agent, rnment Agent to Colonial sectar.
ment Agent to Colonial Secretary,
nment Agent to Colonial Secretary,
:rnment Agent to Colonial Secretary,
al Secretary to Government Agent, No.147, Chief Superintendent toColonial

Page 44
160.
61.
162.
163.
164.
165.
166.
167.
168.
169. 170.
Bertram
ibid.; also see Pippet, G. K., a ibid.
ibid. SLNA–20/66-294–No.245, Co
15 October 1867; also see annexu Secretary 2 October 1867.
Pippet, G.K., op.cit. pp.246-257 Inspector General of Police, to
SLNA–20/145-436–No.272, C 23 September 1867.
SLNA-20/145-936-No.273, G 23 September 1867.
Pippet, G.K., op.cit., pp.262-263, ibid.
ibid.
ibid.

Bostiampillai
p.cit. p. 237.
lonial Secretary to Government Agent, re No.208, Chief Superintendent to Colonial
--also see Report of G.W.R. Campbell, Colonial Secretary, 26 December 1867.
overnment Agent to Colonial Secretary,
overnment Agent to Colonial Secretary,

Page 45
SOME ASPECTS OF POPULATION IN SRI LANKA (1946 — 1971)
Population of Sri Lanka expande 1971. Within this period, there was also population. According to the first censu 2.4 millions and this increased to 6. may be considered as one of relatively slo was 1.3 percent. Since 1946, the rate ( averaged 2.6 percent, although within thi rate of growth has been over higher. U the growth of population but after 1946 the implementation of Srimavo-Sartri Pat emmigration would continue with the i 1974. 3. After 1960s, emmigration had The high growth rate especially after 1946 reduction of maternal and infant morta health of the population. General heal of the introduction of advanced method hand, and the supply of free or, subsidis The overall improvement of the quality as a significant factor leading to the exp
The growth of population after the country. Generally, growth rates
some regions where the rate of growth was conspicuous in the Dry Zone, while
growth 5. Population statistics pertainir

CHANGE
BY P. BALASUNDRAMPLLA
d rapidly in the years between 1946 and a change in the pattern of distribution of s of 1971, the population of Sri Lanka was 7 millions in 1946. 1 The period up to 1946 wgrowth when the rate of annual increase of growth appears to have doubled and is period, there were some years when the pto 1946, immigration has contributed to , especially in the period after 1964, with it, emmigration has increased. 2 Further, mplementation of Srimavo-lindra Pact of a negative impact on the rate of growth. , is associated with the control of malaria, lity and the general improvement of the h of the population improved as a result S of sanitation and medicine, on the one d food and other facilities on the other 4. of life over the years must be considered insion of the population.
1946, has not been uniform throughout ave been high everywhere, but there are las been explosive. The rapid expansion the Wet the Zone experienced moderate g to administrative districts demonstrate

Page 46
42 Population
Meinriar
( Anurodh: 3puff
R
O r y
().
a
 
 
 
 
 

Change in Sri Lanka
ADMINSTRATIVE DISTRICTS OF
SRI ANKA - 97
rincorrhoee
2 CVn i e
Rohrfnfro
/ BoticlodN
Mora rá polo
of e
C "რ-tormbc.:Toro
cole || 5ooooo 5 کس سیلا (\
*

Page 47
P. Balas
regional disparities in population grc Table i shows the population growth f 4 shows the increase for the whole pe maps.
Table 1. Population increase by inter
1946-71. (in percent)
District 1946/5. Colombo 20.3 Kalutara 14.7 Kandy 18.1 Matale 29.1 Nuvara Eliya 21.3 Galle 14.0 Matara 17.5 Hambantota 27.9 Jafna 15.8 Mannar 38.5 Vavuniya 51.0 Batticaloa 30.9 Ampairai 40.6 Trincomalee 10.5 Kurunegala - 29.1 Puttalam 25.2 Anuradhapura 64.3" Polonnaruwa m Badulla 25.4 Monaragala a Ratnapura 22.7 Kegalla 17.4 SRI LANKA 21.6
Source: Calculated from the relevant
1953: ܚ-،܂ 1946
In the eight years between 194 increased by 21.6 percent. Matale, Amaprai, Kurunegala, Anuradhapu Ratnapura show an increase higher til tion of malaria helped to reduce the ( resettlement of these areas feasible. tlers by the restoration of the aband colonization schemes. During this p

ndrampillai 43
with 6. (Map 1) Columns 2 1, 2 and 3 in r the three intercensal periods while Column iod. The daí a in Table 1 is shown in four
ensal periods and for the period between
1953/63 1963/71 1946/71
29.2 21.1 88.1 20.6 15.9 59.8 24.1 13.8 67.0 27.1 23.7 102.2 22.2 - 14.0 68.0 22.3 5.0 - 60.1 24.6 14.2 66.6 43.2 24.3 127.3 24.5 15.0 65.2 37.6 29.5 147.2 95.4 39.5 310.3 40.4 31.6 144.6 70.8 28.8 195.3 65.1 38.6 148.0 36.1 20.6 16.6 32.2 25.5 106.8 71.7 39.1 227.5 N_ 43.8 687.0 40.0 18.8 9.5 s-wa- 44.8 99.0 29.5 21.2 92.7 22.7 12.7 63.0 30. 19.8 90.3
CGThՏԱՏՅS.
6 and 1953, the population of the country Hambantota, Mannar, Vavuniya, Batticaloa a- Polonnaruwa, Badulla-Monaragala and an the national average. (Map 2) Eradicaeath rate in these districts and it also made hese areas were made attractive to new setned tanks and the policy of state assisted :riod, growth of population was lowest in

Page 48
44 - Population
the Trincomalee district. This was tion from the district with the reducti malee harbour. Of the Dry Zone di recorded a low increase. Jaffna dis past as well due to out migration. Jaffna and Trincomalee experienced national average.
1953 - 1963
On the whole, the pattern of p similar to the 1946-1953 period excep enced a low rate of growth earlier, she All Dry Zone districts,except Jaffna Rates of population growth in the island. Increased colonization and ( attracted migrants from the already Government policy appeared to favo Government provided many incentive the Wet Zone districts, Colombo and of growth was closer to the national the Colombo district and agricultural to be an attraction to migrants from
In the eight years between 19t Mannar, Vavuniya, Batticaloa, Tri Anuradhapura, Polonnaruwa, Mona rates of growth higher than the nat growth higher than the national av increase was lower than the nation
1971 ܚ 1946
On the basis of the rate of p administrative district of the island
Growth Pattern Increase (P Lcw growth 60 - 6
Moderate growth 80 - 9
Intermediate growth 103 - 1 High growth 141 - 2 Very high growth 310
Phenominal growth 687

Change in Sri Janka
argely a result of the migration of the populaon of naval and port activities of the Trincon stricts, other than Trincomalee, Jaffna district trict had shown lower rate of growth in the All the districts in the Dry Zone other than a rate of growth which was higher than the
opulation growth in this period appears to be bt that Trincomalee district which had experiwed a relatively higher rate of growth. (Map3) experienced above averape rates of growth. Wei Zone were lower than the average for the xtension of cultivated area in the Dry Zone crowded Wet Zone. During this period, the ur the resettlement of the Dry Zone and the
s to the new settlers in the Dry Zone. Among Ratnapura stand out as areas where the rate average. Urban and industrial expansion in development in the Ratnapura district proved all parts of the country.
53 and 1971, Colombo, Matale, Hambantota, ncomalee, Amparai, Puttalam, Kurunegala, ragala and Ratnapura (Map 4) experienced ional average. Colombo district also had a erage. In all other districts, the intercensal al average.
opulation of growth between 1946 and 1971, can be classified into six groups. (Map 5)
ercent) Districts 8 Kalutara, Galle, Matara,
Nuwara Eliya, Jaffna & Kegalle.
9 Colombo, Ratnapura and
Monoragalla.
27 Matalae. Hambantota, Kuruna
gala, Puttalam, and Badulla.
28 Batticaloa, Mannar, Trincomalee
Amparai and Anuradhapura. Vavuniya.
Polonnaruwa,

Page 49
መስ
 
 
 
 

— -
episTRICT 1946-5
%, increose
(

Page 50
G.3
POPULATION CHANGF
ܓ݁ܶܝܪ
Q
ད།།སྡེ་
 

S BY DISTRICT 1953-63
increase
■ > 75 田 6O-74 드 30-44
O
29 ܐ

Page 51
l
 
 

S BY DISTRICT 1963-7
% Jncre ose
EFH > 4o El 30 39 2O 29
O < 19
N

Page 52
f : C 5
POPULATION CHANGE
 

S BY DISTRICT 1946-7
Growth Pattern O Low
e, Moder ofe TD intermedio te Ed High EH Very High SEI Phenominol

Page 53
P. Balas
The low rate of growth of popu observed in seven districts. Althougl interms of absolute numbers is high. densities. These districts are compara for further agricultural development. these districts from 1946-1971 was hig in group 11, though diverse in econo Industrial expansion in the Colombo di numbers. Ratnapura district is the O population growth similar to the na purpose scheme and other agriculture Monaragala district is the only Dry Zon probably because of late developmen
The districts in group 111, are ti districts are characterised by intermedi the Wet Zone, the rate of growth in t of the Wet Zone. Within individual ( fluence the rates of population growth. that are to be found in the Dry Zone, Wet Zone districts. For example, in t areas:- (1) Puttalam area falls entirely had a population increase of 236 percen region of the Puttalam district which fa crease of 80.5 percent during this period. and Hambaniota, there were remark: growth. Batticaloa, Amparai, Anuradł 1V experienced a high growth of popul the eradication of malaria and large S associated activities. Vavuniya arid P their population by 310 and 687 percent appears to be the expansion of agricult
The process of urbaza growth in Gavin Jones and Selvaratnam (1970) a growth of the country 8. Between 19 population of the country was not very tion of the country as a whole. But a urban population increased by 62.7 p expansion of 30.7 percent. Between 19 rate of increase of urban population b average of 19.9 percent. It must be no definition of “urban population' was because after 1963, even the smaller t( considered to be urban areas. In the ( by the Municipal and urban Councils some characteristics of urban populati

darampillai 45 ܀
tion between 60-68 percent growth is the percentage growth is low, the growth ll of them had large populations and high vely developed and have limited potential sumber of people migrated outwards from 7. Colombo, Ratnapura and monoragala lic structure, had a similar growth rate. trict in 1960s, attracted migrants in sizeable ly district in the Wet Zone which had a onal rate of growth. Udawalawa multiactivities helped to develop the district. district to experience a lower rate of growth of agriculture there.
e border districts of the Wet Zone. These ate rates of growth. As they are bordering nese districts appear to be similar to those listricts climatic variations appeared to inDrier areas show population characteristics while wetter areas have similarities with the he Puttalam district, there are two distinct in the Dry Zone. This area of the district t between 1946 and 1971. (11) The Chilaw Ills largely within the Wet Zone had an inSimilarly, in Kurunegala, Matale, Badulla ble intra-district variation of population lapura, Trincomalee, and Mannar in group ation. All these districts benefited through ale agricultural colonization Schemes and lonnaruwa in group V and VI increased respectively. Main reason for the increase ᏓᏗ1re.
Sri Lanka has been slow. The studies of ld Gunatilake (1973) reveal the low urban 6 and 1953, the rate of growth of urban lifferent from the rate of growth of populater 1953, urban expansion accelerated and :rcent as against the national population 3 and 1971, the same trend continued, the ing 41.3 percent as against the national d, however that in the 1963-71 period, the omewhat different from the earlier phase wns administered by Town Councils were rlier phase, only those areas administered vere classified as urban. Table 11 shows n of Sri Lanka.

Page 54
46 - Population Table 1 1. Total population, urban
Total population in Thoursand Urban (percent)
Rural (percent) Number of urban settlements Source:- Based on Census Reports
More important reasons for natural increase of population with boundaries and elevation of rural arc factor appears to have played a mir the 1946-71 period, significant ur district and in some of the urban
The dominance of agriculture and service activities are the reason in Sri Lanka. Moreover, opening 1 the people to urban areas. Expansic this period, was very pronostaced Report of 1967, some 20,000 acres cultivation annually. The growth
ment of service centres in most part: scrved by the educational, health ar reduce the need to migrate to urban land further impedes rural-urban imi.
The pattern of percentage of 1971 are shown in Table 1 1 1. Th mained as the highest urbanised di malee are the most urbanised distr Jaffna district increased rapidly after ments. Though Trincomalee rema centage declined from 42.8 percent i 38.4 percent in 1971.
Table 11 1. Urban population by dis (percentage to the total
District 9,
Colombo
Kalutara Kandy 10 Matale - 9.
Nuwara Eliya 4

Change in Srt Lanka
aral ratio and urban settlements.
1946 953 1963 1971 6657 8097 10590 12690 15.4 15.3 19.1 22.4 84.6 84.7 S2 776 42 43 99 135 -
of Sri Lanka. ܗܝ
the urban growth in Sri Lanka have bcen the min the urban areas, the redefinition of urban as to urban status. The rural-urban migration or role in the urban growth in Sri Lanka. In an expansion was seen only in the Colombo centres in the try Zone.
in the ciconomy, slow rates of industrialisation s contributing to the slow pace of urbanization up of the Dry Zone inhibited the migration of n of the cultivated area in the Dry Zone during and according to the Land Utilization Survey
of land in the Dry Zone was brought under of agricultural settlements led to the develops of the Dry Zone. Rural areas are fairly well ld retail outlet facilities and this has tended to areas. Traditional attachment to agricultural gration.
urban population by district between 1946 and roughout the period, the Colombo district restrict. Next to Colombo, Jaffna and Trincoicts. The growth of urban population in the 1950s with the creation of several urban settleined a high urbanised district, its urban pern 1946 to 25.1 percent in 1963 and increased to
trict, 1946 - 1971. district population)
46 1953 1963 1971
7 4.5 46.4 55.2 . . 11. 20.0 2.9 .7 10.8 1.4 12.4 0. 8.6 11.5 11.9 0 5.5 6.2 . 61

Page 55
P. Balasiun
Galle 109 Matara 12.8 Hambantota 7.2 Jafna 13.0 Mannar s --- Vavuniya. . ܚ Batticaloa 6.4 Amparai --- Trincomalee 42.8 Kurunegala . 3.2 Puttalaun 9.2 Anuradhapura 8.8 Polonnaruwa ---- Badulla 4.4 Monaragala --- Ratnapura 4.2 Kegalla 1.2
Source:- Calculated from:Census Report
The growth of urban population in the dis than urban-rural migration. Batticaloa, mentioned districts which has the urban Nuwara Eliya, Hambantota, Kurunegala, Monaragala, Kegalla and Ratnapura are th There are two important current patterns ( (i) the growth of small towns (central plac ularly in the Dry Zone. (ii) The growth ( metropolis. The Dry Zone developmen accelerated the growth of the small towns; and the establishment of the capital city
city of Colombo to grow as a large urban
Sri Lanka is a multi-racial and 1 Country and Kandyan), Tamils (Sri Lank and Indian) are the major racial groups. the minor racial groups in the country. in 1971, was as follows:- Buddhists 67.4 percent and Christians 7.8 percent of the t five years, internal migration had brought tion of the country. The Eastern Provi Tamils and Moors. But with the agricul increased remarkably. 27,556 Sinhalese and their number increased to 149,458 i percent. The Sinhalese were mainly settl

‘ampillài 47
10.4 14.9 15.3: 12.7 20.3 21.1 5.8 8. 9.8 13.5 23. 30.4. 14.3 15.0 ۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔ sur- , 16.3 2.7 64 25. 27.1 -- 13.5 11.7 31.4. 25.1 - 38.4 3.3 3.5 4. 9.4 2.4 13.9 8.0 11.8 10.0 M-shihar 5.2 0.0 4.7 8.0 9.5 Mvumov 2.6 2.7 d 4.8 7.6 1.2 3.0 7.4
s of Sri Lanka
strict was due to, creation of new towns the only district other than the above ratio above the national percentage. Anuradhapura, Polonnaruwa, Badulla, eleast urbanised districts in the country. f urbanization that could be identified:- 2s) throughout the country and particf Colombo and the suburbs into a large and tihe proposed Mahaveli Project he Free Trade Zone of Colombo North t Koic(Jayawardenapura) will help the gglomeration.
ulti-religious country. Sinhalese (Low n and Indian), and Moors (Sri Lankan Malays, Burghars and the Veddas are he religious composition of the country cent, Hindus 17.6 percent, Muslims7.1 al population. During the last twentybout some change in the racial distribu: prior to 1946, was mainly settled by al colonization, the Sinhala population re enumerated in the province in 1946 1971. This gives an increase of 422 in Galloya, Allai, Kantalai, Morawewa

Page 56
48 PopulationChange
schemes and this helped to increase thei Trincomalee district which is part of thi ample, where these changes have taker shows the population growth by race b
Table IV
Year Sinhalese Tamils
Number % Number
1921 1996 4.3 18586
1946 15706 20.7 33795
1953 15296 18.3 37517
1963 391.30 28.9 54.050
1971 55308 28.8 73255
Source:- Calculated from Census Rep
The Sinhala population was only in 1921. But in 1946, their percentage 29.8 percent. But at the same time, th However, the Moor population continu of a high birth rate.
In the plantation districts, such
pura and Matale, the population of Si to the repatriation of Indian Tamils.
moved out from the estate and migrate evidence to show that the Sri Lankan in the city of Colombo. In 1946, the 9.8 percent of the city population and 1971 9. Further, a sizeable Tamil por Tamil population in these places increa of the population appears to be increa: accelerate further with the expansion o
The distribution of the populati the completion of the Mahaveli Proje 4,000 sq.miles. This project will help below Mahiyangana upto the delta area These areas receive water through Maha region is already under intensive develo of Mahaveli Scheme, 900,000 acres wi Zone and will attract more than 1.5 mi imbalance in the distribution of popul

in Sri Lanka
r population in the Eastern Province. The 2 Eastern Province may be taken as an explace to a significant degree. Table IV between 1921 and 1971. ۔۔۔ ۔۔
Moors Others % Number % Number % 54.6 12846 37.5 179 3.6 44.5 23219 30.6 3206 4.2 44.9 28616 34.2 2204 2.6 38.7 42560 30.4 1660 2.0 38. 61.538 32.1 1888 1.0
ports of Sri Lanka.
4 percent of the total district population
increased to 20.7 percent and in 1971, to e Tamil population has declined relatively. ed to maintain their percentage as a result
as Kandy, Nuwara Eliya, Badulla, Ratnainhala population has been increasing due Further, a sizeable Indian population also 'd to Vavuniya and Kilinochchi. There is Tamils had increased their percentage only percentage of the Sri Lankan Tamils was he percentage increased to 18.3 percent in ulation is found in Dehiwala and Wattala. sed after 1946. The multi-racial character sing in Sri Lanka. This trend is likely to f the economy of the country.
on of the country is likely to change with ct. Mahaveli Ganga basin covers nearly to develop two areas:- (1) Mahaveli basin (ii) Kalawewa and North Central region. veli diversion at Polgolla. The Kalawewa pment. With the completion of all stages ll be brought under irrigation in the Dry illion people to this aréa, thus reducing the tion seen in the country,

Page 57
Population Cha
References
Year of population censcs of Sri L 1946,1953,1963&1971,
Srina vo-Sastri Pact an agreemen ment of Sri Lanka and the Governm origin. Under this agreement 30 natural increase will be granted their natural increase will be repatr
Srimavo-Indra Pact an agreement of Sri Lanka and the Government c not covered by the Srimavo-Sastri of Sri Lanka will grant citizenship 75,000 will be repatriated to India.
From I-9-1979 onwards, the Gover Scheme, which replaced the Rice R
Sri Lanka has two climatic Zones kn Kalutara, Kandy, Nuwara Eliya, ( regarded as Wet Zone districts. M niya, Trincomalee, Amparai, Putti ragala and Badulla are regarded a
In 1946, there were 20 districts. Th the district of Puttalam. Three n. Monaragala) were created.
Census of Population, 1971, Sri La, and Statistics. p. 47.
Gavin W. Jones and Selvaratnam S Ceylon Studies, Vol. 2, 1970. pp Gunatilake, G. “The rural-urban
in Sri Lanka” Marga, Vol. 2, No.
Department of Census and Statistic

inge in Sri Lankin 49
anka - 1871, 1881, 1891, 1901, 1921, 1931,
t concluded in 1964, between the Governnent of India in regard to the status of Indian 0,000 of these persons together with their Sri Lankan citizenship, while 525,000 with iated to India.
concluded in 1974, between theGovernment f India regarding the status of Indian origin Pact. Under this agreement, Government for 75,000 persons of Indian origin and
nment of Sri Lanka introduced Food Stamp ation Scheme introduced in February, 1942.
own as Wet Zone and Dry Zone. Colombo Galle, Matara, Kegalla and Ratnapura are satale, Hambantota, Jafna, Mannar, Vavualam, Kurunegala, Anuradhapura, Monas Dry Zone districts.
le district of Chilaw was amalgamated with ew districts (Polonnaruwa, Amparai &
->
aka General Report. Department of Census
. Urbanization in Ceylon, 1946-53, Modern
199-22.
balance and development: The experience
1, 1973. pp. 35-68.
, The Population of Sri Lanka. 1974, p.62.

Page 58
DISTRICT DEVELOPMENT COU
TAMIL POLITICS (SRI LANKA)
The District Development C United National Party (UNP) governr around two aspects. On the one har for greater administrative decentralis level planning and development. O1 centralisation and implied devolution (MPs) and elected members at the di relevance and significance vis-a-vis t unresolved issue in Sri Lankan polit second aspect and focuses attention power-relationships between the cent Tamil United Liberation Front (TUI tions for Tamil politics in the context in recent times.
Presidential Commission on the
Prior to the enactment of the dential Commission was appointed The Commission was entrusted with t in which economic development activ District Minister and the Developme the TULF, in supporting the decision two well-known personalities to serv

NCLS AND
率
N. BALAKRISHNAN
ouncils (DDCs) scheme introduced by the ment has generated interest that centred largely hd, it is looked upon as an institutional device ation with a view to promoting better district n the other, on account of the envisaged deof power-with the Members of Parliament istrict level-the scheme is said to have some he "Tamil problem' which still remains and ics. The paper is mainly concerned with the
on (i) the structural arrangements and the 'e and the districts (ii) the participation of the „F) in the scheme and (iii) the major implicaof the basic issues that have figured promiently
Development Councils.
legislation to provide for the DDCs, a Presiby the government to report on the scheme. he principal task of reporting on “the manner ity in a district could be planned through the int Councils'. It is significant to note that o set up a Presidential Commission, nominated e as its representatives on the Commission.

Page 59
N. Ba
The Presidential Commission aft ment Councils could not produce a political implications of some of the had two parts, consisting of the "main TULF representatives -both of who disagreement between the main report from the role envisaged for the DDC s report, considering the constitutional p agent of the Centre recommended that more, the main report conceded only the government considers it necessary t subordinate law making powers subject tion and may be incorporated by an
The dissenting report in contras the role of the DDCs through the inter scheme with the Council-a democratic Chairman and an Executive Committ envisaged as agencies primarily respon district for which subordinate law-maki by taxation and other means-are sho in the dissenting report for a district au ing the administration and developme power may be what the TULF hoped fo Commission.
It is interesting to note that many ment Councils Act, No. 30, 1980 pert relationships between the different enti and arrangements suggested in the disse many respects appears to be in form on power-relationships between the cent have been weighted more in favour of t Minister the Minister, the appropr
Development Councils Act and the
The Development Councils Act organisational structure (ii) define the p and (iii) determine the power-relationsh authorities. The DDC scheme, as desi namely, (i) the District Minister, (ii) the ment Council.

krishnan 51
r its deliberations on the subject of Developnanimous report, perhaps because of the ssues involved. The Commission's report report and a "dissent submitted by one of n did not sign the main report. The basic and the dissenting report stemmed largely and the District Minister (DM). The main sition of the DM1 and viewing him as an the DDCs be headed by the DM. Furthersomewhat relunctantly, it appears, that "if he Development Councils may be conferred to Parliamentary and Ministerial direcAct of Parliament'.
showed a different approach in regard to mediary of the DM. It envisaged a DDC ally constituted body-headed by an elected !e headed by the DM. The DDCs were sible for planning the development of the ng powers-including those to raise revenue wn to be indispensable. The case argued thority-democratically constituted-directnt activities with adequate devolution of r from the deliberations of the Presidential
of the provisions of the subsequent Developlining to the organisational structure and ics do have a similarity to the principles nting report. However, this confornity in y, devoid of much substance, as the actual 2 and the new district authorities seem to e agencies of the centre - the District ate Minister and, finally, the President.
Structural Arrangemets
f 1980 sought to (i) provide the necessary wers and functions of different institutions ps between the centre and the new district ned, embodies principally three instiutions, xecutive Committee and (iii) the Develop

Page 60
52 District De
According to the provisions of will include (a) the MPs in the disti elected members whose number, as d the number of MPs for the district."
an elected Chairman who would hav the party (or independent groupfs) th DDC elections. The composition of gives a built-in-advantage to the par enjoy a majority position in terms of
The Executive Committee forn DDC will have an Executive Conn elected Chairman of the Council and by the DM in consultation with the ponsible for the formulation of the and the preparation of the annual but
The DM, already a functioni DDC scheme came into operation, districts, and deriving his authority
the "President's man will be able t through the Executive Committee o' the main task of harmonizing the with those of the overall government significant to note that the DM is a government parliamentary group-f and elected members at the distr
A perusal of the structural ai duties and functions to, the different that on a number of important matt able powers of control and directic
The district regional policie development under the DDC schem and implementation of "the annual Act, which has placed much empha have been a assigned a wide range of socio-economic development. A
ment plan that the DDCs are expect ing and development.
It is laid down in the DCs listed in the First Schedule", the E. ment proposals from the appropri

elopment' Councils
the Act pertaining to membership, the DDCs ct concerned as ex-officio members and (b) termined by the President, will be less than
The DDCs so constituted will be headed by : been placed first on the nomination list of at polled the highest number of votes at the the DDCs as presently determined no doubt ties-the UNP and the TULF-that already he number of MPs in the districts concerned.
is an integral part of the DDC structure. Each ittee-headed by the DM-consisting of the two other members of the Council appointed Chairman. The executive Committee is resannual development plan, its implementation iget.
ng entity at the district level even before the becomes key figure linking the centre and the
directly from the President. The DM, being
o exercise considerable authority and power
ver the affairs of the Council. On him falls
district development policies and perspectives
policies and national perspectives. It is also
political appointee of the President-from the
inctioning in the DDC set up with the MPs
ct level.
rangements of, and the assignment of powers, agencies involved in the DDC structure reveals ers the centre and its agencies retain considern at different levels.
and perspectives relating to socio-economic are to be reflected mostly in the formulation development plan for each district. In the is on the annual development plan, the DDCs of subjects covering all the important areas envisaged, it is through the annual developd to promote and carry out district level plann
ct that in respect of all or any of the subjects 'cutive Committee shall consider draft develope Minister and formulate other proposals in

Page 61
N. Bal
consultation with other appropriate Mi plan on the basis of such proposals. DC for its approval (Section 35 (a)). annual development plan will then subm and upon approval 'such plan shall co, Council for that year' (Section 44). of authority by both the Minister and development projects and annual deve considerable powers of direction and c exercise authority and control through i will have to depend a great deal.
The DDCs are given powers of su -ر and other important matters. Howeve proval of the Minister, and appropriate (Section 25). Similarly the powers to ra. the approval of both the Minister Also any donations or other assistance will have to get the approval of the Mini
The section of the DCs Act dealin powers of control and direction in regard ities. In the exercise of such powers the and the President figure prominently ag to the President whenever there is a con mittee of the Council over matters conce1 of the government in the district (Secti to dissolve the Executive Committee whe cilable. The President can also remove Committee for "incompetence' or "mism the Minister of Local Government has th from office or all or any of the elected r “incompetance', 'mismanagemento, persi or "neglect to comply with any of the the event of the removal of the Chairma of the council. When all the elected in section 63(i) ) the other members also c exercise and perform all powers and dut time as the Minister orders an election to (Section 63 (i) (a) and (b). The Presid of an administrative nature providing f or for determining or adjusting any que nection with the administration of a DDC sion has been made in the Act (Section

rishnan 53
sters and prepare an annual development uch a plan will then be submitted to the urther, the DDC after its approval of the such plan to the Minister for his approval titute the annual development plan of the would appear therefore that the exercise ihe appropriate Ministers in dealing with pment plan for a district can give them introl. In addition., the Centre can also s financial allocations on which the DDCs
bordinate legislation in regard to taxation , these are themselves subject to the apMinister and the sanction of Parliament se money through borrowing also requires and the Minister of Finance. made generally or for any specific projects ster (Section 19 (2) b).
g with General control' specifies further to the activities of the new district authorDM, the Minister (of Local Government) ain. The DM is duty-bound to report lict between him and the Executive Comning “the application of the general policy on 61 (1)). The President has the power In such "conflicts are found to be "irreconfrom office any member of the Executive nagement (Section 62 (10)). Moreover power to remove the chairman of a DDC embers of the Council on the grounds of ent default in the performance of duties 'ovisions of the Act (Section 63 (i). In from office he will cease to be a member mbers of the DDC are removed (under ase to function and the DM will 'then s and functions of the Council until such held to elect new members of the Council t also has the powers "to make orders
any unforseen or special circumstances ion or matter that would arise in conpr which no provision or effective provi).

Page 62
54 District Devel
Most of the provisions for "gener circumstances. Nevertheless, they have Centre would be able to exercise its auth ations, if the need arises. The key issu and devolution of authority is the powe peripheral units. The main legal prov offer no firm assurance of a power-dist may make the DDCs ineffective instrume ment.
DDCs and the TULF
The appointment of the Presiden legislation, supported by the TULF, led decentralisation and devolution-besides more” to offer towards redressing Tam view was that the TULF and the Tamils scheme-though no specific and explicit The TULF for its part hoped that dece some measure of "regional/district auto would be to the advantage of the Tam
The TULF decision to support the ate in the working of the scheme was 1 centred politics of recent years, indicatin between the government and the Tam hailed as a "positive step in the right d English weekly, the Tribune, which may based Tamils, Tamil business interests a
After going through a politicall riots, followed by the severely unsettled emergency in 1979 -during wich the terrorism'-the TULF leadership seem proposal. It appeared that the informa ment and the TULF representatives ma decision on the DDC scheme.
The TULF decision to support of the scheme has also resulted in seri first time since its formation. The D account of the differences that emerg "moderate leadership' on the one hand a
It would be true to say, however, that differences which have already begun t

opment Councils
ll control may be used only in exceptional been incorporated in the Act so that the ority at various levels and in different situe in any exercise aimed at decentralisation r-relationships between the Centre and the isions of the DCs Act now in operation ibution favouring the district units. This nts of regional administration and develop
tial Commission as well as the subsequent to the belief that this particular exercise in being a general scheme-had "something il political grievances. The government's should find much that is acceptable in the policy declaration was made to this effect. :ntralisation and devolution could result in nomy in the DDC scheme which it felt ils and “Tamil areas''.
a DCs Bill in the Parliament and to participno doubt a significant event in the TULFg the emergence of a 'working arrangement il political leadership. This decision was irection' by the independent national well have reflected the views of the Colombo ind other "moderate' sections of the Tamils.
troublesome period since the 1977 race conditions in Jaffna resulting in a state of security forces were engaged in "eliminating d to be in a mood to respond to the DDC and intermittant talks between the governy have also paved the way for the TULF's
the DDCs and particiapte in the working us internal problems for the Front for the DC issue has spilt the TULF sharply on 'd between-what may be labelled-the nd the "activists' and "radicals' on the other.
the DDC issue only further underlined the emerge within the TULF in regard to the

Page 63
N.
political strategy pertaining to the “Tamil Eelam”, “o for which the TU 1977 general elections, the activist a towards which the TULF should wo which they considered will dilute or the TULF leadership to adopt a very commitment towards Eelam. The l within the limits of mainstream parl experiences that stemmed from the raci, more flexible and pragmatic approach. before the DDC issue. This issue, between the TULF leadership and the
The ultimate decision to support and even acrimonious debate within t support of the entire parliamentary grou as well as that of the moderate element to win over some of the party and youth a major rift within the Front because the move. This split also began to be such as the youth organisation, party and others.
The opposition to the DDCs, si fluential and articulate section within th and long-standing members. The publi issue was spear-headed by Suthanthiran “official' political weekly in Tamil. T. the dissident groups-actively campaig became the target of attack. All this t opinion that emerged withing the TUL) few prominent party loyalists. The TU lenge from the dissidents since its foi
In the public speeches and stal the DDCs-that appeared in the Tamil tWO important matters, namely, "the des guarding of the Tamil areas'-throug reiterating the TULF's long-term poli the DDC scheme could be accepted and area S.
The dissidents on the other hand for their acceptance of the "ineffective that the TULF's participation would div

lakrishnan 5
elam demand'. With the commitment to F is said to have received a mandate at the radical groups saw this as the only goal
for and they strongly opposed any moves mpromise it. Consequently, they expected lefinite and uncomporomising stand on the dership, however, having had to operate mentary politics and considering the bitter disturbances in the recent past, opted for a Such differences had begun to emerge even
wever, led to a more open confrontation lissidents”.
the PCs Bill was taken after a much intense he TULF. The TULF leadership had the p(though one or two had strong reservations) within the organisation and even managed activists. Nevertheless the decision caused of the hardcore of dissidents who opposed felt among the party's constituent groups, oyalists, politically active expatriate Tamils
gnificantly enough, has been led by an in2 TULF comprising some of the prominent campaign against the leadership on this , which until recently was the TULF's e Suthanthiran-representing the voice of led against the DDCs and the leadership rought into the open the sharp division of , which also resulted in the expulsion of a F leadership had to face its biggest chalnation six years ago.
ments defending their action to support ess-the TULF leaders have often stressed opment of the Tamil areas' and the 'safethe TULF controlled councils. While al commitment, the leaders argued that orked to develop and safeguard the Tami'
hemently criticised the TULF leadership velopment Councils'. They maintaine attention away from what they perceive

Page 64
56 District De
as the single-minded commitment and achieve the ultimate political goal-—“TI TULF leadership of having deviated fro in accepting the DDCs. What appeared and their sympathisers is that the accept and commitment of the Tamil people' attitudes have hardened and the TULF and irreconcilably divided.
The Tamil political leadership (ol to some sort of "regional autonomy as a question. This was at a time when the the framework of federalism and the id the "right to self-determination did not g councils in the Bandaranaike-—Chelvar councils in the Dudley Senanayakeboth of which were never implemented grievances of the Tamils. In both the autonomy in one form or another had pealed to the Tamil political leadership TULF leadership felt justified in accepti as an “interim arrangement. The TUL hope that the TULF controlled councils ment of the Tamil areas and establish so. ation-though the existing pattern of the district units in the scheme leaves a be a key area of discussion in the peace past eight months between the governme committed itself to participate in the Dl to DDCs seriously and saw in them : standing in the predominantly Tamil a
DDCs Election and the TULF
The DDCs election held in June tions held after the 1977 general election The country's pro-government mass m general election'.
The procedures and regulations the DDCs were set out in the Developm relevant sections of this Act applied to e of the earlier legislation-the Developm law. and procedure for the DIDCs electio

velopment Councils
the necessary campaign and struggle to amil Eelam”. The dissidents accused the m the political commitment towards Eelam to be the crux of the matter to the dissidents ance of the DDCs will weaken the "resolve owards Eelam. Since the DDC issue, the eadership and the dissidents became openly
the Federal Party) in the past had agreed basis for "interim settlement of the Tamil . : major political commitments were within ea of a 'separate Tamil nation' or that of jain much currency as today. The regionalayagam pact (July 1957) and the "district -Chelvanayagam agreement(March 1965)- -were specifically designed to redress the se agreements the principle of “regional been given a place, which has always ap). In the light of this past strategy, the ng the DDC s in the present circumstances F is committed to the DDC scheme in the will be able to concentrate an the developme degree of authority over their administrpower distribution between the centre and good deal to be desired. This appears to talks that went on intermittantly during the nt and the TULF representatives. Having DC scheme, the TULF took the lelection an opportunity to demonstrate its political
CaS.
1981 constituted the first nation-wide elec! on the basis of proportional representation 2dia hailed the DDCs election as a "mini
that governed the election of members to lent Councils Elections Act of 1981. The. very DDC constituted under the provisions hent Councils Act of 1980. The electoral n permitted any "recognised political party'

Page 65
N. B and "independent groups' to submi under proportional representation
the submission of the list of candid recognised political parties and indep
The nominations for the electic were received during 20th-27th AI for June 4th. Though hailed as a press, the most significant feature ab was that not all the recognised political ly, only the ruling UNP and the reg with the Janatha Vimukthi Perumuna dependent group. Because the main polls, the UNP was returned uncontes polling took place on 4th June 1981 c
The government party contested where polling took place, while the TUL of the northern and eastern provinces. JVP in the South-though not a seriou portunity to receive an endorsement of i 1977. As far as the northern and easter that it could make political inroads so especially in the north.
The TULF too was keen to demo mined to "capture power in most the nces. The TULF conducted its DDC c some well-publicised issues such as the " and “ economic development of the Ta prominently when the TULF leadership In its election campaign the TULF leadel the new district authorities to 'adminis areas'. For this it was argued that the T the predominantly Tamil areas of the n outcome will also be a reaffirmation of th of the Tamil people.
The UNP's decision to contest a provinces reflected its keenness to establ ern province, aid that too in Jaffna-as a carried out à Well-publicised campaign which several government Ministers

ishтап 57
minations for the election of membershe DDCs in each district. This required
arranged in an order of priority by the ent groups.
to all the DDCs in the twenty four districts 1981. The DDCs elections were fixed ni general election by the pro-government the DDCs elections--on a national scalearties contested the elections. Ultimatenal TULF became the major contenders, JVP)contesting as the most important intional opposition parties did not enter the d in the DDCs of seven districts. Thus ly in the other seventeen districts.
in all the DDCs in the seventeen districts contested in all the seven electoral districts he UNP, which faced a challenge from the s one-saw the DDCs elections as an opts own political and economic record since provinces are concerned, the UNP hoped as to undermine the TULF dominance
strate its electoral standing and was deter)DCs of the Northern and Hastern Provi2ction campaign pointedly in relation to reservation of the territory of the Tamils hil areas'. These have already figured stified its acceptance of the DDC scheme. hip stressed the need for the acceptance of t and develop the predominantly Tamil F should gain control of most DDCs in hern and eastern provinces. Such an upport for the TULF from the majority
he DDCs in the northern and eastern political base-especially in the northinterweight to the TULF. The UNP, he northern and eastern provinces in icipated. Even the Prime Minister's

Page 66
58 District De
visit to Jaffna a few months before the the pre-election campaign. There was no di deal of significance to the DDC polls
Besides the two major participant elections in the northern and eastern other independent groups also came intc cd in all the four districts in the norther the Colombo district which, of course, h politics of the Tamils in recent times, loomed large, the Tamil Congress has the Tamil population even before the
In ali the electoral districts, othe relatively paceful conditions without however, the election took place against . ity and tension which resulted in the imp of the DDC elections.
Since the early 1970s the socio-po severely and continuously disturbed both by the "Tamil Tigers' and intensified cc Security forces. These periodically gave the region. The DDC election campai; ground of the unsettled atompphere t robbery (25th March 1981) reported to this daring and successful robbery two intensified activity by the security for contributed to a build up of tension an elections. It was in such a climate that who headed the party's list for the Jaff deteriorated when three policemen on c town were shot. One of the policem and the other, a Tamil, succumbed to
This incident appears to have triggere for two nighrs that followed-widespre vatet property in Jaffna town'' andoti force that came to Jaffna in connection also were killed during theis period,beli All this led to widespread panic, tens the polls. To add to this some of the T were arrested by the security personnel i reported to have been taken into “pro

elopment Councils
: DDCs election appeared to be part of the oubt that the government attached a great in the predominantly Tamil districts.
s—the TULF and the UNP---in the DDC brovinces, the Tamil Congress and three the scene. The Tamil Congress contestn province, besides fielding candidates for ad not much significance. In the regional in which the Tamil nationality question, lost its standing among large sections of DDC elections.
r than Jaflna, polling took place under
serious incidents. In the Jaffna district, background of violence,disorder insecurIosition of a state of emergency on the eve
litcal situation in the Jaffna region became by acts of violence or political terrorism unter measures, reprisals and arrest by the rise to panic, tension and insecurity in gn in Jaffna commenced against a backhat followed the famous Neerveli (Bank) be the work of Tamil guerrilla groups. In sinhalese policemen died and this led to ces. The DDCs election campaign itself d violence during the month preceding the the assassination of the UNP candidatena DC-took place. The situation further luty at a TULF meeting close to the Jaffna :n, a Sinhalese,died immediately and the
the injuries later.
d off the same night-and which continued ad arson and destruction of public and prier placesby a section ofthe additionalpolice with the DDC elections. A few persons ved to be by the Security personnel. on, disorder and lawlessness on the eve of ULF MPs-- including the TULF leaderl the early hours of the election morningtective custody' according to the official

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N. B
version. They were, however, relea the law and order situation deterior machinery completely broke down
disruption of normal life in thc town a cncy and curfew in the Jaffna di
Such were the circumstances in in the Jaffna district. It was subseque that visited Jaffna the week prior to were not favourable to hold the elect decided to go ahead with the electio! sent to Jaffna to oversee the conduct
The conduct of the DDC electior
a disorderly and unsatisfactory state o the evening before the elections, the app were revoked and in their place new
transported from outside the district i. were also several irregularities and ma reported that polling did not commence earlier than scheduled in some others. ing Officers-who were probably ignoral statements about the votes cast, after co the ballot boxes in respect of such cen time and some were not received at al cause of the disorderly situation and
election results of the Jaffna district wel ing day." o
The most notable general featur has been markedly low turn-out 1 o es northern and eastern provinces. In all polling took place, there were altoget total number that polled came to 2,7 figure for any nation-wide election and election (1977) when the persentage po from the lower status' that would by the voters, these elections did not ge ly when the national opposition partic boycott of the elections.
Although voter participation ha this appears to be very largely a pheno the northern and eastern provinces,

krishnan 59
soon on the orders of the President. As i because the normal law enforment ulting in considerable uncertainty and ... the government imposed a state of emergict.
which the DDCs election came to be held ly reported that a special Presidential team he elections, had reported that conditions ins. Notwithstanding this, the government and two leading Cabinet Ministers were f the elections.
in Jaffna amidst chaos and tension revealed affairs. It came to be known later that on ointment of several Senior Presiding Officers persons-most of them inexperienced and the last minute-were appointed. There practices during and after polling. It was ; in time in many centres and polling closed There were also instances where the Presidnt of the procedure-did not submit certified unting them in the respective centres. And tres were not received at the Kachcheiri in - which still remain unaccounted for. Bethe numerous problems encountered, the not relessed until about a week after poll
about the out come of the DDCs election 'cially in the electoral districts outside the the seventeen districts of the island where . r 4,931,887 registered voters; of this the ),102 representing 54.5%. This is a low :rtainly a striking contrast to last general for the whole country was 87. Apart ave been accorded to the DDC's election ate much interest and eni husiasm especialwithdrew from the polls and called for a
enerally been low at the DDCs election, non that charaterised the districts outside the ten electoral districts outside the

Page 68
60 Cistrict Dcv
northern and eastern provinces the num voters in percentage terms came to only position parties could have contributed In contrast, the electoral districts of the considerably higher voter participationfor the eastern province. However, it lower percentages compared to the last eastern provinces recorded in aggregate
The voter-participation in the no marked differences between some distri the Jaffna district had the lowest voting northern and eastern provinces. ihe l in Jaffna on the eve of the DDC election rate. In the other districts of this regio (Mullaitivu) and 85% (Mannar). While districts of the northern and eastern pi lower than what they were at the last gene Jaffna, Amparai and Trincoma lec—beca Amparai and Trincomalee districts the had some effect because of the SLFP vote
In the electoral districts of the ni was really between the TULF and the UN ations in regard to the TULF-centred of this region, the TULF altogether pol of the total votes polled and 45% of th UNP received a total of 225,741 votes w 22% of the total number ofregistered voi
he performance of the TULF (a has difered a good deal in the various el provinces, which also reflected the vari districts concerned. The Jaffna district Tamil population assumed special impo the DDCs election.
On account of the violence and d a few days before polling, anti-governm Jaffna. This made the prospects for t earlier-bleak as far as the Jaffna dist
At the Jaffna district DC electio which constituted 57% of the total regis votes polled (320,337)-see Table 1. victory for the TULF which gained all

2lopment Councils
ber that voted out of the total registered 50%. The boycott campaign by the opo this strikingly very low percentage poll. northern and eastern provinces recorded .71% for the northern province and 75% s worth noting that these are themselves general election when the northern and terms 82%, and 88% respectively.
rthern and eastern province also revealed its at the DDCs election. In partilular, percentage-69%-for the whole of the highly distrubed conditions that prevailed would have contributed to a lower polling 1, the voting percentages varied from 73% the polling percentages in all the electoral 'ovinces at the DDCs election have been ral election, the difference in some districtsme very marked. It is likely that in the
opposition boycott campaign may have
S.
orthern and eastern provinces the contest \P and the outcome had significant implic
Tamil politics. In the electoral districts led 468,560 votes, which represented 62%, e total registered voters. In contrast the hich constituted 30% of the total poll and terS,
is well as the UNP) at the DDCs election actoral districts of the northern and eastern 2d ethnic composition of the electoral which has a very substantial Sri Lankan rtance in the TULF-centerd politics and
estruction unleashed by the security forces lent feeling ran high among the voters in he UNP which looked somewhat better rict was concerned.
n the TULF received in all 263,360 votes tered vote (463,414) and 82% of the total This undoubtedly gave an overwhelming the ten seats in the Jaffna DDC. It may

Page 69
N. Balakri
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61
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Page 70
62 District 1
be worth recalling that at the last gent the same percentage of the registered 72% of the poll-with a much higher 69%, at the June DDC election.
The UNP polled 23.202 votes than what the Tamil Congress received vote and 7% of the total poll. For a in Tamil politics, the Tamil Congress d. in all 24, 1 1 1 votes in the northern pro the Jaffna district, constituting 4.6% votes polled. The Tamil Congress als which formed just 3% of the total vot Jaffna district together polled only 764 total votes polled.
The TULF performance in the eastern provinces would have been inf of the electorates and the far greater ch the latter had an already established mixed ethnic composition of the electo for the performacne of the TUIF whos extent, Tamil speaking voters. The appeal to non-Tamil voters, Tamil sp In the three electoral districts of Mul whole, the extent of voter participati for the individual districts it varied b taken together the TULF received 45 voters (108,493) and 56% of the total TULF did very well in the Vavuniya district the total votes that the TUF r votes and 60% of the total votes cast. percentages came to 43% and 60%. higher voter participation(85%)the Tl and 50% of the total poll. In regard age recorded for the Mannar district northern province. The TULF won t ricts and the Chairmanships of the D that polled the highest number of
The fact that the TULF had t ically, in the northern province outside performance in the Mannar district ar laitivu districts. In all these three d 32% of the registered vote and 40%, c

velopment' Councils
al election the TULF obtained more or less ite (58%) as at the DDC election-securing oter participation of 81 % compared to the
it the Jaffna DDC election-slightly higher -which represented 5% of the total registered amil party which has had a long association i very badly at the DDC election. It received ince. Of this, 21,682 votes were received in f the registered vote and 6.7% of the total polled 12,386 votes in the Colombo distric is cast. The two independent groups in the 5 votes which constituted a mere 2% of the
other electoral districts of the northern and uenced by the more varied ethnic character allenge offered by its rival, the UNP, because base in many of these districts. The more ral districts can have significant implications. eappeal is confined to Tamil and to a lesser UNP on the other hand has been able to leaking non-Tamil voters and Tamil voters. laitivu, Vavuniya and Mannar taken as a on at the DDCs electon was 78%-though etween 73%. and 85%, In the three districts % (48,322) of the total number of registered votes polled(85,765). Of the three districts, the and Mullaitivu districts, In the Vavuniya ceived constituted 47% of the total registered In the Mullaiivu district the corresponding In the Mannar district with a consideranly fLF received 43% of the total registered vote o the TULF's share in total poll the percentis the lowest in the electoral districts of the vo seats in each of these three electoral distCs also went to the TULF as the party
OCS.
contend with a greater UNP presence, polithe Jaffna district is demonstrated by the UNPs to a sesser extent in the Vavuniya and Mulltricts taken together the UNP has received the total votes polled. The UNP did better

Page 71
N. B.
in the Mannar district probably beca 30% of the total registered vote and 44 the UNP votes represented 27% of th Cast and the respective percentages ar The UNP secured two seats in each
TULF. It is important to note that o in the three districts five are Tamils an
In the electoral districts of the ea registered voters amounting to 462,923 i.e. 75%. Of the three districts taken it percentage of 80%, while Trincomalee 72% respectively. Although all the th tion in the 1981 DDC elections campare as already noted, appeared to be host parai districts only.
The TULF's position in the DE provicne as a whole showed that it reci 34% of the total number of registered v polled (348,267). Compared to this, th it secured 35% of the registered vote an cause of the outcome in the Amparai ( Batticaloa district-receiving 47% of the compared to 22% and 27% respectively which has a more "mixed' ethnic composi cred vote and 50% of the total poll, whi to that of the TULF with 35, of the 1 In the Amparai district, where Tamils c UNP, as expected did very well and it re. 69% of the total votes cast. The TULF 28% of the total votes polled.
It is interesting to observe ihat so eastern province were released, the UN party's performance, pointedly made a supported the 'separatists' in the Trinc eastern province. °° This statement wo that the TULF's share of the registered Trincomalee districts increased at the D compared to the position at the last genei campaign in the eastern province there a that the SLFP would support anti-gove after SLFP's withdrawal from the DDC the DDC election campaign in the eas

krishnan 63
: of a significant muslim vote. It received of the total poll. In the Mullaitivu district registered vote and 37% of the total votes almost the same for the Vavuniya district. the three districts-euqal number as the the UNP candidates elected to the DDCs one is a muslim (Mannar).
tern province, out of the total number of . Le total number that polled came to 348,237 lividually oily Batticaloa recorded a voting and Amparai districts recorded 74%, and ee districts recorded lower voter participaio the 1977 general election, the difference narked in gard to Trincomalee and Am
Cs election in the districts of the eastern ived a total of 156,869 votes representing oters (462.923) and 45% of the total votes e UNP's position is marginally better as di 48% - of the total votes cast-largely beiistrict. The TULF did very well in the registered vote and 59% of the total poll for the UN P. In ilihe Trincomalee district ion the TULF obtained 37% of the registle the UNP's position came almost closer agistered vote and 48% of the total poll. institute only 22% of the population, the aived 49% of the total registered vote and received 20% of the registered voters and
n after the DDCs election results for the leader and President commenting on the ference to the effect that the SLFP had halee district and other districts of the i seem to make sense in view of the fact tc and total poll in the Batticaloa ad elections-which had a lower turnoutelection. During the DDC election ered to have been some understanding ment forces, and therefore, the TULF, olls. It was also reported that during a province, prominent SLFP supporter

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64 District Dev
campaigned for the TULF candidate went to a party other than the UNP in 1 This could have happened to some ex
The TULF won two seats in the . the UNP won one seat. In the Trincol well as the chairmanship of the DC an Amparai DC the UNP took three se Went to the TULF.
Although the TULF won mor captured the chairmanship in the B. has a majority in the them, becau This can have significant implicatio the chairman belongs to a rival p other elected members who c taking into account the total mé and eastern provinces including and therefore will have “effective contr Mullaitivu and Mannar. In the Batti the UNP will have a majority and there elected members hold the chairmanshi
In the di tricts of Vavuniya, Mu. have equal representation in terms of e to the TULF the latter has a majorit. the MPs and elected members of the other reasons, the Jaffna DDC may b
Post - DDCs Election Phase
The TULF victory at the Jaffn public concern and reaction over the tion and extensive damage caused by which came to be also described as ' issue and receivedwide publicity outsid the public, the TULF leadership adop amounting to what appeared to be tragic events of May June became the in Parliament by the TULF leadershi DDCs election. As a protest move ag its decision to boycott parliamentary S the government in relation to the "five presented were as follows. (1) the for causing the troubles, and arrangem as well as officers in charge of police

2lopment Councils
s.Thus it is likely that “some votes which 977 were switched to the TULF in 1981' 22 tent despite the boycott campaign.
Batticaloa DC and its chairmanship, while malee district, the TULF won one seat as d the UNP also gained one seat. In the cats and the chairman ship and one seat
e seots in the Batticaloa district and atticaloa and Trincomolee DCs the UNP se it hss more MPs in both districts. ns for the functioning of the DDCs when olitical party from that of the MPs and an jointly constitute a majority. Thus 2mbership of the DDCs in the northern the MPs, the TULF has a majority ol' only in the districts of Jaffna, Vavuniya, caloa, Trincomalee and Amparai districts, 'fore effective control, eventhough the TULF ps in the Batticaloa and Trincomalee DDCs
llaitivu and Mannar the TULF and the UNP lected members. But since the MPs belong y in these DDCs. In the Jaffna district all DDC belong to the TULF. For this and ecome the focal point of TULF activity.
a DDC election was overshadowed by the June disturbances. The violence, destruca section of the government security forces state terrorism 8 -bccame the number one : the country as well. Reflecting the mood of pted a strong stand against the government one of direct political confrontation. The Subject of a lengthy statement and protest when the first opportunity came after the ainst the government, the TULF announced ttings until adequate measures are taken by demands' placed before it. The demands
removal of the police force responsible 2nts to have 75% Tamil Muslim police force stations and senior police officers in Tamil

Page 73
N. Ba speaking areas, (ii) the establishmen DDCs to act in conjunction with th the withdrawal of the army personne permitting an international body like commission of Jurists to inquire into t of human rights in Jaffna and (v) th creants responsible for, and compensa
The government was willing to in parts. But it refused to consider t. mission of inquiry. The government Commission of inquiry to deal with ev excluding the events covered by the en DDC election-the plausible reason b{ June 2nd may have proved most em. demands placed by the TULF formed place between the government and t
Meanwhile the situation in the towards another outburst of racial viol This was preceded by a politically sign August (1981) communal violence-nan. leader as the Leader of the Opppositio Parliament on the initiative of the go proceeded without the concurrence of th ist wing in the UNP appears to have p ment was confined to the government p bers participated. The debate-withou some of the government parliamentarian against the TULF leader. The anti-T government back-benchers in their "ind the publicity it received may have pla The racial violence that erupted in Au cluding the Indian Tamils-led to seve many parts of the country. It appeare ment of some government party men violence in certain parts of the country,
With the 'June disturbances' in country in August-second since the government's image in regard to law a The Indian press gave wide publicity 1 cause a large number of Indian Tamils

lakrishnan 65
it of Home Guards in each district under the le police to safeguard lives and property, (iii) :l responsible for the killing and looting. (iv)
the Amnesty International or International he events from May31-June 8 and violations he identification and punishment of the mistion for the victims of the June disturbances.
consider some of these demands and others he demand relating to an International Comagreed instead to the appointment of a local ents only from May 31st to June 2nd, thus crgency and relating to the conduct of the ping that any inquiry into the incidents after Parassing to the government. Some of the the basis of the later negotiations that took he TULF TepföESentatives,
COuntry started deteriorating as it Oved ence directed against the Tamils in August. ificant event-and formed a prelude to the lely, the vote of no confidence on the TULF n. Though this motion Was introduced in sernment back-benchers it could not have high-command: and the “sinhala chauvinayed an active role. The debate in Parliarliamentary group, as no opposition IÎl{CTprecedent—was a display, on the part of -of virulent anti-Tamil Sentinnents directed mil Sentiments expressed by some of the tment of the leader of the opposition and 'd its part in increasing racial animosity. St (1981) directed against the Tamils-indeaths, widespread arson and looting in that organised gangs with alleged involveve been behind the instigation of racial
lffna, followed by the race riots in the 2sent government Cafe to power-the order and stability suffered considerably, he August communal violence partly beame victims-and this probably sparked

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66 District
off the anti-government demonstratio law enforcement machinery became i declared to bring the racial troubles
It was in the wake of the 1981 itiated moves towards negotiations Since then, these high-level “peace tal sides. The negotiations appear to he some of which centred around the “fiv -including those relating to the “ei DDCs have already been found inef attributed to 'inadequate powers' a to remedy this through its negotiati TULF dialogue that has taken place some improvement in the political rel the TULF ended its earlier boycotto also, it appeared had kepi a distanci during this phase of "rapproachment is described as “the most significant s since the UNP took office', it is als may be no more than "a temporary
There is no assurance that th Since it imay be subject to stresses and volatile-and even potentially explos in the north, especially Jaffna. The s be determined largely by the policies tions and groups-including the “Ta (and its security forces) will react to
The TULF, no doubt, is the electoral base particularly in the nort same level of popularity and suppo standing-as it did some years bac in the Jaffna region will not fail to n with, and even a growing opposition is that this growing resentment wit government for 'concessions'--has groups, expecially youths, who had To that extent, there would have b in the north during the past year or
The Tamil radical youths and and who had earlier operated unde they had been let down by the TUI

2velopment Councils
in Tamil Nadu. The government's normal ffective and a state of emergency had to be nder control.
ommunal violence that the government inth the TULF and the latter responded. s' have gone on intermittantly between both e covered a number of important mattersdemands' earlier put forward by the TULF active implementation' of the DDCs. The :ctive in many respects, most of which ld "inadequate funds'. The TULF sought 11S with the government. The government uring past ten months or so resulted in ationship between the two sides. With this, the parliamentary proceedings. The TULF : from the other national opposition parties with the government. While this 'accord tep forward in government-TULF relations o noted-not without justification--that this trace'.24
e government-TULF accori will last long strains that could develop possibly out of the ve-political situation likely to be experienced ocio-political climate in the Jaffna region will and actions of the politically active organisamil underground-—-and how the government such developing situations.
dominant political entity with still a secure . Yet it cannot be said that it now enjoys the -the DDCs election performance notwith
Any observer of the current political scene ice that there has been some disenchantment o, the TULF. What is most significant to note the TULF policy-of negotiations with the manated from some of its own constituent een hitherto loyal to the TULF leadership. in some erosion of the TULF support base O.
her activists who are committed Eelamistshe i ULF political umbrella-now feel that leadership on the Eelam issue. The growing

Page 75
N. Balla
dissatisfaction with the TULF can be sé activities now centred around the Tam is a breakaway group from the TULF a
The new Front now appears to
groups disillusioned with the TULF. who had been in both the Federal Party ing to projecĖ itself as an alternative— itsclf in campaign and agitation in supp presently organised-though is yet to pears to derive its strength due to the su groups, which are either strongly critical Thus the TELF, in alliance with the c politically, very difficult for the TULF and had i Y take a serius note of this d TELF together with some of the other ( a partially successful one day hartal in participation of the TULF MPs in the at Sri Jayawardenapura. About this, i that “this is the first time that a harta Jaffna'. This gave a fair indicatio Both the TULF and the TELF are now and, it appears that polarisation of fo it is imporiant to note, has now also S exprtriate Tamil Eelamists, who for the to "internationalise' the Sri Lankan Tai an influential section-with a very stro critical of the present TULF leadership and other dissident groups in the Inc
With the Eelam cry and “Tamil i arena outside the mainstream politics actions and role of the “Tamil separat Tigers-assume considerably significar labelled as "terrorists, had been opera are now a proscribed organisation und this organisation functions as a cl available about it. The Tamil Liberat dedicated group of Eelamists-some abroad-ccmmitted to a guerrilla-type and Tamil Nadu as a hide-out base, Literation Tigers had been responsible ence personnel, suspected police inforn

krishnan 67
en especially in the political campaign and il Eelam Liberation Front (TELF), which fter the latter decided to accept the DDCs.
be a major rallying point for the dissident The TELF-headed by prominent persons
and, its successor, the TULF-is now tryLiberation Front'--to the TULF engaging ort of Tamil Eelam. I o The TELF as it is ind a sound and dynamic leadership-appport from the dissident youth and student of, or are vehemently apposed to, the TULF. ther dissident groups, had made things, and its leadership could not just ignore it eveloping situation. In May this year, the issident youth and student groups organised
the Jaffna town as a protest against the ceremonial opening of the new Parliament t has been remarked, significantly enough, 1 against the TULF has been observed in in of the dissatisfaction with the TULF. engaged in mutual recrimination in public rces is almost complete. This tendency pread to the ranks of the politically active past decade or so had helped considerably mil problem. There is now amongst them, ng pro-separatist stand-which is extremely and identifies itself openly with the TELF orth.
Insurgency spotlight has also shifted to the in the north. It is in this context that the ist guerrillaso-named the Tamil Liberation ce. The Tamil Liberation Tigers, officially ting for the past seven years or so and they ær the government anti-terrorist laws. Since andestine group no reliable infermation is icn Tigers appear to be a smail, tough and of them are reported to have had training armed resistance, with north as their base
According to available information, the for the killing of policemen, police intellighants, political opponents, and several bank

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68 District
robberies. Such politically motivate measures by the government security very unstable in Jaffna and political the past,
No accurate information is a would have existed in the past between ly believed that there had been some li some of them, and the Liberation Tige that the “Tigers' formed a 'secret ar
Many of the militants who may been associated with TULF politics in umbrella--as members of its grass ro militants would have constituted the that came to be formed. Several of Tigers would have been, at one time political campaigns organised by the closer links with the TULF politicians over the years. However, whai aver ] Liberation Tigers had operated mostly under the influence of the TULF poli out the possibility that those TULF grass roots level organisations would h the identity of the leaders-of the Li had turned a blind eye to the acts of Tigers were held to be responsible. adopt such on ambivalent attitude. begun to openly concolemn-and comp ence committed by the Liberation T turning point in TULF politics. It is tion that would have existed between ground or sections within it and to dis TULF on this question.
The present government had b rorism' in the north, especially Jaffn, success initially. The Liberation Tige ly numbering not more than two hur where they sought refuge whenever s the intensified activities of the securi Liberation Tigers have substantial s other than among youths and other public has shown much sympathy an reaction to the presence and behavic

'evelopment Councils
acts of violence and the strong counrer forces had made the situation periodically ability in the region has become a thing of
ailable about the kind of relationship that he guerrillas and the TULF. It was generalnks between the TULF politicians or at least S. Some in government circles even believed in of the TULF.
now be in the “Tiger movement would have the past. Having operated under the TULF ots organisations-the most dedicated of the nucleus of the underground resistant group/s hose who now form part of the Liberation or another, involved with the earlier mass TULF and therefore would have developed and such asSociations would have continued inks that existed, it would seem that the on their own without having been directly ticians. At the same time, one cannot rule politicians who were in close touch with the ave had some knowledge-including perhaps beration Tigers. For some time the TULF political violence' for which the Liberation But the TULF leadership could not for long It changed its policy and more recently had letely dissociate itself from-the acts of violigers. This undoubtedly was an important gnified a decision to se yer whatever associathe TULF politicians and the Tamil underpel the cloud of suspicion that hung over the
een engaged in the task of “eliminating ter, since 1979. But this led to only a limited 's, being a small group-the hardcore probabdred-had their safe hide-outs in South India luation in the north became difficult due to y personnel. It cannot be claimed that the upport from the Tamil public in generalradical elements. Nevertheless, the general i even some admiration for them partly as a u of the security forces, Sympathy for the

Page 77
N. B.
guerrillas, fear of reprisals from them the general public the silent-in more and violent confrontations between th forces. During the past year or so, ho suffered some setbacks. The governm significant break-through in their opera Tamil youths, allegedly involved in terro and kept under incommunicado deten uner the draconian provisions of the P first time, the Tamil underground grou between rival factions. 8 This has brou ence of serious internal crisis within the
Apart from the TULF, the TELF and the Liberation Tigers are entities th (Eelam) politics ? 9 of the north. Alth( force in terms of maintream politics and become increasingly important in terms their policies and actions on the Socio-pol and the other dissident youth and stude and agitation not only in regard to the E leadership. They also express support to are links between the latter and some of The TULF leadership has openly expresse of, political violence as a method used by necessary to defend its present policy (of is under attack from the dissident groupsnot long ago. It is against such a polit that one has to see the implications of the TULF this signified an attemptio reach a ment-on the basis of some important is - as the TULF saw it, compromising on basi figured in the government-TULF nego greatest importance to those that dealt that the major reform anticipated in the D ation of Ministerial powers-on the subj DDCs-to the Excutive Committees of ti adequate and meaningful this proposed 1 Whether this will ensure that measure of and “district autonomy that the TULF w a matter for conjecture. Whatever refor regard to the DDCs, very little will be r a Presidential election or parliamentary el the end of this year or early next year,

Trishnan 69
some admiration for them had all made an one sense-spectators of the periodic guerrillas and the government security ver, the Liberation Tigers appear to have t security forces were able to make a ns against the Tamil insurgents. Severaltactivities in the north have been arrested n-with allegations of torture as wellvention of Terrorism Act. Also for the have shown signs of internecine conflict ht to light what appears to be the emergnks of the Liberation Tigers.
other dissident youth and student groups it now matter very much in the Tamil ugh the TULF is still the most dominant electoral strength the other groups have of the impact they could have through tical scence in the region. The TELF nt groups now carry on their campaign Eelam demand but also gainst the TULF the Liberation Tigers and possibly there the dissident youth and student groups. dits disagreement with, and condemnation the Liberation Tigers. It has also found it negotiations with he government) which -most of whom were its loyal supporters cally complex and volatile background government-TULF dialogue. For the political understanding with the governues of immediate relevanceo o — without and long-term goals. Of the issues that ations, the TULF no doubt attached th the reform of the DDCs. It appears C structure is concerned with the delegs that came within the purview of the DDCs via the District Ministers. How orm could be still remains to be seen. :centralisation, devolution of authority keen to get through the DDCs can be that are contemplated at this stage in e effective before the elections--either on generally expected to take place by

Page 78
Fð District Devel
Neither the DDCs nor the Gov tributed to any significant improvement the contary the political atmosphere rer and disagreements-and the sharpening dissident groups, the arrests and detenti frontations between the Tigers and climate it is likely that the government reached thus far may run into serious this-in the context of the harsh polit
* Revised, and enlarge version of an earlier mitted the Social Scientiests Association,
REFERENCE:
1. Report of the Presidenhal Comn
Paper, 1980, p.3.
2. Prof. A. Jeyaratnam Wilson and
TUF nominees who served on associated with the TULF and ser the Commission. They have also subsequent TULF government dia ten months or So.
3. Dr. Neelan Thirichelvain submitte ate part of the report finally subr 4. The present government replaced t
by the previous government, with powers and contitutional status.
5
Presidential Commission Report, p. In relation to the DDCs "the Minis
Exception to this would be a dist is less than three; in which case t members which together with the 8. The First Schedule of the Act liste Agriculture; Animal Husbandar Affairs; Education; Employment; Irrigation Works (excluding those
and Land settlement; Rural levelo 9. The DDCs are permitted to fou subjects not included in the First S Minister and the concurrence of th

pment Councils
ernment-TULF “reconciliation” had conin the political climate in the north. On mains highly charged, due to the dissensions antagonism-between the TULF and the on of many youths and the sporadic cone Security forces. Given this prevailing -TULF dialogue and the understanding difficulties--as there are already signs of ical realities in the region.
seminar papar on the Development Council subColombo.
ission oin Development Cocncils, Sessionat
Dr. Neelan Thiruchelvam were the two h: Commission. Both have been closely ved as its most trusted reprcsentatives on played a key role in paving the way for the logue that took place during the past
d his own proposals which formed a separl nitied to the President.
he District Political Authorities, introduced the District Minister system with formal
O8.
ter' refers to Minister of Local Governmen.
rict or districts where the number of MPs he President specifies the number of elected
number of MPs will not exceed five.
d the following subjects: Agrarian Services; y; Co-operative Development; Cultural Fisheries; Food; Health Services; Housing;
of an inter district character); Land use pment; Small and Medium Scale Industries. ulate development schemes in respect of hedule with the approval of the appropriate : Minister.

Page 79
10.
11.
12.
3.
14.
15.
16.
17.
N. Bail Tribune, August 7, 1980, Colombo,
For a review of the important eve
published by the Movement for
May 1980.
The TULF's formal commitment of the political resolution at its fi which resolved that “the restoratic secular socialist state of Tamil Eel: inherent to every nation has becom existence of the Tamil nation it
For a long time, the Tamil weekl S. J. W. Chelvanayagam, had beer and then its successor, the TULF mostly the views of the dissidents' leadership. To counter the politic the TULF started its own weekly was destroyed along with the TULF in Jaffna. A new weekly, Senkat
The UNP was returned uncontested Eliya; Matara; Moneragała; Kega Among the premises burnt and/or ( prominent were: the Jaffna Public L The TULF headquarters; printing regional Tamil daily in Jaffna; the Market in the heart of the town. The legality of Jaffna DC election grounds of irregularities and mal The case is still pending. For a review of the DDCs election national level, see S.W. R. de A. Sa Development Council Election of 19 Seminar Paper, Ceylon Studies S. Foundation Institute, July 1981; an gama: "Electoral Politics in Sri Lan Elections', The Indian Journal of
Apart from the low turn out, of “spoilt votes' at the DDCs elec
northern and eastern provinces. R
in all districts outside the northeri corresponding percentage for the el province was 1.5%. On this see W.

krishnan : 亨豫
tS connected with this, See Emergency 79, nter-racial Justice and Equality (MIRJE),
to Taimil Eelam came with the adoption
st national convention held on 14.5.1976,
n and reconstitution of the free, soverign,
m based on the right of self-determination
e inevitable in order to safeguard the very
the Country'.
y Suthan thiran, started by the late leader the authentic voice of the Federal Party -until very recently. It now represents and is very critical of the present TULF l propaganda carried out by Sutharithiran, named Uthayasuriyan. Its printing press headquarters during the 'June disturbances hir has now been started by the TULF.
in the following electoral districts; Nuwara lle; Kandy; Kuru negala; and Ratnapura.
lestroyed within the Jaffna town, the most ibrary (with serveral irreplaceable volumes) press and buildings of Elanadu, the only residence of the Jaffna M.P.; and the old
has been challenged in the courts on the practices in the conduct of the election.
results and the UNP's performance at the marasinghe and C. R. de Silva: “The 3: Its Political and Electoral implications' minar, Marga Institute, and Sri Lanka W. A. Wisawararnapala and Dias Hewa(a-A Study of the Development Councils 'olitical Studies, July 1981.
there were also unusually large amount ions in the electoral districts outside the jected votes as percentage of total polled and eastern provinces came to 8%; the :toral districts in the northern and eastern wawarnapala and Dias Hewagama op:cit.

Page 80
72
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
District Develop
It is likely that the DDC election may thing more than a mere local gove. treated as beingon par with a general tion of the national opposition pa factor in the poor response in many reasons, the comparison of the votin the 1977 general election has its limi
In all the cistricts of the northern an while the Sri Lankan Tamils constit tion in total district population has
(95%) to the lowest in Trincomale
Tamil speaking moors formed Mannar and Batticaloa and much in (45%). The Sinhalese population the three districts of Vavuniya (17%)
The President is reported to have sai and the rest of the country know t present SLFP leadership, particular Eastern province'. Ceylon Daily Ne
The SLFP received nearly one-four district and slightly more than that i election.
S. W. R. de A. A. Samarasinghe an
See What Happened in Jaffna. Day 1981, Colombo.
Lanka Goardian, November 15, 1981,
TELF spokeman have declared tha politics, but are committed to conc arena through peaceful and non-viol
Saturday Review, May 1, 1982, Jaffn,
In the TULF-TELF confrontation a prominent TULF personality, son and legal secretary of the TULF, in the TULF and has been known i number of issues; he lends support 1 speaks up for the Tamil youths in
The internal feuding is reported to Maheswaran group' and "Prabhahar
The Tamil congress in the north sti position on the Eelam issue in not of the Tamil SelfRule Party--a splin which is totally committed to separ

тепt Coипcils
have been seen by the electorate as somenment election, but may not have been parliamentary election. The non-participaties would have also been a significant electoral districts. For these and other g pattern in the 1981 DDCs election and ations.
d eastern provinces, other than Amparai ute the largest ethnic group their proporaried-ranging from the highest in Jaffna e (35%).
pne-fourth of the district population in hore in Trincomalee (32%) and Amparai becomes numerically significant only in , Trincomalee (29%) and Amparai (30%).
d this: “Let the rank and file of the SLFP hat Eelam has received support from the ly in Trincomalee and the rest of the '4's, June 13 1981.
'th of the total poll in the Trincomalee n the Batticaloa district at the last general
d C. R. de Silva, op., cit. s of Terror, A MIRJE publication, July
the are not interested in parliamentary luct campaign and agitation outside this 21'nt mea 11S.
, the position of Mr. S.C. Chandraharsan of the late leader S. J. V. Chelvanayagam emains controversial. He is a hardliner o have disagreed with the leadership on a o the TELF and other dissidents and also
detention.
e between two groups identified as “Uma ln group'.
l has a place in Tamil politics though its very clear. Mention also may be made ter group from the earlier Federal Party,- tion. But its influence is very marginal.

Page 81
().
N. Balakr
There are leftist (Marxist) group ing in the north belonging to both new left seems to have more followi more appealing stand on the Tam some of the dissident youth and st
Marxist orientation. Consequently,
established links with radical Marxis the north.
It has been alleged that the t government-had agreed to a mor denied by the leadership.
It was stated by the TULF leade objectives: (i) to solve the immediate from recurring racial violence, (ii) to in the country to put on end to the take action for theeffective implemen ful functioning of the elected councils

hnan . 73
, affiliated to the national parties, operathe “traditional left and "new left'. The g now in the north partly because of its
nationality question. It appears that lent activists in the north also have a it is possible that they would have parties or groups in the country outside
ULF - in its negotiations with the torium on Eelam. But this has been
that the negotiations had the following roblems of the Tamils and protect them et the support of all the political parties ecurrence of racial violence and (iii) to ation of the DDC Act toenable the fruit, Saturday Review, April 3, 1982, Jaffna.

Page 82
K. M. de Silva: A HISTORY
OXFORD UNIS
The recent publication of "A Silva, Professor of Sri Lankan Hi has been described as a notable publisl has filled a much-felt need. We have writing since the establishment of Unir
The University of Ceylon Histo and published in 1959 did not go beyond I of an intended comprehensive editio nineteenth century and edited by Prof Volume 11 has still to see the light of dé ch in the sciences, especially in geology study of epigraphical and literary reco history from time to time, and at much
As “comprehensive general Surv could justly claim to be the only work Tennent's Ceylon, which ran into five encyclopaedic product. It remains, an no use as a text-book today. We have CS.
K.M. de Silva has now met this challe son of the soil has been able to draw ot knowledge such a sober, balanced, anc of this country's past - a golorious on shadows which every country's histc

eview
OF SRI LANKA VERSITY PRESS, 1981.
History of Sri lanka' by Dr. K. M. de istory of the University of Peradeniya ning event. Nobody would gainsay this. It had very few publications of this kind of versity education in this country in 1922.
ry of Ceylon edited by Professor H. C. Ray the fifteenth century. This formed Volume on, Since then Volume 111, covering the assor K.M. de Silva had appeared in 1973. ly. The pace and quality of modern resear, anthropology and archaeology, and in the ords call for reassessment and re-writing of shorter intervals than were necessary before.
9
ey' of Sri Lanka's history de Silva's book that could bear comparison with Emerson
editions in one year in 1860. That was an d will always remain, a classic. But it is of had no suitable text book these many decad
2nge and it is heartening that at long last a ut from his amazing stock of experience and as far as humanly possible, truthful story 2 to be sure, despite the dark patches and ory contains.

Page 83
At this stage we should not fa volumes, A Short Histoty of Ceylon b Of Ceylon, by G.C.Mendis, both pub have left enduring names as pioneess
It is unfortunate that another category, A Concise History of Ceylor Nicholas (1961) and had gained t Press was found unacceptable by schol A Sinhalese translation of this work of of scholars of the Unversity at Per
Two thousand five hundred yea in a single volume of six hundred pag formidable and almost forbidding task mere one hundred and thirty two page from its legendary past to the decline century, a stretch of over two tousand deals, as only he could, with British rul that had taken a bare one hundred an one half of the book. One is thus ten
But it is not so. Almost all tha and proto-history of Sri Laka has bee Herein lies the skill and competence of to recent researches. Even so, this ea De Silva admits, quoting from Dr.S.P evidence to point to a North Indian se to say so categorically and if this lead scholars, the consequences to the Vijay up and embellished through the centur determine the original home of these m are at sixes and sevens with regard to
The discovery first made by a fie under Dr. R.L. Brohier of the Survey ancient megalithic burial site at Pompa opened up a new line of research. W island, from the north to the south anc relics of megalithic burials and monum far back as 600 BC up to 200 A.
We find a similar phase of meg get this in North India. Could it be South India and SriLanka in the past.

ii
to mention two comparatively very small H.W. Codrington and The Early History ished in the early thirties. Their authors of scientific history-writing in Sri Lanka.
work which aspired to enter into the same by Dr. S. Paranavitana and Mr. C. W. e imprimatur of the University of Ceylon ars, for valid reasons better unrecalled here. fere oor publication was rejected by a team deniya.
rs of crowed history have come to us now es. The author had engaged himself in a He has brought within the confines of a s the long and varied history of Sri Lanka of the Sinhala kingdom in the seventeenth years; but he gets into his stride when he 2 and its aftermath of national independence d seventy years. This covers more than npted to descube this history as lop-sided.
at is that is known today of the pre-history in compressed into less than sixty pages. the author who seems to have had recourse rly period is still a matter for conjecture. .F.Senaratne that there is no archaeolegical tlement. Senaratne was the first authority is followed, as is being done now by other an story that had been so laboriously built ies will be disastrous. One is at a loss to ythical North Indian Aryans. The experts the origain of even the Sinhala language.
d officer the late Mr G.H. Arthur De Silva,
Departament in the early twenties, of an
tippu(which is duly recorded by De Silva)
e have since come to know that the whole from the west to the east, is covered with
ints. They could probaly be dated from as
D.
lithic culture in South India. We do not hat a single matrix of culture had bound There is a great deal that we find common

Page 84
to both, anthropologically and cultura seem, are ethnically very close to each be ethnically closer to South Indians th
Like all history this book views 1 fore coloured by the prejudices of the p man who could produce an ideal histc confronted Sri Lanka is what may be cal between the Sinhalese and the Tamils i facing it. But de Silva has at least sh problem throughout his work.
When the Western powers first cam ent kingdoms and some small chieftains Kingdom after a grim battle, and then t the foreign conquest of the entire island Kingdom to His Britanic Majesty.
At the onset of British rule, Hugh ality the island of Ceylon was annexec famous Minute on Justice and Revenu ancient period have divided between th only repeating that de Queyroz the Portu
The British, it must be concedec of years to weld these two "nations' t national unit. This was found not ve revealed after scratching the surface wa
During the second half of the r Ceylonese nationality began to prevail work, with Tamils such as Mutu coom Burhers like Charles Ambrose Loren James de Alwis and James Pieris, and ev (who in fact once declared himself a ( towards the common goal of the bette: varying individual reservations as to th path to be followed to reach it.
This trend came to a climax du Ramanathan and Arunachlam, each i reached the height of uuniversal acce Ceylenese nation, Will a Tamil once nation and if so, must he a Buddhist ar to this question holds the key to the futi Sri Lanka or a Sinhalese Sri Lanka ar

iii
ly. The Sinhalese and Tamils, it would ther, if not identical; and both appear to in to any other people in the world.
he the past from the present. It is thereresent. This is inevitable. It is the ideal ry. The biggest problem that has always led the national problem of the relationship the country. Very often we fight shy of wn a sober awareness of this pervasive
e to rule this land there were three independhips. The Portuguese destroyed the Jaffna he Dutch and British gradually completed l, the Sinhalese having ceded the Kandyan
Cleghorn, "the agent by whose instrumentl to the British Empire' wrote in 1799 his e that “two different nations from a very em the possession of the island'. He was guse historian had stated in 1687.
l, had made a genuine effort in the course ogether and integrate them into a single y difficult, as the basic culture that was S one and the Same.
ineteenth century the concept o a single as we note from the tenour of de Silva's araswamy, Ramanathan, and Arunachalam, Z and Richard Morgan, Sinhalese such as en Britishers such as William Digby eylonese) and John Ferguson, all working government of this country- though with a nature of that better government, and the
ring the first quarter of this century wheu n his turn, in 1915 and 1919 respectively ptance as unchallenged leaders of a single again be permitted to lead a Ceylonese d speak the Sinhala language? The answer ire of this country, whether there will be one d a Tamil Eelam.

Page 85
iv
Two great men, whom the writer ha C.E. Corea and E. T. de Silva, strove hai Sinhalese and the Tamils. But unfortuna in the struggle for swaraj came to divide reforms offered by Governor Manning,
About this time there appeared on t of destiny. The writer, who was one of Nationalist Party, remembers vividly the scene by this harbinger of Freedom, S.W. Anglicised elite, he challenged and defeated at the Municipal Council Election at M
Bandaranalike had his own talisma solve the Sinhala-Tamil imbroglio. A th could be raised against the federal system he was convinced that some form of fed Strangely enough this purveyor of a new his own sure remedy and became the unw we have inherited today. With one blow two, by clamouring for Sinhala Only in
In de Silva's history we find a ma. of the events that occurred during the ye inauguration of the Ceylon National Cor introduction of the Official Language Act the years of D. S. Senanayake, Bandara burning question of the day was the Sinhal can see that the extremism of Bandarana nambalam with his Fifty-Fifty slogan, did truly Ceylonese nation.
One is struck by de Silva's even-hai may feel ashamed of some of the things tha from partisanship. His assessment of B; reserves the halo for D. S. Senanayake an
De Silva is the leading historian of the head of a galaxy of scholars, reputed fo ion. His special field covers the British Lanka's history. His reputation as an un wide. In the present ambitious work, whi credit both to himself and the subject, he h mattered. The book is replete with innu

ld the good fortune to know personally, 'd to preserve the harmony between e tely when this closely-knit brotherhood the spoils, a measly pittance of political they began to quarrel.
he horizon one who seemed to be a man his earliest collegaues in the Progressive staggering impact made on the political R. Dias Bandaranaike. A scion of the
A. E. Goonesinhe the man of the people aradana in 1926.
an a federal system of government, to ousand and one objections, he declared, but when the objections were dissipated eral government was the only solution. political panacea later came to abandon itting instrument of Fate for the turmoil f he divided this fair land of ours into
Twenty Four Hours.
sterly appraisal, recorded in great detail ars that intervened between the historic gress by Arunachalam in 1919 and the by Bandaranaike in 1956. These were unaike and G. G. Ponnambalam. The a-Tamil relations and, looking back, one like and the fanatical response of Ponirreparable damage to the evolution of a
hded approach. A Sinhalese or a Tamil it had happened, but de Silva is absolved andaranaike is fair and just. But he d he has reasons to show for that.
the University of Peradeniya. He is at or their scholarship, probity and dedicatand the post-independence period of Sri doubted authority has travelled far and ch he has accomplished with resounding Las consulted almost every authority that umerable footnotes and a select biblio

Page 86
graphy, going into four pages of small p ive research. One distinctive feature of work of a single author. It is not a c without inverted commas. One chapt imbalance due to the smaller space giv affect the rain lines of developmen
A book such as de Ailva's hist works of a multitude of scholars are and where necessary, incorporated into own personality and style. It is possib been forgotten and some passages had de Silva's languge and style. This bo before long. The author will no dou cisms offered and mention the names in the present volume.
When one has finished reading area covered is extensive, one cannot fai ance. It is not every man that can W Acton failed to produce one to histot La Brooy did not seem to have had th which are as necessary as other qualif mastery of details, a neat and precise st and select or reject data. In the present of all these ingredientents in La Broc and the book is truly the fulfilment (

brint, gives proof of painstaking and exhustthis work is its cohesiveness as being the ‘ollection of articles or quotations, with or er leads ot the other and the apparent en to the pre-British period does not really t.
ory is a compendious product where the consulted and their views enalysed, tested, the book, with the stamp of the author's le that in a few cases acknowledgement had inadvertently passed into the currency of ook is bound to go into several editions bt take note of the comments and criti
of any authors omitted indavertently
this book, which is easy reading though the l to be impressed by its momentous appearrite a good history The onniscent Lord y's irreparable loss. Even our own Justin lat condidence and, we might say, courage ications he possessed -- a vast knowledge, yle and an intelligent capacity to evaluate book, we find a rare ane happy combination by's distinguished pupil Kingsley de Silva, of La Brooy's own dream.
Dr. JAMES T. RUTNAM Evelyn Rutnam Institute,
Jafna.

Page 87
CONTRIBUTORS
K. Kailasapathy, B. A., M. A. (Cey.) Ph.D. (Bitminghcm) Professor of Tamil and Dean Faculty of At
B. Bastiampilai, B. A. (Cey.) M. A. (Lond.) Ph.D. (SL). Associate Professor of History & Dean Fact
P. Balasunderampilai, B. A. (Cey.) Ph. D. (Durham) Professor & Head Department of Geograph
N. Balakrishnan,
B. A. (Cey.) M. Phil. (Leeds.) Senior Lecturer & Head Department of Eco

). "ts, University ofJaffína.
ulty of Arts, University of Colombo.
y, University of Jaffna.
nomics, University of Jaffna.

Page 88
Printed at St. Juscph's Catholic Pres: Faculty of Arts, University of

5, Jaffna Main Stregt, Jaffna. Il di Published by the Jaffna. Jim ffinal, Sri Lanka, ( Ceylon )