Page 98
Latitude :
90 47' 25" N
longitude :
800 14' 30" E
One inch sheet no :
Point Pedro A^ 23, A3, 4
Mosaic sheet no :
AA23
Approach .
The potsherd distribution is sporadic in the surrounding areas of the present temple at Vallipuram, from Karkovalam to Kutattanai. The distribution is intense in a mound north of the temple.
Description :
In 1972 there was a report that a mound near the temple had yielded a large pot in a cist covered by orthostats and that this was possibly a Megalithic burial site. The above find was described as an urn in a cist burial.'
In our survey in the above mentioned spot, we were able to notice a few sherds of historic Black and Red Ware, Thick Rim Red Ware and structural remains like grooved tiles.
The other neighbouring spots of the temple also yielded similar or even late types of pottery.
Soil .
The site is on the dune sands, but similar to many other sites of this stretch, the sherd distribu
Explorations and Excavations 83
Vallipuram
tion was noticed mainly along the Lagoon-side periphery of the sandy stretch, where the dune sand ends and lagoon alkali begins.
Water resources :
Perennial, saline free, fresh-water at shallow depth in small turavu type of wells.
Coastal prospects :
The Bay of Bengal and the Lagoon are on either side of the location.
Grazing-land :
Available along the Lagoon side fields.
Availability of building material :
Coral and hardened sedimentary deposits (shale) along the Coast.
Present Cultivation :
A narrow stretch of paddy-fields is seen along the Lagoon COast.
Disposition :
This site could have emerged with the beginnings of the long caravan route that went along the eastern coast of Sri Lanka. 40 One who observes the Satellite photos of South India and Sri Lanka can immediately recognize the proximity of this location to the Coromandel coast, particularly to the Point Calimere and Nakapattinam region of Tamil Nadu.
Remarks :
Years ago, a valuable historical document, the Vallipuram gold plate, was discovered from this area. There are many published articles on this
Page 99
84 Early Settlements in Jaffna
evidence, and the latest is by Dr. A. Welupillai who, on Palaeographical grounds, dates this to the fourth century A. D. This date tallies with the lower dates we get for this site on the basis of pottery.
We tend to assign the beginning of this site to the early Centuries of the Christial era, if I1st earlier, on the strength of the presence of historic BRW and a few pieces of Rouletted Ware, The site hada long SeqLience Lip to Dutch times as indicated by finds like Thick Rim Rod Ware, Groowod Rim Ware and by the Medieval. C't LI ard ELIropean C) ir 15
List of pottery typics
2.2,* WM 4.5A? AF 5.1 W/M 5.2W M. 7.5y ! / WM
fist of of far firls
1. Iron slags
2. Grooved ties
3. Medic wall coisin :
Legend Srī Wijaya bahu
Plate 77 : Typical landscape of the dure-sand stretch of Wafonorarci. The photograph has been taken of Manol Kafu, between Walsipuron and Mokorkoy),
4. Medieval coin,
Legend Srīmat Sahasa malla
Dutch coins
E. Early British and Tiruvarian tap Liral coins
5
Q H
\\ 1 \
Type 5 ཏེ
Ti
Page 100
Latitude :
9° 45' 15" N
longitude :
80° 14' 55" E
One inch sheet no :
Point Pedro AA 23, A3, 4
Mosaic sheet no :
A3
Approach .
The site is in a coconut plantation, and lies along the western side of the Point Pedro-Marutankeni road between Vallipuram and Kutatanai Junction.
Description :
The distribution of sherds covered an area of about 10 acres. r
Soil :
The artifact distribution is in the dune-Sands, but
they are peripheral dunes of the Vatamaratici Stretch, merging with the alkaline lagoon coast.
Water resources :
Perennial, saline free, groundwater is available at shallow depth.
Coastal prospects :
The site is adjoining the Lagoon coast of the Vatamaratci strip. The location is a link to the Tenmaratci side of the Peninsula as a natural
Explorations and Excavations 85
Valikanţi, Kuţattanai
ford forms during summer. Further, it could have been a waySide Stop-over along the ancient caravan route, 2 as this site has been located in the peripheral area where the dunes end, and the Lagoon Coast tarava begins. The Lagoon coast "taravailand would have been ideal for the ancient caravans to traverse during Summer.
Natural vegetation :
Scrub and palmyra.
Grazing-land
Available in the adjoining paddy-fields along the LagoOn COaSt.
Present cultivation :
Coconut plantations in the site, and paddy along the Lagoon Coast.
Remarks :
The site Could be dated from the early centuries of the Christian era to late medieval times, as indicated by the available pottery (HBRW, TRRW, GRVV, etc).
List Of pottery types :
2. /? /C 5.1/V/M 5.2/V /M 5.2/V /C 8.3/? /M
List Of Other finds
1. A terracotta human face
Page 101
Pol & C
Sandy Open Country
O Vallipuram
Fishing Camp
Monotkõitu
锐·.
Vqlikgnti
KUțat fana Karo
R.F. 63360 One Inch - One Mile
o Archaeological site Paddy-fields
Plate 78 : Vallipuram, Valika
BAY OF BENGAL
1.
%,
)
Ishing Camp
iyūr
andy Open Country
Fishing Camp
(၄
FiShird Com Sandy Scrub 9 р
Karukumanalikumpi O
O Nõkorkõyil
〉།།
C - Coconut Pał -- Palmyra
nti, Nokiarkoyi - site map.
Page 102
Longitude :
80°18' 20' E — Nākarkōyi 80° 19' 10" E – Karukumanalkumpi
Latitude :
9° 41 55" N — Nākarkōyi 9° 42' 25" N — Karukumaņalkumpi
One inch sheet no :
Point Pedro AA 23, A3, 4
Mosaic sheet no :
A3
Approach .
There are two sites at Nakarkoyil, one adjoining the present temple, and the other at Karukumanalkumpi about 3 km. east, near the Coast of the Bay of Bengal. The NakarkÖyi temple is near the Point Pedro - Marutarkeni road, about 14 miles from Point Pedro, and the site is adjoining the temple in the eastern direction. The Karukumanalkumpi site is in the Nakarköyil fishing village facing the Bay of Bengal.
Description :
At Nakarkoyil, the sherds were found distributed in the Sand dunes in an area around 10 acres. At Karukumanalkumpia considerable number of glass and Paste beads and sherds were collected in the Sandy Scrub.
Soil .
Both sites are in the sand-dunes. The Nakarköyil site is at the western periphery of the sandy stretch, where the dunes merge with the Lagoon
Explorations and Excavations 87
Nākarkōyi, Karukumaņalkumpi
coast taravai. The Karukumanalkumpi site is in the middle of the dune stretch near the sea Coast. The sand underlying the top layer here is ilmanite which is grey in colour and this feature renders the name Karukumanalkumpi for the site (grey sand dunes).
Water resources :
Perennial saline-free fresh-water at shallow depth. There is a pond near the Nakarkoyil site.
Coastal prospects :
As in the case of the other sites of the stretch, these sites are flanked by sea on the one side and the Lagoon on the other. Nakarkoyi is at present a fishing centre.
Natural vegetation :
Scrub, particularly "Naval.
Grazing-land
Available in the Lagoon coast.
Present Cultivation :
None in the vicinity of the sites, but there is a narrow patch of paddy-fields along the Lagoon COaSt.
local legends :
The legends suggest that the Nakarkoyi had its origins in the folk worship of serpant cult, which was later Sanskritised. The Portuguese records of Queroz mention that the Portuguese destroyed a temple at this site in the 16th century.
Disposition :
It could be suggested that the NakarkÖyil site was on the Caravan route and that Karukumanalkumpi was a port site. -
Page 103
88 Early Settlements in Jaffna
Rt Fr7?rk,
The site has a variety of pottery ranging from historic Black and Red Ware and Rouletted Ware t } (TC : »Ved Rim Ware, including Chines and Islamic war.
On the basis of these evidences, the origin of the sit Could be placed around the dawn of the Christian era, and its decline towards the end of the Jaffna Kingdom, The pottery evidences suggest that Nakarkovil is more ancient than Wallipuram,
Nakarkoyil
| of i pottery tvres,
2.' ' -- ya ? "F -4.), III "F 4.EB IIIF 4.7 F 5.1 WW|| * ( 5.2W C 5.3/W C
... ? E, TO’ 71, C 7.2 °C *Ꭿ .b/ | | | /Ꮯ
List f It Her finals
l, TCI to 5. 2. Iron slags 3. Class heads (dark blue and Orange)
Kar kurānā Krp
List of other fir 75
Paste leads 40 beads)
Black glass (15 beads)
Light blue 7 beads)
Dark blue glass 3 heads)
Plain glass (One bead)
f. , Cëtu (III
CWCrse seated bull, Crescent, legend Cetu Reverse : Standing King and a trident.
. A CO in with a legend "CEtupa' in the lowerse
and an unidentified figure on the reverse8. Dutch Coins 9. Larly British Cois
" - " أي نقل
Plate 79 : Karukumana kumpi, Nakarkoyi. The stratch is rich in early poffey, Coins and beads. The local children had collected nearly 60 paste and glass beads in o few in rures search.
Page 104
Explorations and Excavations 89
Type 5
K
コ
tery types - Nakarkoyil. Cm Smi
Page 105
90 Early Settlements in Jaffna
Tālaiyati - Cempiyaņparu
Latitude :
9° 36' 20" N
longitude :
80° 25' 40' E.
One inch sheet no :
A9, 10, 14, 15 - Elephant Pass
Mosaic sheet no :
A4
Approach .
This is located by the Talaiyati-Vettilaikeni Coastal road, about 2 km. from Talaiyati.
Description :
The sherds were distributed in an acre of Sandy plot alongside the road.
Soil .
Dune-sand.
Water resources :
Perennial, Saline-free, drinking-water at shallow depth.
Coastal prospects :
The site has the Bay of Bengal on the east and the Tontainmanaru lagoon on the west. Talaiyati is at present, a well-known fishing Centre.
Natural vegetation :
Scrub forest and palmyra.
Grazing-land:
Available in the scrub.
Present Cultivation :
None in the vicinity, but paddy is cultivated in a narrow patch alorig the Lagoon Coast.
Disposition :
Similar to the other sites of this stretch, this could have been a way side stopover along the ancient Caravan route.
Remarks :
The pottery dates range between the dawn of Christian era, and late medieval times. The place name Cempiyanparru indicates the Cola Connections of the site.
List of pottery :
2.2/? /C 4.5/? /F 4.6/? /F 4.7/? /F 5.1/V/C 5.2/V /C 5.3/V /C 6.1/? /? 8.4/l/C 9.2/Ill/C
List of other finds :
1. Fragments of pestle Stones
. Fragments of iron tools
Iron slags
. Glass pieces.
Page 106
سے۔ 7
vM—
mmu cm
M
Plate 8 7 : Pottery typ
Explorations and Excavations 91
K
Type 6
Type 7 cm m
Type 8
ls - Tolaiyati.
Page 107
BAY OF BENGA
Pol & Scrub
NN Former For Field S (Now Scrub &
Y *T፡ ዕ». Fishing Comp
o TỡlờiỷoìN N
Utụturdi
M
ܓܓܠܶ ,\ ޙަޗ V ܟܠ
w w
w Mõvilañ ko|| SSS
Korrantorkulom
Sond
Subject to
ELEPHANT PASS
o Archaeological site Paddy-fields O Ponc
Plate 82 : Paccillaippalli - site map.
Alyovalai
Pol & Scrub نسیجھS
Fort Bul Vettilaikkeni
N
ishing Camp
Poዘ & ༄
S
N
open country Pol & Scrub
loods
c Kuyovanpitti O
(CUNIIKKUĻAM ཅANcr(༡༡༠) U དུ་
JAFFNA LAGOON
Ο
C - Coconut R.F. 63360 Pal – Palmyra One Inch F. One Mile
Scrub & Jungle
سمسیح
Page 108
Latitude :
9° 35' 00" N
Longitude :
800 27" 45" E
One inch sheet no
A9, 10, 14, 15 - Elephant PaSS
Mosaic sheet no :
A9
Approach .
The site is by the side of the alaiyati - Kattaikatu coastal road. A modern ghori (obelisk) and the remains of the Old Dutch fort are seen here.
Description :
The site with an area of about 10 acres, faces the Bay of Bengal with artifacts of different periods found mixed on the surface. They range from the historic Black and Red Ware and Rouletted Ware to the late Dutch and Early British tiles. Compared to the other sites of this stretch, the distribution of artifacts is rich at this site.
The Dutch fort, the remains of which are found here, had obviously been constructed on the top of an earlier archaeological site.
Soil .
Dune-sands.
Water resources :
Perennial, saline-free, drinking water at shallow depth.
Explorations and Excavations 93
Vettilaikkeni - Paccillaippalli
Coastal prospects :
There is a small fishing village adjoining the Sea COaSt.
Natural vegetation
SCrub-forest in the hinterland.
Crazing-land:
Available in the scrub and in the taravai plains.
Present Cultivation :
Ni |
Availability of building material .
The Dutch Fort remains here are of Coral architecture and the Coral must have come from the Lagoon side. -
DispOS it iOn :
This site has a Strategic importance as it is located On the ancient caravan route of the eastern Coast." Beyond this point, up to Vanni the old route would have traversed the marsh lands. Thus, this could have acted as a customs Centre for the Caravans entering and leaving the Peninsula. The Dutch had constructed two forts close to each other here to check the Coastal and inland tracks. Besides its Strategic location On the Caravan route, the site was also a point of foreign Contact by Sea as indicated by the Considerable number of ancient and medieval foreign ware Sherds.
RenmarkS :
AS in the case of the other major sites along this Stretch, the date of the site too ranges from the dawn of the Christian era to the early British period.
Page 109
94 Early Settle lets in Jaffna
List vyf Jeff for y 'y' y) *5
2,2'W ( 2,3,* ? * WM 4,5 o Pi Ꮧ .fᎼᎬ3ᏱᎳ / f
5. "WII, C 5.2 ° W yo 5.3 WI C 3.-4., a yo ! t).f A M No 7
.7 fl. 1 (),
!3.5 y W y MWD
List (f if her firl,
7
g,
Iron slags
Pieces, et rubin; str + 1's 3r 3st l's A, Jaffria |ir11str 1 r1{ ' ("« 1ri ʻ ',',ʻi I |h1 fliak i *(.| !11;ärk, -, Black glass heads
Blue" glas: Heatly
Dark-lu gliss Ellis is Carnelia 1 ad ast laks Yellowish white rear-like pellets, ILI I'm her in ther werth ( ( || a'r teitl Terracotta leads male (LIt Tgrey and grce Clay with the marks
Cldss slags Ceir 1 — ) liv erk, * : Standing, figure : ; f the : kirg, Ryor l' – orki r o SLGGLLLLSSLS LTLLLtSL SLL SLLaaLaLLLLLLLaES LLLLLLaaSSS aaaGLLL LLLL EtmmLLLLS L LS S SLLLLLLS GLLSLLS SLSLLLMS0SS0LLLLL tLLLLS LLLS LLLS LL LLLLLLLLL L SLLLLLLLL
12. a. ilı lrı idi i, ı l i = i + ''{{
{{2||1 — l'Ilit lortifie : | {_t} fl Unidentified tragment
Psafe 83 : Pottery types - Wertiloikkari.
| Түрде 2
ErII | = ----
Plate 84 : Early pottery strewn in the coastal stretch near the Weff soikkeni fort
Page 110
Latitude :
9° 32' 24" N — KÖyilvayal 9° 33' 53" N — Mantalāi 9° 33' 25" N – Tattanköţu 9° 31' 55" N — Kuyavanpitți 9° 32' 50" N – Nittiyavețtai
Longitude :
80° 25' 50" E - KOyilvayal 80° 26' 05" E — Mantalāi 80° 26' 45" E – Tattankõtu 80° 28' 20" E — Kuyavanpitti 80° 28' 30' E - Nittiyaveţţai
One in Ch Sheet no {
A9, 10, 14, 15 - Elephant Pass
Mosaic Sheet no
A9
Description :
The five sites mentioned here are located in the Scrub forest of a small area of about 5 Sq.km. and they are discussed under One report due to their homogeneity. The possibilities of locating Some more sites of this category in the neighbouring scrub forest has been reported by G. N. Subramaniyam of Koyilvaya who guided uS to the SteS.
Approach .
The KOyilvayal Site could be approached by a metalled road from lyakkacci; Mantalai lies between KOyilvayal and Vettilaikeni; Tattankotu is near Koyi Ivayal, by the side of a modern Canal that was dug to Connect the Lagoon with the Cuntikulam Sanctuary, Kuyavanpitti is near Vannan
Explorations and Excavations 95
li Sites
Other Paccillaippa
kulam facing the Cuntikulam Sanctuary lagoon; and Nittiyavettai is nearby the Pullaveli church.
In the paddy-fields of the Koyilvayal Site, a hoard of medieval Coins was discovered. A Dutch fort, lying parallel to the Vettilaikeni fort, is located here.
Mantalai is a sandy site Covered with Scrub where Thick Rim Red Ware Sherds, Grooved Rim Ware Sherds and other artifacts were sporadically found
Tattankotu and Kuyavanpitti yielded medieval Coins as well as Paste beads and Thick Rim Red Ware, Grooved Rim Ware sherds in Concentrations. Medieval and Dutch coins were collected at Nittiyavettai.
A number of brick Cum Coral structural remains are noticed in this area. They include a fort, a few temples and residential quarters, all abandoned and ruined. They stand as evidences of the ghost settlements that once flourished here.
Soil .
KOyilvayal and Kuyavanpitti sites have alkaline soil. The others are in the dune-sands, but these dunes are not high, and undulating like the Vatamaratci Coastal dunes.
Water resources
Paccillaipali possesses an excellent potentiality of water resources. It is capable of yielding perennial, Saline-free, fresh-water, in large quantities Compared to the dune-sands of Vatamarațci.
The turavu dug at this region is considerably wide Compared to the turavu of the other parts
Page 111
96 Early Settlements in Jaffna
of the Peninsula. At many places the Sand, dug Out of the tura Vu could be seen heaped like a dune nearby. Sometimes, the turavu has four entrances On all the four sides. A Considerable Quantity of water is available in these turavus even at the peak of Summer. The vegetable gardens of this area are irrigated by hand lifting, using a traditional palmyra leaf bucket Called Pattai.
Coastal prospects :
The early settlers must have utilized the Cuntikulam Sanctuary lagoon and the Bay of Bengal Coast for Subsistence and Communication. The Cuntikulam sanctuary has a few islets, which are being used by the local people to keep their cattle herds (Patti).
Natural vegetation :
Scrub forest.
Grazing-land
Available in the scrub, in the Lagoon Coast taravai, and in the islets of the Cuntikulam lagoon.
Present Cultivation .
Paddy at Koyi Ivayal, vegetable and fruit gardens at Mantalai and Tattankotu, none at Kuyavanpitti and at Nittiyavettai.
Disposition :
All these sites flourished in the old days, because Of their disposition in the Vanni-Jaffna CommuniCation link. AS mentioned in the report of Vettilaikeni, it was on realizing this fact that the Dutch had Constructed two forts in this area. The Dutch seem to have been very active in the area, as testified to by the forts, buildings, pottery, coins and by place names like Ulantakatu (land of Hollanders).
Remarks :
The pottery analysis places the origins of these sites at the time of the beginnings of the kingdom of Jaffna. None of them yielded early pottery like the historic Black and Red Or Rouletted or even Chinese or Islamic wares. The available pottery is Thick Rim Red Ware, and Grooved Rim Ware in association with the medieval coins ranging from those of Srivijayabahu to Rani Lilavati (11-13 Centuries) and a number of Dutch coins.
Thus, these sites seem to have emerged with the re-colonization of Vanni in medieval times, when fresh waves of migrants moved from South India to Vanni, through the Jaffna peninsula, using the Vatamaratici, Paccillaipali Sand pass route. Legends narrating the arrival of the Vanni chieftains tend to confirm this view. “ The settlements discussed in the report survived to early British times until the opening up of a new communication link, the present Jaffna-Kandy road.
There are old people still able to recollect their grandfathers' tales about the caravans and buffaloes that have passed through these settlements.
Manțalāi
List of pottery types :
5.2/V/M 7.2/?/M 8.1/? /M 8.4/? /M 9.1/?/M
List of other finds :
1. Pestle-stone (alien material) 2. Terracotta smoking pipes
TaftānkOțu List of pottery types.
5.1/V/C 5.2/V /C 7.1/V /M 7.1/V /C 7.2/V /C 8.1/? /M 8.3/IV/M
List Of Other finds :
1. Copper slags
2. Iron slags 3. Fragment of a black glass bangle 4. A large paste bead 5. A plain glass bead
Nitiyavettai List of pottery types :
5.2/V/M 8.3/? /C 5.3/?/M 8.4/? /C 8.1/? /M 8.5/?/M
Page 112
List of other finds :
1. Coin: Legend: Sri Raja Lilavati
Kuyavanpitti
List of pottery types :
5.2/V/M 8.1/?/M 8.3/?/M
List of other find :
1. A Dutch Coin
KÖyilvayal List of other finds :
A hoard of medieval Coins found in a pot.
Legends : Srī Vijayabāhu, Sri Parākramabahu,
Sfi Bhuvanēkabahu.
Mantalai
Type 5
Type 7.
Type 8
(T
ラ
Tantitānikõtu
)
туре 5 ། (
y
Plate 85 : Pottery ty
Explorations and Excavations 97
( =
Type 7
Type 8 cm -muu9umO
Nitiyavettai
T )
| noو م / Y—
= 2
Type 8
cm L
Kuyavanpitti
ومرة (
2-ܒܪ ܪ
pes - Paccillaippalli.
Page 113
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Page 114
Latitude:
90 26' 45" N
longitude:
80Փ 36 00" E
One inch sheet no :
A 9, 10, 14, 15 - Elephant Pass
Mosaic sheet no :
A9
Approach .
The site is located in the sand-bar that stretches between Nallatannitotuvai and Calai. It is not approachable by land during rainy season. There are two fair weather tracks, one from Dharmapuram through Nallatannitotuvai, and the other from Mattalan through Calai, running across a ford.
Description :
Similar to the other sand-dune sites of the Peninsula, concentrations of potsherds and other artifacts were noticed in the sand-dunes facing the Bay of Bengal. The area of distribution was around 5 acres. Similar dunes were reported in the neighbouring place KOramottai, which was not inspected by us.
Soil :
Dune-Sand along the deep sea coast and alkali along the Lagoon coast.
Water resources :
Perennial, saline-free, groundwater is available. There are a few water holes nearby, and the name
Explorations and Excavations 99
Papparavappiti - Cālai
"Nalla-tanni-totuvai' (Fresh-Water Pass) for the neighbouring Spot itself explains the availability of fresh-water in the location. Fresh-water trees, especially Marutu which grows always near a fresh water Source, were found along the Lagoon.
Coastal prospects :
The Bay of Bengal coast is suitable for deep Sea fishing and for navigation. Presently, there are a few fishing camps along this coast belonging to fishermen mostly from outside. The local people go for subsistence fishing in the Lagoon and in the muddy pools of the sand-bars.
Grazing-land :
The marsh lands and the Lagoon coasts are suitable for grazing. A considerable number of buffaloes was noticed in the area.
Natural vegetation :
Scrub and forest.
Disposition :
This location is the link between the Peninsula and the mainland. Nallatannitotuvai provides a natural ford during Summer to get to the mainland and thus is in a key position on the east coast Caravan route. 5
Present cultivation :
None in the vicinity. There are small Coconut plantations nearby and in the interior areas. Paddy is Cultivated in the Cenai fields (slash and burn fields) about one mile from the site.
Page 115
100 Early Settlements in Jaffna
Remarks :
The present name of the spot Papara pitti is a derivation of Papparawalpitti, Pappara war was a sub caste in the fishing community,"
The name Calai for the neighbouring spot near the ford is of significance. In modern Tamil it means "Road'. In old Tamil it also meant a road side public house or any public structure like hospital, school etc. (Atular Calai - hospital, Patacalai - school). There are epigraphical evidences that a place called Karı talur Calai*?" in the Cerria country was a port of a naval Centre.
Nalla -talli-totuwai, the lar of the adjoining sandy stretch is also noteworthy. The terrill for Jwal is a familiar suffix for place all is along the lastern coast. Tofu wa is a Tamil geographical term for sand-bars that almost touch each other forming a lagoon in the hinterland The fu va i sa natura passage to travel along the deep Sea Coast without going around the lagoon. Thus it is significant to note that the place na meas of the spot are reminiscent of the highway that went along this strategic sandy stretch that linked the Peninsula with the Main Island.
On the basis of Chinese stone ware and Thick Rim Red Ware sherds found here, we assign the period of occupation of this site, between c 8th to 13th century A.D.
List of pottery types
3.2 || WC 5. 1/VII/C 5.2/W WC 5.2/W C 5.3 W WC 6.7 WIAC 9. ÉW|| || y
Lijst of other finds
1. Iron slags 2. Carnelian and paste beads
Ploto 88 : Sife of Calai, facing the Bay of Bengo.
Poffery types - Calai.
Plfe 97
Type 3
Type 5
----
"Åssio'i 壽
義
| o isos); sae 舞蹟
įsissä};
Mae'ı !
s.
sł,
Page 116
at ifade :
1[]" Ի!
41
ფი
Longst Lode
3)" E
O3'
8)
Orne imcFh she-rar r1) ;
2
22 A 1.
r
Jaffna. A 21
Plate a 9 : The section of the kiln-mound at Irupalai. No
present kiln is seen on the top of the mound,
Explorations and Excavations 101
Irupalai
Approach
The site is a mound of potters' kilns. The road to the site deviates towards east at the Irupalai Junction and the site is located between paddy-fields and the Uppāru lage))n,
Descriptic or .
Three kiln mounds were observed in the site. One mound has a kiln still in use. The other two
fe the layers formed by successive production of pottery. The
Page 117
702 Early Settlertents in Jaffna
tLtLLL LLLLLLLLL LLLL LLCL LLLLLS CCaa aHaLLLLL Laaaa är Lund 1 () Tetres in height and hawe grown out of successive layers of pottery produced at the site. The layers are alternately of ash and broken sherds, The Cross-section of these mounds was observed and photograph Ed When a porti (II) was dig hy farth scorers.
One of the abandoned mounds was found with earlier types of CRW and a late type of TRRW. These pottery types yielded clues to determine the age and Context of many late medieval sites in the Peninsula.
Sw ] [ | :
Alkali and Saline, Lagoon silt is seen along the Upparu Coast. It was reported that earlier the potter5 ubtain Lic Clay fra Ti Kaitati (de ross the Lagoon) and that this clay was used in Taking a light Coloured pottery. Nowaday's the clay concis frt }T11 WaԼյԼյl.
Wafar r 2 s) Lires
Severa small tanks and ponds are located in the surrur nedig a real. Fresh-water is, i will ble in the wells at a shallow depth.
Coastal prospects
The Upparli lagoon which is facing the site must have provided the clay and navigational facilities to enter the Jaffna. Iagot 31,
Natural y gerfdir i'r yn
Palr 11 yra in the hin terland and Tharngre ve along the lagoon.
Grazing-land
Available in the paddy-fields.
Portsar f : J / jwif for :
Paddy-fields are four in a stretch along the U popār Lu lage)) r1. They would have provided thı: hay for tempering the clay.
disp)} \; t r r ) :
The site is located near Nalilir, the capital of the kingdom of Jaffna, and thus could have been a sub Urban service entre. The location is also by the side of the natura tratt along the lagoon, which has become the modern trunk road that Connects Nallur with Watamaratci. It has access
LLL 00 S SLLLL LLLLt0L LLLLLLLO LLLLk LLL LLL LLLS LLLHJrS SY LLLLLLLLS LEELL the alter rare luyers of ash and sherds,
to the sea through the Lagoon, for obtaining rawmaterial and transporting products.
Rerirk , !
The fact that this was a popular centre of the potters, is mentioned in a versc: ( t \rupalai Cenätiráva Mutalivar, a poet of the DLitch times.“
The at sherds LIIIc in this site immensely help tus ir 1 Lunders tarı ding the Grooved Rim Ware', as tali the varieties of CRW with its varius rim types, forms and decorative features were found in large numbers at this kiln site. Besides, the stratigraphy of the samples alls) i Indicates the' : '1 y, erlapping of (RW with Carlier types.
The leginnings of the Groved Ril Ware tradi. tie. In can by tentati welly ||placed a ri tid the begin lings if this ill Illium. We had a lar vicience L LL LLLLLDLL S0000SS DDLL 00000 Lccc SSL DLaS LlLEE | 1 (RW overlapped with TRRW in the 1 (1-13th LSLaLLLL LS S LLSLLLS S LE EC LcLLL aaLL LL LLL LLLCLLL 'yers. The surface layers of Kan irotai also hear t:1 sam14 ||1:1| mk | mt or } I1,
Page 118
In Jaffna, the GRW is found in large duantities in the late medieval sites throughout the Peninsula. In many sites it was found along with TRRW, 11-13 Century medieval COinS, and with Cetu coins. In Some other sites, where the type appears alone, Cetu, Dutch and early British coins were found associated. Certain varieties of this ware Survive to this day.
Hence, the archaeological site at Irupalai is very
significant as this is the only kiln site found in the Peninsula providing evidence of the local production of GRW, besides bearing varieties of the Ware.
Interestingly, it was noticed that Some of the GRW rim as well as body sherds found here were black and red. Such sherds were also noticed at Kautarimunai. However, it needs further Confirmation to say that the black and red mode of production survived to the times of GRW.
The beginnings of the rupalai potters' Settlement can be assigned to C.13-14 century A.D., as it provided evidence in its lower layers to the overlapping of GRW with a late variety of TRRW. The potters' settlement Continues to this day.
List of pottery types
5.3/? /M 8.1/ /M 8.1/IV /M 8.6/ /M 8.6/V /M 9.1/VI/M
List of other finds
1. Half round tiles 2. Paving bricks
Explorations and Excavations 103
Plate 97 : Pottery types - Irupalai (from the abandoned kiln site).
y - ?
туре 5
cm le-et-re-----
Type 9
Page 119
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Page 120
Latitur :
אן "25 '12. ס9
Longitude :
80° 04' 12" x
One inch sheet no
|affna AA 21, 22 A 1, 2
Mosaic sheet no
Yoro,
It lies by the side of the Jaffna - Point Pedro Road at Kiipai,
Plare, 93 : Sparcel y 5frewn TRRW sherds of Rid camdriikai,
Explorations and Excavations 105
Rācamālikai - Kopāi
Descriptol
The whole spot is a mound, with an elevation higher than the neighby) Luring a reas. Su CC 255 iwe layers of structural retains were observed, Bricks, limes torne slabs and half-round tiles were moticed on the surface, Bricks were found in plenty in heavy concentrations. At present, there are a few modern houses om the site.
Styl
Alkali and saline,
Witor r33LIrc's
Wells yield freshwater, There are a few ponds in the surroundings and a flood outlet or a ditch known as Kotta Wiikkalencircles the mound.
Grazing-land :
Available in the paddy-fields and in the lagoon Coast grassland east of the site.
Presert Cutivatfor :
Paddy lands are found to the east of the site towards the Upparu lagoon. On the West, wegetable and banana gardens are located.
Availability of Lilding lateria
LirTimestcorne is awdi lable i the red stil a read and clay in the Upparu lagoon coast,
L) ls Josi típr) :
The site is in the natural passage that stretches along the Upparu lagoon Coast. This passage seems to have later developed as a main trunk rute commecting Na||tur ad other Walikāmam settlements with Watar Ilaritici.
Page 121
706 Early Setter lents in Jaffna
Rerriarkis :
According to Finistoriographnica | literaturige and chronicles, Kopai was a second capital for the kings of Jaffna where they had a fort and residence, It is only about 5 km from Nallur, a place known from the Chila times and which was the capital of the kings of Jaffna till the advent of Portuguese.
The word kopā may possibly render a maning the residente L}f the king' [Kõ – king: Pãỉ – mat, aso a Scat in usage). Při denoting a place of LaaLLmLLLLLLL LLLL LLLL C LCLLLLS L LLLL LLLL LLL LCS w hawe marn y place rnames im Jaffrina with the
Liffix Pi.
The Cronquista of Queyrozo" mentions Köpāli as a fortress belonging to the affna kings, where king Cankili took refuge when Nallur was sacked by the Portuguese, Later, Kopai also was captured by them
The sit socms to be potential for understanding the origins and Collapse of the kingdom of Jaffna. At present, it is heavily overlaid with successive deposits. Only an excavation is likely to reveal the origins of this settlement which may come into the time span of this research,
Records mention the Construction of a Portuguese church on the site which was later demolished by the Dutch. Local people refer to the presence of skeletal remains in the site and in the nearby pond,
However, in our survey, we were fortunate enough to Collect a few potsherds of Thick Rim Red Warc along the section of the ditch that surrounds the site. This helps to tentatively give the lower date of this site around the beginnings of this millennium, if not earlier,
List of oth gr firgi's
1. Polished lisnestone sliabs 2, Bricks
List s}f JOtter' í ''[J L',
5.2WC
Plate 94 : Limestone 5 labs — Rācamā likai, Kāpā. Pate 95 : Pottery tipos - Rāmakai, Kopā.
Type 5
Туре 8
Lrt 1 ----------
Page 122
Latitude :
9° 43' 40" N
longitude :
80°12'50"E
One in Ch Sheet no :
Point Pedro AA 23 A3, 4
Mosaic sheet no :
A3
Approach .
The site is adjoining the Kavalai Pillaiyar temple to which a road deviates from the MantuvilCaracalai Road, towards lyattalai.
Description :
The site was earlier inspected by Rev. Gnanapirakasar at the beginning of this century. 50 He observed that even in his time people were removing cart loads of bricks from this site. The place is known as Kavalai fort in the local land deeds and in usage. But the One inch sheets note the place as Tavalai. Rev. Gnanapirakasar recorded the place as Talvalai. But we tend to give importance to the name Kalvalai which is in usage and is more meaningful to the site.
The site is a mound of 15-20 acres, with a dense distribution of Structural remains. Large polished limestone slabs and heaps of bricks (15" x 10" X 3') were found to the Surface. Half of the site is now under vegetable Cultivation. It was reported by farmers, that a broad brick wall encircles the mound. This was Confirmed in the Subsequent survey in 1984 (the first Survey was in 1982), and
Explorations and Excavations 107
Kalvalai - Mantuvil
we observed that the walls roughly make a rectangular enclosure. On the western side, the wall runs along the Upparu lagoon, almost undisturbed and covered by Scrub. The relief of the buried wall is prominent on this side. Between the wall and the lagoon, there are Scrub and mangrove. The northern wall is Comparatively short in length. In the east, the wall is not traceable now because of the disturbances caused by the Cultivators and by the brick-robbers. There is a small elongated pond on the eastern side which was probably a part of the moat or was a Source of fresh-water for the residents of the fort. The wall is mostly disturbed on the Southern side also. The limestone foundation and a portion of brick lining were noticed in an uncemented Section of a large well on this side.
It seems that the main entrance was on the eastern
side, in accordance with the tradition of consi
dering east as auspicious for an entrance. This is
confirmed by the location of the Kottai vasal
Pillaiyar temple at the eastern periphery of the site, facing east. Besides, the habitable hinterland
is also on the east, as the other sides of the fort
face the Lagoon and marsh lands.
In 1984, we were fortunate enough to get a hoard of Roman Coins from this site which shed some light on the chronology of this unknown, unrecorded fort site. Out of this hoard, Only 16 coins reached us. All of them belonged to the 4th century A.D. They were the Coins of Constantine, Valentine and Arcadius. A farmer obtained them while burrowing his plot inside the fort. Six of the coins were given to us by Mr. F. P. R. immanuel, then a student of architecture working in this site and the remaining ten were received from the farmer during our visit.
Page 123
108 Early Settlements in Jaffna
Mong
UPPARULAGOON
Scrub
Linnestone Z quorry
Scrub
ല്പ ് )S2ccer 2ಿ سمــ
Z
Alora
KCCC
C O c> Գ»
() Je
JAFFNALAGOON
R.F. 63360 One Inch - One AMile
Plate 96 : Kalvalai, Cankiliyötital, Par
to Pahkunippitti V- 4
Voroņi
Nõvotkõtu
KUtamiyõn
/erokkditu
Pol & C Kokõmam
i o -
Ovo ||
Ketpal ty
SqrUb Pal & C
Shaded areas indicate paddy fields.
kunippiti, Vērakkātu, Kacdi - site map.
Page 124
The site is known for folk worship. The Kottai Vaca Pillaiyar attracts devotees from far away villages. Besides, inside the fort Scrub-forest, there are a number of folk deities. There are folk shrines for Ayyanar, Annamar, Naccimar, Muni, Vīrabhadran, Ūtaikutiyan Kāli (who consumes blood and wine), Kalakantan or Kalamamuni etc. Animal sacrifices are practised even today in these shrines though clandestinely. Also people bring cocks, hens and allow them to wander in the scrub-forest as offerings to their deities. The deities have no images but represented either by stones or by trisulas.
The shrine of Naccimar has no structure at all. A grove of Parai trees is their dwelling. The grove
is fashioned in a way to get a shady space in the
centre with an entrance.
The worship of Annamar and NaCCimar needs Special mention here. Both of them are forms of ancestor worship or warrior-hero worship. Annamar are dead warriors worshipped especially by the present toddy-tappers who were also soldiers earlier. Gnanapirakasar observed that Kalvalai Annamar received offerings in plaited palmyra leaf bowels (pila) which is used for drinking toddy.
Naccimar, originally the worship of Seven maidens, was syncretised in Jaffna with the worship of heroic women who performed sati (self immolation after the death of husband).
All these folk evidences found within Kalvalai fort seem to be faint memories of the warrior life of the fort. Presently, the site is considered as a dwelling of innumerable Spirits.
w
Soil :
Grey loam, or alkali and Saline.
Water resources :
The groundwater here has a peculiar taste, a mixture of various tastes, saline, Sour and acidic. There is a fresh water pond in the eastern side of the mound.
Coastal prospects :
The location is near the Upparu lagoon. It is on the eastern side of the land-bridge or a natural ford that runs across the Upparu lagoon.
Explorations and Excavations 109
Natural vegetation :
Scrub-forest. Palmyra.
Grazing land :
Available in the scrub and in the nearby lagoon side taravai.
Present Cultivation :
Vegetable gardens.
Availability of building material :
The limestone slabs appear to have come from the other parts of the Peninsula. The bricks found here are of a standard size found in other archaeological sites of the Peninsula. The clay Could have been obtained from the Laggon Coast alkali.
Disposition :
The site is located in a strategic area that was vital for communication between Valikamam and other sectors of the Peninsula. The site is in a guarding point of the land-bridge that runs through Upparu and from here it is easy to check movements towards Valikamam. Jaffna peninsula has four traditional sectors with natural boundaries i.e. Valikamam, Vatamarātci, Tenmarāțci and Paccillaippalli. The Kalvalai fort site is in the centre. Probably it was a junction from where the routes deviated to the four sectors.
Secondly, the site adjoins Upparu lagoon which would have provided navigation by small boats to enter the Palk Strait at Tontaimanaru.
Remarks :
The site was not perceived as ruins of a fort earlier. The present survey confirms it as a fort site. Regarding chronology, by the presence of datable Roman Coins, the lower date of occupation of the site can be placed to C.4th century A.D., though it might not have been a fort then. Jaffna enjoyed rich trade Contacts in Roman times. Because of the Communicational potentialities, trade routes might have passed through the site in that time.
The historiographical literature of Jaffna (Yalpana Vaipavamalai) mentions of a Cola general Karunakara Tontaimān (identified as a general of Kulõtunka Cola I (1070-1122), who came to Jaffna and deepended the Upparu lagoon for navigation to
Page 125
110 Early Settlements in Jaffna
export salt. This was how the Lagoon adjoining the site gained the name Upparu and its mouth at Palk Strait becamelontaimanaru. Interestingly, we heard a legend at Kalvalai, mentioning the construction of the fort by Karunakara Tontainman. It is a reasonable speculation to attribute the origins of the fort to the times of Cola occupation in Jaffna.
12th century Cola inscriptions of the times of Rājādhirāja I (1163-1179 A.D.) list the forts and naval centres of northern Sri Lanka, where battles were fought with the Sri Lankan king Parakramabahu I. The inscriptions mention Mattival (Mattuvil) as a strategic place along with Urātturai (Kayts), Pulaicēri (?) and Mātōtam (Māntai). Mattuvi is now the name of the neighbouring village of Kalvalai fort.
According to Portuguese records, 51 in 16th century, after losing the capital Nallur, Cankili, the king of Jaffna fled to Kopai, north of Nallur. When Kopai also was sacked, he further fled to a safe place amidst lagoon and mangrove, and proceeded to Vanni. Both Nallur and Kopai are along the Upparu lagoon. If Cankili fled further of Kopai, most probably the place was Kalvalai fort. The description of the place also tallies. However, by this time the fort might have lost its importance as the Portuguese records did not mention it by
name.
The "Kalvalai Antati composed by Nallur Cinnat
tampi Pulavar of the Dutch times is said to be attributed to the Kavalai fort pillaiyar temple,
though many attribute the literature to another Kalvaļai pillaivār in Cantilipāi.
The place name Kalvalai has a significant meaning in the context of this site as it means a stone fortress. (Kal — stone; valai — an encompassed area). The Tamil word valakam (campus) derived from valai (valaiyakam — valakam). In another current usage valai denotes a burrow or hiding place as in the cases of elivalai, mu yal valai etc. (rathole, rabbit hole). In Jaffna a few more place names are found with this suffix Valai. Probably, in old Jaffna Tamil usage they denoted encompassed settlements or fenced lands.
The site is in imminent danger of being totally disturbed by the farmers. Preservation should be initiated immediately. We are sure that further studies and excavations will certainly establish the place as an important archaeological site of the Peninsula. "
List of pottery types
A large spout ware resembling CRW, with eight spouts was found.
List of other finds :
1. Bricks (size 28 X 20 X 6 cms)
2. 16 Roman coins were found in a hoard. Most of them are of the times of Valentine, Constantine and Arcadius. The Coins are yet to be studied in detail.
Page 126
Latitude :
90 44' 10" N
Longitude :
80Ꮙ 13' 20" Ꭼ
One inch sheet no :
Point Pedro A^ 23, A3, 4
Mosaic sheet no :
A3
Approach :
The site is in Varani along the Varani-Kotikamam Road.
Description :
The area is a mound of considerable height, one side facing the paddy-fields and part of the Upparu lagoon, (Tampanai Katal), and the other side facing the Varani-Kotikamam road. A Scant distribution of Grooved Rim ware sherds was noticed in the site.
Soil :
Alkali and saline (grey loam).
Water resources :
Wells yield moderately saline-free water even in SUner.
Explorations and Excavations 111
Cankiyatital - Varani
Coastal prospects :
The Tampanai Katal lagoon is in the vicinity. The lands reclaimed from the Lagoon are under paddy Cultivation.
Grazing-land
Taravai grasslands are used for grazing.
Present Cultivation :
Paddy.
Disposition :
The site is located in the patch of land that is a
and-bridge acorss the Upparu lagoon.5
Remarks
The site was earlier recorded by Rev. Gnanapirakasar. 3+ The dàte of the Site, indicated by the pottery falls Outside Our Scope, but the report is included as the site is situated on an early commu
nication line of the Peninsula, discussed in the thesis. 55
List of pottery types :
8.1//M 8.3/? /M
Page 127
112 Early Settlements in Jaffna
Pankunippitti — Varani
Latitud :
go 44' [][]" Ի
Longit L (de :
8{) o 14' 10" E
Ong inch Sheet no :
Point Pedro A* 23 A3 4
Mosaic Sheet C ,
ዶኳ3
Approach .
The site is located adjoining the paddy fields east of the Warani church.
Les Criptforl
It is a mound site, covered by palmyra and scrub. Structural remains like tiles, bricks and stones were noticed in an acre of land,
ŠuiI :
Alkali and saline,
Water res) LCS
Moderately saline-free water is available in the paddy-fields.
Coastal prospects :
The Watamaratici lagoon is nearby.
Nat Lura vegetatic r) :
Palmyra and scrub.
Grazing-arid
Paddy-fields provide grazing-land.
Prescent Cru / jwafferm :
Paddy in a small stretch of land,
Disposif for :
The |location Could hawe been on the wayside of a route that connected Tenmaratici with Watamaratci. Probably there was an old ford nearby to Cross the Lagoon,
Remarks :
Structural remains found in the site could not give any clue to its nature, The tiles found here were of the grooved type, but stylistically evolved from the other groclywed tilles we found in the rest of the early sites. Tentatively the site could be assigned to the early centuries of this millennium, This site was wisited and recorded by Rew. (Gnanapi rakasar."“
List of other finds 1. Tiles
Pada PW : Forf 5ffe, KCCÒi.
Page 128
Latitude :
90 41' 20" N
Longitude :
8Oo 11'55" E
One inch Sheet no :
Point Pedro AA 23 A3 4
Mosaic sheet no :
A3
Approach
Between Mantuvii and Micalai, it is marked in the One Inch sheet as Veratital (mounds).
Description :
The area is of high Sand-dunes, covered by Scrub. A new housing Scheme is coming up in this site. Very sparse distribution of Thick Rim Red Ware and Grooved Rim Ware sherds was noticed.
Soil . .
Dune-Sand. The Sand dune formation in Jaffna is a result of the accumulation of sand brought by the sea currents from the river deltas of the east Coast of India. The Vatamaratci sand bar, where even now Sand acCumulates is geologically a recent formation. The Veratital dune Sand Site is in the interior of the Peninsula, west of the Tontaimanaru lagoon. Hence the formation of these dunes must be earlier than that of the Vatamaratci and must be earlier than the formation of Vatamaratci-Paccillaippalli Sandbar and the Tontainmanaru lagoon.
Fresh water resources :
The wells are moderately free from Salinity.
Explorations and Excavations 113
vērakkātu
Coastal prospects :
Nil. Should Come either to Kaccai or to CavakacCeri for coastal outlet.
Natural vegetation :
Scrub and palmyra. The scrub in these areas is generally known as alampal. This natural vegetation grows as a bush. When dry, the sticks and twigs of the bush are used to make wattle fences in contrast to the Coralstone pakir fences of the islands off Jaffna and Coastal areas. The use of alampal is a localised practice confined to Vatamaratci, Pacciaippalli and parts of Tenmaratci areas in the Peninsula and in Vanni. Kirifia alampal is a popular variety used for this purpose.
Present cultivation :
Ni |
Grazing-land.
Scrub provides fodder.
Disposition .
The site could have been located in the Communication line between Vatamaratci and Tenmaratci.
Remarks :
The site was inspected and recorded by Rev. Gnanapirakasar. 57 The local legends describe this place as a ruined palace complex. Our pottery analysis dates this site to the times of the
The place name Verakkatu derived from an economically important natural vegetation, Chaya root (Ver — chãya root).
Page 129
114 Early Settlements in Jaffna
Kaccai
Latitude
9° 39' 9" N
Longitude :
80C 12" 10" E
One inch Sheet no :
Point Pedro AA 23 A3, 4
Mosaic sheet no
A3
Approach :
The site is between the Kaccai Junction and the Kaccai Jetty.
Description :
This is a mound site Consisting of structural remains, where bricks and Grooved Rim Ware pottery were found in an area of around 5 acres.
The site is known by several names : Muniyankatu Kottaipitti, Patiritóttam etc.
Soil .
Grey loam or alkali and saline.
Water resources :
Wells provide moderately saline-free water.
Coastal prospects :
The site is near the Kaccai Jetty. According to a literary Source, Kaccai was an important naval centre and was a port during the times of the kingdom of Jaffna. 58 The importance of Kacca continued up to British times, for it was a
convenient port for the people of Tenmaratici and Vatamaratci to get to the mainland across the Lagoon to reach Punakari. Kaccai became a ghost port after the advent of the Kerativu ferry. Now it is only a small fishing centre.
Natural vegetation :
Palmyra and scrub.
Grazing-land :
Scrub-land is used for grazing.
Present Cultivation :
Presently the whole site is under vegetable cultivation.
Disposition :
As described earlier, the site was in a strategic position for the settlements of Tenmaratci, and Vatamaratci to communicate with the mainland in the South.
Remarks :
There are many legends relating to this site, associating it with the Tamil kings, the Portuguese and the Dutch. The remains on the surface
belong to a later period, may be the times of the Europeans. But there is a possibility of finding
earlier remains underneath, as the site is mentioned in the works of the Tamil kings of Jaffna.58
List of pottery types :
5.2/V/C 8.3/? /M
Page 130
Psafe 98 : Potsherds including ECBRW sherds and cofile remc probed while the earth was being scooped at Araikköffai. Wh firmed in this rescue operation. Sacrifficing an oxen or buffaloe Northeastern India ond in Southeast Asso. Sacrificing a chicken week fis still corn ritorn irn Joffru.
Explorations and Excavations 775
Anaikkottai (Excavation)
ains found in sifu in fhe un recoraded french fhiaf was hurriedy either if was o sacrifice or on onfrnal buriol could not be conin connection with a Megalithic burros hold been recorded in
In the Cremotorium for those who died or certain days of a
Page 131
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q. 5 Rem N-9. O
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Cemetery
ཡོད། r
R.F. 1: 600
Plate 99 : Survey map indicating the Scooped-out portic mound) Anaikkottai.
haining Mound
Scooped-out area
Paddy Fields
on and the trench at the Megalithic burial mound (Karaiyampitti
Page 132
Introduct for
The Änaikkiõttai Megalit hic moLund was in immiment danger from earth Scoopers at the time of its discovery. 59 Hence, a rescue excavation was organised by the Department of History, University of Jaffna. This was financed by a special research grant from the University of Jaffna and was conducted by three of us, Prof. K. Indrapala (Director), Dr. S.K. Si trampalam and the Author, Staff, students and a few past students of the various departments of the University of Jaffna took part is the excavation. The work was Conducted for 7 days in two spells, from 6-12-1980 to 8-12-1980 and from 13-12-1980 to 1-12-198).
Mr. S. Krishnarajah and Mr. W.P. Siwanathan, staff of the Dept. of History, and the Dept. of Economics hawe taken the photographs of the excavation, Mr. R. Ceran of the Faculty of Science has prepared the drawings of pottery and other finds. Surveying and levelling of the site were done by a team of staff members from the Department (of Geography, Mr, A. Kanapathi pillai and Mr. S.B. Rajeswara were responsible for the Survey and for the preparation of the site map.
LLLLLL LLLL SS LLCLLLLL CHMu LLLLLL LLaLLHHL LL LLL LLGLLL LLLLLL
Explorations and Excavations 177
The ay out of the trenches :
Three spots of the disturbed mound were selected for the trenches. One was abandoned as we found it totally disturbed by the earth scoopers. Another, which was partially disturbed was hurridly dug, as it was being scooped out to fill up the Nawaturai reclanation project. Traces of anitial bones were found here is association with the Megalithic pottery, This pit could not be recorded Systematically because of the pace of scooping for the Gowerm rTmernt reclanTha tio ni project.
The trench which was corf paratively better recorded was laid adjoining the wall of the remaining mound so that it could yield a ful stratigraphical section of the mound in relation to the implementiferous layers. This trench was original|ly 7" X 13" in size and was extended later.
Stratigraphy :
The trench as mentioned earlier was dug facing a section of the already dug-outportion of the mound. This was recorded as the wester section of the trench. Three layers had already been exposed in this section by the earth scoopers,
! burials Sk and Sk, were found.
Page 133
7.18 Early Settler lents in Jaffna
Layers I and || were non-implementiferous. Layor I was a conglomeration of oyster, Conch, snail shells and Coral stones. This layer was probably formed while the cultivators deepened the adjoining fields and heaped the dug-out earth. Such practice is still seen on the site.
Layer II was of wind-deposited yellow sand. This could have been the original covering layer when the site was abandoned,
Plate T07 : Western section of the french - strofigraphy. . ferous silt in which burial 5k was found: W. implementefer wirgin soil.
Layer III and layer IW were implementiferous. Initially they were recorded as 3A and 3B, as we Could not find any yisible sigris te y differentiate them. But later the colour photographs of the section helped to draw the differentiating line. The photographs made it clear that the burials, Ski and Sk2 were positione in two different layers, Ski preceding Ski chronologically. In this report we equate layer II and layer IW with 3A and 3B respectively, Layer W was of wirgin soil,
shes cum lines fore rubble; J. wind-blown sand, III, implementeous dark brown silt in which burio Sk wos found, W, Makki" -
Page 134
The burias .
The Burial Ski was found in the layer IV immediately beneath an arranged heap of grf 'v'd tilts. These grooved tiles were piled one upon the other ir rari orderly fashion.
The Burial wys ar 1 textended in hurmatic orienter| west t) ast sind th' Skelet in was ar und 5' in height. The hands were found fided in the front. The skull was damaged because it palmı'y'Ta r i r t that rarı through thi - gery və s. yok-t
Remains (of a variety it buria | Ufferings wyerfound placed around the skeletor, There were crab shells, edible Oyster shells, edible conch LCCLCCt LLLLL LCLL LLLCCL LLLLtLLa LGCCaaL LLLc cLLLLL LLL flesh, turtle shell, various kinds of fish vertebra. and animal buries, obviously remains of the food items that were offered to the deceased,
The Containers of these of Terings were Early Carinated Black and Red Ware dishes and lowls, other Black dnd Red Wares, Early Red Ware lots etc. A few sherds were found with graffiti Ilarks.
Numerous fish bole-points with their natural needle eyes and polished shark vertebrae were found along with the burial, Some of the were
: Plafe T 03 : A, Eorprize seca, probably the front přece Cf CJ signer ring, found in an ECERW dish placed near the skull of the buri | Ski
Expr if is ris and Excava firls 79
FIfF Q? : Bursc1 k
Triind arc Imid the melk of the skeletom, Probably t:1t:", 'ኳ'ኒ'፬ 'Ig ' List ti .15 ן וr Fחידוי וידוי ו. ר -
Man X umopened cumch she||s were alšo foLInd tLLLaLLLL LLLL guLLgLLLLtH HOtL LL CCLLaL HLaaLLL LLLLLL aaE signifying the strial List ris."
LtE SgS LLLLL LLL LLL LLL LLLLLE LLL LLLLaa LrLaLCLL if( iturik! : ale 1 fing o','','ith the , bi urt al.,
The most interesting find of the excavation was LtaLA LL L LLLLLLLLSL LLLgL LLLL Haam Lt ALLLLL LL LLLt gLa agaaHS L EE LES LLGGLEc AaL L LLLL LLCcS LaaatLSLLLLS LLL LLLLGL LLSLaa LLL LLLGGaSL LL LLCL LS LLLLaLS aa S LLLLLLaa KmLSLLL LLtLLSS aaaaLLLLS aLLLLLLL L SLSSaSLLLLLLS LGGLLLLLLLS aLLLL LLL LLLS S aaL LLLLL La LLLLLL SLLL LLLLy LLLLLLLH aL aESat LLLLLLS aa LLLLLL LL acc aLL aLLSL LLSSS LLC acL LLLLL L CCCCCL | | - signet ring 18 wCo found fragITILrts ( + rift. If irrin stra in the sail it dish
Page 135
720 Early Settlerrents in Jaffna
The other burial Sk2, was of the same orientation parallel to Ski, and was laid south of it. This was slightly shorter than Ski, measuring around 4'9", This skeleton was observed in the layer || which is a later layer than the layer IW from which Ski was obtained. The burial was found in a bed of oyster shells.
The burial pottery and the offerings were similar to that if burial Ski, However, there are certain special features : Rouletted Ware sherds; a Lakshri plaque coin found near the feet of the skeleton; fragments of an iron dagger and am iron lampo; paste and carnelian beads,
Plate T04: An iron lamp found with burial Sk, The lamp have had a lower pedes fall which disintegrated. Thig lamp , were found fr1 fhe rus fed bar rorT7,
Plate 705 : 2 - 75 layers of groowed files were found het photograph is the section of the file-layers just above the le
".
in the shope of on "okal vilakku' wifi o nob on the top, seems to was seen placed on a bed of oyster shells, the impressions of which
aped in an arronged manner obove the burias Sk. Seen in the ags of the buffol.
Page 136
Excavation remarks :
The culture unveiled at the Anaikkottai-Karaiyampitti mound has been identified as Megalithic by this rescue excavation. This Culture was essentially a south Indian phenomenon. 6' Recent researches point out that the entire lsland of Sri Lanka was under the influence of this Culture.95 The current understanding is that during protohistoric times the Megalithic Culture was a common Cultural Stratum both in South India and in Sri Lanka, and this culture was responsible for the dawn of history in both these regions.
The Anaikkottai megalithic Culture was identified on the strength of the following Griteria, Common to the various types of Megalithic burials found in south India and in Sri Lanka :
The practice of ceremonial burial. The Megalithic Black and Red pottery. . The nature of the burial offerings. Evidences of iron technology and iron tools. . The Megalithic graffiti on the pottery.
The specific type of the surface features of these Megalithic burials could not be determined in our rescue excavation as the top layers were already disturbed. They were only extended inhumations. There is a probability that the 1012 layers of tiles heaped in arrangement above the burial Sk, itself could be a Megalithic burial feature. This burial belonged to someone important, as indicated by the royal seal found amidst the offerings. Hence, a unique feature like arranged tiles might have marked his burial. It should be noted that the Megalithic burial features vary, though they retain Common characteristics like the Concept of burial, offerings, pottery, the presence of iron etc.
Another burial feature found at Anaikkottai (during the exploration on 29-11-1980) was a partially damaged large urn, containing Small ECBRW sherds, Conch shells, aquatic food remains and bones. The urn was found at a spot about 3 meters east from the rescue pit. This was in the same disturbed layer. On another recent visit to the site, (January 1983) we noticed fairly big boulders placed around skeletal remains in a freshly disturbed spot near our rescue pit. Boulders were occasionally noticed in the disturbed sector of the mound. The material of some of
Explorations and Excavations 121
Konfarotai 500 B.C. Anoikkottoi 300 B.C.
Black and Red Ware
x: Block and Red Ware in ossociation with Megalithic culture.
Plate 706 : Black and Red Ware and Megalithic culture - distribution pattern. (Modified after Vimala Sahney 1965).
these boulders is alien to the Peninsula, while that of the remaining are local limestones.
On the basis of these observations, the prevalence of the following types of Megalithic burials at the Anaikkottai mound could be envisaged :
1. Extended inhumation, without surfacial
features. Extended inhumation with heap of tiles. Urn burial.
Stone circle. A single boulder like a hood-stone.
:
Concerning the chronology, the burials excavated can be dated between 3rd century B.C. and the dawn of the Christian era. The first burial can be assigned to 3rd or 2nd century B.C. on the strength of the palaeography of the seal found near the skull of Sk,66. The second burial is a later one
Page 137
72? Early Seffler 77 erns, ir Jaffra
Plate 707 : The wafers around Jaffno yield good quality C Jaffna to various countries. The conch found its way into the " conch is 0 food. The shell is used to produce bangles, other c listic value. With a hole drilled on the top, it is blown to make temples as well as in funerals. Besides its use in the temple cer of good orner. The ritual character of conch shells can be tra the feet of burial Sk, r o ereriorial way
rificl . H | I assigled I , fie dawn of the Christian ''' () is it yield". R. Littled Wire. At present out dating it the burials solely depends in a relative methodigy based in palaeography and frittery t\|iology which is subiect to revision. These tentative dates, arrived at for the Anaikkot ta. Megalit hiç bLirials, tend to fall into the beginnings ut early histor 1 : period and ne | rthistoric in the South Asian context of periodisation." Hence, Considering the milieu of Mk*ւ:1- |thic Culture in South India, a term lat. yle:alithi' Itāv bio preferred for this burials, e vern th: }Լյքl, | | 1 , . In text of affna, this probably Iihark the existor (* Of a protohist : 1 phase he
onch she'ls. Un fi rexent filmes it was o maior export frem from se style of the people Since early times. The med' inside the 've Froments and to feed infants. It is also a sacred object of rituaa loud sound, which is considered auspicious. It is blown both in emonies, it is fixed in the thresholds and in the steps as an object ced back to Megalir hic filmes since they were found placed near
The Anaikkottai burial mound alone seems to ttLLc LLLLL L LLLLa KaHH LL LLL LCC L0000 LLLaaa LaS indic :: lt: '{| b) y llwyr i available strancis, ai palace - graphical 'vid'I CCS ranging from the 3rd century B.C. to the 3rd century A.D." The possibility of finding stills letor tt Irils in 11is 111 und Cannot 1 ruli (d. Lit since at Kartar Lai the C. dates for this Cultural phase go back to 500 B.C., which is ( Evio » Li sly [orc ot shi & Lc »ri« ...
The significane of N.1egalit hic Culture in the CCItext of the History ol lar na and the settlement anc subsistence pattern analysis are discussed
el, ywhere in this thesis.71
Page 138
The
The decipherment of the Anaikkottai Seal by Prof. K. Indrapala and the author's opinion on the seal legend are given in the appendix I.
formation of the Anaikkottai mounds :
The landscape of the Anaikkottaisite is something peculiar to the Peninsula. At present, the whole area is under paddy Cultivation and the paddy fields are dotted with high mounds. Many of these mounds are now fast vanishing because of the rise in demand for earth as fill up in the nearby city.
The stratigraphical observations made by uS in the partially disturbed mounds and the Section of the Anaikkottai rescue pit, help us to form an idea of the formation of these mounds.
At the burial mound, the skeleton and the burial offerings were observed mostly lying on or slightly above an Oyster shell cum silt layer. The burials were overlaid by 2'-3' wind blown non-implementiferous loose earth.
These layers are usual phenomena in the land that emerged by the retreat of lagoon. The Oyster shell cum silt layer marks the former lagoon bed. The loose silt and the covering Sand denotes the action of the wind of the lagoon had receded.
The Megalithic burials would have taken place when the surface of the then landscape was the wind-blown silt. The burial practice continued for a few centuries before the site was abandoned. After several centuries the paddy Cultivators reclaimed the lands. They deepened the fields to allow more rain water to be collected. The SCOoped out earth - especially the unwanted Coral boulders and the shells - was heaped on certain spots and in this manner the artificial mounds arose in the paddy fields. For heaping they must have selected comparatively higher spots, already existing. Likewise, the Spot of the Megalithic burials, was selected to heap the dump, and thus the burial Stratum was preserved until the arrival of the recent earth scoopers.
There are some mounds in the area which contain only the heaped earth of shell remains and Coral from top to bottom. They seem to be completely manmade. There are some other mounds, again
Explorations and Excavations 123
manmade, with disturbed artifacts and bone remains in all the layers.
List of pottery types
1.1/ /M 1.1//M 2.1/l/M 2.1/III/C 3.1/III/M 3.2/III/M 4.1/? /F 4.5/? /F 5 1/III/M
Graffiti marks were found in the BRW and Early Red Ware body sherds. v
Types 4.1, 4.5 and 5.1 were not obtained along with Sk1. They were found in the burial Sk2.
Plate 108 : Graffiti marks on potsherds - Anaikkottai excavation finds.
Early Red Ware sherd
Black and Red Ware sherds
Page 139
124 Early Settlements in Jaffna
list of Finds From the From the
Disturbed excavation surface pit
1. Bone Objects
a. Bone points 3 Kama
b. Vertebrae bones 153
(animal)
C. Vertebrae bones 66
(shark and other scoliodons)
d. Vertebrae bones a 52
with projecting points (both fish and animal)
e. Fish bones 3 54
f. Catfish jawbones 4 g. Turtle shell fragments 1 11 h. Crab shell fragments 2 7 i. Bone beads (unpolished) 3 j. Bone beads? (polished) 4 k. Bone fragments 251 512
(animals and birds) ... Animal teeth 1. 19
m. Shell fragments ' == 7
n. Conch shells Innumerable 10
o. Oyster shells ܫ innumerable
2. Stone Objects
a. Rubbing stones or pestle 4
StOneS b. Sling stone 1 " sus
3. Metal Objects
1. Copper a. Rod - resembles an 1
ancient hairpin - b. Bent strap (fragment) 1 حسن
c. A bronze Seal (See an 1
appendix II, Burial Sk) d. A Lakshmi plaque coin amus 1
(Burial Sk) e. A Roman coin (legend not 1
clear)
Iron
DaggerS Small iron points Spear heads
Other iron tools
Iron slags
Iron lamp (Akal vilakku)
Other Objects
Charcoal lumps
Paste beads
Terracotta disc
25
Page 140
Plate 770 : Conch shells broke-opened to extra
Explorations and Excavations 125
ct the meat - Anaikkottai excavation finds.
Page 141
126 Early Settlements in Jaffna
Plate 777 : Pottery types -
The ECBRW dish placed near the skull of b
• " ў “
K4
• ح۹
o
r p
r
e t
%
a
مي "
Anaikkottai (excavation).
Y
H
Type 3
Type 5
urial Sk, in which the bronze seal was found.
Page 142
Catt
french B. Kiirafnagar.
Pfag 1 12
Explorations and Excavations 727
antai - Kārainagar (Excavation)
Page 143
Early Settlements in Jaffnd
Introduction :
TF
The Cattirantai excavation was in fact, a rescue operation, as the trenches were dug in haste and without proper facilities, while earth-scooping was going on in the duries.',
Iwo pits were dug in a plot belonging to Mr. Kandasamy, one in January 1981 and the other in October 1981 with the guidance of Pro T. K. In drappala. On both occasions the digging was conducted with the help of the members of our Archaeological 5 L','' to El 11.
The aim of the rescue work was just to deter Thine the nature and the potentialities of the site before the evidences were destroved for ever.
trenchos and the stra (igrdshy
The rescue pits are referred to here as "A" (January 1981) and "B" (October 1981), Both of them were dug at the spots where already the top earth had been removed by the sand-scoopers,
Pit. A was 10' X 10' in size and it was laid at the north-western cuEner of the premises of Mr. Kardasamy. When we started the dig, we were nearly 5' lower than the top of the mound, and about 3' higher than the level of the neighbouring paddy fields.
The layers already scooped-out by the sand-SCOOpers at this spot were non-implementiferous, except for occasional bones without any association. Thus, the situation was favourable for us to dig the impleITnenti feroLu5 |a yer fn sf tL/.
The stratigraphy could not be clearly recorded because of the rescue nature of the excavation. The soil of the mound was of hard clay corresponding to the soil of the neighbouring fields, in the trench A, from the surface where we started the dig. three layers were observed
the soil of the layer was comparatively loose and light in colour, This layer had a fragilent of a skull without any association. This layer was observed only in the eastern section of the trench.
Layer II was the implementiferous layer of around 2' thick, and here we found the skeletal remains, with associated burial offerings, layer ill was the virgin layer of white coral stones. The burial
Plate 773 : Strofigraphy - French A, Castronto, Koirai. nagor 1. Lighf-brown 5il, sferile 2, Dark - Brown 5isk ir which rhe WMcgolff hic burials were found 3. Coral bed - rock,
was immediately above this natural Coral stone layer.
Pit B, which we laid in October 1981 was on the southern side of the premises, between the house and the fence. Even this trench was laid in a place where the top earth had already been ΓεΠη ανατ.
The surface of the trench, when we started the dig was around 4" from the top of the mound, and it was dug to another 4" till we reached the Coral stone layer. The excavation was less
Page 144
Plafe 7 7 4 : Trg nchi A, Kardiri ugar
successful than the previous one as the trench was found heavily disturbed by later 'epidemic burials". Two layers were found her. The upper layer contained a number of skeletal remains mixed with artifacts and the lower layer, Coral 5tes,
The burials
The two skeletal remains obtained in the trench A layer || were extremely decayed so that only
their residues could be observed,
One could easily differentiate these skeletons from the 'epidemic skeletons' found in the premises. These epidemic skeletons were in a good preserved condition and were found without association, But the two skeletons of the trench 'A' were found with in sitt plottery, and with burial offerings.
Both of them were around 5" in height; prie was oriented east to west and the other, west to east.
The burial offerings were found to be identical with those found in the Anaikkottai burials," but the Karainagar offerings were comparatively less in quantity. The burial offerings were found piaced around the skeleton in dishes, bowls and pots. The traceable remains of the offerings
Exploratřons and Excavation, T29
ஒரு 83 இO0
Bre ed
(o) (OO
Fol- :+1,
النقل
üIIዝኸ
Siri : F 5 H2||
* “ı içi :lı hı: İlake
Plafc 75 : Finds from trench A, Kdrainagar
Plafe T 16 : Pit B was excavored in an already disturbed spor. Mofe the bund along the fence that marks the original 5urfaco.
were fish vertebrae bones and Tragile animal bones. In one instance, these bone remains were found in situ in an ECBRW dish. Crab shells, Cattle tooth, paste beads, cat fish law bones and a microlithic flake of quartz were also obtained along with the offerings.
Page 145
730 Early Settlements in Jaffna
The burials of the troCh B indicated a possible disturbance that took place in the Illegalithic layer presumably by the late epidemic burials, In the 10' X 1 O' trench itself we found early 8 full skeletons and portions of some Torskeletons all haphazardly placed. However Megalithic ECBRW. Cyther early pot ter y el nel past: bocads, were found in the disturbed implementiferous layer of the trenih but slot in 5. st J.
The pe offer y types :
T
As a classified list of pottery is given at the end of this report, only certain salient features are discu 55 el here. The Jottery types are bir Tıilar to those 2 Lusually found in the Megalithic: la Luria | sites.
This is one of the five sitts of the Jaffna peninsula where the Early Carinated Black and Reil Ware was obtained. However, this ware f Karainagar is Comparatively Carster ir textura than that of Kantarātai ir Ālaikkōtai,
The interesting aspect of the BRW sherds was the graffiti marks, Three sherds were found with the graffiti marks, like the Brahmi Ma', twin tridents and a fish symbol within brackets. A thin fine ware, grey Jr (Prie side and Orange in the other was also found a mong the pattery of one of the burials, We are not sure whether it is an associated ware of Rouletted Ware or any other type earlier than that. In fact, no Rouletted ware sherds were found in the trenches, but they were collected on the surface.
uther ffrids :
A special finds list is annexed. Hence only certain special points are discussed here.
Iron was not found in the trenches, but iror slags were available on the surface of the site.
The presence of a microlithic flake of quartz as an offering in the Megalithic burial which yielded no iron implements is something significant. Quartz is an alien material to Jaffna.
Excavation remarks :
We determine the Culture found in this rescue excavation as Megalithic, based on the criteria mentioned in the Anaikkottai report.”
Pafe : Trench B. Caffrontai, Kidroinogor,
The archaeological re C1r 1st Tjectic » Lili i terpretatorn of this CLltural Context follyw iri ti suscluent chaplers," Hence this report deals only with the brillem of chronology.
It is difficult to arrive at ever a tertative date without the help of absolute dating mothods, In addition, Confusion is caused by the 'epidemic burials". However om typologica|| grounds and on the Strength of the pottery sexuence established, it may he possible to arrive at a date not later than the beginnings of the Christian era. The absence of Rolletted Ware and iron implements in the pits, the comparatively Coarse texture of the ECBRW pottery and the microlithic flake as a burial offering may even push back the date of the site. As the la tibi is Llı El rearest point to the sub-continent and is situated in the entrance to the Jaffna lagoon, ther are possibilities for the first arrivals of the Megalithic folk to select this place to settle. A full-fledged excavation in the undisturbed portir (f the fluid will Certainly reveal valuable information on the early settlers of the Peninsula.
Page 146
List of pottery types :
1.1/ /C 1.1/II/C 3.3/? /C 3.4/l/M 3.5/l/M
5.2/V/V
A fine thin ware similar to type 4.6 (interior Saffron and exterior grey with Saffron patches) was obtained in the excavation pits. However, these sherds were Comparatively coarse and distinctly differ from the Type 4 wares.
Coarse Black and Red Ware sherds were found in abundance in the excavation pit. As we didn't
a a
ECBRW sherd
Plate 778 : Graffiti marks on potsherds
Explorations and Excavations 131
get any BRW rim sherd other than type 1, we could not determine the existence of type 2. Only by the shape of the body sherds they were assigned to type 2. However, type 2 was found on the Surface.
List Of Other finds from Trench A :
1. Two polished shark vertebrae, probably used
as beads.
2. One bone bead.
3. Two paste beads.
One starfish shell with a hole in the Centre; probably used as a bead. Two pieces of cattle teeth. Fragments of Small bones. Cat fish jaw bones. Crab shell fragments. A microlithic flake of quartz.
4.
Block ond Red Wore sherd
ul
- Finds from trench A, Karainagar.
Page 147
132 Early Settlements in Jaffna
Type 1
Plate 779 : Pottery types - Ca
Page 148
SETTLEMENT ANDS
a primitive lagoon fishing de
the borrom and an opening on the top. It is placed in
"Karo pou
PJE 20 :
S
are picked through the fo,
melo / replicas of an earlier Cane model.
, crobese,
The f'rapped fis
Explorat iroris aard Ex Cavať forms 733
UBSISTENCE PATTERNS
twice, is still surviving in Jaffna. The equipment has an insef at the shallow waters of the lagoon, the inlet facing the current, рорепіпg. The specimens, photographed at Koccбі јеfту, аге
Page 149
LLLLLL 0 S MLLLLLLS LLLGLLGLLL LL0aaLLLLL LLGLLL LLLLL LCLLLLCLLL accessible sources like the dune-Sand groundwater and nafural by the early inhabitants. Seer in the photograph is a tiny lotus E
frties fore crusf.
1 role, determining the location of an early Seri seriens, Fasily sink-holes in the MTestone ferrain Were the ones tapped first 2Ond near Nakorkdyil, formed naturally by the collapse of the
Page 150
Environm
The reconstruction of the settlement and subsistence patterns of a region is an interdisciplinary task that can be undertaken only after locating a satisfactory number of archaeological sites in a region. Further, to say anything objectively on this topic, excavated evidences must be available at least for a few sites of the region.
In the case of our research, the main effort was to achieve the fundamental objectives; locating the Sites, analysing and recording them, establishing the aspects of the Culture that prevailed, and fixing the dates.
However, in this chapter, we have made an initial attempt to reconstruct the early settlement and subsistence patterns with the help of the evidences unearthed during Our Survey. We hope a comprehensive and Systematic attempt will follow.
Ground Water ܗܝܘ.ܪ̈ܨܢ
The Jaffna peninsula has no rivers or reservoirs. The climatic conditions of the Peninsula are such that its fresh water availability depends only on the two months' rainfall of the returning monsoon. The annual average rainfall is 50"-52". The minor flood-outlets and the ponds will become dry in summer. Hence, the predominant perennial fresh water Source in Jaffna is the ground water.
In Our Survey, we have observed four types of ground water occurrence in the Peninsula.
Limestone Groundwater
Hereafter this will be mentioned as limestone ground water. This is available throughout Jaffna,
Settlement and Subsistence Patterns 135
ental Conditions and Settlements
but the saline-free, perennial, limestone ground water is mainly found in the red Soil area Of the Peninsula.2 One has to penetrate the limestone bed, Sometimes up to 30', to reach this Source. However, in the limestone terrain there are certain naturally formed sink water holes, tidal wells and springs that may have been used by the early Settlers, as some of them are located near the early settlement sites.
Dune-sand Groundwater
This was observed all along the coastal sanddunes, but significantly in the eastern Sandy stretch of the Peninsula (Vatamaratci, Paccillaippalli dunesands). This region, especially Pacciaippalli, yields large quantities of fresh groundwater from its sand-dunes. At Tattankotu (Paccillaippalli) we observed a large farm being irrigated by a single turavu (well).
in the sand-dunes of the other parts of the Peninsula, the ground water yield is comparatively less. At Eluvaitivu (an island adjoining the Peninsula) during dry months, we noticed that people after burrowing the sand, wait for hours to collect the Oozing water. This water will be palm-lifted, filtered through a piece of cloth and collected in a pot.
Coral Layer Groundwater
In this feature, tresh groundwater is found in a Coral layer Overlaid immediately with ashy silt and then sand. This stratigraphy was observed in the northwestern coast of the Peninsula, in the Islands, and along the Lagoon Coasts.
Page 151
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Page 152
Page 153
738 Early Settlements in Yaffa
Groundwater beneath shale/Sedimentary rock a yer
Shale, a kind at sedimentar y rCçk, is 3 d. Jst , ! GGLLLLLLLS LLS S S LaaaaaH SL LLLLS LLLL LLG layers, in which shells are embedded. Such rock LLLLaaLLLLLLL0S LLLLS LLtLLL ccLLH GG LLLLL LaLL LLL LLa Kaa along the deep sec ( asts especially in the 'astri side of the Peninsula. These sla is it sedim filtry rocks are overlaid by sand dunes and they pri's '.' the percola ting rain wat et sy beliring the orm, Fresh water can be obtained in small ' ' d', I wells at Lific 3'-4" deep, by burrowing strict and ceilir, the seal ing sedimentary rock slalis. Such XY, ells - 411 ttM ALAeaL L LLa L SL LLLS SL aaC L S SSLLLHaLS L Laa the as terri Krist
At present, the first type is the predo Illinant riod. It grOLIndwater occurre Ce, exploited for do Testi a 5 well as for economic purposes, However, the distrib!" tion of the early archaeological sitt 's , ' 1 : T -- l< t+', y', 'ith LLL LLLLaLSLSLL LLSLSal L L LStSLaaaLLLLL S LLLattL LSc ESLLLS aLLLL
Plafo 724 : A "FLura w Lu'' wa|| im The Sandy 5f refiches of Pacci lopp was seen being used for irrigating the adjoining vegetable gur
the red soill region of the Peninsula, where the limestone ground-water potential is wast, was not inhabited by the early settlers, These ar as se em not te ha','C' been UCCupiect until about the times the kirigdk III (f | raffinal.
Orne (of the possible reas or is rina y be the - JITI [drati y el Y inferior iron technology and the tires Ome process Of penetrating the limestone ricks to rich the Treshwater, But in our ( pini II, we feel that it was the subsistence patter of the early settlers that prevented therit from in habitur ng the interiors of the Peti insula — the red soil area. The life of the early settlers was based on a multifacetex systéITh; d combination († subsistence farming, pasturing and aquatic exploitation. The red soil region was not suitable to this pattern life, it was Only at a much later i Inc. When vegetable gårdens and Commercial Crops like tobd (%) bleCame populäT. that the red soil region was fast populated tapping the limestone groundwater with the help of the developed ir om tech 1 cology.
ali. Note the burrowed sand heaped of rho adges. This well dens.
Page 154
O d
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Page 155
TIM EJ || ', ' TFIIF ITF in Ffra
C KaaLLL a L S L L LaLLLLL L aC LL LLLLLL HH LLL LLuaL LK K L uuuLLEES LCLLCuL LK KCS L a HLLL LuL LHHLLLLLLL LLLLLLLLu u uLLLLLL LLLLCLLL LLLLL LaLLLLL a Laa KLLL K LLLLLLLLuS S SSL L SS uuS LLLLLLa S aaalL u uaLLLuL KLL KLL LLL LcLt SttLLSLLL u CCLL LLLCCLL LcLLGL LL L uC LLL LLLLaaaL aC L LLLLL S CHGGCEaSL LLS u L LLLLL LLS LL K LLL aLaL
L S S LSSS Ht ttEHHt ttHLESHLLS LL LTLLS S SLaL Kua LLLLLL L C LS S aL S Laa CLLS
SS S SK KK S LLLLLLL L S SLLLLS LLLLLLa aLL C YLL H C uu LLLL S LaLS S LSS S LLS LL LLS S S L G 0 uCCLL S S S LLLL g L S t YSS aaLLLL LL Laa 0LmLLL LLLLLLLLS S S H HuLLau CL LCGTS LLLS G LLtGaHLLLL LLLL LSLLLLLL iters ril 5Listuriւյriւ:: - Lլ:-, it: rii:Trini-fir=ւլ. Ilia:1- tuCL a t taaaaLaa aaaaa aLLLLLL EE L HCCLCL LLL S LLL LLLCLS LKLS LL HH LL LS LL L a style J . . . It is still T.I.,
L T S LL H a aaaaa L LLS S LLSLaL LLLL LLC LLLLL
aaS uS LL HHSE LL L HH KaaLLHLHLS LL LLL aL uCLLCaL S S LLL a L S SLLLaS LLLLL C LLLL LLH distribution of the Early archaeological sites interestigly r= =al- the riile is the - asial saline-free.fresh rater kLaLL LLLL LLGtLtt a u LL aaLLLLLLLS
LLLLLL S 00 S tttLS LC LLL CCK HHHHLSL C aCS SSLLLLLL
"grapher; I Mulliyar Ferrill rail
aLL L LLaaaa LLLLLLS LLLL ELL C LLL LLtHLL aaLLa aE LLC MLLLLHHLS uLaLLLLLtSHLL ML LGLLLLL LLLLLL eKLaLLLLLLL LLuuuLLLLLL LLLLLLLla aLLaaaaaa aLLLCa LL0 ELaLJLLL LLLL LSLLLLLLLCLlmLC L 00S L LLLLLLa aSKCCCCLL LLHmmu ttaLLL LaCaaaMLaaa aaLLL LLLLLLuuu LL LLLLLHGCCLLLS LLLLLLLLS
LLLtLa tt S tLLu HtL ttC S CCS LLL LGattaaaaCCCa L H tLLL LLaE LatLLLLLL t L ta LaLH L 0KLLLLLLHC T kELLL LLLLKaLLH LLLM S L LL tLLLLLLLLCC LLM LLL LLLLT LLLL LL LCCC LLLLLS LLLLkLLLa L0S tHmaaaa aa aLa LLa LLLLkaaLaaL LKaaaLLLLLLL L DLLL LLLuKK LLLL LLEEGGLaaS LLLLLL LLLL LLLC LLLLLL LLLL u LLLL LLLLLLL LLLLtLLS LLt aE aaaaLaS00S LaaLLLLLLLa rHa LLtaCC K their suh sistenre activitit:
Surface Water
LLLLLL HHaLHCLC LEHCCL LLLLLL LL 0L LLLLLH aaLLLH L ML THE gergraphy (if thi! I'ër Iris Luli dijes riut pj55.55 an', 0LLLLLLL LLLLLLLTLkS LaLaaLLL S LttLa LL LL aCCLtL LL0 LLL LLLC Laa aLLaaa aLL aLLaLLuLSL OLCC 00 gaLLLL LLLLK LLu гүлшпп тұлғағг sources. In Jaffna, while a puurlijn C1 LLLL LL LLLCLLH HaaaLaaaa aa a taaaaaaL LLLLLLLLuOiuS LLLL
GHOB HuuL LLLLL LLLL LL LELG CCCLCLa kH LLLLLS LLLLLLS
Page 156
LLaaaSaGHS LL LLLLLLL LLLaSttLLS LLLLLLLEE LLE ELLLL LLL LLL GEL tL LLL LLLLaaaaL S LLLSS L LcLaaLaL LLLL LLDS LLL S LLGC Eaca S hgher in elevat in theln the lag } n - "1st. Surfel ( run-if T towards the deep sea is minimal Most of the LLt t LttL LLaS SLLLLS ELLELLLLLLL LLL AALMM aLaS LLLS L LLSS LLELL SLLLtLaaLS LLLL Laaa LE 0aLLLL LLLL LLLLa LL KSS Lta LLSS SLLLL LSEES LE LLLLL SSLE S LSL LLLLLL ideal addy fields for the early subsistence farmers.
LLtcL LGLLLLL LL0S LLLLL LLLLt LLLL LLL LLLaa LLLL aHtS0S flood it let of the Poinsuli - the Valtikka Wr I amLGL LLLLLS LLL LLLL LL LLLLLga LS S L LLGGLLaG SS LSLt LLLLLLLLS S SLLLL LLE LaaaaaHL LLtttLLLLSamLLL LLLLLS aLL LLLLHHm LLLa LLLLLaLLLL LL LLEA Laaa LLL LLLLaa LLLtttLLtLLLLSELS
LSL aKLGLLLaS LtaEEE LLLL LLLLtt LGC LLLLHL aaLLS aaaaa SLLL LGHLLLt tS aaa LS LL cESLLL DSL aaata LtLLLLLLL aLL LLSLLLLLL along these II ( {d bills
LLLS Eat LL LLLLL LL LSSLLLLc LS L amLLLS L Kattuvan In the! --rtral 1171 1 11. P. Ilir15Lla 111 Cursing through the villag's fiellippalli, Alawi'tti
LLLLLL S 000 S LLLLLCL LL LGLLGTTLL GLLMaE LELGGS GCCLaL HH LLL
eeELSLALHHaaaL HHH lELLLESLLLLL SLLSLL LEEEa S 0S0S
LtttLLLLLLLtttLS LLLLSCCS LLLL SBtEL tL S LLES LLLLL L Aaa a 0 LL LLLLLLLg Lta SL LLLLLLL S LLLM LLL LL LLLL LS LLaaLaLLS aLLL LLLLLE ccc LLGHaLLLLLLLLL LLaaLLLL LLtHtLBLLLLS The growth of Kanta rotal as an Carly Central place it the settlement attern of the Peninsula should he attribile it this Floyd (LIL «alle Wal Likki Ατι
SLLL S L ttt L tLLLLL LLLLL LLm tt LLLSLLLSt S LaaLLLA L LLaLLLLSSS S EEtOa S S LLLLLLKa LS LSALS LLLLLLtLLtLL LSELL S LL L SLLLLLLSL LLLLS ttmSLLLL SLL LES La LLL rrm EH LL LLLLLLL S EEE LLLLL LLLLLLa LLLA LrLL aaS SS S tStLaaLS LLLLLSLLLLLHH LLLLS S S LL LLLLaLSL LLL LLtLL
LLL L SS SLLLLcLS SLLmaL LLL SLLLccLS SLLLL LL LLLLLL aLLLtLLL K S tt tEESE tta Caa E LLS EEEE aL Lcc CC LGlC S LLLLL L LLtaS LLL LLLL LLK LS S SEttLLLLLLL LLLLLLLLS L LES LLLLSLLLL LLtLLL LLLLLLL L LLLLLLtLcttmmmLLLL finds, The P. In malai-Paralai-Pantataripp I addy-fi'l LL S aHEGLLLLL LLLLL LLaaLLLL LLLLc aaaL LLLLLLLL early sit es are licated."
SLSEEt LL LS SSLLtS S SLSLLL aL L Ct LLLSaaL g SLtEa Laa L LSLE LLSSLL 0aLL L L LLL LL
momf F; cf Mtwerper,
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| 42 Early % et Tlements in Jaffr]a
Plate 128 : Ari exorpse of 'vil" pond - Pontorokkulam (kin foreground
VII type ponds
Another feature of the surface water if the Peninsula is the ' ' type of ponds. Some of these ponds are formed naturally in the limestone bed where in some spots the weak layer of limestone dissolves in the rain Water dnd Collapse.' Such sha||uw, water-Stagnant a reals, in the drought-filerac'd Peninsuld could be ideal for storing water if a small tourid could be raised, The ancients had a system of raising a serTi-circle bow-like bund that rendered the term Y for the ponds. During dr. Light times, at least muddy water could be preserved along the semi-circle bund. This Could be observed in s Luth India and in Sri Lanka. especially in the arid plains.
In the Peninsula, these innumerable ponds later becalle IIL Cli for the settlements. The names in the "Is, derived from the associated flora & Taunt of its char:1{teristics, be Came the ria Te of the willage, eg. Ko`»kki vi | I, Cr aI1(!--t,1 nk ), Mci I1 (du ',ʻil ( frc og-taInk ). ^, ,ar 1 1.i Wil
per er rial talk). Ut Lil Will (a l'alci, tank || ||
aSLLLLLLLLu uLH EEMTTS S LkLL LLLL LllLlLOLL MLLLLLTH LLLEL LL YLLL
Sink Holes and Kenis
SLLEattLLL LLLL L LLLM ELa aaaLSL SLLS S LLLLGL L LaS LHSSSSLaaS SLLLLL LLL S aaaaa LLLLL cLS LLaE S LS L LS LLE LE HH LLS LLESS LaL aaLLL LLLL LLLLmLL S CLLLLLSS S LLEL EL the natural sink holes were converted into key is, G SLLSaaLS aaSK aLaaSL 0t LgS LLL LLL LLLgLL L S LLLLL LL LaLcEaaaa SLLL LccEa K aL LKaLtLLL LLLaaaaLLLLc aLLLLLLL LL LLL DSSLL LLL LLL LLL LLL LLL LL LSLLE LLLLL SttS aLS Ct
S SGLllHLLLLLLL LLaa SLaaaaL L amaa S LLLL EE LSES LK LLLLS SSLL LLLLSS LLL LLLL LL LSaS G GaaaaaLLSLLL LLLLLL LL LLLL L S SL SLSS g L L LLS LL S LL SLALL S
L. With a sling, "it rail ".
LLES SLL LaLLaSLL YSu uESSLLLLSaaL SS SLLLSL LCHHLS aS L EE EE E EES LLLS SLLLa LLaSSS LSSLLLL S aLSS LLaLaLSL HLLl S LcSEaat LLttlG Ha aa LH HHaaHLH rcLL LaaJSLEEES aLcESLLL LL a E EtL S SSSSLSL SLSS SEESSaSS SLLLLEES SatL LLGLLL LLL LLLLaSS SSLS SS L LSS S SSLLSSS LLLLLL L ttt SaaS LSLSLSzS SS SLLL LLLaK S SELLS LL LCC cL EtLTaaES LLmLG LS GS aLLSu tt LLS SS LLSLLtaHa aatlHLS GGL LGaK it : r| 1 | | }|11|11 1 , 11:1:: - 1 1 . ! :itt 1 11:1||w I liլ է "Il is
Page 158
Plate 729 : A mo furcally formed sirik - hole k na wymi dus 'If Ikun fu' af No wali, irrigates s'ha neighbouring paddy-fields
Plate 730 : Rain - floods feed the waterfa ble in the sandy stretches of Poccioppa, Photographed near Koyrwuyo lirb rha morth of MowerTn ber,
LLLLLL 00L S SESELaLaaat LLES C LCHHtHtLLaLLLGLLT S LLLLLLaaS Ttl LL the orchaeologia sifo of Mollur.
Saff series and SLFs stricts Patriars 7-3
LSLLS LLaHH Lc E LL S SGSS SLLL G LLLLLSGLLSS aLEELLta La LSEL LESL A 0 S A LSS LLL LLLLSK LLLaLLS per litt's through them to fled the groundwater LLS S LLLL aaLLLLLLLS LLaKLLt tLLLLSS LLLSS KEtaS L LL S L S S LSL LLLLS LLS LSLL aLLLLL aLL LGLL SLLLLLLSLcc tEE S aS SL LS L LLLL LL HaaLSH LSaaS S LLEES K SL SLLL LS KS LLL LCS LLLLLLLLL LS S SSS EL SLE cL LLLL aE S LaaL SSSS LLSS aaaa SLLLSS LL LS LS LLLLSLLLL cLSLL 0 LL LEEaK KLL LLL LLLL SSLLLLL S GLLLL S G KSKaL S LL LLtaS SLLLLL LSS LL StaE
Surface water at Pacci)appai
iS agSLL LLLLL LL LLLLLLL EELLL LLLL LLLSLLLLCCCL LL the stagnation of rair-water, Mary stretches of Paccila ippali i are rail - Ilooded and look like a large reservoir during the months of the returning monsoon. Part of this water flows int. the Cui tikkulam lagoon while the retaining is stagnant in the shall w areas LL LL LLL LLLLt OLLL LL aaaLLL SLLLS LLLLLLaaLLL LLt LLLLLS SLLLLLLLL LLLL L LLS LLLLLLGGL LLL L LcLLLLLS Cyıl y during summer. This sir|acte water phone omnem con is the realS( }ri To) r the immuImerable kaj /,.i "1F , (p»«onds) in Paccila i ppalli (see Pat. Cila ppalli si te map) and of the cIvailallity (I a large (Lantity oi fresh-water in the dume - samci furia ya walls
LLgSLu EELLLLLLL L 00SLLHHLSLLLK HLLL LLLL LL LLL SLLLLLLS LLLLL LcLLLL LLL LLLS LLLLLaLLLSS SLS S S0aaaaaa atgSSELSLLLLLL GLLCLLK E La L S LLLLtLLL S S LaLLLLL LLLSaaLLLL SKL LLLL L S 0LL LLLLLHES HLL aaLLLLL LSLS LaaatLLSS SS L MSLA S EE LLLL SSS S LLS0SS SS LL S SLLSL LLS SLLS
K LSLSS SLL LSS LL Lta EESLLLLL SS SSL LL L La LLLLL LLaaL LHK SLSS S LLLLL LL LLLL cS S 1*1: P-11, 11 - Lil1.
Page 159
744 Early Settle") er 1 ( 1 / ffra
Paddy-Fields and Pasturing Lands
As described above, land suitable for paddy cultivation is in the alkalin' stretch along the lagoon coast, along the flood outlets and around the "vil ponds. Almost all the early sites located in the Peninsula have at least d s(na|| Patch of pacicly-field hinterlanc,
LCLLLLL CCLLLS LLaCLCS SLLLLL LL LLLLLLL LLLLLL GLLLLLL SC year, during the returning flons (or rains. After the LHLHaaLL L HaaaHLSLmaaaLLGaSLLLaL LLLLmHSSSHHHtLL EELL S LL SS 0LcSaLaaS SaaS LaaLLa0E cLLLL LCLLLLLCCa aaLS LLLLLLLLS They will be ready for hidr was before the Tamil New Year day in April. This is the traditional attern of cultivation still found in the Peninsula.
These lands when left fallow during the peak of summer af te 5 Litable for cattle grazing. The other important grazing-lands are the farava grasslands, Tarava is a Jaffna Tani word denoting the marsh-land plains. They are Tainly found along the lagoon coast, submerged by stagnant brakish water during the rairly season. In summer they crile 'Xtensive grasslands. with a hard end alkaline terra Irn.
This and the scrub forest of the Peninsula are ideal for pasturing, especially for goats and sheep. Al Thost all the sites of the Peninsula have this pasturing hinterland.
The beginnings of Cattle-keeping could be definitely dated to the times of the early settlers as cattle bones and teeth remnants were found in the stratified layers along with the Megalithic pottery. Primitive type of goat and sheep breeding could be still noticed at Parutitivu, a tiny island between the Aailaitivu and Eluwaitivu islands, inhabited by less than 10 families. Goats and sheep breed here in the scrub forest like wild animals,
PIa fie T32 : A wiew of the paddy-fields in the Waiukko iwaru b grazing. Kosaiyota, Navali. Plate 734 : Naturo vegetation bUshes are found here. Pa fe 735 : L'rnest one ferroi'n naturic Dushes are the common types found here, Plate 736 : Narur plants at Parur firffvu, Plate 137 : Sand-dune natural vegeta Naval' is the popular variery Plate 138 : Lagoon coast na Seen in the photograph is acacia, locally known as 'udoi' or Bengal is known os duttura (udai furo, furd - port). Plate
Plfe T3
PF 33
elt of Navali. Plate 733 : Paddy fields after harvest serve for of the poddy field Tounds, Pardilai. Fairly big trees and thorny if vegetation. Anoivil unfan. Awaragu', 'caya' root and other a vegetarion in the islands of Jaffna, Award.cu and sa line sai) rior, Totton kodu, Pocciloppalli. Fairly big trees are found here, tural vegetation of Kuyavanpitfi, near Cuntikkulam sanctuary, "karu vēla Tullu'. A nearby porf allong the coast of the Bay of S 00 S sLssLL LLLLL LL LLLLLO LLLLLLL LLLLLL S LHHLH LLaLLLLSLLLSS rLL S SSASSYSLSS
Page 160
Pilare 34
వ్లో జ్ఞ=== :این ت త్రొక్కి
శ్లో
| 5
EEEELLLGGaLSS SLELL SEaaSaEHaSLL SSLtLLLHHHS
PP 37
Plafig 739
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146 Early Settlements in Jaffna
c كة "ن جم ترکیه و یا g
TTLEMENT AND ASSOCATED
RA ANDS.
HONESTEAD GARDEN
R
MARKET CARDEN
PER EN NA IL CROP, PA FYRAH
PER ENN NA CROP: COCONU
CRO LAND: LAND UNDER (3
Development (s)
CROP LAND: PADDY
GRASSLAND AND scRUelAND
Plate 747 : Cattle population in Jaffna.
Plate 740 : Land use pattern in Jaffna.
WOOD AND
AN
SWAMP ANO M A R S
UN USD LANO
PER A CRE
< . .. 2 - 4
2-3 - S. 25 s: 1.75 - 2 s
are . Ps
Page 162
Paddy Fields
5 I'[ [II'r77ዕ'T]† Jሶ7ዕ† 5[! Hjና IS ft '!] [-[ • |”ù†† [ 'r W] ኣ 1-1o
LLLLLL S000 SLuuuSS LaaLLLLLLL LLMLLLLSC LLLLLLL uHLLLLH
LLaLLLLL 00 S LLLLLL L00SLLLLL LLLL LL LLLLGLLS LLLLLLGLGGG L0 SLLLaS LLLLLS LLLLLLe LLLL LCHOLLlL SS LLGL MtHaL LeLeeLL ukL LCLLLH LLLLLL LLLLCTL suTrier. This farawal' stretch, photographed of Pond loi, is the we Le for a cq i mu bulkyk - ar r r IE
Proximity to the Lagoon/Sea Coast
LccLSK SL LELES S LLLL LLLcLLLa L SaacaS L Lc S
LL LLLL LLLLL tLLLa LLL LLL LLLL aaSL SLL LLa LS Ec LSLcEa La E SLLLS Ea LLLLSLLLaLLLL S S LLL aG0L 0 LL the sta c ç ist in the early sitt li "11"fnt F1, at ti'r Tim.
LSqS aCLL LLgLL S EE SLS LL LaLL tSL SLLaS Saaa S LLS LLLLaLaaL aLLS LLLLLLLgaaLLS aaLLLLLLL L LL LLLLLL aaLSLaLLS EELLLLLLL GG EES EE SS LLSmL aagS0aLL S cL LLLS SL GLLLLLL ESES LcLgaaL LLLL GS S LLL LLLLLLL SaacL LL ML SaaaSS LLaaLLLL LL LLL SLLLLrLLlmLt LLLLLLLLS LL LLLLGL LLLccaa for selecting the coast was cx 1 m1111 LI I 1 1 x := tii !!!1 ii rncil tra de LLLLLL LL LLLLLLLaaBgSLLLL LL LLL LLLL LLEE aaaLSLaLLLaK KaLLS 515 term{e Jätt’ rts
Page 163
148 Early Settlements in Jaffna
Classification of the settlements
Port Settlements/Entrepots
Periyaturai Cātti - Allaippitti Vērappiti Camputturai Vallipuram Nākarkōyi Vetti laikkeni Cālai
Mannittalai
These are the major deep-sea Coast settlements identified in our Survey. They can be grouped into four Categories.
1. Entrance Ports or the Ports Guarding the Lagoon
Entran Ces :
Camputturai and Verappitti come under this group. The Strategic importance of these ports in the Context of access to the Jaffna lagoon is discussed in the concerned exploration reports of those sites. 16 We feel that both Camputturai and Verappitti were chronologically either parallel or Overlapping sites located at the entrances of the Jaffna lagoon.
Camputturai could have been abandoned after the formation of the Casurina Beach sand bar, stretching from Karainagar, as it blocked the lagoon entrance on which Camputturai is located. Evidence suggest that this could have happened between 6th and 9th century A.D. This also coincides with the fall of Kantarotai.
The port of Verappitti which was on the other entrance of the Jaffna lagoon, later shifted to Kayts. This shift might have taken place in around 10th, 11th century A.D., when Nallur was emerging as the capital of Jaffna. The location of Kayts is more suitable than Vērappiti to protect Nalūr.
Periyaturai of Netuntivu also can be classified under this group as it was another guarding port for the islands and was touched first by the vessels coming towards Jaffna from the Ramanatapuram Coast Qf Tamil Nadu.17
II. Off-Shore Trade Entrepots of the Jaffna Lagoon :
Catti, Allaippitti and Mannittalai sites belong to this Category. The significance of the geographical
alignment of these sites and the similarity of their chronological sequence are mentioned in the Concerned reports. 18
lll. Vatamarātci, Paccillaippalli Sand-Bar Ports :
The settlements, Vallipuram, Nakarkoyil, Talaiyati, Vettilaikkeni and Calai come under this group. These were deep-sea ports facing the Bay of Bengal. At the Same time they linked the sand-dune trade route between the Peninsula and the mainland. They also had the advantage of the closest proximity by Sea from the Coromandel coast of Tamil Nadu.
Religious Centres
Periyaturai
Tikai
Kumpuruppi tti
Verappitti
Camputturai
Anaiviluntan
Kantarotai
Vallipuram
Nākarkōyi The above sites are identified as religious centres, besides their other functions, on the strength of the structural remains found there and by the prevailing legends.
Lagoon Settlements Anaikkõțtai
Ariyālai
KaCCāli
Trade Route Settlements
Except for a few, almost all the sites can be included here as they connect either the sea routes or the land routes. This is discussed in a following sub-chapter.
Agricultural Settlements
Tikali
Velanai Sites
Kalapumi
Camputturai Sites
Kantarotai
Navali
Anaikkõttai
Uppāru Sites These sites are classified as agricultural settlements only on the basis of their location in the traditional paddy-fields of Jaffna.
Page 164
Reconstruction of th
Ploafe T 44 : ʻOrrai fTirLukko/ worı fil". bLu| anciers Tode of CommuniCarlon, phafO
Sgr tement and Subsistem Cea Patter 1 , 749
e Early Communication Pattern
lock-carr drawn by a single bull. A remniscence of the graphed af Konfarc foi,
Page 165
150 Early Settlements in Jaffna
Trans-Oceanic Trade Routes
With the discovery of the navigational potentialities of the monsoon, trans-oceanic trade incorporating the South Asian region, emerged at least in the dawn of the Christian era, if not earlier. The Roman trade, particularly with South India and Sri Lanka, involving the Cankam Tamils and the Satavahanas, flourished in the first few centuries of the Christian era. There are definite evidences of direct Roman contact upto the Coromandel Coast of South India. From the Coromandel Coast towards Southeast Asia, trade was a monopoly of South Indians and there onwards carried out by the Chinese. The strategic location of Jaffna in this network was a significant factor to its emergence as a city State Or a principality in the early times.
These trade routes were mostly Coastal passages and Jaffna had a role to play as the Small ancient vessels, Coming from the Arabian Sea towards the Bay of Bengal, went through the Gulf of Mannar and the Palk Strait. Jaffna lay on the route. This is the reason why one find a number of ancient sites with Roman artifacts on the Coastal stretches of the Gulf of Mannar and the Palk strait, both in Sri Lanka and Tamil Nadu. To cite Some of them : Karpittipeninsula, Mantai and Jaffna on the Sri Lankan side; Korkai, Alakan kulam, Tonti, Pukar and Arikkamedu on the Tamil Nadu side. The Adams Bridge reef (Ramar Anai or Titai) which Separates the Gulf of Mannar from the Palk strait, was CrOSSed by the ancient vessels either at Mantai (Mannar, Sri Lanka) or at Pāmpan (near Ramēs varam). The recent discovery of Roman artifacts and a brick fort at Alakankuļam near Ramēs varam, excavated by Dr. R. Nagaswamy, point to the use of the Pampan channel in parallel to the one at Mantai, to cross the Reef.
The Roman trade later gave way to the Arab-Chinese trade, shared by the Pallavas, Cholas, Pandyas and Sinhalese. The importance of the Gulf of MannarPalk strait passage persisted in this period though entrepots changed, depending On the Central places and the hinterland that were to be served. In the SubSequent Centuries, the Coasts of this passage both in Sri Lanka and Tamil Nadu, became the arena for the first Muslim settlements and European forts, testifying the importance and continuity of this route. The location of Cettinadu, homeland of the Cettimar Community (traditional sea traders) near the Pampan channel is another reminiscent of the trans-oceanic trade that went through this passage.
It was only with the advent of Steamers, this strategic passage was abandoned as the big vessels Could not able to traverse the shallow waters and the Reef. As a result, the ships started going around Sri Lanka and the importance of Colombo as a major harbour of the region ever increased while the Palk strait ports declined. Inevitably, the Socio-political developments in Jaffna were linked with the fortunes of this passage.
Ptolemy’s Map of Sri Lanka : 140 A.D.
Allogari టీ?
۴ &r N3ørew Mweusi র্বে ৩২ 6ena MNetac
:A
eaporia ചേ8 ീ f a s 簽 Muiduti MargaRMA civitas Abiotibingan
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S Allagadi
iba
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retropolis 竣 Հք の。
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aw. 父亲 Samni Soani ീ', சி:
c e ? iVگہ ن ტ5უქტჭგუ4e (" 列茨* Lధిryras ീ . 2N. :'രീ
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' ( & برف ۶۶۶ به ۶
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N - radui lobiga A β.
s چ -ിript حكم N
ocaമ
tas
cfvias గుర్రకో oc;
is extr" 够
أعمعممة مهمiaسائل ***۴ia civi بههb Élepk گ / :s:" acadama evo S 8
نام Manigiri و hogandini * ۶/
Axگ& s W
rofodes frus
BUmafani
参
*
؟ స్టట్టణి وی a.
Y.
Plate 745 : Ptolemy's map of Taprobane (Sri Lanka), 140 A.D. Note the placenames Nagadibi (Jaffna) Mudutti emporium (Mantai), Spatana portus (Pattinam) and the metropolis at Nagadibi. Also note the channels for navi
gotion adjoining Wudutti (Montai),
Plafe 746 : Wind directions and their locol names.
Page 166
Palk Strait Routes
The Jaffna Peninsula is one of the two nearest points of Sri Lanka from which to Cross the Palk Strait and go to the Subcontinent. The other region in Sri Lanka with this geographical advantage is Mannar, where the ancient entrepot Mantai flourished.19
Quite naturally, it could be speculated that the early Sea routes linked the entrepots of the Peninsula with South India, especially with those of the Coromandel coast of Tamil Nadu. The Tancavur and Ramanatapuram Districts, particularly the Point Calimere region of the Coromandel Coast, deserve special mention in this respect. Point Calimere is the nearest point, barely around 22-24 miles from many points of the Jaffna Peninsula.
Until British times, official sea trade flourished between the ports of South India and Jaffna peninsula. Sea trade with South India was a prestigious and traditional economic activity in Jaffna, and was abruptly illegalised after independence. The resulting Colombo-centric trade activities led to the decay of the once flourishing entrepots of Jaffna. However, these traditional Sea trade routes still survive in Jaffna branded as Smugglers' routes, 20 now being used by the militants.
The ethno-archaeological observations on the activities of the traditional Sea traders (now smugglers) of Jaffna, reveal interesting clues regarding the early Coastal settlements in Jaffna and their contacts across the Palk strait.
The sea-farers change their port of origin and the port of destination according to the changes in the wind System. For instance, the sea-farers of the northern Jaffna go to Vetaraniyam during southwest monSoon and shift the port of destination to Kotikkarai (Point Calimere) during northeast monsoon. Vetaraniyam and Kotikkarai are barely 10 km apart. Still their angles from the northern ports of Jaffna are such that the routes are affected by the changes in the wind System. Similarly the boatmen from the Tamil Nadu Coast will change their destination in Jaffna according to the winds. As these practices survive even in this era of mechanised boats, one could imagine the predominant role of the winds to the sailing of ancient vessels. Such practices, well explain why we find a number of early port settlements at a few km intervals in particular coastal stretches of Jaffna. They could be seasonal entrepots. One could also notice that the
Settlement and Subsistence Patterns 151
ports of Jaffna are located in different directions. Māthakal, Kānkēcanturai, Mayiliitti, Valvettiturai and Paruttiturai in the north, Urkavatturai, Periyaturai, Cāti, Pannai, Kolumputturai, Kaccāi and Mannittalai in the west and South; Nakarkoyil, Talaiyati and Vettilaikkeni in the east. They served in different seasons for travel in different directions.
Travelling in small boats from the Palk strait ports of Jaffna to Tuticorin in the Gulf of Mannar, without passing through Pampan or Mannar is also found among the smugglers. They cross the Adams Bridge reef, which is locally called Titai, at Certain mid points that are known only to experienced Sailors.
Four wind Systems, Colakam, Vatai, Kaccan and Kontal, prevail Over Jaffna, annually. Colakam and Vatai are Synonyms for the Southwest and the returning northeast monsoons respectively. KaCCan and Kontal are inter-monsoon winds.
The wind Colakam gained its name in Jaffna because of its travel prospects with the Cola Country (COlamantala karai or Coromandel Coast). Places like Vetaraniyam, Nākappattinam, Arikamētu, Pukār, Kalingam, Tamralipti and even Southeast Asia Can be reached with the help of this wind. Likewise Vatai was Conducive to travel to the Pantiyan Country and the South. The KaCCan wind was advantageous for travel from Rāmēs varam, towards the island of Netuntīvu. The tiny island Kaccativu got its name because of its location in the Kaccan wind direction from Rames'- varam. As an easterly wind, KOntal helped to travel towards west from Jaffna.
Among the wind Systems Colakam was predominantly beneficial, hence there were more Contacts with the Coromandel Coast from the northern ports Of Jaffna. The temple at Vetaraniyam in the Coromandel Coast is still a property of the people of Jaffna. It belongs to the Varani Mutt, which is in Vatamaratci, Jaffna.
Page 167
152
Early Settlements in Jaffna
ع
Tungapadra
From, Börukacca
Κανί UrayŪr
ARABAN SEA
Kanyakumari -----
INDIAN OCEAN
Plofe 747 : Locotion of Ja
てし// To Tāmrallipti
/ صر
BAY OF BENGAL
f Arikkamētu
t
Kõverippatinam
f Nāka ppațținam
Kotikkarai ヘ、 Ten Degree Channel
To Southeast Asio
f Mannar / rl Ranks s
ffna on the trans-oceanic trade routes.
Page 168
4O |—||—|-----I———↓
4 m
Key :1.Māvaliffurdi; 2. Noyinātīvu; 3. Kurikottuvān; 4. Kaļufơippitsi; 5. Analaitīvu; 6. Eļuvaitīvu; 7. Kārdinagar; 8. Urkāvaffurơi (Kayfs); 9. Vēlandi; 10. Arāli; ] ]. Nāvānturai; 12. Panndiffurdi; 13. Kurundgar; † 4. Kolumputturai; 15. Māfakalturai; 16. Kõh
kēsanturai, 17. Mayilifti (Vīramānikkattēvan and Periyanātsuttēvan turai), 18. Valvettitturai, 19. Paruttiturai (Point Pedro) 20. Tālaiyați.
Plate 148 : Distribution of jefty ports and fishing camps in Jaffna.
Page 169
754 Early Seft Jean 7 ents ir Waffirma
There were exually important sea routes that Connected the Peninsula with parts til the main Island of Sri Lanka. They went along the eastern and westeril coasts of the Island. They were in popular use ti|| early British titles, and lost their importance with the opening up of modern trunk roads and railways and with the introduction of fast r 11c wing vehicles,
Lagoon Routes
A glance at the topographical map of Jaffna, Tlarked with the distribution of its population, will suggest the potentialities of the Jaffna lag On for internal
11 Licatin,
The calm and sha||tw waters of the Jaffna lagon är capable of providing a number of safe Criss-Crossing passages among the coastal villages of the Peninsula and of the adjoining islands. The locational and artifactual analysis in this research, led List Sluggest Certain possible features of early lag Him C Arms rL. I hic ratic of syster 11.
1. The Jaffna lagoon has two northern entrances. One between the island of Karainagar and P. Dalai. the other between Karainagar and Kayts (Crkavatt Lurai). The first i ble is ble ocked by a causeWay between Ponnalai and Karainagar. Even otherwise, it is difficult for navigation at present, because of a growing san bar at the mirther1 tipi ( Kirinagar, In our wiew, this lage Jom er trance ITILIst halve heen in use during early times, for we know that the important port of ambukola (identified with Camputurai) was located here and Catered to the needs of Kantarotai, We do not know whether it wds the growth of the Karainagar sand bar or the fa|| Qf Roman trade and Kantdrñtai that CaLJ5[:Cl the decline of this port by the beginning of medieval tis.
S La LLLLLL GLLLLLLaLLLLL LHHLaaLaLaSLa S LLLS SLLL LmMMLaa
SL LLLLa LaLLLLL LLtLLEL Laaa LHtLLLLtlaa LLL LLSSHLL LSASS uu in use, and considered strategic, as a fleet of the Sri Lankan Navy is stationed here,
The possible Luse of this entrance during the early Centuries if the Christian era is indicated by the location of the site Wer appitti at this entrance. There are ample epigraphical, literary and archaeological sources to indicate the vital part layerl ly this pass in the history of Imedieval | fir 1.
We venture to suggest that both the entrances mentioned were in Lisc for navigation, beginning froT; the megalit hic: times, This wel suggest on the basis of two evidences
(a) the megalithic culture at Karainagar, the Island Ucated between the two lage on entrances, aid
(b) the megalithic culture at Ämaikkõttai, adjoining the inner reaches of the Jaffna lagoon, to enter which, the vessals should come through 'it her of the above IT entioned entrances.
3. A nearby place, sco Luth of Åra ikkõttai, is known am Navant urai which means the port of vessals" (navaivessal, turai-port). It seems Navant Lirai succeeded Äaikkõtta i as an important port in the | afirma lige i 1r during medieval times, Literary Sourcesrien tid in this as a strategic port C of the kings (of Jaffna.
4. The emergence of the city of Jaffna itself is to be attributed to its strategic location along the Jaffna lagoon. It could be approached through the lagoon sea routes from the north, south and west. Presently, within the city limit itself there are three traditional ports namely Panna itt urai, Kolumputt Lurai and Navant urai. They are accessible from Kayts in the north and from Punakari in the south. At the same . time the location provides access to the deep sea routes that come through an entrance in the lagoon between Mantaitivu and Mannittalai in the west. Such location leads us to hypothesise an early nucleus settlement below the present city of Jaffna,
Plate 149 : The ghost port of Kocca
Page 170
5. It appears that there was ferry service till recent past between Ariyalal and Nlannittilat a CT is: the |affna lagoon enabling the people to get to the LLLLLtLLSKA L L L LLSLLJaa L aaaa LLLLLL LL LS LuaDaLLLLSS S LLLLL LLL LLLLLS aLaLaHS LL LtLLL LGLaLaaaaLLLLLLL Kacciāli with Pūnai kari criss the af fria ! geç orm?”
6. Similar ferries possibly existed at many points of the lagoon Coast to Connect the islands of Welanai and Mai taitīyu 'y with the Perni||15|| ali probeer. (Örne 0aLLLLLLL GLLLLSL LaHLSLLS LLLLLLL L GHHHLaLLLLL LLLLL LLaa Wellanai, thus linking Kantarotai with Kumpuruppitti during early times
Plate 750 : A traditional deep-sea fishing boat of Monar. kitu
Plafe 51 : Ship Building was an importarif froditional Industry in Tmamy of The port settlements in Jaffno. Wollwell filfurt i Carid Jaffir1 - cify were known for fhis I activity fill reces if LHLLLLLLL0S S 0000S S LLLLLLLH LLLH LLLLLLLaaaH LaHHLaLaaLLLL LLLLLL own Fois and frg veled fø Arnerico. Ir shis photograph, d lagoor fishing boof is seer being constructed of Cdvarkatu, Anaik kora (below),
SuMLLLSLLCLLLLL S SLLLSH LLL SSL La SS C S00
S LGLLS LLLL LLLL LLLLLLa HH L SLLaaL S SS LL Sa L LLLLL aaL LL S S LL LSLL CCSS S S L S L LLLLLL aaL S SLLLL LSS LS K LLLL S uLLLLLL a K au S S KS uS SCCaLS LS LLS S LL S S LL SS SSL lagoons to export salt during Cola titles. "
Page 171
7.56 Early Settle lents in Jaffna
Internal Land Routes
LL aaa SLC S EEL Lc c g LaLaLL L LLLLaHHLLLLSSDS SLL LLL LSLLSLLL LL aa agOLLL LLLL LS S SSL LLLLS LE aLtL LLL LatmLLaaLLLL aaL S L LLL StHaaS S LSSLS LELELSa aaaaLLLL ttLLL LLL aStaaaaE aLL LLL LLLLLLLLS aLLLSS S SLLLLLLHHL LLLLLLL SLLLLL 0E LLLLL LLL LLLL LL LLLL S CaaE S SLLLLLLa in the ric! y laimis, a of the t'en insula,
SS LLLLLaLLLLL L SGkE EE LtG L LS aGL LLaa SLSLLLLS LMCS aLLLL LLLLL LLLS SLLLLLLaaLLLLLLLS E S LSLLLSS SLLS L LLLLL SS LLLLLLStLS LSLLtLLLLtttLL S LLClmtBS L LLL LLtL LtLLlLLS L S LLLLLLLL LL0 SSSLaaaag HHHL LLLLLK L LLE c aLLLLLS LHLL S LLaLLLLL LLLLSKtHlLLLaSLL LLL LL LL S LLSaaLLLL S SLL LL LaOBS L LE tttLLLLL LL LL aaLLLLSS S SLaEE aLaaLLLlaGaL L LLLS LLEggLS
However, the location (of the Inedieval sites gives LLLa LLLLL LLLS LLLaLLSLLLLLLLL LSLLLLLLaLLLLLLLaaLS SLLL LL LLLLLLLa LL LLLLLS 0LaLEg S LS SLLLLSLSaaLmLLLLS LLLGGG LLLLLL LLLLtLLLaLLLL aaLLaa S LLLL C LLLS LLaCL LLLLaLSCSLK SSLLLttttt LL SLSLLLLaaLtLgLLL LLLS tLtta L LSCGttL LLmm LLSS LaLLL the road ross'd the lagim mear M Mantu yil through a natura | Tyrd, Frç am y larti'yi|, through Wara II i, the LLLLLL LLLL LLtLLSLG SLaaLLLL LLL LLLL SLLttLLLL tttLLL CaL ttLL settlements.
likewis', Watamaratic Could have Communicated with I eliminali ratici thrib Lugh the line of sites - Wara III, MI Im t I wil. Werakkatu and Kacciāli. Mantu wil sitetet 15 t) hawe acted aa S LLLLLLLLL LL LS LLLSLSLLLSLS SLLLHtaLL S LSL %ዃ'%l ሂ'[11
LLLLLL LLLLLLLLMLLLLmLt taLLLL LLLLL LaLaL L LS LLLLL LLLLLS LLLHLHHLaLLLLLLLaa S LLL ataLLaLLS SSS EStSLLLLS aLLLLLLL along the highways, These wayside fraid is served as rest houses for pedestrians as well as Caravars." III LLLLS LELLS LLLLL HmaHEH LLL LLLLLLLSLS S SLLLLLLLLtLL LL 1 EL LITE L.
S GSL aaaGLS aLLLLLLLa LL LLL LLL LaLLLLLLLS LLL LLLL LaaLS iLSS LLLLLS LGLGG LLLLa GSaLHHLLS aLLLaSLELS ELLSLHLLLS GS LESLLLLSLLL aaaaLSLL DgALLLLL LL LLLL S S LLS SLLLLLC LLLLaaaaLSS S LE LESLLLLSLL EESEEDS LLSGLLS LLL LS ust (f Cattle, 0S EE tL LL MtrSLLLtLS L aaacLS SaaLLS S LL a
|imes the In the shapel s T : Si var karri, Tror the (..I 11lcʼ! L«) rLu!) th {!ir :X(X{ | 25. S GLSS LSLLCtBLLLLS S SS LLLLLL S LLLLS LLL LLLSS LL
ke :: their hołd le 13 d.
;
Page 172
Plate 152 : Awurañcikkal and fura wu - well, Maffolurikai road moto T1, Nawali.
Plate 53 : Road-side "maram" complexes, which served as rest houses for the Caravan traders, become neglected with the advent of fost-Towing vehicles. It is of sociological significance foi mote that af many ins fances such 'marcarris' were con vërted frifo corTTTT unity cem fers, Seen here is dari a barndoried 'rflota Ti" af Māffolurikai road, Mawali.
Settlemant and SubsisterCC. Patterns 757
圣
With the intro ductiori | ye liit les II yw erted || Ny stean r3r1cl {}(*trole LI mi, th14 - Wawside (? ) J:!JJ17s lost their iiT portance. SLLLLL LLL LLLLLLLL LLLLL HCCHLH SLaallLLLSLrLS SLLL bi Ston through Lit af 14 iricielt ing highways that yy +'r 1! } | orig.
Anyhow, in the Case of our research, depending on these evidences for the reconstruction of early comTIL nication is it reliable because of the problems of stablishing the chronic logy of these wayside ridians LLLS L LLLc L LaaaLLLLLLLa LLLL GGHHLaLLLL LLLL HHLLLLLLLS
It is,
Page 173
'puyos us » Joaqəu uoụoɔsunuuoɔ Áļupə əų ļo uolųɔnussuoɔəx : wg i espid
~:: -
əụs soɔ|6o|oəbųɔuw o
Page 174
The two major routes that linked the Peninsula with the mainland of Sri Lanka.
It is quite obvious that the present major transportation links between Jaffna and the main Island of Sri Lanka, i.e., the Kandy Road and the railway line, do not Connect the traditional settlements of these regions in their course. It was the British, who developed this Colombo-centric Communication system which eventually led to the decay of the old routes, affecting the traditional settlement and subsistence patterns of these regions.
There are no substantial indigenous literary records in Tamil Specifically helping us to reconstruct the routes extant at the time of the kingdom of Jaffna or prior to that. It is only in the Portuguese records33 that we come across the description of two major caravan routes Connecting Vanni with Jaffna. They were the Kolumputurai ferry, and the Paccillaippalli sand-pass. They are mentioned in the context of levying a tax for the use of these routes which the Portuguese records claim was a practice of the native Tamil kings and was continued by them.
The extracts from the Portuguese references, 35 describing these routes are given below, to give an idea about transportation activities in the mid 17th century.
The Columbogam Ferry (Passo)
"This ferry Connected the Peninsula with Punarin 36 and the Renter of the ferry was also Adigar of the port of Colomboturai. All passengers to and from the mainland, as well as all the fishermen living in the port, paid to him the customary dues, which were as follows": -
'Every fishing dhoney paid for every day it went out fishing, one large cash (Caixa) of which fifteen went to the fanam. Passengers from either side making the use of the ferry paid same. Cloth which has been already declared at the Customs and which was meant for coastwise transport, paid no further duty here, but otherwise it was treated in the same manner as at the Paccilapalai Passe cattle were not taken across at this ferry, all other commodities had to be taken to the Customs. Foodstuffs conveyed on men's back paid halfa marca for each load."
The Sand Passes
"These led from Paccillaippalli to the Vanni, and the Customs in force under the Tamil Kings were continued in respect of them".
Settlement and Subsistence Patterns 159
"No goods could be moved through them unless
properly declared, and, if cloth, dusy stamped. If
in order, the merchants paid for each Cacha, quarter
fanam, for seventy white head cloths, one fanam,
for Opium, quick-silver, China wood, cloves, nutmeg and such like, 8% of their value'.
'Goods brought from the Vanni paid : for each Oxload of cotton, a quarter of fanam, and for every six oxen laden with varago, one fanam'.
'In the time of the native kings the inhabitants of Pachchilapalai and idematual 7 used to go to the Vanni to cultivate Camas 38 there and would pay to the renters from ten to twenty lachas of foodstuffs for each cama, in accordance with its size. A large proportion of these lands had since been given to the Portuguese, who took the dues there from, and the bulk to these same natives, with the result that, when the produce came to be conveyed to the Kingdom, it was difficult to ascertain to whom it belonged".
'Thereupon Lancarote de Seixas when he rented out the passes, gave orders that all grains taken over them should pay a fanam for every four oxloads; this regulation was now continued, except in the case of produce brought by water to the town, when foodstuffs paid nothing. All other goods coming by the Passes, such as wax, ivory, musketc., paid to the renter 8%, areca paid two fanams the amunam of twenty thousand nuts and sapan 8%".
The position of the Dutch forts along the routes discussed, confirm the popularity and continuity of these routes mentioned in the above Portuguese records. They had a fort at Punakari guarding the Kolumbuturai ferry route and two forts at Paccillaippalli guarding both the coastal and the interior tracks.
We have attempted here through archaeological methods to confirm the existence of these routes during pre-portuguese times, and to establish their antiquity.
The Ferry Route - Locational Analysis
During our field surveys, archaeological sites were located at the Corresponding points of the probable ferry stations both in the main Island and in the Peninsula. There are two sand bars, Ariyalai East in
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160 Early Settlements in Jaffna
the Peninsula and Mannittalai in the mainland, which run parallel to each other and are separated by a narrow and shallow stretch of the Jaffna lagoon.
This location has few geographical advantages other than being the nearest point to connect the mainland with the Peninsula.
As at present, even in the old days, the Valikamam Sector of the Peninsula was the most densely populated area.0 The location of this ferry station would have made it the natural choice for people wanting to go
to the main island, because of its proximity.
These sand bars provide perennial, saline free, fresh water at shallow depths, which is an essential Criterion for the location of the ancient Caravan routes. The location is also Suitable for foreign contacts through the Sea routes.
The Sites
In our opinion, the ferry mentioned in the Portuguese records at Colombogam near Kolombuturai must have been at Ariyalai East, for archaeological Sites are located near Manivamtottam and near the Aiyanar temple in Ariyalai East. Both were exposed recently by the sand scoopers in their rush to Cater to the needs of house Construction in the Peninsula.
The Aiyanar temple site from which the mainland looks picturesque, yields early type of pottery like the Historic Black and Red, Thick Rim Red Ware and structural remains like stone slabs, socket stones of pillars, grooved tiles etc."
In the corresponding side of the mainland, Mannittalai, an early site was located at a place called Kottuppanivu just opposite the Aiyanar temple site at Ariyalai East. This Kottuppanivu site could be placed on par with the earliest settlements of the Peninsula, since a few pieces of Early Carinated Black and Red Ware sherds have been found here. It also revealed structural remains like Socket stones, grooved tiles etc.
The whole sand bar of Mannittalai was found to be distributed with potsherds and other artifacts, but they are later than the Kottuppanivu findings, ranging from post-Christian pottery, Chinese and Islamic ware sherds to Portuguese, Dutch pottery and fragments of Smoking pipes. 42
Some interesting items among the surface collections were a few pieces of microlithic flakes and Cores of
quartz and chert which indicate human activity in this area right from prehistoric Mesolithic times. This view is strengthened by the presence of the Mantakkal Aru microlithic site, only a few miles South from this Stretch.
A recent survey we did along with the Department of Archaeology in August 1982 Confirms the Continuity of this route along the western Coast towards the South. In that survey we located more than fifteen sites almost at regular intervals between Punakari and Māntai. 143
Chronology
The earliest artifactual evidence i.e. the microlithic tools, we get in the Mainland side of the ferry, do not confirm whether the Mesolithic people used this route to enter the Peninsula, as no Mesolithic settlement has so far been located in the Peninsula. But the possibility of this route having been used by them cannot be ruled out unless definite evidence to the contrary is established by surveying the Holocene sand-dunes of the Peninsula.
The pottery analysis at both the points of the ferry stations fixes a lower date for the route around the dawn of the Christain era, if not earlier. Artifactual evidence points out its continuity in time, throughout, till the early British times when we find an abrupt end of activities. This fact is well revealed by the ghost buildings of early British times we find at Ariyalai East, and at Mannittalai.
Pacciaippalli Sand Passes : Locational Analysis
The Paccillaippalli sandy stretch is a narrow link of dune-sands along the eastern coast separating the Jaffna lagoon from the Bay of Bengal. AS, the only land link between the Peninsula and the main land, this Could have been the natural highway for the travellers, particularly preferred by the caravans.
The route linked the northern ports of the Peninsula with the heartland of Vanni. Just as the Ariyalai ferry served the densely populated areas of the Peninsula, the Pacciaippalli route served the densely populated areas of Vanni, i.e. the Mullaitivu district. Legends regarding the migration of the Vanni chieftains always center around the Pacciaippalli Pass and around the northern ports of the Peninsula.“ This was actually a passage for the people of Vanni than for the people
Page 176
of the Peninsula. Like the ferry route, this passage also provides perennial, saline-free, drinking water all through the stretch, in the Tura vu shallow wells. This route has to pass through the marsh lands which are seriously affected by floods during rails. By summer, they becure excellent tasavai Cart tracks. In its present natural Condition 5, a bullock cart will traverse this pass better than any motor wehicle.
I|ዝ{› Si†{35
An exploration in this route from Wallipuram in the north to Cilai near Mullaitivu covered the following sites : Wallipuram, Kutattanai, Nakar köyil, Tälaiyati, Wettilaikkeni, Maltalai, Kiyilwayal, Nittiya wettai, Tattalk0itu, Kuwawan pitti near Cuntiikkulain and Prijipatel','gi')" piti near Calai' (the reports are included in chapter three.
Plife 755 : A bullock - Coff troversing the forgotten east cods) up of the Kandy Road through Elephant Pass, in the British ti wear her fract, accessible only to bullock costs ond pedestrons
0eLLLLGGGL LDLL LLELLaLLkaELLLL S LSLLLLLLLLEE SSS S L
Besides these sites, almost the whole of the stretch was found to be dotted with potsherds and other artifacts. The reas com for this heavy distribution of a number of artifact-rich rich sites in a narrow sandy stretch could only be attributed to its being on the trade route and to its contacts with maritime trade. There is no rich agricultural hinterland.
Among these sites, Wallipuram, Nakarkoyi and Wettilaikkeni seem to have had a long continuity as revealed by their artifacts. The Wettilaikken archaeological site and its neighbouring satellite sites of Pacciaippalli should be discussed in detail as they are in the key location of the pass. Nearly six sites were located in the scrub forest around Wettilaikkei.
The marsh land that separates the Peninsula from Wanni begins south of Wettilaikken iso that this location
I cour o won rou fe near Pappora wrappiffi, Cô5foi. Wrth the operning mes, this once flourishing oncent route was reduced to a fair"
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162 Early Settlements in Jaffna
could have acted as a market centre and would have been the first settlement of contact for the people coming from Vanni.
The fact that this location was a market Centre till recently, is testified by the British map prepared in the beginnings of this century, marking nearly a Square mile in this area, north of Vettilaikkeni, as "Fair Place' (see Pacciaippallisite map).
The Vettilaikeni site yielded a variety of sherds like the Rouletted, Historic Black and Red, Thick Rim Red, Chinese, Islamic and in the last phase, Dutch and early British wares and tiles. A rich collection of beads and early coins were also obtained from here. The other Paccilaippalli sites in the hinterland of Vettilaikkeni provided mostly medieval pottery and coins ranging between eleventh and thirteenth centuries.
It must be on account of the importance of this location that the Dutch constructed two forts, one on the top of an earlier archaeological site at Vettilaikeni and the other, at Koyilvayal which is also another earlier archaeological site two miles west of Vettilaikeni.
Chronology
The origins of this route seem to be comparatively later than the ferry route. On the basis of the earliest pottery available, the lower date for this passage
could be assigned to the early centuries of the Christian era. It was only during the medieval times that the route seems to have witnessed full-fledged activities. This was the time when the Vanni region, particularly the Mullaitivu district, was inhabited by waves of migrants from South India, who eventually established chieftaincies at Vanni. The Paccillaippalli route seems to have been an artery for these migratory and trading activities in Vanni.
The archaeological evidences show that this route was connected with Nallur through Mantuvil, near Varani, where there is a natural passage to CrOSS both the Uppāru and Tontamanāru lagoons. The archaeological finds in these places confirm the route taken by Cankily when he fled to Vanni during the Portuguese occupation. 7
After flourishing during the Dutch and early British times, the route was almost abandoned around the mid 19th century, and the remnants of the period of prosperity could be seen as ghost buildings. Stil there are people at Paccillaippalli who recollect their grandfather's tales about the market places and the caravans of buffaloes which passed along that way.
The archaeological knowledge of these two extinct routes has shown us how they were vital for the settlement pattern and for the economic activities of Jaffna and Vanni. At least the importance Of One of them is now realised and it is being reconstructed as Mahādēvā Tām boti.
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Pore 156 : Cafching prown in the backwafers near Tiruwo fin the cofah, Nofe the palmyra leaf cap, a frodiriongs affire of t
Seťťľeľ77emť arid SLI Exsistence Paľferr 5 7 63
Subsistence Patterns
lilo. A basket known as "Dori' is kept along the chest to keep ie fisher folk Irl Jaffra.
Page 179
164 Early Setfernerits in Jaffna
The subsistence pattern of a region at a given time could be perceived as all outcome of the interaction between the then available technology and the environment, Archaeological reconstruction of the subsistence pattern of a region needs systematic excavations at various sites and sophisticated analysis of the finds. Disciplines liki palynology, palaeabotany, Zoelogy, palae ecology, etc. Can hel|} in reconstructing the patterns.
But as often pointed out in this work, such techniques wer: Lut Of r:1ch (HT LI5, Herce, the platterm we LCLLLCLS LLLLC LC LLLLC LL LlaE tc aLaLLLLL LLaaaaaaLLLLSS based on as much information as possible, extracted from the finds and from the locational analysis. A few stources that helped us to reconstruct the subsistence patterns are listed below.
I. The location of the explored archaeological sites when correlated with their immediate environment reyeraled the possible reas orns why the location was selected and this, in turn, shed light on the SL hsistence patterns of the sitts,
| I. The ' Earti facts available i 15 s Lur fact finds, during
i 1 ur e i splorati ar 16
|| Fortunately fl r the &lgellithic phast, thi tyve
hLrial sites excavated, providec () hective +','Irder: 'F-5. ^ L EIÇ At the is: place-a, 1 h - Megalit hic LLS LLL LLLLLLa LSLLaLLLLL L ESaLLLLSSLS LLL GGLLLLL items and other artifacts as burial offerings, SLLGESEaaKaS LLL aaaaLaLaa aaLLaL a LLLLL HHHLLLLLLLaa LLL LLL LLtLtEEL LL LLLLL L LS LL LSLStLLL DaLL aaaaS LLaLLC LLccLSLLgLL0t tTL LLLccLS LLL LLL LLLLtaEE Tirds: || || || date: a 5C i Erntifik: analysis, i tlıses LLG LLLHSt LLtaS LLL LLLL LLLLLE HL LS LLLLL LL LLLLLL
ir 11 ittri r-rikshi L Ir i ens, a rhid Tricilities
lW. An{ather potent La | 5Ource is th:1 study (17 the surviving flk subsistence activities, which Could be called ethno-archaeology, The Megalit hic b) LI Tial finds (...) Lu|d the better explained and Linderstood, if one observes the Ceremonial offering of food and other it is of daily use during the last rites Conducted for the dead in the Peninsula. Another example of ethno-archaeological å [p]licatium is the study of the ab Lundant availability of Oyster Conch and snail shells, in the sites. Survivals of the practice of using ther for food by the poor and folk Corrurities of the Peninsula Could still be observed.
LLL 00 S LSLLCaGLGLL LLLLLLLBaaatat LaatlLLLkLLL GE 0SLLLSLLLLLLaS LGGCLLLLL LL LLL LLtLLLLtGCaO LLLLLLL LLtLaL LLLL LLL LLLL LLLLLS wa fer Smail Frila was a mayor fod for the milikooli hic people. LaGT C aaL LGtaaaLLLLLLG LLLLLL LLL LGeeLL GcLLLLLS LL LrLLJLLL LLLLGLLLLL LLS young lady from Ner un rivu, Jaffna, who shyly admifred thor she consures ther, adding hor it is good for health, Sirlflarly, another early food oyster, socially known as "rTorr, for GLLaL LALLLLLLLL0 LarLTA LLTTLLL LLLL LL LLL LLLLHHLLLaLLH HHHHLLLLLLaL LLLL LaLLLL LL LLLLLL CCeLHHLS 0LLLuLCLLLLLSL L LLLLHS LLLL becorted poor rig's food lowoggys,
Megalithic Subsistence Patterns
With the brief introductic. I the sources, let us deal with the reconstruction of the subsistenic patterns.
EELELlBLut rgLLgaaaa aE GLLLL LLLLLS LG SLLLaLLLLLLLS LLLcg LLtttLES help-r us t ) ret: instruct that tiles' **clrly settiers had a multi-faceted subsistence pattern. It was a combination of lagoon fishing, incipient farming and pasturing,
The Jaffna lagoon II List have played a vital role in the subsistence of the Carly settlers. The lagoon was not only a safe area for their operations but its explitation was also within their technological means, The LLLLLLLL aLaLLLL LSLCStE LLLSLLLLLLLL LL ELaaLLLLLLL burials include shark vertebrato bom:5, Other tish bone, Crab shells, turt E.: shells, (y's lar shills, Ch shells,
snail shells, etc., obtained in plenty,
The Current folk practice of Explcxi ting the lagu on in the Peninsula is a Continuation of earlier rodes. One Could stil find wirnen folk, with palmyra-lea caps on their heads, calching rawns and tither lagoon items with only their hards,
Today one finds various techniques used for catching fish and prawns ir the est lag: } } 1 &, in LT1 cly, Karapupu LLLLLS aLmK S LL LLLLL LLgLLLLS LL LLLLLLLlLLLLLL LLLLLL
Page 180
torch is used for night fishing, etc. At least Some of these methods must be survivals of primitive techniques.
The pasturing subsistence of these early Settlers is testified to by the animal bones found as remnants of the food offerings in the Megalithic burials. 49 They included several specimens of cattle bones which were easily identified. Some of the bone remains had sharp Cut marks, indicating slaughter. Goat and Sheep bone remains were found Comparatively in large numbers. The bone specimens may also include the remains of wild animals which were then found in the Peninsula and were hunted. No wild game could be seen in the Peninsula now, except rabbits and boar in a few remote pockets. However, we can be more definite only after a specialised study of the bone remains.
No seed remains were isolated during Our rescue excavations, but we were able to speculate at least about an incipient type of farming on the basis of the location of those early settlements as they are all located in the traditional paddy fields of the Peninsula. The environmental advantage of this location for incipient farming is discussed elsewhere in this thesis.50
We assume that the environmental Suitability of Such a Combined Subsistence pattern was the reason for the Megalithic settlers to select this location for their rudimentary settlements.
The significance of Arikkari Catti
Concerning the Cultivation of food grains in postMegalithic times, an interesting phenomenon was observed in Our Survey. A special kind of pottery known as arikkan Catti was found distributed in the archaeological sites dated from the dawn of Christian era. This ware Originated as a sub-type of Thick Rim Red Ware, later became Grooved Rim Ware and it still Survives in daily use. The function of this ware is to separate Stones from food grains. The ware has innumerable thin grooves covering the entire interior. They are of specific pattern, either grill lines or wavy lines. Even these patterns survive today. When rice needs to be cleaned, it is put into this ware along with water. The ware is held in hand, Swinged rythematically, and the water is poured Out along with rice into another vessel. The stones stay at the bottom of the v are. The process is repeated until all the Stones are removed. The ware was never found in association with the Megalithic ECBRW. The appearance of this
ware in the archaeological sites from the dawn of Christian era, clearly indicates the increased production
Settlement and Subsistence Patterns 165
and consumption of food grains, especially rice. This phenomenon was observed throughout Sri Lanka and coincides with the post-Christian developments in tank irrigated agriculture.
Trade
Trade seems to have already begun during the Megalithic times in the Peninsula as items like Roman coins, Lakshmi plaques, Rouletted Ware and Carnelian beads were obtained in these early sites.
It seems, trade became a major Subsistence activity from the dawn of Christian era Onwards because of the location of the Peninsula on the major trade routes both South Asian and trans-Oceanic. Glass beads, foreign wares and medieval Coins were found in plenty in the later Settlements situated along these trade routes. The reconstruction of these routes has already been discussed.
It seems foreign trade was Comparatively prosperous during the times of Roman Contact But there is a marked deterioration after 5th century A.D. The focus of the medieval Arab-Chinese trade was not on Jaffna but was on Mantai in the Mannar District.
Iron Technology
The iron technology needs Special mention in this context as this technology was vital for the very emergence of the Megalithic culture and its subsistence patterns. The iron implements were found widely distributed in the Megalithic and in the subsequent early historic Sites. Whether these tools were produced indigenously from a local ore, or imported from Outside is a matter to be confirmed.
However, Smelting/melting of iron was evident right from the Megalithic times as testified by the presence of a large number of iron slags found in the sites and in the excavation trenches. We tend to believe that the local iron-containing laterite, found in the Peninsula and in the Vanni Could have been used as the raw material. Many of the medieval sites in Vanni are invariably located in the vicinity where the metalic laterite is found on the surface. The early Settlers could have evolved a primitive technology to extract iron from this raw material, which may not be Commercially profitable in the modern times. A. Moothootham by Pillai (History of Jaffna, 1912, P. 105) refers to indigenous production of iron in Jaffna, which was known as 'Ilam iron'.
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766 Early Settlements in Jaffna
Conch Shell Diving
The affna peninsula and the adjoining islands are situated in a continental shelf of less than five fathorns deep. As a result, the la fina lagoon and the sea of the adjoining islands provide the best waters in Sri Lanka for conchi shell diwing. There wyer direct evidences that conch shell Teat was used de food in early |affna. Conch shell was als } a precious trade item in ancient and medieval times, and was used to make bangles and other or artists, Most probably Conch shell diving for commercial purposes was a Subsistence activity during the span of tille Covered by this research. This can be envisaged on the strength of the following points : (a) the presence of innumerable Conch shells is the early sits as well as in the stratified layers of early phases in the excavated sites. Some of the sites were seen with Cut Conch shells, the was tes in bangle production; (b) ti || recently conch she|| was a major export item from Jaffna especially from the port of Crkavatturai (Kayts). Heaps of discarded Conch shells can be still seen at this port. Even today a limited number of shells are being exportedly a contractor at Alaikkottai to Bangladesh: {c} affna, in its Caste structure, has a community of conch shell divers known as Mukkuvar (who hold their breath. who have now turned towards fishing, as the conch shell trade has now declined.
Plate 758 : Palmyra leaf straps for por
Palmyra
The pride of the Perninsula, the palmyra, must hawe certainly played a role in the early subsistence pattern. But unfortunately We were unable to get any material evidence for its use, The best way to understand the role of the palmyra seems, is to look into the folk food habits and palmyra based cottage industries, Ample ethn-archaeological evidences ta 1 he sited in this regard as Jaffna still retains a community in its caste structure known as Nalavar (toddy tappers) whose subsistence is based on palmyra,
Miscellaneous
Another natural vegetation of economic importance about which we get literary records, is the chaya root ()r so var när vëm po J. This root was Lused to extract a saffron Colour dye which was an important item of export during the Portuguese and Dutch times. The Portuguese records refer to the existence of this chaya industry as well as weaving in the times of the Tari kings. Even the king of Jaffna was the known to them as "Chaya Raja". It is interesting to note that a few of the early sites and many of the medieval sites were found in areas where the chaya root was common in the natural vegetation.
8. . . . *、長、登全。 iti l
reporing various household items,
Page 182
Psafe 759 : The palmyra roof is considered a deficious foo goins the name "Pullukkofiyas, if boiled and then dried. Phot
Plate 160 : "Caya' root as natural vegetation, Anarvisunfāņ, vāli.
Settlement and Subsistence Patterns 767
d in Jaffna. The roof, when dried raw, is known as 'ofiyo and ograph taken of Porus firriwu, off Jaffna.
In the social structure of Jaffna, there were Specific sub-castes, known as Verkkutti Pallar and Werkkutti Parayar, involved in the chaya root digging and Chayakkarar, a sub-caste of Vannar (washermen) dyed the clothes. Weaving was done by a section of Para yaror Valu var; Ceikurtar or Kaikkolar (who were also known as soldiers in the time of the Colas); and by Cέη ίνειr, The presence of such a number of sub-castes and their distribution point to the importance of textile industry in early and medieval Jaffna. The chava root industry declined with the advent of chemical dyeing The Use { } t t le The dicir 1:1 || Jlants in the Peninsula was popular during the times of the kingdom (of Jaffna, as testified by the medical hooks of the medieval tires based on the iridig. It us 'clical traditions of the
LCaaa SEELLSL LLL L L LLLLSSttLtCcEt LLSLESHHHHSLLLLELtttttttSLLLtEE S etc.),
Evidences are available for two rice dry industries; LLGLHaLS LLLGLLLLLLL LL LLLLLLLLS LLLLLCLLL LLL LL LaLLLLL LLL Lincut stones and flaks foLIrld in the sites. The other was coral and limestone architecture. The Peninsula LcaaLL aLL LtLtcL LLLLaaHLL0LLLSLL LaaLLLLLLL LLa aHaLL LLL Laaa this albLindant arhitectura|| II na teorial right fra om early time"'s which was later en coLIragel by the Dutch
Page 183
『鶴』
sowi H* + + **
-- ", |-----------------------------------------------------------T 디---- |- sae鱷「』* **龐 』『量
■『』
Page 184
Th
Kantarötai52 has been identified as the regional central place of the Peninsula in the early times, for the following reasons.
1. Kantarotai is the largest early archaeological site in the Peninsula as evident from the spatial distribution of artifacts.
2. This is the richest site in terms of the concentration of structural remains and artifacts, compared to any other early site in Jaffna.
3. Foreign trade items, Coins and luxury articles are found in large quantities at Kantarotai, indicating that it was the Commercial centre of the region. For instance, the site yielded the best quality Rouletted Ware in abundance while only a small number was collected from the other sites.
Plate 767 : The stupa-complex at Kantarotai. The stupas be to the medieval times. They were constructed by coral and I lapping of these monuments with the earlier Megalithic phase this complex may imply Buddhicised Megalithism. The stupas Lanka Department of Archaeology on the original bases. The
excavated.
Settlement and Subsistence Patterns 169
Development of a Central Place
4. Kantarotai seems to be the only urbanized settlement in early Jaffna. It emerged parallel to the other early South Indian and Sri Lankan urban CentreS.
5. The location of Kantarotai is the most potential one in the Peninsula with its tanks, drainage and the paddy field belt. The location possesses the capacity to Support the necessities of a central place in a region like Jaffna.
6. AS far as the archaeological evidences point out, Kantarotai was the most popular early religious centre in the Peninsula, with a number of religious Structures.
7. Even in time range Kantarotai is significant as its continuity Could be traced from 500 B.C. to the beginnings of the kingdom of Jaffna.
long to different phases from the early centuries of Christian era imestone locally available in Jaffna. The relationship or overat Kantarotai is yet to be fully understood. The unique layout of seen in the photograph are recent reconstructions by the Sri }re are a number of such bases in the entire area waiting to be
Page 185
('O'8 001 ? – “Dog 009 (2) | esoụd – ouģot us uuəųod quəuəļųəS : z9 i egold
Țoțoļļļüüpw og sįįpɔ-spúpļēA 'y 'dobouļoup», og soiịoxxspūy z sojouoļupy · 1 : Key
uuț¢
Page 186
The location of the archaeological sites and the chronological sequence developed, reveal the Continuity of human habitation in the Peninsula at least for the last two thousand five hundred years. The Settlement and Subsistence patterns are classified here into four phases, presented with relevant maps, to understand the growth of Settlements and the demographic changes in the Peninsula.
Phase
In this phase which may be called the rudimentary phase of Settlement, the following five sites of which the first three with certainty, can be assigned : Kantarōtai, Ānaikkōtai, Kārainagar, Vēlanai and Maņņittalai.
The major aspect of this phase was self-sufficient settlement units with multifaceted subsistence patterns. it was a Combination of farming, pasturing and lagoon fishing. Culturally the phase is identified as Megalithic though it overlaps with the early historic period of the first three pre-christian centuries.
There were evidences of writing at the early historic Stages and linguistically, elements of both proto-Dravidian and Prakrit were found. The religious beliefs were similar to those of the Megalithic South India. Though literary Sources claim that Buddhism arrived in 3rd century B.C. to Jaffna, it was not evident in the Megalithic post 3rd century B.C. stratum, which means Buddhism had yet to gain popularity.
An important factor is that the settlements were centred around the Jaffna lagoon. Chronologically the phase is pre-christian, extending into at least 6th century B.C.
Settlement and Subsistence Patteins 171
Phases of Settlements
Phase
This is a Secondary phase of the Settlement pattern in the Peninsula. Chronologically it emerged around the dawn of the Christian era and continued into the first few centuries upto circa 5th Century A. D. In this phase the number of Settlements increased. Important new Settlements emerged along the eastern Coast and in the islands. A clear regional pattern evolved with settlements of specific activities. Kantarotai emerged as a Central place or urbanized capital of this pattern.
There were new trends in the economic activities which included the increase and surplus in Cultivation, the development of trade and trade routes. The Roman trade brought in an economic boom and the resultant urbanization and political growth of Kantarotai paralleled those of Anuradhapura and Mahagama.
The outcome was the elevation of the Peninsula to statehood or to at least to a principality. Both the Tamil literature and Pali chronicles mention Jaffna (Naka natu or Nagadipa) as a political unit of itself, during this phase.
Another development was the advent of an institutionalized religion i.e. Buddhism. The Buddhist structures of Jaffna have many localized elements in their concept and material and are Strikingly unique Compared to the Buddhist monuments of the South.
Phase I
This phase marks a deterioration of the previous pattern. Chronologically the phase began around C. 5th century A.D. and continued upto C. 10th century A.D. By 5th century A.D., the prosperous Roman trade ended and it seems, the Settlements of Jaffna had been affected by this. The Subsequent foreign trade i.e. the Arab
Page 187
く(GV 009 2 – 28 001 (2) II osoụd — ouļļos us uueųod queueļues : c91 eļoja
-‘sue}}{\pļņēA og Į 'n ijodūpÁsduuəɔ SLLLLLL L0 S00L0LL 00 LLLLLLLL 00 LLLLLLLL00LLL LS 00LL LLLLLL LL LLLLLLLL L LLL L LLLLLLL LL LLLLLLLL 0 LLLLLLL 0 SLLLLLLLLL L SLLLL 0SLLLL 0 SLLLLLLL LLLLLLLL L SLL L SLLLLLLLLLSLL
거시/ %)
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O ジo O →
Page 188
(!
~\
Key : 1. vețiyaracankōttai, 2. Tikali, 3. Noyinātīvu, 4.vērappisti, 5. Caffirantai, 6. Vēlaņai, 7. Căţți, 8. Allaippitti, 9. Mannittalai, 10. Kautārimunai, i 1. Tiruvatinilai, 12. Ticaimaļuvai, 13. Kātsuppulam, 14. AndiviļUnfān, 15.Kantarõţai, 16. Kalaiyōtai, 17. Mulli, 18. Andikkārtoj, 19. Maniyamtõstam, 20. Ariyālai East, 21. Naliūr. 22. Irupālai, 23.Kõpāi, 24. Kalvaldi, 25. Paĥkunippitti, 26 vērokkāņu, 27. Koccā, 28A. Tulukkankōtai, 28. Vallipuram, 29. Valikanți, 30. Nākarköyü, 31. Korumaņalkumpi, 32.Tālaiyati, 33. Vettilaikkēņi, 34. Taţţānkātu, 35. Mantalãi, 36.Köyisvayal, 37. Niffiyavettai, 38. Kuyavonpitți, 39. Cāldi.
{
Plate 164 : Settlement pastern in Jaffna –phaseIII (c. 500 A.D. — c. 1300 A.D.)
Page 189
774 Early Settlements in Jaffna
Chinese trans-oceanic trade newer had its focus in Jaffna. Instead, the focus had shifted to Maintai in the Mannar district.
By this time, the interaction between technology and environment, favoured the dry zone of the main island. The resultat Hydrauli dwel() p) Ternts, rendered Anuradhapura as the most powerful centre in the entire island. Probably this factor shifted the trade focus froIT Kantarötai to Män tai as the Mäntai port mainly catered to the needs of Anuradhapura.
The 5ettlements in Jaffra in this phase wert marktod by poverty, compared to the innumerable rich settlements of the dry zone south. Jaffna probably came under the hegemony of Anuradhapura in this phase,
Phase IW
In terts of artifacts, the phase is marked by the Overlapping of Thick Rim Red Ware and Grooved Rim Ware. Chronologically the phase started around 10th century A.D. and continued up to the advent of the
Plate 165 : Remo in
Portuguese. Though this phase goes out of our scope, it is discussed here briefly for the sake of Continuity,
Striking developments were noticed in this phase. LLHHL LL LLLLS LLLLL taaLLHHLHHLS tt LHataaL LLLLGL LLtHLLLLHHLLL The central place Kantarai itself was a handoned. New settlements arose and they were found widely distributed throughout the Peninsula. Th(' kingdom of Jaffna amel a rne w Capital at Nallut eventua|| y emerged. The sites wic'lded a number (1 - 5 retirl's hoards - 11-13th century Sri Lankan Cir15 and the Coin5 of the Kings of Jaffna. There was a spurt in the Arab-Chinese trade as evident from the Arab-Chiness artifacts of 11-13th century. All these developments w:rgə part () 1 this libigger (changes that to cok pola (" " in south India and Sri Lanka with the ris' of the Clel
bow or armcl the collars' cof Airli Lura ilha pot I ra.
A definite written source that may help to locate the aLLLLLLLaaaaHLS BLL LLLr LLL GBGLL LLL LLC LLLLtccS L LLLLS LLLLaaaaaaa LcccLcLLLLLS L LtLLLLLL tL CLL L LLLLaaaE LLLLL LGgLL tax could be found.
s of Nallur.
Page 190
つ
Source : Villages paid fox to thePortuguese in 1645 A.D.
(Pleris P.E., 1920, pp. 48-53). Defoils not ovoilable so,the the Islands.
Plate 166 : Settlemenspattern in Jaffna — phase IV (c. 1300 A.D. _ •1600 A.D.)
Page 191
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Page 192
CONCLUSIONS
Plate 7 ó 8 : A Megalt hic burias urn of Analikköttai.
Page 193
Page 194
Plate 769: A disturbed Megalithic dolmen at Katiraiveli in the known as a village of the Veddas - the aborigines of Sri Lan "Kurań kuppatai Vempu', without being conscious of its mea dolmens. Kurakku" – death, Patai" – monument, Kurakkup land, especially used in the Eastern Province.
Who were the early inhabitants of Jaffna. When did they occupy this land? How did they interact with their environment? What was the historical process that finally culminated in the emergence of a kingdom and established a distinct cultural pattern in the Peninsula? These are some of the original questions that impelled us to carry out this research. The archaeological field work conducted between 1980 and 1983, now makes it possible to attempt some answers to these questions.
According to confirmed archaeological knowledge, the first inhabitants of the lsland of Sri Lanka were the Mesolithic people who practised a microlithic stone-tool industry. This phase of Sri Lankan prehistory is usually looked upon in association with the microlithic teri culture of the Tirunelveli region of Tamil Nadu. 1 Commendable work has been done recently by S.U. Deraniyagala in unveiling the microlithic phase of Sri Lanka and thanks to his efforts, startling absolute dates are available now for Some of those microlithic sites.
C14 dates, obtained from different laboratories, for the cave sites of southwestern Sri Lanka go back to 28,000 B.C. This was cross-checked by thermoluminiscence dating for the dune (teri) deposits covering the microlithic tool-bearing gravel in the northern plains. Again, the same date was arrived at. It was told that even the Tamil Nadu Tirunelveliteri dunes, when dated by this method, go back anterior to the Sri Lankan teris (32,000 B.C.). The hypothesis is that the first inhabitants could have migrated to Sri Lanka through a land-bridge that existed between northwestern Sri Lanka and Southeastern Tamil Nadu at that time. The calculations point out that this landbridge was in existence till 7000 B.C.?
Conclusions 179
2 Eastern Province of Sri Lanka. Until recent times Katiraiveli was ka. Astonishingly, this burial site is still known by this villagers as ning. Kurakkuppatai is the ancient Tamil name for AMegalithic patai' - monument for the dead. "Vempu' is a term for barren
These discoveries if confirmed, may revolutionize the whole perspective on Mesolithic and Upper Palaeolithic sequence in South Asia, where the distinction between them and the chronology are still vague. A question now arises whether this earliest phase of Sri Lankan prehistory can be merely called Mesolithic in the wake of the current discoveries. Hence, in the Sri Lankan context, we prefer the term microlithic, as it could be a comprehensive one to denote the whole prehistoric cultural sequence in Sri Lanka. We wish Deraniyagala will continue his efforts to unveil the shadowed areas of this phase. Simultaneously fresh studies in Tirunelveli and southern Kerala are warranted to understand and correlate the Sri lankan
sequence.
The microlithic sites in Sri Lanka are located throughout the Island, barring the Jaffna peninsula. In the hilly regions, they were found in the cave and rockshelter sites and in the plains they were found in the teri deposits. A field work programme we did along with the Department of Archaeology in 1982, revealed that the distribution of microlithic sites extend to as north as Punakari, that means to the very doors of the Jaffna peninsula. On another occasion, a few microlithic tools were collected by us at Mannittalai, a sand-bar projection from Punakari, which is at a visible distance from the Jaffna city.“
But, what intrigues one is that not even a single microlithic site has so far been found in the Jaffna peninsula, despite a rich microlithic culture in the rest of the Island. It seems, that the first wave of migrators from the peninsular India - the microlithic people - did not choose Jaffna as a habitat. This could be due to the non-availability of microlithic tool material in the Peninsula. Presumably, it was
Page 195
180 Early Settlements in Jaffna
those of the second wave of migration from south India - the Megalithic folk - who occupied first Jaffna in the protohistoric times.
O O O
The controversies over the origins of Megalithic culture in south India are yet to be solved satisfactorily. Several theories have been putforth ranging between proto-dravidian and Mediterranean origins.5 There is . also a view that this culture denotes the first wave of Aryan inspiration or migration to South India. Let us keep away from discussing these controversies in this research. What is obvious is that the Megalithic culture was a common basis for the various social formations in south India and that it was this culture which spelt out clearly whatever the salient features we now call proto-dravidian.
The Megalithic culture, in the South Asian context, is essentially a south Indian phenomenon, identified by the various types of burial monuments found to be distributed throughout south India. The earliest evidence of this phase had come from Hallur, Karnataka, dated to c. 1000 B.C.7 and the trend survived to the early centuries of the Christian era in many pockets of south India. Besides the burial monuments which rendered the term Megalithic, the culture is further denoted by certain homogeneous features like the introduction of iron technology, tank-irrigated agriculture, developed settlements and a special pottery technique which produced the Black and Red Wares. The urbanization in south India, the rise of the earliest kingdoms and chieftaincies in this region and the refinement of the language to the stage of producing the Carikam Tamil literature were actually the culmination of the Megalithic culture.8
it has now been established by archaeological sources, that even the dawn of History in Sri Lanka was indebted to this south Indian sequence.9 in Sri Lanka, it was the Megalithic culture that marked the end of prehistoric microlithic phase and the beginning of protohistory in c. 6th century B.C., if not earlier. A number of Megalithic sites has been so far found distributed throughout Sri Lanka. The classic example is the Megalithic urn burial site at Pomparippu, Puttalam 10 which is parallel to Aticcanallūr in the Tirunelveli region of Tamil Nadu, on the other side of the Gulf of Mannar. At Anuradhapura, the sequence points out the presence of a microlithic phase at the bottom and after that, separated by a sterile layer, the
Megalithic culture was at the genesis of the urbanization of that city. 11 it was a leap from microlithic to Megalithic without passing through a Neolithic phase. This Sri Lankan sequence is identical to the sequence of extreme south India. Again, parallel to south India, the Megalithic phase led Sri Lanka into the dawn of history with the appearance of Brahmi inscriptions around 3rd century B.C.
The characters of these Brahmi inscriptions have close affinity with the Tamil Brahmi or Tamili inscriptions of extreme peninsular india and differ significantly from the Asokan Brahmi. Besides, the clan names which appear in these earliest written records of Sri Lanka are nothing but the clan names one finds in the Carikam literature, 12 suggesting a common ethnicity between Sri Lanka and extreme peninsular India.
O O O
These archaeological facts are contrary to the traditional view about an Aryan migration, presented in the Buddhist chronicles of Sri Lanka, which were compiled nearly one thousand years later than the protohistoric events mentioned in them. Though one cannot rule out the role of north Indian influences in the form of cultural inspirations, there are so far no archaeological evidences in support of the so-called mass aryan migration to Sri Lanka. Hence, the current understanding is that the Megalithic culture of Sri Lanka was not merely an overflow of south Indian culture as conceived previously by Sri Lankan scholars. But, it was a full-fledged and integral part of the cultural heritage of Sri Lanka, common to both Sinhalese and Tamils.
While not denying the role of the Megalithic culture in the transition from prehistory to protohistory in Sri Lanka, we also find that many pockets in Sri Lanka were unaffected by the Megalithic culture and remained microlithic. It seems, it was only at later stages such pockets came into Contact with the cultural waves from the urbanized central places in Sri Lanka and leaped directly into the Historic period, without passing through the Megalithic phase. 13
O O o
in the case of the Jaffna peninsula, the Pennsylvania University Museum team which carried out excavations at Kantarotai in 1970, reported for the first time
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the probabilities of a Megalithic phase there, 14 though no burials were unearthed in that expedition.
Four more sites, found with pottery belonging to this early phase were brought to light during the present survey. Two of them, Anaikkottai and Kalapumi, were found in the rescue excavations as Megalithic burial sites, which imply that there were permanent Megalithic settlements in the Peninsula.
Hence, now it has become a fact beyond doubt that the earliest inhabitants so far known in Jaffna were the Megalithic people and as there was no microlithic phase to overlap, we assume that the dawn of human habitation in Jaffna was directly based on the Megalithic culture.
This research has been conducted without some of the modern facilities available in the field of archaeology. This has affected the establishment of the chronology. Yet, the stratigraphy of the rescue pits, pottery typology, and the palaeography of the Ānaikkõttai seal, have helped us to tentatively assign the burial sites of Jaffna to three centuries before the Christian era. Probably, Karainagar could be older than Anaikkottai as hinted by its pottery and by the presence of a microlithic flake as a burial offering. Without mentioning absolute dates, Vimala Begley assigned the earliest date of Kantarotai to 4th century B.C. 15 Fortunately, now there are absolute dates available for the Megalithic phase of Jaffna which almost confirm our views or even push back the date. The C. dates recently received for the Pennsylvania University excavation samples from Kantarotai, range around 500 B.C. The dates for two of the samples out of fifteen, even go back to the second millennium B.C., but, we are sceptical about them.16
Technically, history begins with written evidence, and throughout South Asia it was the 3rd century B.C. that marked the transition from the protohistoric to the historic phase, with the advent of Brahmi inscriptions. In Jaffna, Brahmi assignable to 3rd century B.C. was found both at Kantarotai and Anaikkottai.17 At Anaikkottai, the Brahmi script occurs along with what could be assumed to be a previous system of writing. 18 it is now difficult for us to say whether there was a pre-alphabetic phase in Jaffna which could be assigned as protohistoric, but with great . caution we suggest that a narrow period of two Centuries can be termed as protohistoric. This is in view of the lower C dates for the Megalithic phase of
Conclusions 181
Kantarotai which go beyond 3rd century B.C. It is reasonable to conclude that the Megalithic culture arrived in Jaffna in the protohistoric times, caused the emergence of rudimentary settlements and continued into the early historic times marked by urbanization. Hence, the cultural term Megalithic in the context of Jaffna include both the protohistoric and early historic periods. For convenience we may call the pre 3rd century B.C. phase as early Megalithic and the post 3rd century B.C. phase as late Megalithic.
What made the Megalithic people to prefer the Peninsula as a habitat? The answer seems to lie in their multi-faceted Subsistence pattern. Settlement and subsistence activity is an interaction between the available technology and the prevailing environment. When it was the hunting economy and stone-tool technology, forest and hilly regions were preferred because of the game and availability of tool rawmaterial. On the other hand, arid and scrubby Jaffna region with its lagoons and flood outlets was a land of preference for the technology and subsistence patterns of the Megalithic culture.
The scrub, easy to clear by the incipient iron technology; freshwater at low depth; farming in the rainflooded silt stretches; pasturing in the taravai grasslands; natural ponds in the limestone bed-rocks; the potentialities of the lagoon - all these could have been ideal features that were conducive for the rudimentary Megalithic settlements.
As said before, the earliest absolute date so far obtained for the Megalithic culture in south India is c. 1000 B.C. 19 The beginning of Megalithic culture in Jaffna, with the help of the Kantarotai C dates, can be assigned to c. 500 B.C. Thus, the cultural sequence of Jaffna, reasonably fits into the diffusion pattern, as a component of the Megalithic milieu of south India.
O O O
Yet, certain questions remain unanswered. Firstly, we do not know exactly from which part of south India the Megalithic culture of Jaffna did arrive. It needs further investigation. An expedition in the coastal tract between Kotikkarai and Nakappattinam in the Coromandel Coast may provide some clues as this tract is the nearest coastline off Jaffna. There is also a probability that this south Indian culture could have been routed through the northwestern part of Sri Lanka to Jaffna.
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182 Early Settlements in Jaffna
Secondly, the question is, whether the Nakas who are traditionally ascribed as the aboriginal inhabitants of Jaffna,20 were the Megalithic folk. Whether the Nakas migrated to Jaffna as the bearers of Megalithic culture or whether they are aborigines to whom the Megalithic culture arrived as an inspiration is the question. All that can be said now with the available evidences is that the earliest inhabitants of Jaffna were culturally affiliated to South India; communicated in a language that may be called proto-dravidian as testified by the Anaikkottai seal (see appendix II); and were practising a religious ideology similar to that of the Megalithic south India. In the light of these evidences, the origins of the Tamil dialect and the folk religion in Jaffna can be traced back to the protohistoric times.21
A proper study of the Megalithic culture of Jaffna, put into the frame of South India and Sri Lanka, will be certainly rewarding. This will not only reveal the early past of Jaffna, but, in a wider south Asian perspective, will also help to understand the dynamics of the Megalithic culture itself that has manifested into various Social formations in this region.
in South India, a common Megalithic cultural stratum later caused the cultural formations of Tamil, Kannada, Telugu, Malayalam, Tulu etc. Besides, there were a number of lesser formations. In the Cankam literature itself one could come acrossa five-fold social stratification based on the man-environment relationship in the ancient Tamil Country. It seems, the development of Sinhala and famil formations in the Island of Sri Lanka also belong to this milieu. In the later centuries, the Sinhala-Buddhist formation developed into a major formation on par with the other major formations of south India, where as the Jaffna Tamil formation remained as a lessor formation.
in such a model, the Jaffna Tamil identity need not be perceived as one that belongs to the Tamil identity in south India. It could be a parallel identity. We feel that comprehensive studies in the cultural anthropology and linguistics of Jaffna will certainly substantiate this view.
O Ο O
The next phase of the history of Jaffna is marked by the emergence of a principality, the memories of which are found preserved very vaguely in the later
chronicles of Jaffna.2 The number of settlements increased during this phase, while the previous Megalithic settlements evolved and continued. Nearly ten sites were identified as belonging to this phase. Significantly, many of these fresh settlements arose without an agricultural hinterland, indicating that now the settlements of the Peninsula were no longer self-sustaining units, with a multi-faceted subsistence pattern, but had become specialised and interdependent in their activities.
It was possible that the surplus agricultural and pastoral products of the previous settlements were large enough to support the fresh ones. But, the evidences strongly point out that it was the Opening up of the trade routes, both South Asian and trans-oceanic, just before the dawn of the Christian era that was mainly responsible for the new developments in the Peninsula.
The dawn of the Christian era witnessed the emergence of trans-oceanic maritime trade. The Roman empire, with knowledge about monsoons, had a flourishing maritime trade with south India. Further, it was the time when the South Asian sea-farers went up to Southeast Asia and either inspired or caused the establishment of "Indianised States'. Inevitably, by its geographical location, Jaffna was linked with this maritime phenomenon of east-west contact.
The early sea trade routes, as far as possible, were coastal passages, to avoid risks. To travel from the western Coast to the eastern Coast of India, the Roman and Indian vessels traversed through the Gulf of Mannar and the Palk Strait instead of going around Sri Lanka. An added attraction to this route was the pear and conch shell diving activities in this waters. They crossed the Adams Bridge reef through the channels at Mantai and Pampan. The evidences from Arikkametu clearly point out direct Roman contact with the Coromandel coast.23 in Such a passage, Jaffna cannot be by-passed. (See plate 147).
Besides the trans-oceanic routes, the other trade routes from Jaffna, the land and ferry routes discussed earlier, (see plate 154) connected the Peninsula with the main lsland of Sri Lanka both along the eastern and western Coasts. At their northern termini, the routes ended with the entrepots of the Peninsula, thus linking the subcontinent with Sri Lanka, while the whole Jaffna peninsula and its adjoining islands served as stepping stones. Quite interestingly, almost all the
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fresh settlements of this phase were located either along these trade routes or at the entrepots facing the deep-Sea trade routes, Confirming our views on the conditions that were responsible for the new developments in the Peninsula.
The factors discussed above kindled the process of urbanization in the Peninsula. As a result, Kantarotai emerged from its Megalithic basis, as an urbanized Central place and it was possible that economically, Culturally and politically, this place Controlled the rest of the settlements in the Peninsula.
The available evidences place Kantarotai as the widest and the richest early settlement, with the largest number of early structural remains, situated in the most potential agricultural strip of the Peninsula. Chronologically, we assign the urbanization of Kantarotai, to the beginnings of the Roman trade if not earlier, that is, to circa first century B.C.2*
The urbanization of Kantarotai was parallel to Kaverippattinam and Arikkametu in the Coromandel Coast, Korkai in the Gulf of Mannār and was parallel to Anuradhapura and Mahagama in the South of Sri Lanka.
O O Ο
Both the Tamil literature and the Pali chronicles of the early centuries of the Christian era testify the regional character of Jaffna, which was known as Nakanatu. Cilappatikaram, while describing Pumpukar (Kaverippattinam), mentions its Connections with the city of Nakanatu.25 Manimekalai, mentions Jaffna as Nakanatu and narrates its matrimonial relations with a Cola prince.26 it even mentions the name of the ruler of Nakanatu as Valaivanan. (Probably one who owned a fort at Jaffna, as the name indicates. See Kalvalai site report for the meaning of Valai). The Pali chronicles of Sri Lanka call Jaffna as Nagadipa. One of the protohistoric episodes recollected in them is a duarrel between two Naka rulers of Nakadipa. The Prakrit-Tamil Vallipuram gold plate that can be dated to C, 5th century A.D., names Jaffna as Nakadiva (Naka tivu) and notes its regional ruler who had Constructed a Vihara.27 lnterestingly, the historiographical works of Jaffna that arose in the times of the kingdom of Jaffna also recollect the existence of a political authority in the Peninsula earlier than that at Nallur.28 These Jaffna chronicles and traditions invariably speak of an early dynasty that ruled from the city of Katira
Conclusions 183
malai before the arrival of the imperial Colas.28 Katiramalai is at present a place-name near Kantarotai.
These evidences when Synthesised, impress us to perceive an ancient city-state at Jaffna during this phase, the dawn of the Christian era being its heyday. Such a model was possible in Jaffna during this phase when monarchy was yet to become imperial in this part of South Asia. One can make similar inferences from the existence of several chieftaincies parallel to the known three monarchies in the ancient Tamil Country. In Sri Lanka too, the Brahmi inscriptions reveal the existence of various ruling dynasties in different parts of Sri Lanka before the development of Anuradhapura hegemony. The available evidences place Jaffna or Nakanatu as a regional identity in the above said pattern.
O O O
Another aspect of this phase was the overlapping of Buddhism with the Megalithic beliefs. This is testified
by the presence of a number of Buddhist remains found at Kantarotai and in other early archaeological
sites in Jaffna. Most of them originated in the early
centuries of the Christian era as they are found associated with the Historic Black and Red Ware. The others, found with only TRRW are the later ones,
belonging to the latter half of the first millennium A.D.
During the early centuries of the Christian era, Buddhism was a fairly popular ideology in Tamil Nadu too. Infact it was a Common ideological inspiration to various social formations in South Asia and elsewhere.
The Buddhist remains of Jaffna are unique in their concept and execution. They are highly localised and constructed entirely with the locally available material like Coral and limestone. At Kantarotai they are found in a cluster at a particular spot. They seem to be burial monuments of monks, a buddhicised version of Megalithism. Such a concept in architecture and its execution in Coral and limestone significantly differentiate the Jaffna monuments from those in the rest of the Island. Hence, we prefer to call this architectural expression as one that belonged to Jaffna Buddhism. The monuments explain, how at that time, the Socio-economic and Cultural conditions in Jaffna were able to adopt the Buddhist Cult and were able to articulate it in their own way. The limestone
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184 Early Settlements in Jaffna
and coral architecture tradition of Jaffna in fact started with the Buddhist monuments and flourished for nearly two millennia till the advent of concrete. Buddhism was an integral part of the cultural heritage of Jaffna.
What was the relationship between Jaffna and the rest of the Island in this phase is a question to be pursued. The developments that were taking place south of Jaffna during this time were making Anuradhapura a powerful territorial Centre, and one should acknowledge its inspirational influences on the affairs of the Peninsula. At the same time as we said earlier, Jaffna acted as a conduit for the fresh trends arriving from the subcontinent. According to tradition, even the Buddhist ambassadors of Asoka landed in the Peninsula and in a similar manner, the Peninsula could have acted as a channel of influence for the later inspirations of Culture. However, the personality of Jaffna, with its distinctive dimensions had already taken shape and there is no substantial evidence that the Peninsula was under the Complete hegemony of Anuradhapura which was yet to emerge in exerting its centripetal influence. It is evident from the fact that the Pali chronicles which narrate the history prior to 6th century A.D. are virtually silent about the Peninsula except for certain rare remarks and treat it almost an alien land, while the distant Ruhuna in the South gets a far better treatment in them.
o o O
Coming to the third phase, what happened in Jaffna after the early centuries of the Christian era is obscured by the pathetic non-availability of evidences. The available evidences point to an abrupt economic deterioration for a few centuries until about the emergence of the kingdom of Jaffna. There was not even significant expansion of settlements.
The few TRRW sites in Jaffna that entirely belong to this phase were far inferior to such TRRW sites in the rest of Sri Lanka. There are clear indications of economic and cultural subordination of Jaffna in this phase. It is to be noted that even the Tamil-Saivaite influences, a result of the religious revival in the then Tamil south India, were mainly felt in the rest of the Island, but not in Jaffna. The Saiva saints Sampantar and Suntarar Composed hymns on the temples at Tirukketisvaram (Mantai) and Tirukönamalai (Trincomalee) but, no reference on Jaffna is found in the vast religious literature of the Tamil Bhakti movement.
Ironically, in the context of south India and Sri Lanka, it was this latter half of the first millenium A.D. that witnessed the rise of powerful kingdoms, empires, dynasties and strong regional characteristics. It was the time when Kannada, Telugu and Sinhala became distinct languages with literary output (Tamil attained this status several centuries earlier). It was the time when the south Indian regional dynasties like the Pandyas, Pallavas, Chalukkyas and Rashtrakutas arose with imperialistic aspirations. It was the time when the Sinhala-Buddhist formation in Sri Lanka consolidated its regional identity and resisted to the political and cultural domination of south India. Was Jaffna in the face of these trends unable to articulate its identity? Was it absorbed into the centripetal forces that were working in Sri Lanka and in south India? If so, why? We put forth a few hypotheses.
As said earlier, certain environments were preferred by certain cultural trends at a given span of time. Throughout south India and Sri Lanka the tank-irrigated agriculture was brought in with the Megalithic culture. At its incipient stage, Jaffna could have been a land of choice habitat. But, when the culture evolved into a gigantic, hydraulic based agrarian economy, involving technological achievements in dam Construction, reservoirs, deforestation etc. in the potential lands of dry-zone Sri Lanka and in South India, Jaffna became a poor competitor.
The other major economic base - the foreign trade - declined along with the decline of Roman trade in c. 5th century A.D. The subsequent trans-oceanic, Arab-Chinese trade was focussed at Mantai, a place 100 km. south of Jaffna. The South Asian and transoceanic trade at Mantai catered to the needs of Anuradhapura, which had by now become the territorial centre of the Island.
These trends continued to the beginnings of this millennium till the fall of Anuradhapura and Polannaruwa around which the fourth phase of the history of Jaffna begins.
о O O
By the beginning of this millennium, from a powerful basis of hydraulic agrarian developments, the Cola empire emerged dominating the entire south India. This, and the question of gaining control over the trans-oceanic Arab-Chinese trade that passed through
Page 200
the waters of south India, inevitably activated the maritime expeditions and expansion of the Cola power.
The sequence of the maritime expeditions of Raja Raja I (985-1014 A.D.) and Rajendra I (1014-1044 A.D.) clearly indicate their ambitions on trade monopoly. The Kerala coast and the lakshadvipa islands were Conquered first, to control the trade routes of the Arabian Sea; then the Island of Sri Lanka, particularly Mantai to check the Palk Strait passage; later the eastern part of Sri Lanka and the Coromandel Coast up to Bengal were brought under Cola influence to monopolise the trade in the Bay of Bengal; and finally the Southeast Asian expedition to gain control over the Malacca Strait.
it is well known that the Cola invasions which started in the 10th century A.D., disturbed and uprooted the whole political set-up of the Island by the beginning of the 11th century A.D., and ended the Anuradhapura hegemony. The Cola activities were mainly concentrated in the eastern part of the Island with the establishment of the new capital Jananatapura at Polonnaruwa. Being under the military rule of a viceroy,29 Sri Lanka faced its first colonial experience during the times of the Colas. Though the direct Cola rule in Sri Lanka ended in 1070 A.D., their influences on the Sri Lankan affairs lasted till the fall of the empire in 13th century A.D.
O O O
Quite certainly, Jaffna also had undergone the transitions during and after the Cola.interregnum. All the sources - literary, epigraphical and archaeological - are in favour of this view. All the chronicles of Jaffna distinctively narrate the arrival of the Cola princes, Marutapuravalli, who married the King of Katiramalai.30 Subsequently, Katiramalaivanishes from the literary records. Then we read about a rush of Vellala chieftains and clans from South India to populate Jaffna and Vanni. w
So far, two inscriptions have been found in the Peninsula both belonging to the reign of Rajendra I (10141044 A.D.). One narrates the imprisonment of the king of Sri Lanka and the other records a grant to a temple at Nallur, which later became the capital of the Kingdom of Jaffna.31
Rapid changes in the culture during this period are indicated by the archaeological evidences assignable
Conclusions 185
to this period and afterwards. Many of the early settlements along with their Buddhist structures were found abandoned and some of them were not found populated again. Syncretisation of the declining Buddhist faith with Tamil Saivaism and folk religion took place. This seems to be a reason for the popularity of Aiyanar worship in the Peninsula, as Buddha was Syncretised with Aiyanar.32 The Tamil Saivaism or the Saiva Siddhanta sect was adopted as the elite form of religious ideology by the Vellala dominated social structure in the Peninsula.
A new type of pottery, Grooved Rim Ware, now appears and overlaps the old ones everywhere in the Peninsula. Pacciaippalli became a hive of activities as indicated by the archaeological evidence, probably because of mass migrations to Vanni through the Pacciaippalli sand passes. By the 12th century A.D., there seems to be a fresh spurt in foreign and domestic trade in Jaffna. This is testified by the presence of Chinese ware of this period, 33 by the presence of a large number of 11-13th century Coins; by the 12th century Tamil inscription of Parakramabahu I, found at Nayinativu giving details about the foreign trade at Kayts;34 and through the remarks of the Arab traveller Ibn Battuta on Jaffna in the 14th century A.D.
In the main Island, Polannaruwa Collapsed by the beginning of 13th century A.D. The hydraulic based agrarian pattern in the dry-zone Sri Lanka declined. There were mass migrations towards the Spice growing wet-zone part of the island. Since then, the capitals of the Sinhalese kings were found in the Southwestern and central regions of the Island.
In south India, after the decline of the Colas, there was no competent imperial power till the advent of the Vijayanagara empire. The Second Pandyan empire, which had some active contacts with Mantai and the northern parts of the Island-5 was also weakened towards the end of 13th century A.D.
O O O
All these trends in Sri Lanka and south India finally culminated in the formation of the Tamil-Saivaite kingdom of Jaffna around mid 13th century A.D. This became possible when there were no big powers in the South of Sri Lanka and in south India. The kingdom was partially agrarian and partially mercantile. (See appendix IV for the social structure that was prevalent in the times of the kingdom). Nallur, which
t
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Page 202
was already emerging as a central place since Cola times, became the capital of the Kingdom of Jaffna. The collapse of Kantarotai and the emergence of Nallur Could be envisaged by a comprehensive archaeological expedition at Nallur. But, this has not been attempted so far.
سمي
to conclude, a proto-dravidian social formation that was present in Jaffna since protohistoric times was given a fresh impetus by the conditions during and after the Cola interregnum to attain statehood. Sinhala and Tamil identities stemmed from a Common cultural stratum in the distant past. In the subsequent times, the successive waves of Tamil elements coming into the island were assimilated in the process of sinhali
Plate 70 : Nallur, the capital of the Kingdom of Jaffna, em of this millennium during the Cola occupation. It survived as in 1678 A.D. Nallur, at present, is a residential suburb of Jal still virgin for archaeologists. Seen in the photograph is a n
Conclusions 1 87
cisation. But, the impact of the Colas left the northern and eastern parts of the Island to carve out a Tamil homeland. To this pattern, Jaffna became the Core region that led the rest of the Tamil homeland in the timesto come.
The Historical sequence of Jaffna, put into the frame of South Asian pattern, is a clear case of a distinct social formation which had its own man-environment relationship and subsistence patterns. Identity and assurance of subsistence pattern in their own land is a crisis faced by many Social formations, especially by the lessor social formations in the changing face of post-colonial South Asia. The ethnic turmoil in Sri Lanka is essentially one that belongs to this pattern.
erged as a central place, replacing Kantarotoi, in the beginnings the Capital till the final conquest of the Kingdom by the Portuguese fna city. The entire site of Nallur, around 5 km in circumference, is nonument found at Nallur near Cattanathor (Sivan) temple.
Page 203
Page 204
location
The Jaffna peninsula, longitude 79°54'-80° 2'E, latitude 9° 30'-9° 50'N, with an area of approximately 410 square miles, forms the northern most part of Sri Lanka. The Peninsula is about 40 miles long and 4 to 14 miles wide, bounded by the Palk Strait on its western and northern sides, by the Bay of Bengal on the east and by the Jaffna lagoon on the South. Several saline water lagoons occur in the Peninsula. The Peninsula is separated from the mainland by two external lagoons - one on the west called the Jaffna lagoon, and the other on the east called the Elephant Pass lagoon. The internal lagoons situated within the Peninsula are called Thondamanaru and Upparu lagoons. Very often all of them are collectively and, Sometimes, individually referred to as the Jaffna lagoon. Only a narrow strip between the eastern part of the Lagoon connects the Peninsula with the main Island. The internal lagoons serve as drainage for the rain water Surface run-off while a small stream, Valukkaiaru, which is over 8 miles long drains the South-western area.S.
To the west of the Peninsula are small islands, viz., Karaitivu, Eluvaitivu, Analaitivu, Punkudutivu, Velanai, Mandaitivu and Neduntivu.
Jaffna itself is today the Second largest town in Sri Lanka with a population of one lakh in 1971. Although it has lost the pre-eminance as a port and administrative Centre which it had in the past, it still retains importance in domestic trade and is effectively the railhead. The Peninsula is also linked with Colombo, the capital of
Geographical Background 189
Appendix I
Study Area : lts Geographical Background
Sri Lanka, and with other parts by major road net work and air route and with the neighbouring islands by ferry Service.
Geology
The Jaffna peninsula is underlain by the Jaffna limestone which is a grey yellow and white organogenic, porous limestone (reef limestone), very karastic in its upper near surface part. This limestone is typically a compact, hard partly crystalline rock which Cooray classifies as tertiary rocks of Miocene age. The Miocene age, according to the geological time scale, is about 35 million years ago. -
During this period, that part of the coast of Sri Lanka extending from what is now Puttalam to Jaffna peninsula and the Corresponding section of the Indian Coast were submerged and the gradual solution of the atmospheric carbondioxide in the sea resulted in the in Soluble calcium carbonate This was extracted by the living Organisms which on death contributed to the slow growth of sedimentary limestone rock that became pressed in to hardness by Super incumberent
layers. Differential movements deep in the body of the earth have been responsible for the lower and raised parts of the Solid earth. Thus, the sedimentary formations of the Miocene limestone were projected above the sea level. The texture varies from somewhat Cellular material, Occasionally full of Corals, to a massive rock in which gastropods are common and appears to represent accumulations associated with ancient Coral growth. The rock usually weathers into a honeycombed
Written by : Dr. R. Mathanakaran, Department of Geography, University of Jaffna.
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190 Early Settlements in Jafna
JAFFNA PENINSULA: STAGES IN EVOLUTION
N EMIOCENELIMESTONE
STAGE li
STAGE II
- DIRECTION OF LONGSHORE DRIFT <“ PREVAILING N.E. MONSOONS
Plate 777 : Geological formation of the Jaffna peninsula.
Plate 772: Stratigraphy of Jaffna. Log of a drill-hole at Palai, Paccillaippalli. (right)
C Scale : so it. To .
3S r
Cale 醬 DESCRIPTION Depth RMARKS
2
. 80 p.p.m.c. 9 loose, fine to course grained yellow sand.
- 45 5Os -
in Brown, dense, fine grained, fossiliferous
limestone 76 داد
l a -- 05 Interface
178 p.p.m.c II. White fine porous shelly limestone
l Z 150 9 EEEE
O 183' --
White to grey dense fine detritic limestone لب
with some sand. ། 16,550 p.p.m.c
之
218 な it. w w 一つ Brownish white and light grey fine grained
لمعـ1 250 It dense detritic Sandy limestone. More Sandy Drilled with
it in lower part. failing Rig front "I O-532' S で5
(24.550 p,p.m පද '318 rسلسللسہ : لم
.. . ܠܛܽܠ ー 350 Coarse to very coarse sand with grey
silty clay matrix. Many dark quartz and feldspar grains and heavy minerals. Thin yellow to white beds to brown fine grain a x dense limestone.
45O
ar :་རང་དང་གང་:
a Z a d - Ο Hv 536' 16,550 pp ra 55O 2 Fine grained quartzitic Sandstone with M
5. many coarse quartz with shell
fragments. 58O K ... Dark grey very fine grained hard dense 2 . . . . . . . . quartZitic Sondstone to SiltSfone. 602 3 . . . . . Lightgrey fine to coarse grained sulty
* • • •| porous Sandstone (calcareous). 63O'
650 . . . . . Brown to reddish fine to very coarse
용, ". . . || grained silty sandstone,
it 盟 L” 7OO kao «K s Grey fine to medium grained hard sandstone 7 O
ننا ، ک>
. . . . Very coarse silty sandstone. 72O'
No core. Very fine brown to grey sand as washinas. 750 9 750
. . . . . Arkase sandstone (carbonaceous)) 77O'BASEMEN حاسد ششسته - ۵ sat:44 滋_臀 sheared and slickensided Gness 780' i. ل–ذl SZ-semi-finished and chloritised. ->
Page 206
mass'.2 This limstone is slightly disturbed, buckling into gentle folds running in an east-northeasterly direction. Vertical movements appear to be more marked.
Areal photographs indicate a rectangular pattern with principal directions being NW-SW and NE-SW (Cooray 1967 and Srimanne and Vaidya 1958).
The limestone is well jointed. The thickness of the formation according to the drilling exploration of
1953 showed presence of limestone upto a depth of 270 feet. The more recent drill hole at Palai3 to a depth of 780 feet showed that the 270 feet thick limestone was underlain by a thick Sandstone formation above the pre-Cambrian basement. The sandstone layer is encountered all along the sedimentary basin from Vannativil becomes 430 foot thick at Palai.
An examination of plate 173 shows that the sandy areas of the Peninsula are made up of four distinct tracts. All of them stretch in a north-west to South-west direction joining the limestone region in the northwest. A triangular portion of the limestone is itself buried under these Sands. The Sandy tract themselves are Spits, evidently formed by longshore drift caused by the wave action and Currents. During the period of northeast monsoon and the Southwest monsoon these shores of north Sri Lanka are Subjected to the Southern and northern monsoon Currents respectively. The northern Current during the months from May to October (S.W. Monsoon period) carry along the eastern coast debris which become the raw material for the building up of the Spits during the period of the northeast monsoon. The waves at this time.approach the Coast obliquely and thereby help the longshore drifting in the eastern section.
Being separated from One another by an enclosed lagoon, they unite again to form a low Sandy pass that bridges the Peninsula with the main land at Cundikkulam. The eastern Spit is obviously the more recent formation. This view' is also supported by the fact that the Sands are more sterile Supporting very little vegetation cover and in many places are not yet fixed, giving rise to shifting dunes. Therefore, it would be correct to assume that the Spit on the west was the first to be formed in the face of an emergent land. The other came to be formed Subsequently as an offshore bar giving cause to a Lagoon and then as a spit. The two smaller Spits still further west were creations of the Currents and waves along the western and southern coast of the Peninsula. The Smaller size
Geographical Background 191
of these Spits is explained by the limited amount of debris material available in these shallow protected seas together with the Curbed wave and current action one could visualise in Such a situation. Somerville lends Support to this explanation for the evolution of the Sandy tracts of the Jaffna peninsula.
Topography
in the strata of the limestone, gentle folds with minor anticlines and Synclines are brought about bv. vertical movements. The highest point is at Keerimalai where a limestone and calcarious Sandstone hill rises to a height of about 30 feet above the sea level. The coastline here is cliffy and many remnants as a result of erosion are found along it in the Sea. Except a few locations with limestone outcrops Or where the sand dunes infringe, the upper layer has a thin soil cover. The deposits of sand, wind-blown and water-borne lie in areas where the limestone Surface sinks gradually below the Sea level especially on the east, west and south.
Limestone Features
Caverns
The limestone in Jaffna is widespread and varied in occurence but essentially it consists of calcium carbonate which is soluble in the rain water containing carbondioxide. The rain water percolates through the karastic openings, joints and faults. Since the Soluble parts are carried away, the remaining forms a cavern. The typical caverns in Jaffna peninsula are at Urikkadu, where the soil cover is washed off exposing the caverns.
These caverns have fragile covering material which decays in course of time. The floors of the Caverns are Covered with recent sediments which in most cases are the eroded particles of the relatively higher asea.S.
In the absence of Surface rivers, solution by rain water is the chief weathering process and therefore, features such as solution chamber (eg., Puttur tidal well), sink holes are familiar.
Cliffs
The coast near Keerimalai is cliffy. So is the northern Coast which is exposed to strong sea erosion and where limestone shelves down to some distance below the sea. The cliffs have a landward slope from an elevation of about 50 feet. Remnants of rock frag
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192 Early Settlements in Jaffna
Plate 773 : Geological map of the Jaffna peninsula.
Plate 774 : Limestone features in the Jaffna peninsula. (Below
KANKESANTHURA
KEERIMALAl
AT SINNAMAAN DAPAM
-Pf PERIYAMANDAPAM
నక్క
JAFF NA LA
v)
III MQCENE LI MESTONE
Η Ε MIOCENE LIMESTONE (BuRIED)
RECENT SANOS
GRIKES
CAVERNS
PTTEDLANDSCAPE
SNK HOLE
TDAL WELL
WASTELAND WITH ROCKY OUTCROPS
KULAMS
CLIFF
Page 208
ments are found in the sea, a little distance from the coast. The stones and pebbles along the coast are rounded in appearance. The coastline abounds in cave-like appearance.
Outcrops
The limestone as said earlier underlies the whole area of the Jaffna peninsula. But, it is seen as outcrops only in the north and north-western sections in abundance. The Soil cover is washed off and the rain water falling on the bare rock forms sharp edges. There are Small cavities where water Stagnates and by exerting pressure helps the process of disintegration.
Economic Uses of Limestone
The limestone was extensively used for building purposes in ancient times. Even now, it is used to a limited extent in building wells, walls and temples. The mortar prepared from timestone was used for proximity to the subcontinent of India and is separated peninsula at Kankesanthurai using the raw material.
The soil cover which is derived from the parent limestone forms the agricultural tracts of Jaffna peninsula. They are by themselves not very fertile but, traditional and modern fertilizers have made them most productive.
The underground water storage in the limestone helps the peninsula to Support a high population and supplies good water for irrigating garden crops.
Climate
The Jaffna peninsula is situated within ten degrees of latitude to the north of the equator. It is in close proximity to the Subcontinent of India and is separated from it by the Palk Strait and Bay of Bengal. In size,
TAE
THEAVERACE MONTHLY TEMPERATU
F M A M
Jaffna 834 85.6 88.6 912 88.8 8
Kankesanthurai 834 85.O 89.0 92.9 91.7 9
Report of Colombo Observatory, Sri Lanka, 1967.
Geographical Background 193
the area is small since no place in it is more than 2025 miles from the sea. The land nowhere rises more than 50 feet above mean sea level. These locational and physiographic conditions are acted upon by the 'equatorial atmospheric phenomena", to create a set of weather conditions that have their individualities to make the region a climatic unit by itself (Tropical Monsoon Type).
Temperature
The latitudinal position of the region results in high temperatures due to the high angle of incidence of solar rays at all times of the year. However, there is an amelioration of temperature conditions due to the processes of Convection, adiabatic Cooling and resulting Condensation; the latter accounts for the high percentage of humidity in the lower atmosphere. This, and the cumulus cloud covered skies, absorb and reflect the incoming solar radiation. The process of convection also leads to the development of the land-sea breezes which affect the temperature conditions on the sea board by making it more equable.
The average monthly temperature given for two Stations in Table- indicate that there are (a) two periods of maximum, coinciding with the periods of the overhead Sun, One in April–May and the other in August-September. The April–May maximum is higher than the August-September maximum. In the case of Kankesanturai the first maximum occurs in April and the second maximum is not discernible; (b) the coolest part of the year is December or January and this coincides with the lowest Sun and (c) the yearly averages in all Cases fall around 839 F.
The highest maximum air temperature and the lowest minimum air temperature for the same two stations in 1976 are given in the following table.
BLE I
RE FOR AFFNA AND KANKESANTHURA
A S O N YEAR
6.7 86.2 86.1 86.3 85.4 83.2 83.0 86.2
83.0 87.8
0.0 90.2 90.0 90.0 85.9 83.0
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194 Early Settlements in Jaffna
TABLE
Maximum and minimum air temperatures for Jaffna and Kankesanturai,
Jaffna 68.2 (January) 93.6 (April) Kankesanturai 63.2 (February) 96.0 (April)
Pressure and Winds
Thermal differences give rise to pressure differences which in turn initiate air movements called winds. To understand the pressure Controls on the climate of Sri Lanka, one has to consider the pressure Systems over India. Following the march of the Sun towards the tropic of Cancer beginning from the March equinox there develops over northwest India a low pressure system which is sufficiently intensified by May. This system begins to weaken as the Sun Starts its SOuthward march towards the Tropic of Capricorn. By December, the low pressure System vanishes and gives rise to an equally intense high pressure System Over north west India. These alternating high and low pressures take place over India year after year following the rhythmic movement of the Sun. These Systems are almost non existent during the March and September equinoxes. 7
It has been generally believed that at the doldrum belt, the air from the northern and Southern hemispheres meet. Recent works on the study of the convergence zone in equatorial regions have revealed that the equatorial air (equatorial westerlies) is a distinct air mass with its own characteristics. Jayamaha advances the theory that the equatorial air stream presents two clear zones of demarcation : Zone of northern hemi
TABLE ||
Jan Feb. Mar Apr May Jun
N 27 39 21 16 8 5 O 3 0 0
NE 47 55 55 80 21 48 8 23 6 O
E 8 3 18 4 35 40 3 10 3 3 O
SE 10 O 2 O 35 3 6O 13 16 5 3
S O O 2 O O O 25 10 31 47 25 SW 0 0 2 0 0 0 3 35 48 39 70 W 0 0 0 0 O O O 3
NW 8 3 O O O 3 O 2 O O
CALM O O O O O O O O O O
sphere air and the zone of southern hemisphere air. These two boundaries appear in the day to day Synoptic charts. "One of these zones is found to remain between 05° S while the other oscillates between 25° N (JulyAugust) and 10° S (January-February)".9
The southern zone of convergence always keeps to the south of Sri Lanka. Hence the winds of Sri Lanka have to be explained in terms of the pressure Systems that dominate India and the northern Zone of convergence which stretch over Sri Lanka and to the north of it at different times of the year. Jayamaha has further shown that whenever the n, convergence Zone is inactive, the weather of the Island will be controlled by thermal influences. The active periods are when true convergence is taking place within the Zone at which time the convergence is associated with the clouding and precipitation.
By way of actual distribution, the pressure over Sri Lanka varies seasonally between 1014 and 1007 millibars. During March and April the pressure gradient is much lower amounting to less than 0.5 millibars. During the rest of the year the variation is between 1.0 and 2.0 milibars.
Table III 10 gives the percentage of wind directions for Jaffna in 1976. Observations were made to sixteen points, but are summarised here in terms of right points only.
From the table it can be deduced that the southwest monsoon begins to Operate in May and Continues to blow till October though one third of October experiences near calm. The Southwest monsoon as meteorologists understand it today, Consists of two
Percentage of Wind Direction for Jaffna
July Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec
0 0 0 0 0 3 11 16 33 37 29 16 0 0 0 O O 0 O 8 27 37 47 50 61 0 0 0 0 0 O 6 5 7 2 10 15 O 5 2 31 26 3 0 1 1 0 7 O 6 3 42 63 74 55 65 35 35 11 10 2 3 3 O 58 32 24 8 10 60 62 35 34 3 5 O O O 2 3 2 2 O 3
O O 0 1 0 3 10 5 2 2
0 0 O 6 O O O 3 3 O 0 O O
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phases, the shallow and the deep phase.11 in its shallow phase it is the equatorial westerlies associated with the northern convergence Zone. These winds appear in the early part of the monsoon period. The deeper phase which Comes Subsequently is believed to be caused by the upper air currents that accentuate the equatorial westerlies.
Coming back to Table ill we see that October is the month of variable winds with Some persistence of winds from the South west. Thereafter the north west monsoon sets in and Continues to blow. The months of March-April and October experience variable winds which are result of the doldrum weather conditions.
Rainfall
Owing to the absence of any high relief in the Jaffna peninsula the orographic Control on rainfall is practically nil. Instability in the air is caused by convectional activity during the equinoctical periods (March-April; September-October). Cyclonic activity begins during the inter-monsoon periods and north Convergence Zonal activity, which operates effectively during the period of the retreating southwest monsoon 13 and the early northeast monsoon. Thus we see that the main
TAE
Thẻ Mean (Ten Year) Annual and
An
S. No. Station Mean
(10 yr...)
1. Jaffna 47.07
2. Jaffna Farm School 51.70
3. Kondavil MWY
4. Ramanathan College 51.80
5. Puttur яa
6. Palai 47.4O
7. 'Mirusuvil
8. Ampan 9. Point Pedro 42.40
10. Tholpuram AWA 11. Jaffna College 51.50
12. Kankesanthurai 49.70
13. Kayts 40.70
14. Delft 37.10
Geographical Background 195
meteorological phenomenon, the southwest monsoon, has no device for giving rains to the Jaffna region. The air masses that play a role in the climate of Sri Lanka are (1) The Equatorial Air, (2) The Indian Continental Air and (3) The North Pacific Trades Air. The South Pacific Air which never reaches Sri Lanka has an influence on the weather immediately to the south of Sri Lanka. The Siberian Air originating in North Central Asia exerts an indirect influence on the weather of the Island because it affects the weather of the Bay of Bengal. Of these, the Equatorial Air contributes the most moisture to Sri Lanka through the South west monsoon, while the Indian Continental Air and North East Trades Air, the former on account of its land origin, and both on account of their subsiding nature, carry limited amount of moisture).
The rainfall year for Jaffna peninsula can be divided into
1. The Southwest monsoon period 2. The inter monsoon periods and 3. The northwest monsoon period
The southwest monsoon in its early and middle period blows as a dry wind Over the Jaffna peninsula.
3LE IV
d the North East Monsoonal Rainfall
nual rainfall N.E. Monsoonal Rainfall (Oct.-Jan)
During the year Mean During the year 1967 1968 (10 yr...) 1967 1968
53.20 27.75 38.05 39.50 22.10
65.40 33.90 40.90 37.20 25.40
36.20 28.10 28.10
42.20 - Wwt
49.97 sm 39.60
57.60 35.68 43.90 28.00 24.60
33.35 - 20.90
39.00 - 27.40
34.00 34.80 · .
- 34.40 26.60
68.80 32.4 39.20 42.10 23.80
83.40 3.60 39.70 33.20 24.10 24.80 31.70 20.90
m 29.50 - --
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196 Early Settlements in Jafna w
2 50-75'
50’’
RANGAUGE STATION
ES
Plate 175: Average annual rainfall distribution in the Jaffna pel
6
O
ത്തം
l A
Y \
円 [། v།།
40 -
1923 1930 1940 30
NT PEDRO
Page 212
During its late period, as the northern convergence zone approaches Sri Lanka on its southward march, rain is received. In the absence of Orographic upliftment, the monsoon Continues to be dry till the convergence zone provides the necessary Conditions for uplifting. Hence, part of the rainfall recorded in the months of September and October is due to the "Retreating Monsoon". March-April and October are periods during which the island Comes under the influence of normal Convectional activity which induces a certain amount of rainfall. Thunderstorms are a common feature in these months and rainfall caused by this phenomenon tends to be of short duration but heavy and accompanied by Strong winds, thunder and lightening. The northeast monsoon period is rainy too; but in the latter months the monsoon weakens Considerably and therefore, the rain received during this phase is very limited. Cyclonic activity is one other cause for rainfall in this region. During the months of October–November, Cyclones or tropical Storms Originate Over the Bay of Bengal and traverse across the island or to the north of it. The highest frequency of these Storms is recorded during the month of November during which the average is one per year while October records one for every two years. During the March-April period of equinoctial weather the frequency is One for every six years. These Storms result in torrential downpours and some of the highest rainfall for a Space of 24 hours has been recorded during the periods of such storms.
The rainfall distribution map of Jaffna peninsula shows (plate 175) that the mean annual rainfall in the western part is below 50 inches and that of the eastern part is 50-75 inches. However, it is not uncommon for the absolute total for a year to deviate either way from the mean annual for a station. Jaffna experienced a total of only 32.44 inches in the year 1936 and a total of 73.79 inches in 1932, in both the years the deviation being more than 20 inches from its mean annual of 53 inches. The true nature of this variability can be observed further by examining the annual average rainfall and three year moving average Curve for Jaffna for a period of forty years presented in Fig. 7. The wet months as well as the dry months are equally subject to this vagary. In the light of this, the mean monthly or the mean annual rainfall cannot be considered a reliable indicator. It will be noted that every month shows a mean which is higher than the Corresponding median point. It is therefore reasonable to conclude that the median point gives us a more reliable measure of rainfall expectancy than the means.
Geographical Background 197
The mean (ten year) annual and the mean northeast monsoonal rainfall are shown below together with the yearly rainfall in 1976 and in 1968. 15
It is found that the northeast monsoonal rainfall in the Peninsula (32 inches) forms 82% of the total annual rainfall (The seasonal rainfall exhibits a definite rhythmic pattern. There is however considerable variation from year to year. This variability of rainfall has always been a major hazard in agricultural enterprise in the area).
The next important consideration in this region is the effectiveness of rainfall. Owing to high incidence of Sunshine with cloudless days, long periods of drought and high wind velocity, the loss of moisture due to evaporation is very extensive. Therefore, given the absolute rainfall, its effectiveness is not as much as it should be. B. H. Farmer 16 estimated that there are at least five months in a year when the effective rainfall is less than 30% for the 40 years considered. The problem of water for agricultural and other purposes for a Continuous period of 5-6 months (April-September) is a serious One, assuming that in February and March One Could depend on the Surplus of the preceding
SeaSO.
This problem in the Jaffna peninsula is offset to a degree by the use of the underground water in the limestone Strata.
Soils
Geology as a Soil characterising factor is best exemplified in the case of Jaffna Soils associated with limestone parent material.
Red Soils
The red soils of Jaffna (similar to the terra rossa of the mediterranean region) are formed by the disintegration of limestone rocks. These are uniform in texture, colour etc, down to the parent rock which occurs at a depth from 1 foot to 30 feet from surface. The red soil is found usually on relatively higher areas. The red Colour is due to the Soil not being leached. These are rich in iron Oxides as Could be seen from the luxuriant growth of vegetables which contain more iron. These have rock fragments embedded in them and have to be dug and reclaimed before utilising for cultivation.
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198 Early Settlements in Jaffna
Grey Loams
In the comparatively low-lying (paddy) areas the wash from higher areas is deposited. Generally the paddy soils are either submerged under water or poorly drained. As a result, the soils are of the characteristic grey loams; the lower layers being bluish grey or dark in colour and mottled by brown hydrated oxides.
Both the soils derived from the parent limestone have a very fine texture permitting root development and . aeration. The soil layer is on the whole, is not quite suited to extensive growth of trees but valuable for garden crops. Besides, the soils are not very fertile, lacking plant food and humus. Hence, the soil retains very little moisture especially during the dry period.
Other Kinds
The soils not directly derived or those that have undergone much modifications are grouped under this title. Along the northeast and Southeast margins of the peninsula are extensive tracts of sand. They are mostly wind blown. In the narrow strip of land along the Lagoon the Soil is alkaline. This is due to the salt water covering these parts.
Vegetation
The vegetation of the Jaffna peninsula is largely determined by climate, and On a broad view, rainfall is more important than temperature. Soil factors and topography are generally of Secondary significance.
Much of the natural vegetation has been cleared now for agricultural practices. Some crophyte type of vegetation exists in the lands unsuitable for agriculture i.e. in Sandy areas and in limestone wastes. At present there are two aspects of natural vegetation found in the peninsula.
1. Growth of mangrove in Swamps : These are found in the Lagoons. -
2. Scrubs and jungles : These are scattered in Pachilaippalli area on the way to Elephant Pass and Cundikkulam.
In the northern, western fringes and in many interior patches of the Peninsula, the limestone wastes Contain little or no soil covering; hence tiny shrubs and cactus plants alone thrive. Palmyra palms too grow in these areas and their long roots force their way down to tap the water underneath the Surface.
Surface Water
An examination of the one inch to one mile topographical maps of the Peninsula will show that it abounds with kulams (tanks). There are large and small tanks within the land area of 360 Square miles (the Lagoons occupy the total 410 Square miles of the Peninsula). Over of them have been enumerated (of which only about 200 are in good function) that is, almost 2 for every Square mile. Their aggregate Storage capacity has been assessed as 10,000 ac. ft. 17 They border fields and water Courses. The water courses are traditional cart-tracks to the kulams in the dry season. Eventually they become winding lanes and roadways as the kulams get encroached and they gradually dwindle to extinction.
These kulams are not man-made storage tanks as found elsewhere in the Island; Kuartnam 18 explains : The ponds are not depressions excavated by man to store rain water. The limestone is Subject to chemical weathering under the action of rain water charged with carbondioxide from the air. As this water passes into rock, it dissolves into the rock and causes hallows and passages which become enlarged with the passage of time. The depressions, hollows and ponds of the north are thus natural features caused by the solution of the limestone and the collapse of the roofs of subterranean limestone cavitees (e.g., putter well)".
He further mentions : The natural surface depressions, hollows and kulams act like funnels to conduct the surplus rain water underground. Naturally, therefore, the bottoms of these funnels should be kept clear of slit and clay deposits which could choke the underground passages and this reduces the amount of water that can flow down to the reservoir'. Therefore, the only use to which tanks could be put to is to augment the underground water supply in the Peninsula as they help to replenish the underground source.
Page 214
Plate 776 : Enlarged photograph of the Andikkartoi Seal, fol 1,5 cm, This seems fo be a portion of a Signef ring. A5 fhis i ideograms in the first line and three Brahmi letters in the seco
Änakkõra Seal 799
Appendix II Anaikkõțițai Seal
ind in the Megalif hic Eburias. Thg Size of the seu is around 7.7 X 5 a seal, the legend should be read in reverse, There ore three ridd.
Page 215
200 Early Settlements in Jaffna
Dr. K. Indrapala' Department of History, University of Jaffna.
In the first two weeks of December 1980 an archaeological survey team from the University of Jaffna in the northern most part of Sri Lanka brought to light an important megalithic burial complex at a place called Anaikkoddai, the first of its kind to be discovered in the Jaffna district. Among the unearthed articles in one of the burials, was a pre-Christian metal seal with two lines of writing.
While the newly-discovered megalithic burial complex is in itself of great significance to the archaeology of that district and has already Created much excitement there, the metal seal, the significance of which is as yet unknown to many, appears to be an extraordinary find with implications for the study of the so-called non-Brahmi or graffiti marks found primarily on pottery in the megalithic sites of South India and Sri Lanka as well as in sites further north. It may even prove to be of interest to the students of the intriguing indus Script.
The inscription on the seal is deeply indited and well preserved. The second line of the inscription is clearly in Brahmi of about the third or second century B.C. It consists of three letters and an anusvara ("pulli' F dot). The first line consists of three characters or symbols, written in the same way as the ideograms on an indus seal. What is interesting is that these are not unfamiliar characters, for they occur both among the numerous graffiti marks on megalithic pottery as well as among the Indus ideograms.
This is the first known instance of these symbols occurring on a seal in the form of an epigraph alongside
a Brahmi inscription and hence the special significance of the Seal. This poses a series of interesting questions.
One is no doubt tempted to ask whether we have at last stumbled upon a bi-lingual inscription in the Indus and Brahmi scripts. But we must leave this question aside for the moment. What is of immediate relevance is the question whether this will provide a clue to the proper understanding of the graffiti marks on the megalithic pottery of South India and Sri Lanka.
The so-called graffiti marks have been found on a large number of potsherds, both in the megalithic and premegalithic contexts in South Asia. The earliest material comes from the Indus Valley sites belonging to the Harappan culture and it continues in the post-Harappan chalcolithic cultures in Pakistan, Gujarat, Rajasthan and Maharashtra along the western side of the subcontinent. The later material belonging to the megalithic phase comes from Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka in the southern part of the South Asian region.
For almost exactly a hundred years, scholars have shown interest in these graffiti marks and attempts were made to collect them and discover their significance. Perhaps the first attempt was made in 1881, and in recent years Mr.B.B.Lal, a former DirectorGeneral of Archaeology in India, made a systematic survey of these materials, which resulted in the publication of a preliminary note' entitled : "From the megalithic to the Harappa : Tracing Back the Graffiti on the Pottery' More graffiti marks have
Page 216
been discovered since and some of them have been published.
Mr.B.B. Lal's investigation revealed that "Out of the total of 61 symbols noted so far, as many as 47 are common to the megalithic pottery on the One hand and the Harappan and post-Harappan chalcolithic on the other'. In terms of statistics, his conclusion was that 89 per cent of the megalithic symbols go back to the chalcolithic-Harappan times. And he concluded: "But to stress the point that the symbols do have a phonetic, syllabic or alphabetic value would indeed be presumptuous in the present state of our knowledge'.
Writing about ten years later, Prof.T.V.Mahalingam, in his report on the Tirukkampuliyur excavations, doubted that these graffiti had any association with script and concluded that 'we may not be far wrong if we take the graffiti marks to represent such totemic symbols by the people of the ancient past'.
Among those who investigated the meaning of these graffiti, it was Mr.G.Yazdani who more than 64 years ago, thought that these constituted a script and that these symbols were characters used to express ideas. Although later researchers tended to dismiss his view Mr. Yazdani's seems to be the most acceptable theory.
The Anaikkoddai seal seems to Confirm Mr. Yazdani's view. So far scholars appear to have been misled by the notion that these Symbols occur only on pottery. But their occurrence in a line on a seal, like letters in any short inscription and similar to those on the Indus Valley seals, together with another line in Brahmi - very much like the bi-lingual legends on a coin, indicates that these Symbols were in fact used as characters in a Script not only on pottery but also on other materials. That the Symbols on the megalithic pottery stood for words or names is also confirmed by the occurrence of names in Brahmiscripts on potsherds of a slightly later period excavated in Arikamedu and elsewhere in Tamil Nadu as well as in Kantarodai, Anuradhapura and other sites in Sri Lanka. After the spread of Brahmi, naturally this phonetic script displaced the earlier Symbols,
lf as we are inclined to believe, the so-called graffiti marks on the megalithic pottery are ideograms or characters with meaning, they have to be evidently treated as Survival of the Indus writing System. For, as we have seen, the vast majority of these graffiti could
Anaikkoțițai Seal 201
be traced back to the Indus ideograms and this is not a mere coincidence. Spatially as well as chronologically a relationship could be established between the two sets of characters. Spatially they extend from the - Indus Valley right down the western part of India to the south and beyond to Sri Lanka. Chronologically they begin in the Third Millenium B.C. in the Harappan chalcolithic culture, continue into the post-Harappan phase, then into the megalithic phase and overlap into the period of the Brahmi script. The Anaikkoddai seal belongs to this final phase, after which the easy phonetic Brahmi script supplanted the more difficult character writing.
On this premise, the first line of the Anaikkoddai seal inscription consists of Indus-derived characters and each of them must have a value. Being a legend on a seal, they no doubt stand for a name. And the Brahmi writing in the Second line obviously stands for the same name, as the case of the Greek and Brahmi legends on Some of the coins of the Indo-Greek rulers, Pantaleon and Agathocles. So, for the first time we have a chance of deciphering one complete legend in the characters of this indus-derived script with the aid of a Brahmi transliteration.
The inscription in Brahmi consists of three letters and an anusvara. They are crowded within a small space and the first letter, though at first sight it seems to present some difficulty in reading, shows on closer examinations all the features of the vowel-consonant 'KO. The middle stroke of this letter is not horizontal but diagonal and the arm of the right (as it appears in negative on the seal) is not very prominent. The second letter is clearly 've' and the third letter is a clear 'ta'. There is a dot or anusvara above the letter ta'. Two readings seem to be possible, depending on the point at which we read the anusvara. If we read it before 'ta' the inscription would read as "Koventa, but if we read the anusvara after "ta", the reading 'KOvetan, is possible. Either way, the word would be Dravidian and both readings would have the same meaning. -
Koventa Consists of two words 'KO' and 'venta'. Ko in Tamil and Malayalam means "King' and is related to words in other lesser known Dravidian languages, such as "Koc in Parji and "Kosu in Gadba. 'Venta' is no doubt a variant of or related to the Tamil and Malayalam ventan, Ventu, also meaning king. It is also related to the Parji word "vedid, meaning "good". 'Koventa' would then appear to be a tautological
Page 217
202' Early Settlements in Jaffna
compound and it is interesting to note here that such a Compound. Kovetan as well as its variant form "Koventu' does actually occur in the earliest literature of the Tamils.
In the reading "Követan', 'KO' is of course 'King' and
Vetan would also mean 'King'. 'Ventan' (which
could also be read as 'Vettan', as the double Consonants do not sometimes occur in the early TamilBrahmi inscriptions) is a variant of 'Ventan' and its root could clearly be seen in Such ancient Tamil
'vetalikar' (vetu (or veta) - alikar - king's clowns or . dancers). 'Vetan' has to be split as vetu (or veta) +
'an' the 'an being the masculine singular ending. If as is obvious the name on the seal is Old Tamil or Proto-Malayalam then the second reading namely 'KOvetan' is preferable to the first which has no masculine singular ending. But the first reading is possible if the name is in some other Dravidian language,
including Proto-Tamil. While 'Koventa' could be meaningfully split into only two parts ('KO' and 'venta), 'KOvetan' could be split into three parts going by
some of the forms of the masculine nouns in the early
Tamil-Brahmi inscriptions of Tamil Nadu. The three
parts are 'KO', 'veta', 'an', comparable to 'asiriyku
an', 'Pana-an' and "Katala-an' in the Mankulam
inscription No. 1. This accords well with the occurrence
of three characters in the first line on the seal as the
equivalent of the name in Brahmi. We are therefore,
inclined to adopt the reading 'Kovetan'.
P. Ragupathy2 Department of History, University of Jaffna.
Regarding the decipherment of the Anaikkoddai indusBrahmi Seal (The Hindu 26-04-1981), a few more readings can be suggested. The dot which Dr. Indrapala has taken as an anusvara for the Brahmi legend of the second line, can also be a part of the third Indus sign of the first line. In that case the third sign of the first line is a Combination of a dot and an English 'C' like character. This sign very often comes in the Indus seals in various stylized forms and in most occasions at the end of a legend as in the case of this seal. So now, there are three indus signs in the first line, and three Brahmietters in the second line, but no anusvara.
Now, coming to the character in the first line, we see that the first two are identical, formed like a trident. Being ideograms or characters, they have no fixed phonetic value but stand for particular words or ideas. The occurrence of two identical characters is only to be expected. If the name in Brahmi as we have seen is a tautological Compound 'KO', is king' and 'Veta' ("ventan 'ventu' 'vettu () is also "King'. If the tridentshaped character stood for a king, naturally both 'ko' and "veta' have to be represented by the same symbol, although the phonetic values are different. We have the analogy of several Such words in the present day Chinese-Japanese characters. The final character on the seal shaped like a simple bracket, seems to be the equivalent of the masculine singular ending - "an".
AS mentioned at the outset, the characters in this seal inscription occur in the Indus seals as well. The trident-shaped character, according to Mr. ravatham Mahadevan's 'Concordance', occurs in 212 instances in the Indus seals. The bracket-like character, however, occurs only once. The first one, it may be noted here, occurs even in clusters of four. In the post-Harappan sites as Rangpur, Navdatoli and Saragwala (Lothal). In the megalithic phase this occurs in Sanur, Tirukkampulliyur and other sites in South India. While in Sri Lanka it has been noticed in Anaikkoddai, Karainagar and elsewhere.
These Brahmi characters are normally read as "KO “VË” “TA". If split, they will be KO + VET + A. The suffix 'A' is a sixth Case ending which is very familiar in the Tamil Brahmi inscriptions and still prevails in the Kannada language. The meaning derives here goes as The property of "KOvet, (Koventanudaiya in the developed Tamil) and legends of Such case ending are Commonly found elsewhere. In this decipherment, while assigning the Brahmi values to the Indus signs, 'KO' and VET are represented respectively by the two tridents, and the sixth case suffix 'A' is indicated by the third sign.
Page 218
Even if we take the dot of the first line separately as an anusvara to be read after the Brahmi TA, I am doubtful whether it can end as TAN". There is no precedence for the use of anusvara to indicate the Tamil 'N'. In Tamil Brahmi there is a separate script for this sound. So here, if the dot is taken as an anusvara after the Brahmi TA, the conventional reading is KOVETAM and this can be split as KO + VET +. AM. The suffix AM is actually the same as AN, and Comes to indicate singular masculine ending in Dravidian tongues and especially can be cited in the early Kannada inscriptions (Arasan-Arasam, Rasam, Makan - Makam, Mārtanqan - Mārtānqam). So we need not read the dot voluntarily as Consonant 'N' to see the legend ending with a Dravidian suffix. The usual value 'M' itself is a Dravidian suffix.
It is significant to note that several coins found in the extreme south of India in the Thirunelvely district of Tamil Nadu have such symbols, and here this trident symbol often comes either in the beginning or in the end which recalls to us the names of the early Tamil Kings.
The survival of this 'trisula symbol for the concept of 'KO' is very interesting. KO stands for both God and King and the very Tamil term 'Koventan itself is a derivation of the God-King concept which prevailed
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Anaikkottai Seal 203
in the early civilizations. In the Jaffna peninsula, all the minor deities who are actually the survivals of primitive religion, irrespective of their names and forms, are being worshipped by this symbol of trisula.
The decipherment of this seal also helps us to understand the formation of Cahkam Tamil. Previously there was a question as to why the language of the Tamil Brahmi inscriptions are in a split form while the Contemporary literature points to a refined language. Now it is presumable that it happened because of this ideographic writing. Even after the introduction of Brahmi, during the transitional period, the common man's written language was in the old split form. (i.e. kaçdal an, iku v an, pãn an). Thus, the language of the Tamil Brahmi inscriptions can be considered as a survival of still earlier forms.
Probably, it was those great poets who were the pioneers of the then Society, conducted experiments in the language, using the Brahmi script and elevating the proto Dravidian to the status of Cankam Tamil.
Anyway, here the language we get in the Anaikkottai seal can be preferably called as proto Dravidian. It can be a local form that prevailed in the Jaffna peninSula which was then known as the island of the Nākās.
减” south of India. These coins from the لل
V ピ) Bangalore. These legends are reمتحمسيحيين
இ 譬 Plate 177 : ldeographic coin le
gends (not punch marks) found in the ancient coins from the extreme
Tirunelveli region of Tamil Nadu, are now at the Government museum,
produced from the Annual Report of the Mysore Archaeological Department 1935, pp. 65-69. In the report a question has been put forth 'could they be the names of the Korkai Pandya rulers or even earlier kings of the extreme south of India?” Note that the trisula symbol appears mostly towards the end of the legends, recollecting the names of the rulers of Carikom Age, which end with the suffix "Ko".
Page 219
204 Early Settlements in Jaffna
Dr. K.W. Ramesh Chief Epigraphist, Gr hvorff IErft IIf Isfj.
The unearthing of an inscribed metal seal during ('XCalvations at a legalithi burial site in Alaikkodai, |affna District, Sri Laikid, may yet turn out to be epoch-making though it must be admitted that scholarly reacti) to its expo5. Lire has thus far boon Oil a surprisingly low key. The first writer on this seal, K. Indrapala, would have us believe that the three Brahmi letters which make up the second line of the text, belong to the 3rd century B.C. Since none of them is a test letter, and in wiew of the fact that the seal itself was found in a prower megalithic site, nothing precludes the tentative acceptance of the suggested date. After himself suggesting two alternatives, the scholar adopts the reading "kovetan as the more likely one, though he does not adduce reason for taking a mere dot to represent the final consonant n. Since'ko', and "weta both mical king" in Tamil, he takes the two tridentlike symbols on the top line also to be ideographic symbols Standing for "king’. Armed with these Conclusions, Indrapala poses a very typical as welas
Plafe 178 : A Cluster af frisulas seer urder a "mor tu' free af Ni Jaffna during the Megalithic times, Even foddy, worship of trisula nuity. In Jaffna, various folk deifies are being worshipped in the fo have a corner allotted for the worship of tris Lla. The phones ic wo grom, points to the efymology of the Tamil word "Koyi (femple:
盘 عدم s
topical question as to whether we hawe at last stumbled Up On a bilingual inscriptior in the || 1 dus and Brahmi Scripts. Like some other exasperated scholars in the field, I too have come to believe, after pro tracted exertions, that the Indus symbols are purely ideographic and never carried any phonetic values at any stage in their usage, We have got to Take them yield sense by Subjecting them strictly to provenancell-cum-Context Oriented ideographic and, in sile cases, pictographicCuIT-ideographic interpretation. It is in no way unnatural that these symbols had travelled far and wide spatially and, in terms of tille, had preceded and outlived the Indus Civilization itself. If the trident mark syIT bolised the "king for the megalithic people of the lower tip of South Asia, and if there was Inced to put down the name of Kowetan in ideograms, what Would have inevitably resulted is the Anaikkodai seal, However, whether the trident symbol represented the 'king 'we'r for the Indus people is indeed a moot point.
ikorköys, Trident was the earliest symbol of God found in is the Toss populor for T of folk religion, suggesting a confirm of frisUlo, irrespective of the names. Many house premises ue 'KÖ" we get from the Änoikköftaj Seal" for the tris ula ideo
Coce). ‘Kad’ — God," king; 'il' - house;.
TT l".
Page 220
RADIOCARBON DATES FROM KAN
P. N.O.
Sample Trench Stratum Pretreatment
No. B.P
P-2521 4 A |V 2O20 P-2518 5 A |V NaOH 2290 P-2520 8 A V m 2180 P-2524 9 A V| 2340 P-2514 1 B V vn 2250 P-2515 2 B VI 2990 ܚ P-2516 3 B V| NaOH 2070 P-2522 7 B V|| 2110 P-2523 15 B V||| 2060 P-2525 16 B V| | | -- 2730 P-2519 17 B X NaOH 2290 P-2528 19 B XI - 2370 P-2526 18 B X 2090 P-2529 6 X 2350 P-2517 12 X IV Or V NaOH 2250 P-2527 11 X IV or V Too Small
Large tolerance due to Small sample size necessitating C 1 For explanation of MASCA corrections see MASCA New
Courtesy : To S.U. Deraniyagala who made this document
C14 Dates for Kantarotai 205
Appendix Ill C14 Dates For Kantarotai
TARODAI, SRI LANKA (CEYLON) 1977
5568 Half-life *TV 5730 Half-life
1950 A.D/B.C. w MASCA COrr1
V A.D./B.C. A.D./B.C.
- 50 70 B.C. 140 E 50 B.C. 10- 100 + 50 B.C. 50 340 B.C. 410 - 50 B.C. 420 t 50 B.C. Ht 60 230 B.C. 290 t 60 B.C. 270- 390 - 60 B.C. 50 390 B.C. 460 - 30 B.C. 440 he 50 B.C. -- 60 300 B.C. 370 - 60 B.C. 410 it 60 B.C. Ht 60 1040 B.C. 1130 it 60 B.C. 1290 Ht 60 B.C. it 60 120 B.C. 180 t 60 B.C. 130 60 B.C. 60 150 B.C. 220 - 60 B.C. 170- 200 - 60 B.C. - 50 110 B.C. 170 - 60 B.C. 120- 140 60 B.C. - 220 780 B.C. 870 - 220 B.C. 940- 980 - 220 B.C. di 60 340 B.C. 410 it 60 B.C. 420 it 60 B.C. 60 420 B.C. 500 - 60 B.C. 480 it 60 B.C. - 50 140 B.C. 200 - 60 B.C. 140- 190 - 50 B.C. it 200* 400 B.C. 470 t 210 B.C. 440- 460 it 210 B.C. -H
50 300 B.C. 370 - 50 B.C. 410 E 50 B.C.
ounting in Small Counter. letter, 1973, Vol.9, No.1, p.1-20.
available.
Page 221
Plate 179 :A drummer from Kidroinagar, Jaffna. Being one of it, dialect which has a number of orchoic To This words and a few F they were heroids and frodirionowed wers. Some among them Tunify used to maintain she genealogical records of the Weldo to the deity "Walliyokkan" ("Wal-'yakkan', mighty "Yaksha") and
hg aborigines of Jaffna, filha dru TITJers (Parayors) 5 fi'l refain o rakrif words. Besides drumming af funerals and folk tempses, practised native medicine and astrology. The chief of this comchiefroins. Even today, they have their own shrines dedicoted the priest is known os "Woluwok kurukkos".
Page 222
Plafa T80: Fishing was an early subsistence activity in Jaffna. largest population in Jaffno next to Wellalas - the Cusrivafo)
Society irmi Jaffna, 207
Appendix IV Society in Jaffna in 1790 A.D.
"r a Coste-wise census, the fisher-folk is found to be fhe second r5. photograph - Morol Kāfu.
Page 223
208 Early Settlements in Jaffna
A caste-wise census was conducted in Jaffna by the Dutch to collect poll tax in 1790 A.D.. The numbers include all the males in the age group 16-70. This list has been extracted from A. Mootootamby Pillay's Jaffna History published in 1912, and re-arranged here with notes.
Vēlālar a 15170
Cultivators - the dominant community in the caste heirarchy of Jaffna. The chieftains of this caste bear a title mutali. The clannames among the Vellalars indicate some connections with the Tontai natu region (Karici region) of Tamil Nadu. A link between the history of Tontai natu and Jaffna finds reference in the postcankam Tamil literature Manimekalaias wel as in the folk legends of the Tontai Mantala Vellalar. Panti Malavar, Cittirameliyar and Caliyar are the other clans of Vellalar found in Jaffna. Cittirameliyar are survivors of an ancient agrarian guild. They still retain a village near lavalai. Caliyar seem to be aboriginal cultivators. Their distribution is noticed in Jaffna along the traditional paddyfield stretches. Cali is an ancient Tamil word for paddy. This caste is mentioned in the early Brahmi inscriptions of Sri Lanka. At Paccillaippalli, this caste is known as Paccaricic-Caliyar (PacCarici - raw rice). Though the Jaffna Vellalars were originally paddy cultivators, by the time this census was taken, cultivating tobacco, horticulture and trade became their predominant activities.
Mataippaliyār 5523
Household servants to Vellalar. This caste gradually became Vellalar in the recent past.
Kõviyar . . 1429
Household servants to Vellalar. They were listed as Corve (slave in Portuguese language) in the Portuguese records. Hence, they became KÖViyar, 1
Tanakkarar 388
Also known as Tanattar (temple servants?). The caste is mentioned in the Cola inscriptions. A few families still retain this name. At some places théy are identified with the Kõvi yar.
Brahmins 639
The Brahmins were never a dominant community in Jaffna. Most of the old Brahmin families were brought in during the times of the kingdom of Jaffna. Some of these old families are found at Māvittapuram, Kīrimalai, Kārainagar, Karaņavāi and Kokkuvi.
Cettikal 1667
Traditional Tamil merchants. Sea-trade was their forte. Vaitilinkac Cettiyar of Jaffna, who undertook pear contract was one of the richest persons in Sri Lanka when this census was taken. They were involved in the construction of many temples and schools in Jaffna. The cetti community declined with the downfall of seatrade in laffna and only a few families remain now.
Conakar М 492
Muslims. The concentration of this community was earlier at Ussan in Tenmaratci and later at Nallur. They shifted to the neighbourhood of the Jaffna fort when Nallur was replaced by Jaffna city as capital.
Malayakattar 1240
2 Probably Malayalis. There were flourishing trade connections between Jaffna and Kerala by this time.
Paratecikal 1949
Foreigners
Karaiyar 3009
Deep-sea fishermen and navigators. They are also known as Kurukulattar. This community is akin to the Kurukulasuryas and Varnakulasuryas who were till recently. Tamil speaking folk in the southwestern coast of Sri Lanka. In numbers and influence this community comes next to the Vellalars in Jaffna. Even in the times of the kingdom of Jaffna, they had their own kinglet. There are two sections among them known as Meloniki and Kilohki. The decline of sea-trade had severely affected this community in the recent decades.
Mukkiyar 1159
Conch-shell and pear divers. They gained the name because of keeping their breath under the waters (mukku - keeping the breath). In those days Jaffna was known for conch-shell fishing and export. After the decline of this trade, mukkiyar took to fishing.
Timiar 576
Shallow-water fishermen, who were engaged in subsistence fishing.
Timi! is an ancient Tamil word for a canoe or a small round boat (parical).
Page 224
Paravar 351
Fisher folk gained their name from the ancient Tamil word Paravai (sea). YA
Parampar 8
Supposed to be the earliest fisher folk in Jaffna. They are lagoon fishermen and gained their name through a lagoon fishing technique known as parampu. Similar to Varampu (baulk) in the paddyfields, they erect parampu by nets and sticks in the lagoon to trap fish. A few families at Cavarkattu near the lagoon at Anaikkottai still retain this caste name. They are the only survivors of this caste in Jaffna.
Walayar - 7
Fishermen using nets.
Cempatavar 14
Subistence fishermen mainly fish in the pools, ponds and backwaters.
Pallivili 196
? Subsistence fishermen
Tatār 337
Goldsmiths
Kannār 63
Coppersmiths
Kollar 407
Blacksmiths. The iron industry, using local raw-material was popular in Jaffna. The products were then known as lattu irumpu.
Kuyavar 186 ܝ
POtters
Kataiyarkarar 16
Cunnam (lime) grinders, who prepared the lime plaster (Katai - grind).
Varnakarar 27
Painters
Tantakarar 21
Ivory craftsmen
Taccar 536
Carpenters
Society in Jaffna 209.
Otavi (Sinhala) 1.
2 Carpenter
Maravar 49
Professional soldiers
Vētaikkārar 6
Hunters
Tamil Vatacirai 279
Probably soldiers of the Cola times. Later, identified with Koviyars.
Kaikkōlar 379
Also known as cerikuntar. They were soldiers during war and weavers in peace times. They were probably settlers in Cola Times. The concentration of this caste is found near Nallur.
Cēniyar 100
Weavers
Cayakkarar 118
Dyers. The indigo industry declined with the advent of chemical dyeing. Caya root is a natural vegetation, abundantly found in Jaffna. This industry was so popular in Jaffna that even the king of Jaffna was called by the Portuguese as Caya Raja. In the Dutch times, textiles were imported into Jaffna to dye and re-export.
Vaņņār 857
Washermen. Some of them were engaged in the indigo industry.
Ampattar 510
Barbers
Nalavar 2167
Toddy-tappers. This is another indigenous community of Jaffna. In numerical strength, Nalavar and Pallar rank third in Jaffna. There are different versions about the origins of the name Nalavar. It is said that they slip from the trees, hence Nalavar (Naluvu - slip). Another version says that the term derived from Naravar (Naravu - toddy in ancient Tamil).'
Tampéru Nalavar 66
2
Kõttai Vāyil nalavar 265
Nalavar in the service of the fort, probably as soldiers. Nalavar were also mercenaries in earlier times.
Page 225
210 Early Settlements in Jaffna
Pallar 1359
Agrarian labourers. They gained the name because of working in the low-lying paddy-fields (pallam - low-lying). With the decline of paddy cultivation in the Peninsula, some of them took to toddytapping and fishing.
Cāyavēr Pallar 367
Also known as Verkkutti, they collected the roots of the indigo plant for the dye-industry. A section of Pallar who took to this work became Verkutti Pallar or Cayaver Pallar.
Kõttai Vāyil Pallar 20
Pallar who were in the service of the fort.
Tampēru Pallar 91
Kutippalar SS
Pallar in the service of Vellala families.
Parayar 767
Drummers. The parayars of Jaffna seem to be one of the aborigines. In Jaffna, still they retain a dialect which has a number of archaic Tamil words and a few Prakrit words. They were heralds and traditional weavers in the Jaffna society. Some among them practised native medicine and astrology. The chief of this community used to maintain the genealogical records of the Vellala chieftains. Even today, they have their own shrines dedicated to the deity Valliyakkan (mighty yaksha) and the priest is known as Valluvak kurukkal.
Cāyavēr Parayar 208
A section of Parayar who took to Caya root digging. They were also known as Verkkutti.
Arch Köyil Parayar 3
Church Parayar
Kulikarap Parayar 7
2 Probably, a section of Parayar who were engaged in trenchweaving (Kull-NeCavu).
Cănrăr 137
Originally toddy tappers or tree-climbers especially assocaited with coconut palms. later they took to oil milling industry. This
was probably due to their association with coconut copra, but, in recent times their specialisation is in gingely-oil milling.
Kayirruc Cāņrār
Canfar engaged in coir industry.
Yãnaikkãrac Cãnrãr 70
Canrar connected with the maintenance of elephants. In late medieval times, Jaffna was known for the trade of elephants brought from the forests of Vanni. Before export they were temporarily kept at Jaffna and fed with coconut palm leaves. Hence, Caprar were associated with their maintenance.
Kuravar 187
Gypsy migrants
Kadaiyar 351
2 Probably, as same as the Kataiyarkarar.
Turumpar 51
One of the lowest in the caste heirarchy. They were scavengers earlier and later took to washing clothes to the lower castes. A few families still retain this caste name in Jaffna.
Parangi atimai 8
Slaves to the Portuguese.
Tavacika! 192 ܖ
Hermits. probably denoting the caste of Pantaram in Jaffna. There are two sections among the Pantaram. The influencial section is the Vīra Saiva Paņtāram, Who came here probably in the Vijayanagara times as bearers of Lingayat (Vira Saiva) ideology. This section retains a peculiar dialect among them which has a few Kannada words. The other section is Canktiti Pantaram or Anti Pantaram who blow conches.
Panar 7
An ancient Tamil community of musicians. According to the historiographical literature of Jaffna, the place-name Yälppänam for Jaffna derived from the name of such a musician Yalpati or Yalpanan (yal-lyre) who received Jaffna as a gift from a king of Katiramalai.
Nattuvar
This caste is not mentioned in this list of Dutch times. Probably they arrived in later times with the Sanskritisation of temples. There are two sections among them; Nattuvar and Occar (Uvaccar). The Occar played the old Sruti pipe (Umaikkulal/Ottu) that accom panied Nātas varam.
Page 226
Place-names connected to settlements
Ataippu :
an enclosed area. e.g. 1. Vataliataippu land enclosed by palmyras. (Vațali — young palmyra. Ataippu is also a Jaffna usage for cadjan fences).
Alai:
A factory in modern Tamil, but, occurs as a suffix to settlementnames in Jaffna. eg. 1. Elalai. Seven settlements; 2. Ilavalai: new settlement; 3. Tunnalai: three settlements (tun, Pkt. – three); 4. Pannalai many settlements.
A house in standard Tamil, but, occurs as a place-name suffix in Jaffna. eg. 1. Nitti; 2. Tümpil.
Ur/Uri:
Village. eg. ti. Nallūr; 2. Māpāņaūri (Māpānan — Perumpānan: a tribe of musicians mentioned in the Cankam literature).
Katavai:
A pass. In Jaffna it also denotes a settlement on the way. The road from Tellippalai to Alavetti has several kata vais, each denoting settlements of different castes, eg. 1. Parayakațavai; 2. Tațtākațavai; 3. Kōviyakatavai, 4. Natuvakatavai; 5. Paņtarakatavai: 6. Ampatakatavai; etc.
Kõttai:
Fort, originated from Ko- ruler. e.g. 1. Vaţțukköttai, 2. Änaikkõttai.
Köyil:
Temple (Kö - God/king; Il - House). The name of the temple became the name of the village. eg. 1. Nakarkoyil.
Place-Names in Jaffna 211
Appendix V
Place Names in Jaffna
Cima:
Cirmai - prosperous land; Cimai in Tamil Nadu, Cimai also means a foreign country in modern Tamil. In Jaffna, Cima is a place-name suffix. eg. 1. Kittan clima prosperous village of an artist. This particular settlement is inhabited by the Nattuvars.
Nakar/Nakari:
Urban centre. eg. 1. Kurunakar: Town belongs to the Karaiyar (Kuru Kurukulatār - Karaiyār); 2. Pūnakari: town of flowers.
Panti/Pantanai:
A shed. This became a place-name suffix. eg. 1. Anaippanti: elephant stable; 2. Nilippantanai, A place at Karainagar where a temple for Nili (a folk deity) is found.
Palai:
An ancient Tamil word for a settlement, eg. 1. Tellippalai (Tellia fragile woman); 2. Pulõppalai (see pulam); 3. Tumpalai (tun — three; see Tunnalai).
Pali:
An ancient Tamil word for a resting place. Originally a place of eternal rest (root; pallam, a trench where the dead is buried). Later the word denoted places donated to the Buddhist and Jaina monks to dwell. It also stood for places of Buddhist, Jaina and Vaishnava temples. Palli is also a school originated from the Jaina Pallis where the monks taught to students. In Jaffna, it occurs as a placename suffix. eg. 1. Paccillaippalli (paccillai - green leaf). This was probably a place of a Vaishnava temple (Alilaippalli kontan - Vishņu).
Parru:
Property (derived from parru - grab). eg. 1. Cempiyan parru:
property of a Cola (cempiyan - Cola); 2. Koyil parru: property of a temple.
Page 227
212 Early Settlements in Jaffna
Paņņai:
A farm in modern Tamil; occurs as a settlement name in Jaffna. eg. 1. Vapparpannai (Vannar - washermen); 2. Pan nait turai.
Pay:
a mat or a seat in modern Tamil usage. In Jaffna, it comes as a place-name suffix, standing for a residence, eg. 1. Kopay, king's residence (KO - king). When Nallur was the capital, the king's
residence was here.
Puram:
Fort/Walled settlement. eg. 1. Mavitțapuram; 2. Culipuram (culi -- Cola); 3. Tolpuram (tol — old).
Valai:
An enclave/Fort, eg. 1. Kalvalai (see Kalvalai site report); 2.
Aliyavalai : an enclave near to the sea. (This is the Vettilaikkeni fort site. Ali - an ancient Tamil word for sea).
Valavu :
An enclosed land. A residence with fenced premises (root - Valai) eg. 1. Kasivalavu, 2. Pokkai Valavu . a shallow land where Water stagnates (pokkai - pokkaņai - pokkuņa; Pkt - pushkaraņi: Skt.)
Place-names connected to Water Resources
Avi;
Water resource, pond, Kulam. Avi is the archaic Tamil form of vavi. It is Bavi in Kannada and veva in Sinhalese. e.g. 1. Niraviyati, 2. Mallavi; flower pond (Tamil: malar - flower. Mal is the archaic form still found in Sinhalese).
Āli:
Spring. This is another ancient Tamil word for a water resource, especially a spring. (Root: al - moving), eg. 1. Palali; 2. Kilali; 3. Ovali; 4. Navali; 5. Puloli (pula-ali, see Pulam). In all these places sink-holes are found.
Ūraņi: Drinking-water source. (Urani; ūr — village; uņi — suitable for consumption; water consumed by the villagers.) eg. 1. Urani near Mayilitti. At this place the Timestone groundwater discharges into the sea through caverns in the cliff.
Otai: Flood outlet. (Root: otu - run; otai - running water) eg. 1. Kantarotai, 2. Kalaiyotai. The major flood outlet Valukkiyaru
courses through these villages.
Olunkai:
Flood outlet; also used as a path when there are no floods. At present the term stands for a by-lane, as most of the flood outlets have become by-lanes in the recent past. (root: Olukku - drippings. Olukkai stands for a flood outlet in the Cola inscriptions). e.g. 1. Ötai olunkai at Vannarpannai; 2. Kalatti olunkai ( flood outlet in a terrain of limestone outcrops).
Kattu/Kattuvan:
A bund across a flood outlet. (kattu - Construct. In Vanni, kattu denotes a dam). eg. 1. Punnalaikkattuvan, 2. Kailakkattuvan (stone bund); 3. Kattutai (kattu-ôta i).
Kulam :
Pond/Tank. eg. 1. Pirapparikulam (pirampu — cane); 2. Puńkarikulam (puriku - a tree).
Kuņtu:
Sink-hole. eg. 1. Ceimpan kuntu (Cem pan - Collan)
Keni:
A constructed pond (Root: Ken nir - desirable water; ken - friendly/desirable; nir — water). eg. 1. Cittankēņi.
Pokkanai:
Deep pond/Sink-hole (Pushkarani in Sanskrit; Pokkuna in Prakrit and Sinhalese; Pokkanai/Pokkai in Tamil. In Jaffna a deep wooden mortar is known as pokkanai ural. An old person's teethless mouth is known as pokkai vai. eg. 1. Pokkai Vadavu at Cavakacceri (see Valavu); 2. Puliyam pokkapai in Vanni.
Mottai:
A shallow pond with plants, eg. 1.7ccamottai (incu - a shrub).
Turai:
Port, eg. 1. Kankecanturai; 2. Paruttitturai (parutti - Cotton); 3. Ututturai (utai - acacia); 4. Navanturai (navai - vessel).
Totuvai:
Reaching/Touching point in a coastal area. (Tofu - touch). Probably
the Sinhalese term totta or tottuva for a port is related to this root. eg. 1. Nallataņņi toțuvāli near Cãliai.
Vil:
Pond/Tank. Vil is a naturally formed, shallow, water-stagnant spot, converted into a pond by erecting a bow-like bund. This was a primitive mode of tank-irrigation practised since Megalithic times. The term originated from the Tami word vil for bow, it became vila in Sinhalese. In the place-names, Vill mostly comes as
Page 228
suffix. The prefix of such names usually denote a fauna or flora associated with the pond. The names of these ponds became the names of the villages. This is a popular place-name suffix in Jaffna.
eg. 1. Kokkuvil, crane pond (kokku – crane); 2. Nantävil: perennial pond (similar to Nantavilakku - perpetual lamp); 3. Mattuvil: honey pond (mattu - honey); 4. Utuvil; acacia pond (acacia, a thorny bush, utai in Tamil and uta in Sinhalese); 5. Inuvil, twin pond (inai - twin); 6. Mantuvil, frog pond (mantu - frog); 7. Nunā vill: frog pond (nuņa — frog); 8. Kuvil: flower pond (kü is a proto-dravidian word for flower. It is pu in Tamil; hit in Kannada. In Sri Lanka, ku stands for flower in the weddoid usage, eg. kumuna is a Veddoid village in the Eastern Province which is known as Pumunai by the Tamils of that province.
Apart from these suffixes, Matu and Murippu are prevalent in Vanni. Matu - a deep pond; Murippu - a bund or a break-water.
Place-names Connected to Vegetation
Atti, Aracu, Al, iluppai, Vēmpu, Tālai, Mā, Marutu etc. :
eg. 1. Attiyati; 2. Aracati; 3. lluppa yati; 4. Vêmpati; 5. Mävati; 6. Marutati; 7. Talaiyati etc.
Utai:
Acacia, eg. 1. Utuvil, 2. Ututturai.
Karai:
A thorny plant, eg. 1. Karaitivu; 2. Karaikka/; 3. Kāraikkātu.
Cūrai:
Another thorny plant, eg. 1. Curavattai (see vattai).
Paray/Piray:
A tree, eg. 1. Urumpirāy (urum — large, impressive); 2. Kattaippirāli (kattai - short).
Mulli: A thorny bush. eg. 1. Mulli; 2. Mulliyan, 3. Mulli vaykkal.
Karampan :
Arid grassland or taravai (karampai nilam in standard Tamil) eg. 1. Karampaņ near Vēlaņai, 2. Karavetti (vetti - vettai: openland).
Karantāi:
A vegetation (Karantai in standard Tamil). eg. 1. Karaptaikkulam. 2. Karaņtāli tū (tū — scrub torest) -
Place-Names in Jaffna 213
Pattai /Vattai:
Scrub forest. Parrai in standard Tamil. Pa and Va are interchangeable in South Asian languages, eg. 1. Piranpattai (piran - any deity; Piranpattai - the scrub forest where a deity dwells.); 2. KottiyaVattai (Kotti - Korravai, Kali, who favours arid scrub forest as her dwelling. She is also known as Katukal - one who owns forest lands. Kottiyavattai - the scrub forest where Kotti dwells); 3. Cuira vattai (Cūrai — a thorny shrub); 4. Vakaravattai (vakarai — a plant); 5. Pattavattai.
Vilān:
Wood apple. eg. 1. Periya vilān; 2. Ciru vilān.
Ver :
indigo, Cāyavēr, eg. 1. Vērappiți; 2. Vērakkātu, 3. Vērattital.
T:
Tür in standard Tamil means scrub or sticks and twigs of a bush.
Tu in Jaffna Tamil stands for a scrub land, especially in the
Vatamaratci region, from where people collect firewood as well as twigs for the alampal fences. (see Verappitti site report), eg. 1.
Kapputti; 2. Munnatu, 3. Karantaitu (Karantai - a vegetation). In Vatamaratic, an open scrub land is known as Tu veli.
Place-names connected to Cultivation
Kamam/Kamam/Kam:
Cultivator's village. (Grama – Skt.; Gama – Pkt. and Sinhalese; Kiramam - Tamil) Kamam is paddy-field in Jaffna Tamil. The cultivator is known as Kamakkaran. The adjoining village of a paddy-field stretch got the suffix Kamam/Kamam/Kam. Eg. 1. Kotikāmam, 2. Vīmankāmam, 3. Valikāmam (Vali — sand; Pkt. or Veddoid. Valikamam is an equivalent to the Tami term Manarrior Manaltitar by which Jaffna was known). The suffix kam can also be taken as ākam (contain, inside etc.) eg. 1. Cunnākam (limestone terrain); 2. Mallakam (place of flowers); 3. Pannakam (musicians' place: Panakam).
Pilam/Pulam/Pulavu :
Paddy-field, Open land. The Tamil term pullavan for a scholar derived from pulam. Pulavan - one who has knowledge, wide as an open land. Pilam/pulam is a current usage in Jaffna indicating paddy-fields, eg. 1. Mara van pulavu, 2. Kattuppulam.
Vayal:
Paddy-field. e.g. 1. Koyil Vayal (lands donated to temple); 2. Cankattar vayal (lands donated to Buddha Sankam); 3. Kalvayal.
Tõttam:
Land for horticulture. eg. 1. Maniyam tottam,
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214 Early Settlements in Jaffna
Tбррш:
Grove, eg. 1. Taccan toppu (Taccan - carpenter).
Veli:
This is a term for the measurement of land, but also used to call a stretch of land. (1 veli = 6.25 acres). eg. 1. Nirveli.
Place-names connected to landscape
Itti/Titti/Pitti: An elevated land. eg. 1. Mayilitti; 2. Poyitti; 3. Vilicitti; 4. Tampacitti; 5. Kannatitti; 6. Verappitti etc. ltti is mostly prevalent in the northern coastal areas. There is also a practice of calling the elevated lands in the names of the months. The reason for this is not known. eg. 1. Tai yitiți (Tai — Jan/Feb.); 2. Māhiyappițiți or Māciyappiti (Māga/Māci — Feb/March); 3. Pankuņippiti (Pankuņi - March/April).
Kantam/Kantal/Kanti: . Sector. Kantam and Kantal are mostly used in Vanni. eg. 1. Kanta vaikkal. 2. Mannakantal (sandy sector); 3. Vattakkantal etc. In Jaffna, Kanti is the popular usage. eg. 1. Paraya Kapti (Parayar's quarter); 2. Valikanti (sandy sector. The term vali is still prevalent in Sinhalese, denoting sand); 3. Polikanti (paddy-field sector. Poli is an ancient Tamil word for paddy).
Tuntam/Tuntal/Tunti:
A sector or a piece of land, eg. 1. Valittuntal (sandy sector); 2. Kasittunti etc.
Kalatti:
Open land with timestone outcrops. (eg. 1. Kollan Kalatti (kollan - blacksmith); 2. Catta kalatti (Catta - Aiyanar); 3. Kalatti Olunkai etC.
Kalappu/Kilappu :
Open silt-land alongside a lagoon. (Root: kali - silt; Kalam - open land), eg. 1. Tanarikilappu (an open silt stretch adjoining the Jaffna lagoon. Tanan - a caste name). The term Kalappu / Kilappu is mostly prevalent in the Eastern Province, where a number of lagoons and back-waters are found.
Kuli:
A shallow land. eg. 1. Navarkuli.
Cempatu:
Red-soil land, eg. 1. Cempatu at Urumpirai, The people from this area are known as Cempattar.
Taravai:
Marshland/Grassland. The areas are just known as Taravai and are found at many places in Jaffna.
Tarai:
Open land. e.g. 1. Cippittarai (cippi - oyster shells); 2. Kattuttarai (scrub forest).
Tal/Talvu:
Low-lying land, eg.1. Pantiyan talvu; 2. Pantital (panti - Pantiyan).
Tivu:
Island. eg. 1. Net untivu (Island at a long distance off Jaffna).
Turutti:
Islet. This is an ancient Tami word still in use in Malayalam and Jaffna Tamil. (Root: turuttu - project), eg. 1. Turutippitti between Karainagar and Ponnalai; 2. Natutturutti at Punkututivu.
Vettai/Vetti:
Open land. eg. 1. Alavetti; 2. Panavetti (Panan - a tribe of musicians); 3. Karavetti (Kara/Karai - a thorny plant).
Veli:
Open land. eg. 1. Vallai veli (vallai - a plant).
Miscellaneous:
Ау:
? Probably an archaic form of Ayam (lands paying tax), eg. 1. Mūlāy (three Aya lands); 2. Kalluņțāi (stoney Āya land); 3. Tiriyāy (three Aya lands).
Page 230
Plate 78 7 : Syncrefism of Brahma mic and folk fra diffons. The drummers bedat Marattukkari Karakai Arrd temple, K.
Religion in Jaffna 275
Appendix WI
Religion in Jaffna
Brahmin priest performs "Mafa', a folk ceremony, while the oraindgaar,
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216 Early Settlements in Jaffna
We prefer a term proto-Hinduism to describe the religious phenomenon that was prevalent in South Asia in the pre and protohistoric times. The prehistoric animistic and folk religious practices were seen for the first time refined into a distinct pattern during the times of the Indus civilisation. This had set the broad outlines for further developments in Hinduism in entire South Asia in the times to come. In South Asia, it was the Megalithic culture that had set the scene for such a polarisation of religious ideas that can be described as the Southern development of proto-Hinduism. This is testified by the archaeological evidences as well as by the references in the cankam Tamil literature.1
Before the advent of Buddhism, the religion in Sri Lanka - both among the Veddoid and Megalithic strata - was belonging to this pattern of proto-Hinduism.2 Naturally, the earliest form of religion in Jaffna was also of this milieu, the remnants of which can still be found in the folk religion in Jaffna.
The very idea of a Megalithic burial along with food and other offerings itself was a religious practice. Cremation later replaced burial; but, even today the Jaffna folk serve various dishes to the deceased on a certain day after the death. Some, even serve them in the Crematorium. It is interesting to note that till recently the lower Castes in Jaffna were burying their dead. In the recent decades, the right to Cremation became a question of prestige, and they started Cremating the dead.
The trisula symbol, the most popular form of folk religion in Jaffna, is another remnant of proto-Hinduism (See appendix II for its meaning and phonetic value in the early times). This is an evidence that illustrates now a particular Symbool of religious affinities that was seen since the times of Indus civilisation, diffused to a pocket in the Southern tip of South Asia. In Jaffna, an array of folk deities, both male and female deities, is seen being worshipped in the form of trisula.
To name some of the folk deities in Jaffna: Periyatampirān, Nakatampirān, Kalakantan, Korrikilavan, Putavarayar, Muni, Matan, Annamar, Cevukar, Virumar, litumpan, Valli yakkan, Aiyanār, Kattavarāyar, different forms of Vayiravar (Catai Vayiravar, Cannaci Vayiravar, Mayinti Vayiravar, Gnana Vayiravar etc.); Kotti, Kali, Nili, Vālai, Peycci, Pētti, Alvāttai, Māri, Kaņņaki, Naccimar, Uttaikutiyan etc. A complete survey of these deities has yet to be undertaken.
Many of these deities are survivals of very early forms of religion. For instance, Valliyakkan (Val-lyakkan; mighty Yaksha) worshipped by the Parayar in Jaffna is a survival of the Yaksha Cult that was prevalent throughout South Asia. Muni and Matan also belong to this category.
Periyatampiran Nakatampiran, Kalakartan, Pūtavarāyār and Korrikilavan are proto forms of Siva. Korrikilavan is an ancient Tamil usage to denote Siva. (Korri - Korravai; the mother Goddess. Kilavan - husband). Putavarayar is a reminiscent of Puta worship found in the Cankam literature as well as the Putanata concept of Siva.3
Kotti/Korri, Kali, Nili, Valai, Māri are all early forms of the mother Goddesses which were syncretised with the Concept of Parvati, Siva's Consort.
Virumar or Viruma Vayira var is a folk form of Brahma (Brahma - Pirumar - Virumar).
Aņņamār, Cēvu kar, Kāta varayar, Nāccimār, and Kannaki (see plate 183) belong to the ancester hero/ heroine Cult seen in the early literature, inscriptions, and in the Virakkal and Satikkal traditions.
The Aiyanar cult is an interesting example. Aiyanar, an early folk deity, who is the guardian God of the villages was first Syncretised with Buddha; later associated with Siva and Vishnu as Hariharaputra, and nowadays seen being Syncretised with the Aiyappan Cult of Kerala. This latest development is yet to reach Jaffna.
Buddhism which emerged as an institutionalised religious ideology, overapped with proto-induism in Jaffna, in a similar way it happened elsewhere in South Asia. In those days, Buddhism was patronised by the elite and the ruling sections. For several centuries, Jaffna was under the spell of Buddhism. (See the Conclusions for the distinct aspects of Jaffna Buddhism). In Jaffna, the evidences for Buddhism are mainly found in the port Settlements and in the central places indicating that the ideology was patronised by the elite of the Society.
With the advent of Tamil Bhakti movement, Buddhism and Jainism declined in South India in the Pallava times. Influenced by Brahminism or classical Hinduism, the religious revival in south India was now in the form of Tamil Saivaism and Vaishnavism,
Page 232
which had incorporated the already existing Dravidian elements of religion. This south Indian religious revival against Buddhism and Jainism could not bring Sri Lanka Completely into its orbit. Though the influences of this wave was felt to a certain extent in the entire island, Buddhism safe-guarded its niche in the southern parts of the lsland.
lf not in the Pallava times, at least in the Cola period, Jaffna along with the northern and eastern parts of the island, was brought under the influence of the classical Tamil Saivaism. Especially, the Saiva Siddhanta sect of Saivaism was adopted as the elite form of religious ideology, as it was suitable for the nonBrahmin, Vellala dominated society in Jaffna.
Islam was not a significant influence in the Jaffna peninsula. But, the Portuguese rule has seen the destruction of almost all the big Saiva temples and a sizeable population, particularly the Coastal folk, was converted to Catholic Christianity. In this process, some of the shrines of Mother Goddesses became the churches of Our Lady. The Reformed Dutch Church (Dutch Protestants) could not make much impact with the local population despite the Construction of .
Plates 782, 783: Bunches of banana (82) and food cookec ceremony known as "Matai' at the Matattukkarai Kannakaia
Kannakai (Kannaki) is an ancestor-heroine deity, worshippe Pattini in the Sinhalese legends. The Tamil epic Cilappatikdrc
story of her life. She was born in the Cola country, fought fol country. The epic tells that Gajabahu, a Sri Lankan king of thc Lanka. Thus, the legend of Kannakai became a common rel known as Bagavati. In Jaffna, almost all the Kannakai shrine. favourite deity and supposed to be the guardian to the fish trader of Kaverippattinam.
Some of the Kannakai shrines became the churches of Our Portuguese. The remaining shrines are fastly becoming Bral Formerly, these shrines were without images, the deity being dent. In 79th century, Arumuga Navalar was a severe critico as a Jaina merchantess (Camana camaya Cetticci). But, the pc sation, Christianisation and Brahminisation.
Religion in Jaffna 217
a number of churches. All of them, except two, were abandoned after the Dutch rule. But, the Church of South India (American Mission) was successful in Converting even the upper strata of the society.
The Saiva revival in Jaffna which commenced as early as in the late Dutch times, culminated through the efforts of Arumuga Navalar (1822-1879) who is known as the champion of Hindu reformation in Jaffna. Among the native revival movements, the Jaffna movement preceded all the other movements in Sri Lanka. The zeal of Tamil-Saiva revival in Jaffna in late Dutch and early British times, not only influenced the rest of the Tamil homeland in Sri Lanka, but also provided inspirations to Tamil Nadu.
As a result of the Saiva revival, many of the old temples destroyed in the Portuguese times were reconstructed. These reconstructions still retain some indigenous architectural traditions that are Comparable with the Kerala and Sinhala temple architecture. Another aspect of the revival is the sanskritisation of the folk deities. Kannakai, Kotti, Valai, Nili, Peycci, Naccimär etc. have nowadays become Bhuvanesvary, Rajarajesvary etc. Likewise, the male folk deities have become Gnana vayiravar.
i in the temple premises (783) are being offered to Kannakai in a Ammon temple at Kdrainagar.
d both by the Tamils and Sinhalese in Sri Lanka. She is known as lm written in the early centuries of the Christian era narrates the justice in the Pondyan country, and attained heaven in the Cera it time ano worshipped her and brought in the Kannaki cult to Sri igious cult in Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Sri Lanka. In Kerala she is S are found in the coastal areas facing the sea or lagoon. She is a er folk and sea-traders, since she was a daughter of a rich sea
lady, as the coastal folk were converted to Christianity by the manised, adopting names like Rdiarajesvary, Bhuvanesvary etc. represented by an anklet (clampu) wooden slab, stone or a trif the Kannakai cult, saying that it is non-agamic and branded her opular faith survived. In Jaffna it withstood the forces of Buddhici
Page 233
Page 234
Chapter One
1. A Brahmi legend on a Potsherd from Kantarotai, and the Anaikkötai
bronze seal found in the Megalithic burial.
Indrapala, K., "A Brahmi Potsherd Inscription from Kantarodai", Purvakala, Bulletin of the Jaffna Archaeological Society 1973; 'Is It An Indus-Brahmi Epigraph?', The Hindu, Sunday, April 26, 1981.
. The Vallipuram Gold Plate, A Carnelian Seal from Kantarotai
and a Potsherd with two letters stamped on it from Anaikkottai.
Veluppillai, A., 'Tami in Ancient Jaffna and Vallipuram Gold Plate"', Journal of Tamil Studies, 1981.
Indrapala, K., Tamil inscriptions of the Jaffna District, Cintanai Publications, Peradaniya 1969. Also see Plate 73.
. Kailayamalai, ed. Natarajan, P., Cettiyar Press, Jaffna 1983;
Vaiyapatal, ed. Nadarajah, K.S., Colombo Tamil Sankam, 1980; Yālpāņa vaipavamālai, ed. Sabanathan, Kula., Saraswathy Book Depot, Colombo, 1953.
Kailayamalai, V: 4 - V: 44; Vaiyapatal, V: 12 – V: 17; Yālpanavaipavamālai, pp. 13 - 24.
. The Dipavamsa, ed. Bimala Churn law, The Ceylon Historical
Journal Vol. VII Nos. 1-4, 1959, Chapter 9, V: 13.
The Mahavamsa, ed... Wilhelm Geiger, Ceylon Government information Department, Colombo, 1960. Ch: I, V: 54; Ch: XX, V: 25; Ch: XI, V: 23, 38; Ch: XVII; V: 7; Ch: XIII; V: 23, 25, 60; Ch: XX, V: 25. 4.
. Vimala Begley, "Proto-Historic Material from Sri Lanka (Ceylon)
and Indian Contacts', Ecological Backgrounds of South Asian Pre-history ed. Kenneth A. R. Kennedy and Gregory ... Possehl. South Asian Occasional papers and Thesis, South Asia Program, Cornell University 1973, pp. 193-194.
. See the map on the ecological zones of Sri Lanka prepared by
Dennis Fernando. P. E. P. Deraniyagala Commemoration Volume, 1980. Also see Appendix I.
See Appendix II, the C14 dates for Kantoroțai.
9. Pathmanathan, S., The Kingdom of Jaffna, Colombo, 1978, P.4.
Chapter Two
1. Guru raja Rao, B.K., The Megalithic Culture in South India, University of Mysore, 1972, pp. 258-261; Vimala Sahney, "Appendix A, The Black and Red Ware", The Iron Age of South India, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Pennsylvania, 1965, pp. 172-175 and Plate I, p. 180; Soundara Rajan, K.V., "Megaliths and Black and Red Ware', Seminar Papers on the Problems of Megaliths in India, Varanasi, 1969, pp. 69-89.
5
5
77.
10.
Notes 219
Notes
... ibid.
. See plate 106, p. 121.
. See footnote 1.
. Deraniyagala, S.U., "Archaeological explorations in Ceylon
part 2: Kollan Kanatta, Vilpattu', Ancient Ceylon, No. 2, December 1972, pp. 1-18.
. Deraniyagala, S.U., "Archaeological explorations in Ceylon
part 2: Kollan Kanatta, Vilpattu', Ancient Ceylon, No. . 2, December 1972, pp. 1-18; "The Citadel of Anuradhapura 1969: Excavation in the Gedige Area", Ancient Ceylon, No. 2, December 1972, pp. 48-169; Vimala Begley, "Excavations at Pomparippu 1970', Ancient Ceylon, No. 4, May 1981, pp. 84-93; "Protohistoric Material...", op. Cit. ; Sitrampalam, S.K., The Megalithic Culture in Sri Lanka, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Deccan College, Poona, 1980.
See pp. 74-78; 115-126.
See Appendix I.
. See the description on pottery type 4 (chapter 2: p. 10) and the
description on the burial Ski Anaikkottai, pp. 115-126.
. Vimala Begley, 'Protohistoric Material...", op. Cit.
Wheeler, R.E.M., "Arikamedu : an Indo-Roman Trading Station on the East Coast of India', Ancient India, No. 2, 1946, pp. 17-124.
11. See plate 173.
12. See p. 14.
13, John Carswell, "China and lslam, A Survey of the Coast of India and Ceylon", Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Society, Vol. 42, 1977-1978.
14. See pp. 101-103.
Chapter Three
1. The name of the island, Netuntivu originated as it is the
farthest island off Jaffna. (Netu - long distance).
2. A large number of these freshwater snail shells with perfora
tions to extract the substance was seen in the microlithic cave site at Kuruvita, excavated by S.U. Deraniyagala in 1981.
3. Mahavamsa, XXIV: 25; XXV: 104; XXX} l: 52, 55.
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220 Early Settlements in Jaffna
10.
11,
12.
13.
14.
16.
17.
18.
19.
2O.
21.
22.
23.
24.
. See pp. 29-31.
. Prasasti of Rajadhiraja I (1163 - 1179 A.D.) ; “Nayinātīvu
Inscription of Parakramabahu, ed. Indrapala, K., Tamil inscriptions of the Jaffna District, 1969. (In Tamil).
Peiris, P.E., The Kingdom of fafnapatam 1645, The Ceylon Daily News Printers, 1920, p. 4.
... ibid.
. See pp. 29-31.
... john Carswell, "China and Islam, A Survey of the Coast of
India and Ceylon' Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Society, Vol. 42, 1977-1978.
Peiris, P.E., Op. Cit.
See pp. 156-162.
Ragupathy P. Mantai-Punakary Exploration, A report submitted to the Dept. of Archaeology, 1982. (Unpublished).
See pp. 46-47.
See pp. 127-132.
. See pp. 49-53.
The pedigree Annals of the Viyavi Temple Priests. Anma Tarcanam, Siva Sri Kanapat svarak Kurukkal Memorial Volume, Sivan Temple, Karainagar, 1967.
See pp. 43-44; 127-132.
Akitta Jataka. It refers that a hermit called Akitti, who was a native of Kasi (Benaras), came to Kaverippattinam and from there went to Karadipa where he did penance under a karai tree (Karai - a thorny plant).
Raghavaiyangar, M., Research Papers (In Tamil), Tamil University, Tanjavur, 1984, pp. 222 - 223,
The Viyavil Aiyana temple is near the Verappitti site. The Pedigree Annals of the Viyavil Temple Priests (op. cit.), mention that the temple was consecrated in 1596 A.D. Also see Appendix VI.
Paralai Vinayakar Pallu (by Cinnattampip Pulavar) ed. Jampulinkam Pillai, S.V., Vidyanupalana Press, Third Edition, 1956.
Mahavamsa, XIX : 23, 60; XX : 25.
Paralai Vinayakar Pallu, op. Cit. Introduction.
Rasanayagam. C., Ancient saffna, 1926, p. 190.
According to the legend, a Cola princess called Marutappuravalli, came to Jaffna to get rid of a Curse, by taking bath at the
auspicious Kirimalai springs. She then married the king of Katiramalai and constructed the Mavittapuram Kantaswamy
26,
27.
28.
29.
30.
3.
32.
33.
34.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
Temple. Her story invariably finds reference in all the historiographical literature on Jaffna. See, Kailāyamālai, V: 4 - 17; Vaivāpāfa, V: 15-17, Yālppaņavaipavamālai, pp. 15 - 22.
. Pieris, P.E., op. Cit, p. 16.
Pieris, P.E., "Nagadipa and Buddhist Remains in Jaffna part 1" J. R.A.S., (Ceylon Branch), 1922, pp. 11-30; 'Nagadipa and Buddhist Remains in Jaffna part 2", J. R.A.S., (Ceylon Branch), 1925, pp. 40-67.
Vimala Begley, 'Proto-Historic Material...." op. Cit., p. 193.
ibid., p. 194.
See Appendix Ill.
See p. 141.
The statistics are available at the Water Resources Board, Jaffna.
See pp. 49-53.
See p. 64 and p. 70.
See p. 169 and pp. 181-182.
. See Plate 161 and p. 182.
Vimala Begley, 'Excavations at Pomparippu', op. cit., p. 81.
The lower and upper dates for the mound are arrived at by palaeographical evidences. This is a tentative dating and there is a probability of finding still earlier burials in this mound.
The metal seal found in burial Sk, is assigned to 3rd-2nd century B.C. and a potsherd found in the disturbed surface, with two Brahmi letters in assigned to 2nd-3rd century A.D.
The Eelanadu, Jaffna, Sunday, 1.11.1981, p. 6.
Indrapala, K., "Vallipurati lē Kitaita, Tālika" (The Urns from Vallipuram), Virakesari, Illustrated Weekly 4th June 1972.
Thevarajan, A., 'Valipurat Talikkatu' (Vellipuram Urn burial site) Virakesari, Illustrated Weekly, 18th February 1973.
See pp. 156-162.
Veluppillai, A., 'Tamii in Ancient Jaffna and ..." op. Cit.
See pp. 156-162.
ibid.
Vaņņi Nāccimār Mānmiyam (A Tami folk poem on the glory of the Vanni chieftains' Wives) ed. Shanmugasundaram. T.,
Arul Publications, Maviddapuram, 1981; rankaņiyavaļai Kurunatar Manmiyam (Folk poem on the glory of God Kurunatar of
Page 236
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
60.
61.
62.
63.
67.
rankaniyavalai near Kankesanturai), ed. Shanmugasundaram, T., Aru Publications, 1980.
. See pp. 156-162.
Vaivapatal, V: 77.
"Kantalur Calai Kalamaruttaruli' (Destroyed the Navy at the Kāntalur Cālai Port) — The prasasti portion of the inscriptions of Raja Raja I.
Kanecaiyar, Ci., l'attut Tamilppulavar Caritam (A History of Ceylon Tami Poets), pp. 31-35.
Queyroz, Op. Cit., p. 363.
Gnanapirakasar, S., Rev., 'Some Ruins in Jaffna', The Ceylon Antiquary and Literary Registrar, Vol. VII, Part II, October 1921, pp. 118-121.
Queyroz, op. Cit. Book 2, ch. 29, p. 362.
. Based on the descriptions found in Kalvalai Antati, Mr. Swami
nathan of Kalvalai, Cantilipai, has attributed this literature to Kalvalai Fort, Mantuvil. He was also involved in the renovation of the Kalvalai Fort Pillaiyar temple.
. See p. 109.
. Gnanapirakasar, S., Rev, Op. Cit.
. See p. 156.
Gnanapirakasar, S. Rev, op. Cit.
... ibid.
. Cekaracacakaramalai (An Astrological work of the times of
Cekaracacekaran, king of Jaffna), ed. Irakunataiyar, I.C., Kokkuvi|, 1942, V : 8.
. See pp. 63-78.
ibid.
See plate 99.
See plate 107.
See Appendix II l.
. For a detailed bibliography, see Ramachandran, K.S.; A Biblio
graphy on Indian Megaliths, State Department of Archaeology, Government of Tamilnadu, 1973; also see the bibliography.
. Sitrampalam, S.K., The Megalithic Culture in Sri Lanka, un
published Ph.D thesis, University of Poona, 1980; Susanthạ Goonatilake, 'The Formation of Sri Lankan Culture', Ancient Ceylon, No. 4, May, 1981.
. See Appendix I.
See Conclusions.
68.
69.
Notes 221
ibid.
The palaęography of the Änaikkõțtai seal and the palaeography of the stamped leters on a Rouletted Ware potsherd.
70. See Appendix Ill.
71. See Chapters 4 and 5.
72. See pp. 43-44.
73. An epidemic out-break with a vast number of casualties in Karainagar Island during the times of the Portuguese and Dutch is found recorded in the pedigree annals of the Viyavil temple priests. Anma Taricanam, Siva Sri Kanapatisvarak Kurukka Memorial Volume, pp. 14-17.
74. See p. 124.
75. See pp. 115-126.
76. See Chapters 4 and 5.
Chapter Four
1. See Appendix .
2. Compare plates 123 and 125.
3. See Appendix I.
4. The names of some of the villages of the red-soil area find reference only in the later historiographical Works like Kailaya - malai, Vaiyāpāțal, Yalppāņavaipavamalai, Taņțikai Kanakarāyan Pallu and in the Portuguese records, viz. Peiris, P.E., The Kingdom of Jafnapatam, op. cit., p. 47. Also see plates 162 to 167.
5. See pp. 163-167.
6. See plate 124.
7. See Appendix I.
8. Almost all the place-names for the villages adjoining the Valukkiyaru flood-outlet are connected with water resources. e.g. Kattuvan, Alavetti, Kantarötai, Kattutai, Naväli, Kalaiyotai, etc. The term Valakkai itself is a derivative of an ancient Tamil Vala, which denotes a water resource (Tirukkural V : 523 - Personal communication with late T. Shanmugasundaram of Mavittapuram, Tellippalai.
9. See plate 62.
10. See pp. 49-53.
11. See Appendix I.
12. The vil -bund could be attributed to the Megalithic folk, since
they were the first people who introduced tank-irrigation in these regions.
Page 237
222 Early Settlements in Jaffna
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
26.
27.
28.
29.
Also see Gururaja Rao, B.K., "The Iron Age in Karnataka", "Archaeology of Karnataka, University of Mysore, 1978, pp. 56-57.; Susantha Goonati lake, "The Formation of Sri Lankan Culture", Ancient Ceylon, No.: 4, May 1981, pp. 158-159.
Kailayamālai, V : 7 ; Vaiyāpāțal, V : 16; Yālppāņavaipavamālai, p. 7.
See pages 60, 115 and 129.
See pages 124, 125 and 129.
See chapter 3.8 and 3.9.
The Pedigree Annals of Viyavi (Karainagar) begin with the arrival of the Brahmin priests from Uttarakocamankai (Pandyan Country) during the last phase of the kingdom of Jaffna. These records narrate the route from Ramesvaram to Kayts in which Kaccaitivu and the Periyaturai of Delft were touched by the vessels.
'The Pedigree of Kanapatisvara Kurukkal” Ānma Tarcanam (In Tamil), Siva Sri ca. Kanapatisvarak Kurukkal Memorial Volume, Sivan Temple, Karainagar, 1967, pp. 1-25.
See chapter 3.3, 3.4 and 3.6.
John Carswell and Martha Prickett, “Mantai 1980: A Preliminary Investigation '', Ancient Ceylon, Vol. 5, 1984.
It is a well known fact that even small Kattumarams (catamarans) with an out-motor (nowadays fibre-glass boats) are used for this purpose. The passage is so narrow, that it is said, a boat can cross the strait within two hours, if the wind is favourable.
See chapter 3.8 and 3.9.
Indrapala, K., "Nayinativu Inscription', Tamil Inscriptions of the Jaffna District, Cintanai Publications, Peradeniya, 1969.
Yalppanavaipavamalai, p. 89; Peiris, P.E., The Kingdom of Jafnapatam, op. Cit, p. 4.
There are two forts - Fort Eyrie and Fort Hammenhiel - and one early archaeological site (Verappitti) at the entrance of this pass.
Queyroz mentions of a kinglet of Karaiyar (coastal folk) who
had a stronghold near Vannarpannai. Obviously this was Näväitturai. Queyroz, Op. Cit, book 4, ch, 2, pp. 631 -633.
Peiris, P.E., The Kingdom of Jainapatam 1645, p. 14. Also see chapter 3.5 and 3.6.
Cekaracacekaramalai, op. Cit, V: 8.
Yalpopa? avaipava mālai, p. 14.
Ragupathy, P., "Arukal Matam : A Resthouse for the Caravan Traders", (In Tamil) Kalavathy, Palaly Teachers' Training College, 1980, p. 17.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
43.
44.
46.
47.
48.
49.
Raising an Avuracikkal near cross-roads and Matams seems to be an ancient practice of the Tamils. Tirumurukarruppatai (a cankam idyll) refers to this cattle rubbing stone along with cross-roads and Matams, and mentions that these features are dwellings of God Murukan.
Tirumurukarruppatai, with the commentary of Naccinarkkiniyar, ed. Caminataiyar, U.V., 6th edition 1961, V : 225 - 226. Also see Naccinarkki niyar's commentary.
See pp. 159-162.
However, we were told that the Sandesa poems in Sinhala, especially Kokila Sandesa, give an idea of the Coastal route from Kotte to Jaffna.
Peiris, P.E., op cit, pp. 14-15.
ibid.
ibid.
Punakari. It was also known as Pooneryn in the British records.
Eutumattuva - a place name in Paccillaippalli between Koțikāmam and Palai.
Kamam - A Jaffna Tamil word denoting paddy-fields.
Fort Bulaad Fort Bechutter.
Peiris, P.E., op. Cit., p. 19.
See chapter 3.5.
See chapter 3.6.
Ragupathy, P., Mantai - Punakari Exploration Op. Cit.
Ragupathy, P., Mantai - Punakari Exploration, op. Cit.
Vaņņi nāccimar Māņmiyam and rankaņiyavalai Kurunātar Manmiyam, op. Cit.
. See pp. 83-100.
Our field guide in Paccillaippalli Mr. G.N. Subramaniyam of KOyilvayal, yakkacci, told us of several such spots with pottery distribution. We could not inspect them during our field work programme, due to stagnant rainwater in those areas.
Queyroz, op. Cit, book 2, ch. 29, p. 362.
See Anaikkottai and Karainagar excavation reports, pp. 115-132.
ibid.
. See p. 144.
- Peiris, P.E., op. cit, p. 16. . See chapter 3. 11. - Peiris, P.E., op. Cit., pp. 47-52. ch 311.
Page 238
Chapter Five
1.
5
10.
Deraniyagala, S.U., "Prehistoric Ceylon - A Summary in 1968", Ancient Ceylon, No.: 1, Journal of the Archaeological Survey of Ceylon, January 1971, pp. 3-47; "Prehistoric Research in Sri Lanka 1885-1980', P.E. P. Deraniyagala Commemoration Volume, 1980, pp. 152-207; 'Was There a Palaeolithic (Old Stone Age) in Lanka', Ancient Ceylon, No. 4, Journal of the Archaeological Survey of Sri Lanka, May 1981, pp. 143-156; 'Sri Lanka 28000 B.C.", Ancient Ceylon, No. 5, Journal of the Archaeological Survey of Sri Lanka, 1984.
Zeuner, F.E., and Allchin, B., ''The Microlithic Sites of Tinnavely District, Madras State', Ancient India, No. 12, Bulletin of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1956, pp. 4-20.
ibid and personal communication with S.U. Deraniyagala in
August 1984.
. Ragupathy, P., Mantai - Punakari Exploration Report, op. cit.
. See p. 40.
. Gururaja Rao, B.K., 1972; Sundara, A., 1975 ; Subba Rao, B.,
1962; Narasimhaiah, B, 1980; Ramanna, H.S., 1983; Ramachandran, K.S, 1973; Haimendorf, C. Von F., 1953. See the bibliography for details.
. Parpola, Asko., Arguments for an Aryan Origin of the South
Indian Megaliths, State Department of Archaeology, Government of Tamillnadu, 1973.
. "The C dates from the South (South India) with Black and
Red Ware association are few only. From Dharanikota (A.P.) we have a C. 300 B.C., from Korkai (Tamilnadu) c. 800 B.C. (though the association is not clear) and out of the scattered C dates from Paiyampalli (Tamilnadu) we have two meaningful dates from 'Megalithic levels' giving a range of c. 600-200 B.C. The only date definitely associated with a Megalithic is from Halingali in Karnataka viz. 80 łt 100 B.C. But now Hallur has given two very early C, dates: 955 it 100, 1045 it 105 from the Neolithic - iron Age overlap phase".
Agrawal, D.P., "Karnataka Archaeology : A Chronology Reapprisal", Archaeology of Karnataka, ed. Narasimhamurthy, A.V., University of Mysore, 1978, pp. 134-135 and p. 142.
. In addition to the authorsementioned in footnote 5, Srinivasan,
K.R., 'The Megalithic Burial and Urnfields of South India in the light of Tamil Literature and Tradition, Ancient India, Vol. 2, pp. 9-16; "Some Aspects of Religion as Revealed by Early monuments and Literature of the South' Journal of Madras University, Vol. 32, No.: 1, 1960, pp. 131-198.
. Sitrampalam, S.K., The Megalithic Culture in Sri Lanka, (Un
published Ph.D. thesis), Deccan College, 1980; Susantha Goonatilake, 'The Formation of Sri Lankan Culture', Ancient Ceylon, No.: 4, 1981.
Vimala, Begley, "Excavations at Pomparippu 1970', Ancient Ceylon, No.: 4, 1981, pp. 84-93.
11.
12.
13.
14.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
26.
27.
28.
29.
Notes 223
Deraniyagala, S.U., 'The Citadel of Anuradhapura 1968: Excavations in the Gedige Area", Ancient Ceylon, No. : 2, 1972.
Thousands of Brahmi inscriptions, so far found in Sri Lanka are compiled into two volumes by late S. Paranavitana. But, he interpreted the clan-names appearing in them in order to attribute an Aryan origin. In recent times, these Brahmi inscriptions are re-read and re-interpreted by scholars like S. Karunaratne, K. Indrapala, A. Thevarajan, S.K. Sitrampalam and A. Veluppillai. These recent studies clearly point out a close affinity between Sri Lanka and South India as far as the clan names are concerned. e.g. Parumakal/Parumakalu (Perumakaņ/Perumakaļ), Āy, Vēļ, Uti (Utiyaņ), Abi (Abbe - Old Kannada); Cūqa/Cūla (Cola); Tissa (Ticaiyan); Gamaņi (Kiramani), Naka etc. V
Microlithic and early historic sites are found side by side at many places. At Mantai, a microlithic layer has been found beneath early historic levels, but, no sign of a Megalithic layer. (Mantai 1982 excavations by John Carswell). However, a cèar stratigraphy of microllithic overlapping with historic period is yet to be recorded.
Vimala Begley, 1973. op. Cit.
... ibid.
See appendix III.
Indrapala, K., 1973, op. Cit. Also see appendix II.
See appendix II.
See footnote 7.
Early literatures in Tamil and Pali refer Jaffna as a country of the Nākas.
See appendix V and V.
Kailāvamālai, V: 10-15; Vaiyāpātal, V: 17; Yālppāņavaipavamālai, p. 13.
Wheeler, R.E.M., "Arikamedu, an Indo-Roman Trading Station on the East Coast of India', Ancient India, No. : 2, 1946, pp. 17-124. N
The development of trade and the urbanisation are probably marked by the abundant presence bf Rouletted Ware at Kantarotai.
. Cilappatikaram, Ch. 1, lnvocation, V: 21 -22.
Manimekalai, Ch. 10, V: 57. Also see Raghavaiyangar, M., Research Papers (in Tamil), Tamil University, Tanjavur, 1984. pp. 222-223.
Veluppillai, A., 1981, op. Cit.
Vaivapatal, V: 4.
Indrapala, K., "An Inscription of the Tenth Year of Cola Lankes
Page 239
224 Early Settlements in Jaffna
30.
vara Dēva from Kantalāi, Sri Lanka", Senarat Paranavitana Commemoration Volume, Leiden, 1978, pp. 81-97.
Kailayamālai, V : 4-17; Vaiyāpātal, V : 15-17; Yālppānavaipavamālai, pp. 13-22.
31. Indrapala, K., "Fort Hammenhiel inscription", "A Cola inscription from the Jaffna Fort", Epigraphia Tamilica, Jaffna Archaeological Society, 1971.
32. In Tamil, Cattan and Aiyan are synonyms for both Buddha and Aivanar. In Jaffna, Aiyanar temples are found at many of the ruined Buddhist sites. This syncretism is still followed. At Palavikkulam near Punakari, we have noticed a broken image of Buddha being worshipped as Aiyanar by the local folk. See also appendix V.
33. John Carswell, China and Islam... op. Cit.
34. Indrapala, K., 1971, op. Cit.
35. The founders of the Kingdom of Jafna are said to be the
feudatories of the second Pandyan empire.
36. Pathmanathan, S., The Kingdom of Jaffna, Colombo, 1978; Indrapala, K., Yalppana irâcciyattin Torramum Valarcciyum (in Tamil); 1972.
Appendix
1. Cooray, P.G., An introduction to the Geology of Ceylon, p. 135. 2. Wayland, E.J. and Davis, A.M., The Miocene of Ceylon, Ouart.
Journal, Ecological Society, LXXXIX, Part 4, 577-602, 1923. 3. The log of the well is reproduced here with the courtesy of the
Irrigation Department, Sri Lanka. 4. Jayasingham, W. L., Urban Geography of Jaffna Town, Clark
University Ph.D. Thesis, 1951. 5. Somerville, B.T., The Submerged Plateau Surrounding Ceylon; Some Consideration Regarding the Formation of the Coastline' Spolia Zeylonica, 5-69, 1908. 6. Thambaiyah Pillai, G., "Climatic Controls in Ceylon, University
of Ceylon Review, Vol.X. No. 3 and 4. 7. Crowe, P.R., Wind and Weather in Equitorial Zone Trans. Inst.
Brit. Ceogs., 1951,
8. Jayamaha G.S., "A Summary of the Meteorological Characteristics of Ceylon' Bulletin of the Ceylon Geographical Society, Vol.9 Nos. 1 and 2 Jan-Jun. 1955, 9. Jayamaha G.S., "A Synoptic Analysis of the Ceylon Weather' A published paper referred to by Dr. W. L. Jayasingham in his Ph.D., Thesis, Urban Geography of Jaffna'. 10. Report of the Colombo Observatory, 1976, Table XIII, p.32. 11. Kreltzheiu R.D., The Setting of the S.W. Monsoon Over Ceylon", A paper read before the Seventh Annual Session of the Association of Science, Colombo, 1951. 12. Thompson, B.W., "An Essay in the General Circulation of the
Atmosphere Over S.E. Asia and the West Pacific", Ouart. Jour. Royl. Met. Society, LXXV|, Oct. 1951, pp.569-597.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
Kendrew, W.G., The Climate of the Continents, Oxford University Press, New York, 1942, p. 112.
Ekanayake, L.A.D.I., 'Some Observations on Ceylon Weather and Climate", Bulletin of the Ceylon Geographical Society, No.2, July 1945.
Arumugam, S., 'Development of Ground Water and its Exploitation in the Jaffna Peninsula. The Institution of Engineers, Ceylon Transactions for 1970, Vol.1, p.41. Farmer, B.H., 'Some Thoughts on the Dry Zone" Ceylon Geographical Society Bulletin, Vol.V, Nos. 2 and 3, pp. 3-7. Farmer in order to arrive at the p/E ratio, used the Formula : E = K (0.03 sc)/+W/10 where r E means free water evaporation in inches; so means monthly saturation deficit in inches; K is 20 and W is average wind velocity in miles per hour for the month in question.
p/E greater than 2 is considered effective rainfall. Source : Dept. of Information, Background Briefing of 13.11.69.
Kuiaratnam, K., Geology and Water in the North", (1964).
Appendix II
1.
Indrapala, K., "Is It An indus-Brahmi Epigraph 2', The Hindu, Sunday, April 26, 1981.
. Ragupathy, P., "indus Brahmi Seal", Letters to the Editor, The
Hindu, 9th July, 1981.
. Ramesh, K.V., Key Note Address Delivered in Seminar A.5 of
the 31st international Congress of Human Sciences in Asia and North Africa Held at Tokyo and Kyoto, Japan Between 31st August and 17th September 1983.
Appendix IV
1. Jayapalan, V.I.S., Socio-Economic History of Jaffna (in Tamil
- unpublished), Dissertation submitted to the Department of
Economics, University of Jaffna, 1980.
2. Moothoothamby Pillai, A., Jaffna History, 1912.
Appendix VI
1
- Srinivasan, K.R., 1946 and 1960, op. Cit.
2. Sitrampalam, S.K., 1980, op. Cit.
3.
The Puta worship, a developed form of animism, can be cited in the Cankam Tamil literature (see Pattinappalai and Cilappatikaram). Later, this was syncretised with the worship of Siva, as Siva himself became Putanatan (chief deity surrounded by Putas). Puta cult is still found in Kerala.
"Vētam dti veņņifaņintu veļai erutēri
Putam Culap poliya varuvár puliyin uritolár“.
- Tēvåram.
. The Dutch church inside the Jaffna Fort and the one at second
cross street, Jaffna city.
Page 240
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DTPAVAMSA, ed. Bimala Churn Law, The Ceylon Historical Journal, Vol ll, Nos: 1-4, 1959.
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