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• From the Editor’s Desk
• The National Question
and the Marxist Leninist Position
• War on Iraq & the US Business Cycle
• Mao’s Talks at Yennan & Peo
Literature and Art
• The NDP Diary
• Train of Tears (poem)
• National Events
• International Events
• Palestinian poems
Theoretical Organ of the N

tor’s Desk
Question
ist Leninist Position
the US Business Cycle
Talks at Yennan & People’s
ure and Art
P Diary
f Tears (poem)
al Events
tional Events
nian poems
eoretical Organ of the New

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From the Editor’s Desk
The past few months in Sri Lanka have b crisis resulting from a power struggle betwee state power, namely the executive presidency government. The move by President Kumaratu to prorogue Parliament for two weeks and dis Defence, Home Affairs and Information and B charge of the ministries surprised many Government concerns about the outcome were strength by the UNP, which on 7th November welcome to Premier Wickramasinghe returning visits to the US and a meeting with Presiden seemed to restore the political balance in favo the time
The President’s reason for exercising the po the constitution, put in place 25 years ago by th way she did was that the government had m process and allowed the LTTE to gain the up serious threat to the security of the country. S against the government are neither new and n On the other hand, the timing of her move suspect, since it was just two weeks after the alternative proposals for an interim administrati
Given the hostility of the President (and he LTTE proposals even before they were made words that she had for the head of the Norwegi in earlier weeks, her move was inevitably seen designed to wreck the peace process. How interesting is that the threats by the UNP to go f to vote down the budget allocations for the thre President did not materialise. The Premier’s o was to declare that he couldn’t carry forward t any further with the Ministry of Defence authority undermined by the President.

From the Editor’s Desk
ths in Sri Lanka have been amid a political power struggle between the two centres of e executive presidency and the parliamentary e by President Kumaratunga on 4th November t for two weeks and dismiss the ministers of s and Information and Broadcasting and take stries surprised many political observers. about the outcome were soothed by a show of which on 7th November organised a massive ickramasinghe returning from the latest of his meeting with President George Bush. That political balance in favour of the Premier for
son for exercising the power she derived from place 25 years ago by the UNP, in the cynical t the government had mishandled the peace he LTTE to gain the upper hand and pose a curity of the country. Several of her charges t are neither new and nor well substantiated. he timing of her move made her intentions just two weeks after the LTTE presented its r an interim administration in the North-East.
of the President (and her party, the PA) to the before they were made public and the harsh the head of the Norwegian monitoring mission ove was inevitably seen by many Tamils to be he peace process. However, what is more reats by the UNP to go for fresh elections and et allocations for the three ministries under the erialise. The Premier’s only significant move couldn’t carry forward the peace negotiations Ministry of Defence taken away and his y the President.

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Moves said to be afoot to reconcile the di President and the Premier and to explore the po Government have not materialised and se Meantime, the PA leadership finally hammere chauvinistic JVP for an electoral alliance, balance owing to resistance from the members the Punch and Judy show between the Presid stole the headlines in the mainstream media, fair share of entertainment from the TULF political party. Struggle for domination of the dismiss its President, V Anandasangari, and t party office in Colombo was a revelation to the
The LTTE as well as the leaders of the attributed to a ‘third force’ the outbreak of Tam the parts of the East, which have always had communities. Sadly, Tamil and Muslim MPs negatively to the peaceful resolution of the iss each nationalist politician to pose as the champ by refusing to see reason on the part of the oth unusual. The crisis has been further aggravate Sri Lanka Muslim Congress and the emergenc striving to drive a deeper wedge than the communities to pose as the true defender of the
What is interesting is that all reference meticulously avoid even a hint at who the third has been much suspicion about India’s role in d East. The recent warming up of the JVP and th late, staunch defenders of the Muslims who w just an year ago) who are hostile to the peace p hostility of the Indian Brahminist media toward the peace process itself have contributed to thi it are the frequent visits to India by the beleagu Muslim Congress in recent months and just SLMC proposals for autonomy for Muslims in placed before the government and the LTTE fo

afoot to reconcile the differences between the ier and to explore the possibility of a National t materialised and seem unlikely to do. dership finally hammered out a deal with the an electoral alliance, which is still in the tance from the membership of the PA. While how between the President and the Premier the mainstream media, the Tamil’s had their nment from the TULF, the biggest Tamil e for domination of the party led to moves to V Anandasangari, and the fracas outside the o was a revelation to the Tamil public.
ll as the leaders of the armed forces have rce’ the outbreak of Tamil-Muslim hostility in which have always had harmony between the amil and Muslim MPs seem to contribute eful resolution of the issues. The tendency for ian to pose as the champion of his community on on the part of the other’s community is not s been further aggravated by the splits in the gress and the emergence of fresh rivals, each deeper wedge than the other between the the true defender of the Muslim community.
g is that all references to the third force n a hint at who the third force could be. There on about India’s role in disrupting peace in the ing up of the JVP and the Sihala Urumaya (of s of the Muslims who were their main target re hostile to the peace process to India and the Brahminist media towards the LTTE and now f have contributed to this suspicion. Added to s to India by the beleaguered leader Sri Lanka ecent months and just after the drafting the utonomy for Muslims in the North-East to be rnment and the LTTE for consideration during

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peace negotiations. It is therefore important, in that the ‘third force’ is identified.
As much as there are concerns that the PA to wreck the peace process, there also concerns in the UNP are harming the peace process by LTTE to American pressure through personal Armitage, who has earned the distinction of aspirations of the Tamil people. Thus, the pe shambles, not for lack of popular craving for pressing economic reasons to pursue peace, n forces of mischief, but for lack of will of t leadership to champion the cause of peace with much as the cynicism of the PA in using the short-term political gains.
The Tamil people now wonder whether th the Premier a favour by giving him just the e when he was struggling to respond to the conc before him by the LTTE, which comprise the proposals on the subject. They could not only b the proposed interim administration but also which further negotiations could be carried forw
The New Democratic Party has warned of of a return to war and asked the Premier an forward the peace negotiations on the basis forward by the LTTE. The democratic and pro Lanka should strengthen the demand for activa so that the pretext of petty quarrels between th power do not cost the country its long overdue p
***** In this issue of New Democracy, we include three importa Secretary of the NDP clarifying the Marxist Leninist positi contributed article by Dr Peter Custers from the Nether motives for US military invasion of Iraq and an article by relevance of Mao Zedong’s talks at the Yennan Forum development of People’s art and literature. Readers’ comments are welcome on all items appearing in th

is therefore important, in everybody’s interest,
identified.
are concerns that the PA is encouraging India cess, there also concerns that influential forces ng the peace process by trying to subject the essure through personalities such as Richard rned the distinction of being hostile to the il people. Thus, the peace process is now a of popular craving for peace, not for lack of sons to pursue peace, not for the impact of ut for lack of will of the chauvinistic UNP the cause of peace with honour and justice as of the PA in using the national question for ns.
now wonder whether the President has done by giving him just the excuse that he needed g to respond to the concrete proposals placed TE, which comprise the only concrete set of ct. They could not only be the basis to discuss administration but also be the platform on ons could be carried forward.
tic Party has warned of the impending danger d asked the Premier and President to carry gotiations on the basis of the proposals put The democratic and progressive forces of Sri n the demand for activating the peace process etty quarrels between the two centres of state ountry its long overdue peace.
***** , we include three important articles, one by the General the Marxist Leninist position on the national question, a Custers from the Netherlands analysing the economic of Iraq and an article by Professor Sivasegaram on the lks at the Yennan Forum on Art and Literature to the literature. e on all items appearing in the New Democracy.

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The National Question and the Marxist Leninist Pos
SK Senthivel General Secretary, New Democra
On a global scale, we see that the nation Third World countries continues to take the f conflicts and civil war. These are countries wit feudal social structures that are supposed to hav the grip of colonialism and imperialism to gain the past fifty years or so. While, on the one aspirations including a national economy have on the other hand, the dominant forces of th nurtured the national question in a way that n got transformed into national conflict. Under forces of imperialism have used the national q their schemes for making the countries into neo that their schemes are inextricably linked wi globalisation.
Thus, when we speak of the national approach it in a superficial and detached mann subjective desire and ignoring objective reality depth of the national question has to be id historical circumstances in which the seeds of were sown and nurtured before as well as after independence. It is here that the Marxist Lenin historical development through class struggle b is only through that the true essence of th identified. It is through that the part playe nationalities and classes, their relationships and be understood. The aim of the Marxist Len identify how the dominant local ruling class imperialism that together preserve their intere national question to reach a state of hostil

The National Question he Marxist Leninist Position
SK Senthivel Secretary, New Democratic Party
, we see that the national question in many s continues to take the form of severe ethnic . These are countries with semi-colonial, semi- that are supposed to have been liberated from and imperialism to gain independence within r so. While, on the one hand, their national national economy have been thrust forward, e dominant forces of the ruling classes have uestion in a way that national contradictions ational conflict. Under these conditions, the have used the national question to implement ng the countries into neo-colonies. We can see inextricably linked with today’s imperialist
speak of the national question, we cannot ficial and detached manner or on the basis of gnoring objective reality. The breadth and the question has to be identified through the s in which the seeds of the national question d before as well as after the time of so-called e that the Marxist Leninist approach of seeing through class struggle becomes necessary. It the true essence of the problem could be gh that the part played in history by the s, their relationships and contradictions could im of the Marxist Leninist approach is to inant local ruling classes and the forces of her preserve their interests have enabled the reach a state of hostility in the respective

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countries and identify the class nature of the fo it to the present state of war.
It is necessary to recognise through the abo national question and its current state of wa question has gone beyond the state of contrad nationalities and grown into something that de a small country called Sri Lanka. Hence, Ma that the national question, is the main contradi has reached the heights of hostility and found civil war, and emphasise the importance of res dispute among Marxist Leninists that the fund of the country is the class contradiction. But view also recognises that the national contradic fundamental contradiction to come to the contradiction and also the forces of class contai
If we examine the historical developm question in Sri Lanka, we would recognise th claim by some parliamentarians that the proble the past half century to serve the interests of p it is true that the national question has been u sustaining parliamentary political power, what certain class forces have nurtured the pr advancement, survival and future of their own c When we view it from that perspective measures have been taken form as early as century that passed to create hostility betwee make it serve certain class interests. That sectarianism had been sown here and there among the Sinhalese, who are now said to com the population, was not obviously recognisable are the majority”, “This country is ours”, “Ou sacred and it is our responsibility to nurture and culture has to be preserved” began to be voiced country. While these were views were anti-co recognised that they also embodied the elem chauvinist arrogance subsequently emerged.

the class nature of the forces that have brought f war. ecognise through the above the essence of the its current state of war. Here, the national ond the state of contradiction and conflict of n into something that determines the future of Sri Lanka. Hence, Marxist Leninists assert ion, is the main contradiction of today, which s of hostility and found expression as a cruel ise the importance of resolving it. There is no t Leninists that the fundamental contradiction class contradiction. But, the Marxist Leninist at the national contradiction has overtaken the ction to come to the fore as the main the forces of class contained within it. he historical development of the national we would recognise the superficiality of the entarians that the problem was developed over o serve the interests of political rivalry. While nal question has been used for securing and ry political power, what is fundamental is that have nurtured the problem to serve the and future of their own class. t from that perspective, we could see that aken form as early as the beginning of the create hostility between nationalities and to n class interests. That poisonous seeds of sown here and there on the basis of race ho are now said to comprise three-quarter of t obviously recognisable. Views such as “We is country is ours”, “Our Buddhist religion is ponsibility to nurture and defend it”, and “Our rved” began to be voiced from the south of the were views were anti-colonialist, it should be also embodied the elements on whose basis
bsequently emerged.

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Those who put forward these views were classes such as traders and small estate owners Some belonged to the feudal elite among the Si to be the forces of an emergent capitalist clas oppose colonialism, collaborated with the colo self-interest. It was because of the inherent natu that these forces directed communal violence 1915. The anti-Muslim riots mark the first nat Sri Lanka. The accompanying climate of advantage of by the colonial maters, who also in their strategy of ‘divide and rule’. At the ti Tamil elite linked hands with those of the expression of their elitism rather than on the far sight the development of this anti-coloniali deal with people with other religious, lin identities. Their upper class thinking would not However, the very same feudal Sinhal frustrated, entirely on communal grounds, representation in the Western Province. Thus, t Muslim elite made their requests and pleas to th positions of power without antagonising the co fully submitting to them. It is significant tha mass movements and struggles demanding co for Sri Lanka surfaced only with the emergence in the 1930’s. Meanwhile, forces from among t Muslim elite collaborated with the colonial m above trends from developing into a struggle l independence struggle. In return for this, transferred power with confidence to them.
Thus, sectarianism was an inalienable a political reforms and economic development under colonial rule. The sectarian positions w long run, they ensured that the Tamil and Sin who should have united on the basis of class w with enduring hostility. Specifically, plan Sinhalese was carried out in the North and E

rward these views were the up and coming and small estate owners among the Sinhalese. feudal elite among the Sinhalese. They seemed emergent capitalist class, which, rather than llaborated with the colonialists to preserve its ause of the inherent nature of business rivalry cted communal violence against Muslims in riots mark the first national confrontation in mpanying climate of violence was taken lonial maters, who also used it as an exercise vide and rule’. At the time, the leaders of the nds with those of the Sinhala elite in an tism rather than on the basis of analysis with ent of this anti-colonialism and how it would ith other religious, linguistic and national class thinking would not allow room for that. ry same feudal Sinhala elite opposed and n communal grounds, the plea for Tamil estern Province. Thus, the Sinhala, Tamil and ir requests and pleas to the colonial masters for hout antagonising the colonial masters and by em. It is significant that the anti-imperialist struggles demanding complete independence only with the emergence of the left movement ile, forces from among the Sinhala, Tamil and ted with the colonial masters to prevent the eloping into a struggle like that of the Indian . In return for this, the colonial masters confidence to them.
was an inalienable aspect of the limited economic development activities carried out he sectarian positions were such that, in the that the Tamil and Sinhala speaking masses d on the basis of class would remain divided ity. Specifically, planned colonisation of out in the North and East, and chauvinistic

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practices were adopted in the utilisation of land What the Marxist Leninists see here is the aff class interests of the elite in the pretext recommendations of the Lands Commission of were based on a long-term chauvinist view. grave ethnic conflicts in these settlements antagonism between the Sinhala, Tamil and M to divisions that stood in the way of unity betwe Thus, the basis for the disenfranchisemen Tamil working class of Indian origin has to standpoint of class. Again, while the enactme Sinhala the sole official language in 1956 had its basis was the need to divert the attention o away from class-based issues. We can observe leaders of the Tamil elite have not only expl parliamentary political ambitions but also camp ordinary Tamil masses from uniting with thei the Sinhalese.
Further, the Constitution of 1972 and the o 1978 served to marginalize the Tamil nationali nationalities. However, the fact that these designed to oppress the working people of all n basis is what needs to be noted from a class sta nationalist approach.
Over the past century, the national questio every stage, been developed on the basis of ma an ethnic basis. What many fail to see is approach that was at the core of that developm recognise the central feature that all the rul advanced the cause of Sinhala Buddhist chau representatives of the ruling classes with a Si lineage cannot recognise the class relations national question.
The class content that remains the ess question could be understood only through objective realities of the Sri Lankan social struc

in the utilisation of land and water resources. inists see here is the affirmation of long-term elite in the pretext of chauvinism. The e Lands Commission of 1938 and its practices -term chauvinist view. One cannot miss the s in these settlements and the consequent e Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim people leading in the way of unity between class forces. r the disenfranchisement of the Hill Country of Indian origin has to be viewed from the gain, while the enactment of the law making l language in 1956 had a chauvinistic motive, to divert the attention of the Sinhala masses issues. We can observe that, to this day, the lite have not only exploited it to fulfil their ambitions but also campaigned to prevent the s from uniting with their counterparts among
itution of 1972 and the one that followed it in alize the Tamil nationality and other minority r, the fact that these constitutions were e working people of all nationalities on a class be noted from a class stand that transcends the
ury, the national question in Sri Lanka has, at loped on the basis of majority and minority on t many fail to see is that it was the class e core of that development. Anyone failing to feature that all the ruling class forces that Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism have been the ruling classes with a Sinhala feudal-capitalist nise the class relationships inherent in the
t that remains the essence of the national nderstood only through an analysis of the e Sri Lankan social structure. It is not possible

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to appreciate the national and class aspects of by limiting ourselves to the current polit executive powers of parliament within th legislation. Again, it is not possible for one question in its entirety when one’s political e parliamentary political power, parliamentary class interests served through them. Thus, it i examine in depth how chauvinistic oppress intertwined with the development of class forc the endurance of their political power.
This view makes it necessary to take respective class roles played by the comprado the national bourgeois SLFP to transform the into a hostile contradiction and developing decades long war was the consequence of thes nationalism towards a state of chauvinistic m the same time, chauvinism has become combination with the fundamentalist thinking the protection of Sinhala Buddhism in this co nationalistic fundamentalist claims such as “T “We have no other country” and “Buddhism have been carried forward by both major parti Buddhist organisations. More recently, we organisations such as the Sihala Urumaya and extreme nationalism with the blessings of Hind Thus, we observe a tendency for Sinhala ideology to come to the fore at all levels. Besi foreign forces of imperialism have thus far tak chauvinistic oppression and its consequences which they are preparing to put them to use studied closely.
Here, it should be noted that the tradition 1960’s had failed to expose the ruling elite clas forces associated with the chauvinistic ideolo among the Sinhala masses, have since becom result of their interest in safeguarding their pa

nal and class aspects of the national question s to the current political framework, the parliament within that framework, and is not possible for one to see the national when one’s political existence is based on l power, parliamentary seats and the ruling through them. Thus, it is necessary for us to w chauvinistic oppression in Sri Lanka is evelopment of class forces in the country and political power. kes it necessary to take a close look at the played by the comprador bourgeois UNP and SLFP to transform the national contradiction diction and developing it further. The two the consequence of these two parties pushing state of chauvinistic military oppression. At uvinism has become institutionalised in fundamentalist thinking and actions linked to ala Buddhism in this country. Religious and talist claims such as “This country is ours”, untry” and “Buddhism has to be protected” ard by both major parties as well as Sinhala s. More recently, we see a tendency for the Sihala Urumaya and the JVP to advocate ith the blessings of Hindutva fundamentalism. tendency for Sinhala Buddhist chauvinist e fore at all levels. Besides, the way in which rialism have thus far taken advantage of such n and its consequences and the new ways in ing to put them to use in future need to be
noted that the traditional leftists, who in the pose the ruling elite class features of the class the chauvinistic ideology that was nurtured asses, have since become degenerates. As a in safeguarding their parliamentary seats and

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the good things that went with office, they kep chauvinism and, eventually, compromised a Whenever they had to oppose the UNP to secu seats, they did not hesitate to use chauvinism as it should be conceded that they did not go as take up extreme chauvinistic positions. Neve taken by them in the national question remains position as opposed to a Marxist Leninist pos more degenerate than that of social democracy pathetic situation in finding the cause for the national contradiction in the mine attack on the Thirunelveli, Jaffna on 23rd July 1983 rather t of the chauvinistic military oppression. Thus who argue that the national question was trans war because a section of the Tamils wanted a to call themselves leftists.
A Marxist Leninist cannot ignore the histo Tamils of the North-East have been subject to their homeland to put forward dogmatic class-b the same time, they cannot dismiss lightly the c the reactionary stand taken by the traditional T national question. These leaders emphasised th only to the extent that it suited their upper clas have never put forward the interests of the Tam the depressed community or women. On many upheld their class solidarity with the chauvinis spirit they embraced the forces of imper hegemony in the belief that they were their allie Even after Tamil nationalism assume struggle, the armed Tamil youth movements f class nature of chauvinistic oppression and the with imperialism. That situation continues to th LTTE is about the extent to which imperialism would accommodate the struggle for the right remains uncertain. It is here that the question, and who are our enemies?” arises.

ent with office, they kept silent in the face of ntually, compromised and submitted to it. oppose the UNP to secure their parliamentary tate to use chauvinism as a weapon. However, that they did not go as far as the JVP has to vinistic positions. Nevertheless, the position ational question remains a parliamentary leftist a Marxist Leninist position. It is one that is that of social democracy. We could see their nding the cause for the intensification of the in the mine attack on the army by the LTTE in 23rd July 1983 rather than in the beginnings ilitary oppression. Thus, even today, people ional question was transformed into an ethnic of the Tamils wanted a separate state are able sts. t cannot ignore the historical events where the ast have been subject to military oppression in orward dogmatic class-based explanations. At nnot dismiss lightly the class characteristics of aken by the traditional Tamil leadership on the se leaders emphasised the rights of the Tamils it suited their upper class elitist position. They d the interests of the Tamil workers, peasants, ity or women. On many occasions they have darity with the chauvinistic UNP. In the same the forces of imperialism and regional that they were their allies. mil nationalism assumed the form of armed mil youth movements failed to recognise the istic oppression and the close links that it had situation continues to this day. How clear the nt to which imperialism or regional hegemony he struggle for the right to self-determination s here that the question, “Who are our friends es?” arises.

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The fundamental reason for this pligh nationalism as a concept transcending class. itself to certain bounds in opposing chauvinistic nationalism transcends class, beyond a point. unite with the workers, peasants, depressed com and go forward with the Sinhala masses as its with the upper class elite among the Tamils, em and compromise with the Sinhala big bour nationalism has arrived at a junction and at a when it has to decide which path it wou appropriate strategy, it is not possible to carry for self-determination.
We, the Marxist Leninists, have taken national question. We have, through histori development of chauvinism and the crue oppression, clarified that the main contradiction the national contradiction. At the same time, w that the fundamental contradiction is that capitalist-imperialist forces on the one hand a other. It is remarkable that the Party Cong inherent relationship between the main a contradictions.
We, the Marxist Leninists, have, from the secession is not the solution for the national forward this view among the Tamil people on warned about the danger of imperialism and taking advantage of the national question. It w into these matters at this juncture.
We have never deviated from our stand o never conducted ourselves like the leftists of t parliamentary political opportunism and stood chauvinist assault. Similarly, when the Tamil y Marxist Leninists were not tempted by the glam them. A handful of individuals, for personal a approached the Tamil youth movements in the could be advanced within the nationalist arena

tal reason for this plight is the adoption of ept transcending class. Nationalism restricts in opposing chauvinistic oppression. Thus, no class, beyond a point. It should, then, either , peasants, depressed communities and women he Sinhala masses as its allies; or join hands te among the Tamils, embrace the imperialists the Sinhala big bourgeoisie. Thus, Tamil d at a junction and at a moment, where and de which path it would take. Without an is not possible to carry forward the struggle
ist Leninists, have taken a clear stand on the e have, through historically identifying the uvinism and the cruelty of its military at the main contradiction in Sri Lanka today is ion. At the same time, we have made it clear contradiction is that between the feudal- rces on the one hand and the people on the le that the Party Congress pointed out the between the main and the fundamental
eninists, have, from the outset, asserted that olution for the national question, and carried ng the Tamil people on a wide scale. We had ger of imperialism and regional hegemony e national question. It will be useful to look is juncture.
viated from our stand of class struggle. We lves like the leftists of the South who took to l opportunism and stood silent in the face of ilarly, when the Tamil youth took to arms, the not tempted by the glamour of arms to follow dividuals, for personal and subjective reasons, youth movements in the hope that class forces hin the nationalist arena, and lost themselves.

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Certain movements went beyond that to follow of diverting the nationalist stream along the cha only to become degenerate and to annihilat Marxist Leninist phrases that they uttered meaningless, and their ‘left’ nationalism disapp Hence, we, the Marxist Leninists, chauvinistic big bourgeois and imperialists are stand firmly on the side of the Tamil peop forward the struggle for self-determination. We allowed room for class compromise or vacillati Tamil people who have from time to time ca movements and struggles but also among the have emphasised our opposition to the chauvin for a political solution. Our Marxist Leninist p own as well as in collaboration with other hone forces worked to strengthen the campaign for for a political solution among the Sinhalese.
Our policy and stand have been develope attitude towards chauvinistic military oppress rigid limits of pro- and anti-LTTE positions. It out at this juncture that we have carried forw basis of the objective reality viewed from perspective, and transcending considerations o dislikes for political survival.
The Marxist Leninist approach of class dogmatic nor rigid. It enables us to arrive accordance with the prevailing social structure course of development of the classes, which a Hence, the Marxist Leninist position on the something that can be reached only by looking the problem in an appropriate manner.
In the current situation, the national questio where it faces local and foreign threats. Ther these matters extensively and in depth from position. Let us continue to discuss and debate t

nt beyond that to follow the unrealistic notion list stream along the channel of class struggle, nerate and to annihilate their identity. The ases that they uttered turned out to be ‘left’ nationalism disappeared without trace. the Marxist Leninists, maintain that the eois and imperialists are the main enemy, and ide of the Tamil people, who are carrying r self-determination. We have on no occasion compromise or vacillation. Not only amid the e from time to time carried forward various gles but also among the Sinhala people, we pposition to the chauvinistic war and the need . Our Marxist Leninist party has acted on its boration with other honest left and democratic gthen the campaign for peace and the search among the Sinhalese. and have been developed on the basis of our vinistic military oppression, and outside the anti-LTTE positions. It is important to point at we have carried forward our stand on the e reality viewed from a Marxist Leninist ending considerations of subjective likes and rvival. inist approach of class struggle is neither It enables us to arrive at our policies in evailing social structure in the country and the of the classes, which are its dynamic forces. eninist position on the national question is reached only by looking at the development of opriate manner. tion, the national question has entered a phase nd foreign threats. There is a need to study vely and in depth from a Marxist Leninist
e to discuss and debate them.

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THE WAR ON IRAQ AND THE U.S.-BUSINESS CY
Dr. Peter Custers Theoretician on Arms' Production and A
Leiden, The Netherlands
1. Introduction
Below I suggest to highlight the relation staged by the United States and Great Britain Hussain regime in Iraq recently, and the natur today. In recent weeks, the international press the scene of a debate as to whether the pr weapons of mass destruction in Iraq was the t and Great Britain to go to war. Since in the t lapsed since the war's end, no tangible pro indicating that before the war's start Saddam possess stocks of chemical and biological we existence of such stocks, as had been loudly intelligence services, have grown. Unfortunate the Western dominated media continues to be feigned reasons for war. Meanwhile, the bloodshed continue to be poorly discussed.
Further, though alternative press circles drawn attention to issues relating to the US's se clarify the true motives behind the war, the dis nature of the US's self-interests has tended economic aspects other than the militarisation Thus, it has been pointed out that access to Iraq oil reserves being the world's largest next to crucially important to the US, since the depend economy on imported oil in the near future substantially. It has also been pointed out tha 1999 decided that Iraq' exported oil should hen

THE WAR ON IRAQ HE U.S.-BUSINESS CYCLE
Dr. Peter Custers
n Arms' Production and Arms' Exports Leiden, The Netherlands
to highlight the relationship between the war States and Great Britain against the Saddam recently, and the nature of the US economy s, the international press has once more been e as to whether the presumed existence of uction in Iraq was the true reason for the US o to war. Since in the two months that have 's end, no tangible proof have been found the war's start Saddam Hussain did indeed mical and biological weapons, doubts on the ks, as had been loudly claimed by Western have grown. Unfortunately, the discussion in d media continues to be limited largely to the war. Meanwhile, the true reasons for the be poorly discussed. alternative press circles have more seriously es relating to the US's self-interests in order to s behind the war, the discussion regarding the elf-interests has tended to be restricted to r than the militarisation of the US-economy. ed out that access to Iraq' oil resources - Iraq's world's largest next to Saudi Arabia's - is the US, since the dependence of the American oil in the near future is expected to grow so been pointed out that Saddam Hussain in ' exported oil should henceforth be paid for in

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Euros instead of Dollars. Because of a steadil between its imports and exports, the US has deficit on its current account balance. H government has reasons to fear a shift by oi from the Dollar to the Euro as means of paymen
Still, it would be wrong to limit our dis self-interests behind the US's war of aggressio and the Dollar alone. For just like the secon against Iraq's occupation of its neighbour Kuw did take place precisely at a time when the Am entered a recession. For almost a whole decen of information-technology and related commo motive force of the American business cy 2000/2001, the economy has been facing a pe be wrong to entirely equate the economy's t early nineties, with the transformations whic Bush Jr. seeks to implement. Yet once more - occasion of the second Gulf-war - the America the third Gulf war purports to facilitate a ma policymaking.
In this essay, I wish to highlight two m production and military expenses in the US-ec debt question as it poses itself for the US eco sense. Both themes, so is my conviction, nee order to grasp the economic background to th Both themes, moreover, are mutually interconn public and foreign debts, gathered since the 1980s, can at least partly be ascribed to the e past has been put on arms' production and a methods to regulate the business cycle in the economy at large. The below report purports discussion on the true reasons driving the US war, in spite of the fact that the world's pu opposed it. 2. Increases in the Military Budget

rs. Because of a steadily growing imbalance nd exports, the US has been facing a huge t account balance. Hence, the American ns to fear a shift by oil-exporting countries, Euro as means of payment. e wrong to limit our discussion regarding the e US's war of aggression to the issues of oil For just like the second Gulf war of 1991, on of its neighbour Kuwait, the third Gulf war y at a time when the American economy had or almost a whole decennium, the production ogy and related commodities constituted the American business cycle. Yet ever since y has been facing a periodic crisis. It would equate the economy's transformation of the e transformations which the government of ement. Yet once more - just happened on the Gulf-war - the American government through rports to facilitate a major shift in economic
wish to highlight two major items: 1) arms' y expenses in the US-economy today; 2) the es itself for the US economy in the broadest o is my conviction, need to be addressed in nomic background to the war of aggression. r, are mutually interconnected, since the US's bts, gathered since the Reagan period of the rtly be ascribed to the emphasis which in the arms' production and arms' procurement, as e business cycle in the US and in the world e below report purports to contribute to the reasons driving the US to stage a 'preventive' act that the world's public opinion strongly
litary Budget

Page 15
To start, let's look closely at the evolu military budget, and at its significance for th whole. First, there is no doubt that the size of th been steadily on the increase since 1998. In 1980s, the budget had reached a historic peak, Billion US Dollars. Subsequently, it was downs an extent was facilitated by the US's waging o against Iraq's occupation of Kuwait, which export- promotion of US armament systems. Clinton-era, however, a reverse trend has been in 1998, the official military budget amounte Dollars, over the last five years it has grown sizeable increase in a period of just five ye budget for the current financial year includes amounting to 379 Billion Dollars. Wh significance do the mentioned increases hold?
Some economists insist that the US mil exert a major effect on overall trends in the U size of the given budget is small in compariso US's Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Whil expenses are extraordinarily high in an absolut is argued – they are low if measured in com size of the production of goods and servic Whereas official military expenditures in the percent of GDP, today, after the years of steady they remain below 4 percent. Real military ex do not just comprise the figures mentioned in budget. Thus, the budget for 2003 does not billions of Dollars being spent on the war in projected to be 'exceptional' war-expenditures. overall consumption in society is decidedly larg the official budget of the Pentagon.
Another argument put forward by relativ the share of 'procurement', i.e. the purchase systems, in the Pentagon's budget. Some exp 'holiday' in procurement, which presumable

ok closely at the evolution in the American t its significance for the US economy as a o doubt that the size of the military budget has increase since 1998. In the later part of the reached a historic peak, hovering around 325 bsequently, it was downsized, a trend which to d by the US's waging of the second Gulf war ion of Kuwait, which contributed much to US armament systems. Since the end of the a reverse trend has been noticeable. Whereas ilitary budget amounted to 279 Billion US five years it has grown by 100 Billion, - a period of just five years (1). The Federal financial year includes Pentagon-allocations Billion Dollars. What macro-economic ntioned increases hold? s insist that the US military budget does not overall trends in the US economy, since the et is small in comparison with the size of the Product (GDP). While American military narily high in an absolute sense, today – so it low if measured in comparison with the total n of goods and services in the economy. tary expenditures in the 1980s were over 6 , after the years of steady increases since 1998, percent. Real military expenditures, however, e figures mentioned in the Pentagon's annual get for 2003 does not mention the tens of ing spent on the war in Iraq, since they are ional' war-expenditures. The military's share in society is decidedly larger than is revealed by e Pentagon. nt put forward by relativists is that regarding ment', i.e. the purchases of large armament on's budget. Some experts even speak of a ent, which presumable started during the

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Clinton period, and is continuing today.(2) Th for 'procurement' in the military budget are Dollars, evidently a minority share of the bud part of the increases approved through the last not been spent on procurement, but on salarie Yet the structure of the military budget is high appears that all purchases of ammunition - j weaponry placed with companies in the military under the heading of 'operations & mainte weapons which are constructed under the headi & development) are not destined for use by the 55 Billion Dollars mentioned here are largel construction of 'prototype' weapons. Thus, the stimulate industrial activity in the military secto The main question is not whether the bu as composed can contribute to business cycle allocations which do not entail purchases financing of armament systems, do also con activity in the economy as a whole. The decis whether the total of military expenditures threshold, and whether the military expenditure exert a broad influence over different econom the military sector always holds a 'minority'- civilian sectors and their composite weight, Pentagon to military corporations always influence. They impact on civilian sectors, sinc a non-reciprocal sector: managers and e corporations purchase commodities (raw consumption) manufactured by civilian com military commodities produced almost exclusiv state (states). Hence, once the size of the mil certain threshold, its macro-economic effect is e Moreover, what needs to be stressed a timing of the reversal and of the start of the ne military budget offers all reason to presum government's intentions have been to stimulate

continuing today.(2) The official allocations he military budget are less than 60 Billion inority share of the budget's total amount. A proved through the last five years indeed have curement, but on salaries of army personnel. e military budget is highly deceptive. Thus, it ases of ammunition - just like purchases of companies in the military sector - are captured f 'operations & maintenance'. And though structed under the heading of 'R&D '(research t destined for use by the US army, the roughly entioned here are largely earmarked for the ype' weapons. Thus, the given allocations do ivity in the military sector as well. on is not whether the budget of the Pentagon ribute to business cycle regulation, for most not entail purchases of weaponry or the t systems, do also contribute to stimulating y as a whole. The decisive question is rather, f military expenditures exceeds a certain the military expenditures are large enough to e over different economic sectors. Although ays holds a 'minority'-position vis-à-vis the eir composite weight, orders issued by the corporations always exert an 'extended' on civilian sectors, since the military sector is tor: managers and employees of arms' e commodities (raw materials, means of ctured by civilian companies. And yet the produced almost exclusively flow towards the once the size of the military budget passes a acro-economic effect is ensured.
needs to be stressed above all is that the nd of the start of the new upward trend in the all reason to presume that the American s have been to stimulate the US business cycle

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via the budget of the Pentagon. By 1998 it had the business cycle of the ongoing decade whic the production of information-technology had also obvious that the US government wou intervene in order to either pre-empt the occ crisis, or help to smoothen out its effects. Both the Pentagon budget and the war on Iraq should light of the transition in the US business cycle not rely on military allocations and on or corporations throughout the entire length of th Nevertheless, it cannot be coincidental that pushed through from the moment when it wa business cycle had reached its turning point.
3. Resurgence of the Budget Deficit
The second theme I wish to broach here relationship between the Pentagon's rising bud and the growing deficit in the Federal govern on the other. First we need to note a striking policies pursued by the present government of economic policies implemented in the 19 Reagan.(3) In the decade of the 1980s, a ser implemented that harmed the interests of the US population. Tax cuts were pushed throu redivision of income in favour of the super-ri welfare were carried through which undermin low-paid, the elderly and the disabled. At government constantly raised the level of milit result of the given combination of measu budgetary deficit. Claude Julien, the ed Diplomatique, in 1985 estimated that the total 1981-1984 amounted to 547 Billion US Dollars eyes, no doubt about the fact that the i expenditures and the increasing budgetary interrelated phenomena.

entagon. By 1998 it had become obvious that he ongoing decade which had been driven by rmation-technology had run its course. It was e US government would have to actively either pre-empt the occurrence of a periodic hen out its effects. Both the steady increase in d the war on Iraq should be understood in the n the US business cycle. Perhaps the US will allocations and on orders issued to arms' t the entire length of the next business cycle. t be coincidental that these increases were the moment when it was clear that the US's
hed its turning point.
udget Deficit e I wish to broach here is that regarding the he Pentagon's rising budget on the one hand, it in the Federal government's overall budget need to note a striking parallel between the e present government of G.W. Bush, and the plemented in the 1980s under President ade of the 1980s, a series of measures were ed the interests of the poorest section of the cuts were pushed through which entailed a n favour of the super-rich, and cuts in social hrough which undermined the position of the and the disabled. At the same time, the raised the level of military expenditures. The combination of measures was a gnawing laude Julien, the editor of Le Monde estimated that the total deficit for the period o 547 Billion US Dollars.(4) There was, in his t the fact that the increases in military increasing budgetary deficits were closely .

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The historical parallel between the Bush era has been drawn by journalists in particular of Bush Jr has announced its budgetary plans last. Once again, major tax reductions have b according to the White House will be ben American citizens. A study undertaken by tw jointly, i.e. by the Urban Institute and the B however, shows that the tax cuts are deeply bi topmost rich. Those Americans earning betwee Dollar annually will receive a tax reduction current year, while those earning more than 1 year will be granted tax reductions amounting t of the changes in taxation concerns the lifting o - one measure which alone which cost the Dollars over a period of ten years. According t study, the richest 1 percent of the population w this particular abolition! (5)
Moreover, the tax reductions have been budget surplus had been transformed into a bud government of G.W. Bush was formed, the Fed positive balance. For a while since, the govern benefit from the strict budgetary policies government preceding it had pursued. In 2002, was transformed into a deficit, which in the gi 159 Billion Dollars. This year, the deficit will levels. Jean-Cotis, the chief economist of the O will amount to a record 450 Billion Dolla Monde's calculations, the deficit will be a stag the US's Gross Domestic Product.(6) And alth downsized the tax cuts proposed by the Bus remains a remarkable fact that reductions are at the time when the government is facing a hug
Moreover, the transformation from a budget deficit is occurring some four years afte new trend with regard to the Pentagon's budge overall deficit has been much faster than the

rallel between the Bush Jr era and the Reagan journalists in particular since the government ced its budgetary plans for 2003, in January r tax reductions have been proposed, which ite House will be beneficial to 92 million study undertaken by two research institution rban Institute and the Brookings Institution, he tax cuts are deeply biased in favour of the mericans earning between 30 and 40 thousand eceive a tax reduction of 42 Dollars in the ose earning more than 1 million Dollars per reductions amounting to 27.097 Dollars. One ion concerns the lifting of the tax on dividends alone which cost the state 364 Billion US f ten years. According to the abovementioned cent of the population will bag 42 percent of ! (5) x reductions have been proposed right after a n transformed into a budget deficit. When the ush was formed, the Federal budget showed a while since, the government has continued to ict budgetary policies which the Clinton it had pursued. In 2002, however, the surplus deficit, which in the given year amounted to his year, the deficit will reach truly dramatic chief economist of the OECD, expects that it cord 450 Billion Dollars. According to Le the deficit will be a staggering 4.5 percent of stic Product.(6) And although the Senate has ts proposed by the Bush government, it still fact that reductions are being pushed through vernment is facing a huge revenue deficit! transformation from a budget excess into a ring some four years after the beginning of the to the Pentagon's budget. Also, the rise in the n much faster than the increases in military

Page 19
expenditures which the pentagon's budget ha Whereas the Pentagon, as indicated above, officially spend 100 Billion Dollars in exce money which it was allowed to spend 5 years from the overall surplus to the budgetary defi about 600 Billion Dollars. In order to correctly this transformation, two effects need to be juxt the tax cuts, and the increases in the Pentagon in any case is crucial for the debate amo worldwide, is the existence of a close interrel budgetary deficit on the one hand, and the stea the military budget on the other hand; what's es has been adopted aiming at economic growth weapons' procurement and other allocations in Pentagon.
In the past Western governments have 'pump priming' via a budgetary deficit primaril Keynes, the most well known economic theore world in the previous century. According to Ke a budget deficit is advantageous, since an expan expenditures helps to boost the aggregate dema society. Keynes' followers helped to familiar with his theory during and after World War 'Tw the theory gained popularity precisely, since th not distinguish between pump priming that government expenditures, and pump priming b the military (8). Since the US for four decade exclusively, largely relied on military expendi through the periodic crises in the US econom given policy have termed this policy one of mil Though, as will be shown below, it woul equate the policies of the present Republic policies implemented by the Republican go 1980s, - the mode of business cycle regulat governments is broadly comparable. For the sets of measures adopted then and now, are

e pentagon's budget has shown since 1998. n, as indicated above, this year is able to Billion Dollars in excess of the amount of llowed to spend 5 years back, the total shift us to the budgetary deficit since 2001 is near ars. In order to correctly assess the meaning of o effects need to be juxtaposed: the effects of creases in the Pentagon's expenditures. What ial for the debate amongst peace activists tence of a close interrelationship between the e one hand, and the steadily expanding size of the other hand; what's essential is that a policy ing at economic growth via an expansion in and other allocations in the budget of the US
stern governments have derived the idea of udgetary deficit primarily from John Maynard known economic theoretician of the capitalist entury. According to Keynes, the existence of ntageous, since an expansion in governmental oost the aggregate demand of commodities in wers helped to familiarize US policymakers and after World War 'Two'.(7) In Washington, ularity precisely, since the theory's author did en pump priming that is based on civilian res, and pump priming based on allocations to the US for four decades on end have, if not lied on military expenditures to steer the US crises in the US economy, opponents of the ed this policy one of military Keynesianism. be shown below, it would be wrong to simply f the present Republican government with by the Republican government during the business cycle regulation used by the two y comparable. For the parallels between the ted then and now, are significantly strong.

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Proponents of military Keynesianism will no d macro-economic point of view there is littl distinction between 'civilian' and 'military' busi From the standpoint of socialist rationalit fundamental, though. For if military expend employed to support aggregate demand in soci those expenditures could be employed to raise of the working population of the world. Thus, the discussion regarding military Keynesia wastage of economic resources in order to figh capitalist system, is crucial indeed. 4. Capital Concentration Surrounding US A It is further necessary to discuss the chan which since the decade of the 1980s have occur sector, since these do crucially affect the overal sector within the US's and in the world eco twenty years the sector has witnessed three dis concentration. In the 1980s, the Pentagon, as ha preceding decades, primarily relied on a selec companies for the construction of weapon syst arms' purchases of the state were high, and sin level of interest rates on state bonds tended to and corporations from investing in civilian sect top civilian corporations took over arms' p benefit from the Pentagon's lucrative con movement of the Reagan years, then, extend borders between the military and civilian secto (9).
During the 1990s, after the US state had budget, there followed a second merger move wave of capital concentration had different occurred largely 'under duress ', i.e. they took as state-orders were forthcoming only corporations were no longer running at individual companies through mergers sough would continue to partake of government or

Keynesianism will no doubt argue that from a t of view there is little ground to draw a vilian' and 'military' business cycle regulation. of socialist rationality the distinction is For if military expenditures would not be ggregate demand in society, the lion's share of ld be employed to raise the standard of living tion of the world. Thus, seen from this angle, ing military Keynesianism, regarding the esources in order to fight periodic crises in the
cial indeed. ion Surrounding US Arms' Production ssary to discuss the changes in power relations of the 1980s have occurred in the US military rucially affect the overall position of the given s and in the world economy. Over the last r has witnessed three distinct waves of capital 980s, the Pentagon, as had been practise in the imarily relied on a select group of monopoly struction of weapon systems. Since profits on state were high, and since the then prevailing n state bonds tended to discourage companies investing in civilian sectors of the economy, - ons took over arms' producers in order to entagon's lucrative contracts. The merger gan years, then, extended well beyond the ilitary and civilian sectors of the US economy
s, after the US state had downsized its military a second merger movement. This time, the centration had different origins. They now r duress ', i.e. they took place largely because, e forthcoming only sparsely, armament o longer running at full capacity. Thus, through mergers sought to ensure that they rtake of government orders. The number of

Page 21
giant corporations thus shrank, as is well illu Pentagon-suppliers published last year by The names of leading corporations drawing orders Lockheed-Martin, Northrop-Grumman, etc. - g of the character of the given merger moveme predominantly civilian corporation which has c the Pentagon's top-list, being the mammoth company Boeing. The total number of giant su shrunk from some 15, to a mere 5 corporations. The third wave of capital concentration not just a merger movement. This time the mai the forging of alliances between US corporati and companies producing arms' systems or Europe. Yet once again, this third movement o emerged in the second part of the 1990s, ten oligopolistic position of a handful of America both in the US and internationally. Further, th building is consciously being pursued by the A itself, its reported target being the building industry under the leadership of American co transatlantic partnerships.(11) From the analy presented in the international press it is c American government, via the given strategy, sale of expensive weapons' systems to Europe even seeks to have European states con development-budget for new American weapon The capital concentrations which have have been initiated from within the American the 1990s, do affect the position of the sector i a whole. From the experiences gathered in the government has apparently drawn the conclus of a singular dependence of top arms' producers is hazardous, since business cycle regulation vi policy which cannot be pursued indefin corporations first are encouraged to expand the via attractive orders, yet subsequently have to

s shrank, as is well illustrated by the list of blished last year by The Economist.(10) The orations drawing orders from the Pentagon - throp-Grumman, etc. - gives a fair indication given merger movement. There is only one corporation which has continued to figure on t, being the mammoth aircraft construction total number of giant suppliers reportedly has to a mere 5 corporations.
of capital concentration, strictly speaking, is ement. This time the main thrust appears to be s between US corporations, and corporations cing arms' systems or arms' components in n, this third movement of concentration, which d part of the 1990s, tends to strengthen the of a handful of American arms' producers, - ternationally. Further, the strategy of alliance- being pursued by the American government get being the building of a global defence dership of American corporations, based on ips.(11) From the analyses which have been rnational press it is crystal clear that the , via the given strategy, hopes to promote the pons' systems to European governments, and European states contribute towards the r new American weaponry. centrations which have occurred within, or m within the American military sector since e position of the sector in the US-economy as eriences gathered in the 1980s, the American ently drawn the conclusion that the existence ce of top arms' producers on orders of the state iness cycle regulation via arms' purchases is a t be pursued indefinitely. If armament ncouraged to expand their production capacity et subsequently have to face a contraction in

Page 22
orders, when a periodic crisis forces the st macro-economic policy, - this negatively aff potential, and ultimately the US's hegemonic p large. Thus, the US government through its Atlantic partnerships seeks to, inter alia, preve scenario of the 1980s.
In short - the American government described seeks to enhance the flexibility companies based in its military sector. Thu relatively more easily take recourse to its milita these as a pump primer, - but with a reduce policy will emanate in a renewed periodic c boomerang effect of state-orders to armam striking example of the new strategy is the poli the development of the Joint Strike Fighter (JSF plane. Although the order to build this new plan single American corporation, Martin-Lockhe government through the subcontracting of companies, seeks to ensure that as many JSF b sold to the Pentagon. (12) Consequently, the U new millennium intends to partly re-rely on th on military allocations for business cycle re loosing its scope for manoeuvring. 5. Business Cycle Regulation and the Militar The fourth theme to be highlighted i military doctrine, i.e. the fundamental doctrine American foreign policy and the economic p Spokespersons of the US's military establishm years have been propagating that the wo 'revolution in military affairs'. Joseph Nye and article in the magazine Foreign Affairs pu instance have pointed to the fact that war op longer dependent, primarily, on large weapo fighter planes, war-ships and tanks, but rather d of information and effective guidance of m towards their targets. They sketch a contra

dic crisis forces the state to restructure its y, - this negatively affects their production ly the US's hegemonic position in the world at government through its strategy of building eeks to, inter alia, prevent a recurrence of the
American government via the strategy as nhance the flexibility of corporations and its military sector. Thus, the US state can take recourse to its military allocations and use er, - but with a reduced risk that the given n a renewed periodic crisis, caused by the state-orders to armament corporations. A new strategy is the policy chalked out around Joint Strike Fighter (JSF), the new US fighter der to build this new plane has been issued one oration, Martin-Lockheed, - the American the subcontracting of orders to European sure that as many JSF be exported as will be (12) Consequently, the US government in the s to partly re-rely on the military sector and s for business cycle regulation, yet without anoeuvring. ulation and the Military Doctrine
e to be highlighted is the US's changing he fundamental doctrine which both underlies icy and the economic policy of US-leaders. US's military establishment for a number of opagating that the world is witnessing a affairs'. Joseph Nye and William Owen in an ine Foreign Affairs published in 1996 for to the fact that war operations today are no marily, on large weapons' systems such as ps and tanks, but rather depend on the best use ffective guidance of means of destruction They sketch a contrast between 'platform

Page 23
warfare' and 'network warfare'. European jou have started highlighting the idea that the mo start of the new millennium has thoroughly cha
In the debate on the presumed new mode is made to three elements. First - the existence of precision weapons, i.e. weapons which mor be accurately directed towards their target, fo and/or computers are being used. Examples ar or missiles, and unmanned fighter planes. Th mentioned usually referred to are: * the m information, i.e. reconnaissance, which has al the planning of military activities; and * forms facilitate the command over warfare and ove armed forces. These aspects in the debate are s nominator of C41, which refers both to communications and computer processing (14). Two comments need to be placed in question of the American doctrine on warfare business cycle regulation. First: the idea that th is changing, and that the US and other imperia system today can fight their adversaries in a n they employ the very most advanced forms of t at all. Thus, the US Pentagon for several dec engaged in research and development of unm planes and fighter planes, the so-called 'drones the 'automatic battlefield' has been in existence of a century. The German investigator Walter the American economy and 'High Tech' (198 such aspects of Pentagon research, aimed at re warfare (15). Clearly, the thesis regarding a ' affairs' has not been invented just yesterday.
Secondly - independent from whether change in the paradigm around the conduct of recognized that the very idea of a replacement with 'network-warfare' does affect the economi States. For instance, the percentage-cost of elec

warfare'. European journals and papers too ing the idea that the mode of warfare at the nium has thoroughly changed. (13)
the presumed new mode of warfare reference nts. First - the existence and the use by the US i.e. weapons which more than in the past can towards their target, for instance since lasers being used. Examples are laser-guided bombs nned fighter planes. The two other elements ferred to are: * the methods of gathering naissance, which has always been crucial to y activities; and * forms of technology which d over warfare and overall guidance of the spects in the debate are summarized under the which refers both to command, control, omputer processing (14).
need to be placed in order to relate the can doctrine on warfare with the issue of US on. First: the idea that the character of warfare e US and other imperialist states in the world t their adversaries in a novel fashion, if only ost advanced forms of technology, is not new entagon for several decades on end has been nd development of unmanned reconnaissance es, the so-called 'drones'. Again, the thesis of ld' has been in existence at least for a quarter an investigator Walter Stock, in his book on y and 'High Tech' (1986) already described on research, aimed at renovating the mode of the thesis regarding a 'revolution in military vented just yesterday.
pendent from whether on can speak of a around the conduct of warfare, it needs to be ry idea of a replacement of 'platform warfare' does affect the economic policy of the United e percentage-cost of electronic components in

Page 24
the production of weapons' systems has been st As early as in the beginning of the 1980s a q costs for development and production of arm pointed out, in favour of electronic comp significant also is the fact that precisely com information-technology - hardware and softw have benefited most strongly from the direct an the US-government's military budget which h the later part of the Clinton-era.
On the basis of the limited data availabl conclude that the Pentagon has crucially impa in economic policymaking that have been n Reagan-era - those in 1990/19901 and in 199 the Pentagon first agreed to a reduction in mili the transition towards a more 'civilianised' econ 1980s, and has also promoted the increases in and the 'remilitarisation' of the US-economy im later part of the Clinton-era. Besides, the contributed to the fact that the sectors where in is produced from the beginning of the 199 driving force of the American business cyc ministry has also ensured that producers information technology during the last three ye been provided with special incentives, in or resurgence. Such is the meaning of the overv and companies in the Silicon Valley, publi French daily Le Monde (17).
6. The Debt Question: Individual Hous Companies
The second cluster of themes which I w survey on the US economy, is that regardin question, in its broadest sense, is closely regarding the US's military allocations since t pointed out above, in the past have resulted

ons' systems has been steadily on the increase. inning of the 1980s a qualitative shift in the t and production of armament' systems was ur of electronic components (16). Highly fact that precisely companies manufacturing - hardware and software for computers – rongly from the direct and indirect increases in ilitary budget which have taken place since nton-era. the limited data available now, one can safely agon has crucially impacted on the two shifts king that have been necessitated since the 1990/19901 and in 1998-2002. Not only has ed to a reduction in military expenditures and a more 'civilianised' economy at the end of the romoted the increases in the military budget n' of the US-economy implemented since the inton-era. Besides, the Pentagon has also that the sectors where information-technology beginning of the 1990s have become the American business cycle. Lastly, the same nsured that producers of computer- and during the last three years of recession have pecial incentives, in order to promote their e meaning of the overview on the Pentagon e Silicon Valley, published recently in the e (17).
ion: Individual Households and Private
ter of themes which I wish to cover in this onomy, is that regarding indebtedness. This dest sense, is closely connected with that litary allocations since the latter, as has been the past have resulted in a deficit on the

Page 25
Federal budget. The tendency to use the Pent business cycle regulation is primarily reflected the public (i.e. state-) debt, and in figures international financial position. Last-mentio discussed below. Here I first wish to refer to tw which are haunting the US: debts of individual incurred by private companies. Both types of since the decade of the 1980s have been prom critical observers analysing the state of the US e First: as to indebtedness of individual h Clairmont, in his article published in Le Mo April last, has presented the following figures which the problem has increased over four d indebtedness of individual households amounte Dollars. In the year 2002, the figure had ri hundred Billion Dollars.(18) Compared to the g two decades, from 1964 till 1984, the increase d decades has been slower. Nevertheless, both w part of the Reagan era, and with regard to t substantial aggravation has to be registere indebtedness was equal to 26 percent of indiv end of the year 2002 it amounted to 40 Clairmont's words, the situation heralded a 'stag the level of savings' in the US. He considers t 'degeneration of US capitalism' (19).
Again, the financial position of pri deteriorated dramatically over the last forty yea according to Clairmont amounted to 53 Billion figure had skyrocketed and amounted to 7 t American Dollars, which was equal to 72 perc Domestic Product. The given debt was estimat Billion US Dollars in 1984, being 'three ti combined Third World Debt' at that time (20) Julien have argued that the widespread practice overs in the 1980s much fuelled the rise of the companies. Clairmont speaks of a phenomeno

endency to use the Pentagon budget towards on is primarily reflected in the data regarding ) debt, and in figures regarding the US's l position. Last-mentioned theme will be I first wish to refer to two other types of debts US: debts of individual households and debts mpanies. Both types of indebtedness at least e 1980s have been prominently addressed by sing the state of the US economy. btedness of individual households - Frederic le published in Le Monde Diplomatique of d the following figures showing the degree to s increased over four decades. In 1964, the ual households amounted to 2 hundred billion 2002, the figure had risen to 7 thousand 2 s.(18) Compared to the growth during the first 4 till 1984, the increase during the more recent er. Nevertheless, both with regard to the later a, and with regard to the Clinton period, a n has to be registered. In 1985, average l to 26 percent of individual income; by the 2 it amounted to 40 percent. In Frederic situation heralded a 'staggering aggravation in the US. He considers this a sign of the very pitalism' (19). ancial position of private companies has ly over the last forty years. In 1964 their debts t amounted to 53 Billion Dollars; in 2002 the d and amounted to 7 thousand 620 Billion ich was equal to 72 percent of the US's Gross given debt was estimated to have been 2.589 n 1984, being 'three times higher than the Debt' at that time (20). Both Clairmont and t the widespread practice of mergers and take- h fuelled the rise of the debt burden of private speaks of a phenomenon which in scope and

Page 26
rhythm 'has no precedent in the whole history any case, the main question is what effects wi middle and longer term by the fact that both and private companies have accumulated a households in view of their consumption companies in order to strengthen their po competitors. 7. The US's Foreign Debt Today
The debt question which has directly in of the recent war in Iraq, is the issue of the therefore propose to discuss it separately. Fo Current Issues in Economics and Finance, the Federal Reserve, it is abundantly clear that the position of the US has gravely deteriorated American Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA Commerce, at each year's end publicises f financial position of the US vis-à-vis the rest figures bring out on the one hand how mu companies and citizens possess abroad and claims they have on the external world; on the how much capital foreign companies and citiz the US economy. At the end of 2001, the US's the rest of the world, according to the BEA, am (thousand Billion) American Dollars. Indebte staggering record level (22).
When reviewing the data in the Federal author of the mentioned article, Cedric Tille, fu the US faces an accelerating deterioration financial position. Until 1995, the deterioration to 'merely'50 Billion Dollars per year. Betwee speed of growth in the US's indebtedness, how the average figure for this period was 178 Bil The deterioration signalled since 1999, how alarming for American policymakers: in the tw between the end of 1999 and the end of 2001, figure was 628 Billion Dollars per year, mean

ent in the whole history of capitalism' (21). In estion is what effects will be generated in the by the fact that both individual households s have accumulated a mountainous debt, - of their consumption needs, and private to strengthen their position vis-à-vis their
ebt Today n which has directly influenced the planning Iraq, is the issue of the US's foreign debt. I iscuss it separately. Form data published in nomics and Finance, the magazine of the US bundantly clear that the international financial as gravely deteriorated in recent years. The Economic Analysis (BEA) of the Ministry of year's end publicises figures regarding the he US vis-à-vis the rest of the world. These the one hand how much capital American s possess abroad and how many financial e external world; on the other hand they show ign companies and citizens have invested in e end of 2001, the US's indebtedness vis-à-vis ccording to the BEA, amounted to 2.3 Trillion erican Dollars. Indebtedness had reached a (22). the data in the Federal Reserve' journal, the d article, Cedric Tille, further commented that celerating deterioration in its international il 1995, the deterioration on average amounted ollars per year. Between 1995 and 1999 the US's indebtedness, however, was stepped up: this period was 178 Billion Dollars per year. nalled since 1999, however, must be most policymakers: in the two years that expired 9 and the end of 2001, the growth in the debt Dollars per year, meaning that the net debt

Page 27
more than doubled in record-time.(23) The conc these data appears to be quite simply this: th tolerate that any nation on earth take steps tha US's international financial position. The count any initiative which negatively affects its i position, or tends to undercut its privileges.
An analysis regarding the causes of the debt - as has been pointed out correctly i economic cause of the recent war -further lea conclusion that its principal cause is located trade deficit of the US, as reflected in the figur account balance. A trade deficit in fact has transition from a surplus to a deficit took plac when the trade balance for the first time showe deficit. Since the 1980s however, the astronomical levels. While in the early eigh amounted to 45 Billion Dollars, last year the tenfold this amount: over 500 Billion Dollars! to note two indicators of the US's financial pos a deteriorating trend simultaneously: the US' well as the figure regarding the US's net inte position. Steps by other states that woul international trade position, such as a shift by o from Dollar to Euro as means of paym 'threatening' to the US.
When debating how the hell the US c deficits to persist for thirty years on end, and h problem to escalate without feeling perturbed have emphasized the fact that the US holds an e the international economy, since the Dollar con generally as main means of international government can simply print extra Dollar not trade gap (25). From data regarding foreign lo governmental institutions, it however is appare trade deficit has also led to ever-increasing in vis-à-vis other central banks. According to Ern

ecord-time.(23) The conclusion on the basis of be quite simply this: the US can no longer n on earth take steps that tend to weaken the ncial position. The country is bound to react to negatively affects its international financial dercut its privileges. rding the causes of the rapidly escalating US pointed out correctly in the debate on the recent war -further leads inexorably to the incipal cause is located in the yearly growing , as reflected in the figures on the US's current ade deficit in fact has existed for long: the lus to a deficit took place way back in 1971, for the first time showed a 2.3 Billion Dollar 1980s however, the deficit has reached hile in the early eighties the same deficit n Dollars, last year the figure was more than er 500 Billion Dollars! (24) Overall, we need of the US's financial position that have shown simultaneously: the US's current account, as arding the US's net international investment ther states that would weaken the US's ition, such as a shift by oil-exporting countries o as means of payment, are particularly
how the hell the US could allow its trade hirty years on end, and how it could allow the ithout feeling perturbed, - critical observers ct that the US holds an exceptional position in my, since the Dollar continues to be accepted eans of international payments. The US y print extra Dollar notes in order to fill its ata regarding foreign loans contracted by US ns, it however is apparent that the escalating ed to ever-increasing indebtedness of the US banks. According to Ernest Preeg for instance,

Page 28
the 460 Billion Dollars gathered by other ce 1990 and 1996 have primarily been invested i US Treasury, against 5 to 6 percent interest p trade deficit persists and continues to grow, obliged to pay an ever-larger amount of mon bonds.
Let's, lastly, note the connection be international financial position of the US, and expenditures. From the First World War until t was a creditor nation: the superpower was n countries; instead, the very reverse was the cas which has occurred since then has in part been the evolution on the US's trade balance and o Yet state loans issued in order to finance the deficit too have contributed their share. C published in February 1985, already made the maintaining high interest rates, the Reagan go attracted foreign capital so as to finance its r (27). And although thanks to the maintenance as was the policy of the Clinton govern government could refrain from issuing ever ne to budgetary deficits, the US federal state conti consequence of the militarisation of the US eco in the Reagan era (28).
The implications of the above story app endeavours to hold on to its position as the power by employing its overwhelming mi economic terms the US is far more vulnerable admit. One of the chief factors inciting the Am launch a war to overthrow Saddam Hussain und that the Iraqi dictator in 1999 decided to hencef of Iraqi oil exports in the Euro (29). Imagin countries would emulate the Iraqi example an same; suppose that central banks which have b the US Treasury would collectively decide to d suppose financiers who have earlier purchase

rs gathered by other central banks between rimarily been invested in bonds issued by the 5 to 6 percent interest per year (26). As the and continues to grow, the US Treasury is r-larger amount of money as interest on its
ote the connection between the changing position of the US, and the country's military First World War until the year 1984, the US : the superpower was not indebted to other very reverse was the case. The transformation ce then has in part been caused, as stated, by S's trade balance and on its current account. in order to finance the government's budget tributed their share. Claude Julien's essay, 1985, already made the point quite well: by est rates, the Reagan government consistently al so as to finance its rising military budget nks to the maintenance of a balanced budget, of the Clinton government, the American ain from issuing ever new state bonds relating he US federal state continues to be indebted in litarisation of the US economy that took place
of the above story appear to be this: the US n to its position as the world's pre-eminent its overwhelming military might. Yet in S is far more vulnerable than its leaders dare f factors inciting the American government to row Saddam Hussain undoubtedly was the fact n 1999 decided to henceforth demand payment the Euro (29). Imagine other oil-producing ate the Iraqi example and would demand the tral banks which have bought bonds issued by collectively decide to dispose of these loans; o have earlier purchased long-term US state

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bonds, too would jointly decide to 'desert'! unlikely that foreign financiers simultaneously even if a small part of the given scenario were government would be in dire straits. Given tha the rest of the world has climbed to a record 2. US economy certainly has become highly vulne 8. Conclusions
On the basis of available data, and on th presented analysis, the following conclusions ap First - the timing of the recent war of ag which was staged when the American econo crisis, reflects the fact that the US government recourse to using military allocation for purpo regulation. Once again, as at the time of the se in 1991, the US government has been looking transformation in the domestic economy. At th war, the state sought to reduce the level of s armament corporations. Thus, the then war of occasion to demonstrate the technological supe and hence promote the exports, of American the re-orientation aimed at is in part a re-o direction, in the direction of a re-instateme business cycle regulation via the military bu applied during the Reagan-era of the 1980s.
Furthermore, there decidedly exists a rel 'revolution in military affairs' being advocated the US, and the specific policy of business c pursued. In the past, the Pentagon had contribu the fact that the sector producing information te leading economic sector. This it had done in p financing of research into the developmen computer programs. Of late, military leaders h technological changes, in the collection a information, and with regard to the guidance targets, have led to a paradigm shift, -

ntly decide to 'desert'! Surely, it is highly nanciers simultaneously abandon the US. Yet the given scenario were implemented, the US in dire straits. Given that the US's net debt to as climbed to a record 2.3 Trillion Dollars, the has become highly vulnerable.
available data, and on the basis of the above- following conclusions appear to be justified:
of the recent war of aggression against Iraq, en the American economy faced a periodic that the US government once again has taken tary allocation for purposes of business cycle , as at the time of the second Gulf-war staged ment has been looking for ways to promote a omestic economy. At the time of the previous to reduce the level of state orders issued to . Thus, the then war offered the US state an te the technological superiority and efficiency, e exports, of American weaponry. Presently, ed at is in part a re-orientation in reverse tion of a re-instatement of the policies of ion via the military budget which had been gan-era of the 1980s. re decidedly exists a relationship between the affairs' being advocated by military leaders of fic policy of business cycle regulation being e Pentagon had contributed in a major way to producing information technology emerged as or. This it had done in particular through the into the development of computers and f late, military leaders have been arguing that s, in the collection and centralisation of regard to the guidance of weapons to their a paradigm shift, - to a fundamental

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transformation in the conduct of warfare. As a the given change in thinking, the Pentagon orders to high-tech companies which have production and sales during the recession American economy in recent years.
Thirdly: military production has a m functioning of the present US-economy. Thus weapon systems issued in consequence of the size of the American military budget through t not just beneficial to armament corporation industrial activity of a broad range of m subcontracting companies, including civilia materials and machinery. Besides, the great e Reagan years was relegated to military pro towards business cycle regulation continues impact on the international financial position American state during those years leaned hea foreign capital as a source of finance for sta transformed from a creditor- into a debtor natio of money which the US state owes foreign fina larger than the amount of money that other (N American suppliers of loan capital.
Lastly: the US's overwhelming military March and April of this year in order to ove Saddam Hussain masks the hyperpower's eco The most striking example underlining the US fact that the US for years on end have faced a account, caused by massive imports of commo country's exports. The deficit, moreover, has s reached an astronomical height: the increase years reportedly is more than tenfold! The indebtedness to the rest of the world according the end of 2001 amounted to 2.3 Trillion US D little reason for euphoria on the part of the central banks, holding loans issued by the U massively sell these loans; and if other forei

onduct of warfare. As a direct consequence of thinking, the Pentagon furnishes additional ompanies which have faced a setback in during the recession that has struck the recent years. y production has a major bearing on the sent US-economy. Thus, additional orders of in consequence of the steady growth in the ilitary budget through the last five years, are armament corporations, but do stimulate a broad range of military and civilian nies, including civilian suppliers of raw ry. Besides, the great emphasis which in the legated to military production as a means le regulation continues to exert a negative tional financial position of the US. Since the those years leaned heavily on the inflow of ource of finance for state-bonds, the US got ditor- into a debtor nation. Today the amount S state owes foreign financiers continues to be of money that other (Northern) states owe to loan capital.
overwhelming military strength, employed in is year in order to overthrow Iraq's dictator ks the hyperpower's economic vulnerability. mple underlining the US's vulnerability is the ars on end have faced a deficit on its current ssive imports of commodities in excess of the deficit, moreover, has steadily risen and has al height: the increase over the last twenty ore than tenfold! The US's comprehensive t of the world according to official figures by ted to 2.3 Trillion US Dollars. There is, then, ria on the part of the US's rulers. If other loans issued by the US Treasury, were to oans; and if other foreign suppliers of loan

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capital would simultaneously decide to do the as the world's only superpower would be eroded
Notes: (1) On the increases in the Pentagon's budget, see for in Etats-Unis, un Budget de Guerre a Risques' (Le Mon Laurent Zecchini, 'Etats-Unis et Europe: le Grand Ecart Monde, February 6, 2002, p.2); (2) The Economist, 'Transformed? A Survey of t Economist, July 20, 2002, p.9); (3) Eric Leser, 'Sur Fond de Guerre, M.Bush Veut Rela (Le Monde, January 9, 2003, p.2); Leser analysed Economic Club of Chicago, the city where 'Reagonom the seventies; (4) Claude Julien, 'L'Empire du Dollar - Fragilite d'Un Diplomatique, February, 1985; translated excerp incorporated as appendix in: Peter Custers, 'Waar Betrokkenheid bij de Amerikaanse Oorlogseconomie' ( 1985, p.105);
(5) Eric Leser (2003), op. cit.; a source facilitating the of the Reagan years is Mike Davis, 'The Pathology Review 1949, January/February 1985, p.45);
(6) Pierre-Antoine Delhommais en Serge Marti, 'L' Front de George W. Bush' (Le Monde, April 15, 2003 Yves Mamou, 'L'Explosion des Deficits Constitue Une (7) see John-Kenneth Galbraith, 'How Keynes Ca Samuelson, Readings in Economics - Tata-McGraw-H New Delhi, India, p.91-97); the group of economist trained by Keynes' ally, Alvin H.Hansen; (8) For an in-depth discussion on the lack of a disti military expenditures in Keynes' theory, see in particu Economy of Growth, Monthly Review Press, New York (9) Peter Custers (1985), op. cit., p.23; also Mike Davis (10) The Economist (2002), op. cit., p.11; (11) ibid, p.13; according to the RAND corporation r administration pushed the idea of a global defenc transatlantic cooperation, to counter the development o industry; see also Christophe Jakubyszyn, 'L'Offensiv de l'Armement Americaine (Le Monde, March 19, 20 mentioned article, the British BAEs of late has been transatlantic cooperation with the American corporation (12) Christophe Jakubyszyn (2003), op. cit., calls spectacular example of the offensive waged by the Am

eously decide to do the same, the US's status erpower would be eroded rapidly.
ntagon's budget, see for instance: Jacques Isnard, 'Aux erre a Risques' (Le Monde, February 12, 2002); and et Europe: le Grand Ecart des Budgets de Defense' (Le ; ormed? A Survey of the Defence Industry' (The
; uerre, M.Bush Veut Relancer l'Economie Americaine' , p.2); Leser analysed G.W .Bush's speech at the he city where 'Reagonomics' was borne way back in
u Dollar - Fragilite d'Une Monnaie Forte' (Le Monde 85; translated excerpts from the article were : Peter Custers, 'Waarom Stars? De Nederlandse anse Oorlogseconomie' (Vredesactiekrant, September,
; a source facilitating the comparison with the policies Davis, 'The Pathology of Reagonomics' (New Left ry 1985, p.45);
ais en Serge Marti, 'L'Economie, l'Autre Ligne de e Monde, April 15, 2003, p.I); en Quenti Domart en s Deficits Constitue Une Relle Menace' (ibid, p.II); raith, 'How Keynes Came to America' (in: Paul omics - Tata-McGraw-Hill Publishing Company Ltd, the group of economists consisted of academicians H.Hansen; n on the lack of a distinction between civilian and es' theory, see in particular Paul Baran, The Political Review Press, New York, USA, 1957; it., p.23; also Mike Davis (1985), op. cit., p.56;
. cit., p.11; the RAND corporation researcher Lorell, the Clinton ea of a global defence industry, to be based on ounter the development of a unified European defence Jakubyszyn, 'L'Offensive sans Precedent de lndustrie e Monde, March 19, 2003, p.21); according to last- BAEs of late has been negotiating towards building the American corporation Raytheon;
(2003), op. cit., calls the JSF-program the most ensive waged by the American corporations Lockheed

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Martin, Boeing, Raytheon en Northrop Grumman in t arms' market; (13) on the theme of the revolution in military affairs Nye, Jr. and William Owen, 'America's Informatio March/April, 1996, p.20); and Eliot A. Cohen, 'A Rev Affairs, March/April, 1996, p.37); also The Economist (14) Joseph Nye Jr. and William Owen (1996), op. cit., (15) Walter Stock, High Tech. Amerikanische Vorherr Absichten der USA (Pahl Rugenstein Verlag, Koln, G 2, 'Hochrustung und Technologie'); (16) according to the Finish researchers Tuomi a electronics in the costs of developing fighter planes an 1980 amounted to 40 percent of the total; it had risen development costs of air defense systems – see Walter S (17) Eric Leser, 'Les Commandes Publiques, une Man Valley' (Le Monde, March 19, 2003, p.21); according Pentagon orders in the portfolio of IBM had risen Graphic's sales to the Pentagon had within a year's ti percent of the company's sales total; (18) Frederic F.Clairmont, 'Vivre a Credit ou le Credo Monde' (Le Monde Diplomatique, April, 2003, p.20); (19) ibid; on the level of indebtedness of individual h also Claude Julien (1985), op.cit.; (20) Frederic F.Clairmont (2003), op. cit., p.20; Claude (21) Frederic F. Clairmont (2003), op. cit., p.20; on m 1980s, see also: Mike Davis (1986), op. cit., p.56; (22) Cedric Tille, 'The Impact of Exchange Rate Move (Current Issues in Economics and Finance - Federal Re 9 number 1); (23) ibid; (24) Claude Julien (1985), op. cit.; Frederic F. Clairmon (25) Nick Beams, 'Oil and the Coming War Against Geoffrey Heard, 'The War on Iraq: the US and Euro World Trade Dominance' (March 9, 2003); (26) Ernest H.Preeg, 'The US Trillion Dollar Debt (September, 1998); (27) Claude Julien (1985), op. cit.; Peter Custers (1986) (28) Frederic F. Clairmont (2003), op. cit.; (29) Nick Beams (2003), op. cit.; Geoffrey Heard (2003

Northrop Grumman in the direction of the European
lution in military affairs, see amongst others Joseph , 'America's Information Edge' (Foreign Affairs, Eliot A. Cohen, 'A Revolution in Warfare' (Foreign 37); also The Economist (2002), op. cit.; m Owen (1996), op. cit., p.23; . Amerikanische Vorherrschaft und Globalstrategische genstein Verlag, Koln, Germany, 1986, p.80, Chapter gie'); h researchers Tuomi and Vayrynen, the share of eloping fighter planes and surface ships as early as in of the total; it had risen to roughly 50 percent of the se systems – see Walter Stock (1986), op. cit., p.83; ndes Publiques, une Manne Inesperee pour la Silicon , 2003, p.21); according to Leser's data, the share of folio of IBM had risen to 25 percent, and Silicon on had within a year's time increased from 20 to 35
total; vre a Credit ou le Credo de la Premiere Puissance de que, April, 2003, p.20); ebtedness of individual households in the 1980s, see
it.; 03), op. cit., p.20; Claude Julien (1985), op. cit.; 003), op. cit., p.20; on mergers and take-overs in the
986), op. cit., p.56;
of Exchange Rate Movements on U.S. Foreign Debt' and Finance - Federal Reserve, January 2003, Volume
cit.; Frederic F. Clairmont (2003), op. cit.; e Coming War Against Iraq' (February, 2003); and n Iraq: the US and Europe going Head to Head on rch 9, 2003);
S Trillion Dollar Debt to Foreign Central Banks'
cit.; Peter Custers (1986), op. cit.; 03), op. cit.; it.; Geoffrey Heard (2003), op. cit.

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“Fierce-browed, I coolly defy a thousand
Head-bowed, like a willing ox, I serve
The Significance of Mao Zedong’s the Yennan Forum on Literature
for People’s Literature and
Professor S. Sivasegara
In matters of art and literature, the Marxist should resolve concerns purpose. To concerns the question,‘for whom is our literatu pre-revolutionary Russia, stated unambiguously the millions and tens of millions of working p Marxist Leninists endorse this position. Howe differences of opinion about putting this pr Dogmatic interpretation of the Leninist position as bourgeois liberalism in resolving important i
Those who blindly extrapolate S revolutionary politics in their countries have literature and art. What is required of a Marxis from objective facts and not abstract notions. I enabled Mao Zedong to make outstanding cre Marxist Leninist theory and practice. The con and mass line as advanced by him are central to well as safeguarding it. Following inevitabl concept of people’s art, which needs to be deve of theory and practice.

, I coolly defy a thousand pointing fingers,
like a willing ox, I serve the children”
Lu Xun
ficance of Mao Zedong’s Talks at an Forum on Literature and Art
eople’s Literature and Art
Professor S. Sivasegaram
art and literature, the first problem that a e concerns purpose. To be more specific, it ‘for whom is our literature and art?’ Lenin, in ia, stated unambiguously that art should serve f millions of working people. In principle, all orse this position. However, there have been about putting this principle into practice. n of the Leninist position has been as harmful
in resolving important issues.
blindly extrapolate Soviet experience to in their countries have their counterparts in t is required of a Marxist, however, is to start d not abstract notions. It was this quality that to make outstanding creative contributions to y and practice. The concepts of people’s war ced by him are central to making revolution as it. Following inevitably from them is the , which needs to be developed further in terms

Page 34
His introductory and concluding add Forum on Literature and Art in May 1942 position on literature and art in greater detail thinker before. Mao also ranks among impor China and is known for his appreciatio contemporary Chinese literature. The purpos examine the significance of Mao’s views exp Forum to the continued development of the art”.
Mao’s position on literature and art, w neither rigid nor dogmatic. He has been consis of the importance of work on the cultural fr political work to go hand in hand with it. Ther mind on questions relating to the purpose of a ‘For whom?’ he re-emphasised the position tak further to address specific issues that arose fro purpose of art from a revolutionary Marxist p that he gave expression to in Yenan were clear his political views, placed great emphasis on cl and the identity of an artist and a work of ar society.
His position on the nature of the rela artist and those for whom the work of art is inte mass line that he advocated on the question of r Having clearly identified from a revolutionary class nature of literature and art, and their re struggle for social change, he adopted the s forward the class struggle to struggles at the cu arena of literature and art.
He deals with the problem in terms of audience and study, and the comments below b to understand his position on the various aspect
“The problem of class stand. Our proletariat and the masses. For members of

ry and concluding addresses at the Yenan and Art in May 1942 clarified the Marxist and art in greater detail than by any Marxist lso ranks among important modern poets of n for his appreciation of classical and literature. The purpose of this essay is to ce of Mao’s views expressed at the Yenan ed development of the concept of “people’s
on literature and art, while unambiguous, is atic. He has been consistent in his recognition work on the cultural front and the need for nd in hand with it. There was no doubt in his ting to the purpose of art. On the question of phasised the position taken by Lenin, and went ific issues that arose from what he saw as the revolutionary Marxist perspective. The ideas n to in Yenan were clear and, in keeping with ced great emphasis on class and class struggle artist and a work of art as products of class
n the nature of the relationship between the m the work of art is intended is an echo of the ated on the question of revolutionary struggle. ied from a revolutionary Marxist position the re and art, and their respective roles in the ange, he adopted the strategies for carrying gle to struggles at the cultural front and in the art.
the problem in terms of class stand, attitude, d the comments below by him would help us ion on the various aspects of the problem.
of class stand. Our stand is that of the asses. For members of the Communist Party

Page 35
this means keeping to the stand of the Party, spirit and Party policy”.
“The problem of attitude.... The quest dealing with? There are three kinds of persons: in the united front and our own people; the la their vanguard. We need to adapt a different at the three”.
Mao, while being unambiguous about art and literature of communists, has no illusio of good comrades who are not clear on conceivable that there are still some who maint literature and art are not for the masses of t exploiters and oppressors”.
The above lack of clarity arises from th literature and art transcend class. Mao also poi uphold such views in reality uphold bourgeois oppose proletarian literature and art. His posit and art of communists should be for the mas recognition of the importance of literature and led to defining the new culture for China whic anti-Japanese war of liberation, as “an anti- feudal culture of the masses of people under proletariat”.
What is significant is that Mao rejects bourgeoisie and insists instead on the leadersh “We should take over the rich legacy and goo been handed down from the past ages in countries, but the aim must still be to serv people”. Mao has been consistent en in his enc of literary and artistic forms from the past and remoulded and infused with new content s something revolutionary to serve the masses.
He has warned about the influence thinking manifesting themselves as tendencies

the stand of the Party, keeping to the Party ”.
of attitude.... The question is whom are you e three kinds of persons: the enemy; our allies our own people; the last are the masses and d to adapt a different attitude towards each of
ing unambiguous about the class stand of the mmunists, has no illusions about the existence ho are not clear on this question: “It is are still some who maintain that revolutionary not for the masses of the people but for the ors”.
of clarity arises from the erroneous view that end class. Mao also points out that those who reality uphold bourgeois literature and art and rature and art. His position that the literature s should be for the masses was based on his ortance of literature and art to liberation, and culture for China which, at the stage of the liberation, as “an anti-imperialist and anti- asses of people under the leadership of the
icant is that Mao rejects the leadership of the s instead on the leadership of the proletariat: the rich legacy and good traditions that have from the past ages in China and foreign must still be to serve the masses of the consistent en in his encouragement of the use forms from the past and from outside China, ed with new content so that they become
y to serve the masses.
ed about the influence of petit bourgeois hemselves as tendencies to deviate from the

Page 36
proletarian approach to literature and art, and resolve the question of ‘For whom?’ Petit bour progressive and revolutionary writers and art Firstly, many writers and artists have a p background and require remoulding of their th happen automatically when one joins the left m political party, but requires exposure and experi work.
Secondly, in bourgeois society, especia revolutionary mass struggle, most of the cre media dominated by the bourgeoisie. The val sponsors of literature and art and by the media and artists express themselves are bourg Proletarian outlook in literature and art req acceptance of proletarian ideology but also a tr outlook.
Writers and artists in feudal and bourg tend to look up to approval if not patronage f This elitism also finds its way into literature breeding ground in individualism, which is in thirst for fame, longing to prove one’s se acknowledged by ‘peers’. Awards and recogn institutions and the state contribute to rivalry progressive writer and artist has fallen victim pathetic self-glorification.
This could be averted only by bein purpose and constantly reminding one’s self effort and working as a member of a team hel what is essential is the resolution of the questio resolution of the question of ‘For whom?’ wou that the real peers are the masses and the s literature or art depends on how well it has se oppressed masses.

o literature and art, and failure to correctly ‘For whom?’ Petit bourgeois thinking affects utionary writers and artists in several ways. and artists have a petit bourgeois social e remoulding of their thinking. This does not hen one joins the left movement or a Marxist ires exposure and experience in mass political
ourgeois society, especially in the absence of a ruggle, most of the creative work relies on he bourgeoisie. The values promoted by the nd art and by the media through which writers themselves are bourgeois in orientation. literature and art requires not merely the an ideology but also a transformation in one’s
tists in feudal and bourgeois society generally roval if not patronage from the elite classes. s its way into literature and art, and finds a dividualism, which is invariably a victim of ing to prove one’s self, and desire to be rs’. Awards and recognition from bourgeois te contribute to rivalry and envy and many a artist has fallen victim to individualism and on.
averted only by being clear about one’s ly reminding one’s self about it. Collective a member of a team help to some degree, but resolution of the question of purpose. The full ion of ‘For whom?’ would lead to the position e the masses and the success of a work of s on how well it has served the cause of the

Page 37
Thus, not surprisingly, petit bourgeois issue of the question of form and content a especially revolutionaries, of sacrificing artisti content.
We need to be clear that content is fun and takes precedence over form. But no work o purely on the basis of content. Mao has been a matter and went to the extent criticising stere political literature. His emphasis on artistic qu to draw on various resources is unmistakable:
“We must take over all the fine th heritage, critically assimilate whatever is benef examples when we create works out of the lite materials in the life of the people of our own tim a difference whether or not we have such exa between crudeness and refinement, between r between a low and a high level, and between sl Therefore we should on no account reject the le and the foreigners and refuse to learn from th are the works of the feudal or bourgeois cl legacies and using them as examples must ne creative work; nothing can do that. Uncritical the ancients and the foreigners is the most dogmatism in literature and art”.
Nevertheless he does not compromi revolutionary literature and art: “Revolutionary the products of the reflection of the life of the p revolutionary artists and writers”, and goes on life of the people is the ultimate, inexhaustible material for all literature and art. The value ad writer essentially comprises the identificati material, and the refinement and concentration
Again one is confronted by the question the way this question is resolved determines

risingly, petit bourgeois elitists make a major of form and content and accuse Marxists, ies, of sacrificing artistic quality for political
clear that content is fundamental to a Marxist ver form. But no work of art can justify itself content. Mao has been absolutely clear on this extent criticising stereotype writing even in emphasis on artistic quality and on the need urces is unmistakable:
e over all the fine things in our literary imilate whatever is beneficial, and use them as ate works out of the literary and artistic raw the people of our own time and place. It makes r not we have such examples, the difference d refinement, between roughness and polish, igh level, and between slower and faster work. n no account reject the legacies of the ancients refuse to learn from them, even though they feudal or bourgeois class. But taking over m as examples must never replace our own can do that. Uncritical transplantation from foreigners is the most sterile and harmful e and art”.
he does not compromise on the nature of and art: “Revolutionary literature and art are lection of the life of the people in the brains of nd writers”, and goes on to emphasise that the e ultimate, inexhaustible and richest source of re and art. The value added by the artist and prises the identification of the rich raw ment and concentration of the content.
onfronted by the question of ‘For whom?’, and is resolved determines the form, style, and

Page 38
issues of aesthetics. Popularisation is a matte bourgeois and petit-bourgeois literary elite. Th the members of this elite group despise fame or good things that go with it. As much as they cra they like to appear aloof and ‘out of the or manifests itself in many ways. Dark and unin use of alien and even archaic expressions in a imitation of obscure and unfamiliar styles to from the ‘mob’, and seeking novelty for its reckoned among the avant garde are among petit bourgeois artists and writers.
Naturally, any new fad in the west is this group, often in a most superficial fashion, most advanced thought on earth. They also appearances to be out of the ordinary, and go o unusual. Mao’s observations about such trends appropriate today: “Uncritical transplantation the foreigners is the most sterile and harmful d and art”.
What is unfortunate is that many p writers are tempted by such tendencies. Ther who seem to think that writing in a lucid an make them appear less intellectual. Hence, they the simplest idea in a complex way rather th complex things in ways that are readily accessib
While emphasising that man’s social l of literature and art, Mao explains the role of drawing on these sources to elevate, intensify and thereby create something more universal life. The universals that emerge from a wor depend on the social outlook of the individua they are expressed can differ from person to p be blind to the questions of quality and stand and norms exist, although they vary with clas Out of those arises the contradiction between

opularisation is a matter that is anathema to urgeois literary elite. This does not mean that te group despise fame or popularity and all the th it. As much as they crave for mass approval, loof and ‘out of the ordinary’. Such elitism ny ways. Dark and unintelligible writing, the archaic expressions in a show of scholarship, nd unfamiliar styles to distinguish one’s self seeking novelty for its own sake or to be vant garde are among the characteristics of nd writers.
new fad in the west is readily taken over by ost superficial fashion, and dished out as the ht on earth. They also like their personal of the ordinary, and go out of the way to look ations about such trends in his time are just as critical transplantation from the ancients and ost sterile and harmful dogmatism in literature
rtunate is that many progressive and leftist y such tendencies. There are several writers at writing in a lucid and simple style could intellectual. Hence, they tend to express even complex way rather than express seemingly s that are readily accessible to the people.
ising that man’s social life is the only source ao explains the role of literature and art on rces to elevate, intensify, generalise, idealise ething more universal than actual everyday at emerge from a work of art or literature outlook of the individual. The way in which differ from person to person, and one cannot ns of quality and standard. Aesthetic criteria ugh they vary with class and social outlook. e contradiction between raising standards and

Page 39
popularisation. But they are neither mutually have a clear dividing line between them as som aesthetics’ would have it.
Mao’s advice to the revolutionary write the standard of the people is particularly rele means popularisation for the people and raisin raisaing the level of the people. And such raisin or behind closed doors, but is actually based With us therefore, the raising of stand popularisation, while popularisation is guid standards. Precisely for this reason, so far from the raising of standards, the work of popularis of supplies the basis for the work of raising stan
Mao thus recommends that specialists i the masses, and give expression to their though by speaking for the masses can the revolutio educate them and only by being their pupil can The idea of learning from the masses has not b strongly by any Marxist thinker before Mao Zed
Mao has also addressed the from petit b the Marxist attitude to literature and art is utili that it only as utilitarian as that of the opponent which is utilitarian with a different class ch “ism” in the world that transcends utilitaria class society there can only be the utilitaria class”.
On the issue of literature and art tendency among progressive writers and ar demand of petit bourgeois intellectuals that on should be used. There are several dangers here the importance of content could be altogethe serious is the risk of implicit acceptance of the the bourgeoisie and the feudal classes in the as of art or literature. Mao rejects outright the hyp

y are neither mutually exclusive nor do they ine between them as some advocates of ‘pure it.
o the revolutionary writer and artist on raising ople is particularly relevant: “Popularisation for the people and raising of standards means e people. And such raising is not from mid-air, s, but is actually based on popularisation.... the raising of standards is based on popularisation is guided by the raising of r this reason, so far from being an obstacle to s, the work of popularisation we are speaking r the work of raising standards”.
mends that specialists in fine arts get close to xpression to their thoughts and feelings: “Only asses can the revolutionary writer or artist by being their pupil can he be their teacher”. om the masses has not been emphasised more t thinker before Mao Zedong.
ddressed the from petit bourgeois quarters that literature and art is utilitarian by pointing out n as that of the opponents of the Marxist view, ith a different class character: “There is no hat transcends utilitarian considerations; in n only be the utilitarianism of this or that
of literature and art criticism, there is a ressive writers and artists to yield to the eois intellectuals that only the artistic criteria are several dangers here. In an explicit sense, tent could be altogether ignored. But more mplicit acceptance of the values and norms of e feudal classes in the assessment of any work o rejects outright the hypocrisy of ‘pure artistic

Page 40
criteria’: “There is the political criterion and criterion; what is the relationship between the be equated with art, nor can a general world ou a method of artistic creation and criticism. W there is an abstract and absolutely unchangea each class in every class society has its own criteria. But all classes in all class societ criterion first and the artistic criterion seco always shuts out proletarian literature and art artistic merit. The proletariat should similarly literary and art works of past ages and determi them only after determining their attitude to th or not they had any progressive significanc works which are politically downright reac certain artistic quality. The more reactionary higher their artistic quality, the more poison people, and the more necessary it is to reject th
The last sentence in the above commen attention of Marxist literary critics.
Mao goes on to demand the unity o content and form and of revolutionary polit highest possible perfection of artistic form: “W artistic quality have no force, however p politically. Therefore we oppose both the tende of art with a wrong political point of view and the ‘poster and slogan style’, which is correct but lacking in artistic power. On the question o must carry on a struggle on two fronts”.
Thus, he is strongly critical of the Marxism a substitute for literature and art: “M cannot replace realism in literature and artist embraces but cannot replace the atomic and physics. Empty, dry dogmatic formulas do creative mood; not only that, they first destroy ‘Marxism’ is not Marxism, it is anti- Marxism”

political criterion and there is the artistic relationship between the two? Politics cannot r can a general world outlook be equated with reation and criticism. We deny not only that d absolutely unchangeable artistic criterion; ass society has its own political and artistic ses in all class societies put the political e artistic criterion second. The bourgeoisie tarian literature and art, however great their etariat should similarly distinguish among the of past ages and determine its attitude towards ining their attitude to the people and whether progressive significance historically. Some itically downright reactionary may have a . The more reactionary their content and the uality, the more poisonous they are to the ecessary it is to reject them”.
ce in the above comment by Mao deserves the erary critics.
to demand the unity of politics and art, of of revolutionary political content and the tion of artistic form: “Works of art which lack no force, however progressive they are e oppose both the tendency to produce works litical point of view and the tendency towards style’, which is correct in political viewpoint ower. On the question of literature and art we le on two fronts”.
strongly critical of the attitude of making for literature and art: “Marxism embraces but in literature and artistic creation, just as it replace the atomic and electronic theories in dogmatic formulas do indeed destroy the ly that, they first destroy Marxism. Dogmatic ism, it is anti- Marxism”.

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In this context, there is the danger of in Mao’s approach for determining the subjectiv the democratic principle of the right to examining the subjective intentions of a writer whether his motive is correct and good, we declarations but by the effect of his actions (ma masses in society. The criterion for judging s motive is social practice and its effect. We wa our literary and art criticism and, ... we shou and art works with a variety of political attitu time, in our criticism we should adhere fir severely criticise and repudiate all works o expressing views in opposition to the nation masses and to the Communist Party”.
His reliance on an open and democratic with the mass line advocated by him to settle is advancement of human thought, was further known essay, “On the Correct Handling of Con People”, published in 1957:
“Letting a hundred flowers bloom and thought contend is the policy for promoting th and the sciences and a flourishing socialist Different forms and styles in art should develo schools in science should contend freely. We th to the growth of art and science if administrati to impose one particular style of art or school another. Questions of right and wrong in t should be settled through free discussion in circles and through practical work in these field settled in summary fashion ”.
On the question of criticism, we s Marxists place self-criticism very high on their been most emphatic about it: “A person with criticise the shortcomings and mistakes in hi utmost candour and resolve to correct them

, there is the danger of incorrect judgment, and etermining the subjective intentions upholds iple of the right to free expression: “In ve intentions of a writer or an artist, that is, correct and good, we do not judge by his effect of his actions (mainly his works) on the criterion for judging subjective intention or ce and its effect. We want no sectarianism in riticism and, ... we should tolerate literature variety of political attitudes. But at the same we should adhere firmly to principle and repudiate all works of literature and art pposition to the nation, to science, to the munist Party”.
an open and democratic approach, consistent ocated by him to settle issues pertaining to the n thought, was further clarified in his well Correct Handling of Contradictions among the
957:
dred flowers bloom and a hundred schools of policy for promoting the progress of the arts a flourishing socialist culture in our land. yles in art should develop freely and different uld contend freely. We think that it is harmful d science if administrative measures are used ar style of art or school of thought and to ban right and wrong in the arts and sciences ugh free discussion in artistic and scientific actical work in these fields. They should not be hion ”.
ion of criticism, we should be clear that ticism very high on their agenda, and Mao has bout it: “A person with good intentions must ings and mistakes in his own work with the resolve to correct them. This precisely why

Page 42
Communists employ the method of self-critici correct stand”.
To summarise Mao’s position on literat
1. Literature and art in class identity and are ideologically cond
2. The source of all lite and the class outlook of a writer or an is gathered.
3. The class outlook of th determines the question of audience, app
4. Form and content a creative work, but content is fundam however, mean that content could be a quality.
5. Revolutionary writers create for the masses and, more impor masses.
6. The revolutionary wri create works of meaning and value to raising the aesthetic standards of the artist should ensure accessibility, since standards will not be possible witho literature and art among the masses.
7. Revolutionary writers open-minded and be willing to dr traditional resources, not blindly, but discriminating between the positive an things.
8. When criticising work both the artistic and the political criteria

e method of self-criticism. This alone is the
Mao’s position on literature and art:
Literature and art in class society have a d are ideologically conditioned.
The source of all literature and art is life, utlook of a writer or an artist determines what
The class outlook of the writer or artist also question of audience, approach and attitude.
Form and content are important to any but content is fundamental. This does not, that content could be a substitute for artistic
Revolutionary writers and artists should asses and, more importantly, learn from the
The revolutionary writer or artist needs to f meaning and value to the masses. Thus, in thetic standards of the masses, the writer or sure accessibility, since elevation of aesthetic not be possible without first popularising t among the masses.
Revolutionary writers and artists should be and be willing to draw on foreign and urces, not blindly, but in a critical manner, between the positive and negative aspects of
When criticising works of art and literature, and the political criteria are important.

Page 43
9. Free expression of discussion is important in coming to co issue. An oppressive approach is not per
10. Self-criticism is essen writers and artist.
Mao did not exempt any aspect of hum society from having a class character. Thus e life in class society necessarily reflects class s that one takes in resolving class struggle in the state power has its echoes in all aspects of concepts of upholding a revolutionary class st and mass line are not merely applicable to lit great importance in advancing the cause of pro art. The question facing us is how do we dev concept of mass line in literature and art. W significance of the ‘mass line’ in context.
The mass line is central to the politica he encouraged people to play an active role i including literature and art. To carry forwa literature and art, initially the masses shou creating for the masses is the first step. Comb important and collective work is valuable to re and art. Writers and artist should get used to work as a contribution to society rather tha achievement. The ability to cherish whateve beneficial to the masses, irrespective of the so grows out of collective work.
Of all forms of art, theatre offers collective work and mass participation, and mu in this respect internationally following the new by Bertolt Brecht, Augusto Boal and Badal Sark
People’s literature and art in its pr comprises drawing from the masses and creatin stage also involves collective work and shifting

Free expression of views and open portant in coming to correct decisions on any ssive approach is not permissible.
Self-criticism is essential to revolutionary t.
xempt any aspect of human existence in class class character. Thus every aspect of human cessarily reflects class struggle. The approach ving class struggle in the context of seizure of choes in all aspects of social life. Thus the a revolutionary class stand, the united front, merely applicable to literature art but are of vancing the cause of proletarian literature and g us is how do we develop and advance the in literature and art. We need to grasp the ss line’ in context.
is central to the political thought of Mao and to play an active role in every aspect of life d art. To carry forward the mass line in tially the masses should be inspired. Thus s is the first step. Combating individualism is e work is valuable to revolutionary literature rtist should get used to seeing their creative n to society rather than as their individual lity to cherish whatever is progressive and es, irrespective of the source, is a quality that
work.
of art, theatre offers most opportunity for ass participation, and much has been achieved ionally following the new directions chartered usto Boal and Badal Sarkar, to name a few.
ture and art in its pre-revolutionary stage m the masses and creating for the masses. This lective work and shifting of emphasis from the

Page 44
individual to a larger group. It could extend to various ways, including discussion of creatio artists at different stages and consultation bet creative writers and artists. The masses need criticise, rather than leave all critical opinion to
Creating for the masses, creating colle creations to critical assessment by the mass towards people’s literature and art. But th literature and art ‘for the people’ and, to a li people’. There will still remain a separation b the masses, the former a producer and the latter
The reason why only a small fraction artistically creative is not that they are the ble creative potential of the vast majority has liberation of this tremendous creative potenti involve a long period of social transformati fulfilment in the communist society, toward Leninists are working. Socialist transformati leadership would, in the meantime, enable collective over the individual; it should be no writers and artists have successfully explored c writing. Collective work is not aimed to suppr aimed to overcome bourgeois individualist ten positively the relationship between the individu
Admittedly, human society is being c selfishness as the norm and the driving force this is particularly true of the last three d globalisation. Socialists have a duty to combat imperialism and globalisation has to be carrie and mass struggle is the only way forward. ideological leadership comes from the adva proletariat, enhancing the role of the masses is more in the course of participation in strugg means. A similar approach is possible and nece art.

roup. It could extend to mass participation in ng discussion of creations with writers and es and consultation between the masses and rtists. The masses need to be encouraged to
ve all critical opinion to ‘experts’.
e masses, creating collectively and subjecting ssessment by the masses are positive steps rature and art. But they only make them the people’ and, to a limited extent, ‘of the ll remain a separation between the artist and a producer and the latter a consumer.
y only a small fraction of the population is not that they are the blessed few, but that the the vast majority has not been freed. The endous creative potential of the masses will of social transformation, and will find its munist society, towards which all Marxist . Socialist transformation under proletarian the meantime, enable and emphasise the ividual; it should be noted here that socialist successfully explored collective painting and rk is not aimed to suppress the individual but urgeois individualist tendencies by redefining hip between the individual and society.
uman society is being conditioned to accept and the driving force of development, and ue of the last three decades of imperialist s have a duty to combat it. The battle against lisation has to be carried out on every front, the only way forward. While political and comes from the advanced sections of the he role of the masses is essential. People learn participation in struggle than by any other ach is possible and necessary in literature and

Page 45
Bringing out the creative potential of wait for the later stages of socialist transforma this creative potential that could be freed sho revolutionary literature and art could acqu character. It is a challenge facing the revolution to apply the mass line to transform the masse battlefield of literature and art, which is now do vulgarity. The mass line, which was strongly a political struggle, could be creatively applied to combining it with the criteria proposed by Yennan.
*****
The intellectuals often tend to be subjective a impractical in their thinking and irresolute in the thrown themselves heart and soul into mass r or made up their mind to serve the interest become one with them. Hence, although the intellectuals in China can play a vanguard role the masses, not all of them will remain revol Some will drop out of the revolutionary ranks a become passive, while a few may even bec revolution. The intellectuals can overcome thei mass struggles over a long period.
The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese C
The Communist Party does not fear critic Marxists, the truth is on our side, and the basic and peasants, are on our side.
Speech at the Chin National Conference on Propaganda

he creative potential of the masses need not s of socialist transformation. Every aspect of that could be freed should be freed so that e and art could acquire a stronger mass nge facing the revolutionary writers and artists to transform the masses into fighters in the and art, which is now dominated by bourgeois ne, which was strongly advocated by Mao for d be creatively applied to literature and art, by e criteria proposed by Mao in his talks in
*****
ften tend to be subjective and individualistic and thinking and irresolute in their action until they have heart and soul into mass revolutionary struggles, mind to serve the interests of the masses and them. Hence, although the mass of revolutionary
a can play a vanguard role or serve as a link with ll of them will remain revolutionaries to the end. of the revolutionary ranks at critical moments and while a few may even become enemies of the llectuals can overcome their shortcomings only in r a long period.
Mao Zedong evolution and the Chinese Communist Party, 1939
arty does not fear criticism because we are is on our side, and the basic masses, the workers on our side.
Mao Zedong Speech at the Chinese Communist Party’s Conference on Propaganda Work, March 12, 1957

Page 46
The N
Party Statements
PPrreessss RReelleeaassee ooff 1122..66..22000033
Comrade SK Senthivel said in his state of the Central Committee of the NDP that th following observation in its report based on it political crisis:
The UNF government, headed Wickramasinghe, and the PA opposition, head only show interest in carrying forward their o their respective ulterior motives without rea essence of the national question that had assu and the need to resolve it. The situation in w compelled to temporarily pull out of the talks is The move by the President to take over the Na too has contributed to the climate for further d negotiations. Hence the NDP appeals to the g President that they should avert the creation o the talks could collapse and the danger of the emerges because each of the two parties projec party and ulterior political and economic motive
The national question, which needs t basis of the life, resources, unity and developm of the country, not only has reached a stat destruction but also has been further complica up with the wishes of forces of foreign d government, headed by Premier Ranil Wickra time in the pretext of dealing with the cease while carrying out at full throttle the proce liberalisation and globalisation. This seems to preferences of the US. At the same time, it ha

The NDP Diary
000033
enthivel said in his statement issued on behalf ttee of the NDP that the NDP has made the in its report based on its study of the current
government, headed by Premier Ranil the PA opposition, headed by the President, carrying forward their own programmes with or motives without realising the hazardous l question that had assumed the form of war ve it. The situation in which the LTTE was ily pull out of the talks is a direct result of this. dent to take over the National Lotteries Board the climate for further deferment of the peace e NDP appeals to the government and to the uld avert the creation of a situation in which e and the danger of the resumption of war re- of the two parties projects the interests of the ical and economic motives.
uestion, which needs to be resolved on the ces, unity and development of all nationalities nly has reached a state of war and led to s been further complicated by getting knotted of forces of foreign domination. The UNF y Premier Ranil Wickramasinghe, has wasted dealing with the ceasefire, talks and peace, full throttle the processes of privatisation, alisation. This seems to fulfil the wishes and At the same time, it has dragged its feet and

Page 47
put in cold storage matters agreed upon with th phases of negotiations. It was in consideration was compelled to temporarily pull out of the ta the government to realise this and take the measures to create a climate in which the LTT Our Party warns that to carry forward its own those of the US will only thrust the country into
At the same time the move by Kumaratunga to use her executive powers in over the National Lotteries Board has the ulter obstacles in the way of the peace talks negotiations. The claim that the intention of was to prevent its being privatised contradicts by the PA and the President in the past regardin the intention of taking over the National Lotter to create a political crisis through such measur peace talks and create a climate of war.
It is thus necessary for the governmen abandon programmes that will only serve the forces and act in a farsighted way for the salva of the country and the people. What needs to take appropriate steps to enable the LTTE to and to seek a political solution. Our Party poi depends on finding the solution rather than proc
Press Release of 23.7.2003
Comrade E Thambiah, National Organi a call to abandon the proposed Upper Kotmale to make the minimum daily wage for plantatio 200, and to grant citizenship to those issued rather than deport them.
He further stated that various orga statements, voicing opinion and demonstratin demands to abandon the proposed Upper

tters agreed upon with the LTTE during its six . It was in consideration of this that the LTTE orarily pull out of the talks. It is necessary for alise this and take the necessary alternative limate in which the LTTE could resume talks. to carry forward its own ulterior motives and
ly thrust the country into war once again.
time the move by President Chandrika er executive powers in the matter of taking eries Board has the ulterior motive of placing y of the peace talks and wrecking the m that the intention of taking over the NLB g privatised contradicts the policy adhered to ident in the past regarding privatisation. Thus, over the National Lotteries Board seems to be sis through such measures and thus wreck the a climate of war. ssary for the government and the President to that will only serve the interests of foreign ighted way for the salvation and emancipation people. What needs to be done for that is to to enable the LTTE to enter the peace talks solution. Our Party points out that the future solution rather than procrastination.
003
ambiah, National Organiser of the NDP issued roposed Upper Kotmale hydropower scheme, daily wage for plantation workers at least Rs enship to those issued with Indian passports . ated that various organisations are issuing pinion and demonstrating in support of the the proposed Upper Kotmale hydropower

Page 48
scheme, to make the minimum daily wage for least Rs 200/-, and to grant citizenship to tho passports rather than deport them. It is nec together in a united struggle so that the demand
All organisations interested in the Country Tamil People should come to a comm out common campaigns.
The stand of those who care for the Hil country and the environment should be that Kotmale hydropower scheme be abandoned.
It is not acceptable for the plantation themselves from increasing the wages of plan the pretext of the bad economic state of the wage of not less than Rs 200/- should be assure Those who have been issued Indian Sirima-Shastri Agreement should not be depo descendents should be granted Sri Lankan citize
Statement of 23.7.2003
The following statement was issued by C Thambiah, National Organiser of the NDP in su campaign demanding the abandonment of Kotmale hydropower scheme:
Let us make a success of the of the sig initiated at 10.00 a.m. in the Hatton Christian W Hall by the People’s Movement Against the Up demanding the abandonment of the propo hydropower scheme. Let us firmly oppose an scheme that would adversely affect the lives Tamil people and the environment, and submer area of fertile land.
The People’s Movement Against the U was formed following long discussions and c

inimum daily wage for plantation workers at grant citizenship to those issued with Indian deport them. It is necessary to bring them uggle so that the demands could be won. ons interested in the welfare of the Hill should come to a common decision and carry s.
ose who care for the Hill Country Tamils, this onment should be that the proposed Upper cheme be abandoned. table for the plantation companies to excuse asing the wages of plantation workers using economic state of the country. A minimum s 200/- should be assured. ave been issued Indian passports under the ent should not be deported. They and their granted Sri Lankan citizenship.
ent was issued by Comrade Eliathamby ganiser of the NDP in support of the signature the abandonment of the proposed Upper cheme: success of the of the signature campaign to be in the Hatton Christian Worker’s Co-operative ovement Against the Upper Kotmale Scheme donment of the proposed Upper Kotmale Let us firmly oppose and put an end to the versely affect the lives of the Hill Country nvironment, and submerge under water a large
ovement Against the Upper Kotmale Scheme long discussions and consultations between

Page 49
the representatives of several political pa associations for art and literature and other pu individuals. The demand of this organisation should as a whole be abandoned rather than one those affected by the scheme. Environmentali oppose it. A majority of them oppose it becau of the effects of the scheme and not because environment that allows protest.
Mr Karu Jayasuriya, Minister for Ele Mr Naveen Dissanayake, Deputy Minister insistent that they will implement the scheme to it. Mr P Chandrasekaran, Deputy Minister fo and Water Management, very well knowing mainly affect Hill Country Tamil people, is in s Mr Arumugan Thondaman, Minister for Ho Infrastructure, was opposed to it, but his opposi
Despite them, a vast majority of the peo persist in their opposition because they are full of the scheme. The people have the right to schemes that are detrimental to them.
It is therefore necessary for the people Movement Against the Upper Kotmale Schem their opposition to the scheme.
Press Release of 27.8.2003
Comrade SK Senthivel issued the fo behalf of the Politburo of the NDP:
The statement by the President that the de-merged into separate provinces only goes unwise chauvinist attitude. While the prospe interim administration to transform the current return to normal life are being discussed, t question of de-merging the North-East by the P attempt to stir up a wave of chauvinism a

f several political parties, trade unions, literature and other public organisations and and of this organisation is that the scheme bandoned rather than one for compensation for scheme. Environmentalists and scientists too of them oppose it because they are conscious cheme and not because there is a democratic s protest. suriya, Minister for Electricity and Fuel and ake, Deputy Minister for Plantations are implement the scheme despite all opposition aran, Deputy Minister for Social Development nt, very well knowing that the scheme will ntry Tamil people, is in support of the scheme. aman, Minister for Housing and Plantation osed to it, but his opposition is now muted. a vast majority of the people and organisations ion because they are fully aware of the effects eople have the right to oppose and to stop ental to them. necessary for the people to join the People’s e Upper Kotmale Scheme and demonstration scheme.
003
Senthivel issued the following statement on
of the NDP: by the President that the North-East should be ate provinces only goes to demonstrate her tude. While the prospects of setting up an to transform the current ceasefire into one of are being discussed, the raking up of the the North-East by the Present is an ill willed wave of chauvinism and create a state of

Page 50
confusion. The Party asks the President to ab and actions relating to it.
The President during her first term in during her second term has adopted a posit merger of the North and East. She never thou merger. Out of what need or necessity has the at her efforts to de-merge? For a political so question, the negotiations should be continued interim structure to enable reconstruction, rehab normal life in the North-East is an objective re moment. In a situation in which where the need cooperation, the hostile stance of the Presiden merge the North-East constitutes an act of m efforts for peace. The NDP asks the Presiden efforts.
Meetings
Commemoration of Comrade KA Subramaniam Meetings were held in November 200 Jaffna to commemorate the fourteenth death Comrade KA Subramaniam who was one of t of the Marxist Leninist communist movement founder General Secretary of the NDP, who l communist fighter and a leading comrade.
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secre Comrade E Thambiah, National Organiser of in the meetings and spoke on the current po meeting in Colombo was chaired by Mr K Nad meeting in Jaffna was chaired by Mr M Thiagar
War or Peace: Public Seminar
A public seminar to discuss the prosp country was held at the Jayasinghe Hall on 18

asks the President to abandon such intention it.
during her first term in office and up to now m has adopted a position of accepting the nd East. She never thought in terms of a de- eed or necessity has the President now arrived erge? For a political solution to the national ons should be continued. The creation of an ble reconstruction, rehabilitation and return to th-East is an objective reality and need of the in which where the need is to offer advice and e stance of the President in her efforts to de- constitutes an act of mischief to disrupt all NDP asks the President to desist from such
mrade KA Subramaniam
held in November 2003 in Colombo and in te the fourteenth death anniversary of late niam who was one of the pioneering leaders t communist movement in Sri Lanka and the tary of the NDP, who lived as an exemplary a leading comrade. enthivel, General Secretary of the Party and , National Organiser of the Party participated poke on the current political situation. The as chaired by Mr K Nadanasabapathy and the chaired by Mr M Thiagarajah.
eminar
nar to discuss the prospects for peace in the e Jayasinghe Hall on 18th October 2004. The

Page 51
seminar was addressed by spokespersons for Left Front, the United Socialist Party, the L Comrade E Thambiah addressed the gathering o
Popularisation of Marxist Leninist Studies
Marxist Study Sessions have been guidance of the Central Committee of the ND Leninist ideological education. The sessions a study and practice of Marxism Leninism Mao Z North and in the Hill Country. It should be not are conducted in a climate in which there is r and internationally, of the need for the unde Leninist principles and their use in practice.
Mass Demonstration against Upper Kotmale Sc
A large number of members of the ND leadership of Comrade S Panneerselvam, H Secretary of the NDP, in the demonstration and December to mark the Human Rights Da Federation of Hill Country Social Organisations Comrade Panneerselvam, during his a demanded that the government should abando scheme, which would drown a large part of wanted the government to put an end to expel and their families, when the workers had retired to work in the estates.
He also demanded that haphazard hou for plantation workers should be brought to an should be built for them and that schemes sho ensure proper wage increments for the workers.
Several hundred participated in the organised by the Federation of Hill Country The event confirmed that the people will not he struggles simply because the main trade unions

by spokespersons for the NDP, Democratic d Socialist Party, the LSSP and the NSSP. addressed the gathering on behalf of the NDP.
ist Leninist Studies
Sessions have been initiated under the l Committee of the NDP to broaden Marxist ducation. The sessions are conducted for the arxism Leninism Mao Zedong Thought in the ountry. It should be noted that these sessions mate in which there is recognition, nationally f the need for the understanding of Marxist
their use in practice.
gainst Upper Kotmale Scheme
r of members of the NDP took part under the e S Panneerselvam, Hill Country Regional in the demonstration and mass meeting on 10th the Human Rights Day, organised by the ntry Social Organisations.
eerselvam, during his address, emphatically ernment should abandon the Upper Kotmale drown a large part of Talawakelle. He also t to put an end to expel from estates workers n the workers had retired from work or ceased
ded that haphazard housing without facilities should be brought to an end and proper houses m and that schemes should be put in place to rements for the workers. ed participated in the Human Rights Day ration of Hill Country Social Organisations. at the people will not hesitate to participate in se the main trade unions keep quiet.

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Train of Tears*
E Thambiah
They leave by the train of tears. Like cattle and sheep the young men and women who circled the skies as couples like birds in springtime part company, and leave behind their children, their parents, their husbands, their wives.
“Chug chug Nilgiri Hatton Gardens –and it’s too crowded in the train we go in”** They leave by the train of tears that narrates even today true stories – many a story of the silenced. Thus – in this land where separation is in the embryo, the breath of fury of some tears the sky asunder.
They toiled for this land. While they live a dog’s life, and seemingly possessed by evil spirits, some are out to deport them. Can we live this life of decimation without a word in angry protest?
* Refers to the deportation of Hill Country Tamil
Lanka agreements. ** Lines from a folk song about trains that carried

*
of tears.
men s couples
ents, ives.
tton Gardens –and train we go in”**
of tears y
nced.
bryo, me
d.
life, and y evil spirits, them.
decimation y protest?
ion of Hill Country Tamils to India under Indo-Sri
g about trains that carried indentured labour

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Nation
Turmoil in the TULF
Rivalry between the four partners of Alliance has only worsened since they got i rivalries within each of the parties seem to problem. Recent moves to oust Mr V Anandas the TULF ended up in street fight between riva and a courtroom battle about the legality of the
Some see in this a battle by proxy authorities backing Mr Anandasangari and th opponents. The truth is that, despite all appeara TULF leaders in the Jaffna peninsula is the cen of them will like to be accused of the slightest d
The Death of a Bhikku
Rev. Soma Thero was as well known fo Buddhist political views as he was for his po approach to Buddhism. The religious mino Christians and Muslims were frequently his tar towards the government’s peace negotiations w secret. He was, not surprisingly, the darling of rabid Buddhist organisations.
His death as a result of heart failure receive a doctorate from a Christian institution Christian conspiracy to kill the champion of extremist elements, despite all medical evidenc (including that of Sri Lankan Buddhist doctors death was because of natural causes and that, a he had a heart problem, besides diabetes.

National Events
LF
en the four partners of the Tamil National rsened since they got into the alliance. But of the parties seem to be a more serious s to oust Mr V Anandasangari as President of street fight between rival factions in Colombo about the legality of the expulsion.
this a battle by proxy between the Indian r Anandasangari and the LTTE backing his s that, despite all appearances, rivalry between ffna peninsula is the central issue and not one accused of the slightest disloyalty to either.
ikku
ero was as well known for his extreme Sinhala s as he was for his populist fundamentalist m. The religious minorities, especially the s were frequently his targets, and his hostility nt’s peace negotiations with the LTTE was no rprisingly, the darling of Sihala Urumaya and ations.
a result of heart failure while in Russia to m a Christian institution was interpreted as a o kill the champion of Sinhala Buddhism by spite all medical evidence and medical opinion ankan Buddhist doctors) that the clergyman’s atural causes and that, at the time of his visit, , besides diabetes.

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He was accorded a state funeral, Christmas Eve although he had died ten days e brought to the island at the weekend. The c capital of the funeral and accusations of murd funeral orations as well. Several churches wer up to the funeral and the media is steadily Buddhist sentiment. The campaign to mou clergyman had deeper motives and is part of the peace process itself as a (Norwegian) Ch undermine Buddhism.
Religious leaders of minority nationali placate the extremists by making concessions r to it with the help of progressive forces.
Stirring Up Trouble in the East
The past year has been one of conflic Muslims in the East of the country. Killings Muslims, readily blamed on the LTTE by leade the former Muslim Congress, led to violence Amparai Districts. The violence has spread District, which has hitherto been free of comm Tamils and Muslims.
Attempts by community leaders and l resolve the problems through discussion misunderstandings have been hampered by th of the parliamentary politicians from each com ‘third force’ is suspected by the security fo several Tamil political leaders. But the leader parliamentary group, Rauff Hakeem has rejecte
What is of particular concern is that n of the third force is willing to identify the main
The role of India in encouraging vari the peace process and the recent warmth b

rded a state funeral, which was held on h he had died ten days earlier and his remains at the weekend. The chauvinists made full and accusations of murder were made during ll. Several churches were attacked in the run- the media is steadily whipping up Sinhala The campaign to mourn the death of the motives and is part of an attempt to portray lf as a (Norwegian) Christian conspiracy to
ers of minority nationalities are only trying to by making concessions rather than standing up
ogressive forces.
le in the East
has been one of conflict between Tamils and of the country. Killings and kidnappings of ed on the LTTE by leaders of rival factions of ngress, led to violence in the Batticaloa and e violence has spread to the Trincomalee herto been free of communal tension between
ommunity leaders and local organisations to s through discussion and by clearing ve been hampered by the one-sided approach liticians from each community. The hand of a cted by the security forces, the LTTE and leaders. But the leader of the largest Muslim auff Hakeem has rejected it as untrue.
ticular concern is that none of those who talk ling to identify the main suspect.
dia in encouraging various parties to oppose d the recent warmth between the Hindutva

Page 55
regime in Delhi and the Muslim nationalist Ha raise a few eyebrows.
The tragedy of the Tamil and Muslim East is that narrow nationalist political leade supremacy within their respective electorates a as the defenders of their community from the than to resolve the differences amicably.
An Opportunist Alliance
The long anticipated alliance between came to fruition and a formal declaration is ex Differences were once reported between Presid the JVP on the national question, with the latte a negotiated settlement for the armed conflict a form of autonomy for the Tamils. It is not cle has been resolved, but given the game of hid the PA on the national question and the Sin adopted by some of the leaders of the PA, esp Bandaranaike, the politically frustrated younge Kumaratunga, and Sarath Amunugama, the PA with their keenness for an alliance with the JVP rather inevitable.
The JVP’s Marxist pretences do not f red banners at rallies, and its embracing a chau roundly denounced three years ago, even by it allies in Europe. Thus, this alliance with a bour is all but natural, and an early election will be JVP, which could only gain from the state o following electoral defeat in 2002 December. about this alliance within the PA and ther resistance.
The President, in the meantime, executive presidential authority, has been talkin

e Muslim nationalist Hakeem has not failed to
f the Tamil and Muslim communities of the ationalist political leaders who are vying for r respective electorates are keener to pose off eir community from the ‘enemy’ community erences amicably.
lliance
ipated alliance between the PA and the JVP formal declaration is expected early in 2004. reported between President Kumaratunga and l question, with the latter taking a hard line on for the armed conflict and the granting of any the Tamils. It is not clear how the difference t given the game of hide-and-seek played by al question and the Sinhala Chauvinist line e leaders of the PA, especially Messrs Anura tically frustrated younger brother of President ath Amunugama, the PA media spokesperson, an alliance with the JVP, such an ending was
rxist pretences do not fool many, despite the and its embracing a chauvinistic line has been ee years ago, even by its erstwhile Trotskyite this alliance with a bourgeois chauvinist party an early election will be to the benefit of the y gain from the state of disarray in the PA feat in 2002 December. There is resentment ithin the PA and there are signs of open
t, in the meantime, having asserted her authority, has been talking about a government

Page 56
of national unity comprising the ruling UNF a What this would mean for the ‘bargaining po nationality parliamentary allies of the UNF resented by the chauvinists, is another matter. alliance are, happily for them and for the suspected to be ploy by the President to appe national interest rather than for political gain. N UNF MPs are keen to spend again on electio many have not fully recovered the costs of the succession.
Claiming Credit to Bag the Votes
Each of the trade union based politic Country has tried to claim the lion share of restoration of Sri Lankan citizenship to all per who are resident in Sri Lanka and their descend been issued with Indian passports under the inf pact of 1963.
The struggle of the Hill Country Tami 1948 by the first UNP government, foll independence of the country, has persisted ov been supported by all progressive forces i opportunist leaders who make alliances chauvinistic party in power have always tr success in the restoration of citizenship rights concealing the important role of mass struggle i
It should also be noted that the unoppo in parliament in September 2003 was also electoral system and the political disarray of th leadership does not pose a serious threat to the f
What is important is that the restoration not be reduced to a mere swelling of the opportunists, but a major step towards th

rising the ruling UNF and the opposition PA. n for the ‘bargaining power’ of the minority ary allies of the UNF and the PA, much nists, is another matter. The prospects for this for them and for the JVP, poor, and it is y the President to appear to be acting in the than for political gain. Neither the PA nor the spend again on elections, particularly since covered the costs of the last two held in quick
Bag the Votes
rade union based political parties in the Hill laim the lion share of the credit for the full an citizenship to all persons of Indian origin Lanka and their descendents even if they have n passports under the infamous Sirima-Shastri
f the Hill Country Tamils, disenfranchised in NP government, following the so-called ountry, has persisted over half a century and ll progressive forces in this country. The who make alliances with whichever the power have always tried to explain every ion of citizenship rights as their achievement, nt role of mass struggle in it.
be noted that the unopposed passage of the bill tember 2003 was also because the present e political disarray of the Hill Country Tamil e a serious threat to the forces of chauvinism.
tant is that the restoration of citizenship should mere swelling of the vote bank for the major step towards the members of the

Page 57
community enjoying their full rights as citizens and discriminatory practices of the past. This place, the recognition of the Hill Country Ta with the inalienable right to self-determination.
Tenth Commemoration of Comrade Sanm
The Tenth Commemoration of Comr by Sanmugathasan Centre for Marxist Studies well attended meeting in the Ramakrishna Mis on 17th August 2004. Dr VP Sivanathan of the delivered the memorial address. ‘Sanmugath collection of over twenty hitherto unpublished Shan on major national and international is movement and Marxist philosophy, in Ta launched by SK Senthivel, General Secreta Party, and commented on by Ajith Rupa Imperialist People’s Alliance, T Satchithanant and Dr MS Thambirajah. E Thambiah, Co-or delivered the welcome address. Professor S S translated the essays, chaired the meeting.
Celebration of Cuba’s Forty-fifth National D
The Forty-fifth National Day of Cuba 2004 was also marked as the Day of Ant People’s Forum for International Solidarity. S Lecturer, Sri Pada College of Education, deliv on ‘The Cuban Liberation and Revolution enthusiastic audience.
A debate on the subject ‘Who is the En Bush, Kofi Annan, or Saddam Hussein? revolutionary songs by Cem Malarkal’ gro Thambiah, Central Co-ordinator, PFIS, cha Gopinath delivered the welcome address and T of thanks.

eir full rights as citizens, free from oppressive ctices of the past. This requires, in the first of the Hill Country Tamils as a nationality ht to self-determination.
ation of Comrade Sanmugathasan
ommemoration of Comrade Shan, organised ntre for Marxist Studies, was held at a very in the Ramakrishna Mission Hall in Colombo Dr VP Sivanathan of the University of Jaffna ial address. ‘Sanmugathasan Katturaikal’ a nty hitherto unpublished essays by Comrade nal and international issues, the communist ist philosophy, in Tamil translation, was thivel, General Secretary, New Democratic d on by Ajith Rupasinghe of the Anti- lliance, T Satchithananthan, Attorney-at-Law jah. E Thambiah, Co-ordinator of the SCMS address. Professor S Sivasegaram, who had haired the meeting.
s Forty-fifth National Day
National Day of Cuba falling on 1st January ed as the Day of Anti-Imperialism by the ternational Solidarity. Siva Rajendran, Senior llege of Education, delivered a special lecture eration and Revolutionary Lessons’ to an
e subject ‘Who is the Enemy of World Peace, or Saddam Hussein?’ was followed by by Cem Malarkal’ group of musicians. E o-ordinator, PFIS, chaired the meeting. P welcome address and T Janamahan the vote

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Internation
To Lift a Stone to Drop it on Ones’ Own F
US imperialism and its closest ally Labour Government of UK, are in deep troub failed miserably to return Iraq to any kind o administration that they set-up including Iraqis enjoys any credibility and plans for transfer administration, which was advanced by sever pressure from within Iraq and internationally, a The expectation that the Shia major which was severely oppressed by the Saddam H side with the invaders did not materialise. Th now increasingly aware that the US is in Iraq t and not to look after them. US alliance with c Kurdish nationalists in the north is under strai from the US allies in Turkey. The US cann clients in the north and the south of Iraq.
As the US and British armed forces t Iraqi resistance, innocent Iraqis are getting k crime thrives unchecked. Attempts by the international community to come to its rescue i even governments that approve of the US role to make serious commitments.
The capture of Saddam Hussein in Dec it helped to improve the approval ratings of B has not counted for much in Iraq. If at all, the stronger. However, there is the danger to Ira presence will strengthen the newly fundamentalists, who will capitalise on the an the Iraqi people against a powerful invader.
Nepal: King vs People
The King of Nepal, Gayendra, the ch slaughter of the royal family, emboldened b

International Events
Drop it on Ones’ Own Feet
m and its closest ally, the so-called New f UK, are in deep trouble in Iraq. They have turn Iraq to any kind of order. The interim y set-up including Iraqis loyal to them hardly and plans for transfer of power to an Iraqi was advanced by several months because of aq and internationally, are in difficulty. on that the Shia majority in southern Iraq, pressed by the Saddam Hussein regime, would did not materialise. The Shia community is e that the US is in Iraq to advance its interests hem. US alliance with certain sections of the the north is under strain owing to pressures Turkey. The US cannot but disappoint its the south of Iraq. d British armed forces try to crack down on ent Iraqis are getting killed by them while ked. Attempts by the US to coerce the ty to come to its rescue in Iraq have failed and approve of the US role in Iraq are not willing itments.
Saddam Hussein in December 2003, although e approval ratings of Bush and Blair a little, ch in Iraq. If at all, the resistance has become ere is the danger to Iraq that prolonged US ngthen the newly emerging Muslim will capitalise on the anger and frustration of t a powerful invader.
ple
epal, Gayendra, the chief beneficiary of the l family, emboldened by backing from the

Page 59
expansionist neighbour and the global superp resorted to old tricks. His refusal to restore dem has angered the main political parties, and m dictatorial regime is growing.
More importantly, the failure of the K of the peace offer from the Maoist revolutionar of the Nepali countryside and the breakdown led to fresh hostilities and, after few initial s have gained the military upper hand in the control.
The people of Nepal now see that the democratic position is largely due to backing that seek to control and dominate their coun economic reasons. The longer the King res restore democracy and to negotiate with the Ma be the conflict on every front in Nepal. Howe and however much the support is from foreign the downfall of the monarchy is inevitable.
Taming of Libya
US imperialism has finally vanquishe once a symbol of Arab and African defiance Qadaffi was one of the firmest supporters o liberation struggle and made no secret of h various anti-colonial and anti-imperialist strug the IRA against the British.
The act of terror that caused the Loc 1984 was blamed by the US on Libya a community universally condemned US aerial 1985. The US and the UK persevered in the scapegoat of Libya, although there was evide other culprits. Two Libyans who happened to b were accused of the crime and Libya refused to in any county where the judiciary was likely to Libya, and without valid evidence against the a

r and the global superpower, has once again is refusal to restore democratic rule in Nepal political parties, and mass opposition to his owing.
tly, the failure of the King to take advantage the Maoist revolutionaries who control much side and the breakdown of negotiations have and, after few initial setbacks, the Maoists tary upper hand in the regions under their
Nepal now see that the King’s stubborn anti- largely due to backing form foreign powers nd dominate their country for strategic and e longer the King resists the pressures to to negotiate with the Maoists the bloodier will ry front in Nepal. However long it may take support is from foreign powers to the King, narchy is inevitable.
m has finally vanquished Muammar Qadaffi, b and African defiance against imperialism. the firmest supporters of the South African d made no secret of his sympathy towards nd anti-imperialist struggles, including that of itish. ror that caused the Lockerbie plane crash in y the US on Libya and the international condemned US aerial bombing of Libya in e UK persevered in their efforts to make a lthough there was evidence pointing towards yans who happened to be outside the country ime and Libya refused to deport them for trial e judiciary was likely to be prejudiced against id evidence against the accused. This was used

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to tighten US-led sanctions against Libya, accumulated assets in the US had already been
Libyan defiance lasted well over a dec established as the sole superpower and the wea bourgeois leadership of much of the Third Wor treachery of reactionary Arab regimes, Qadaff under economic and diplomatic pressure. A Eur sitting in the Netherlands was allowed to suspects, of whom only one was convicted on This was rather curious since one Libyan se handedly accomplished this act of terror, and showed not the slightest interest to find other ‘c
Libyan hopes of the removal of trade agreement to pay compensation came to nough the maximum price for it by demanding that weapons of mass destruction. Having made th agreeing to allow its citizens to be tried by a pr there was no turning back. The US, having tas to get Syria and Iran.
Experience has shown that only way country is to stand up to the US, and not to c requires a principled proletarian stand like doorstep of US, but defying the mighty imperia
A Shameful Speech
The lecture by the Chinese Prem University in November 2004 has shocked ev faint hope that there was something worth salva of People’s Republic of China. The speech h socialists and drew on Chinese tradition and A to please a capitalist audience.
What offended many who hav accommodating towards the so-called ‘soc characteristics’ was the failure of the Chinese p Chinese national hero since Sun Yatsen. His sh

nctions against Libya, whose tremendous he US had already been frozen. ce lasted well over a decade, but with the US superpower and the weakening of the national f much of the Third World, not to mention the ry Arab regimes, Qadaffi’s resolve weakened plomatic pressure. A European kangaroo court lands was allowed to try the two Libyan y one was convicted on rather flimsy grounds. us since one Libyan seemed to have single- d this act of terror, and the US and the UK st interest to find other ‘collaborators’.
of the removal of trade barriers following its ensation came to nought and the US extracted r it by demanding that Libya rid itself of its ruction. Having made the first concession of tizens to be tried by a prejudiced legal system, ack. The US, having tasted blood, is now out
s shown that only way for any Third World to the US, and not to compromise. But that proletarian stand like that of Cuba, at the fying the mighty imperialist power.
h
by the Chinese Premier at the Harvard er 2004 has shocked even those who had a s something worth salvaging in the leadership of China. The speech had nothing to inspire Chinese tradition and American liberal values dience. ed many who have thus far been rds the so-called ‘socialism with Chinese e failure of the Chinese premier to refer to any since Sun Yatsen. His shameful effort to avoid

Page 61
mentioning the communist revolution and its p confirmed that the Chinese leadership has gon capitalist roader Deng Xiaoping would have ho alive.
Latin America Defies Pax Americana
The masses of Latin America are i themselves against US imperialism and its lack affairs of Latin American countries.
Venezuela celebrated the fifth anniver in 2003, after defeating a US-inspired coup d’ for democracy’ by the socially better off secti Chavez and other such attempts by reaction backing.
Brazil voted to power for the first tim candidate, Lula da Silva, as president. La neighbouring Bolivia, the people got rid President Gonzalo Sanchez through mass agitat
The people of Puerto Rico celebrated troops from their soil. Defiance of corrupt auth the day in Peru, Nicaragua and elsewhere.
The Columbian rebels are holding their and carrying out a valiant struggle against the Bogota.
In Argentina, the masses successfully f to take a stand against the diktat of the IMF. A and Venezuela are taking a defiant stand again the Free Trade Association of the Americas economic alliances are asserting themselves.
US attempts to isolate and harass Cub Latin America, once the backyard of US impe dictators loyal to the US, is today a sea of mass The question is how the mass upsurge is to b struggle for revolutionary change.

nist revolution and its principal architect only nese leadership has gone far beyond what the Xiaoping would have hoped to have if he was
ies Pax Americana
f Latin America are increasingly asserting imperialism and its lackeys at the helm of the an countries. ebrated the fifth anniversary of its Revolution g a US-inspired coup d’etat, ‘demonstrations socially better off sections against President ch attempts by reactionary forces, with US
power for the first time in its history a left Silva, as president. Later in the year, in , the people got rid of their reactionary chez through mass agitation.
Puerto Rico celebrated the withdrawal of US Defiance of corrupt authorities is the order of gua and elsewhere. n rebels are holding their own in their territory iant struggle against the US-backed regime in
he masses successfully forced the government the diktat of the IMF. Also Brazil, Argentina ing a defiant stand against US efforts to set up iation of the Americas; meanwhile regional asserting themselves.
isolate and harass Cuba have backfired, and he backyard of US imperialism run by tin pot S, is today a sea of mass opposition to the US. he mass upsurge is to be transformed into a ary change.

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Final Cou By Bobbi S (Australian aboriginal wo
The children are dy In terrible numbe Malnutrition Related diseases a We do not count their num
Amongst the brave dea
Our revolut Yet their blood is surely sp As though shot upon the str
Had they Long enough to
We must count th We must count th
For if we do They would have died in
__________
Published by E Thambiah of 47, 3
rd
Floor, CCS Phone: 011 2435117; Fax: 011 E-mail: newdemocraticparty@ho Printed at Gowri Printers Colo

Page 63

Final Count By Bobbi Sykes ustralian aboriginal woman poet)
The children are dying / In terrible numbers of Malnutrition and Related diseases and / do not count their numbers Amongst the brave dead of Our revolution / their blood is surely spilled ough shot upon the street / Had they lived Long enough to die
We must count them / We must count them / For if we do not ey would have died in vain.
__________
h of 47, 3
rd
Floor, CCSM Complex, Colombo 11 1 2435117; Fax: 011 2473757 wdemocraticparty@hotmail.com at Gowri Printers Colombo 13