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August 2004
• From the Editor’s Desk
• Sri Lankan Events
• International Events
• Women’s Struggle and Class S
– Kjers
• Book Review: Jose Maria Sison, Terrorism and the War in the Ph
• On the Rotten Core and Over Extension of US Imperialism – Jose M
• The NDP Diary
• Do Not Offer Us a Trifle
– Kjers
Theoretical Organ of the New Democ

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he Editor’s Desk
kan Events tional Events en’s Struggle and Class Struggle
– Kjersti Ericsson eview: Jose Maria Sison,“US sm and the War in the Philippines” e Rotten Core and Over- sion of US Imperialism
– Jose Maria Sison P Diary ot Offer Us a Trifle
– Kjersti Ericsson
Organ of the New Democratic Party

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From the Ed
This issue of New Democracy is a few mon Editorial Board apologises to its readers for first sight much may seem to have happened past seven months, but in real terms little overall situation and the trend in national polit
Since developments in the past few months ar in Sri Lankan Events, we chose to comment media in the country. While there has nev illusion about the neutrality of the media, demanding ethical behaviour, about which a the media seems to have no concern.
What is particularly worrying about the natio that the media are selective in presenting fa takes precedence over fact but that the media with far too many misdeeds. The Island- newspapers has been notorious for its chauvi opposition to the peaceful settlement of the seems to want a chauvinistic alliance of the the Hela Urumaya to run this country, and the it sees in the JVP is its opposition to the editorials, contributed articles and correspo talent for chauvinistic mischief.
The Times group of newspapers, now back newspaper market with its Daily Mirr mischievous in the more popular Sunday T columns that stir communal tension and seek panic among the Sinhalese. Its Sinhala daily an eye towards the chauvinistic sections o marginally more cautious than its rival, the Di
The Sunday Leader’s concern for the peace do with bringing down the government than scurrilous and sensational style are part of i

From the Editor’s Desk
emocracy is a few months overdue and the ogises to its readers for the long silence. At seem to have happened in the country in the but in real terms little has changed in the the trend in national politics.
n the past few months are broadly dealt with s, we chose to comment on the state of the y. While there has never been reason for eutrality of the media, there is a case for ehaviour, about which a sizeable section of ave no concern.
worrying about the national media is neither elective in presenting facts nor that opinion r fact but that the media is able to get away misdeeds. The Island-Divayina group of notorious for its chauvinistic venom and its ceful settlement of the national question. It uvinistic alliance of the UNP, the SLFP and run this country, and the only good thing that is its opposition to the peace process. Its d articles and correspondence vie in their
mischief.
newspapers, now back in the daily English with its Daily Mirror, is particularly more popular Sunday Times, with regular munal tension and seek to create a sense of halese. Its Sinhala daily and weekly, despite chauvinistic sections of the readership, is ious than its rival, the Divayina.
s concern for the peace process has more to wn the government than love for peace. Its tional style are part of its attraction for the

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opponents of the government, and its exposé selective, have a semblance of neutrality beca of targets. Raavaya, could be considered counterpart of the Sunday Leader, with no less the President. Objectivity is not the aim of eith
The Tamil newspapers, with the exception of Thinakaran, cater to Tamil nationalism, w group, and Sudaroli and its sister paper in conceal their UNP loyalties, but unsuccess Tamil newspapers dare to criticise Indian m affairs, and especially the Sri Lankan Natio they seem to allow slightly more criticism of Middle East than their Sinhala and English c to appease the Muslim readership.
The pattern of behaviour of the TV channels no less pleasing, and it is the conduct of ce private sector media that is used to justify t conduct of the state-controlled media.
The way the state-controlled media is manip general disapproval from the public, excludin ardent supporters of the government. The lin manipulators of the state media is that the pri is campaigning for the major opposition part not only necessary but also correct for the st to be partial in the way they are. But they are d
What is pathetic is that the state-con unconvincing and, even worse, they fail to r danger is that, in the event of electoral defeat a future general election, the state media t against the PA, which will be totally isolated.
The media are overwhelmingly anti-commu the language of communication. They endor privatisation in principle and are reluctant to oppressed peoples of the world. The absen news medium for the left is a serious parliamentary left has relied for too long and sponsorship when available and on the bac

ernment, and its exposés of fraud, although blance of neutrality because of its wide range , could be considered to be the Sinhala nday Leader, with no less venom reserved for vity is not the aim of either.
rs, with the exception of the state-controlled Tamil nationalism, with the Veerakesari and its sister paper in Jaffna try hard to loyalties, but unsuccessfully. None of the are to criticise Indian meddling in regional ly the Sri Lankan National question, while lightly more criticism of US behaviour in the ir Sinhala and English counterparts, perhaps
readership.
iour of the TV channels and radio stations is it is the conduct of certain sections of the that is used to justify the current unethical ontrolled media.
ntrolled media is manipulated has met with rom the public, excluding a small section of the government. The line of defence of the tate media is that the privately owned media he major opposition party and therefore it is ut also correct for the state-controlled media y they are. But they are doing a bad job of it.
is that the state-controlled media are en worse, they fail to realise it. The bigger event of electoral defeat of the government in ction, the state media too could be turned
will be totally isolated.
whelmingly anti-communist, irrespective of munication. They endorse globalisation and iple and are reluctant to take the side of the f the world. The absence of an alternative the left is a serious shortcoming. The s relied for too long and too heavily on state ailable and on the backing of its national

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bourgeois partner so that for decades its credibility as much as the state-controlled med
The genuine left has failed to unite poli resources to combat right-wing propaganda This gap has been exploited by NGOs to pro media, which was no alternative but fake. On the withdrawal of NGO funding led to the ‘alternative’ newspapers that were used for groups and individuals.
The danger of fascism is lurking, not far aw opportunity to seize state power. Fascism ha Europe with seemingly leftist populist slogan More recently, it has exploited religiou sentiments, and especially hatred towards ethn
Renewed American interest in establishing US in the country does not happen indepen interests. Also the recent threat by an Indi against Tamil newspapers accommodating India’ cannot be dismissed lightly.
With the bulk of the population unaware hegemonic interests and the way in which the its concerns diverted towards chauvinisti politics, while feeding on trivia for amus political awakening will be all the more hard fascist take over.
The genuine left should work towards communication to deliver its message for lib salvation for all nationalities. Broad-based un electoral ambitions, sectarianism and personal this. There is space and scope for a leftist and in the current state of political bankruptcy of t would be useful in the political awakening of well as providing the forum for dialogue am seeking to work on a common programme.

o that for decades its publications lacked s the state-controlled media.
as failed to unite politically and to pool right-wing propaganda in the news media. xploited by NGOs to provide the alternative alternative but fake. Only a few years ago, GO funding led to the collapse of certain ers that were used for free ride by fringe ls.
m is lurking, not far away and awaiting an state power. Fascism has come to power in ly leftist populist slogans seventy years ago. has exploited religious and nationalistic ially hatred towards ethnic groups.
nterest in establishing US propaganda centres s not happen independently of strategic ecent threat by an Indian embassy official papers accommodating articles ‘hostile to issed lightly.
e population unaware of the existence of and the way in which they operate, and with ed towards chauvinistic and nationalistic ing on trivia for amusement, the task of ill be all the more harder in the event of a
hould work towards a system of mass liver its message for liberation and national nalities. Broad-based unity, un-deflected by ectarianism and personal gain, could achieve nd scope for a leftist and progressive medium political bankruptcy of the national media. It e political awakening of the broad masses as e forum for dialogue among genuine leftists
common programme.

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Sri Lankan Events
In the overall political context of Sri Lanka, parliamentary elections was of minimal transfer of government from the UNP-led Front, already in a state of limbo and unab hostile actions of the President, to the United Alliance PA-JVP alliance, brokered by cer chauvinists and the notoriously anti-Tami Laxman Kadirgamar. Equally meaningless was the total sweep to first in the Provincial Council elections for Province held shortly after the parliamen more recently in the remaining six provin North-East. The lack of public enthusiasm re polling percentage, and the mood of post-el the UNP camp made the task easier for the P
The defeat of the UNF in the parliamen anticipated for a variety of reasons, includin UNF government to translate the ceasefire followed it into concrete action towards th national question. The UNP had none t reluctance to implement what was agreed negotiations, thus creating the conditions LTTE withdrew from the talks. The LTTE w half-hearted approach of the UNP leadership back to the negotiating table diminished i people the significance of the only remarkab the UNF government, namely the ceasefire a the peace process. The UNF government, already under threat President and facing the prospect of fres convenience of the all powerful executive country, who was also the leader of the o grossly insensitive to the sufferings of the

Events
cal context of Sri Lanka, the outcome of the tions was of minimal significance. The ment from the UNP-led United National state of limbo and unable to deal with the e President, to the United People’s Freedom lliance, brokered by certain noted Sinhala e notoriously anti-Tamil Tamil politician r. s was the total sweep to power of the PA, al Council elections for the North Western rtly after the parliamentary elections and he remaining six provinces excluding the k of public enthusiasm reflected in the poor and the mood of post-election dejection in e the task easier for the PA-JVP alliance.
UNF in the parliamentary elections was riety of reasons, including the failure of the o translate the ceasefire and the talks that ncrete action towards the resolution of the The UNP had none to blame than its ment what was agreed upon in the peace creating the conditions under which the m the talks. The LTTE withdrawal and the ch of the UNP leadership to bring the LTTE ating table diminished in the eyes of the nce of the only remarkable achievement of nt, namely the ceasefire and the initiation of
nt, already under threat of dismissal by the ng the prospect of fresh elections at the all powerful executive president of the also the leader of the opposition PA, was to the sufferings of the poor, especially in

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the rural areas. For instance, the increase in fertiliser only a few months before th parliament, which was expected at any tim Chandrika Kumaratunge became more a approach, was seen as folly by several polit then, the UNP had important masters to pl Bank and the IMF whose ‘support’ for any Third World was contingent upon implementing their ‘economic reforms’ implications for the people.
The overwhelming electoral success of the T internal crisis to resort to the symbol of (strictly, Ilankai Tamil Aracuk Katci), the senior member organisation of the TULF an for all official purposes, much to the chag was as predictable as the claims of th opponents that the victory was entirely as bullying tactics and electoral fraud, meth employed by all major parliamentary politica The voting patterns of the Muslims of the Country Tamils did not show any significan earlier parliamentary election, although the l harder and spend more to gather the votes. The only significant outcome of the election emergence of the forces of naked Sinhala right and the ‘left’ of the political outmanoeuvred its partner, the PA to gain a large number of parliamentary seats fo candidates fielded by it. The Hela Uruma Urumaya) chose to field Buddhist clergy a electoral districts and managed to secure an 9 seats as opposed to none in the last p previously. As before, the votes came from a large Sinhala elite presence, a class compr who use far more English in their day-to-day overwhelming majority of the rest of the Sin

instance, the increase in price of chemical few months before the dissolution of was expected at any time since President tunge became more aggressive in her as folly by several political observers. But important masters to please in the World whose ‘support’ for any government in the as contingent upon the government r ‘economic reforms’, no matter the people.
electoral success of the TNA, forced by an esort to the symbol of the Federal Party mil Aracuk Katci), the until now defunct nisation of the TULF and to use that name oses, much to the chagrin of its partners, e as the claims of the badly defeated victory was entirely as a result of LTTE d electoral fraud, methods now routinely jor parliamentary political parties.
of the Muslims of the East and the Hill not show any significant change since the y election, although the leaders had to work ore to gather the votes. t outcome of the elections was the stronger orces of naked Sinhala chauvinism to the eft’ of the political divide. The JVP partner, the PA to gain a disproportionately parliamentary seats for the number of by it. The Hela Urumaya (earlier Sihala field Buddhist clergy as candidates in all d managed to secure an unexpected total of to none in the last parliament and one re, the votes came from constituencies with presence, a class comprising professionals nglish in their day-to-day activities than the rity of the rest of the Sinhalese. The voters

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mainly comprised those disillusioned with ‘concessions to the minorities’.
The government remains a minority go declarations to the contrary by the governme and the tireless horse-trading to buy suppor parties earlier allied to the UNF. The reluctan the CWC has been based less on principle unsuccessful bargaining for cabinet posts. Th Hela Urumaya seem to be in two minds hostility towards the JVP and their pro-UN one hand and fear of facing parliamentary p show of poor conduct and their desire to st faction of the PA on the other. Other more significant things happened agai the elections that still seem to haunt the polit uneasy nature of the alliance between the P still evident in the approach to the national JVP increasingly asserting its opposition to basis of the demand for an interim self-g (ISGA) for the North-East by the LTTE. M leadership seems to be in two minds on the i with the LTTE, the reality of the governmen financial support from foreign governme impending economic crisis has made it ne present an appearance of pursuit of a pe settlement of the national question.
Utterances by government ministers from th President have given a general impressio minorities that the government is only play acting in ways that would weaken the LTTE possible, militarily, while preparing for support.
Attempts to weaken the LTTE politicall carried out covertly by the former UNF gove UNP, whose failure to implement decisions a the negotiations with the LTTE in 2002 led t

those disillusioned with the UNP for its minorities’.
remains a minority government despite ontrary by the government’s spokespersons se-trading to buy support from the smaller to the UNF. The reluctance of the leader of based less on principle or policy than on ning for cabinet posts. The clergymen of the m to be in two minds, in view of their e JVP and their pro-UNP leanings on the f facing parliamentary polls so soon after a uct and their desire to strength the pro-war
the other. ant things happened against the backdrop of ll seem to haunt the political landscape. The e alliance between the PA and the JVP is approach to the national question, with the serting its opposition to negotiations on the d for an interim self-governing authority rth-East by the LTTE. Meantime, the PA be in two minds on the issue of negotiating reality of the government’s dependence on from foreign governments to avert the ic crisis has made it necessary to at least nce of pursuit of a peaceful, negotiated tional question.
rnment ministers from the PA as well as the en a general impression to the national government is only playing for time while would weaken the LTTE politically and, if , while preparing for war with external
en the LTTE politically have also been by the former UNF government, led by the to implement decisions agreed upon during h the LTTE in 2002 led to the LTTE pulling

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out of the negotiations in 2003. The intention suspect right from the outset, and its policy and the US, while strengthening and equ forces with foreign aid was no secret. Acts sections of the armed forces were not acted part, unchecked.
Indian involvement with Sinhala chauvinist the Hela Urumaya (formerly Sihala Urumay been suspected for several years, while encourage conflict between the Tamils through certain Muslim political leaders of evident only in the past two or three years.
The split in the ranks of the LTTE in the Eas faction declaring independence from subsequently drifting rapidly towards position was suspected to be a US-sponsored by former minister Milinda Moragoda, wh with the LTTE leadership well ahead of the from the talks. Denials from the US Embass it had no knowledge of who Karuna was o suspicion. The LTTE has accused the Army of protec enabling members of his faction to carry ou cadres, if not carrying out the attacks throu While the fact that a national list Muslim M arranged the safe transport of Karuna to Co double-game by the UNP, contradictory p leading members of the government only suspicions that the army and the governm involved in using Karuna against it.
The consequence of the turn of events ha killings of persons identified as members faction, army informants, and persons be political parties and groups allied to the gove is feared to be on the rise while the prospec

ns in 2003. The intentions of the UNP were he outset, and its policy of appeasing India strengthening and equipping the armed aid was no secret. Acts of provocation by d forces were not acted upon and, for most
with Sinhala chauvinist organisations like (formerly Sihala Urumaya) and the JVP has r several years, while Indian efforts to between the Tamils and the Muslims slim political leaders of the East became ast two or three years.
s of the LTTE in the East with the ‘Karuna’ independence from the LTTE and ing rapidly towards a pro-government ted to be a US-sponsored mischief mediated Milinda Moragoda, who had lost favour ership well ahead of the LTTE withdrawal ials from the US Embassy in Colombo that e of who Karuna was only deepened that
used the Army of protecting Karuna while of his faction to carry out attacks on LTTE ing out the attacks through its own agents. a national list Muslim MP from the UNP ansport of Karuna to Colombo pointed to a e UNP, contradictory positions taken by f the government only confirmed LTTE army and the government were deeply aruna against it.
f the turn of events has been a spate of identified as members of the ‘Karuna’ rmants, and persons belonging to Tamil groups allied to the government. This trend e rise while the prospects of resumption of

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peace negotiations between the governme clearly receding.
Although the Karuna faction has been mili politically weakened, and the significanceof likely to be small, the conflict brought out regional interests, that have long been dism by Tamil nationalism. If these issues a politically, not only these differences but oncaste and religion too could emerge as ser within Tamil nationalism and weaken the str rights. The change of government in India, seen as the Tamil parliamentary politicians, has pro consequence to India’s expansionist agend Much meaning was read into the posting officious ambassador Sen to Norway. How Sen still has a say in Sri Lankan affairs, esp the national question. India has not changed support for the peace negotiations and actu the process with the aim of substituting the pliable leadership. In all, the prospects for peace have become only interest of the government, with the JV of the PA and other allies including the expressing reservations, seems to be in m interest in the peace process to secure bad ‘aid’ to keep the economy going until the nex The so-called apology by President Kumarat for the atrocities of 1983, made at no more a than a school prize giving in Kandy, abou much state-media hype and follow-up b elements among the national minorities, wa cheap political point scoring exercise. W against the minorities continuing in educatio other matters, her words ring all the more ho

between the government and the LTTE
na faction has been militarly defeated and d, and the significanceof the faction itself is the conflict brought out divisions based on hat have long been dismissed as irrelevant lism. If these issues are not addressed ly these differences but also those based too could emerge as serious contradictions alism and weaken the struggle fior national
rnment in India, seen as a sign of hope by ntary politicians, has proved to be of little dia’s expansionist agenda was concerned. s read into the posting of the offensively or Sen to Norway. However, it seems that in Sri Lankan affairs, especially concerning n. India has not changed its stand of formal ce negotiations and actual undermining of aim of substituting the LTTE with a more
s for peace have become gloomier and the government, with the JVP, some members er allies including the EPDP increasingly ions, seems to be in making a show of e process to secure badly needed foreign nomy going until the next elections. gy by President Kumaratunge to the Tamils 1983, made at no more a profound occasion giving in Kandy, about which there was hype and follow-up by pro-government e national minorities, was no more than a int scoring exercise. With discrimination es continuing in education, employment and
ords ring all the more hollow.

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The declaration by the government that it in the environmentally detrimental Upper Ko project that would lead to the displacement of Hill Country Tamils, although seen by so bargaining chip in securing the support of th parliamentary political party now seated wit also an indicator of the chauvinistic government. Unwarranted attacks against H in recent months and police involvement in to the strengthening of the forces of c government, against a background of a cy chauvinistic UNP in opposition playing for elections, while the parliamentary leadersh nationalities show no resolve to mobilise social injustice. While the government is playing to the ga show of bringing to book the membe government accused of corruption and gro manner of deals are being made to forget a sins, once again confirming that parli however roughly played and however high th may seem to be, is still a game played accor by the bourgeoisie to serve their class interes The declaration of the President on 2nd Augu no negotiations with the LTTE on the b proposals for an interim administration for t seen as a further concession to the JVP b observers, who were taken by surprise by h from the leadership of the UPFA two days reason for her decision, the indications are t between the major partners in the UPFA h sooner than expected, and her replacement former prime minister Ratnasiri Wikramana the power struggle within the PA itself is far
The country faces a serious economic crisis are out to take the country along the route

the government that it intends to implement y detrimental Upper Kotmale hydropower lead to the displacement of a large number mils, although seen by some observers as a ecuring the support of the CWC, the largest cal party now seated with the opposition, is of the chauvinistic approach of the rranted attacks against Hill Country Tamils d police involvement in the incidents point ng of the forces of chauvinism in the t a background of a cynical and equally n opposition playing for time till the next parliamentary leadership of the minority no resolve to mobilise the people against
ent is playing to the gallery by making a to book the members of the former d of corruption and gross misconduct, all e being made to forget and forgive mutual confirming that parliamentary politics, ayed and however high the individual stakes still a game played according to rules made o serve their class interests. he President on 2nd August that there will be th the LTTE on the basis of the LTTE erim administration for the North-East was oncession to the JVP by several political re taken by surprise by her stepping down of the UPFA two days later. Whatever the ion, the indications are that the relationship partners in the UPFA has started to sour ed, and her replacement by the discredited ter Ratnasiri Wikramanayake is a sign that
ithin the PA itself is far from over.
serious economic crisis and the chauvinists country along the route to an even fiercer

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war. The few national assets that have re foreign capital by successive governments in a century of economic liberalisation surreptitiously being surrendered to foreign plans for revival of the national economy. M agreements with the only global sup domineering expansionist neighbour continu name of defending the territorial integrity o the sovereignty of the country and its people. What is particularly disappointing is that movement, excluding the revisionist CP LSSP, remains victim to illusions of par Parliamentary ambitions of certain individu break-up of the New Left Front hardly t founding in 1998 still plague the left par Sectarianism and the exposure of the oppor the left leaders led to a fall in support for groups that contested the parliamentary and elections. The failure of these parties to pressing issues concerning imperialist national oppression to launch mass struggles only weaken them further. The lack of a via carries the implicit threat that it would be f revolution, that is round the corner, irrespect agent will be the JVP, the Hela Urumaya or with the armed forces playing a major role.

onal assets that have remained unsold to ccessive governments in the past quarter of onomic liberalisation are slowly and g surrendered to foreign control, with no the national economy. Meanwhile, military the only global superpower and the ionist neighbour continue to be made in the the territorial integrity of the country erode
e country and its people. ly disappointing is that much of the left ing the revisionist CP and the reformist tim to illusions of parliamentary power. itions of certain individuals that led to the ew Left Front hardly two years after its still plague the left parties in the South. e exposure of the opportunism of some of to a fall in support for the two rival left d the parliamentary and provincial council ure of these parties to address the more oncerning imperialist globalisation and to launch mass struggles against them will further. The lack of a viable left movement threat that it would be fascism, rather than und the corner, irrespectively of whether its P, the Hela Urumaya or a reactivated UNP, es playing a major role.

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Internatio
Iraq: the Long Shadow of the War The war in Iraq took the expected turn tow civil war. The US-installed Governing Cou al-Yawer and CIA informer Allawi, despite its legitimacy, is struggling to keep control even Chalabi, once the handpicked US ag their behalf, is now ‘wanted’ for ‘corruptio forces have vowed to stay on in Iraq, backed there is an end to anti-government terror forever. Resistance to occupation is growing opposition to the puppet government, wh against civilians goes on in the name of war o
Photographs of acts of torture of Iraqi capti shocked the world, but failed to surprise thos behaviour of forces of occupation. A consequences were that similar actions in A light and the plight of the Muslim detainee Base in Guantanamo Bay attracted m attention. Guerrilla attacks and kidnappings are rende the weaker allies in the Third World even fe troop withdrawal earlier in the year, in the attack on the railway and the subsequent de government, has emboldened opposition t Kidnapping of nationals of various coun collaborating with the occupiers knowingly threatening to kill them seems to work, unable to give any assurance about the personnel, is unable to do little more than cry even the most gruesome act of terror kidnappers is seen by many political observe US terror in Iraq, despite their disappro blackmail tactics.

International Events
dow of the War ok the expected turn towards a prolonged installed Governing Council led by puppet informer Allawi, despite UN blessings for ruggling to keep control of the affairs and the handpicked US agent to run Iraq on ‘wanted’ for ‘corruption’. The US armed to stay on in Iraq, backed by its allies, until anti-government terror, in other words, to occupation is growing hand in hand with puppet government, while US retaliation s on in the name of war on terror.
of torture of Iraqi captives by US soldiers but failed to surprise those who know of the ces of occupation. Among important that similar actions in Afghanistan came to of the Muslim detainees in the US Naval amo Bay attracted much international
d kidnappings are rendering the hearts of the Third World even feebler. The Spanish rlier in the year, in the wake of a terrorist y and the subsequent defeat of the rightist mboldened opposition to US occupation. tionals of various countries seen to be the occupiers knowingly or otherwise and them seems to work, and the aggressor, y assurance about the safety of foreign to do little more than cry ‘Foul!’ However, uesome act of terror by the extremist y many political observers in the context of , despite their disapproval of terror and

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Sabotage of oil supply lines by guerrilla figh brought pumping of oil out of Iraq to a halt sky rocketing, delivering a further blow t domestic economic recovery.
UK Prime Minister Blair and his party wer local elections held in June as a direct resu about Blair’s misleading the country to tak Iraq. In an effort to whitewash Blair in the in affair, Lord Butler, a former Cabinet Se blaming the Prime Minister, laid bare the fac dented Blair’s credibility, as demonstrate performance by the Labour Party in two elections. Kerry, the Democratic Party candidate fo presidential election in November is making fallout from the war in Iraq, but whether re by Kerry would mean a change in US attit serious doubt. A change in tactics in the sho case of a Kerry victory, but past experie Clinton, a Democrat, got more bombs dropp predecessor George Bush (Sr.) who started th
Nepal The King of Nepal has yielded to opposition up an interim government with the participa Congress and the Communist Party (UML) King’s intention appears to pass the bu negotiations with the Maoists to his parl critics, while encouraging factional fighting for the crumbs of political power thrown monarchy, while strengthening the military India and the US, not to mention Chines subdue the Maoists whose influence has s the country, now including the Terai, the base of the country.

ply lines by guerrilla fighters has in August f oil out of Iraq to a halt and sent oil prices vering a further blow to US hopes for a recovery.
Blair and his party were humiliated in the in June as a direct result of public anger ading the country to take it to war against whitewash Blair in the inquiry into the Iraq , a former Cabinet Secretary, while not inister, laid bare the facts that have further dibility, as demonstrated by a disastrous e Labour Party in two parliamentary by-
ratic Party candidate for the forthcoming in November is making good capital of the r in Iraq, but whether replacement of Bush ean a change in US attitude is a matter of ange in tactics in the short run is likely, in ictory, but past experience has been that t, got more bombs dropped in Iraq than his Bush (Sr.) who started the first war on Iraq.
has yielded to opposition pressure to cobble rnment with the participation by the Nepali ommunist Party (UML) among others. The ppears to pass the burden of political the Maoists to his parliamentary political raging factional fighting within each party political power thrown at them by the trengthening the military with the help of not to mention Chinese collaboration, to whose influence has strengthened across ncluding the Terai, the major agricultural

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India has made no secret of its desire not o monarchy holds out against the Maoists bu Maoist influence on Nepali government poli likely to undermine the peace process and democratic move of the king, as it has been d of South Asia.
Indian Elections: Change but No Change
The defeat of the BJP at the polls in May 2 the total rout that the winners claim it to event. The gains of the left are again re traditional strongholds of the two parliament the handful of seats secured by them wa dominant regional political parties. The reje economic policy was most significant in the Telugu Desam Party in Andhra Pradesh, the globalisation-oriented economic measures alliance.
The rout of the ADMK, which embraced th months before the elections, was a respons style of government by Chief Minister Jayal and the West, the BJP has held strong in a Pradesh, where an alliance of regional an based parties won an impressive victory an Congress succeeded. Although the ‘foreigner’ card was used aga the leader of the Congress, the voters c However, external pressure and Sonia Gand calculations led to her stepping aside and en Singh, the architect of India’s ‘econom Congress-led alliance has chosen to globalisation verdict of the electorate and ‘reforms with a human face’, which in implementing globalisation with a masked presented by Chithamparam, another advoca has only confirmed the fears of the genuine le

secret of its desire not only to see that the t against the Maoists but also to eliminate Nepali government policy, and is therefore e the peace process and back every anti- the king, as it has been doing in other parts
hange but No Change
JP at the polls in May 2004, although not the winners claim it to be, is a welcome f the left are again restricted largely to lds of the two parliamentary left parties, and ts secured by them was at the mercy of olitical parties. The rejection of the BJP’s s most significant in the humiliation of the y in Andhra Pradesh, the showpiece of the ed economic measures of the BJP-led
MK, which embraced the BJP only a few elections, was a response to the autocratic t by Chief Minister Jayalalitha. In the North BJP has held strong in all states but Uttar alliance of regional and oppressed-caste an impressive victory and Haryana, where . gner’ card was used against Sonia Gandhi, Congress, the voters chose to ignore it. pressure and Sonia Gandhi’s own political her stepping aside and enabling Manmohan ct of India’s ‘economic reforms’. The nce has chosen to ignore the anti- t of the electorate and carry on with its human face’, which in other words is alisation with a masked face. The budget mparam, another advocate of globalisation, the fears of the genuine left.

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The CPI and CPI(M) are in the embarrassing bargained for, where they feel obliged to power to keep out the JVP, while making o about the new government continuing wi people economic policies as its predecessor. It is also clear that the foreign policy of a imperialism while working toward region continue, again something that the parliamen protest strongly against. The danger to which the parliamentary left the Congress-led alliance is likely to economically and socially on its promises a Fascist BJP and its allies could return vengeance before long.
The Not-So-Great Wall of Zionism
Israeli atrocities against innocent Palestinian in the pretext of fighting terrorism, but with of bringing the Palestinian Authority under continue its occupation and expansion settlem
The ‘Security Fence’ was built by Isr international law, in the pretext of fighting te encroaching on more Palestinian territory an already fragile economy of the Palestin domination. The ruling of the Internationa against the building of the wall by Israel in o in a moral sense a setback for the Zionist s the US.
However, Israel has chosen to disregard th blessings of the US. A subsequent UN reso Israeli conduct in occupied territories was e the US, Israel and four tiny states unde opposing it. What the Arab world has to realise is that i isolate Zionism without confronting the US.

) are in the embarrassing situation that they re they feel obliged to keep Congress in the JVP, while making only formal protests vernment continuing with the same anti-
licies as its predecessor.
the foreign policy of accommodating US working toward regional hegemony will ething that the parliamentary left would not inst.
h the parliamentary left is not alive is that alliance is likely to fail to deliver ocially on its promises and that the Hindu its allies could return to power with a ng.
Wall of Zionism
ainst innocent Palestinians have intensified hting terrorism, but with the true intention estinian Authority under total control and ion and expansion settlements in Palestine.
ce’ was built by Israel in breach of the pretext of fighting terrorism, while also re Palestinian territory and undermining the onomy of the Palestinians under Israeli ling of the International Court of Justice of the wall by Israel in occupied territory is setback for the Zionist state and its patron,
s chosen to disregard the ruling with the . A subsequent UN resolution denouncing ccupied territories was endorsed with only d four tiny states under US domination
ld has to realise is that it is not possible to out confronting the US.

Page 16
Other Wars of the US Imperialists
The US, facing growing hostility to its interv imperialist exploitation and domination in out to punish the culprits. While economic and Argentina are expected to politic governments and make way for more r governments, the main thrust of US attack is elected government of Venezuela and the re in Colombia.
Having failed to bring down Hugo Chavez the US has not stopped at using the Vene classes in staging uprisings against the ‘und Attempts to topple the government by stagi strike failed miserably as well as hurt US when oil supplies from the Middle East we faced uncertainty. However, Chavez has, under pressure, agree and the outcome will be decisive not only f and the country but for the entire region. Th support for Chavez in the weeks preceding nevertheless, a warning to the US that m referendum in its favour is one thing, bu consequences of toppling a popular governm
In Colombia, the US is maintaining its dom unpopular governments, now that of Alvaro corrupt army, deeply involved in the drug corrupt pro-government militias. The gover defeat the leftist revolutionary armies namel because of their popular support. Attempts rebels by using NGOs to bring about chang meets resistance from the army and the pro-g besides the rebels whom they are meant to has the biggest direct US military support in America and this will remain the case as lon government remains a bastion of imperialis

US Imperialists
wing hostility to its interventionist policy of tion and domination in South America, is ulprits. While economic pressure on Brazil e expected to politically weaken the make way for more right-wing pro-US ain thrust of US attack is against the legally of Venezuela and the revolutionary forces
ing down Hugo Chavez by a coup in 2003, pped at using the Venezuelan urban elite prisings against the ‘undemocratic’ regime. the government by staging an oil workers’ bly as well as hurt US interests at a time rom the Middle East were insufficient and
as, under pressure, agreed to a referendum ill be decisive not only for his government for the entire region. The show of popular in the weeks preceding the referendum is, rning to the US that manipulation of the favour is one thing, but to deal with the pling a popular government is yet another.
S is maintaining its dominance by backing ents, now that of Alvaro Uribe, aided by a ly involved in the drug trade, and just as ent militias. The government is unable to olutionary armies namely, FARC and ELN, pular support. Attempts to undermine the Os to bring about change by reforms also m the army and the pro-government militia, hom they are meant to weaken. Columbia ct US military support in the whole of Latin ill remain the case as long as the Columbian s a bastion of imperialist globalisation in a

Page 17
region where the masses are in revolt agai globalisation strategy.
The US succeeded in toppling yet another p in the Caribbean this year namely t impoverished Haiti, struggling to recover fr evil rule of the Duvalier father and son. Aris the US and France into giving up powe leaving the country. American behaviour in concern among many leaders of the Third W asylum to Aristade by South Africa is expression of defiance. Attempts to topple Castro’s government in history, with features reminiscent of the val Quixote, when they do not remind one of the American cartoon serial Tom and Jerry. The has tightened economic sanctions once m strengthen the resolve of the Cuban masses for the government.
In East and South East Asia, the US fundamentalism as the pretext for its milita armed forces are operating in the Philippines down the Abu Sayyaf gang, but the fact continued to brand the Communist Party of t terrorist organisation exposes its true intentio
The US has targeted North Korea for puni time and has not wasted the opportunity offe of the Soviet Union to increase pressure on N Korea has stood its ground and refused to nuclear power programme and its defence the US agrees to a non-aggression pact. Th well over fifty years the force behind the div the main obstacle to reunification. Its recen out 10,000 troops from South Korea but lea the demilitarised Zone separating the two hal with the intention of demilitarisation of

asses are in revolt against the US and its y.
in toppling yet another popular government this year namely the troubled and , struggling to recover from decades of the alier father and son. Aristade was tricked by e into giving up power and bullied into . American behaviour in Haiti has caused y leaders of the Third World. The grant of e by South Africa is a commendable ce.
Castro’s government in Cuba has a long es reminiscent of the valiant efforts of Don do not remind one of the pathetic cat in the erial Tom and Jerry. The Bush government omic sanctions once more, but only to lve of the Cuban masses and their support
h East Asia, the US is using Islamic the pretext for its military expansion. US erating in the Philippines, nominally to hunt yyaf gang, but the fact that the US has the Communist Party of the Philippines as a n exposes its true intention.
d North Korea for punishment for a long sted the opportunity offered by the collapse to increase pressure on North Korea. North ground and refused to compromise on its ramme and its defence programme unless non-aggression pact. The US has been for s the force behind the division of Korea and o reunification. Its recent move of pulling rom South Korea but leaving the 14,000 on ne separating the two halves of Korea is not of demilitarisation of the region, but

Page 18
prompted by demands for combat ready tro west.
Another matter of concern is the US propo marine traffic in the Strait of Malacca, separ Indonesia. The declared purpose is control weapons of mass destruction, but what is encirclement of China before China poses domination in the region. The US policy three countries concerned namely Singap Indonesia, as it poses a threat to their sove one knows that the US has proven ways hesitant.
The hard line taken by the US against Syria to produce results. In Iran, in fact, it h strengthened the hands of the anti-US clerics sanctions, Iran has asserted its right to go ahe power programme. Sudan seems to be the next in line for US UN cloak. Acts of terror by an Arab racist people of the Dafur region and the failur government to control it could be used as a intervention. The Sudanese government sho experiences of former Yugoslavia, as well as interest in the country comes out of the oil w region. It is important the government im delay the agreement that it reached with the the unity and stability of Sudan through rest the troubled south of the country, and frus foreign meddlers.

nds for combat ready troops further to the
concern is the US proposal to intervene in Strait of Malacca, separating Malaysia and lared purpose is control of cargo related to destruction, but what is suspected is the ina before China poses a challenge to US region. The US policy is resented by the ncerned namely Singapore, Malaysia and es a threat to their sovereignty. However, e US has proven ways of persuading the
by the US against Syria and Iran has failed . In Iran, in fact, it has backfired and ds of the anti-US clerics. Despite threats of sserted its right to go ahead with its nuclear
the next in line for US intervention under terror by an Arab racist group against the r region and the failure of the Sudanese rol it could be used as a pretext for armed udanese government should learn from the er Yugoslavia, as well as realise that the US try comes out of the oil wealth in the Dafur rtant the government implements without t that it reached with the rebels and ensure ity of Sudan through restoration of peace to of the country, and frustrate the efforts of

Page 19
WOMEN’S STRUGGLE AND CLAS S
by KJERSTI ERICCSSON
(This article is reproduced from the book ‘Si Comrade Kjersti Ericsson, Leader of the Work of Norway, originally published in 1987 in Nor
1993. Some of the chapters have been translate of their importance to understanding women’s s of the struggle against imperialism. We proudl from the book with the kind permission
The relationship between class struggle and w become a recurrent theme among socialists an That is not surprising. Women in the working c people, are subject to class oppression, which men of their class. But they are also subject which they share with women of other cla encounter pressure from two sides: from bourgeoisie and the higher strata of the petit b to mobilise them to women’s struggle uninfec dealing with class contradictions. The wom “New Country” expressed it like this in Hagemann, 1977, p. 103):
“Nobody can say that our magazine has not, certain sympathy for labour organisations am But no one can blame “New Country” for refer on women’s rights rather than on ‘the foundatio
The same contradiction also appears in relationship between women’s struggle and white, western women would not accept th imperialism has anything to do with ‘women’s the Bolivian miner’s wife Domitila describes Betty Friedan from the USA at the women’s 1975 (1980, p.193):
“The day women spoke against imperialism, I made them understand how totally dependent w every way, how they decide over us both in

S RUGGLE AND CLASS STRUGGLE
by KJERSTI ERICCSSON
duced from the book ‘Sisters, Comrades’ by son, Leader of the Workers’ Communist Party published in 1987 in Norwegian and revised in apters have been translated into Tamil in view understanding women’s struggle in the context imperialism. We proudly reproduce a chapter with the kind permission of the author.)
een class struggle and women’s struggle has eme among socialists and the revolutionaries. Women in the working class, and the working class oppression, which they share with the t they are also subject to gender oppression, th women of other classes. Therefore they rom two sides: from the women in the gher strata of the petit bourgeoisie, who want omen’s struggle uninfected by all the issues ntradictions. The women’s rights magazine essed it like this in 1903 (referred from 3):
our magazine has not, from its outset, had a labour organisations among working women. “New Country” for referring to see them based er than on ‘the foundations of class struggle’.
ion also appears in views regarding the women’s struggle and imperialism. Many n would not accept that the battle against ng to do with ‘women’s struggle’. This is how wife Domitila describes her discussion with e USA at the women’s tribunal in Mexico in
e against imperialism, I also held a speech. I how totally dependent we are on foreigners in decide over us both in the economic and the

Page 20
cultural area. This led to a discussion betwe Friedan, the great feminist leader from the US had suggested some changes in the ‘worldwid they built on purely feminist questions, and w them because they did not pertain to problems to women in Latin America.
“Betty Friedan called on us to follow her line a our ‘warlike activities’. She said we were bein men’, and that we ‘only thought about politics have a proper grasp of real women’s questions”
From another direction, men in thee working people exert pressure, perpetually warning struggle becoming superior to the class struggl of women’s organisations tied top socialist socialist countries has often been the mobilisat out the movement’s or the party’s general po conduct a separate women’s struggle.
At this cross road, the majority of women h strategy for independence. But it is not a contradictions between the sexes and ‘pure’ cla have tried to show in the preceding chapters, w woven both into capitalism’s economic basis a bourgeoisie. The oppression of women serves class.
Full equality during capitalism
The goal of the bourgeois women’s movement equality within the framework of the capi possible? One should not underestimate the ch Revolutionaries too can get caught up in what t ‘natural’ and ‘obvious’, and therefore have dif dramatic changes.
But full equality? In my opinion, history up to things: first, it is possible for women to figh improvements during capitalism; secondly, t women’s oppression survives through all chan oppression taking new, more obscure forms, housework surviving despite technological a production of consumer goods. Pay differences

to a discussion between myself and Betty inist leader from the USA. She and her group anges in the ‘worldwide plan of action’. But eminist questions, and we did not agree with not pertain to problems which were important erica.
n us to follow her line and asked us to give up . She said we were being ‘manipulated by the ly thought about politics”, and that we did not real women’s questions”.
, men in thee working class and the working , perpetually warning against the ‘gender erior to the class struggle’. The main function tions tied top socialist movements and in often been the mobilisation of women to carry r the party’s general political policy, not to
en’s struggle.
e majority of women have to map out their ence. But it is not a question of ‘pure’ the sexes and ‘pure’ class contradictions. As I he preceding chapters, women’s oppression is lism’s economic basis and into the rule of the ession of women serves the bourgeoisie as a
apitalism
ois women’s movement has been, and is, full ramework of the capitalist system. Is this not underestimate the changes that can occur. get caught up in what their times conceive as ’, and therefore have difficulties in imagining
y opinion, history up to now has shown two ible for women to fight for, and obtain, real capitalism; secondly, the basic structure of urvives through all changes, often through the , more obscure forms, such as, the unpaid despite technological advancement and the r goods. Pay differences between women and

Page 21
men survive despite ‘equal pay’ through a g mechanism.
Women’s subordination under men survives d equality through ‘voluntary’ subordination ‘personal characteristics’. The ‘sexual revolu contraceptives have, to use Bell Hooks’ words unlimited access to women’s bodies”. Through Collins and Jane Fonda, the concept that a wom she turns thirty, has been replaced by the insan should be just as sexy and youthful long into th calls for far more effort and intensive conce appearance than women before us have known.
The discussion about whether full equality capitalism or not has often taken on a rather fr who think that capitalism must be overthrown around looking for the decisive logical trick impossible for capitalism to survive without Those who think that equality can be realised of the capitalist system say, “yes, but if ...”, “y up in a hypothetical construction which bears the capitalist societies known throughout histor at least two possible interpretations for what capitalism’ might mean:
– one possible interpretation is that capital conditions which today oppress women, and st as capitalism;
– the other possible interpretation is that men a burden’: in other words, the oppressive condit don’t one-sidedly fall on women.
I have little faith in the decisive trick. But le possible interpretations of ‘full equality during today’s reality, and see if they appear to be women’s struggle.
Let us look at interpretation one. This would ha the family was gradually dismantled as an eco framework of the capitalist system. How cou possibility is that all the work that today is carri to a large, public sector with free or very inex

equal pay’ through a gender divided market
n under men survives despite the ideology of luntary’ subordination due to ‘love’ and cs’. The ‘sexual revolution’ and the use of use Bell Hooks’ words (p. 102) “given men men’s bodies”. Through role models like Joan , the concept that a woman’s life is over when en replaced by the insane demand that women and youthful long into the twilight years. This ort and intensive concentration on body and n before us have known.
t whether full equality is possible during ften taken on a rather frustrating form. Those ism must be overthrown, often end up sitting e decisive logical trick which will make it ism to survive without women’s oppression. equality can be realised within the framework say, “yes, but if ...”, “yes but if ...” and end onstruction which bears little resemblance to known throughout history. Moreover, there are interpretations for what ‘full equality during
:
retation is that capitalism can abolish the oppress women, and still remain in existence
terpretation is that men and women ‘share the s, the oppressive conditions remain, but they n women.
he decisive trick. But let us look at the two of ‘full equality during capitalism’ seen from e if they appear to be sensible strategies for
ation one. This would have to mean, first, that lly dismantled as an economic unit within the italist system. How could this happen? One e work that today is carried out was transferred r with free or very inexpensive services. This

Page 22
possibility is not very realistic. One of the large countries today is that which is often called economy’. The public sector takes such a large value that is produced, that it threatens t accumulation and becomes an independent sour within the capitalist system (see Minken, 1986 matter the kind of government, authorities attem with budget cuts, cutbacks and privatisation. If to become so large that it overtook the all t conducted in the family, this crisis would be dra
Another possibility is that all the unpaid work mean transferring it to the market. This has h deal of housework. Bread can be bought in a sto home; we can go to a clothing store instead home; etc. This solution would have the capitalist’s viewpoint, that it expanded the mark
There are several problems with this alternativ able to pay for things that are now done restaurants or cafes every day, use a cleaning ag their own housecleaning, put their elderly in p etc., etc.) they would quickly encounter th Domitila’s husband: their pay wouldn’t be eno to be substantially increased, at the expense of economy where modern technology appears employment a constant phenomenon, ca advantageous position for holding wages dow towards all the fancy, private services remainin most people. In addition, this ‘solution’ is family’s continued existence as a unit of supp the strongest economy will have the most of th will be totally economically dependent upon t hardly be called ‘gradual dismantling of the fa unit’.
In addition, the gender divided labour market would have to be abolished. Because this i organisation in families, difficulties in disman economic unit would also set limits to how far ‘equalising’ the labour market. A capitalist poorly paid jobs is hard to imagine. There always be demands to keep wages down for

ealistic. One of the large problems in capitalist t which is often called ‘crisis in the public sector takes such a large portion of the surplus ed, that it threatens the tempo of capital mes an independent source of crisis tendencies stem (see Minken, 1986). In all countries, no ernment, authorities attempt to meet this crisis cks and privatisation. If the public sector were at it overtook the all the work that is now , this crisis would be dramatically increased.
that all the unpaid work is paid, which would the market. This has happened with a good ad can be bought in a store instead of baked at a clothing store instead of sewing clothes at tion would have the advantage, from the that it expanded the market.
lems with this alternative. If most people were gs that are now done without pay (go to ry day, use a cleaning agency instead of doing g, put their elderly in private nursing homes, d quickly encounter the same problem as eir pay wouldn’t be enough! Pay would have eased, at the expense of capital’s profit. In an ern technology appears to be making mass tant phenomenon, capitalists are in an for holding wages down. Everything points private services remaining for the few, not for tion, this ‘solution’ is contingent upon the stence as a unit of support, where those with will have the most of the power, and children ically dependent upon their parents. This can ual dismantling of the family as an economic
divided labour market and ‘women’s wages’ olished. Because this is linked to society’s s, difficulties in dismantling the family as an lso set limits to how far it is possible to get in r market. A capitalist wage system without ard to imagine. There would, for example, o keep wages down for the large employee

Page 23
groups in the public sector. Pressures like ‘th sector’ would be particularly strong. And id la intensive industries becomes too expensive, somewhere else, or would rationalise and auto extremely difficult to imagine that capitalism c jobs’ through the introduction of truly equal pay
Women are also a flexible reserve army for reserve army is created again and again as a lin of capital accumulation. A capitalistic system w of labour power is unthinkable.
The oppression of women, and the family as also serves another important function in t bourgeoisie’s rule. The oppression of women c the working people and to ‘corrupting’ the mal have a certain objective interest in the surviva are also ‘infected’ by some of the ways in w perceive the world. The family also preserves hierarchies, and socialises new generations course, it isn’t unthinkable that capitalism oppressive mechanisms, replacing this system use of power. But this isn’t very likely.
A capitalist system without the conditions that women can be anything other than a hypothet what of the other possible interpretation, th equally share the burdens?
It is undoubtedly possible to make advances in housework, compared with where we stand attitudes, however, do not alone produce this u material conditions also contribute. For the higher wages than women. This gives them bo family, and, if they are to get everyday life to unprofitable to let the man work part-time inst a man works as lot of overtime in order for economically. Then the possibilities for equall are even more difficult. An equal division is upon equality in the labour market: equal work It is in families where the wife earns as much man that we are likely to find that housework i At the very least, it is far from becoming the n

ector. Pressures like ‘the crisis in the public cularly strong. And id labour power in labour ecomes too expensive, Capital would move ould rationalise and automate. Therefore it is magine that capitalism can ‘abolish’ ‘women’s
uction of truly equal pay.
xible reserve army for Capital. This kind of again and again as a link in the very process . A capitalistic system without a reserve army inkable.
men, and the family as a hierarchy of power, mportant function in terms of maintaining oppression of women contributes to splitting d to ‘corrupting’ the male segment so that they e interest in the survival of the system. They some of the ways in which the bourgeoisie e family also preserves the notion of ‘natural’ lises new generations into these ideas. Of nkable that capitalism could develop other s, replacing this system in the bourgeoisie’s isn’t very likely.
thout the conditions that are now oppressive to g other than a hypothetical construction. But ssible interpretation, that men and women ns?
ble to make advances in dividing, for example, with where we stand today. Old-fashioned not alone produce this unequal distribution – so contribute. For the most part, men have men. This gives them both more power in the e to get everyday life to function, it makes it man work part-time instead of the wife. Often f overtime in order for the family to manage e possibilities for equally dividing housework lt. An equal division is therefore contingent bour market: equal work tome and equal pay. the wife earns as much as or more than the to find that housework is most evenly divided. far from becoming the norm. As I pointed out

Page 24
above, capitalism has built-in barriers a development.
Moreover, the family has an important place for the maintenance and recreation of conditio subordination. It is very difficult to imagine bourgeois family. The main point of the fami capitalism is the very fact that there should n Demanding that the family within capitalism sh social genders with decidedly oppressive and s about the same as demanding that the school sh social classes. All studies show that the scho goals of ‘equalising’, is a sorting machine consciousness (see Ericsson and Rudberg, 198 to be a sorting machine with unwavering gen matter what the gender conscious parents’ stated
If women and men are to ‘share the burden demand a new ‘programming’ of social gender of the present system. One reason for the wom burdens which unpaid labour entails is thei structure. On the other side, in men’s psycholo is closely tied to work, to having a job. This situations where they lose support for their example, retirement or unemployment. A larg from retirement. And unemployment often bec not just an economic, catastrophe. The person Ingham (1984, p. 27) quotes an unemployed wife’s right, it affects me as a man, it is not mu as the feeling men have”. To totally repro framework of the existing system is a formidabl
Substantial changes have occurred, and major sexes can still occur. Nonetheless, it is still d capitalism that, in one way or the other, does n of women woven into its fabric, in the econo power apparatus. I t is nearly impossible t practical political movement. When those at th it will be because their entire situation is crus not be analysing what is ‘pure’ women’s strug class struggle, but they will rise up from the in live in, a reality which has become intolerable. the working class and the working people’s w

s built-in barriers against this type of
has an important place in society’s hierarchy nd recreation of conditions of oppression and ery difficult to imagine a fully democratic, main point of the family’s existence during fact that there should not be equality there. ily within capitalism should stop reproducing cidedly oppressive and subordinate relations is anding that the school should stop reproducing dies show that the school, despite its stated is a sorting machine with unfailing class csson and Rudberg, 1981). The family seems e with unwavering gender consciousness, no conscious parents’ stated goals are.
re to ‘share the burden equally’, this would mming’ of social gender within the framework One reason for the women taking on the large labour entails is their very psychological side, in men’s psychological structure identity , to having a job. This can be seen clearly in lose support for their identity, through, for r unemployment. A large number of men die nemployment often becomes a psychological, catastrophe. The personality is broken down. quotes an unemployed man who says, “My e as a man, it is not much the money so much ave”. To totally reprogram this within the ing system is a formidable task.
ve occurred, and major changes between the Nonetheless, it is still difficult to imagine a way or the other, does not have the oppression its fabric, in the economic basis and in the is nearly impossible to conceive this as a ement. When those at the bottom truly rise up, r entire situation is crushing them. They will is ‘pure’ women’s struggle and what is ‘pure’ will rise up from the interwoven reality they has become intolerable. The movement among the working people’s women today, both in

Page 25
Norway and in other parts of the world, conta totality, it has both a women’s aspect and a cla powerful movement from those at the botto threatening those who are at the top. The tim toward full equality within the capitalistic sys utopian goal.
The women’s struggle –a threat to the class s
In periods where the women’s struggle has h warnings that the women’s struggle should not struggle have not been lacking. This has severa women and men will use their energy in figh than uniting against the bourgeoisie; the fe revolutionary women will go over to a ‘classle the women’s struggle; and probably also the fe privileges will be under fire.
Agnete Strøm (1986) put it like this: a class women’s perspective is a class standpoint base is important for an understanding of the relati struggle and the women’s struggle.
In the days of the 2nd international, there wer spoke of a ‘socialist colonial policy’ (see M Workers in the imperialistic countries were (which might give them short-term benef alternative colonial policy which was ‘so expression ‘socialist colonial policy’ just seem a socialist, you must fight against imperialism with the oppressed nations in the struggle agai class standpoint without an anti-imperialist standpoint based on oppression. With this kind you are in reality supporting the system that you
A class standpoint without a women’s pers ‘socialist colonial policy’. The male workers w oppression of women (from which they have But just as with the ‘socialist colonial p imperialism as a system and the bourgeoisi standpoint without a women’s perspective supp system and the bourgeoisie as a class. The des unpaid housework, the desire to build an id power over women, is at the same time contrib

arts of the world, contains just this quality of omen’s aspect and a class aspect. A massive, rom those at the bottom can hardly avoid are at the top. The timid demand for reform ithin the capitalistic system is an impossible,
–a threat to the class struggle?
women’s struggle has had wind in its sails, en’s struggle should not be ‘superior’ to class lacking. This has several aspects: the fear that use their energy in fighting each other rather the bourgeoisie; the fear that socialist and will go over to a ‘classless equality policy’ in and probably also the fear that their own male r fire.
put it like this: a class standpoint without a s a class standpoint based on oppression. This derstanding of the relationship between class n’s struggle.
international, there were representatives who colonial policy’ (see Myrdal, 1986, p. 67). ialistic countries were to accept imperialism them short-term benefits) yet develop an olicy which was ‘socialistic’. Today the lonial policy’ just seems grotesque. If you are ight against imperialism, you must take sides ions in the struggle against the bourgeoisie. A out an anti-imperialist content is a class pression. With this kind of a class standpoint, rting the system that you want to fight.
ithout a women’s perspective is a kind of cy’. The male workers would then accept the (from which they have short-term benefits). e ‘socialist colonial policy’ is support of em and the bourgeoisie as a class, a class omen’s perspective supports imperialism as a oisie as a class. The desire to keep women in e desire to build an identity as a ‘man’ on at the same time contributing to preserving the

Page 26
economic conditions and power structures whi upon.
At the same time, the oppression of women weakening of the working class. It is not diffic that the struggle strengthens the working class’ it. Today women make up half of the emplo Norway, and they make up an even larger porti of the petit bourgeoisie, the working class’ clo large masses into an active battle against th surely be an enormous strength for the entire order for this to happen, it must be kept in important areas, working class women and me objective situation. Women in the working cla own terms, as women. A worker policy that do special situation, and which does not bring especially important for women, would, then, b and would be incapable of mobilising the full s class. Siri Jensen’s pointed remark is therefore not that too much emphasis on women’s issues class. On the contrary, far too little emphasis today is hindering the working class’ struggle”
Far too little emphasis on women’s interests hi class’ struggle in at least three ways:
– one way is that demands which serve the ent in which women have the greatest intere haphazardly by the labour movement. This i leadership in the labour movement, who systematically fought against and sabotaged hour workday since its introduction. But it ha support on the grassroots level for issues whic
– the second way is that the opposition of w
class movement and in the labour movem splitting effect. Pornography at work, sexual h male chauvinism in the labour movement, a keeping the female worker down and t paralysing the strength of the working class. quotas in the labour movement, the fight aga and against sexual harassment are therefore strengthen the unity of the working class, e

nd power structures which capitalism depends
oppression of women means a splitting and ing class. It is not difficult to concretely argue thens the working class’ struggle, not weakens e up half of the employed working class of e up an even larger portion of the lowest ranks , the working class’ closest ally. Pulling these active battle against the bourgeoisie would strength for the entire working class. But in pen, it must be kept in mind that in many ng class women and men are not in the same men in the working class must fight on their A worker policy that does consider women’s which does not bring up demands that are r women, would, then, be a bad worker policy, of mobilising the full strength of the working inted remark is therefore entirely correct, “It’s hasis on women’s issues will split the working , far too little emphasis on women’s interests
orking class’ struggle” (Jensen, 1986).
on women’s interests hinders today’s working st three ways:
nds which serve the entire working class, but ave the greatest interest, are often treated abour movement. This is particularly true for abour movement, who have, for example, t against and sabotaged the demand for a six- ts introduction. But it has also been hard to get
ots level for issues which concern women;
hat the opposition of women in the working in the labour movement has itself had a graphy at work, sexual harassment, misogyny, the labour movement, all this contributes to worker down and thereby splitting and th of the working class. The fight for gender movement, the fight against porno on the job, arassment are therefore necessary in order to of the working class, even though they are

Page 27
directed against the male co-workers. These part of a reckoning with a ‘socialist colonial p
– the third way is that the struggle becomes l easily deteriorates to class cooperation and re incorporate the struggle against the oppressi midst of the struggle, there exists a social char preserved, an area of cooperation with the b against the social democratic leadership in and its class collaboration policy becomes crip does not contain a fight against male chauvini
The message to men who want to be consisten the class system should therefore be clear: yo women’s side and actively participate in the b oppression. A ‘unity in the working class’ w oppression of women is in the long run contrary
One policy for the women of the bourgeoi women of the working class?
Historically, this has without doubt, been the been a division between the bourgeois/petit movement and the proletarian women’s move directions have stood for different things. This i objective fact that the women belonged to diff are not a ‘categorisation invented by patriarchy conquer’, as the modern feminist Robin Mo claims.
For women of different classes different probl pressing. It is no coincidence that Katti Ankl frustration from the first board in the Norwegi Committee. Katti Ankler Møller was conc contraceptives and unmarried mother’s situ 1977). These were the issues that affected the most, and Katti Ankler Møller found little sup burned for in the National Committee wh dominance.
As a rough sketch one could say that the bou women’s movement has been a civil liberties m for equality within the framework of the system towards the different treatment of women and

ale co-workers. These fights are a necessary ith a ‘socialist colonial policy’;
t the struggle becomes less radical, and more class cooperation and reformism if it does not gle against the oppression of women. In the there exists a social characteristic that must be f cooperation with the bourgeoisie. The fight mocratic leadership in the labour movement ation policy becomes crippled and yielding if it
ht against male chauvinism.
ho want to be consistent in their opposition to ld therefore be clear: you have to be on the vely participate in the battle against women’s in the working class’ which presupposes the s in the long run contrary to its own interests.
omen of the bourgeoisie and one for the
class?
without doubt, been the situation. There has een the bourgeois/petit bourgeois women’s oletarian women’s movement, and these two or different things. This is, of course due to the women belonged to different classes. Classes n invented by patriarchy in order to divide and ern feminist Robin Morgan (1984, p. 119)
t classes different problems arise as the most cidence that Katti Ankler Møller resigned in st board in the Norwegian Women’s National kler Møller was concerned with abortion, nmarried mother’s situation (see Tokheim, issues that affected the working class women r Møller found little support for the issues she ational Committee which had a bourgeois
could say that the bourgeois/petit bourgeois s been a civil liberties movement, a movement framework of the system. It has been directed reatment of women and men, with democratic

Page 28
demands for equality. At the onset, it wa movement marked by a liberal view of society, competition between individuals without a hand
The women’s movement in the working class the working class’ political parties, and has b with equality than with demands that arose fr women’s material and social situation. Maki need for unity in the working class (a unity fo the terms), has often made the proletarian wom tame in its battle against the specific oppress article about Labour Party’s women’s associati Kirsten Flatøy (1977, p. 7) writes:
“In 1904 the women’s branch of the Labou women in the bourgeois women’s rights mo grounds that the battle they fought was directed not towards the existing social system. It was goal was to achieve formal rights in societ competition with men on the labour market. F women, the goal was not to obtain what they artificial equality with men, but to achieve i working class as a whole”.
This can serve as an illustration which sugge went. But both directions had important built-in
The bourgeois women’s movement had (and which arises from the bourgeois women’s con gender and as a class. As a gender they are o from which they simultaneously receive ben bourgeois women’s movement has attemp contradiction by making ‘women’s righ ‘apolitical’, something that has no connectio society. They did not want any changes in clas stayed away from questions that they saw as rights were for them apolitical”, wrote Gro Hag about the situation in Norway in the first decade the bourgeoisie-influenced sector of the new also has brought up issues other than those w formal equality between the sexes. But the ide women’s issues, which have nothing to d survived. The polemics between Domitila a

. At the onset, it was a women’s rights liberal view of society, and the desire for free dividuals without a handicap for either sex.
nt in the working class has often been tied to litical parties, and has been less preoccupied h demands that arose from the working class social situation. Making allowance for the orking class (a unity for which men have set ade the proletarian women’s movement a little nst the specific oppression of women. In her arty’s women’s association from 1901 to 1999,
. 7) writes:
s branch of the Labour Party criticised the ois women’s rights movement on the very they fought was directed towards the man and g social system. It was said that their primary formal rights in society and to advance in on the labour market. For the working class not to obtain what they saw as more or less men, but to achieve improvements for the le”.
illustration which suggests how the divisions ns had important built-in contradictions.
’s movement had (and has) a contradiction bourgeois women’s conflicting interests as a As a gender they are oppressed by a system ultaneously receive benefits as a class. The movement has attempted to resolve this aking ‘women’s rights’ into something that has no connection to other issues in ant any changes in class conditions, and they stions that they saw as ‘political’. “Women’s olitical”, wrote Gro Hagemann (1977, p. 108) orway in the first decade of this century. Later nced sector of the new women’s movement ssues other than those which only deal with n the sexes. But the idea that there are ‘pure’ ch have nothing to do with politics, has cs between Domitila and Betty Friedan in

Page 29
Mexico illustrate this. The working class wo Third World country, Bolivia, has a different vi issues’ are than the white middle class woman B USA.
While the bourgeois women’s movement strug problem that their goal, full equality within t system, is impossible, the proletarian women own problems. The most obvious problem is th in the working class and the working people.
The labour-related women’s movement has with demands that they direct their fight agains ‘man’. This demand is not merely something th them from outside sources. The women in have, themselves, seen the need for a unity order to be as strong as possible in the fight ag under which both sexes suffer. Fighting agai women which is conducted in ‘society’ or by bourgeoisie, while one does not bring up the o by ‘men’, is, however, impossible. The oppress by ‘men’ is a part of the total gender system maintaining the bourgeoisie’s rule. When the m of having a private servant at home, Capital s advantage of reproduction costs being held do unpaid labour. When a man dominates ‘his’ w simultaneously profits from half of the working bay, and from the maintenance of the co hierarchy. The depth and breath of ‘society’s’ oppression of women cannot be understoo oppression of women is not included in the a taboo to fight against ‘men’s’ oppression important aspects of the gender system being this has been the result, both in earlier working and at times in parts of the ‘new’ women’s mov
In contrast to the situation for the bourgeois built-in contradictions exist for women of the w
On the contrary, both the battle they fight as a they fight as a class, pull in the same direc bourgeoisie as a class and capitalism as a system understand, both for women and men. It is imp

The working class woman Domitila from a olivia, has a different view of what ‘women’s ite middle class woman Betty Friedan from the
omen’s movement struggles with the built-in l, full equality within the framework of the the proletarian women’s movement has its st obvious problem is the relationship to men d the working people.
men’s movement has perpetually been met direct their fight against ‘society’, not against not merely something that has been forced on urces. The women in the labour movement n the need for a unity between the sexes in s possible in the fight against class oppression es suffer. Fighting against the oppression of ucted in ‘society’ or by the ‘system’ or in the does not bring up the oppression carried out impossible. The oppression that is carried out the total gender system which contributes to oisie’s rule. When the man has the advantage rvant at home, Capital simultaneously has the tion costs being held down through women’s man dominates ‘his’ woman, the bourgeoisie from half of the working people being held at aintenance of the concept of a ‘natural’ nd breath of ‘society’s’ or the ‘bourgeoisie’s’ cannot be understood when the ‘men’s’ is not included in the analysis. When it is a st ‘men’s’ oppression, this only leads to he gender system being preserved. In reality, , both in earlier working women’s movements the ‘new’ women’s movement.
ation for the bourgeois women, no objective exist for women of the working people.
the battle they fight as a gender and the battle pull in the same direction: it threatens the nd capitalism as a system. This is important to omen and men. It is important for the women

Page 30
to understand so that they can resist both the attempts and the workingmen’s attempts, from at limiting the battle which must be fought. understand the workingman’s dual role as vic capitalism’s gender system. Without realising th swaying from ‘unity against the bourgeoisie terms, to a one-sided animosity with no attempt alliances on progressive terms. In order to s interest, it is important that men understand women’s struggle; only this understanding will resisting the role of ‘useful idiots’.
What divides us?
‘Sisterhood is global’ is the title of the book ed And it is true that all women in the world are o therefore have something in common. But ourselves of this oppression, we can only go so
Women of the working people have good rea with and supporting the bourgeois influenced w long as it operates as a ‘civil rights movement’, as it makes democratic demands for equality because the demand for equality is fair, and it as a whole. Second, it is true that, the more fo be reached, the easier it is to see real inequality vote, but not political power. Most jobs were o women are still concentrated in a small numbe and prestige while men are spread over the en received equal pay. But they still do not get a can live. The more discriminatory formal rules the easier it is to see that something other th themselves that maintains the oppression of w the relationship between the classes. The mo rights that the working class fights through, t that capitalism cannot keep the promise of exploitative relationship gets in the way.
Therefore, workingwomen have every re ‘classless’ demands for equality, though they m significance for their own situation. It is righ that women should be able to be bosses, p monarchs, though we are neither priests nor

they can resist both the bourgeois women’s ngmen’s attempts, from each in their direction, which must be fought. And it is important to gman’s dual role as victims and profiteers of tem. Without realising this dual role, one risks against the bourgeoisie’ on male chauvinist nimosity with no attempt to convince and form ve terms. In order to serve their own class nt that men understand the function of the this understanding will make them capable of eful idiots’.
s the title of the book edited by Robin Morgan. omen in the world are oppressed as a sex, and hing in common. But in the battle to rid ssion, we can only go so far together.
g people have good reasons for cooperating e bourgeois influenced women’s movement as ‘civil rights movement’, that is to say, as long c demands for equality between sexes. First, r equality is fair, and it serves the female sex is true that, the more formal equality that can t is to see real inequality. Women received the ower. Most jobs were opened for women. But trated in a small number of jobs with low pay n are spread over the entire spectrum. Women t they still do not get a wage on which they criminatory formal rules that are tidied away, that something other than these formal rules ains the oppression of women. This parallels en the classes. The more formal democratic g class fights through, the clearer it becomes t keep the promise of equality for all. The p gets in the way.
omen have every reason for supporting r equality, though they might have little direct own situation. It is right to support demands e able to be bosses, priests and governing are neither priests nor bosses nor governing

Page 31
monarchs. These demands are also a part of the legal equality from which the working cla example of an important democratic bourgeois/petit bourgeois women’s movement is the demand for gender quotas. The women were placed poorly in the fight for high positio of offices, no matter how qualified they were. T quotas, in a more or less radical form, is a de equal representation for the sexes.
Therefore a proletarian women’s movement bourgeois/petit bourgeois women’s movement ‘classless’ demands for equality. A proletaria farther, by also bringing up the real inequalitie connection with the capitalistic system’s way there is not much left of the bourgeois women’ rights movement. It has for the most part us possibilities, though the bourgeois women’s rig themselves known in some areas, for example fight for gender quotas in upper level posit question where formal inequality is still an military service, is brought up by a few lo bourgeois women.
The women’s movement in the world today is m directions, ideas and key issues. It is diffic dividers of earlier times, between the ‘bourge directions. The class foundation for today’s wo more mixed. But many of the same contradicti In the new women’s movement in Norway, fo long been dissention as to whether anti-imperi do with women’s struggle (Strøm , 1986, p. 51)
“There are several reasons for this split (betwe and the New Feminists, my note) but the most view on international women’s solidarity. movements, the fight for a country’s freedo important demands for all. The word imperiali word the Women’s Front has inherited from organisations”.
Here, we can recognise the concept of the cause. It was no coincidence that it was the

nds are also a part of the battle for formal and which the working class can benefit. One portant democratic demand which the ois women’s movement has raised in our time der quotas. The women discovered that they the fight for high positions and different kinds w qualified they were. The demand for gender ess radical form, is a democratic demand for r the sexes.
n women’s movement cannot differ from a ois women’s movement by going against the r equality. A proletarian movement must go g up the real inequalities, and setting them in pitalistic system’s way of functioning. Today f the bourgeois women’s movement as a civil as for the most part used up its progressive e bourgeois women’s rights women still make ome areas, for example when it comes to the as in upper level positions. The one, large l inequality is still an eyesore, mandatory rought up by a few lone souls among the
nt in the world today is marked by a myriad of key issues. It is difficult to find the clear es, between the ‘bourgeois’ and ‘proletarian’ undation for today’s women’s organisations is of the same contradictions are still reflected. ovement in Norway, for example, there has s to whether anti-imperialism has anything to gle (Strøm , 1986, p. 51):
ons for this split (between the Women’s Front , my note) but the most visible reason was the l women’s solidarity. Support to freedom for a country’s freedom, was not seen as all. The word imperialism was regarded as a ront has inherited from the male dominated
ise the concept of the ‘apolitical’ women’s cidence that it was the Women’s Front, the

Page 32
organisation among the new women’s organ clearly placed itself in the ‘proletarian’ traditi forefront raising the issue of international soli the women’s movement. Nor was it a coincide Women’s Front who led the way in bringing battering and rape. The inheritance from the pro played a part in this: one should direct the figh against ‘man’.
Women split up, and sisterhoods disintegrate struggle starts to threaten the bourgeoisie’s c times this happens fairly quickly. The low woman in a woman’s job, who needs a wage o not just a ‘supplementary wage’, who nee workday, who needs childcare centres built an who needs an independent labour movement an be able to fight for these demands, quick opposition to the bourgeois hunt for profit. On weapons in this battle is the current image woman as a self-sacrificing mother and dau ‘subordinate person’ in the family. A women majority of women must have as its starting p interests of the women in the working people. T versatile, and takes up the fight against ‘the gen breadth.
References
Ericsson, Kjersti and Rudberg, Monica: Brå 1981
Hagemann, Gro: Særvern av kvinner – diskriminering? In Blom, Ida & Hagemann, G Oslo, 1977 Ingham, Mary: Men, London, 1984
Jensen, Siri: Hun har bare sine lenker å m Kjersti: Kvinnekamp: Vi eier morgendage
Minken, Harald: Finnes det grenser? Materia Morgan , Robin: Sisterhood is global. Suffo

he new women’s organisations which most the ‘proletarian’ tradition, who were in the sue of international solidarity as an issue for t. Nor was it a coincidence that it was not the led the way in bringing up issues like wife
inheritance from the proletarian tradition also ne should direct the fight against ‘society’ not
sisterhoods disintegrate, when the women’s aten the bourgeoisie’s class interests. In our irly quickly. The low paid, double-working job, who needs a wage on which to get by and ntary wage’, who needs a 6-hour normal hildcare centres built and care for the elderly, ent labour movement and free labour rights to these demands, quickly comes into direct geois hunt for profit. One of the bourgeoisie’s e is the current image of women, with the ificing mother and daughter and supported n the family. A women’s movement for the ust have as its starting point the situation and in the working people. This demands that it is the fight against ‘the gender system’ in its full
d Rudberg, Monica: Bråk i klassen, Oslo,
ærvern av kvinner – arbeidervern eller lom, Ida & Hagemann, Gro: Kvinner selv,
, London, 1984
ar bare sine lenker å miste . In Ericsson, p: Vi eier morgendagen. Oslo, 1986
nes det grenser? Materialisten 3, 1986 terhood is global. Suffolk, 1984

Page 33
Myrdal, Jan: Solidaritetens nødvendige dob Jan: Kaptein Nemos virkelige navn. Artik 86, Oslo, 1986 Strøm, Agnete: Kvinnen er 3. Verden. Røde
Tokheim, Marit: Norske kvinners nasjon Blom, Ida & Hagermann, Gro: Kvinner selv
Both Marx and Lenin felt that socialism ha parliamentary system, not by abolish representative bodies but by making them working people’s power. Much turned differently. Certain aspects of the political sy countries came to resemble the bourgeois p more than Marx and Lenin had imag assemblies were more or less reduced to while the real work off the state took place Many freedoms and rights became more fo for the working people.
Sisters, Comrades (English Trans

ritetens nødvendige dobbelthet. In Myrdal, s virkelige navn. Artikler I utvalg 1949-
nnen er 3. Verden. Røde Fane 4/5 1986)
orske kvinners nasjonalråd 1904-16. In ann, Gro: Kvinner selv, Oslo, 1977
in felt that socialism had to break with the tem, not by abolishing elections and es but by making them real tools for the power. Much turned out, as we know, aspects of the political system in the socialist esemble the bourgeois parliamentary system and Lenin had imagined. The elected ore or less reduced to discussion groups, off the state took place in the bureaucracy. rights became more formal than real, also ple.
Kjersti Ericsson omrades (English Translation), 1993, p. 108

Page 34
Jose Maria Sison, “US Terrorism and the Philippines”, Papieren Tijger, P.O. Box 25 Breda, The Netherlands, pp. 133
The book comprises a selection of articles wr Jose Maria Sison in 2002 and 2003, selected Fidel Agcaoili of the National Democratic Fr Philippines. It is presented in three parts: the chapters introducing Sison as a Filipino patri revolutionary, his ideology and his contributi liberation struggle of the people of the Philip with 29 articles by him concerning the role o in the oppression of mankind, with emphasis events during 2002-3; and the third comprisin the campaign committee to defend Sison and individuals currently resident in the Netherla asylum against persecution by the US govern Dutch and Filipino authorities under America
The articles by Sison cover various aspects o international matters as well as the more gen of imperialism today with the US-led imperia as its principal feature. What is\significant ab that they do not stop at exposing and protesti encourage the masses by correctly identifying dogging imperialism and compelling it to tak aggressive stand towards the rest of the world mass resistance against imperialist globalisat advocating a united front strategy in confront
The articles also provide much insight into th developments within the Philippines, which f attention of the international news media that issue in the Philippines as a struggle between government and Muslim ‘separatists’ led by extremists’ such as the Abu Sayyaf group, an the CIA like the Al Qaida, now used as an ex

Book Review
“US Terrorism and the War in the
ren Tijger, P.O. Box 2599, 4800 CN lands, pp. 133
s a selection of articles written by Professor
2002 and 2003, selected and edited by e National Democratic Front of the sented in three parts: the first with four
Sison as a Filipino patriot, intellectual and eology and his contribution to the f the people of the Philippines; the second im concerning the role of US imperialism mankind, with emphasis on international 3; and the third comprising documents of ittee to defend Sison and other Filipino y resident in the Netherlands under political ecution by the US government and by the authorities under American pressure.
n cover various aspects of US conduct in s as well as the more general characteristics with the US-led imperialist globalisation re. What is\significant about the articles is at exposing and protesting but proceed to es by correctly identifying the crisis that is and compelling it to take an increasingly ards the rest of the world and the rise in inst imperialist globalisation as well as
front strategy in confronting imperialism.
vide much insight into the political n the Philippines, which fail to draw the rnational news media that sees the main nes as a struggle between the Filipino slim ‘separatists’ led by ‘Islamic the Abu Sayyaf group, another creation of Qaida, now used as an excuse by US

Page 35
imperialism to militarily reoccupy the Philipp of the current constitution of the Philippines, to US military presence in the country well a of the US-sponsored dictator Marcos.
The US government has branded the Commu Philippines and the New People’s Army as te organisations and persuaded to European Co suit. This is a vain effort to intimidate the CP the National Democratic Front of the Philipp only doomed to fail but also explode in the fa imperialist power and its puppets in Manila. The final section of the book is particularly im for the purpose of seeking justice for Sison a facing harassment in the Netherlands, as a co labelling of the CPP as a terrorist organisatio documents exposing the double standards of
The campaign against the branding of the CP terrorist organisations only serves to demons has taken advantage of the 9.11 disaster to pe organisations and liberation movements of th stand in the way of US domination of the wo programme of imperialist globalisation.
The articles are most educational to students Leninism and anyone interested in the Marxi understanding of the world dominated by the namely US imperialism.

arily reoccupy the Philippines, in defiance tution of the Philippines, which put an end nce in the country well after the overthrow
dictator Marcos.
t has branded the Communist Party of the New People’s Army as terrorist ersuaded to European Council to follow ffort to intimidate the CPP, the NPA and ratic Front of the Philippines, that is not but also explode in the face of the d its puppets in Manila. the book is particularly important not only eeking justice for Sison and fellow Filipinos the Netherlands, as a consequence of the as a terrorist organisation, but also as the double standards of the imperialists.
st the branding of the CPP and the NPA as ns only serves to demonstrate that the US
of the 9.11 disaster to persecute mass beration movements of the Third World that US domination of the world through its rialist globalisation.
t educational to students of Marxism- e interested in the Marxist-Leninist e world dominated by the sole hyper-power, ism.
-SJS

Page 36
ON THE ROTTEN CORE A OVER-EXTENSION OF US IMP
by JOSE MARIA SISON
It would be seen as if the Us won the Cold w economic political power over the Soviet Un 1989 to 1991. But in fact the US, like Japan Soviet Union, was in deep economic troubl case of the US, it was reeling from the globa overproduction, aggravated by the accum economic and military costs of winning the the recent military overspending by Reagan.
To get the support of its imperialist allies Union from 1948 onwards, the US accomm American market and neglected its own export. It supported the reconstruction countries defeated in World War II and som of certain small areas (Taiwan, South Korea lining for the US against its enemies. It als maintain overseas military troops and bases.
Since the 1970s, the US has been in the pr decline. When it started to drum up “free ma in the early 1980s, the Us was attracting f abroad with high bank rates and high profit r military-related production. It borrowed he Western Europe and the oil producing coun bonds and stocks to them. It covered i budgetary and trade deficits with foreign de biggest debtor in the world.

HE ROTTEN CORE AND ENSION OF US IMPERIALISM
by JOSE MARIA SISON
if the Us won the Cold war due to superior ower over the Soviet Union in the period of in fact the US, like Japan, Germany and the in deep economic trouble. In the particular as reeling from the global capitalist crisis of gravated by the accumulated long-term ary costs of winning the Cold War and by verspending by Reagan.
of its imperialist allies against the Soviet nwards, the US accommodated them in the and neglected its own manufacturing for ed the reconstruction of the imperialist n World War II and some industrialisation as (Taiwan, South Korea and the like) front gainst its enemies. It also spent heavily to ilitary troops and bases.
e US has been in the process of economic rted to drum up “free market” globalisation the Us was attracting foreign funds from nk rates and high profit rates in military and duction. It borrowed heavily from Japan, d the oil producing countries by selling US to them. It covered its bankruptcy, its deficits with foreign debt and became the e world.

Page 37
In most of the 1980s, Reagan spent hea military production and did not revive export. During his own presidential term, Bu to take a trade offensive but failed. He follo his strategic planners that the US might as w the Gulf, use its military power and start to t the main oil producers in OPEC.
Behind the scenes the US imperialists e invade Kuwait in 1990. Subsequently, the coalition under the name of the UN in ea made huge gains from its war of aggression making various allies pay for the milita operations, the US was able to establish mili the lion’s share of the oil income from Sau and the emirates by imposing on them ex military contracts. Iraq was devastated by US supported uprisings.
Palestine lost the support of Saudi Arabia emirates. And Iraq could not provide to Pal in kind to make up for what has been lost. T end of the first war against Iraq, the US we efforts to bend the Palestinian people and th the will of the US impertialists and Israeli Zi
The next target of the US was Yugoslavi with its US allies, the US was able to engine Croatia, Slovenia and Bosnia from Yugosla ethnic and religious differences. Ultimately, US-NATO war of aggression to break up Yugoslavia after stirring up contradictions be Serbia. It used high-tech military weapon communities, government buildings, hospita plants, fuel storage tanks, bridges, railways utilities.
In the process of weakening and bringing d government, the US succeeded with its obje

80s, Reagan spent heavily on high-tech and did not revive manufacturing for wn presidential term, Bush the senior tried nsive but failed. He followed the advice of rs that the US might as well ignite a war in litary power and start to tighten control over ers in OPEC.
the US imperialists encouraged Iraq to 990. Subsequently, the US headed a war name of the UN in early 1991. The US m its war of aggression in Iraq. Aside from lies pay for the military equipment and as able to establish military bases and grab the oil income from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait y imposing on them extremely expensive raq was devastated by US bombings and US .
support of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the could not provide to Palestine any support for what has been lost. Thus, soon after the against Iraq, the US went into a frenzy of Palestinian people and the Arab peoples to
pertialists and Israeli Zionists.
the US was Yugoslavia. In collaboration e US was able to engineer the separation of nd Bosnia from Yugoslavia by stirring up differences. Ultimately, it was a full-scale aggression to break up what remained of rring up contradictions between Kosovo and h-tech military weaponry against civilian nment buildings, hospitals, schools, electric tanks, bridges, railways and other public
eakening and bringing down the Milosevic succeeded with its objectives to accelerate

Page 38
the military expansion of the US and NAT flanks of Russia, establish military basing a the whole of Eastern Europe, consolidate bi relations with the anti-communist E governments, and ensure the flow of oil fro and Central Asia to the Mediterranean and to cut to Germany via Chechenya or t connection.
Taking advantage of the September 11, 20 launched in October 2001 the war of a Afghanistan under the pretext of hunting Laden and the Al Queda. Again, high-tech made short shrift of the decrepit Taliban go failed to catch Osama bin Laden but made f US monopoly capitalism.
Aggression against Afghanistan gained for t military basing and access rights in forme (Uzbekistan and Tajikistan) in Central Asia the sources of oil and gas in the Caspian Sea Asia, a way for pipelines from those regions Pakistan for bringing oil to the Arabian co Ocean, and thereby a stranglehold on the en of East Asia.
In violation of the UN Charter and the UN resolution 1441, the US unleashed the second against Iraq. It made the false claim that the had nuclear, chemical and biological w destruction that could be used for the pur particularly for attacking the US. It invoke for self-defence. Then, it admitted to be blatantly by proclaiming to liberate the sover
The US has succeeded in conquering and using its high-tech military weaponry in the brutal manner. Now it has set up a colo under a rabidly pro-Israel general and is ch

ion of the US and NATO to the southern tablish military basing and access rights in n Europe, consolidate bilateral US military he anti-communist Eastern European nsure the flow of oil from the Caspian Sea the Mediterranean and to prevent any short via Chechenya or the Danube-Rhine
f the September 11, 2001 attacks, the US er 2001 the war of aggression against the pretext of hunting down Osama bin ueda. Again, high-tech military weaponry f the decrepit Taliban government. The US a bin Laden but made far bigger gains for lism.
Afghanistan gained for the US imperialists access rights in former Soviet republics jikistan) in Central Asia, a tighter hold on d gas in the Caspian Sea region and Central lines from those regions to Afghanistan and g oil to the Arabian coast and the Indian a stranglehold on the energy requirements
UN Charter and the UN Security Council US unleashed the second war of aggression e the false claim that the Iraqi government ical and biological weapons of mass uld be used for the purpose of terrorism, cking the US. It invoked pre-emptive war hen, it admitted to be an aggressor more ming to liberate the sovereign Iraqi people.
ded in conquering and occupying Iraq by ilitary weaponry in the most cowardly and w it has set up a colonial administration -Israel general and is choosing puppets to

Page 39
carry out a divide-and-rule policy. It has ga over the oil resources of Iraq and intends to these under the complete or controlling ow companies. Other US firms are poised to ra new military production from new m contracts, building military bases in Ir projects and humanitarian aid, all to be paid controlling the second largest oil reserve in seeks to dominate and make the OPEC im squeeze on Syria and Iran and turn the entire US domain, to keep Germany and Japan de supply and to put China and North Korea u as these are now by significant degree depen from the Middle East.
As the US mass media saturate the glo propaganda about a US war of aggression i US imperialists and their puppets in other c vile actions to trample upon the nationa countries and to attach national liberatio social revolutions. Time constraints limit such vile actions only in the Philippines.
While it waged is war of aggression again 2001, the US described the Philippines as th the “war on terrorism”. It deployed US Basilan and elsewhere in the Philippines un fighting the Abu Sayyaf, a small bandit ga organisedin the early 1990s but which the U linked to Al Qaeda.
In August 2002, both the US and Macapa regime claimed to have decimated the Abu S recently launched its second full-scale war Iraq, the US again declared the Philippin front” in the “war on terrorism” under the after the Abu Sayyaf. It has deployed US several regions of the Philippines.

nd-rule policy. It has gained direct control es of Iraq and intends to privatise and put mplete or controlling ownership of US oil S firms are poised to rake in profits from duction from new military production military bases in Iraq, reconstruction itarian aid, all to be paid for by Iraqi oil. By nd largest oil reserve in the world, the US and make the OPEC impotent, to put the d Iran and turn the entire Middle East into a Germany and Japan dependent on US oil hina and North Korea under oil blackmail significant degree dependent on oil imports st.
media saturate the global audience with US war of aggression in one country, the their puppets in other countries engage in mple upon the national independence of ttach national liberation movements and Time constraints limit me to referring to ly in the Philippines.
war of aggression against Afghanistan in bed the Philippines as the “second front” in rism”. It deployed US combat troops in ere in the Philippines under the pretext of ayyaf, a small bandit gang which the CIA y 1990s but which the US now claims to be
oth the US and Macapagal-Arroyo puppet ave decimated the Abu Sayyaf. But when it its second full-scale war of aggression on declared the Philippines as the “second on terrorism” under the pretext of gunning af. It has deployed US combat troops in e Philippines.

Page 40
The US is escalating its military intervention in preparation for US military campai revolutionary forces of the Filipino people and NDFP. US strategists are reported to be tech weaponry once more in a physical similar to that of Vietnam. It has gotten command the reactionary armed forces u “interoperability”. It has military access ri have outright military basing rights in the Ph
At any rate, the US considers the Philippin strategic base for controlling the oil and othe of Southeast Asia, for guarding the trade regions and encircling China, North Korea a stakes are high enough for the US to emplo and most vicious methods of suppression a people and revolutionary forces.
(May 1, 2003)

g its military intervention in the Philippines r US military campaigns against such s of the Filipino people as the CPP, NPA tegists are reported to be eager to test high- ce more in a physical and social terrain Vietnam. It has gotten the prerogative to tionary armed forces under the guise of t has military access rights and wants to ry basing rights in the Philippines.
considers the Philippines important as its ntrolling the oil and other natural resources for guarding the trade routes to several ing China, North Korea and Indochina. The ugh for the US to employ the most violent ethods of suppression against the Filipino nary forces.

Page 41
N
NDP Call on May Day 2004
The NDP, on the occasion of its May Day Jaffna MPCS Hall, issued a leaflet organisations to mobilise on May Day demands of the people. The contents are as fo The results of the 13th general elections demonstrated that it was a meaningless ex People’s Freedom Alliance has formed a mi Although it may be argued that presidential power being under the same leadership is a the situation is that decisions taken by the JV the fate of the government. Thus the country of yet another general election.
The MOU and Ceasefire
The MOU and the ceasefire agreement m LTTE and the former government Wickramasinghe was one that gave relief no East but to the whole country and the people thus far lent her co-operation to it. We em President and the Prime Minister not to position of the JVP, the partner in governme pressure from the Hela Urumaya on the m breach or abandon the MOU.
Resume the Negotiations
The negotiations initiated by the forme prolonged and abandoned halfway should draft proposals put forward by the LTTE f Governing Authority should be taken up for need of today that the two sides should negotiations in a spirit of understanding a

NDP Diary
Day 2004
occasion of its May Day rally held at the ll, issued a leaflet calling on mass obilise on May Day to emphasise the ple. The contents are as follows.
13 h general elections of April 2nd have t was a meaningless exercise. The United lliance has formed a minority government. argued that presidential and parliamentary the same leadership is a favourable feature, decisions taken by the JVP will dewtermine rnment. Thus the country faces the prospect al election.
efire
e ceasefire agreement made between the former government led by Ranil s one that gave relief not only to the North- e country and the people. The President had -operation to it. We emphatically ask the Prime Minister not to accommodate the , the partner in government, or to submit to Hela Urumaya on the matter and thereby he MOU.
tions
initiated by the former government but ndoned halfway should be resumed. The forward by the LTTE for an Interim Self y should be taken up for discussion. It is the t the two sides should carry forward the pirit of understanding and compromise to

Page 42
bring about an interim administration for th assert that, through the realisation of this, it move towards a solution based on autonom self-determination.
Increase in the Prices of Goods
The prices of essential goods are being incre a result, the toiling masses including the wor state and private sector employees are su unbearable load of the cost of living. The in as a consequence of liberalisation and priva added tax (VAT) imposed by the previou been the cause of the prices of goods. Thus w new government should remove VAT and prices and bring down the prices of essential
Increase the Wages
The last government granted a meagre Rs salaries. We demand on this May Day that t Freedom Alliance, which in its election cam it cared for the people, should grant a sala 5000/- to state and private sector employees meet the current cost of living.
Liberalisation and Privatisation
The policies of liberalisation and privatisat the UNP government and JR Jayawardane been adopted by the PA governmen Kumaratunga. They are, in the manner o possessing the country and the people Liberalisation and privatisation are part scheme of globalisation. Under them local p killed and the country has been transform ground for foreign multinational companies. see that, under liberalisation and privati educational, health and cultural sectors have

rim administration for the North-East. We the realisation of this, it will be possible to lution based on autonomy with the right to
s of Goods
ial goods are being increased by the day. As masses including the workers, peasants, and sector employees are suffering under the the cost of living. The increase in prices is f liberalisation and privatisation. The value imposed by the previous government has e prices of goods. Thus we demand that the ould remove VAT and control the rise in
n the prices of essential goods.
nt granted a meagre Rs 1250/- increase in d on this May Day that the United People’s which in its election campaign claimed that ople, should grant a salary increase of Rs private sector employees so that they could t of living.
rivatisation
eralisation and privatisation introduced by nt and JR Jayawardane have subsequently the PA government and Chandrika are, in the manner of a fierce demon, untry and the people in their entirety. privatisation are part of the imperialist tion. Under them local production has been ntry has been transformed into a hunting multinational companies. Besides, we could beralisation and privatisation, the social, and cultural sectors have suffered decay and

Page 43
degeneration. Thus we demand that the new take the necessary steps to put an end to privatisation.
Increase in Foreign Intervention
The US, the West and Japan, on the one han other are vying on an unprecedented scale t on this country. Sri Lanka is being used as th further their economic and political interests regional domination. The parliamentary po other organisations are helping this by align one-way or other. These political forces whic national interests and people’s interests have sold out to the US and India to serve as thei their plans. As a result, we witness the intens intervention and involvement in the Therefore we urge the new government intervention altogether and arrive at a pos problems of our country and our people through dialogue among ourselves. We emph safeguard the country from being dragged rivalry for hegemony.
The New Democratic Party on the revolutionary May Day calls upon the peop mass movements to emphasise the above i and other related day-to-day problems faced
❖ Let us dare to confront the politic
❖ Let people’s struggles surge forw
❖ Let us be firm that the final victo
Declaration of the 13th International Comm
The NDP joined the signatories to the Dec International Communist Seminar, “Strategy

we demand that the new government should steps to put an end to liberalisation and
Intervention
nd Japan, on the one hand, and India on the an unprecedented scale to tighten their grip Lanka is being used as the arena for them to ic and political interests through global and n. The parliamentary political parties and are helping this by aligning themselves in hese political forces which wax eloquent on d people’s interests have, behind the scene, nd India to serve as their stooges to deliver ult, we witness the intensification of foreign involvement in the national question. the new government to reject foreign ther and arrive at a position in which the ountry and our people could be resolved ong ourselves. We emphasise that it should try from being dragged into the US-India y.
ratic Party on the Occasion of the Day calls upon the people to carry forward emphasise the above important demands y-to-day problems faced by the people.
are to confront the political crises!
ple’s struggles surge forward!
e firm that the final victory is to the people!
13 International Communist Seminar e signatories to the Declaration of the 13th unist Seminar, “Strategy and Tactics of the

Page 44
Struggle against the US Global Imperial Brussels from 2nd to 4th May 2004, name People's Party of Afghanistan, the Workers' the Communist Party of Bulgaria, Partido C the Communist Party of Bohemia and Morav Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) - Libera Revolutionary Party, the Socialist Party of L Patriotique pour la Solidarité et le Progrès ( Democratic Front for the Liberation of Pal Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestin Proletario del Peru, the Communist Party of Juventud Comunista de Asturias, the Comm Peoples of Spain (PCPE), Partido Comunista de Renaissance Communiste en France.
The declaration identified the motives of t wars of aggression against Afghanistan and I its strategy for global domination aimed at i as much as against states that it sees a imperialism. It hailed the new upsurge struggles taking the forms of movements ag and against wars waged by the US imperia time it drew attention to the crisis of capital US in particular and the consequent threat o initiated by the US, and called for a struggle for which the US is already making pr military expansion on a large scale acros various pretexts, including its “war a Attention has also been drawn to emerg between the US and its imperialist rivals in Japan, all of which the US is attempt economically and militarily in various ways.
Particular attention has been drawn to the d by the governments of the DPRK, Cuba and stand taken by the people of Brazil, Arge

he US Global Imperialist War” held in to 4th May 2004, namely the Democratic fghanistan, the Workers' Party of Belgium, ty of Bulgaria, Partido Comunista de Cuba, ty of Bohemia and Moravia, the Communist arxist-Leninist) - Liberation, Lao People's , the Socialist Party of Latvia, Mouvement Solidarité et le Progrès (MPSP-Haske), the or the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP), the he Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), Partido the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, a de Asturias, the Communist Party of the CPE), Partido Comunista de Venezela, Pôle
muniste en France.
ntified the motives of the US for waging against Afghanistan and Iraq to be related to al domination aimed at its imperialist allies st states that it sees as a challenge to iled the new upsurge in revolutionary forms of movements against globalisation aged by the US imperialists. At the same on to the crisis of capitalism and that of the d the consequent threat of a new world war and called for a struggle against such a war is already making preparations through on a large scale across the globe under including its “war against terrorism”. been drawn to emerging contradictions d its imperialist rivals in Europe as well as ch the US is attempting to undermine ilitarily in various ways.
has been drawn to the defiant roles played of the DPRK, Cuba and Venezuela and the people of Brazil, Argentina, Bolivia and

Page 45
Paraguay in effecting the removal of gove subservient to US imperialism.
The Declaration concludes with a call to peoples of the world:
Workers and peoples of the world, let u US hegemonism! Workers and peoples of the world, let u the preparations for a new world war! For the withdrawal of the occupation f Balkans, Afghanistan and Iraq. For the dismantling of all US military bas For the dissolution of the aggressive NAT For the withdrawal of the US bases from denuclearisation of the entire Korean pe peaceful reunification of Korea. Stop the US plots to destabilise C preparations for a military aggression agai For the commitment of the nuclear powe nuclear weapons the first. For total nucle under the control of the UN General Ass with the country that possesses the larg nuclear weapons, in order to arrive at th simultaneous nuclear disarmament of all n Support for the anti-imperialist and resistance of the peoples of the world. Solidarity with all democratic and anti-im the United States.
The NDP in the Provincial Council Electio
The NDP decided to field candidates for District in the Central Province Provincial held in July to use the platform to expose th bankruptcy of the trade-union based CWC l the Hill Country Peoples Front and other with one or the other of the capitalist parti

ng the removal of governments that were
perialism.
oncludes with a call to the workers and
: oples of the world, let us unite against
oples of the world, let us unite against for a new world war! wal of the occupation forces from the istan and Iraq. ng of all US military bases abroad. n of the aggressive NATO pact. al of the US bases from Korea, for the of the entire Korean peninsula, for the ation of Korea. plots to destabilise Cuba, stop the a military aggression against Cuba.
ent of the nuclear powers never to use the first. For total nuclear disarmament l of the UN General Assembly, starting that possesses the largest number of , in order to arrive at the complete and lear disarmament of all nuclear nations. e anti-imperialist and revolutionary peoples of the world. ll democratic and anti-imperialist forces in .
ovincial Council Elections
to field candidates for the Nuwara Eliya tral Province Provincial Council Elections the platform to expose the treachery and the rade-union based CWC leadership, its rival eoples Front and other opportunist allied er of the capitalist parties. The NDP in its

Page 46
call to the voters of Nuwara Eliya summed follows:
People’s activists who have been carryi struggles to secure the fundamental rights o find solutions to day-to-day issues faced contesting with the candle as their election sy
Those elected to the Provincial Council in supporters of the ruling party or the main They and others like them will, if elected, a in the future. They have participated in the centre and taken turns in collaboratin chauvinistic capitalist parties.
They paid scant attention to securing even th that the people were entitled to under the administration. Thus it is essential that the interests of the pride of place and people’s power is est lowest to the highest level. Those who are w the alternative politics and alternative l purpose are contesting as an independent gro as their symbol and seek your support. The independent group under the leadershi Attorney at Law, who is the National Org Democratic Party also includes, on a bro activists outside the party. The Upper Kotmale Scheme which is environmental hazard has serious political i Hill Country Tamil people. Although the Congress opposes the scheme, the people are that it is capable of Any kind of compromis Hill Country People’s Front is wiling to le implementation of the scheme.
Thanks to chauvinist conspiracies, the Pattan of Education, the only College of Educa

f Nuwara Eliya summed up its position as
who have been carrying forward mass the fundamental rights of the people and to ay-to-day issues faced by the people are candle as their election symbol.
e Provincial Council in the past have been uling party or the main opposition party. e them will, if elected, act in the same way have participated in the government at the turns in collaborating with the two ist parties.
ntion to securing even the smallest of rights re entitled to under the Provincial Council
that the interests of the people are given people’s power is established from the st level. Those who are working to develop litics and alternative leadership for the ng as an independent group, with the candle seek your support. roup under the leadership of E Thambiah, ho is the National Organiser of the New also includes, on a broad basis, people’s
party. ale Scheme which is likely to be an rd has serious political implications for the il people. Although the Ceylon Workers e scheme, the people are always suspicious Any kind of compromise at any time. The e’s Front is wiling to lend support to the he scheme.
t conspiracies, the Pattana Sri Pada College only College of Education for the Hill

Page 47
Country Tamils, has not been allowed an affected education in the Hill Country. Th allowed to function independently as a resul the Provincial Council politicians and o principals and students are subject to a variet The Tamil people are unable to conduct thei in Tamil at the Provincial Council. Since the land on which the plantations are of the central government, the people in unable to benefit from provincial developmen
It is necessary to annul the collective agree estate managements that have denied the w and certain trade unions. It is necessary to act in a planned way to d and the unique characteristics of the Hill C enable them to live as equals with people of o
The traditional trade unions and parlia leadership are unable to resolve these pro problems will not be solved by continuing alo The alternative path is to take the new path To elect those contesting under the symbol alternative political act.
Vote for the New Democratic Party (Indepen ❖ stop the disastrous Upper Kotmale Sc
❖ to safeguard the Sri Pada College of E ❖ to set up an educational system wher
❖ principals, teachers and students a trespasses of Provincial Council polit
❖ to implement administration in Ta
administration
❖ to bring estate land under the adm
Provincial Council

as not been allowed any peace. This has in the Hill Country. The schools are not independently as a result of the excesses of uncil politicians and officials. Teachers, nts are subject to a variety of harassment. re unable to conduct their day-to-day affairs incial Council. hich the plantations are under the authority rnment, the people in the plantations are m provincial development work.
nnul the collective agreement between the s that have denied the workers their rights ions. ct in a planned way to defend the identity racteristics of the Hill Country Tamils and as equals with people of other nationalities.
ade unions and parliamentary political ble to resolve these problems. And these e solved by continuing along the same path.
is to take the new path of mass struggle. esting under the symbol of the candle is an
act.
emocratic Party (Independent Group 2) to strous Upper Kotmale Scheme.
the Sri Pada College of Education educational system where the schools,
teachers and students are free from the f Provincial Council politicians and officials
nt administration in Tamil in provincial on
tate land under the administration of the ouncil

Page 48
Message for the Media by Comrade E Thambiah, O The People Should Elect an Honest Politic Comrade E Thambiah, National Organ candidate of the Independent Group 2 in District, during his campaign address at D stated that “The people should reject those w such as cricket bats and balls, musical instru to a few people, and proceed to gather the Hill Country Tamil population to make them the Provincial Council to live a life of lu should, instead elect only those who would way for the people to get the benefits of dev and social facilities”.
He further added, “There are no dispensarie areas. The hospitals in the townships of the basic facilities. There are no transport facilit to urban hospitals. Patients die as a result. planning is being implemented in a plan deception of the people.
“Distributing items such as cricket bats and musical instruments and using that to ask fo a convenient technique of vote gathering b Provincial Council”.
Condemnation of Police Brutality Police brutality against a peaceful procession Patana Sripada College of Education o condemned by a number of social and poli and concerned individuals. The NDP, which struggle of the teachers for a just and early crisis at the College and for the early reopen was an important signatory to the following r
We the undersigned vehemently condemn th the police on the peaceful procession inte

omrade E Thambiah, Organising Secretary, NDP: Elect an Honest Political Leadership biah, National Organiser and leading dependent Group 2 in the Nuwara Eliya campaign address at Dickoya Batalgala, ple should reject those who hand out items and balls, musical instruments and trophies d proceed to gather the votes of the entire population to make themselves members of ncil to live a life of luxury. The people t only those who would act in a planned to get the benefits of development activities ”.
There are no dispensaries in the plantation in the townships of the Hill Country lack re are no transport facilities to take patients Patients die as a result. However, familiy implemented in a planned way through ple.
such as cricket bats and balls, trophies and and using that to ask for votes has become ique of vote gathering by members of the .
olice Brutality inst a peaceful procession of teachers of the ollege of Education on 28th May was umber of social and political organisations iduals. The NDP, which fully endorsed the hers for a just and early resolution of the and for the early reopening of the College, gnatory to the following resolution:
vehemently condemn the use of teargas by peaceful procession intended to make the

Page 49
public, the officials and the institution conc prevailing problems at the Patana Sri Education, and the brutal attack by the polic the procession at the Princess Junction on 28
As the problems in the College were not solv action was taken against the officers who w committed fraud or misappropriated the fun several teacher trainees protested aga concerned. False charges were made aga trainees, with some of them arrested on false filed against them, and the College was clos a result the victimised teacher trainees were a procession to state the problems within expose the culprits.
Under the circumstances, there was no inten the participants in the procession to create u the peace. On 28th May 2004, at the Princess Junction, used teargas on the procession organised by and brutally attacked the participants. Cons the participants were injured and ten of them the General Hospital, Nuwara Eliya.
The brutal action of the police is a bl fundamental rights enshrined the constitutio is also an act against the freedom of participants in the procession.
Therefore, we pass the following resolutio police and calling upon Her Excellency th Lanka 1 to take action against the abuse of powe the police who used tear gas on the proce attacked the participants;

and the institution concerned aware of the s at the Patana Sripada College of brutal attack by the police by participants in
Princess Junction on 28th May 2004.
the College were not solved for long and no ainst the officers who were alleged to have misappropriated the funds of the College, rainees protested against the officers harges were made against these teacher of them arrested on false charges and cases and the College was closed indefinitely. As ed teacher trainees were compelled to go on ate the problems within the College and
ances, there was no intention on the part of he procession to create unrest or to breach
at the Princess Junction, Hatton, the police procession organised by the teacher trainees d the participants. Consequently, many of e injured and ten of them were admitted to l, Nuwara Eliya.
of the police is a blatant violation of enshrined the constitution; this, especially, ainst the freedom of expression of the rocession.
the following resolution condemning the upon Her Excellency the President of Sri
ainst the abuse of power and atrocities of sed tear gas on the procession and brutally icipants;

Page 50
2 to inquire into the allegations made agai the College regarding charges of misap funds of the College; 3 to reopen the College immediately, solve
teacher trainees, and create a healthy atmo continue with their education;
4 to compensate persons injured and affecte
gas and brutal police attack.
Hatton 2nd June 2004
The National Problem of the Hill Country Solutions Particular to it Comrade E Thambiah, Comrade E Th Organiser and leading candidate of the Indep the Nuwara Eliya District, during a mee explain the party policy, stated that, when a assure the national aspirations of the Tam needs to be found to assure the national asp nationality, namely the Hill Country Tamils solutions that would ensure the national asp Country Tamils cannot be accommodated w designed to ensure the national aspirations o North-East, and that solutions to the pro Country Tamils need to be specific to those that a common programme is necessary solutions, and that the Hill Country Tamils w struggle under that programme needed t operation of other nationalities, and also tha proven that the ‘so called leaders of the Hill not suited for that task, it is necessary to dev leadership.
The essence of the rest of his statement is a Country Tamils are densely populated in ce

he allegations made against the officials of arding charges of misappropriation of the ege; llege immediately, solve the problems of the and create a healthy atmosphere for them to ir education;
rsons injured and affected by the use of tear lice attack.
lem of the Hill Country Tamils Demands r to it biah, Comrade E Thambiah, National ng candidate of the Independent Group 2 in District, during a meeting at Ragala to licy, stated that, when a solution is found to aspirations of the Tamils, a solution also o assure the national aspirations of another the Hill Country Tamils. He added that the d ensure the national aspirations of the Hill not be accommodated within those that are the national aspirations of the Tamils of the at solutions to the problems of the Hill d to be specific to those issues. He added rogramme is necessary to secure these he Hill Country Tamils while they united in t programme needed to secure the co- ationalities, and also that, since it has been called leaders of the Hill Country Tamils are ask, it is necessary to develop an alternative
rest of his statement is as follows: The Hill densely populated in certain areas and are

Page 51
more spread out in several others. Thus the a cannot be like the one for the Tamils of th necessary to have autonomous structures domination by other nationalities while ma them to enjoy political equality with other n as their fundamental rights.
Although individuals seem to have importan arena, that importance is subject to limitation mass organisations could be of great importa of action, the appropriate practice and pol essential for winning the rights of the Hill Co There is no political rule that prescribes that that are specific to the Hill Country Tamil rights or that organisations that function on a cannot. It is possible for a single organisatio to carry forward the struggle of several n such conditions, programmes for winning nationality and the relevant practice should the spirit of full independence, autonomy and All Hill Country Tamils and their organisat united under common programme to win th Country Tamils should be united, and the co nationalities and their organisations should b possible to ensure the autonomy of the Hi subject to domination of or precedence by an The political path to win the rights of the H cannot be one for making deals and c chauvinism. Politics for winning rights sho comprise thoughts that are not anti-people, differences, and excellent broad-based demo should be one that nurtures and defends the p features of the Hill Country Tamil people a culture of equality and common welfare.

several others. Thus the autonomy for them one for the Tamils of the North-East. It is autonomous structures that are free from r nationalities while making provision for ical equality with other nationalities as well l rights.
ls seem to have importance in the political ce is subject to limitations. In politics, only could be of great importance. A programme opriate practice and political direction are g the rights of the Hill Country Tamils. l rule that prescribes that only organisations the Hill Country Tamils can secure their sations that function on a countrywide basis e for a single organisation or a united front e struggle of several nationalities. Under ogrammes for winning the rights of each relevant practice should be put forward in pendence, autonomy and equality. amils and their organisations that could be on programme to win the rights of the Hill uld be united, and the co-operation of other ir organisations should be secured. It is not the autonomy of the Hill Country Tamils,
n of or precedence by another nationality. o win the rights of the Hill Country Tamils r making deals and compromises with s for winning rights should fundamentally that are not anti-people, accommodation of ellent broad-based democratic principles. It urtures and defends the progressive cultural Country Tamil people and develops a new nd common welfare.

Page 52
Demand for Action Against Racist Violenc A series of incidents resulting from the obst three-wheeler driver by the driver and th private bus led to violence between an armed led by the bus driver and Hill Country Tam Kandapola on 28
th
April 2004. Inaction by t incident could have been defused without f to the escalation of violence. Police and arm Hill Country Tamil and injured another. T army later entered an adjoining estate and th more. A curfew was declared for area, Sinhalese businessmen came under attack du entered tea estates on the following day several. It was reported that besides the two Country Tamils suffered injury. Inquiries by the NDP led to the conclusion t police led to the eruption of serious v following the escalation of violence, the po resorted to shooting without exploring othe also observed that they were partial to the gang who were attacking the Tamils, and t their attack.
The NDP has demanded an impartial inquir and action against those responsible for inc and against the members of the police and th for firing at will. It has also demanded th ethnic bias on the part of the police and the of the involvement of a government minis into, and that the victims of violence and shooting be duly compensated
The NDP also noted that chauvinistic propag and by political parties was a major factor in tension in a region where the Hill Country victims of bias and hegemony on top of authority, bear animosity towards the Sinha

Against Racist Violence ts resulting from the obstruction of a Tamil r by the driver and the conductor of a iolence between an armed gang of Sinhalese er and Hill Country Tamils of the area in April 2004. Inaction by the police when the been defused without further violence led violence. Police and army shooting killed a l and injured another. The police and the n adjoining estate and their firing killed one as declared for area, and properties of en came under attack during curfew. Police on the following day and fired injuring rted that besides the two killed, fifteen Hill ered injury. P led to the conclusion that inaction by the eruption of serious violence, and that, ation of violence, the police and the army without exploring other measures. It was hey were partial to the bus driver and his acking the Tamils, and targeted Tamils for
nded an impartial inquiry into the incident those responsible for inciting the violence bers of the police and the army responsible It has also demanded that the question of art of the police and the army and charges of a government minister should be look victims of violence and police and army mpensated
d that chauvinistic propaganda by the media ties was a major factor in heightening ethnic where the Hill Country Tamils, for long d hegemony on top of abuse by those in osity towards the Sinhalese, who too have

Page 53
their suspicions about the Hill Country Tami that the violence should be a lesson for the conciliatory approach be adopted in contradictions of such nature between the co
Note: The NDP suspended its May Day rally in R two victims of police and army brutality, whose f May 2004.]
May Day Press Release
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary of the Revolutionary May Day rallies in Jaffna the following press release: The New Democratic Party is to hold May D and Ragala to emphasise that the ceasefire s the memorandum of understanding mad Minister Ranil Wickramasinghe and the upheld, and talks should be continued, proposal for setting up an interim self-gove returning life in the North-East to normality question should be found a political negotiations so as to achieve lasting peace; essential items should be brought down, an should award wage increases state, private an workers so that they can meet the rise in cos economic activities for imperialist globa privatisation, should be halted; that the Uppe should be scrapped; that interference by the imperialism and Indian hegemony should be racialism and religious fundamentalism shou
In Jaffna The May Day rally, chaired by Comrade SK held in the Jaffna MPCS auditorium at 10.0 2004 and addressed by Comrades K Northern Regional Secretary, S Thevarajah

ut the Hill Country Tamils. The NDP urged ould be a lesson for the future and that a ach be adopted in dealing with the ch nature between the communities.
d its May Day rally in Ragala in deference to the d army brutality, whose funerals were held on 1st
lease
ivel, General Secretary of the NDP, to mark ay Day rallies in Jaffna and Ragala, issued release: ic Party is to hold May Day rallies in Jaffna asise that the ceasefire should be sustained, of understanding made between Prime ickramasinghe and the LTTE should be should be continued, starting with the up an interim self-governing authority for North-East to normality; that the national be found a political solution through to achieve lasting peace; that the prices of uld be brought down, and the government increases state, private and plantation sector can meet the rise in cost of living; that all s for imperialist globalisation, including be halted; that the Upper Kotmale scheme ; that interference by the US and European ian hegemony should be stopped; and that us fundamentalism should be defeated.
, chaired by Comrade SK Senthivel will be MPCS auditorium at 10.00 a.m. on 1st May ed by Comrades K Kathirgamanathan, Secretary, S Thevarajah, K Thanikasalam

Page 54
and S Navaratnam, and by other leaders representatives of trade unions and mass orga
In Ragala The May Day rally, chaired by Comrade E held in Ragala town at 10.00 a.m. on 1 addressed by Comrades S Panneerselva Regional Secretary, V Mahendran, Chandrakumar and several others.
The procession will start at 9.00 a.m. at Rag Bazaar and proceed to Ragala town.
The rally emphasising that the Upper Kotm be scrapped, that the system of collectiv plantation companies should be annulled, workers be granted their wage rise, and economy be salvaged from the plantation co be addressed by leaders of several trade organisations. In a situation in which both presidential rule rule are at a dead end, the path united mass nationalities and comprising workers, peasan is the best political path. We call upon all of May Day rallies of the NDP emphasising the that could be united on the basis of pow autonomy for the nationalities, an independe socialist future.
Protest against the Proposed US Informat Public Library, Jaffna Comrade SK Senthivel, General secretary o the following letter to the Special Com Municipal Council protesting at the reporte US Embassy in Sri Lanka to set up an info the US Embassy in the Public Library, Jaffna

, and by other leaders of the party, and ade unions and mass organisations.
, chaired by Comrade E Thambiah will be wn at 10.00 a.m. on 1st May 2004 and mrades S Panneerselvam, Hill Country y, V Mahendran, S Rajendran, S several others.
start at 9.00 a.m. at Ragala Nadukkanakku to Ragala town.
ing that the Upper Kotmale scheme should the system of collective agreement with es should be annulled, that the plantation their wage rise, and that the plantation ed from the plantation companies, will also eaders of several trade unions and mass
ich both presidential rule and parliamentary d, the path united mass struggle uniting the mprising workers, peasants and intellectuals path. We call upon all of them to join in the the NDP emphasising the unity of all forces ed on the basis of power to the people, ationalities, an independent Sri Lanka and a
Proposed US Information Section in the ffna
ivel, General secretary of the NDP, wrote er to the Special Commissioner, Jaffna protesting at the reported invitation to the Lanka to set up an information section of the Public Library, Jaffna.

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Dear Sir US Information Section in the Public Library
We understand from news in the local ne Advisory Council of the Public Library, request and invitation to the US Embassy establish an information section of the U Public Library, Jaffna. This move co consequences for the northern region and t move had caused consternation and a sen those who care.
The US has become the sole super power seeks to dominate the entire world. In particu in the Third World. For example, from Afgh carrying out a direct war of aggression. Ev had been behind 20 years of chauvinistic acknowledge the right of the Tamil people to but instead lends support and advise to the classes. The Tamil people know very well expressed this position. To ask for an information section of the e with such a record could only be seen as a m Tamil people. We like to remind that, as ea the American Information Center was establ Library, Jaffna, our party and people expr opposition. Further, since the restoration of the Public no formal opening of the library. Nor does th full service. We like to ask why it is that, w to be done and to be organised, there is provision for the Information Center of th function in the Public Library and a request a so. The function of the information sectio stops with books and magazines. They als going beyond that to involve political, s infiltration and activities of military intelligen

tion in the Public Library, Jaffna
m news in the local newspapers that the of the Public Library, Jaffna has sent a ion to the US Embassy in Sri Lanka to ation section of the US Embassy in the affna. This move could have serious e northern region and to our people. This consternation and a sense of shock to all
e the sole super power in the world and e entire world. In particular, it is interfering For example, from Afghanistan to Iraq, it is t war of aggression. Even in Sri Lanka, it 0 years of chauvinistic war. It refuses to ht of the Tamil people to self-determination pport and advise to the chauvinistic ruling people know very well that it has openly ion. rmation section of the embassy of the US could only be seen as a move hostile to the like to remind that, as early as 1968, when mation Center was established in the Public r party and people expressed their strong
estoration of the Public Library, there was f the library. Nor does the library provide a e to ask why it is that, while things remain be organised, there is a hasty offer of nformation Center of the US Embassy to ic Library and a request and invitation to do f the information section does not merely nd magazines. They also bear the risk of to involve political, social and cultural ities of military intelligence.

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Also, one should keep in mind the plight of t basis of accommodation of the Informati Embassy, other big powers ask for room fo units to function in the Public Library. T Jaffna is the common property of the peopl that the people will for no reason tolerate it espionage by the hegemonic power that th threat to the people of the world, of Sri La people in particular. Thus our party strongly condemns the one-si by the Advisory Council of the Public Libra by you to set up an information section of t the Library, and requests you to abandon this Thanking you Yours truly SK Senthivel General Secretary
[Note: Since this letter, the Special Commi any plans to set up such an informa newspapers have, however, stood by their rep

ep in mind the plight of the library if, on the dation of the Information Center of US powers ask for room for their information n the Public Library. The Public Library, on property of the people. We like to state for no reason tolerate its use as a base for egemonic power that the US is, posing a of the world, of Sri Lanka and the Tamil .
gly condemns the one-sided decision taken uncil of the Public Library, Jaffna, chaired information section of the US Embassy in uests you to abandon this effort.
tter, the Special Commissioner had denied up such an information section. The owever, stood by their reports.]

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DO NOT OFFER US A TRI
Kjersti Ericsson
The shame insinuates itself on the victims the one who is beaten has committed a crime the blood that drips from the wounds is unclean the abused body guilty. The shame insinuates itself on the victims centuries upon decades millennia upon centuries will this never end? Sisters, comrades, women our anger rises now it rises and rises like the tide up from the innermost darkness in us carrying with it the glowing ash from all the fires carrying with it the blows, the screams the boot-tramplings of the heart and those countless used-up unlived lives for which there can be no consolation. The anger rises and rises it is our mighty gift to the world together with the love never requited that found it too cramped
to be confi we give it t and to this with the pe black, whit to the youn unprotecte to the sea t and to the deep in the Do not offe something Do not ask We have co with the bla the pain fro and the bo with the hu and that te from our u Do not stan when we c with vehem when we c in our own Do not stan for we ar
(Translated by Franscesca M N

OT OFFER US A TRIFLE
Kjersti Ericsson
ounds
s in us h
screams rt p unlived
olation.
d
to be confined to a man’s breast we give it to each other now and to this earth with the people who live on it black, white, yellow, brown to the younger reindeer unprotected against fallout-bearing rain to the sea that breathes so heavily and to the nameless, unseen flowers deep in the Amazonian jungle. Do not offer us a trifle something halfway. Do not ask us to be grateful! We have come here with the blaze from all the fires in us the pain from all of the blows and the boot-tramplings of the heart with the hunger of unlived lives and that terrible heat from our unrequited love. Do not stand in our way when we come to change the world with vehement strokes when we come to cultivate it in our own way. Do not stand in our way for we are the owners of tomorrow.
ated by Franscesca M Nichols)

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KIDNAPPERS Iris Clayton
There were nine little blackfe having fun and running free along came the welfare said this just cannot be he grabbed the little blackfell sent them all to their homes to train them as servants to slave in gubbars’ homes and when the little blackfella grew up to be eighteen some of them were shy and ti and some of them plain mean now some of them plain mea now some of them have child of their very own and they don’t want to see them sent to the bloody training homes They all hate the whiteman with his racist laws and they all keep the whitema when he knocks up on their d
[Courtsey: Black Australia: An Anthology Ed. Kein Gilbert, Penguin Books, 1988]

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Published by E Thambiah of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM Phone: 011 2435117; Fax: 011 24 E-mail: newdemocraticparty@hotm Printed at the Gowri Printers, Colo

KIDNAPPERS Iris Clayton
e were nine little blackfellas ng fun and running free g came the welfare this just cannot be rabbed the little blackfellas them all to their homes
in them as servants ve in gubbars’ homes when the little blackfellas
up to be eighteen of them were shy and timid some of them plain mean some of them plain mean some of them have children eir very own they don’t want e them sent e bloody training homes all hate the whiteman his racist laws they all keep the whiteman out he knocks up on their doors
k Australia: An Anthology of Aboriginal Poetry, in Books, 1988]

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h of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM Complex, Colombo 11 011 2435117; Fax: 011 2473757 ewdemocraticparty@hotmail.com t the Gowri Printers, Colombo 13