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❖ From the Editor’s Desk ❖ Sri Lankan Events ❖ International Events ❖ 26
th
Anniversary Address
by Comrade S ❖ Reinforcing Nationhood
by Imay ❖ The Sedhu Samudra Scheme:
a Scheme to Ruin Sri Lanka
by Siva ❖ Comment: Marxism and Revision ❖ NDP Diary ❖ Marxist Salute to Comrade Mani
by Sillaiyoor ❖ Tribute to Comrade Navaratnam

e Editor’s Desk
an Events onal Events iversary Address
by Comrade SK Senthivel ing Nationhood
by Imayavaramban u Samudra Scheme: e to Ruin Sri Lanka
by Siva Rajendran t: Marxism and Revisionism ry Salute to Comrade Maniam
by Sillaiyoor Selvarajan o Comrade Navaratnam

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From the Edito
We are glad to be able to partly compensate for the last issue by bringing out this issue within two months This issue, in addition to its regular features, carries on pressing Sri Lankan issues. The text of the Senthivel, General Secretary of the NDP to mark th Party, assesses the current political situation and position of the party on the major issues. It is followed by an analysis of issues of nationalism the call by the LTTE leadership to reinforce nationa recent split in the LTTE and the subsequent conflict correct recognition and handling of contradictions int Tamil people’s struggle for a just resolution of the basis of self-determination. The article on the proposed Sedhu Samudram ca serious comment on the long-term implications of the in this country since the announcement of the proje issues that the major political parties have yet to add There is also a comment on the utterances by two p Communist Party of India (Marxist) during their rece The position of the CPI(M) on issues central to Marx a cause for concern for some time and will be discu the near future. This issue also carries a tribute to the late Comr founder General Secretary of the NDP whose 15 de November 26th. The NDP is deeply saddened by the untimely Navaratnam, Member of the Politburo of the NDP, w movement in 1965. (See back cover). He was a s activist and relentless fighter for the people throu political life.

From the Editor’s Desk
o partly compensate for the delay in producing the this issue within two months of the last issue. its regular features, carries three important articles issues. The text of the address by Comrade tary of the NDP to mark the 26th anniversary of the ent political situation and reiterates the principled e major issues. sis of issues of nationalism. This is in response to ership to reinforce nationalism, in the wake of the nd the subsequent conflict. The article calls for the ndling of contradictions internal and external to the or a just resolution of the national question on the n.
sed Sedhu Samudram canal is perhaps the first long-term implications of the project to be published announcement of the project. It draws attention to ical parties have yet to address. on the utterances by two politburo members of the (Marxist) during their recent visits to this country. ) on issues central to Marxism Leninism have been ome time and will be discussed in greater length in
a tribute to the late Comrade KA Subramaniam, y of the NDP whose 15th death anniversary falls on
ddened by the untimely death of comrade S the Politburo of the NDP, who joined the communist back cover). He was a steadfast Marxist Leninist ghter for the people throughout his 39 years of

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Sri Lank Indian meddling in Sri Lankan affairs is to gain offic signing of a formal agreement on defence. There are concern to Sri Lanka as they assert Indian hege defence, especially the one that gives exclusive right Palali airbase. But they may not take long to iron o government and the main opposition party are onl country under the Indian military umbrella. There is also fresh resentment among the armed for about the implications of the proposed Sedhu S country’s defence. These have been linked environmental, marine resource and commercial article in this issue of ND on the subject). The Sri La in India has been faulted by the media for not alerting about the proposed project, although the fact that existed was common knowledge, at least in Tam decade, and has been frequently talked about during What is strange is that the Tamil nationalists have sh the matter although the biggest blow will be to the northwest of the country, where the predominan nationality. Indian manipulation of Karuna is now in the open military debacle in the East, Karuna has formed a po after merged it with the ENDLF, until now a defun Indian pressure during its military occupation in 198 initially presented as a voice of Batticaloa Tamil reg up with a group of individuals, predominantly from th Indian control. Encouragement for Karuna also c whose base in the north has virtually eroded since LTTE and the government nearly three years ago, UPFA government through the armed forces whose on the LTTE cadres in the East is strongly denie government. The government also finds it convenient to have object to the role of ceasefire monitoring miss

Sri Lankan Events nkan affairs is to gain official sanction through the ment on defence. There are a few points that cause s they assert Indian hegemony over Sri Lankan ne that gives exclusive rights to India facilities in the ay not take long to iron out, since the Sri Lankan n opposition party are only too keen to bring the
ilitary umbrella. ment among the armed forces, especially the navy, f the proposed Sedhu Samudram canal for the se have been linked with concerns about esource and commercial matters. (Also see the on the subject). The Sri Lankan diplomatic mission by the media for not alerting the government in time ct, although the fact that such a project proposal owledge, at least in Tamilnadu, for well over a quently talked about during the past several years. e Tamil nationalists have shown little concern about iggest blow will be to the people of the north and y, where the predominant majority is the Tamil
aruna is now in the open. Since his political and st, Karuna has formed a political party which shortly ENDLF, until now a defunct party, created under s military occupation in 1987-89. Karuna, who was ice of Batticaloa Tamil regionalism has now linked uals, predominantly from the North and fully under ement for Karuna also comes from the EPDP, has virtually eroded since the MoU between the nt nearly three years ago, and indirectly from the h the armed forces whose involvement in attacks the East is strongly denied by the army and the
ds it convenient to have the EPDP and Karuna ceasefire monitoring mission and to Norwegian

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involvement in the peace negotiations, in view of the by the LTTE of persons associated with them. Jou sympathetic to the LTTE also have been killed. No for any of the killings and the tendency is to deny implications of the killings for the peace process ar has consistently denounced each killing, unlike the g as well as the LTTE and the Tamil parliamentarian their criticism. While the government is using every trick in the boo the peace negotiations, the UNP, true to its cynical a about the failure of the government to get the peac the same time strengthening its ties with Sinhala B Karunaratne, a founder member of both the rab Urumaya and its successor the Hela Urumaya, has without being asked to abandon his earlier stand aga The CWC has now become partner in the UPF government has a secure majority in parliament an ministerial posts that they crave after. Animosity be SLFP has begun to surface and the alliance may no economy in tatters and prices of essentials rising ou the rise in oil prices. The inability of the UPFA to fulf make it difficult for the partners to face the polls in th is facing a dilemma, since holding on to power until t due next year could only lead to further erosi government, and losing the presidential election coul The UNP has not hidden its joy at the plight of the marches against price increases are even more cyn the national question. The people could not hav soared during UNP rule only a year ago. The old left has lost its last shred of credibility sin main partner with the SLFP in the alliance. The genu yet to get its act together and come up with programme of mass agitation and action for a lasting of the national question based on the principle o nationalities, and saving the country and its econo hegemonic domination.

negotiations, in view of the spate of alleged killings associated with them. Journalists and intellectuals also have been killed. No one claims responsibility d the tendency is to deny any involvement. The for the peace process are negative and the NDP ed each killing, unlike the government and its allies the Tamil parliamentarians, who are selective in
using every trick in the book to delay resumption of e UNP, true to its cynical approach, is complaining overnment to get the peace process going and at ing its ties with Sinhala Buddhist extremists. Tilak member of both the rabidly chauvinistic Sihala or the Hela Urumaya, has recently joined the UNP, andon his earlier stand against the peace process. come partner in the UPFA government and the e majority in parliament and the CWC leaders the y crave after. Animosity between the JVP and the ce and the alliance may not last very long, with the rices of essentials rising out of control, partly due to inability of the UPFA to fulfil its election pledges will rtners to face the polls in the near future. The UPFA holding on to power until the presidential elections nly lead to further erosion of support for the e presidential election could spell political disaster. its joy at the plight of the government. Its protest creases are even more cynical than its position on he people could not have forgotten how prices nly a year ago. last shred of credibility since the JVP became the P in the alliance. The genuine left in the south has ther and come up with an extra-parliamentary tion and action for a lasting peace, a just resolution based on the principle of self determination for the country and its economy from imperialist and

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Internationa
Venezuela: Cause to Celebrate The people of Venezuela have spoken loud and cle patriotic and progressive policies of Hugo Cha reactionaries, spurred on by the US imperialists, to government have failed yet again. The failure of the the government by staging a strike in the oil industry they tried the democratic weapon of the referendum himself introduced, to topple him. This is a victory that has brought joy and inspiration against imperialism all over the world, and in Latin A current global situation certainly helped Chavez. On forget that the US will not stop at anything to dispo the interests of the people above that of the imperiali The policy of land reform and extension of social w will certainly strengthen Chavez in the long run and in which the US and its lackeys will find it difficult to if they get rid of the popularly elected government by
EU Decision on Sison: a Victory for Reaso Following the declaration by the US in the year 20 Party of the Philippines and the New People’ organisations, the European Union came under pres these organisations. The EU obliged and, as a c Maria Sison, leader of the CPP since 1968 until 1986 the National Democratic Front, was subject to harass where he had been resident since 1987 after leavi following imprisonment from 1977 until1986 and tort and the ‘disappearing’ of his brother by the armed fo been active in the international affairs of the CPP an secretariat in the Netherlands.

International Events
e to Celebrate
have spoken loud and clear that they endorse the e policies of Hugo Chavez. Attempts by the by the US imperialists, to overthrow the Chavez et again. The failure of the reactionaries to topple g a strike in the oil industry made them furious and weapon of the referendum, a device that Chavez ple him. brought joy and inspiration to the masses struggling er the world, and in Latin America in particular. The ertainly helped Chavez. One should, however, not t stop at anything to dispose of leaders who place
above that of the imperialists. and extension of social welfare to the countryside havez in the long run and create a political climate ckeys will find it difficult to govern the country even larly elected government by underhand means.
Sison: a Victory for Reason
by the US in the year 2000 that the Communist s and the New People’s Army were terrorist an Union came under pressure to impose a ban on EU obliged and, as a consequence, Professor CPP since 1968 until 1986 and a founder leader of ront, was subject to harassment in the Netherlands dent since 1987 after leaving his country in 1986, om 1977 until1986 and torture by the armed forces his brother by the armed forces. He has since 1986 tional affairs of the CPP and the NDF, which has its nds.

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Following the ban on the CPP and declaration of S Dutch government placed him under constant survei security entitlements, and froze his bank account. H to be repatriated to be handed over to the oppressive Perseverant campaign by human rights organisa organisations in the Netherlands, and European org with the people struggle of the Philippines persuad remove the name of Sison from the list of terrorists. T the NPA remains. This achievement, although not complete, is a victo up for justice in Europe and a slap in the face for US The CPP which has been reorganised after the s 1990s has again emerged strong and is leading the and liberation of the Philippines from US imperia subservient client in power.
Iraq: People Resist the Forces of Occupa Resistance to US forces of occupation is growing s deceptive move to give the impression that the US to an Iraqi interim government has been exposed as not decreased and US attacks on civilians in the resistance has earned it more enemies, while no against the occupiers. The US stands thoroughly iso Iraq, with only the British government as its staunch international supporters. George Bush, in his desperate effort to show to the democratic election will be staged early next year overcome armed resistance to the forces of occu regime, but to no avail. Plans to move British troop not likely to make things any better. In fact, attacks significantly increased since the announcement that moved there.

CPP and declaration of Sison as a “terrorist”, the him under constant surveillance, denied his social froze his bank account. He was also under threat nded over to the oppressive Filipino government. by human rights organisations, Filipino people’s erlands, and European organisations for solidarity of the Philippines persuaded the EC to yield and n from the list of terrorists. The ban on the CPP and
gh not complete, is a victory for those who speak nd a slap in the face for US imperialism.
n reorganised after the setbacks suffered in the d strong and is leading the struggle for democracy ilippines from US imperialist domination and its r.
ist the Forces of Occupation
of occupation is growing stronger by the day. The he impression that the US has handed over power ment has been exposed as a lie. US presence has ttacks on civilians in the name of fighting armed t more enemies, while not deterring the fighters e US stands thoroughly isolated on the question of government as its staunch ally among a handful of
perate effort to show to the American voters that a e staged early next year in Iraq, is trying hard to nce to the forces of occupation and the puppet lans to move British troops close to Baghdad are any better. In fact, attacks by the resistance have ce the announcement that the British troops will be

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26TH ANNIVERSARY ADDR
by COMRADE SK SENTHIV
(The following is the translation of the text of the m SK Senthivel, read out at the 26th Anniversary celeb the New Democratic Party, held at the Town Hall, 2004.)
Comrades and Friends! On the occasion of this meeting to mark the co since the founding of the New Democratic Part this day of 15th August 2004, revolutionary behalf of the Central Committee of the Party an The 25th anniversary of the Party was held Jaffna, the capital of the northern region. Tod hold the 26th anniversary in Hatton, the capital c It is painful that I am unable to be with you revolutionary joy, owing to poor health re accident. I trust that you will accept my addr you in writing.
Comrades and Friends! Significantly, the policies, positions, developm the Party as they developed over a period of a q the basis of Marxism Leninism Mao Zedong Th in my address at the 25th anniversary last year that were then pointed out seem applicable to t today. The current situation also indicates clea which were pointed out then as potentially dan hazardous course of development.
The only significant change during the past United People’s freedom Alliance has come to United National Front. This has removed the t

ANNIVERSARY ADDRESS
by RADE SK SENTHIVEL
slation of the text of the message from Comrade the 26th Anniversary celebration of the founding of ty, held at the Town Hall, Hatton on 15th August
s meeting to mark the completion of 26 years he New Democratic Party, I convey to you, on st 2004, revolutionary greetings and joy on ommittee of the Party and on my behalf.
of the Party was held very successfully in he northern region. Today it gives us joy to ry in Hatton, the capital city of the hill country. unable to be with you on this occasion of ing to poor health resulting from a road ou will accept my address communicated to
ies, positions, development and experience of oped over a period of a quarter of a century on eninism Mao Zedong Thought were explained 5 anniversary last year. Many of the matters out seem applicable to the objective reality of ation also indicates clearly that certain issues, t then as potentially dangerous, have taken a velopment.
hange during the past one year is that the m Alliance has come to power in place of the This has removed the tug-of-war that existed

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between the parliamentary government and the The rest of the problems continue as before. No solutions have been put forward for the severe country and the people. Only plans with electo put forward in a superficial fashion.
Although it is four months since the new govern struggling unsuccessfully to fulfil its election p we witness the pathetic situation where it is una of living and is imposing more and more pr people. Having increased fuel prices and fare seeking to divert the attention of the people by a
A situation wholesomely favourable to findin negotiation for the national question, which problem facing the country, does not e memorandum of understanding (MoU) sig government and the LTTE and the cease accompanied it still hold, they are at serious moment.
The UPFA government unable to take any matter of starting negotiations with the LTTE a is seen to be backtracking from it. President Ch seems intimidated by forces of chauvinism and ally of her party. Since, as a result, she seems to faces at different times, she is viewed as an un political forces and people who desire peace and
The LTTE has already put forward its proposa governing authority (ISGA), leaving no room where from the talks should take off. Any ho wants a solution to the national question could negotiations with that as the starting point a journey towards peace in a spirit of accommodation. But, inasmuch as the last gove on various pretexts, this government is also do pretexts.

tary government and the executive presidency. s continue as before. No policy alternatives or t forward for the severe problems faced by the . Only plans with electoral success have been icial fashion.
ths since the new government took office, it is lly to fulfil its election promises. In particular, situation where it is unable to control the cost sing more and more price increases on the sed fuel prices and fares, the government is tention of the people by acts of deception.
ely favourable to finding a solution through tional question, which is the most pressing country, does not exist. Although the erstanding (MoU) signed by the former LTTE and the ceasefire agreement that ld, they are at serious risk of rupture at any
nt unable to take any firm decision on the tiations with the LTTE and amid its vacillation ing from it. President Chandrika Kumaratunga orces of chauvinism and the JVP, the principal , as a result, she seems to be showing different , she is viewed as an unreliable person by the ple who desire peace and a political solution.
put forward its proposals for an interim self- SGA), leaving no room for question about should take off. Any honest government that national question could proceed with detailed as the starting point and carry forward the ace in a spirit of understanding and nasmuch as the last government procrastinated is government is also doing the same on other

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Meantime, the chauvinistic stand of the JVP, a government, in opposing a negotiated settleme President, continuing purchase of arms by continuing serial killings, bomb blasts, and sho conflict between the LTTE and the Karuna signals of a situation in which the MoU and discarded to make way for war.
An examination of the above will show that ne the UNP nor that of the SLFP, each with a feu has learnt any worthwhile lesson from the bloo century of cruel war. This continuing attitud ruling classes that lacks far sight and stands in o conditions will only drag Sri Lanka furthe destruction.
It is undeniable that the chauvinistic ruling cl explicitly and implicitly, by the UNP, the SL Hela Urumaya is standing in the way to a just s question. The ordinary Sinhala working peopl and deceived by their chauvinistic slogans. workers and other working people who compr majority of the Sinhala nationality call into q chauvinism of the dominant ruling class lead capitalist lineage, there can be neither salvation country as a whole. It is essential to criticise th of the JVP, donning a leftist mask. The present is one that believes that it could come to powe vanguard of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism and by the SLFP in the 1950s. The chauvinistic pr and the Hela Urumaya is cunningly stirring up peace process and paving the way for the chauvinistic ideology.
It is true that honest leftist, democratic and pro the Sinhalese are acting in appreciation of However, the JVP, with its false leftist ima foreign forces, is acting to prevent and disrup

istic stand of the JVP, a partner in the UPFA ng a negotiated settlement, vacillation by the purchase of arms by the armed forces, gs, bomb blasts, and shooting incidents in the LTTE and the Karuna faction are warning in which the MoU and the ceasefire will be
for war.
above will show that neither the leadership of e SLFP, each with a feudal-capitalist lineage, ile lesson from the bloody events of a quarter This continuing attitude of the chauvinistic s far sight and stands in opposition to objective drag Sri Lanka further along the path of
he chauvinistic ruling class position adopted, ly, by the UNP, the SLFP, the JVP and the ing in the way to a just solution to the national Sinhala working people are being distracted ir chauvinistic slogans. Until the peasants, king people who comprise the overwhelming a nationality call into question and reject the inant ruling class leadership with a feudal- can be neither salvation nor prosperity for the s essential to criticise the chauvinistic position leftist mask. The present leadership of the JVP t it could come to power by making itself the uddhist nationalism and acting the role played 50s. The chauvinistic propaganda of the JVP is cunningly stirring up feelings hostile to the ving the way for the institutionalisation of
ftist, democratic and progressive forces among ng in appreciation of this objective reality. ith its false leftist image and support from g to prevent and disrupt the growth of such

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forces. It is unfortunate that people are d appearance. At the same time, we could see with massive funding from foreign sources t have temporarily succeeded in undermining le progressive forces. The errors committed by t and their current role stand in the way of t genuine left.
US imperialism and Indian regional hegemo major part in creating and cultivating such planned way and in collaboration with forces o possible to know the truth by examining development of the national question during century and the conditions under which it wa chauvinistic war of oppression. It is important historic course where liberalisation and pri carried out behind the curtain of war, as p imperialist globalisation under the leadership Having fulfilled their ulterior motives, the imperialism are playing the anthem of peace in that they need pace for their agenda of globalis battle-worn North East and in the Hill Count country could be re-colonised.
It is becoming abundantly clear now that the na country and the chauvinistic oppression respon platform and a tool for these imperialist and forces to fulfil their ulterior motives, and that concern the welfare of the oppressed Tamil other nationality or restoring the forfeited righ The recent spate of rapid response actions of th Lankan affairs have brought this to light an Anyone who seeks to understand this in an ho that these forces cannot be relied upon in the st for self-determination.
The blatant acts of aggression and massacr American imperialists in Afghanistan and Iraq h

ate that people are deluded by its leftist e time, we could see that NGOs, operating from foreign sources that manipulate them, eeded in undermining leftist, democratic and e errors committed by the parliamentary left stand in the way of the development of a
Indian regional hegemonism have played a and cultivating such an environment in a llaboration with forces of local reaction. It is truth by examining closely the complex ational question during the past quarter of a tions under which it was transformed into a pression. It is important today to recognise the liberalisation and privatisation have been e curtain of war, as part of the agenda of n under the leadership of US imperialism. ulterior motives, the very same forces of the anthem of peace in recognition of the fact their agenda of globalisation strike root in the t and in the Hill Country so that the whole onised.
tly clear now that the national question of this inistic oppression responsible for it are only a or these imperialist and regional hegemonic terior motives, and that their interests do not f the oppressed Tamil nationality or of any storing the forfeited rights of any nationality. id response actions of the US and India in Sri rought this to light and exposed the truth. understand this in an honest way will realise t be relied upon in the struggle of nationalities
ggression and massacre carried out by the in Afghanistan and Iraq have projected the true

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image of its imperialist decadence to the wor imagine that such an America would help a Thi ours or lend support to the struggle of the T determination, there cannot be greater politic than that.
Foreign multinational companies and other priv are intent on squeezing to pulp the toiling m comprising the workers, peasants and oth Companies are implementing low wages, long insecurity of employment, and denial of de rights that had been won in the past. This is country by companies in the plantation sector to areas. When workers speak up for their righ unleashed upon them. An example of this is th workers at the Bata shoe factory and the subseq noteworthy is that Mahinda Rajapaksha, who, regime, proposed the “Worker’s Charter” to sa the workers and was compelled to abandon it multinational companies, is now the Prime M masquerading as a left party, prepared to imple through the Prime Minister? The truth is that th is not ready to do it.
Thus the government of today does not present any way. It continues to be a government tha protect the interests and needs of the wealt capitalist lineage, while submitting to the com Bank and the IMF that carry forward the agenda not even a government like the United Front go It seems to be an anti-people government di which it calls a human face.
Thus the local chauvinistic ruling class and imp together to create battle formations aimed to b of Sri Lanka under the yoke of neo-colonialism the eyes of the workers, peasants and other w than find a solution to the national question

t decadence to the world. If anyone were to merica would help a Third World Country like o the struggle of the Tamil people for self- annot be greater political ignorance or folly
companies and other private sector companies g to pulp the toiling masses of this country ers, peasants and other working people. enting low wages, long hours, retrenchment, ent, and denial of democratic trade union on in the past. This is practiced across the in the plantation sector to those based in urban speak up for their rights police brutality is An example of this is the retrenchment of 500 e factory and the subsequent struggle. What is hinda Rajapaksha, who, during the earlier PA Worker’s Charter” to safeguard the rights of ompelled to abandon it under pressure from es, is now the Prime Minister. Is the JVP, party, prepared to implement the same charter ister? The truth is that the government of today
f today does not present a progressive face in to be a government that uses state power to nd needs of the wealthy group of feudal- e submitting to the commands of the World carry forward the agenda of globalisation. It is like the United Front government of 1970-77. ti-people government displaying a false face face.
istic ruling class and imperialism have teamed e formations aimed to bring the entire people yoke of neo-colonialism. To conceal this from rs, peasants and other working people, rather o the national question, they carry this out

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through war and through peace efforts. The wa not serve the interests of the people but those of
Comrades and Friends! Under the circumstances, the Party has the duty revolutionary stand, unite with honest l progressive forces, and build up broad m struggles from the most basis levels. The histor arisen now to return to where the left and demo the 1930’s to carry forward honest activitie movement, taking into account the new conditio the people at grassroots level, and to the exclu opportunism.
It should be admitted that in the current si Marxism Leninism and the leftists are weak. B That should be no cause for losing heart or fo have in us the dialectical materialist world outl taught us and the will power based on it unassailable faith that, as long as there rema Leninist, that individual will be capable of build Marxist Leninist movement and initiate a movement.
We are committed to play an active role in historic duty of uniting the broad working m nationalities and carry forward mass st chauvinistic ruling class of feudal-capitalist line imperialism and regional hegemony with which and imperialist ideologies and thoughts asso being put into use to deflect this and to damage in Marxism Leninism. They are being introduc like sweet-coated poison. It is necessary to com these evils that are being carried forward t privatisation and globalisation, since the agen being implemented in conjunction with adv technology and in other fields of science and t inducements to charm and distract the people

gh peace efforts. The war and the ceasefire do
f the people but those of the ruling classes
es, the Party has the duty to remain firm in its unite with honest left, democratic and nd build up broad mass movements and t basis levels. The historical duty and need has where the left and democratic forces started in forward honest activities of the communist account the new conditions that prevail among s level, and to the exclusion of parliamentary
that in the current situation the forces of the leftists are weak. But that is temporary. se for losing heart or for disillusionment. We al materialist world outlook that Marxism has ill power based on it. The Party has the , as long as there remains a single Marxist l will be capable of building afresh a powerful vement and initiate a mighty great mass
play an active role in carrying forward the g the broad working masses and oppressed rry forward mass struggles against the s of feudal-capitalist lineage and the forces of al hegemony with which it is allied. Capitalist gies and thoughts associated with them are eflect this and to damage and destroy the faith They are being introduced among the people n. It is necessary to combat by word and deed eing carried forward through liberalisation, lisation, since the agenda of globalisation is conjunction with advances in information r fields of science and technology. Economic and distract the people and steps to promote

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consumer culture are being actively und generation is being easily deceived by this. Rat and understand reality, there is a tendency to analysis. The consequent social crises are now r themselves as economic crises and social dec why we Marxist Leninists shall, in the current riddled with crises and challenges, advance by further, and cherishing in word and deed the re of communists. We will act in a spirit of dedica link hands with all honest left, democratic an international communist movements and anti that journey. On the occasion of its 26th anniversary, the N declares again with renewed courage that it wi determination and confidence in its position Leninism Mao Zedong Thought.
Long live Marxism Leninism Mao Zed
Long live the New Democratic
Let us carry forward revolutionary m

e being actively undertaken. The young ily deceived by this. Rather than seek the truth , there is a tendency to accept things without nt social crises are now rampant, and manifest ic crises and social decay. That is precisely ists shall, in the current international situation challenges, advance by building up the Party in word and deed the revolutionary traditions ll act in a spirit of dedication and sacrifice, and nest left, democratic and progressive forces, ist movements and anti-imperialist forces in
26 h anniversary, the New Democratic Party ewed courage that it will continue to act with nfidence in its position based on Marxism
Thought.
ism Leninism Mao Zedong Thought!
ve the New Democratic Party!
rward revolutionary mass struggles!

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REINFORCING NATIONH
by IMAYAVARAMBAN
(This article was written in response to the call o nationalism in the context of recent developments in stalemate in the peace process. What seems to be its call to reinforce nationalism is to strengthen Tam leadership. The article deals with broader issues con
On Reinforcing Nationhood When a nation, a nationality or even a comm social group, it is inevitable that it struggles aga basis of its identity. To deny the right to this than to support social oppression. It is becau accept this basis for struggle that they have liberation struggles of countries subject to colo liberation struggles of every oppressed nationali The struggle of the Afro Americans against rac forward in the 1960s. The statement of Ma unqualified support for the struggle was one Marxist Leninists from revisionists. Similarly, M not merely expressed support but provided le against caste oppression and untouchability. What we need to understand from the foreg Leninists do not adopt a rigid view on issues su nationalism. We should be clear that they distinction between the oppressing nation and hand and the oppressed nation and nationality o Tamil nationalism is not something that has b Even when it has been in existence, it has not Several social, economic and historical factor the development of the Tamil identity into a T

FORCING NATIONHOOD
by IMAYAVARAMBAN
in response to the call of the LTTE to reinforce t of recent developments in the North East and the rocess. What seems to be intended by the LTTE in alism is to strengthen Tamil national unity under its als with broader issues concerning unity.)
tionhood
onality or even a community is oppressed as table that it struggles against oppression on the o deny the right to this struggle is none other oppression. It is because Marxist Leninists truggle that they have supported not merely countries subject to colonial rule but also the very oppressed nationality and social group. ro Americans against racial oppression surged . The statement of Mao Zedong expressing r the struggle was one that distinguished the revisionists. Similarly, Marxist Leninists have support but provided leadership in struggles n and untouchability. derstand from the foregoing is that Marxist a rigid view on issues such as nationhood and ld be clear that they have drawn careful oppressing nation and nationality on the one nation and nationality on the other. ot something that has been there at all times. in existence, it has not had the same identity. ic and historical factors have contributed to Tamil identity into a Tamil national identity.

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We could easily recognise major differences national identity of today and those that are said The call for national upsurge on the basis of originated from among the Tamils of the northe national independence for the country as a po from the left movement of this country. Thos behalf of the Sinhala community or the Tami have the entire Sinhala community or the Tami The leaders who then spoke on behalf of an acting on the basis of differences in class, ca represented the interests of the well to do social What had been emphasised as Tamil identity f been the identity of the Tamil Saivaite and C living in the Jaffna peninsula. The leaders who gave no thought to joining hands with the Tam concentrations in other parts of the island. The think in those terms. That did not, however, m on language altogether meaningless or meaning In Sri Lanka, the Federal Party (officially, Ilan Katci) was the first to propose the concept people’ as a Tamil national identity. It could ha and justification for it. The Federal Party, in p Hill Country Tamils and the Muslims in t comprising Tamil speaking people. But did it g the differing social needs and political di cultural, regional, caste and regional distinction that all-embracing identity? Certainly not. The Federal Party spoke of a federal state comp the Northern and Eastern Provinces. But its pol not accommodate the fact that the Hill coun majority of the Muslims, and a sizeable sectio known as ‘Ceylon Tamils’, lived outside the was, however, a common interest in the deman an official language of the state. But, withi followed the passing of the Official Language A

gnise major differences between the Tamil ay and those that are said to have preceded it. upsurge on the basis of a Ceylonese identity the Tamils of the northern region. The call for for the country as a political demand came t of this country. Those who spoke then on community or the Tamil community did not community or the Tamil community in mind. spoke on behalf of an entire people while differences in class, caste and region really s of the well to do social groups. sised as Tamil identity for long had primarily e Tamil Saivaite and Christian Vellala caste insula. The leaders who projected this identity ing hands with the Tamils who lived in large parts of the island. They had no real need to hat did not, however, make an identity based meaningless or meaningful in itself. ral Party (officially, Ilankaith Tamil Arasukk to propose the concept of ‘Tamil speaking onal identity. It could have had a political need The Federal Party, in principle, included the and the Muslims in the Tamil nationality king people. But did it give serious thought to needs and political differences concerning and regional distinctions that may exist with tity? Certainly not. e of a federal state comprising what were then rn Provinces. But its policies and demands did fact that the Hill country Tamils, the vast s, and a sizeable section of the Tamils, then mils’, lived outside the two provinces. There on interest in the demand to make Tamil also of the state. But, within the ten years that f the Official Language Act in 1956, the Tamil

Page 16
people realised that the Federal Party failed to significance of the question of official language as the most fundamental issue to the ‘Tamil spe When, in 1976, the Tamil United Liberation F demand for a separate state of Tamil Eelam, it Hill Country Tamils as part of that nation. Afte of liberation struggle, we find the Muslims Tamil national identity. This need not be for may be said that today Tamil is spoken by th with distinct national identities. While each gro of social and political situations, there is muc groups to struggle individually as well as collec A situation has arisen today where it is seen n the concept of strengthening Tamil nationh accepted after the violence of July 1983 that the its survival had to struggle on the basis of its n is no simple explanation as to why Tamil na weakened so that there is a need to reinforce objective reality before us is that the Tamil united and struggle against national oppression. As far as the call to reinforce Tamil nationhood reinforcing the liberation struggle against nati correct and should be welcome. To reinforce that purpose, contradictions that divide the Tam be handled correctly. Handling contradictions however, mean that they need to be resolved co What is intended here as the correct handling o the Tamil nationality is ensuring that friendly develop into hostile contradictions. That does n afford to neglect the contradictions or to pret contradictions among the Tamil people. The major contradictions among the Tamils in gender. Besides these, there are regional, reli contradictions. The first three explicitly concern as well as oppression. While regional and relig

e Federal Party failed to assess correctly the stion of official language for it to be presented l issue to the ‘Tamil speaking people’. mil United Liberation Front put forward the state of Tamil Eelam, it could not include the part of that nation. After quarter of a century we find the Muslims standing outside the y. This need not be forever. Nevertheless, it y Tamil is spoken by three groups of people dentities. While each group faces a wide range situations, there is much need for the three idually as well as collectively. today where it is seen necessary to emphasise gthening Tamil nationhood. It was widely nce of July 1983 that the Tamil nationality for gle on the basis of its national identity. There on as to why Tamil nationhood has become is a need to reinforce it now. However, the e us is that the Tamil people need to stand inst national oppression. inforce Tamil nationhood is for the purpose of on struggle against national oppression, it is welcome. To reinforce Tamil nationhood for tions that divide the Tamil nationality need to Handling contradictions correctly does not, y need to be resolved completely. as the correct handling of contradictions within s ensuring that friendly contradictions do not ntradictions. That does not mean that one can ontradictions or to pretend that there are no he Tamil people. ns among the Tamils include class, caste and there are regional, religious and other such t three explicitly concern a hierarchy of power While regional and religious differences may

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involve notions of superiority of one group ove manifest as means to other ends and as tools t rather than as pre-determined hierarchical relati the need to distinguish between contrad oppression and contradictions that do not. difference between steps taken to resolve contr oppression and steps taken to resolve contra involve oppression. When handled incorrectly does not involve oppression and therefore cou may develop into a hostile contradiction. We about this. Reinforcing Tamil nationhood should not have the nationhood and national identity of other should concern purposes such as reinforcing th and endurance of the Tamil nationality and d characteristics in a creative way. It is not nationhood without reinforcing national identity to creatively develop aspects of cultural ide existence of the Tamil nationality. For this iden it cannot be based on thoughts and practices th with passage of time. On the other hand, to blin are thrust from outside on the people in t development and progress will not reinforce nat Hostility towards alien communities is unneces Tamil nationality is oppressed. When we r nationality as the oppressor nationality, we sho the reference is to oppression carried out by the in the name of the Sinhala nationality. When we talk of American imperialism, c American people considered individually o imperialists? There the term, imperialism dominant ruling class and its machinery exploitation. Since the Tamil national ide concerning liberation, the strategy for the libe

eriority of one group over another, they really ther ends and as tools that serve self-interest mined hierarchical relationships. Thus there is uish between contradictions that involve adictions that do not. There is always a ps taken to resolve contradictions that involve taken to resolve contradictions that do not hen handled incorrectly, a contradiction that ession and therefore could be resolved easily stile contradiction. We need to be very alert
onhood should not have the aim of weakening tional identity of other nationalities. Its aim es such as reinforcing the existence, survival Tamil nationality and developing its unique reative way. It is not possible to reinforce nforcing national identity. Thus it is necessary aspects of cultural identity relating to the nationality. For this identity to remain strong, houghts and practices that should be discarded n the other hand, to blindly accept things that de on the people in the name of growth, ess will not reinforce national identity.
communities is unnecessary. It is true that the oppressed. When we refers to the Sinhala essor nationality, we should bear in mind that ession carried out by the dominant ruling class ala nationality. merican imperialism, could we mean that sidered individually or as a society are he term, imperialism applies only to the s and its machinery of oppression and e Tamil national identity is an identity the strategy for the liberation struggle of the

Page 18
Tamil nationality should be to identify and to are hostile to the liberation struggle. Thus, reinforcing Tamil nationhood is on identifying and handling correctly the contrad Tamil national identity and on the other abo contradictions external to it. It is only when questions concerning contradi correctly that answers could be found for correct handling of contradictions. We will ex that follow the questions that concern Tamil na social structure and how they could be handled Tamil nationhood in a way that is beneficial to t
What are the Internal Contradictions of th Nationality? The Tamil nationalism of today has deviated “Tamil speaking people” to assume that of the East”. Muslim nationalism grew in strength as impose the Tamil national identity on the Musl to distinguish their needs from those of the Tam say that the strengthening of Muslim national result of the wrong approach of the Tamil natio hostile contradictions that were induced by Si recent. The parliamentary opportunism of the the Eastern Province is as old as that of t However, since at present the Muslims do not identified as the “Tamils”, contradictions betwe Muslims has to be seen as an external contradic Since the Hill Country Tamils stand apart fro North East geographically as well as historically in creating a common national identity. The Tamil nationalist leadership that once represe caste elite to recognise the Hill Country Tamils Tamil’ community and therefore made ma

ld be to identify and to isolate the forces that tion struggle.
il nationhood is on the one hand about ng correctly the contradictions internal to the y and on the other about handling correctly
to it. ons concerning contradictions are understood s could be found for questions concerning ntradictions. We will explore in the sections ns that concern Tamil national identity and its w they could be handled correctly to reinforce way that is beneficial to the Tamil people.
nal Contradictions of the Tamil
of today has deviated from the identity of e” to assume that of the “Tamils of the North ism grew in strength as a result of attempts to nal identity on the Muslims and unwillingness ds from those of the Tamils. It is not correct to ing of Muslim nationalism was entirely as a roach of the Tamil nationalist leadership. The that were induced by Sinhala chauvinists are ary opportunism of the Muslim leadership of is as old as that of the Tamil leadership. ent the Muslims do not fall into the category ls”, contradictions between the Tamils and the
as an external contradiction. y Tamils stand apart from the Tamils of the lly as well as historically, there are difficulties national identity. The unwillingness of the rship that once represented the Jaffna upper the Hill Country Tamils as part of the ‘Ceylon d therefore made matters worse was not

Page 19
surprising. Their Jaffna-centric outlook, in an and contemptuous towards the vast majority o basis of caste and region. The caste structure o the relationship between the Hill Country Tam officials and teachers being hierarchical and b Although the Federal Party founded in 1948 ad regarding the Hill Country Tamils, it failed t steps to implement it. The leadership of the Hil advantage of the backwardness of the commu interests through trade unions and politics of bro It suited the leadership of the Hill Country conflict between people from Hill Country an class and the petit bourgeois intellectuals am Tamils seek to achieve personal advanceme conflict on regional lines. This trend has grown two to three decades. Meanwhile, the inaction o community against chauvinist oppression has LTTE among a section of the youth. However the Tamil liberation movements counted the among the Tamil nationality more as a convenience rather than on the basis of a clear reality. Also, irrespective of whatever chang attitude of the middle class of the Hill Country mode of existence of the Hill Country Tamils w be part of the Tamil national identity of today. A large section of the Tamil people living in North East have been resident in these region long time. Of them, some communities have as ethnic identity, under various circumstances. Th large scale along the coastal region of the No and in the northern part of the Western Pr overwhelming majority of the Tamils who mov livelihood still preserve their linguistic identity, of them lost contact with their native villages many, contact with the native village only conc may still own there and nominal ties of kinship.

a-centric outlook, in any case, was uncaring ards the vast majority of the Tamils, on the n. The caste structure of Jaffna contributed to en the Hill Country Tamils and Jaffna Tamil being hierarchical and based on exploitation. arty founded in 1948 adopted a correct stand untry Tamils, it failed to take the necessary he leadership of the Hill Country Tamils took wardness of the community to serve its own unions and politics of brokerage. p of the Hill Country Tamils to encourage le from Hill Country and Jaffna. The middle urgeois intellectuals among the Hill Country ve personal advancement by cultivating the es. This trend has grown in strength in the past eanwhile, the inaction of the leadership of the uvinist oppression has led to affinity for the of the youth. However, the fact remains that ovements counted the Hill Country Tamils ationality more as a matter of political n on the basis of a clear understanding of the tive of whatever change may occur in the class of the Hill Country Tamils, reality of the e Hill Country Tamils will not permit them to tional identity of today.
Tamil people living in regions outside the resident in these regions for a considerably e communities have as a whole changed their arious circumstances. This has happened on a oastal region of the North Western Province part of the Western Province. Although an of the Tamils who moved to the South for a e their linguistic identity, it is long since many ith their native villages. Among the rest, for native village only concerns property that they
nominal ties of kinship.

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Although Tamil nationalists declare the North part of Tamil Eelam, it is unlikely that the lost Tamils there would be restored in the near whether those who still preserve their Tamil ide included in the Tamil National identity of the N Today’s Tamil national identity could include consider the North East as their homeland, ir they reside there or are unable to do so because pressures. Of the displaced Tamils, those still li in exile in India would, by and large, be part of The objective living conditions of those livi countries will not allow them to be part of t despite their strong emotional ties with the Ta However, as long as they consider themselves Lankan Tamil nationality, they have every identity. For the Tamil identity to include the Tamil peo North East, that identity should be reinforced, that weaken it should be resolved. In particul strengthen the identity of the people who in effe nationality, namely the Tamils living in the Nor are, despite being displaced from there, clear their Tamil national identity. To reinforce the i to handle correctly the contradictions that di belong to the Tamil nationality. It is also neces right basis for the identity. Aspects such as Tamil culture, tradition and lan in different ways. The correct answer to the qu Tamil cultural identity?” will depend on the identity will unite the Tamil people. Several tradition: Is tradition mere conservatism? Is imaginary culture that is claimed to be pure? changes with time? Questions also arise a between tradition and social justice. In the ques are contradictions between the view that

alists declare the North Western Province as t is unlikely that the lost Tamil identity of the e restored in the near future. It is doubtful l preserve their Tamil identity would like to be
ational identity of the North East. l identity could include only the Tamils who st as their homeland, irrespective of whether unable to do so because of the war and other ced Tamils, those still living in Sri Lanka and , by and large, be part of this national identity. conditions of those living in exile in other w them to be part of the Tamil nationality, otional ties with the Tamil national identity. hey consider themselves to be part of the Sri lity, they have every right to that national
to include the Tamil people living outside the y should be reinforced, and the contradictions be resolved. In particular, it is necessary to of the people who in effect comprise the Tamil Tamils living in the North East and those who laced from there, clear in their minds about entity. To reinforce the identity, it is necessary e contradictions that divide the people who tionality. It is also necessary to determine the ity. culture, tradition and language are emphasised correct answer to the question, “What kind of ?” will depend on the extent to which the Tamil people. Several questions arise about mere conservatism? Is it some form of an is claimed to be pure? Is it something that Questions also arise about the relationship ocial justice. In the question of language, there tween the view that considers the Tamil

Page 21
language as something pure and the view that life of the people. These matters also bring to our attention the and male domination. Beyond these are cl religion, which involve important contradicti attention. Some argue that to speak of such thin nationhood. They are able to pretend that differences among Tamils; that a situation whic fighters has made male domination irrelevant; for class struggle today; that regionalism is m few; and that there is no hostility among rel reality is otherwise. There is also a tendency to justify the cas domination in the name of tradition. Some, wh existence of all or some of the above cont emphasising them in the context of a liberation that struggle. They include in the term ‘em resolve crises that arise from particular contradi Firstly, let us deal with the question as to wh above contradictions exist among the Tamil p exists. It cannot be eliminated by legislation fundamental social change, caste distinctions However, as long as there is an economic basis they cannot be eliminated. These differences i the Tamil people are not mere differences in i the practice of untouchability, which asserts soc There are still many temples that the oppress entry, public facilities that they are debarred f places where they are discriminated against produced for the continuing practice of caste di schools. Although women carry weapons and the LTTE important rules against disrespectful treatment system still exists. There is one code of moralit for women. The conduct of a majority of the w

pure and the view that treats it as part of the
ng to our attention the questions of casteism . Beyond these are class, regionalism and e important contradictions that deserve our hat to speak of such things is to weaken Tamil able to pretend that there are no caste ils; that a situation which gave rise to women domination irrelevant; that there is no room y; that regionalism is mere fabrication by a no hostility among religions. The objective
ency to justify the caste system and male e of tradition. Some, while acknowledging the me of the above contradictions, claim that e context of a liberation struggle will weaken clude in the term ‘emphasising’ efforts to from particular contradictions. th the question as to whether the any of the xist among the Tamil people. Caste identity liminated by legislation. In the course of a ange, caste distinctions may fade with time. ere is an economic basis for caste distinctions, ted. These differences in identity that divide ot mere differences in identity. There is still ability, which asserts social inequality at birth. emples that the oppressed castes are refused that they are debarred from using, and public e discriminated against. Evidence has been uing practice of caste discrimination in certain
weapons and the LTTE has laid down some disrespectful treatment of women, the dowry re is one code of morality for men and another ct of a majority of the women is still governed

Page 22
by conservative concepts of chastity and femini to be addressed in a humiliating fashion and in gender. Above all, the view of woman as an needs of the man and a reproductive tool has current conditions of globalisation. Classes are unavoidable where there is private The war is an important reason why the capitali has not established itself in a big way in the N be called big capitalist ventures are predomin foreign owned. Although the Tamil nati economically not advanced, the relationship b and the worker is based on exploitation, and co issues such as wages, working hours and inevitable. An important reason why such con widespread as in the South is that capitalis economy are in a backward condition. T contradictions in the agricultural sector betw agricultural labour. Many of the economic co resolved through negotiation. But, at the same t infiltrating by taking advantage of the weak bourgeoisie. When foreign capital takes advanta hostilities to establish itself, the contradiction against capitalist exploitation and, on the ot imperialism and regional hegemony. Under the present economic conditions, com playing a more important role than manufactu between the people and the commercial capitali massive profits in the process of supplying the people is today an important social contradiction That there is no more regionalism among Tam been related ever since the electoral success o the Eastern Province. Many issue that encourag more. Yet, certain middle class interests n regionalism. Some are able to use regionalism enhancing their opportunities to accumulate wea

ts of chastity and femininity. Women continue miliating fashion and insulted on the basis of view of woman as an object that serves the a reproductive tool has worsened under the lobalisation. le where there is private ownership of wealth. t reason why the capitalist mode of production lf in a big way in the North East. What could t ventures are predominantly state owned or ough the Tamil national bourgeoisie is nced, the relationship between the capitalist on exploitation, and contradictions relating to , working hours and workers’ welfare are nt reason why such contradictions are not as South is that capitalist production and the backward condition. There are, however, agricultural sector between land owners and any of the economic contradictions could be iation. But, at the same time, foreign capital is advantage of the weakness of the national ign capital takes advantage of the cessation of itself, the contradiction is, on the one hand, oitation and, on the other, in opposition to al hegemony. nomic conditions, commercial activities are tant role than manufacture. The contradiction the commercial capitalist class that is making process of supplying the essential need of the ortant social contradiction.
regionalism among Tamils is a tale that has the electoral success of the Federal Party in any issue that encouraged regionalism are no iddle class interests need the survival of able to use regionalism to their advantage in nities to accumulate wealth and in the race for

Page 23
posts and positions. The recent activities of th shown that understandable suspicions based on past and entirely subjective opinions could be These contradictions are not the creations o Instead, since certain contradictions that did no during the struggle for liberation did not receiv Karuna group was able to exaggerate them w arose. Today, Tamils from Batticaloa and Amap outside that region can be seen to express strong Although religion is not a hegemonic contradi activities that seek to resurrect Hindu-Christian forces in India are nurturing Hindu fanaticism. is making common cause with Sinhala Buddhis and Christians. On the other hand, several new organisations are actively pursuing religious co this is supported by American funding with ulte Thus, serious contradictions are functioning wit identity, and they need not necessarily be hostil immediate context. However, while emphasisi resolved without hostility, it is necessary to handle the contradictions correctly could transf contradictions. A contradiction with features such as social h denial of rights, and domination has room for that such contradictions do not exist or to insi ignored will only help to make them hostile. weaken the unity of the nationality to a degre exceeds, the degree to which hierarchical diffe contradictions are justified. Thus, the question before us is how such co handled correctly. It is necessary for us to subje the ideas put forward with the aim of reinforcin

he recent activities of the Karuna group have able suspicions based on contradictions of the ctive opinions could be stirred up very easily. are not the creations of the Karuna group. ontradictions that did not sharpen significantly liberation did not receive much attention, the le to exaggerate them when the opportunity om Batticaloa and Amaparai districts who live be seen to express strong regional sentiments. ot a hegemonic contradiction today, there are surrect Hindu-Christian conflict. In particular, turing Hindu fanaticism. The local Hindu elite se with Sinhala Buddhism to isolate Muslims other hand, several new charismatic Christian ly pursuing religious conversion, and much of erican funding with ulterior political motives. tions are functioning within the Tamil national not necessarily be hostile contradictions in the wever, while emphasising that they could be ility, it is necessary to warn that failure to ns correctly could transform them into hostile
eatures such as social hierarchy, exploitation, omination has room for hostility. To pretend s do not exist or to insist that they should be to make them hostile. Such pretences will e nationality to a degree that matches, if not which hierarchical differences relating to the fied. fore us is how such contradictions could be necessary for us to subject to scrutiny some of ith the aim of reinforcing nationhood.

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How to Handle the Internal Contradiction Nationality? Reinforcing Tamil nationhood means to handle contradictions of the Tamil nationality. Henc basis on which Tamil nationalism should b primacy. That basis will be determined by the prevailing tendencies within the Tamil nationali There has for long been a traditionalist te nationalism. Although arguments have been Tamil nationalism with the Tamil Saivaite Navalar, Tamil nationalism developed its politi early last century. One part which concerned Saivaite (Hindu)-Christian Vellala caste el tradition and the caste system evolved Ponnambalam Ramanathan and followed under Ponnambalam and SJV Chelvanayakam. Th through the Jaffna Youth Congress, which em as anti-imperialism and social reform, alongsid and left ideology. Although the first of these two trends arrived separate state of Tamil Eelam in 1976, its true to a deal with the Sinhala chauvinistic comprad share power with it under the patronage of im trend saw Tamil national identity as an aspect identity. Although the parliamentary political d left pushed it towards compromise with Sinh deny the basic rights of the Tamil nationality, who followed the genuine development of tha the national question on the basis of th determination and emphasised the path of stru of oppression. It is not coincidental that the Tamil nationalist p parties always accommodate traditionalism an in ways amenable to imperialism and regional driven by certain class interests and social outl

Internal Contradictions of the Tamil
onhood means to handle correctly the internal Tamil nationality. Hence the question of the l nationalism should be reinforced assumes ill be determined by the most dominant of the
ithin the Tamil nationality. een a traditionalist tendency within Tamil arguments have been put forward to link th the Tamil Saivaite revivalist, Arumuga lism developed its political identity only from e part which concerned the interests of the stian Vellala caste elite and emphasised aste system evolved from the time of than and followed under the leadership of GG V Chelvanayakam. The other part evolved uth Congress, which emphasised matters such social reform, alongside Lankan nationalism
these two trends arrived at the demand for a Eelam in 1976, its true intention was to come ala chauvinistic comprador capitalist class and nder the patronage of imperialism. The latter nal identity as an aspect of a Lankan national parliamentary political degeneration of the old
compromise with Sinhala chauvinists who f the Tamil nationality, the Marxist Leninists, uine development of that tendency, looked at on the basis of the principle of self- hasised the path of struggle against all forms
at the Tamil nationalist parliamentary political odate traditionalism and conduct themselves mperialism and regional hegemony. They are interests and social outlooks. While there are

Page 25
contradictions between Tamil nationalist parliamentary election rivalries, in practice, deviate from their conservative tendency. Since matter extensively in my earlier essays, it will deal only with the traditionalist approach relate tendency. In the last analysis, the tendency to openly end the tendency to deny the existence of caste co tendency to deny the need to deal with the prob tendencies that oppose the struggle against ca use the liberation struggle of the Tamil natio continue caste oppression. The conservative approach to caste has as its co of women in the name of culture. Howev elements do not object to women from ec communities carrying arms since that helps them children from carrying arms and also since safety. The day the national question is resolve women to return to their traditional roles in coo However much the traditionalists may emp culture, one could see that they are reluctant t and globalisation. It will be useful to note her feudal landlord class was very similar during th It is wrong to talk of casteism in a context wh Can it be wrong to talk of something that is should not forget that, if there is no room in Tamil nationality for liberation from caste op need for the oppressed castes to participate in th Tamils of the oppressed castes are oppressed as caste. Their struggle for liberation cannot be fo of the other. It is only because there are those w should be no discussion of casteism that so ‘Dalitists’ are able to argue that there is n liberation as long as casteism exists. Thus th

n Tamil nationalist parties because of rivalries, in practice, they have refused to ervative tendency. Since I have dealt with this y earlier essays, it will be sufficient here to itionalist approach related to this conservative
tendency to openly endorse the caste system, the existence of caste contradictions, and the eed to deal with the problem as at present are the struggle against caste oppression. They ggle of the Tamil nationality as a pretext to on. ach to caste has as its corollary the oppression me of culture. However, the conservative ct to women from economically backward rms since that helps them to prevent their own g arms and also since it ensures their own ional question is resolved, they would like the ir traditional roles in cookery and childcare. traditionalists may emphasise tradition and that they are reluctant to oppose imperialism ill be useful to note here that the conduct of as very similar during the colonial era. casteism in a context where it does not exist. lk of something that is there before us? We , if there is no room in the liberation of the liberation from caste oppression, there is no castes to participate in that struggle. d castes are oppressed as a nationality and as a r liberation cannot be for one to the exclusion because there are those who demand that there on of casteism that some who claim to be argue that there is no need for national casteism exists. Thus the demand that there

Page 26
should be no struggle against casteism inev hostility and therefore weakens Tamil nationhoo What is needed here is an end to social injustice people of the oppressed castes trust anyone wh do those who practice caste oppression e liberation? What is their contribution to the lib answers to these questions will enable one reinforces Tamil nationhood. Caste contradictions could be handled as friend struggles of the 1960s against casteism did hostility. They had considerable support from called ‘high castes’. In the process of the strug of that contradiction assumed the form of fanatics against the vast majority of the people casteism. The liberation struggle of today, whic the participation of the members of the oppres strengthen itself and the unity of the Tamil nat on the question of casteism. When it hesitates itself with the minority of oppressors and thus and unity. The conservative approach to women’s rights a to use feminism to oppose national liberati attention. In a way reminiscent of certain ‘Dalitists’ w contradictions to reject other liberation strugg upper middle class feminists in the name o hinder all liberation struggles including tha criticising their activities, to allow the historica to continue can only harm the unity of the Tami Today, women are playing important roles in a struggles in Palestine, various parts of India and Lanka, without women’s participation, the libe Tamil nationality would have suffered major should questions of culture and concern for f

e against casteism inevitably leads to caste weakens Tamil nationhood.
an end to social injustices based on caste. Can d castes trust anyone who refuses that? What ce caste oppression expect from national ir contribution to the liberation struggle? The stions will enable one to determine what hood. uld be handled as friendly contradictions. The s against casteism did not emphasise caste nsiderable support from members of the so- the process of the struggle, the hostile aspect assumed the form of a handful of casteist t majority of the people who were opposed to n struggle of today, which very much requires members of the oppressed castes, could only e unity of the Tamil nationality by being firm teism. When it hesitates to do so, it identifies of oppressors and thus weaken the struggle
ach to women’s rights as well as the tendency oppose national liberation struggles deserve
of certain ‘Dalitists’ who emphasise caste t other liberation struggles, the activities of minists in the name of women’s liberation struggles including that of women. While es, to allow the historical injustices to women rm the unity of the Tamil nationality. ying important roles in a variety of liberatrion arious parts of India and in Nepal. Even in Sri ’s participation, the liberation struggle of the ld have suffered major setbacks. And why lture and concern for femininity that do not

Page 27
arise when women wear uniforms and fight as other contexts? The attitude of considering women as inferior only through a long period of education. Neve violence against women, including sexual viol criminal offences that are severely punishable. domestic violence should not be dismissed Extreme positions could be counterproductive counselling, discussion and warning could com with continuation of violence punished seve chastity and good conduct are not alike for ma matter, traditional and biased values that are from childhood should be reviewed and moral v welfare and gender equality should be emphasis In the fields of education and employment in th least nominal equality of opportunity for men however, discrimination in wages. More impo women to sexist insults and sexual abuse, bes and excessive exploitation as a gender and as rise as a result of globalisation. There is an increase in need for women to be there is no matching decrease in their dome chauvinist ideology and especially conserva important role in this matter. National liberatio be indifferent towards this. There is little connection between the feminist middle class women and the struggle of work their rights. However, traditionalists and other feminism of the Sri Lankan women elite as lightly the issues of women’s rights. There is liberation to await national liberation or elim system or the arrival of socialism. While wom fullest sense is possible only when other form have been achieved, it is necessary to give wh efforts to win women’s rights through soc

r uniforms and fight as equals to men arise in
ering women as inferior to men can be cured eriod of education. Nevertheless, all forms of n, including sexual violence, should be made are severely punishable. In particular, acts of ould not be dismissed as internal matters. ld be counterproductive in this context. Thus, and warning could comprise initial measures, violence punished severely. The codes for uct are not alike for man and women. In this biased values that are inculcated in people be reviewed and moral values based on social ality should be emphasised. on and employment in this country, there is at of opportunity for men and women. There is, n in wages. More importantly, subjecting of ts and sexual abuse, besides their harassment tion as a gender and as individuals, is on the lisation. n need for women to be in employment. But decrease in their domestic workload. Male nd especially conservative thought play an matter. National liberation movements cannot his. on between the feminist concerns of the upper nd the struggle of working class women for traditionalists and other reactionaries use the ankan women elite as an excuse to dismiss omen’s rights. There is no need for women’s tional liberation or elimination of the caste f socialism. While women’s liberation in its le only when other forms of social liberation is necessary to give wholehearted support to n’s rights through social reform. It is the

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experience of Sri Lanka and many other count working class women are liberated the more t struggle is strengthened. It is absurd to arg struggles for women’s rights will strengthen na struggle for national liberation. Class struggle does not step aside during nation However, when the contradiction between the national bourgeoisie sharpens, a need arises fo cooperate with the national bourgeoisie. bourgeoisie are too week to stand up to imp position of the working class with respect to th depends on whether the national bourgeoisie are interest. It is not possible to permit severe explo of the fundamental rights of the working class liberation struggle or the unity of the nationalit class to allow it will on the one hand weak liberation struggle and on the other permit th bourgeoisie to enrich themselves without makin Since the national liberation struggle is a strugg demand that other struggles for social justice will only weaken the forces of struggle an elements. Unlike the contradictions discussed above, con religious and regional identity are not ba hegemony. They could, nevertheless, be exploi classes to serve their hegemonic ends. Besides equality among religions and freedo individual should be free to embrace and to giv choice, and to belong to a religion or not to bel all. Religious freedom cannot be interpreted as to deceive people or to accumulate wealth or conflict in the name of religion. To challenge acts of deception and the propaga the name of religion should be encouraged as a as a social responsibility. Some religious org

a and many other countries that the more the are liberated the more the national liberation ed. It is absurd to argue that deferring the rights will strengthen national identity and the eration. step aside during national liberation struggles. ntradiction between the imperialists and the arpens, a need arises for the working class to national bourgeoisie. Today, the national eek to stand up to imperialism. Hence, the class with respect to the national bourgeoisie national bourgeoisie are acting in the national le to permit severe exploitation and the denial hts of the working class in the pretext of the e unity of the nationality. To ask the working on the one hand weaken their faith in the on the other permit the vacillating national emselves without making any sacrifice. ation struggle is a struggle for social justice, to ggles for social justice should be abandoned forces of struggle and benefit opportunist
ns discussed above, contradictions relating to l identity are not based exploitation and , nevertheless, be exploited by the oppressing gemonic ends. ng religions and freedom of worship, each ee to embrace and to give up any religion, by o a religion or not to belong to any religion at cannot be interpreted as the freedom for some o accumulate wealth or to stir up communal religion. eception and the propagation of superstition in ould be encouraged as a fundamental right and lity. Some religious organisations are acting

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against the liberation struggle of the Tamil nat sovereignty of Sri Lanka to serve the intere regional hegemony and global domination activities and exposing them to the people liberation struggle. Regionalism is the ideology of dominant ruling with a weak capitalist economy, that has not fre feudal ideology, regionalism is a useful tool in class itching to advance itself. Anyone coul isolate competitors in education, employment, p is possible to stir up regional sentiments to adva individual or a group. This undoubtedly will struggle. Regionalism could be made stronger by mer taking severe steps against it. It could be discussing the genuine grievances and by enc between sections of society on an equal ba regionalism is used to weaken the liberation s nationality. Chauvinists are very active in this. resolve a fundamentally friendly contradiction, may be, could help to transform that contra contradiction. Thus, level-headed and patient aspects as they emerge is necessary to cle among the people and to unite them.
What are the Major External Contradictio All contradictions that concern the Tamil na internal to it are external contradictions contradictions, the more important ones, in the for liberation, concern the relationship of nationality with people of other nationalities homeland of the Tamils and elsewhere in S people living in other countries who do not nationality of Sri Lanka, with people of othe international community, with national a

truggle of the Tamil nationality as well as the nka to serve the interests of the powers of and global domination. Challenging their g them to the people will strengthen the
ology of dominant ruling classes. In a society conomy, that has not freed itself entirely from alism is a useful tool in the hands of a middle ce itself. Anyone could use regionalism to ducation, employment, politics or business. It gional sentiments to advance the interests of an This undoubtedly will weaken the liberation
made stronger by merely denouncing it or gainst it. It could be defeated by openly grievances and by encouraging relationship society on an equal basis. Now, Batticaloa weaken the liberation struggle of the Tamil s are very active in this. The use of violence to y friendly contradiction, however justifiable it o transform that contradiction into a hostile evel-headed and patient handling of hostile ge is necessary to clear misunderstandings o unite them.
r External Contradictions?
t concern the Tamil nationality that are not external contradictions. Of the external e important ones, in the context of the struggle n the relationship of the people of Tamil e of other nationalities within the traditional ils and elsewhere in Sri Lanka, with Tamil countries who do not belong to the Tamil ka, with people of other nationalities of the ity, with national and other liberation

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movements, with the Sri Lankan ruling c representing their interests, with imperiali American imperialism in particular, with forces and with other vested foreign interests. Several of the above contradictions are funda need to be dealt with as such. There, the need interests is stronger than that to emphasise dif dealing with the differences, they should be tr accommodation rather than confrontation. In the case of fundamentally hostile contradic has just one meaning, namely that the oppress oppressor. Such accommodation is often the pro circumstances and, from the point of view of t best, tactical. Since the approaches to the two kinds fundamentally different, correct recognition is the right decisions about their handling. The contradictions between the Tamil people any other group of people with a different nati are essentially friendly. Contradictions co oppression, exploitation and domination whose in conflict with those of the Tamil people a There is no way in which such contradictions friendly manner until the conditions for oppres dominance are removed, or ameliorated through An important consequence of the above is that between the oppressor and the people in whos carried out. Another important consequence is nationalities of the world, and especially their are potential allies of the Tamil people, and oppressed group of people against the forces o directly or indirectly every other oppressed grou the forces of oppression and inspiring the peopl

Sri Lankan ruling classes and the state terests, with imperialism in general and in particular, with forces of Indian hegemony, oreign interests. contradictions are fundamentally friendly and s such. There, the need to emphasise common an that to emphasise differences. Also, when ences, they should be treated with a spirit of than confrontation. entally hostile contradictions, accommodation namely that the oppressed accommodates the modation is often the product of necessity and m the point of view of the oppressed, it is, at
s to the two kinds of contradiction are t, correct recognition is most essential to take t their handling. ween the Tamil people as a nationality with ple with a different national or ethnic identity dly. Contradictions concerning forces of n and domination whose interests are directly of the Tamil people are essentially hostile. hich such contradictions can be resolved in a he conditions for oppression, exploitation and d, or ameliorated through struggle.
nce of the above is that one should distinguish and the people in whose name oppression is portant consequence is that all the oppressed rld, and especially their liberation movements, the Tamil people, and every victory of an ople against the forces of oppression benefits ery other oppressed group through weakening
and inspiring the people to struggle.

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How to Handle the External Contradiction The people living in the North East belo nationalities, although the Hill Country Tami such as the Burghers and the indigenous peopl there in significant numbers. The Tamils, Musli the Sinhalese and the smaller ethnic groups h association with the region and have been res generations. A large part of the Sinhala popula region, the East in particular, by the chauvinis under the early colonisation schemes starting ar colonial rule and later during different stag scheme. Besides them, there are settlers who h brought in for political reasons by chauvinistic armed forces have played a significant role in su It is true that the purpose of settlement of Sinhl under various pretexts was to alter the ethnic and disrupt the geographic contiguity of predominantly Tamil identity. However, a siz Sinhalese in the region is one whose ancesto region for as long as those of most Tamils; and the Sinhalese have settled in the region seve accepted the North East as their home. With nationalistic rather than class politics dom a whole and given the chauvinistic nature o parties among the Sinhalese, fear and suspicion as of the Muslims on the one hand and chauvi other dominate the political scene among the S East. They are affected by the war far more tha South and therefore crave peace. But chauvinist perceived threat of subjugation if not expulsion regime condition the thinking of a majority o they see the armed forces of the state as their n it is not easy to put to rest such fears, neith Muslim nationalist leadership has done much to

External Contradictions Correctly
the North East belong mainly to three the Hill Country Tamils and ethnic groups nd the indigenous people (the Attho) are also bers. The Tamils, Muslims, a small section of smaller ethnic groups have a long historical gion and have been resident there for many rt of the Sinhala population was settled in the ticular, by the chauvinistic UNP governments ation schemes starting around the end of direct r during different stages of the Mahaweli there are settlers who have been deliberately reasons by chauvinistic mischief-makers. The ed a significant role in such settlements. se of settlement of Sinhlaese in large numbers was to alter the ethnic identity of the region graphic contiguity of the region with a identity. However, a sizeable section of the n is one whose ancestors have been in the ose of most Tamils; and a large proportion of ttled in the region several decades ago and t as their home. r than class politics dominating the country as e chauvinistic nature of the major political alese, fear and suspicion of the Tamils as well he one hand and chauvinistic ideology on the itical scene among the Sinhalese in the North by the war far more than the Sinhalese in the ve peace. But chauvinistic propaganda and the jugation if not expulsion by a Tamil nationalist hinking of a majority of the Sinhalese. Thus es of the state as their natural allies. Although o rest such fears, neither the Tamil nor the ership has done much to rectify the situation.

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Winning over the Sinhalese to the side of Tami not a realistic proposition under conditions of North East. It is, however, possible to neutrali demonstrating in practice that the struggle for T no threat to their existence, and in fact could be in the medium and long run. The attitude of the Tamils towards the Sinhal been conditioned objectively by the reality of c and the subjectively by the way Tamil nationa the national question. It is important to dis feudal-capitalist elite class of chauvinistic opp masses of Sinhalese, who have been condit elements to see the Tamil people as a hos struggle as terrorism. A major contributory reason for the lack of p process is that the feudal-capitalist leadership SLFP and the chauvinistic petit-bourgeois part have a vested interest in preserving the hold of over the Sinhala electorate. The realities of war the Sinhala masses the need for peace, but the lasting peace requires a just and lasting solution of all nationalities and the right of each to makes no sense to expect the beneficiaries o including the parliamentary left, to take the initi Effective strategies for securing the understand the Sinhala masses demand a considerable shif of the forces of Tamil liberation. It is import struggle to highlight the difference between the and the Sinhala masses who are really its parliamentary political interests hold sway in T the prospects for mutual understanding with o be poor. Thus, winning over a substantial secti involve mass political work that would unite th class oppression so that the ruling chauvinistic from the vast majority of the people. Support

alese to the side of Tamil national liberation is ion under conditions of armed conflict in the ver, possible to neutralise a large majority by ice that the struggle for Tamil liberation poses nce, and in fact could be much to their benefit
run. mils towards the Sinhalese in the South has tively by the reality of chauvinistic oppression the way Tamil nationalism chose to present It is important to distinguish between the lass of chauvinistic oppressors and the broad who have been conditioned by reactionary Tamil people as a hostile people and their
reason for the lack of progress in the peace dal-capitalist leadership of the UNP and the istic petit-bourgeois parties including the JVP n preserving the hold of chauvinistic ideology rate. The realities of war have impressed upon need for peace, but the not yet the fact that a just and lasting solution based on the equality d the right of each to self-determination. It pect the beneficiaries of chauvinist politics, tary left, to take the initiative in the matter. securing the understanding, if not support, of and a considerable shift in political approach l liberation. It is important for the liberation e difference between the forces of chauvinism es who are really its victims. As long as interests hold sway in Tamil national politics, al understanding with other nationalities will
over a substantial section of Sinhalese would work that would unite the people on issues of t the ruling chauvinistic elite will be isolated of the people. Support from genuine left and

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progressive political forces among the Sinhale well as the North East regional level is essenti Various factors have contributed to the so between the Tamil and Muslim nationalities in North East in particular. Ponnambalam Raman British government to take a softer view of th punished by the colonial rule for their role in 1915, had an adverse effect on Tamil-Muslim r feudal-capitalist class. There was, however, no two communities until after the war of nation state against the Tamils. The call by the Federal Party for a federal speaking people of Lanka nominally included Country Tamils alongside the Tamils of the linguistic national identity. But the failure recognise, let alone accommodate, the co existence of the Muslims as a community Electoral opportunism of the Federal Party enco of opportunist politicians from among the Mus need of the parliamentary politician to secure divisions based on ethnicity rather than crucial s The Tamil nationalists by and large liked to pre national identity defined by them was automat Tamil speaking people, although the Muslims h implicitly asserted their separate identity. Th Tamil state in 1976, while it took for granted th resident in the North East, like the earlier ca failed to address the interests of the Muslims i the country as a whole. The fact that the Mu chauvinistic discrimination and oppression a victims of planned colonisation encouraged merely to support the Tamil liberation movem some of them, although not in very large numbe Anti-democratic tendencies within the Tamil that led to a high-handed approach in the politic

rces among the Sinhalese at the national as t regional level is essential to achieve this.
contributed to the souring of relationship Muslim nationalities in the country and in the r. Ponnambalam Ramanathan’s appeal to the take a softer view of the Sinhala chauvinists ial rule for their role in anti-Muslim riots of ffect on Tamil-Muslim relationship within the There was, however, no hostility between the after the war of national oppression by the . ral Party for a federal state for the Tamil nka nominally included the Muslims and Hill side the Tamils of the North East within a ntity. But the failure of the leadership to accommodate, the concrete conditions of lims as a community had negative effects. of the Federal Party encouraged the emergence ns from among the Muslims of the East. The ary politician to secure his power base led to icity rather than crucial social issues. by and large liked to pretend that the linguistic d by them was automatically inclusive of all , although the Muslims has both explicitly and ir separate identity. The call for a separate hile it took for granted the support of Muslims East, like the earlier call for a federal state, terests of the Muslims in the North East or in e. The fact that the Muslims were subject to ation and oppression and were themselves olonisation encouraged many Muslims not Tamil liberation movements but even to join
not in very large numbers. ncies within the Tamil liberation movements d approach in the political work among Tamil

Page 34
people operated with the same degree of insens the Muslims. This led to contradictions initiall Muslims who had little interest in the Tamil lib the extension of the intolerance to dissent a Muslim community led to disaffection among least potentially sympathetic. Meantime, op among the Muslims collaborated with forces of in the formation of Muslim home guards, wh state mainly to attack Tamil militants and their The contradiction between the Muslims an mishandled by every Tamil nationalist movem the 1980s, and the problems were compounded the ‘Indian Peace Keeping Forces’ between 19 the Muslim as the enemy was second nature t soldiers and attacks against Muslims by the Ta blessings if not active support. Mass murders of Muslims were and still are j the basis of involvement of Muslim home gu and killings of Tamils. What has been tragic liberation movements readily point an accus movement for a crime against Muslims, none of to improve the relationship between the commu Contradictions between the Tamils and the Mu the Muslim community about Tamil nation exploited by a new breed of Muslim leaders wh Muslim nationalism. They appealed to genu Muslims, especially in the Batticaloa and Am East, but in reality they used their political st posts in government. Anti-Muslim prejudices a historic error of driving the Muslims out of the N Despite efforts by the LTTE and a section of t to resolve some of the important contradiction been handled in a way that would bring the T nationalities together. Splits in the main Muslim SLMC, encouraged rival leaders to take positi

e same degree of insensitivity in dealings with to contradictions initially with sections of the interest in the Tamil liberation struggle. And intolerance to dissent among Tamils to the d to disaffection among people who were at pathetic. Meantime, opportunistic elements llaborated with forces of chauvinistic mischief uslim home guards, who were armed by the amil militants and their sympathisers. ween the Muslims and Tamils was badly amil nationalist movement of significance in lems were compounded by the involvement of ping Forces’ between 1987 and 1989. Seeing my was second nature to some of the Indian ainst Muslims by the Tamil militants had their upport. lims were and still are justified by several on nt of Muslim home guards in mass murders . What has been tragic is that, while Tamil readily point an accusing finger at a rival against Muslims, none of them has taken steps ship between the communities. n the Tamils and the Muslims and fears within ty about Tamil nationalist intentions were ed of Muslim leaders who took up the cause of They appealed to genuine concerns of the the Batticaloa and Amaparai districts in the y used their political strength to bargain for nti-Muslim prejudices also led to the LTTE’s the Muslims out of the North in 1990. LTTE and a section of the Muslim leadership important contradictions, the matter has not that would bring the Tamil and the Muslim plits in the main Muslim nationalist party, the al leaders to take positions that ranged from

Page 35
open hostility towards the Tamils to positions a negotiated settlement of the national ques posture of rival Muslim factions was mo parliamentary opportunism as was the anti-Mu parliamentary politicians of the East. The main beneficiaries, however, have been th interest in using Muslim concerns to weak autonomous North East, based on the right of determination. The Indian ruling class, Sin important elements within the armed forces contributed to armed conflicts between Muslim the East, especially after the signing of th government and the LTTE. This contradiction cannot be resolved with Muslims as a nationality with as much right to the Tamils. The call for an autonomous structur its justification, despite the suspicion that certa the East are using this call merely to hamper the national question. As long as the forces o seen to be hostile or unsympathetic to the aspir the contradiction between the two nationalities of by the forces of chauvinism, regional hegem to weaken the case for autonomy and self-d Tamils. The Muslims in the South face a threat to their of Sinhala chauvinism, despite pretences to opportunist parliamentary leadership tied to on parties of the Sinhala chauvinistic ruling class the parliamentary political leadership of the M standing in the way of unity among the Muslim Political frustration has helped the emergence o fundamentalism as an emergent political force menace to the Muslim community. This is a tre oppressed people and further weaken their strug Tamil liberation struggle will only strengthen it

the Tamils to positions that were unhelpful to nt of the national question. The anti-Tamil slim factions was motivated as much by ism as was the anti-Muslim attitude of Tamil s of the East. , however, have been those who had a vested slim concerns to weaken the case for an t, based on the right of a nationality to self- dian ruling class, Sinhala chauvinists and ithin the armed forces have encouraged and onflicts between Muslims and Tamils across fter the signing of the MoU between the TE. nnot be resolved without recognising the ty with as much right to self-determination as r an autonomous structure for the Muslims has the suspicion that certain Muslim leaders of call merely to hamper an early resolution of As long as the forces of Tamil liberation are sympathetic to the aspirations of the Muslims, en the two nationalities will be take advantage uvinism, regional hegemony and imperialism or autonomy and self-determination for the
uth face a threat to their existence from forces , despite pretences to the contrary by their ary leadership tied to one or the other of the chauvinistic ruling class. The opportunism of tical leadership of the Muslims as a whole is unity among the Muslims across the country. helped the emergence of conservative Islamic emergent political force and more as a social community. This is a trend that will divide the urther weaken their struggle for liberation. The le will only strengthen itself by supporting the

Page 36
Muslims against chauvinistic oppression in the unholy alliance of Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism reactionary Hindu elite against other religious m There has been no open hostility towards struggle from the leadership of the Hill Coun despite pretences to supporting the struggle always made deals with chauvinist political fo power in exchange for cabinet posts that hav leaders and their cronies. The leadership also en among the emergent middle class among the H as to insulate them from progressive thought root among the plantation workers who const majority of that nationality. The Tamil national are aware of the duplicity of the leadership, but except where the interests of their class allies ar case of the recent switch in loyalty of the Ceylo from the UNP to the UPFA government. Significant involvement of the Hill Country Ta the Tamils of the North East is out of the que possible to weaken and isolate today’s opportu Hill Country Tamils by encouraging Tamils to struggle of the Hill Country Tamils for fair wag the plantation sector and against chauvinist opp blatant communal violence to the proposed Upp is only the emergence of a powerful mass move plantation workers and not individualist adventu just struggles of all oppressed people of the cou Frustration at the lack of unqualified support sections of Tamils living outside the North Ea Tamil nationalists to go so far as to abuse tho the region as traitors. A similar attitude h supporters of rival movements within the Tami in Europe, Australia and North Americ organisations did not come through a tradition struggle. Consequently, commandism has pre

inistic oppression in the South, and against the ala Buddhist chauvinism and a section of the against other religious minorities. pen hostility towards the Tamil liberation ership of the Hill Country Tamils, although, supporting the struggle, the leadership has th chauvinist political forces to keep them in r cabinet posts that have only benefited the s. The leadership also encourages regionalism iddle class among the Hill Country Tamils so m progressive thought from outside striking tion workers who constitute the predominant ality. The Tamil nationalists of the North East ity of the leadership, but rarely dare to criticise sts of their class allies are threatened, as in the h in loyalty of the Ceylon Workers’ Congress PFA government.
t of the Hill Country Tamils in the struggle of th East is out of the question. It is, however, d isolate today’s opportunist leadership of the y encouraging Tamils to actively support the untry Tamils for fair wages and basic rights in d against chauvinist oppression ranging from nce to the proposed Upper Kotmale project. It f a powerful mass movement from among the not individualist adventurism that can help the ressed people of the country. of unqualified support for the struggle from ng outside the North East has prompted some o so far as to abuse those who moved out of s. A similar attitude has prevailed among vements within the Tamil Diaspora, especially and North America. Tamil liberation come through a tradition of democratic mass , commandism has prevailed over dialogue

Page 37
and debate. The net effect has been the isola sections of the community that would otherwis not friendly. These sections have become the forces that are hostile not merely to the LTTE b solution to the national question. This situation not only in the interest of the struggle of the Ta the interest of unity among the oppressed sec Tamil communities. A large proportion of the displaced Tamils n housed in refugee camps with unacceptable smaller section has for practical purposes m home, although they have not been granted refugee status. Political events since the Indian and especially since the assassination of Rajeev a climate of media and institutional hostility to indifference towards the plight of the Tamil nat the refugees and their dependence on handou handpicked agents of the establishment has den political voice. Activities of a handful of criminal elements ori the Indian establishment to manipulate the Tam have hurt enthusiasm for the liberation move there is substantial mass sympathy for the s nationality, and that needs to be kept alive, de electoral politics of Tamilnadu or any other conditioned by events in Sri Lanka. To imagin folly. What needs to be done is to expose how manipulating the Sri Lankan national que hegemonic ambitions, so that the Indian mass nature of their political leadership, ranging parliamentary left to the neo-fascist BJP, and i parties of Tamilnadu. What has been largely forgotten by a larg nationalists was the support and sympathy that from the liberation movements of Palestine

ffect has been the isolation and alienation of nity that would otherwise have been neutral if ctions have become the feeding ground for ot merely to the LTTE but to a just and lasting l question. This situation needs to be rectified of the struggle of the Tamil people but also in mong the oppressed sections of the overseas
the displaced Tamils now in Tamilnadu are mps with unacceptable living conditions. A or practical purposes made Tamilnadu their have not been granted citizenship or even l events since the Indian military intervention e assassination of Rajeev Gandhi have created institutional hostility towards the LTTE and e plight of the Tamil nationality. The plight of dependence on handouts delivered through he establishment has denied the refugees their
of criminal elements originally encouraged by t to manipulate the Tamil national movements for the liberation movements. Nevertheless, ass sympathy for the struggle of the Tamil eds to be kept alive, despite the fact that the amilnadu or any other part of India is not in Sri Lanka. To imagine otherwise would be e done is to expose how the ruling classes are Lankan national question to serve their so that the Indian masses recognise the true al leadership, ranging from the opportunist e neo-fascist BJP, and including the regional
ly forgotten by a large number of Tamil port and sympathy that their struggle received ovements of Palestine, South Africa and

Page 38
Northern Ireland. To this day, Marxist-Leninist across the world are supportive of the struggle and endorse the principle of the right to se response of the Tamil liberation struggle to suc in many respects and particularly muted in the at a time when the common enemy of the pe actively pursuing war and encouraging Zionis war of aggression. Supporting the just struggle of the masses agai and oppression will earn the struggle of the Ta with the people who struggle for liberation; fail will only isolate the struggle of the Tamil pe struggles. The struggles in Palestine and Iraq form of mass defiance against US impe unqualified support and there is a need to deve nations such as Cuba and Venezuela that dar imperialists. Some fear that earning the displeasure of the im hegemonic forces would hurt the struggle of t the truth is that the imperialism and hegemony disarm any liberation struggle, except when it s purposes, after which they would readily aband espoused. One should remember that U instrumental in transforming national oppressio war of oppression, in order to facilitate the p globalisation in Sri Lanka. It should also be no US imperialism and Indian hegemony are d contributing to building up the military migh government even after the declaration of a cea of the MoU between the government and the LT Japan in offering ‘developmental aid’ as a pe scrutiny. Thus, any genuine force of national liberatio unreserved opposition to imperialism, hegemo Of course, there is a difference between a

is day, Marxist-Leninist liberation movements upportive of the struggle of the Tamil people iple of the right to self-determination. The liberation struggle to such support was lacking articularly muted in the recent past, especially mmon enemy of the people of the world is and encouraging Zionist Israel to escalate its
ggle of the masses against foreign aggression rn the struggle of the Tamil masses solidarity ruggle for liberation; failure to express support truggle of the Tamil people from other just s in Palestine and Iraq represent the highest nce against US imperialism and deserve d there is a need to develop solidarity with the and Venezuela that dare to stand up to the
the displeasure of the imperialists or regional ld hurt the struggle of the Tamil people. But erialism and hegemony act to wear down and truggle, except when it serves their immediate hey would readily abandon the cause that they ld remember that US imperialism was rming national oppression in Sri Lanka into a order to facilitate the process of imperialist nka. It should also be noted that the forces of ndian hegemony are directly and indirectly g up the military might of the Sri Lankan the declaration of a ceasefire and the signing e government and the LTTE. The intentions of elopmental aid’ as a peace reward too need
rce of national liberation has no choice but to imperialism, hegemony and globalisation. difference between a principled stand and

Page 39
unwanted provocation. But there is also the r being interpreted as a nod of approval for therefore important that the masses are clear in international allies in their liberation struggle ar imperialism and hegemony but among those wh forces. All illusions about imperialism and regi be fought off and the manipulation of the liber agencies including the NGOs should be resisted
Reinforcing the Struggle Reinforcing nationhood is not an end in its strengthen the struggle of the Tamil nation oppression. A correct analysis of the in contradictions leads to the correct recognition o and the identification of the short- and lon appropriate tactical and strategic positions to a the struggle. The deterioration of the national question int collaboration between the chauvinistic ruling c interests, and hence the struggle for liberation from struggle against imperialism. The strugg carried out on two fronts, one against chauvinis other against imperialist and hegemonic domina The lack of progress in the peace process, wh question the intention of the chauvinistic rul backers, also draws attention to the danger o again on the Tamil people. Even without the experience of liberation struggles during t suggests that the struggle of the Tamil n prolonged. To struggle does not mean to abandon the p ready for war. The objective reality demand range of eventualities, while carrying out the fronts including the political front and the peace

But there is also the risk of tactical silence a nod of approval for the aggressor. It is t the masses are clear in their minds that their eir liberation struggle are not among forces of ony but among those who are opposed to such out imperialism and regional hegemony should anipulation of the liberation struggle by their NGOs should be resisted to the fullest.
gle d is not an end in itself, but a means to e of the Tamil nationality against national ct analysis of the internal and external the correct recognition of enemies and friends, of the short- and long-term goals and the d strategic positions to adopt in the course of
he national question into a war was due to the chauvinistic ruling classes and imperialist e struggle for liberation cannot extricate itself imperialism. The struggle, thus, needs to be ts, one against chauvinistic oppression and the t and hegemonic domination. in the peace process, while it has called into of the chauvinistic ruling classes and their tention to the danger of war being imposed ople. Even without the breakout of war, the ion struggles during the last half-century uggle of the Tamil nationality would be
mean to abandon the peace process and get bjective reality demands preparedness for a while carrying out the struggle on various itical front and the peace process itself.

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The aim of the oppressors is to divide the Tam the struggle for liberation. The aim of the libe therefore be to isolate the oppressors and their This requires an approach that unites the man identifying issues that unite, at every level, the the oppressed masses. The unity of the Tam liberation, through unity with the struggle of liberation, both as oppressed nationalities and finds a means of expression of solidarity wit peoples of the world against imperialist and h and exploitation. Let us not forget that ev liberation movement has had anti-imperialism every compromise with imperialism has led to won freedoms. A liberation struggle fails its people when principles. Thus, it is important that the princip determination should always be upheld. In add that the right should be extended in its true spir for the principle of self-determination provide people of different nationalities to unite volun of mutual trust. Although a liberation struggle may make ga based on an elite or vanguard group, the pro struggle requires it to be democratic to the poi not only part of the struggle, but also a driving masters. This is where the concepts of mass l become important. When understood and appli of each situation, they have made the liberati triumph for the masses, against their imme against their foreign masters. The strength and success of the liberation str determined by the extent to which the mas motivated. And that requires upholding the determination, democracy and unity on the basis

sors is to divide the Tamil people and isolate ion. The aim of the liberation struggle should the oppressors and their international backers. ach that unites the many against the few by unite, at every level, the majority comprising The unity of the Tamil nationality for its ty with the struggle of other nationalities for ressed nationalities and as oppressed classes, ession of solidarity with the struggle of the against imperialist and hegemonic oppression us not forget that every genuine national as had anti-imperialism at its core, and that imperialism has led to the surrender of hard-
fails its people when it compromises its mportant that the principle of the right to self- lways be upheld. In addition, it is paramount extended in its true spirit to every nationality, lf-determination provides the only means for ionalities to unite voluntarily and on the basis
struggle may make gains in the short term anguard group, the prolonged nature of the be democratic to the point that the masses are uggle, but also a driving force, and finally the the concepts of mass line and people’s war en understood and applied according to needs have made the liberation struggle a double es, against their immediate oppressors and sters. ess of the liberation struggle will mainly be tent to which the masses are inspired and requires upholding the principles of self- cy and unity on the basis of social justice.

Page 41
THE SEDHU SAMUDR SCHEME: A SCHEME TO RUIN SR LANKA by SIVA RAJENDRAN S
ENIOR
L
ECTURER
, S
RIPADA
C
OLLEG
(This article was originalkly published in Tamil in the Puthiya Poomi, the monthly journal of the NDP.)
Introduction
We have seen and understood that the imp countries, by the manner in which accumulat their myths about development, caused a majo The depletion of the ozone layer and the prolif gases, their consequences for global warming, seal level as a result of the melting of polar ice, air and water pollution on all forms of plant among the important threats. Under the circums become necessary to carry out bitter struggles these dangerous conditions, two more sche forward and adopted in the name of developme improvements. If the two proposals are im immediate consequences, the people of India an plant and animal life will inevitably face majo be noted that these two ruinous schemes will major imbalances in our geographic enviro important to take a closer look at the Sedhu Sam

THE SEDHU SAMUDRA SCHEME: SCHEME TO RUIN SRI
LANKA by SIVA RAJENDRAN
, S
RIPADA
C
OLLEGE OF
E
DUCATION
ly published in Tamil in the October 2004 issue of ly journal of the NDP.)
nderstood that the imperialist and capitalist ner in which accumulate wealth and through lopment, caused a major threat to the planet. zone layer and the proliferation of greenhouse ces for global warming, the threat of a rise in the melting of polar ice, the adverse effects of n on all forms of plant and animal life are reats. Under the circumstances in which it has arry out bitter struggles to save the earth from itions, two more schemes have been put the name of development and infrastructural two proposals are implemented, as their es, the people of India and Sri Lanka as well as ill inevitably face major ill effects. It should o ruinous schemes will in the long run create our geographic environment. Hence it is er look at the Sedhu Samudra Scheme.

Page 42
The essence of the Sedhu Samudra Scheme is massive canal by dredging the seabed, starting India past the bay of Mannar through the Palk Bengal to allow the passage of large ocean vess
It is understood that the Cabinet of the Ind consented to the construction of this canal of 50 to enable the passage of 3000 tonne heavy sh Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh will l this canal on 1st January 2005 and that the sch completed by the year 2007 shows the extent o Indian government has in carrying out the proje
Shipping companies have asked for the canal t deep below sea level to enable the passage understood, however, that the Commission for Scheme plans to construct the canal to be 30 me
The fact that the initial expenditure for the sc fifty billion Indian Rupees gives a hint ab expectations of the Indian ruling classes and the the ‘Dravidian’ parties of Tamilnadu, the ADM particular, are vying to claim credit for the exp the central government, the fisher-folk and Tamilnadu have expressed strong protest abo effects of the scheme. Thus it is clear that th Hindutva capitalist classes and the ordinary ma are diametrically opposed.
It should be pointed out here that no official v expressed by the Government of Sri Lanka representatives of the people of the North or the environmental, social, political and economic Lanka, and in particular the Jaffna peninsula North Vanni. Minor organisations with enviro some newspapers have expressed views abo effects of the project. The present writer, drew a of the scheme in the political seminar org

dhu Samudra Scheme is the construction of a ing the seabed, starting from Thoothukkudi in annar through the Palk Strait into the Bay of sage of large ocean vessels.
the Cabinet of the Indian Government has uction of this canal of 50 nautical miles length of 3000 tonne heavy ships. The fact that the Manmohan Singh will lay the foundation for ry 2005 and that the scheme is expected to be 2007 shows the extent of the interest that the in carrying out the project.
ave asked for the canal to be made 35 meters to enable the passage of large ships. It is that the Commission for the Sedhu Samudhra uct the canal to be 30 metres deep.
l expenditure for the scheme is estimated at upees gives a hint about the scale of the ian ruling classes and the big capitalists. While of Tamilnadu, the ADMK and the MDMK in claim credit for the expression of consent by nt, the fisher-folk and environmentalists of ssed strong protest about the environmental Thus it is clear that the views of the ruling sses and the ordinary masses about the scheme
ed.
t here that no official views have so far been ernment of Sri Lanka or the parliamentary eople of the North or the LTTE about the geo- political and economic consequences for Sri lar the Jaffna peninsula, Mannar Island and rganisations with environmental concerns and e expressed views about the environmental he present writer, drew attention to the effects e political seminar organised by the New

Page 43
Democratic Party on 11th September 2004 at Hall of the Dehiwela-Mount Lavinia Municip remains, however, to keep the people of Sri La and well informed about the Sedhu Samudh reaching implications.
India, which is exercising hegemony over Sr politically, economically, socially and militarily implement the scheme. The Sri Lankan governm environmental concerns, would meanwhile con whatever possible economic aid from Indi scheme. Since this is a matter that concerns th evident from the matters of the Noraicholai coa Upper Kotmale hydropower scheme, the govern exercise interest in blinding the ‘terrorists’ in bo
Environmental Effects of the Scheme
If the Sedhu Samudhra Scheme were implemen
1 The sand and silt deposits around the
islands adjoining it, and Mannar will be ra the fast moving ocean currents. This could of these regions.
2 The region lying north of the line joining coast to Mullaitivu on the northeast coast layers of the Miocene period. The construc the north of this region could cause change well as the weakening of the limesto groundwater pressure due to rain and effec to settlement on a large scale.
3 Pressure variation between surface rain w
groundwater and the change in equilibrium erode the limestone as its seeps through to t
4 It is already known that there is a danger
into the freshwater resources of the Jaffna p conditions the construction of the Sedhu

1 September 2004 at the at the Jayasinghe Mount Lavinia Municipal Council. The need eep the people of Sri Lanka and India clearly out the Sedhu Samudhra Scheme with far-
sing hegemony over Sri Lankan sovereignty ly, socially and militarily, will do its utmost to The Sri Lankan government, without the least s, would meanwhile concentrate on obtaining onomic aid from India by supporting the matter that concerns the northern region, as rs of the Noraicholai coal power plant and the ower scheme, the government is most likely to ding the ‘terrorists’ in both eyes.
s of the Scheme
Scheme were implemented:
t deposits around the Jaffna peninsula, the t, and Mannar will be rapidly drawn away by ean currents. This could lead to the submersion
orth of the line joining Puttalam on the west on the northeast coast consists of limestone ne period. The construction of a deep canal to gion could cause changes in rock structures as kening of the limestone layers owing to ure due to rain and effects of erosion, leading arge scale.
between surface rain water, small tanks and he change in equilibrium will cause water to
as its seeps through to the sea.
n that there is a danger of seawater diffusing resources of the Jaffna peninsula. Under these struction of the Sedhu Samudhra canal will

Page 44
cause the water in not only the Jaffna pen Vanni region covering Mullaitivu, Kilin Chilaw to turn brackish due to the effects and the difference in density between seawa
5 The red soil and the river soil deposits that
thirty million years of natural chemical and will be eroded and washed to the sea. As the soil of the Jaffna peninsula and the Van
6 The imbalance between rock, earth and
natural distribution of vegetation and fertilit
7 Similar effects will be also experienced in The Kaveri valley, Ramanadapuram and will in particular be severely affected.
Bio Environmental Effects of the Scheme
1 While the sea that surrounds Jaffna is
extending from Mannar favours marine construction of the canal to the north of thi structure of the seabed and therefore the Consequently the marine resources will get
2 Jellyfish from the Bay of Bengal and the further adverse effect on local marine life.
3 Since marine vegetation and plankton will with the sand and river soil, the formati hindered.
4 Oil spillage from large vessels as well as
the destruction of micro organisms and sma
5 As a result of the above, migratory birds
seagulls will move elsewhere.
Socio-Economic Effects of the Scheme

not only the Jaffna peninsula but also in the ering Mullaitivu, Kilinochchi, Mannar and ckish due to the effects of groundwater flow in density between seawater and rainwater.
e river soil deposits that formed as a result of s of natural chemical and biological processes washed to the sea. As a result the fertility of a peninsula and the Vanni will be destroyed.
tween rock, earth and water will affect the
of vegetation and fertility of the soil.
l be also experienced in the southeast of India. , Ramanadapuram and Ramesvaram regions
severely affected.
fects of the Scheme
at surrounds Jaffna is shallow, the seabed annar favours marine bio-diversity. The canal to the north of this region will alter the abed and therefore the marine environment.
arine resources will get depleted.
Bay of Bengal and the Arabian sea will have ct on local marine life.
tation and plankton will also be washed away river soil, the formation of corals will be
large vessels as well as vibration will lead to
icro organisms and small fish.
above, migratory birds such as cranes and elsewhere.
ts of the Scheme

Page 45
1 The fisher-folk of Mannar, Jaffna peninsula will be affected. These people who were on region by war will now be displaced for lac
2 Since agriculture in the Jaffna peninsula
peasants too will become displaced. A a res sector organisations there will be forced to r
3 The Indian fisher-folk who fish for three d Mannar sea and the northern sea will, with navy, be able to fish in these waters until t depleted.
4 Oil deposits to the north of Mannar and the to seep into the water. Besides, the India implementation of the scheme as pretext to naval base in the region, thus causing not the north but of the whole of Sri La intervention, border disputes and aggression

annar, Jaffna peninsula and adjoining islands hese people who were once displaced from the now be displaced for lack of livelihood.
in the Jaffna peninsula will be affected, the ecome displaced. A a result, public and private s there will be forced to relocate to the South.
olk who fish for three days in the week in the e northern sea will, with the help of the Indian sh in these waters until the resources are fully
north of Mannar and the peninsula would tend ater. Besides, the Indian navy will use the the scheme as pretext to establish a permanent region, thus causing not merely the people of the whole of Sri Lanka to face military r disputes and aggression.

Page 46
Marxism and Revisionism*
[Comments on the Comrade P Kandiah Memoria Sitaram Yechuri, Member of the Politburo of the C (Marxist) on 8th August 2004] On 8th August, Sitaram Yechuri, Member of CPI(M) delivered the Comrade P Kandiah Colombo. The text of the talk delivered in Eng the members of the audience. It is impo commemorating Comrade Kandiah, who was movement in the north of Sri Lanka and the on elected to Parliament from the North East, shou political stand. Since the CPI(M) is the conside party in India, there was much expectation a Yechuri.
Although the CPI(M) is a revisionist party, ther it would possess thinking that is opposed hegemony, even among those who were critic should be noted that the CPI(M) has, in revolution by armed struggle. Thus those who went with expectations.
At the end of his comments on the life of Comr stated that he would be speaking in search question of how the socialist cause could be car of globalisation and, in that context, about the globalisation, about the lessons of socialism seeking to evaluate socialist construction in Ch be adapted by communists under prevailing con
His characterisation of globalisation did not go points that even reformists would readily agre imperialism is advancing globalisation to hei

Comment
and Revisionism*
rade P Kandiah Memorial Lecture delivered by r of the Politburo of the Communist Part of India 04]
m Yechuri, Member of the Politburo of the Comrade P Kandiah Memorial Lecture in he talk delivered in English was distributed to audience. It is important that a lecture ade Kandiah, who was a pioneer of the left of Sri Lanka and the only left candidate to be om the North East, should befit his stature and e CPI(M) is the considered to be strongest left was much expectation about the address by
s a revisionist party, there was expectation that nking that is opposed to oppression and g those who were critical of the CPI(M). It the CPI(M) has, in policy, not rejected ruggle. Thus those who went to hear Yechuri .
ents on the life of Comrade Kandiah, Yechuri be speaking in search of an answer to the cialist cause could be carried forward in the era that context, about the survival of capitalist e lessons of socialism in the 20th Century, ialist construction in China, and the tactics to ists under prevailing conditions.
globalisation did not go significantly beyond ists would readily agree. He explained that ing globalisation to heighten its exploitation

Page 47
and establish its hegemony, and that it woul achieve it. He also emphasised that it is as a that it is keen to enslave the majority of the pe that the choice before humanity is betw barbarianism.
In the context of the need to learn from the hist socialism, he sought to analyse briefly the seve in the Soviet Union and contemporary soc referred to the sending of a dog and then a m other things as achievements of socialism. confused understanding of socialist history clear.
He used the observation by Lenin in the contex Russia that the first rupture in the imperialist ch weakest link, namely Russia, to interpret in revolutionary changes that took place in Easte the Second World War. Although he said that estimate of the strength of socialism and an und capitalism, it was not possible to get the corr global trend and that history does not advance he could not say what went wrong in the Sov when.
Khrushchov’s name was not mentioned even o understand his reluctance to point to the chan Soviet Union after the death of Stalin. Although for the collapse of the Soviet Union on Gorb explain how people like Goberchov and Yeltsin or, for that matter, how the relationship betw and American imperialism was transformed f coexistence to submissive coexistence.
While talking of China, he said nothing of the after revolution or the period preceding it. He of the Chinese Cultural Revolution as political adopted afterwards as ones with clarity. He

mony, and that it would stop at nothing to phasised that it is as a result of its weakness e the majority of the people of the world and ore humanity is between socialism and
ed to learn from the history of the struggle for analyse briefly the seventy years of socialism and contemporary socialism in China. He of a dog and then a man into space among vements of socialism. From here on, his g of socialist history became increasingly
n by Lenin in the context of pre-revolutionary ture in the imperialist chain would occur at its Russia, to interpret in a confused way the that took place in Eastern Europe, following r. Although he said that, because of an over- of socialism and an under-estimate of that of possible to get the correct perspective of the istory does not advance along a straight line, went wrong in the Soviet Union, where and
as not mentioned even once. It was difficult to ce to point to the change in direction in the death of Stalin. Although he pinned the blame e Soviet Union on Gorbachov, he could not e Goberchov and Yeltsin could come to power w the relationship between the Soviet Union lism was transformed from one of peaceful ive coexistence.
a, he said nothing of the first quarter century period preceding it. He referred to the events l Revolution as political chaos and the policies ones with clarity. He did not cite a single

Page 48
phrase from Mao Zedong, but instead quoted ov Deng Xiaoping to justify the current tendencies
While acknowledging that there is di unemployment, corruption and other such pr expressed faith that the Chinese Communist them. Is Yechuri so innocent that he does not which China is heading? The leaders of the CP( they say about China is merely an expression of
Yechuri concluded his talk with the optimistic the future. On the basis of the growth of movements and the strengthening of the left par he expressed confidence that communists c socialist direction by building a powerful anti- out of opposition to war and opposition to glo basis.
He said very little in his talk. What he avoid more. He did not want to say how an anti-impe or how a worldwide movement would face o contexts, because his party does not have a c national oppression and caste oppression in pra of criticising Indian policy of regional hegemo foreign government that acts in ways that sui designs.
In another meeting, held after the mem commenting on the Sri Lankan national qu acknowledge the right of the Tamil people to se failure was consistent with the essence of his ea
Yechuri’s visit was followed by that of anot member, Prakash Katat, who went a step furthe that the principle of self-determination does not countries, despite the fact that even the UN en ‘internal’ self-determination. This drew stron from several genuine leftists. Before the visit members of the CP(M) , the only person close

ng, but instead quoted over a page length from fy the current tendencies in China.
g that there is disparity in income, tion and other such problems in China, he e Chinese Communist Party will overcome nocent that he does not know the direction in ? The leaders of the CP(M) are no fools. What merely an expression of their revisionist line.
talk with the optimistic note that socialism is asis of the growth of the anti-globalisation ngthening of the left parties in Latin America, nce that communists could advance in the uilding a powerful anti-imperialist movement ar and opposition to globalisation on a broad
his talk. What he avoided saying was much to say how an anti-imperialist would function ovement would face oppression in specific party does not have a clear Marxist stand on d caste oppression in practice in India. Instead licy of regional hegemony, it endorses every at acts in ways that suit India’s expansionist
held after the memorial lecture, when Sri Lankan national question, he failed to of the Tamil people to self-determination. This
ith the essence of his earlier address.
llowed by that of another CPI(N) Politburo t, who went a step further than Yechuri to say f-determination does not apply to Third World act that even the UN endorses the concept of nation. This drew strong critical comments leftists. Before the visit of the two Politburo ) , the only person close to the CPI(M) whose

Page 49
views on the national question were those of N Brahminist ‘Hindu’ media empire and Chief Ram rarely surprises people here after his utte issues in the early 1990s. What is sad is that th not very different. In fact, the Tamilnadu CPI, party that took its cue from Khrushchov, appe better understanding of the issues in Sri La counterpart.
The CPI(M) is not a working class party but a union business. Its leadership is now in collaborationists who are more degenerate CPI(M), which is only interested in parliamenta mobilise the masses or carry forward struggles a faced by India such as Hindutva fascism and imperialist globalisation. What could one exp rolls out the red carpet to foreign capital in the power.
The visits by Yechuri and Karat have only co about the CPI(M). To portray such individual description will only damage one’s trust in Mar revisionists and opportunist have done their job
[*Translation of a revised version of the original com
October 2004 issue of Puthiya Po

question were those of N Ram, an heir to the edia empire and Chief Editor of the Hindu. eople here after his utterances on Sri Lankan 0s. What is sad is that the CPI(M) leaders are act, the Tamilnadu CPI, although a revisionist from Khrushchov, appears to have a slightly f the issues in Sri Lanka than its CPI(M)
orking class party but a part that runs a trade leadership is now in the hands of class are more degenerate than reformists. The interested in parliamentary arithmetic, will not carry forward struggles against internal threats Hindutva fascism and the external threat of n. What could one expect from a party that to foreign capital in the states in which it is in
and Karat have only confirmed our concerns portray such individuals as Marxists of any amage one’s trust in Marxism. To that end, the
nist have done their job well.
Mohan
d version of the original comment published in the er 2004 issue of Puthiya Poomi.]

Page 50
ND NDP Political Seminar
The New Democratic Party organised a seminar political situation in the country. The seminar evening of 11th September 2004 at the Jay Dehiwela-Mount Lavinia Municipal Council.
The Seminar was chaired by S Thevarajah, Member of the Politburo of the NDP and was a SK Senthivel, General Secretary of the NDP, E Organiser of he NDP, and Comrade Siva Rajen Senior Lecturer at the Sri Pada College of Edu summarised below.
Comrade SK Senthivel
It is now four months since the UPFA govern every evening people take with them to bed t about two matters. One is the soaring cost of l day. The other is the prospect of war breaking these conditions that the government is conduc political affairs of the country. Without the c political awareness of these matters and a struggles to question the handling of the issues prospect of the rapid development of condition of great dangers and destruction to it.
Under this government, there is not an iota resumption of peace negotiations with the LTTE constantly assures that she will be negotiating will under no condition go to war, she has not step to match her words. The President is in the unable to achieve consensus within the rank government about the negotiations. It is under an impression is being created that she will be political parties about talking with the LTTE

NDP Diary eminar
arty organised a seminar to discuss the current e country. The seminar was conducted in the ember 2004 at the Jayasinghe Hall of the
ia Municipal Council.
ired by S Thevarajah, Attorney-at-Law and ro of the NDP and was addressed by Comrades Secretary of the NDP, E Thambiah, National nd Comrade Siva Rajendran, Educationist and Sri Pada College of Education. Their talks are
l
since the UPFA government took office. But take with them to bed their concern and fear e is the soaring cost of living rising with each rospect of war breaking out again. It is under e government is conducting the economic and country. Without the correct and far-sighted these matters and a concurrence of mass e handling of the issues, the country faces the evelopment of conditions that carry the threat struction to it.
t, there is not an iota of evidence for the gotiations with the LTTE. While the President she will be negotiating with the LTTE and go to war, she has not taken any meaningful s. The President is in the sad situation of being sensus within the ranks of her own UPFA negotiations. It is under these conditions that created that she will be discussing with all the talking with the LTTE and be setting up a

Page 51
National Advisory Council on that basis. These time and not ideas for concrete action. Meanwh give the impression that it is speaking with about the negotiations. But what is at the botto desire to solve the national question but its stalemate in the peace process to return to powe in the next presidential election, and it is manoeuvring and working out strategies to that
Similarly, the JVP, a major partner in governm long-term objective of capturing state power b the SLFP and emerging as a major politica representing the Sinhala Buddhist nationalist as purpose that it is at the forefront of opposing rejecting the proposals of the LTTE for an i authority.
When we look closely at these matters, we co political parties are dealing with the matter political solution that could free the people climate of impending war related to the nation also the main problem facing the country, as their gamble for political power. Consequently, that the cruel war that lasted nineteen years c bigger destruction accompanying it. Those who will, as in the past, be the Tamils of the North-E However, the influential and the wealthy, irre and religion, will not lose or suffer. Instead the many ways. Forces of foreign domination will from it.
The only way to avoid the danger of war, negotiations with the LTTE, immediately. Af war, the LTTE has put forward proposals governing authority. The Tamil people and al want the starting of peace negotiations on that up of the ISGA through mutual concessions an NDP is also emphasising the same. By organi

ncil on that basis. These are ploys to play for concrete action. Meanwhile, the UNP wants to at it is speaking with honesty and sincerity But what is at the bottom of its heart is not a tional question but its interest in using the process to return to power. Its entire interest is ial election, and it is actively involved in ing out strategies to that end.
ajor partner in government, is acting with the capturing state power by eroding the base of ing as a major political party in the South a Buddhist nationalist aspirations. It is for that e forefront of opposing the negotiations and of the LTTE for an interim self-governing
at these matters, we could see that the major ealing with the matter of negotiations for a could free the people from the dangerous war related to the national question, which is facing the country, as mere manoeuvres in al power. Consequently, there is the likelihood lasted nineteen years could return with even mpanying it. Those who will be affected by it he Tamils of the North-East and the Sinhalese. al and the wealthy, irrespective of their race ose or suffer. Instead they will gain from it in foreign domination will join them in gaining
id the danger of war, therefore, is to start LTTE, immediately. After nineteen years of put forward proposals for an interim self- he Tamil people and all peace-loving people ace negotiations on that basis and the setting h mutual concessions and understanding. The ing the same. By organising this seminar, the

Page 52
NDP has initiated action to carry forward, in co leftist, democratic and progressive forces, a Sinhalese for that purpose.
Comrade E Thambiah
The increase in cost of living today is chokin population. The endless rise in prices and fare the process of obtaining the daily needs of foo The two capitalist parties have demonstrated t the other in increasing the cost of living whi amusing is that, when in opposition, they cond as if they really feel sorry for the people. But t coming to power. The people should recogni current increase in prices and fares. The real r parties submitted to the IMF, the World Bank persuaded and advised the governments to ado economy and privatisation. Thus it has becom entire working people of the country com including the plantation workers, and the peasa struggles demanding the control of prices and wages.
Siva Rajendran
Siva Rajendran drew attention to the variety o the Hill Country plantation workers. He pointe the prices of rice and wheat, which are the sta people, has pushed them to conditions close to private sector plantation companies and the uni whether the wages should go up by two rupee out that the dominant political leadership is not the state of ruin of education in the Hill Country
He also drew attention to the adverse effects th Samudra scheme will have on the economy of S geography.
Comrade S Panneerselvam delivered the vote o the party at the conclusion of well attended sem

n to carry forward, in collaboration with other progressive forces, a campaign among the ose.
f living today is choking nearly 90% of the s rise in prices and fares is creating havoc in g the daily needs of food and other essentials. ies have demonstrated that one is as good as the cost of living while in power. What is in opposition, they condemn the rise in prices, rry for the people. But their true interest is in people should recognise the causes for the ces and fares. The real reason is that the two e IMF, the World Bank and the WTO, which the governments to adopt policies of liberal tion. Thus it has become necessary for the e of the country comprising the workers, n workers, and the peasants to carry out mass e control of prices and the award of increase
ttention to the variety of difficulties faced by ation workers. He pointed out that the rise in wheat, which are the staple food items of the m to conditions close to starvation, while the n companies and the unions continue to debate uld go up by two rupees or three. He pointed olitical leadership is not opening its mouth on ation in the Hill Country.
to the adverse effects that the proposed Sedhu ave on the economy of Sri Lanka as well as its
vam delivered the vote of thanks on behalf of ion of well attended seminar.

Page 53
th Press Release of 29
September 2004 Police Attack on Members of the H Commission
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary of Party made the following observations in his sta
The incident where senior officials of the Huma were assaulted two days ago inside the pol question whether law and order are being imp of democratic and human rights in the Jaffna p the plight of persons with authority and social imagine the kind of disgrace and suffering would have to face in the police stations in th New Democratic Party deplores this attack President and the Inspector General of Police seriously take the necessary action.
The statement further added that the persons w attacked by the officer at the Police Station, Ja than Ruwan Chandrasekera and his fellow Inq Human Rights Commission (both senior office that has the authority of a High Court in defend the UN Human Rights Advisor, Patrick. The th powers when they went in course of their duty t inquire about a person who had been arrested. giving a fair reply to the inquiry, acted high-ha racist manner. This has happened at a time wh believe that there is some change in the practi law and order and human rights were tramp North. This incident has frightened the peopl about the prospects of complaining about violations.
Hence the New Democratic Party emphasises t members of the Human Rights Commission police should be inquired at a higher level and a

th of 29
September 2004 Condeminig on Members of the Human Right
l, General Secretary of the New Democratic ng observations in his statement to the media:
ior officials of the Human Rights Commission ays ago inside the police station raised the and order are being implemented on the basis an rights in the Jaffna peninsula? If such was ith authority and social acceptance, one could disgrace and suffering that ordinary people the police stations in their everyday life. The ty deplores this attack and calls upon the ector General of Police to treat this matter sary action.
added that the persons who were abused and at the Police Station, Jaffna were none other ekera and his fellow Inquiring Officer of the ssion (both senior officers of this organisation f a High Court in defending human rights) and Advisor, Patrick. The three acted within their t in course of their duty to the Police Station to who had been arrested. The police, instead of e inquiry, acted high-handedly and spoke in a happened at a time when people are made to me change in the practices of the time when man rights were trampled underfoot in the as frightened the people and caused concern of complaining about future human rights
ratic Party emphasises that the incident where n Rights Commission were attacked by the ed at a higher level and action taken on it.

Page 54
MARXIST SALUTE TO COMRADE M
Sillaiyoor Selvarajan
Comrades who have gathered here To recall in a cascade Thoughts of a great man called Maniam His life of bravery, his conduct of humility His broad outlook based on service, To pay tribute to that immortalised soul, Allow me a mere ten minutes to sing of my ma Yes, I arrogantly referred to him as my man. I called him my man For there was such intimate fellowship betwee Forgive me if I was wrong. I said so since I was one who shared and live In the warmth of his shelter with his wife and c And comrades who united as one in the polici Forgive me if I was wrong. Our friendship budded in my schooldays Then we ran free. We were mere lads Who parted company In our adolescence, unaware of the revolution Not knowing that we will meet again To merge through struggles for rights that wou Through arguing the case for the oppressed a The class struggle of the workers, In political debate and in battles for cultural th We met again in battlefronts, on the same sid I met at St Henrry’s College, Ilavalai Maniam, the meticulous student

SALUTE TO COMRADE MANIAM
Sillaiyoor Selvarajan
ve gathered here ade at man called Maniam , his conduct of humility
based on service, hat immortalised soul, ten minutes to sing of my man. eferred to him as my man. an h intimate fellowship between us. s wrong. as one who shared and lived among friends is shelter with his wife and children o united as one in the policies of struggle. s wrong.
ded in my schooldays We were mere lads any e, unaware of the revolutionary sweep, we will meet again
struggles for rights that would dominate, he case for the oppressed and
of the workers, and in battles for cultural thought. attlefronts, on the same side. ’s College, Ilavalai
ulous student

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Who preserved silence, with little time for chit A man of mystery, An underground fighter who lives on after his A leader who breaks his silence at the head o A hero who did not sing and swear only to sur A hero who achieved things without comprom
Poetry stammers to describe that joy. A silent tribute for Maniam– The fighter who refused to be silent And spoke up in struggle for the masses? A silent tribute in place of a battle cry? Forgive me, I cannot! We have been captivated by the communist w Along the path of Marxism Leninism. We met. We spoke. We embraced the path And entered the battlefield on different fronts. I, in the front of art and literature, and He, in the field of relentless action in struggle. Having consumed the poison that Emerged in the churning of the cement factor To feed the ambrosia to the folk* He continued in struggle in the hartal, In the militant demonstrations for equality in e To dedicate his efforts to working class strugg To lend his shoulder to the oppressed in caste To lead the way like the flame of the lamp Amid ideological confusion in the worker’s uni To identify the issues by scientific analysis Without losing heat by communal violence, To work like a tusker and

lence, with little time for chit chat, , ighter who lives on after his death,
ks his silence at the head of a mass rally, t sing and swear only to surrender, ved things without compromise.
to describe that joy. Maniam– fused to be silent truggle for the masses? place of a battle cry? not! ptivated by the communist way Marxism Leninism. e. We embraced the path attlefield on different fronts. t and literature, and relentless action in struggle.
the poison that urning of the cement factory struggle sia to the folk* truggle in the hartal,
onstrations for equality in education, forts to working class struggles, er to the oppressed in caste conflicts, ke the flame of the lamp onfusion in the worker’s unions, ues by scientific analysis t by communal violence, ker and

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Struggle with character to the end with relentle And to lead a life true to the definition of a ma I am a friend of KA Subramaniam, my man, The personification of friendship, The able master of egalitarianism. Poetry stammers to describe that joy. I recall the Comrade Maniam Who identified the principles that prevent filth From infiltrating art and literature and, When I among others was tempted, Stood behind to warn me, “Hey, Selva, do not be baffled”, and show me Poetry stammers to describe that joy. As the times of close relationship Cast their shadows in my mind and soak my t Poetry stammers to describe that joy. For me to sing of the times When Maniam and I discussed in privacy, The warm hospitality of his dear wife, The sweet words of the three tender children, Sathiyarajan, Sathiyakeerthi and Sathiyamala Calling me “Uncle” In a tone akin to the comfort of a cool spring, I have not the words. Poetry stammers to describe that joy. The friend of the dispossessed, we have be you. Maniam! My Marxist salutations to you! Farewell Maniam! But The golden moments of happiness I had with The golden moments in which we shared

acter to the end with relentless militancy, true to the definition of a martyr.
Subramaniam, my man, n of friendship,
f egalitarianism. to describe that joy. de Maniam principles that prevent filth t and literature and, ers was tempted, arn me, ot be baffled”, and show me the way. to describe that joy.
se relationship s in my mind and soak my thought to describe that joy. the times d I discussed in privacy, lity of his dear wife, of the three tender children,
iyakeerthi and Sathiyamalar, ”
e comfort of a cool spring, ds. to describe that joy.
dispossessed, we have been dispossessed of
ist salutations to you! But nts of happiness I had with you, nts in which we shared

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With sweet drinks and our majestic confidence The desire to make a new world, They have not gone away. Your little boys, your little girl, your son-in-law And so many more whom you had aroused be Those are golden moments, tender golden m Farewell Maniam! When you return Your task would have been done. The thoughts that you had, The scenes of your great dreams Would all have been realised. Farewell my prince! When you return With the desire for equality, Communism would have blossomed on earth With aching hearts we would await your Return from leave to see that new world. Maniam! My Marxist salutations to you.
[This poem in tribute to Comrade KA Subram funeral oration by the late Sillaiyoor Selvaraja leading Sri Lankan Tamil poet.]
* Note: Refers to Hindu mythology where the De
the celestial ocean of milk with the celestial serp ambrosia, and when the serpent spat venom Lo save all living beings.

and our majestic confidence in e a new world, ne away.
ur little girl, your son-in-law e whom you had aroused before you went. moments, tender golden moments. When you return ave been done. you had, r great dreams en realised. e! When you return r equality, ld have blossomed on earth. s we would await your
to see that new world. ist salutations to you.
e to Comrade KA Subramaniam was read out as e late Sillaiyoor Selvarajan a close friend and a amil poet.]
u mythology where the Devas and Asuras churned f milk with the celestial serpent as rope to extract its the serpent spat venom Lord Shiva swallowed it to .

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C
Comrade S Navaratnam 28 July 1945 to 8 October 20
Comrade Navaratnam joined the Ma Communist Party in 1965 and was a foun the New Democratic Party when it was the Communist Party of Sri Lanka (Lef served on its Politburo until his de Navaratnam was an unwavering Ma dedicated to the cause of communism a proletarian fighter for the oppressed mas an invaluable contribution to building defending it through difficult times. Board of New Democracy expresse sympathies to his wife and children and sorrow with his friends and comrades.

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_________ Published by E Thambiah of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM Phone: 011 2435117; Fax: 011 24 E-mail: newdemocraticparty@hotm Printed at the Gowri Printers, Colo

C
omrade S Navaratnam July 1945 to 8 October 2004
ratnam joined the Marxist Leninist ty in 1965 and was a founder member of cratic Party when it was established as Party of Sri Lanka (Left) in 1978, and Politburo until his death. Comrade as an unwavering Marxist Leninist cause of communism and a relentless ter for the oppressed masses, who made ontribution to building the Party and rough difficult times. The Editorial Democracy expresses its deepest is wife and children and shares its great friends and comrades.

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________ h of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM Complex, Colombo 11 011 2435117; Fax: 011 2473757 ewdemocraticparty@hotmail.com t the Gowri Printers, Colombo 13