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Peace and Democracy
In Memory of Comrade Navam
Comrade
U.N. Millennium Development G
Socio-Economic & Political Rea the Need for Peace Negotiations
Professor Jose
Poems: Ho Chi Minh, Mavai V
Sinan Antoon, M
From the Editor’s Desk . Upper Kotmale C
Sri Lankan Events . International
NDP Diary

Democracy
y of Comrade Navam
Comrade SK Senthivel
nium Development Goals
omic & Political Realities and r Peace Negotiations
Professor Jose Maria Sison
Ho Chi Minh, Mavai Varothiyan Sinan Antoon, Murukaiyan
Desk . Upper Kotmale Campaign News. n Events . International Events .
NDP Diary

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GOOD DAYS COMING
Ho Chi Minh
Everything changes, the wheel of the law turns without pause. After the rain, good weather. In the wink of an eye The universe throws off its muddy cloths. For ten thousand miles the landscape Spreads out like a beautiful brocade. Gentle sunshine. Light breezes. Smiling flowers, Hang in the trees, amongst the sparkling leaves, All the birds sing at once. Men and animals rise up reborn. What could be more natural? After sorrow comes happiness.
Courtesy: Poems from the Priso transla

OOD DAYS COMING
Ho Chi Minh
nges, the wheel without pause. ood weather. n eye rows off s.
d miles
e
ade. e. Smiling flowers, es, amongst the s, g at once. ls rise up reborn. more natural? mes happiness.
: Poems from the Prison Diary of Ho Chi Minh translated by Steve Bradbury

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NEW DEMOCRACY JOINS TH DEMOCRATIC PARTY TO EXP
DEEPEST SYMPATHIES TO TH
AND KIN OF THE OVER SEV THOUSAND KILLED AND TO TH HUNDRED THOUSANDS INJU
RENDERED HOMELESS BY EARTHQUAKE IN INDIA, PAKIS
KASHMIR.
IT ALSO JOINS THE PARTY TO ITS DEEPEST SYMPATHIES TO T AND KIN OF THE SEVERAL THO
KILLED AND TO THE MANY INJURED OR RENDERED HOME THE RECENT SERIES OF CYC FLOODING AND MUDSLIDES CARRIBEAN, THE U.S. AND C
AMERICA.

MOCRACY JOINS THE NEW ATIC PARTY TO EXPRESS ITS SYMPATHIES TO THE KITH IN OF THE OVER SEVENTY D KILLED AND TO THE MANY D THOUSANDS INJURED OR ERED HOMELESS BY THE AKE IN INDIA, PAKISTAN AND
KASHMIR.
INS THE PARTY TO EXPRESS ST SYMPATHIES TO THE KITH F THE SEVERAL THOUSANDS AND TO THE MANY MORE R RENDERED HOMELESS BY ENT SERIES OF CYCLONES, NG AND MUDSLIDES IN THE EAN, THE U.S. AND CENRAL
AMERICA.

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From the Editor’s Desk
No straight thinking Marxist has illusions about bourgeo While parliamentary elections and representation may times when the true nature of the electoral process should rejected outright. The forthcoming presidential election is o
The inability and the lack of will of the two main chauvini solution to the main problem facing the country, namely th amply demonstrated by their conduct during the past se each been unwilling to find a just and lasting solution, b address some of the grievances of the oppressed na obstacles in the path.
On the question of safeguarding the national economy, parties have, since 1978, taken turns to implement the w down to the country through its agencies such as the W Monetary Fund and the Asian Development Bank. The smokescreen behind with the policies of privatisation, libe have been implemented to enact the structural change implementation of the imperialist programme of globalisati neo-colonial monopoly of the imperialists.
Qualified support in the presidential election of 1994 for C genuine left and many people who were tired of the war w need to bring to an end seventeen years of dictatorial m promise of unconditionally initiating peace talks with the became a president who declared a ‘war for peace’ and greater misery.
The UNP secured a parliamentary majority in 2001, an agreement and a memorandum of understanding betwe LTTE came into being soon after. Although the ceasefire h the UNP at the general elections in April 2004 and government through an alliance between the SLFP a responsible for the breakdown in early 2003 of the nego finding a solution to the national question. The UPFA reluctant to carry forward the peace process. The refusa

From the Editor’s Desk
as illusions about bourgeois parliamentary democracy. and representation may be used tactically, there are the electoral process should be exposed and the process
ing presidential election is one such occasion.
ill of the two main chauvinistic capitalist parties to find a cing the country, namely the national question, has been conduct during the past several decades. Not only has just and lasting solution, but even when one seems to nces of the oppressed nationalities, the other places
ing the national economy, governments led by the two n turns to implement the will of the imperialists handed its agencies such as the World Bank, the International n Development Bank. The war has been used as the policies of privatisation, liberalisation and open economy nact the structural changes necessary for the smooth ist programme of globalisation, or in fact a system of total mperialists.
ential election of 1994 for Chandrika Kumaratunga by the who were tired of the war was justified on two counts: the nteen years of dictatorial misrule by the UNP, and the iating peace talks with the LTTE. The peace candidate red a ‘war for peace’ and plunged the country into even
ntary majority in 2001, and a most welcome ceasefire m of understanding between the government and the ter. Although the ceasefire has held despite the ouster of ctions in April 2004 and the formation of the UPFA nce between the SLFP and the JVP, the UNP was in early 2003 of the negotiations with the LTTE to on onal question. The UPFA, the JVP in particular, was peace process. The refusal of the JVP to accept a joint

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mechanism to provide relief to the victims of the tsunami departure from government.
However, we have before us today an opportunistic alli Mahinda Rajapaksha with the pseudo-left chauvinis chauvinistic JHU facing the unreliable UNP candidate Ra difference that the election would make is whether the co US directly or through India, now a close ally of the US in
The only meaningful option for the genuine left was to representing the left and the oppressed national minoritie to explain to the people the absurdity of electing another e constitution of 1978 which has miserably failed the peo years. Unfortunately, leaders of the fragmented left in illusions of grandeur and there are three Trotskyite candid the other a fake, and a fourth, deluded Trotskyite leader vain belief that Rajapaksha will not honour his pledges to naïve vision has also been displayed by the leader of the of Sri Lanka and the now very much subdued LSSP.
Neither candidate has a programme to bring lasting peac the national economy ravages by imperialist and expansio
In this context, the New Democray endorses fully the Democratic Party to call upon the people to boycott the e papers, thus giving expression to their rejection of the po with the executive presidential system.

the victims of the tsunami in the North East led to their
today an opportunistic alliance of the SLFP candidate, the pseudo-left chauvinist JVP and the right-wing reliable UNP candidate Ranil Wickramasinghe. The only uld make is whether the country will take orders from the
w a close ally of the US in its plans to dominate Asia.
or the genuine left was to field a common candidate, ppressed national minorities, and to use the candidature surdity of electing another executive president, under the s miserably failed the people in every respect for 27 of the fragmented left in the South are still suffering are three Trotskyite candidates in the field, each calling deluded Trotskyite leader supporting Rajapaksha in the ll not honour his pledges to the JVP and the JHU. Such played by the leader of the revisionist Communist Party much subdued LSSP.
amme to bring lasting peace to the country or to rebuild by imperialist and expansionist intervention.
ocray endorses fully the position taken by the New the people to boycott the election, by spoiling their ballot to their rejection of the pointless exercise of continuing system.

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In this Issue
This issue carries two articles by Comrade SK Senthiv Comrade S Navaratnam (Navam), which also deals w Marxist Leninist, and the other, the text of a Comrade N dealing with the question of peace and democracy in the c
We reproduce with pride and with the kind permission of Chief Political Consultant to the National Democratic Fro critique of the Millennium Development Goals of the UN declared goals are furthering the interests of imperialism the masses of the Third World; and the text of a recent Peace Research Institute, Oslo on the socio-economic si the status of the peace negotiations between the governm National Democratic Front of the Philippines. The first arti World as a whole, and to Sri Lanka, in view of the im Development Goals to the country. The second article Lanka on the state of an economy that is being ruined by subservience of the ruling class as well on issues o concerning a conflict of a different nature, but involving an
The issue also includes besides the regular features a sum in the campaign against the Upper Kotmale Hydropower P
The section on international events since issue no. 17 detail and will continue to do so, in order that readers analysis that the main media and many local journals fail t

In this Issue
s by Comrade SK Senthivel, one a tribute to the late vam), which also deals with the attributes of a good r, the text of a Comrade Navaratnam Memorial Lecture, ace and democracy in the current situation in Sri Lanka.
with the kind permission of Professor Jose Maria Sison, e National Democratic Front of the Philippines, a recent elopment Goals of the UN, where he exposes how the he interests of imperialism and deepening the misery of ld; and the text of a recent address at the International o on the socio-economic situation in the Philippines and tions between the government of the Philippines and the e Philippines. The first article is of relevance to the Third ri Lanka, in view of the implications of the Millennium untry. The second article has valuable lessons to Sri my that is being ruined by imperialist domination and the lass as well on issues of war and peace, although ent nature, but involving an oppressive state.
s the regular features a summary of the course of events per Kotmale Hydropower Project.
events since issue no. 17 deals with events in greater so, in order that readers could catch up on news and nd many local journals fail to touch upon.

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THE CAMPAIGN CONTINUES A THE UPPER KOTMALE SCH
(A diary of events)
23rd September Police arrest five young campaigners of the Peopl Upper Kotmale Hydropower Project when they announcing a public meeting organised by the PCAU
24th September
A highly successful picket campaign was carried out Upper Kotmale Hydropower Project.
25th September A very well attended meeting organised by the Peop Upper Kotmale Hydropower Project was held at Temple, Talawakelle, despite pressure from the elements.
26th September Delegates from the People’s Campaign Again Hydropower Project handed in at the Embassy of Ja the Japanese Ambassador, explaining in detail the to the project.
27th September
A conference was held in Colombo as part of participation of several trade union representatives.

PAIGN CONTINUES AGAINST PPER KOTMALE SCHEME
(A diary of events)
mpaigners of the People’s Campaign Against the er Project when they were putting up posters g organised by the PCAUKHP.
ampaign was carried out in Ragala in protest to the r Project.
g organised by the People’s Campaign Against the er Project was held at the site of the Kathiresan pite pressure from the police and mischievous
ple’s Campaign Against the Upper Kotmale in at the Embassy of Japan a petition addressed to explaining in detail the grounds for the opposition
n Colombo as part of the Campaign, with the e union representatives.

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2nd October
A mass protest demonstration was held in Talawak of public protest against the Upper Kotmale Hydropo
13th & 14th October
An extensive awareness and fund raising camp Colombo and in the Hill Country to mobilise suppor
17th & 18th October
A mass picketing campaign was successfully carried with wide support from the public.
Footnote
The People’s Campaign Against the Upper Kotma aware that the moves are afoot to start work on the engineers are already in the country and quarters fo company staff are being put up without much public
The time has come for the people of the hill country ill-conceived project and in defiance of the treachero and parliamentary political leaders. It is thus urge public awareness on the issue and to intensify the ca

on was held in Talawakelle town in a strong show
Upper Kotmale Hydropower Project.
and fund raising campaign was carried out in untry to mobilise support for the campaign.
was successfully carried out across the hill country public.
gainst the Upper Kotmale Hydropower Project is foot to start work on the project and that Japanese country and quarters for the Japanese construction up without much publicity.
eople of the hill country to rise in unity against the defiance of the treacherous hill country trade union leaders. It is thus urgently necessary to heighten e and to intensify the campaign.

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Peace and Democracy in the C
Context
by Comrade SK Senthivel
General Secretary of the ND
[The Comrade Navaratnam Memorial Address del the commemoration of the First Death Anniversary 16
th
October 2005 in Colombo]
Comrades and Friends,
The economic, political and social problems themselves as big burdens upon the people, Meanwhile, the national question, which develope irreparable losses. The situation continues where the solution for any of the problems.
I think that it is appropriate under the circumstance Address under the heading “Peace and Democracy the meeting to commemorate the first death anniver Navaratnam, the Marxist Leninist and servant of t about the conditions created by the present political essential Marxist Leninist view about two ma democracy, that appear in the title assigned to me. peace is struggle or war. Struggle and war, the caused by contradictions. The emergence of continuation as struggles is the basis of the development of society. That is why the Marxist wo “Contradiction and struggle are universal”. Here contradiction and struggle are not always of one kind
Contradictions do no proceed in parallel. At some struggles and at their peak explode into war.

nd Democracy in the Current
Context
by Comrade SK Senthivel
neral Secretary of the NDP
Memorial Address delivered on the occasion of irst Death Anniversary of Comrade Navaratnamon bo]
and social problems of the country manifest ns upon the people, as crises and struggles. uestion, which developed into a war, has caused tion continues where there is no proper cure or just lems.
e under the circumstances to deliver the Memorial “Peace and Democracy in the Current Context” at te the first death anniversary of the late Comrade S eninist and servant of the masses. Before I speak by the present political situation, let me clarify the t view about two matters, namely peace and the title assigned to me. The opposite of the term Struggle and war, the highpoint of struggle, are . The emergence of contradictions and their is the basis of the functioning, change and at is why the Marxist world outlook points out that le are universal”. Here, one should notice that re not always of one kind or unchanging.
ed in parallel. At some stage they clash to lead to xplode into war.

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Violence becomes necessary during this process. term violence. But violence plays its role to functioning of nature. When contradictions clash am new form at some stage, violence plays a decisi change. Marxism has illustrated from natural p development that violence is necessary for the em Marx said, “Violence is the midwife who delivers womb of the old society”. Marxism, which announ which is capable of creating a new society, and leaderships that came in its tradition have handled t Thus, Marxist Leninists, in their practice, disting violence to resolve the contradiction with their ene class, and the methods for handling contradictions people.
Thus it is necessary not to view peace superficia oppression, contradiction and struggle based on cla Real peace will emerge only when a just solution fo forward in struggles and war, are secured through co
In their view of democracy too Marxists differ from essence of the democratic principle was derived society. Even the democracy there was not one for French revolution “Liberty, equality, fraternity” cou the French people. The American democratic concep people, of the people’ that is oft stated even now is n there. From the time of the slave and master, through
society to the capitalist era, the various forms and pr been for a minority comprising the upper class elite.
It was only after the 1917 October revolution made the emergence of socialist systems that the democrac other toiling masses blossomed and developed as majority of the people. These democratic systems power, referred to as People’s Democracy and Ne practice as a true democracy that rejected the intere capitalist classes. It is with this outlook that contemporary problems of our country under Democracy in the Current Context”.

ry during this process. Many are agitated by the nce plays its role to different degrees in the contradictions clash among themselves and take a violence plays a decisive role in bringing about strated from natural phenomena and historical is necessary for the emergence of a new society. e midwife who delivers the new society from the Marxism, which announced this to the proletariat, ing a new society, and the political parties and tradition have handled the matter with much care. n their practice, distinguish between the use of tradiction with their enemy, the reactionary ruling handling contradictions emerging from among the
o view peace superficially, but in the context of nd struggle based on class, race, caste and gender. y when a just solution for the demands that are put r, are secured through conclusive dialogue.
too Marxists differ from others. It is said that the principle was derived from the ancient Greek y there was not one for all. The declaration of the equality, fraternity” could not endure as one for all erican democratic concept of ‘for the people, by the s oft stated even now is not applied to all the people slave and master, through the feudal
the various forms and practices of democracy have ing the upper class elite.
October revolution made possible by Marxism and ystems that the democracy of the working class and med and developed as the democracy of the vast ese democratic systems under working class state le’s Democracy and New Democracy, came into y that rejected the interests of the property owning ith this outlook that it we need to view the f our country under the heading “Peace and ontext”.

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In 1948, the British colonialists handed over st capitalist upper class elite who enjoyed their confi only after putting in place the Soulbury constitutio parliamentary constitution. It is a consequence constitution of the white imperialists, who have been and rule, that provided the basis for this country to b
The people of Sri Lanka have been constrained to bourgeois democracy for fifty-seven years, using t vote and elections. The earlier Soulbury constitutio yield the new constitution of 1972. Although it w developed by the people of the country on their own of rights or equality to the working masses of the including the Tamil nationality. At the same time, th safeguarded the interests of the capitalist class that gentry and the Sinhala Buddhist chauvinists. It beca the early aspects of chauvinistic capitalist oppressio LSSP and Communist Party leaders, who once ha anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist heroes, played an imp this constitution. The entirety of their final years ended in surrender and service to capitalism and ch an appendage of the SLFP; and the reactionaries, to have found a convenient weapon in pointing to them
It was after this that JR Jayawardane came to powe majority. He used that majority to introduce the system of presidential rule that enabled the dictator and above the parliament. It was under this constitu that opened wide all doors of the country to libera globalisation. The national economy that was dev after ‘independence’, national interests, the policy o abandoned. The country was swept into re-coloni foreign capital entered without restriction. Alongside and the Asian Development
Bank, countless NGOs from the West swarmed int their plans and activities that seem to be the everything in the country.

nialists handed over state power to the feudal- who enjoyed their confidence and trust. They left the Soulbury constitution, designed as a bourgeois It is a consequence of the purposely drafted perialists, who have been expert at the art of divide asis for this country to be plunged into ethnic war.
ave been constrained to political life under such fty-seven years, using the parliament, the right to lier Soulbury constitution was changed slightly to of 1972. Although it was claimed to have been the country on their own, it did not offer any form working masses of the country or to nationalities lity. At the same time, the constitution was one that the capitalist class that descended from the feudal dhist chauvinists. It became possible through it for istic capitalist oppression to come to the fore. The ty leaders, who once had the reputation of being ist heroes, played an important role in bringing out ety of their final years between 1970 and 1977 vice to capitalism and chauvinism. They are today and the reactionaries, to attack Marxist Leninists, apon in pointing to them.
awardane came to power with a 5/6
th
parliamentary jority to introduce the new constitution, with a that enabled the dictatorship of an individual over t was under this constitution that events took place of the country to liberalisation, privatisation and economy that was developed from tome to time al interests, the policy of non-alignment etc. were as swept into re-colonisation. Multinationals and out restriction. Alongside the World Bank, the IMF
the West swarmed into the country. Today it is that seem to be the main factor determining

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Under such conditions, twenty-seven years of presidential rule none of the serious problems face solved. No remedy has been sought for the nation main problem of the country that has been transform to-day economic issues faced by the entire popul parties in contention are the same two political pa one after the other, from the presidential seat. It is been changed, while the parties and their policies a past. From whichever of the two parties may the neither the peace nor the democratic environment no the people expect will be achieved. The country w same path by state power as it was during
the past twenty-seven years. Despite this reality, to being fooled by voting for one and then the other other side is always greener, will not bring a new d country, the people or the oppressed nationalities.
A look into the past will demonstrate the bankru elections, parliament and presidential elections. granted in 1931 so that everyone of age in this count
On that basis people voted on two occasions to the remembering that nobody contested four electorates State Council as a result of the revolutionary action the elections in the north. Afterwards, the people vo in 1947. So far, people have voted in thirteen parl 1978, they voted in four presidential elections to forthcoming election is the fifth. The present age ba From that angle, the third generation of the country elections. An important question that we may r problem of the country has been solved by the elect the name of democracy and freedom or by the elect classes. Until the reason for this is considered politic and round in circles, while being subjected to prob drowned in sorrow and misery.
It was under the constitution that introduced p chauvinistic oppression was imposed as war on the its leader JR Jayawardane initiated it. In the seventee

wenty-seven years of the system of executive e serious problems faced by the country has been en sought for the national question, which is the y that has been transformed into war, or to the day- ced by the entire population. Yet, the two main e same two political parties that exercised power, he presidential seat. It is the individuals that have rties and their policies are a continuation from the he two parties may the president come to power, mocratic environment nor the economic upturn that achieved. The country will be dragged along the
it was during
. Despite this reality, to take the same old path of one and then the other, because the grass on the r, will not bring a new dawn or redemption to the ppressed nationalities.
demonstrate the bankruptcy of the right to vote, presidential elections. Universal franchise was yone of age in this country had the right to vote.
on two occasions to the State Council. It is worth ontested four electorates in the elections to the first the revolutionary action of completely boycotting fterwards, the people voted for the first parliament ve voted in thirteen parliamentary elections. Since presidential elections to elect the President. The fifth. The present age barrier for voting is eighteen. eneration of the country is also participating in the uestion that we may raise here is whether any been solved by the elections that have been held in freedom or by the elected leadership of the ruling this is considered politically, people will go round being subjected to problems, crises and war, and ery.
ution that introduced presidential rule that the s imposed as war on the North East. The UNP and itiated it. In the seventeen-year rule of darkness by

Page 13
the UNP, peace and democracy were shattered. Chandrika Kumaratunga, who succeeded, carried f path of the UNP. As a result of an unsuccessful war the North East and the Tamil people suffered furth to a hundred thousand Tamil, Muslim and Sinhala have been killed by the war. Besides that, During 1 the 1971 insurrection, up to a hundred thousand Sin result off being misled by the leadership of the JVP indulging in chauvinistic parliamentary politics. The perished because of the economic crisis and unemplo
Thus, the presidential system has headed and carrie war over the past twenty-seven years. At the same t parties have lent support and cooperation to the c Europe and Japan to re-colonise the countr liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation behind the rule of the two parties, so fat a hundred or so sta establishments have been privatised. Besides sacri multinationals, the path has been paved for the plu resources. The disastrous Upper Kotmale Hydr Nuraicholai Coal Power Project are to be implement
Silence is observed about the disastrous consequen Canal Project. Meantime, Indo-US rivalry is gatherin are each visibly behind one or the other of the can parties.
Neither of the two candidates is willing to find a sol problem, the national question, in the form of auton self-determination. They are playing hide-and-seek and unitary government. Only promises are offered of living and lightening the burdens on the peop problems of food, clothing, shelter, employment, ed the vast majority of the people cannot be solved by by the president who is elected. Under these condi voting for either of the candidates? Therefore the o be to fully reject this presidential election. The recommends this with determination.

ocracy were shattered. The SLFP and President ho succeeded, carried forward the war along the t of an unsuccessful war called ‘the war for peace’, il people suffered further destruction. Thus fat up il, Muslim and Sinhala people of the North East r. Besides that, During 1988-89 and earlier during a hundred thousand Sinhala youth were killed as a he leadership of the JVP, now living in luxury and rliamentary politics. They went behind the JVP and nomic crisis and unemployment.
m has headed and carried forward oppression and ven years. At the same time, the two main political nd cooperation to the capitalist forces of the US, e-colonise the country through implementing and globalisation behind the curtain of war. Under so fat a hundred or so state corporations and public rivatised. Besides sacrificing the economy to the s been paved for the plunder of human effort and Upper Kotmale Hydropower Project and the ject are to be implemented.
he disastrous consequences of the Sethusamudram do-US rivalry is gathering force. The US and India or the other of the candidates from the two main
es is willing to find a solution to the country’s main ion, in the form of autonomy based on the right to e playing hide-and-seek with terms like federalism nly promises are offered about controlling the cost e burdens on the people. The reality is that the shelter, employment, education and heath faced by ple cannot be solved by the presidential election or cted. Under these conditions, what is the sense in didates? Therefore the only firm conclusion would esidential election. The New Democratic Party mination.
[Translated from Tamil]

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MILLENIUM DEVELOPMENT
OF THE U.N. – A SCHEME TO AGGRAVATE IMP PLUNDER AND POVERT
by Prof. Jose Maria Sison
Chairperson, International Coordinating International League of Peoples’
12 September 2005
The scheduled high-level review of the Millenn (MDGs) by the United Nations (UN) on 14-16 Se attempt to further legitimize the sham being ped international financial institutions (IFIs) under t predatory imperialist powers.
Far from promoting global economic and social just scheme of the imperialist powers to distract attent that are the root cause of the chronic and worsen billions of people around the world today. Worse, t promote the same policy prescriptions of imperial hastened and aggravated the massive destruction o opportunities in poor countries where more than 1 b survive on less than US$1 a day.
Originally conceived by the imperialist countries Assistance Committee (DAC) of the Organization and Development (OECD) in 1996 and picked u

IUM DEVELOPMENT GOALS
OF THE U.N. – TO AGGRAVATE IMPERIALIST UNDER AND POVERTY
by Prof. Jose Maria Sison
national Coordinating Committee of the nal League of Peoples’ Struggle
12 September 2005
review of the Millennium Development Goals tions (UN) on 14-16 September is merely another ze the sham being peddled by the UN and the titutions (IFIs) under the auspices of the most s.
economic and social justice, the MDGs is a shrewd powers to distract attention from structural issues the chronic and worsening poverty which afflicts e world today. Worse, the MDGs is being used to rescriptions of imperialist globalization that have e massive destruction of livelihood and economic ries where more than 1 billion people are forced to
day.
e imperialist countries through the Development C) of the Organization for Economic Cooperation in 1996 and picked up by the UN in its 2000

Page 15
Millennium Declaration, the MDGs convenientl poverty, and ignored its causes and conditions. Thu and selective targets to eradicate poverty but also t poverty eradication o accommodate the corpora globalization while avoiding such crucial de cancellation of debt of all poor countries, the Organization (WTO)-type international trade reg International Monetary Fund (IMF)-World B economic reforms.
The scale of debt in the poorest countries has so cri development has become impossible because much being deflected to debt servicing. In 2002, the lev countries was almost 21 times its size in 1970 perpetrated by the IFIs has siphoned off US$55 principal payments for US$540 billion of loans, yet owe foreign creditors US$523 billion as of 2002. [1]
The declaration last June of the Group of Seven (G imperialist powers, to cancel 100% of the US$40 b indebted poor countries (HIPC) is a vain attempt to sincerity of their much-ballyhooed 'making poverty imposing the terms of the debt cancellation includ reforms, the G7 initiative merely legitimized the od incurred by the puppet regimes of these poor c facilitated their economic plunder by imperialist corp
In fact, the MDGs systematically make semi-colon even more beholden to their imperialist patrons ra reliance through genuine national industrialization. to achieve universal access to primary education an it promotes the same post-Washington conse deregulation, and privatization plus 'good governan the first place, intensified the bankruptcy and governments in the Third World, and obliterated the social services including health and education. To rich countries promised to provide more aid money Millennium Challenge Account (MCA) of the US. MCA is not simply the doubtful commitment of the

the MDGs conveniently distorted the issue of ses and conditions. Thus, it did not only set token dicate poverty but also twisted the very concept of ommodate the corporate agenda of imperialist ding such crucial demands as unconditional ll poor countries, the reversal of World Trade international trade regime, and the reversal of Fund (IMF)-World Bank-imposed neo-liberal
rest countries has so crippled their economies that possible because much of the limited resources are vicing. In 2002, the level of debt of the poorest times its size in 1970. The international usury as siphoned off US$550 billion in interest and 540 billion of loans, yet the poorest countries still 23 billion as of 2002. [1]
f the Group of Seven (G7), the principal cabal of el 100% of the US$40 billion owed by 18 heavily IPC) is a vain attempt to fend off criticisms on the yhooed 'making poverty history' publicity stunt. By debt cancellation including disastrous neo-liberal erely legitimized the odious and illegitimate debt gimes of these poor countries and debt which lunder by imperialist corporations and banks.
tically make semi-colonial and colonial countries ir imperialist patrons rather than promoting self- tional industrialization. While the MDGs commit to primary education and improve health services, post-Washington consensus (i.e. liberalization, tion plus 'good governance') policies that have, in the bankruptcy and indebtedness of national orld, and obliterated their capacity to provide vital ealth and education. To finance such services, the provide more aid money such as the US$5-billion ount (MCA) of the US. But the problem with the btful commitment of the US to the MDGs with the

Page 16
Bush administration's recent statement that it only Declaration but not the specific targets of the MDGs
Worse, poor countries have to first implement U including economic liberalization to have access to t
The liberalization of trade and investment, the drast spending on vital social services, the privatization an economic activities all have pushed the workers, poor, indigenous people, women, youth, and other only in poverty but also in unspeakable des unimaginable wealth and power for the few. Acco Development Report 2005, in 1990, the average Am than the average Tanzanian, while today the average richer. [3]
It is clear from the onset that poor countries should will truly address the issue of poverty precisely designed to deodorize the imperialist plunder th dehumanized the people of the poor world. The M peoples’ fight against poverty precisely because structural issues of global poverty, namely the neo- the rich and the poor in terms of development coop etc. that is at the core of the permanent crisis of ba the semi-colonies and colonies, but even perpetrate between the semi-colonies and colonies and their im
The only way to fight poverty is the assertion of th human right not simply to live but to live decently a to bring to an end all structures of exploitation and this means freeing all the poor countries from t conditions, reversing all WTO and IMF-World Ban creating a global environment which recognizes a right of poor countries and their people to determi agenda and needs. Any effort to combat poverty sh minimum requisites.
But we should recognize that these reforms will not silver platter by imperialist institutions including and hard-earned victories of the people in the past, it ca

nt statement that it only supports the Millennium
ific targets of the MDGs. [2]
e to first implement US-imposed preconditions zation to have access to the MCA.
nd investment, the drastic reduction in government vices, the privatization and deregulation of strategic e pushed the workers, peasants, urban and rural omen, youth, and other marginalized sectors not o in unspeakable desolation while generating ower for the few. According to the UN's Human in 1990, the average American was 38 times richer , while today the average American is now 61 times
at poor countries should never hope that the MDGs e of poverty precisely because the MDGs was imperialist plunder that has impoverished and f the poor world. The MDGs runs counter to the erty precisely because it does not attend to the overty, namely the neo-colonial relations between ms of development cooperation, trade, diplomacy, e permanent crisis of backwardness and poverty in ies, but even perpetrates the exploitative relations nd colonies and their imperialist masters.
rty is the assertion of the poor people's inalienable ive but to live decently and this entails the struggle ures of exploitation and poverty. At the minimum, poor countries from the debt bondage without TO and IMF-World Bank neo-liberal policies, and ent which recognizes and respects the sovereign their people to determine their own development ort to combat poverty should not be without these
at these reforms will not be given to the poor on a institutions including and even the UN. Like all the people in the past, it can only be borne out by the

Page 17
militant and uncompromising struggle for national li peace of the anti-imperialist movement. This is wha of Peoples’ Struggle is striving to advance.
--------------------------------------------------------------- Notes*
[1] 'The scale of the debt crisis' by Anup Sha (http://www.globalissues.org/TradeRelated/Debt updated on 2 July 2005
[2] 'US, UN escalate global aid squabble' by Column
Post http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/html/nationwo l), 2 September 2005
[3] Chapter 1: The State of Human Developme Report 2005, United Nations Development Prog

g struggle for national liberation, social justice and t movement. This is what the International League ing to advance.
---------------------------------------
bt crisis' by Anup Shah, Global Issues website s.org/TradeRelated/Debt/Scale.asp), page last
aid squabble' by Column Lynch, The Washington
urce.com/html/nationworld/2002466174_un02.htm
of Human Development, Human Development tions Development Program (UNDP)

Page 18
SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND POL REALITIES AND THE NEE
PEACE NEGOTIATION
By Prof. Jose Maria Sison Chief Political Consultan National Democratic Front of the P
Speech at the International Peace Research In
1 June 2005
Dear Colleagues and Friends,
Greetings of solidarity!
Thank you for inviting me to speak at your wel delighted and honoured by your invitation. I have l in peace research and in providing support to peace n
I wish to describe the socio-economic and political and proceed to a discussion of the need for peace National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDF the Republic of the Philippines (GRP).
Socio-Economic Realities
Many people, including Filipinos, think that the Phi In fact, it has a population of 84 million, which is th top 6 per cent of national populations. It has an kilometres, which is the 73rd largest land area or wi the 191 member-states of the United Nations. At domestic product for 2004 is PhP 4.843 trillion includes a lot of overvaluation in the industrial estimates in the agriculture and service sectors.

CONOMIC AND POLITICAL ITIES AND THE NEED FOR EACE NEGOTIATIONS
By Prof. Jose Maria Sison
hief Political Consultant
mocratic Front of the Philippines
ional Peace Research Institute, Oslo, Norway
1 June 2005
s,
e to speak at your well-known institution. I am your invitation. I have long appreciated your work viding support to peace negotiations.
-economic and political realities in the Philippines n of the need for peace negotiations between the of the Philippines (NDFP) and the Government of nes (GRP).
ipinos, think that the Philippines is a small country. f 84 million, which is the 12th largest or within the l populations. It has an area of 300,000 square largest land area or within the top 38 per cent of the United Nations. At nominal prices, the gross is PhP 4.843 trillion or USD 86.482 billion. It ation in the industrial sector and a lot of false and service sectors.

Page 19
The estimated output value share of agriculture is 1 percent and services, 53.2 percent. The output val understated. It does not cover the considerable part which the peasants consume. The estimated employm 36 percent, of industry 16 percent and of services the peasants are responsible for more than 69 perce of goods and the industrial workers for nearly 31 per
The Philippine social economy remains underdeve official rhetoric about development. It is still ba industrial in terms of the development of the produ means of production is still agricultural land, which for domestic food consumption and secondarily f sugar, bananas, pineapple, etc.).
The degree of mechanization in agriculture is limit estates for export crops. In 2001, only some 11,500 harvester-threshers were available for over 13 milli land. Only 30 percent of the country’s total farm a Land ownership is heavily concentrated with les owning more than 80 percent of all agricultural land
The Philippines has rich natural resources and industrialization. But after extraction, the mineral o primary stage of processing and are exported as certain amount of modern industry but this is base other inputs from abroad. The industrial sector prod nor basic metals and chemicals.
Export-oriented low-value added semi-manufactur favour with policymakers and investors since the 1 dependent and provides less regular employment reassembly for import-substitution and domestic con 1960s. It has reduced output value and employmen and financial crisis in Southeast Asia.
The crisis of overproduction of semi-manufacture middle of the 1990s (1994 for garments and 1996 fo come on top of the earlier crisis of overproduction late 1970s. However, despite the continuing global added semi-manufactures, the Philippines has conti

share of agriculture is 14.8 percent, industry, 31.9 percent. The output value share of agriculture is er the considerable part of the agricultural product e. The estimated employment share of agriculture is percent and of services 48 percent. Based on this, e for more than 69 percent of the basic production
orkers for nearly 31 percent.
omy remains underdeveloped, despite all previous elopment. It is still basically agrarian and pre- evelopment of the productive forces. The principal agricultural land, which is used to produce mainly ption and secondarily for export crops (coconut, tc.).
on in agriculture is limited and is concentrated on 2001, only some 11,500 tractors and 700 powered ailable for over 13 million hectares of agricultural e country’s total farm area is irrigated as of 2002. concentrated with less than 1/3 of landowners t of all agricultural land.
natural resources and most of the minerals for extraction, the mineral ores do not go beyond the g and are exported as raw materials. There is a industry but this is based on equipment, fuel and he industrial sector produces neither capital goods als.
added semi-manufacturing, which has come into nd investors since the 1970s, is far more import- ss regular employment than the repackaging and titution and domestic consumption in the 1950s and t value and employment since the 1997 economic east Asia.
on of semi-manufactures for re-export since the for garments and 1996 for electronic assembly) has crisis of overproduction of raw materials since the te the continuing global oversupply of low value- he Philippines has continued to stick to electronic

Page 20
assembly and garments. These account for 75 earnings. However, the high imported content of th to 85-95 percent in the case of electronic equipm amount of net export earnings.
The Philippine economy is a neo-colonial adjun capitalist system. It is exceedingly dependent on dir trade with the global centres of capitalism. It is bou major capitalist countries bilaterally or through mu International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank ( Organization (WTO).
Despite its external linkages, the Philippines retains economic relations. These are precisely called semi- bourgeoisie and the landlord class are the basic exp constitute a fraction of one per cent of the popula classes of workers and peasants are 15 and 75 pe respectively. The intermediate social strata are the m far more numerous urban petty bourgeoisie.
The Filipino people have long clamoured for genuin industrialization as integral factors for breaking the holdings and realizing Filipino-owned industrializa level of economic development and change social r one reactionary regime after another has done not service to land reform and national industrialization.
After the US and other capitalist powers sh Keynesianism to “free market” globalization, the r Philippines have obscured the need for lan industrialization by harping on the need for raising market. In this regard, the real drive has been to monopolies to take over natural resources, privatize exemptions and tariff cuts, and dump their surplus g
The Philippine economy is in a chronic state o deepened and aggravated under the current policy market” globalization under which foreign monopol a rampage. The semi-feudal economy is incurring faster than ever from the unequal exchange of its consumption-driven manufactured imports. The fore

hese account for 75 per cent of gross export h imported content of the semi-manufactures – up se of electronic equipment – yield a very small gs.
is a neo-colonial adjunct of the US and world edingly dependent on direct investments, loans and s of capitalism. It is bound by policies dictated by ilaterally or through multilateral agencies like the d (IMF), World Bank (WB) and the World Trade
s, the Philippines retains a distinct system of socio- re precisely called semi-feudal. The comprador big d class are the basic exploiting classes and together e per cent of the population. The basic exploited asants are 15 and 75 per cent of the population, ate social strata are the middle bourgeoisie and the
tty bourgeoisie.
ng clamoured for genuine land reform and national factors for breaking the persistence of large feudal pino-owned industrialization in order to raise the ent and change social relations for the better. But er another has done nothing more than to pay lip
ational industrialization.
capitalist powers shifted policy stress from ket” globalization, the reactionary regimes in the d the need for land reform and national on the need for raising productivity for the global real drive has been to further allow the foreign ural resources, privatize public assets, get more tax nd dump their surplus goods on the Philippines.
is in a chronic state of crisis. This has rapidly nder the current policy regime of unbridled “free which foreign monopoly capitalism is actually on l economy is incurring huge foreign trade deficits unequal exchange of its raw-material exports and ctured imports. The foreign trade deficits have not

Page 21
been relieved but in fact been aggravated by the added semi-manufacturing because this involves a h imported content.
The huge trade deficits and rising debt service accounts deficits and unfavourable balance of paym often covered by new debts at more onerous te portfolio investments and the flotation of bonds by capital market. These render the economy more vuln ever mounting. The foreign exchange remittances of are in fact used for further import-dependent consu as a resource for paying a major part of the foreign d
The high level of government budgetary deficit is d the sale of income-generating state assets, reductio the exploiting classes including tax holidays and corruption and high military expenditures. M government and its various corporations enter into contracts with foreign banks and companies that a covered by local public and foreign borrowing.
The Philippine economy and the reactionary gov bankrupt. But they are kept afloat by exporting eve goods whose prices keep on sinking, by resche incurring new debts at ever more onerous terms dictated by the IMF and the World Bank, by privatiz and by capturing the foreign exchange remittan contract workers who now constitute 10 per cent of annual remittances have grown to USD 8.5 billion in
We can trace the deterioration of the Philippine e growth and uses of foreign and domestic borrow another. The Marcos regime was the very first one level of foreign borrowing from the level of USD 6 27.2 billion in 1986. The regime used the foreign ridden construction of sugar, coconut, copper an systems, roads and bridges and tourist facilities. T auspices of the Keynesian policy stress of the World
But at the onset of the 1980s, economic poli monetarism and neo-liberalism in the US and in th

een aggravated by the export-oriented low-value because this involves a high amount of overvalued
nd rising debt service result in chronic current ourable balance of payments. But the deficits are bts at more onerous terms, including short-term he flotation of bonds by state corporations in the r the economy more vulnerable. The foreign debt is exchange remittances of overseas contract workers import-dependent consumption but are often cited ajor part of the foreign debt.
nt budgetary deficit is due to economic depression, ng state assets, reduction of tariffs, tax evasion by uding tax holidays and exemptions, bureaucratic litary expenditures. Moreover, the reactionary corporations enter into onerous loan and supply s and companies that aggravate the deficits to be foreign borrowing.
nd the reactionary government in particular are afloat by exporting ever larger volumes of certain on sinking, by rescheduling of old debts and er more onerous terms under various programs World Bank, by privatization of government assets eign exchange remittances of Filipino overseas constitute 10 per cent of the population and whose wn to USD 8.5 billion in 2004.
tion of the Philippine economy by looking at the n and domestic borrowing, from one regime to e was the very first one to dramatically raise the from the level of USD 600 million in 1965 to USD egime used the foreign funds to finance the graft- ar, coconut, copper and nickel mills, irrigation and tourist facilities. This was mainly under the olicy stress of the World Bank before 1980.
1980s, economic policy stress would shift to ism in the US and in the world capitalist system.

Page 22
Supposedly the time had come to act decisivel inflation and social spending by the state. Both were stagflation problem. While the US sought to attra offering high interest rates in the market, the Wor down on concessionary official lending and the IM trade and investment liberalization, privatization an from the third world debtors.
The tight international credit situation in the 198 regime to raise the level of local public debt from P PhP 521 billion in 1992. The Aquino regime restrict level of foreign debt to USD 29.9 billion in 1992. prices in the global market, the raw material export be increased. Still the financial crisis sharpened in th
The Ramos regime harped on “free market” globa Marcos regime in foreign borrowing and the borrowing. It brought the level of the country’s f billion and total domestic public sector debt to PhP borrowings were made in order to cover foreign tra respectively. The deficits grew as the regime pro low-value added semi-manufacturing and private office buildings, residential towers, hotels, golf cou facilities. The economic and financial collapse cam 1997 Southeast Asia crisis.
The bankruptcy of the Philippine economy and sta the Estrada regime took over. Government expendit tax revenues. The IMF kept on pressing the regi expenditures, adopt new tax measures and give pr pursue its bureaucrat capitalist purposes, the regi raiding the pension funds of state and private emplo from the underworld. The Estrada regime raised foreign debt to USD 51.2 billion and local public de year end 2000.
The Arroyo regime raised the level of the country’s billion and the local public debt to PhP 1.833 in Ju foreign and local public debt is PhP 6 trillion. In fac beyond USD 60 billion and the local public debt b

come to act decisively against so-called wage g by the state. Both were blamed as the cause of the the US sought to attract funds from abroad by in the market, the World Bank was made to cut ficial lending and the IMF was made to whip up lization, privatization and deregulation as payback .
dit situation in the 1980s compelled the Aquino local public debt from PhP 144.4 billion in 1986 to e Aquino regime restricted imports and brought the D 29.9 billion in 1992. To countervail depressed , the raw material exports of the Philippines had to
ial crisis sharpened in the early 1990s.
on “free market” globalization. It outstripped the n borrowing and the Aquino regime in local level of the country’s foreign debt to USD 46.2 ublic sector debt to PhP 922 billion in 1998. These rder to cover foreign trade and budgetary deficits, grew as the regime promoted the export-oriented ufacturing and private construction of high rise towers, hotels, golf courses and other recreational d financial collapse came as a major part of the
lippine economy and state was conspicuous when er. Government expenditures went too far ahead of pt on pressing the regime to reduce government x measures and give priority to debt service. To talist purposes, the regime engaged in scams by f state and private employees and collecting money Estrada regime raised the level of the country’s illion and local public debt to PhP 1.068 trillion by
the level of the country’s foreign debt to USD 56.3 debt to PhP 1.833 in June 2004. The compounded t is PhP 6 trillion. In fact, the foreign debt has gone d the local public debt beyond PhP 2.5 trillion. In

Page 23
terms of the size of the total public debt, the Philipp than Argentina. The Philippine public debt/GDP ra cent in 1997 to 80 per cent in 2004. Last year, the re 81 per cent of its revenues for both interest and pr year it is allocating 94 per cent of revenues for debt
Since 2001, the Arroyo regime has over borrowe market, mainly US, by floating bonds. It is now give being forced by the IMF to raise taxes amid a depr added tax is being raised by 20 percent. Other mea being implemented. Under conditions of deregulat allowed to freely raise their prices and so are the pow utilities, their service rates. The reactionary governm services it provides.
The IMF and WTO require the regime to undertake liberalization, privatization and deregulation. State National Power Corporation are being bargaine corporations being auctioned off remain as sovereig the liability of the new private owners. The mineral, of the country are further being opened up for unre foreign monopolies. Mimicking the Bush regim planning to privatize the social security agencies of t
Major official statistical data in the Philippines a illusion of achievement. The Arroyo regime claims percent in 2004. The Employers Confederation of this as jobless and industry-less growth. The regime many times the stagnant growth rates in the most ad It absurdly cites the heavy electoral spending last international call centres and false estimates of pro and service sectors of the economy as major items in
The chronic rate of mass unemployment in the Phili cent. One can arrive at this rate by compoundin unemployment and underemployment rates (the latte Unemployment has increased conspicuously since crisis, with the formal sector shrinking fast. The clai 11.7 per cent in 2004, which is comparable to th unbelievable. Supposedly “employed” by some spe

l public debt, the Philippines is in a worse situation pine public debt/GDP ratio has risen from 56 per in 2004. Last year, the reactionary government paid for both interest and principal amortization. This ent of revenues for debt service.
gime has over borrowed from the private capital ing bonds. It is now given a low credit rating and is raise taxes amid a depressed economy. The value y 20 percent. Other measures for raising taxes are conditions of deregulation, the oil companies are prices and so are the power, water and other public The reactionary government is raising the fees for
the regime to undertake further denationalization, and deregulation. State assets such as those in the on are being bargained away. Debts of state d off remain as sovereign debt and do not become ate owners. The mineral, forest and water resources eing opened up for unrestricted exploitation by the icking the Bush regime, the Arroyo regime is
ial security agencies of the state.
ata in the Philippines are falsified to conjure the e Arroyo regime claims that the GDP grew by 6.1 loyers Confederation of the Philippines describes -less growth. The regime pretends to surpass by so wth rates in the most advanced capitalist countries. electoral spending last year, the proliferation of d false estimates of production rises in agriculture onomy as major items in the GDP growth.
employment in the Philippines goes beyond 40 per his rate by compounding the officially admitted ployment rates (the latter is actually unemployed). ed conspicuously since the 1997 Asian financial r shrinking fast. The claimed unemployment rate of ich is comparable to that of Germany, is simply employed” by some specious definition are 30.635

Page 24
million workers out of total labour force of 34.57 percent (5.067 million) are verifiably employed in 67.47 per cent (20.670 million) are in the informal random surveys and false estimates.
The real value of nominal wages has drastically gon soaring prices of basic commodities and services. In the peso devaluation, the scarcities in import-depe consumer goods and the heavy electoral spending b rate of 5.4 per cent for 2004 in IMF and govern unbelievable.
The peso has been devalued vis a vis the US dollar a value in 1996 and only a third its value in 1985. Fu and consumer imports have become scarce because the monopoly firms, the huge amounts of debt serv made luxuries and weapons and salting away o businessmen and high bureaucrats.
The broad masses of the people suffer the rising c and such services as transport, water and electricity. deregulation of public utilities in the 1990s, the increased on average by 160 percent, of electrici water services by 450 percent. The social infrastruc the allocations for such social services as health, relief and housing are being cut back. The Arro slashed real spending on education by 3.2 percent, and on housing by 61.0 percent from 2001-2004.
Contrary to absurd government claims that poverty to just 30.4 percent of the population in 2003, population live on the equivalent of around USD 3 the Asian Development Bank points out that th achieved the reduction of the poverty level not by r but by lowering the poverty line. Indeed, while supposedly rose by some 15 percent between 2000 raised the poverty line by just 7 percent – to just Ph a day.
Millions of children are subjected to forced labour, m education, military assaults on rural communitie

l labour force of 34.571 million. But only 18.62 verifiably employed in the formal sector, while ion) are in the informal sector, which is a realm of timates.
ages has drastically gone down due to the rapidly modities and services. Inflation has been pushed by carcities in import-dependent basic producer and avy electoral spending by the regime. The inflation 004 in IMF and government statistics is simply
vis a vis the US dollar and is now less than half its ird its value in 1985. Funds for essential producer become scarce because of super profit-taking by ge amounts of debt service, spending for foreign- ns and salting away of dollars by big Filipino ucrats.
eople suffer the rising costs of basic commodities rt, water and electricity. Since the privatization and ities in the 1990s, the price of oil products has 60 percent, of electricity by 175 percent, and of ent. The social infrastructure is breaking down and cial services as health, education, unemployment ng cut back. The Arroyo regime has drastically ucation by 3.2 percent, on health by 24.5 percent ent from 2001-2004.
ent claims that poverty has fallen from 40 per cent e population in 2003, some 90 percent of the valent of around USD 3 a day. A recent report by ank points out that the Philippine government e poverty level not by raising the people’s income rty line. Indeed, while the general price level 5 percent between 2000 and 2003, the government st 7 percent – to just PhP 33.60 or some USD 0.60
jected to forced labour, malnutrition, deprivation of ts on rural communities and forced evacuation.

Page 25
Women are degraded and forced to leave their famil abroad. Large numbers of women and children are fo environment is being damaged by logging for e pesticide-dependent plantations and other pollutant e
Social discontent is acute and widespread among the and peasants and the middle social strata of e intelligentsia. They are increasingly engaged in strik forms of concerted action. But the regime always tr and orders the military and police to attack them. H rampant. There is more than enough of socio-e political oppression to drive so many people to wage
The Filipino people demand such bourgeois dem reform and national industrialization in order to industrial and semi-feudal character of the econom to be undertaken to uphold national sovereignty, co rich natural resources of the country and make su created serves the material and spiritual well-being generations.
Political Realities
The Philippine ruling system is semi-colonial. It formally ended its colonial rule, granted nominal ind to the Philippines and turned over the reins of Filipino bureaucrats and politicians from the explo time, it has retained strategic control over the Ph financial, security and other fields.
Unequal treaties have ensured the subservience of th to the US. The Treaty of General Relations of corporations and citizens retained their property ri forces kept their military bases and their radar and bilateral economic and trade agreements gave US co called parity rights to exploit natural resources and o predecessor agencies of the USAID started the pra key agencies of the puppet government.

rced to leave their families in order to earn a living omen and children are forced into prostitution. The aged by logging for export and foreign mining ons and other pollutant enterprises.
d widespread among the toiling masses of workers ddle social strata of entrepreneurs, traders and easingly engaged in strikes, protest rallies and other ut the regime always tries to intimidate the people police to attack them. Human rights violations are han enough of socio-economic exploitation and so many people to wage revolutionary resistance.
nd such bourgeois democratic measures as land trialization in order to break the agrarian, pre- character of the economy. They demand measures national sovereignty, conserve and use wisely the he country and make sure that the social wealth and spiritual well-being of the current and future
em is semi-colonial. It has been so since the US rule, granted nominal independence on 4 July 1946 ned over the reins of national administration to liticians from the exploiting classes. At the same gic control over the Philippines in the economic,
fields.
ed the subservience of the Philippine ruling system General Relations of 1946 guaranteed that US etained their property rights and that US military ases and their radar and loran stations. A series of e agreements gave US corporations and citizens so- it natural resources and operate public utilities. The USAID started the practice of planting agents in government.

Page 26
A series of bilateral military agreements on US assistance and mutual defence has bound the Philipp Even after the dismantling of the US military bases i renewal of the military bases agreement by the Phil US continues to exercise military control over the P of military supplies, planning, indoctrination and tra
It continues to encroach on Philippine territory an facilities under the Visiting Forces Agreement ratifie in May 1999 and the Mutual Logistics Support Ag RP defence officials in November 2002. It uses var as mutual defence, regional security and war on te pretexts like joint military training exercises, c mission and the like.
The key binding factor of the Philippine ruling sys the politicians and bureaucrats of the local e compradors and landlords have their relative autono master. They feed on the common trough of b compete in pretending to be for public service. They parties of the same dominant classes.
From 1946 to 1972, a two party system or a duopo that of the US. In this system, the political faction engaged in political and electoral struggle in an Subsequently, the Marcos ruling clique usurped a through a fascist dictatorship from 1972 to 1986. S regime, there has been a proliferation of reactio coalitions. There is not a single reactionary party or majority of the electoral votes at the national level.
The instability of the ruling system has worsened f 1972 through the Marcos fascist dictatorship and fur post-Marcos regimes. The political crisis is chr contradictions within the ruling system becomin reflection of the ever worsening socio-economi bureaucrat capitalist looting decreases, the struggle o and more conspicuous.
There is of course a semblance of civility and n reactionary political factions in the ruling system w

tary agreements on US military bases, military ce has bound the Philippines to US military power. f the US military bases in 1992, following the non- es agreement by the Philippine Senate in 1991, the ilitary control over the Philippines through control g, indoctrination and training of military officers.
n Philippine territory and use Philippine military Forces Agreement ratified by the Philippine Senate al Logistics Support Agreement signed by US and vember 2002. It uses various general pretexts such l security and war on terrorism and more specific y training exercises, civic action, humanitarian
the Philippine ruling system is US hegemony. But ucrats of the local exploiting classes of big ave their relative autonomy from the neo-colonial e common trough of bureaucrat capitalism and for public service. They are divided into factional t classes.
party system or a duopoly existed, patterned after em, the political factions of the exploiting classes lectoral struggle in an increasingly violent way. ruling clique usurped all powers of government ip from 1972 to 1986. Since the fall of the Marcos proliferation of reactionary political parties and ngle reactionary party or coalition that can claim a es at the national level.
system has worsened from the period of 1946 to scist dictatorship and further on to the period of the political crisis is chronic and it involves the ruling system becoming more violent. It is a orsening socio-economic crisis. As the pie for decreases, the struggle over it becomes more bitter
lance of civility and noblesse oblige among the s in the ruling system when they utter platitudes to

Page 27
the public and try to show good behaviour to commerce and the dominant church. But they d factional strife. To consolidate and expand their pow rivals, they cultivate links with groups of military a operate armed groups and security agencies.
The coercive apparatuses of the state, the military divided into factions. These reflect the major patronage is necessary to ensure promotions in lucrative posts. They also arise from rivalries in o from criminal syndicates of various types, includ numbers game (jueteng), illegal logging, drugs, kid heists, smuggling and so on.
At this moment, the Arroyo regime is extremely u sentiment is widespread that Arroyo was not reall year. She is widely perceived to have bought the counting. But what is really most damaging about th conspicuousness of its puppetry to the US, the proportions, the imposition of a heavier tax bu depressed economy, the soaring prices of basic com the escalation of human rights violations in the urba pretext of counterterrorism.
A broad united front of opposition forces is gro regime. The key forces in this broad united front a groups that have demonstrated significant electora police officers that dissociate themselves from ram criminality of their colleagues and the patriotic and organized masses willing to confront the regime an the case of Marcos in 1986 and Estrada in 2001.
The broad united front is reportedly trying to form patriotic and progressive forces to succeed the Arr basis for the election of a new government in six m ouster of Arroyo. It seeks to unite the military and p the principle of civilian supremacy, withdrawing regime, letting the masses rise up in protest and caus
In reaction, the Arroyo regime has become even mo corrupt, more arrogant and more ruthless in the fac

w good behaviour to the US, the chambers of nt church. But they do have their own violent ate and expand their power and wealth against their ith groups of military and police officers and they ecurity agencies.
f the state, the military and police, are themselves ese reflect the major political factions whose ensure promotions in rank and assignments to rise from rivalries in operating or taking payoffs f various types, including those engaged in the legal logging, drugs, kidnapping for ransom, bank .
o regime is extremely unstable and isolated. The at Arroyo was not really elected as president last ved to have bought the votes and cheated in the most damaging about the regime is the crudity and ppetry to the US, the corruption of gargantuan n of a heavier tax burden on the people in a aring prices of basic commodities and services and hts violations in the urban and rural areas under the
opposition forces is growing against the Arroyo this broad united front are the political parties and ated significant electoral following, military and ate themselves from rampant corruption and other es and the patriotic and progressive forces with the confront the regime and cause its downfall, as in and Estrada in 2001.
eportedly trying to form a revolutionary council of rces to succeed the Arroyo regime and to lay the ew government in six months to one year after the unite the military and police officers in upholding supremacy, withdrawing their support from the se up in protest and causing the regime to resign.
me has become even more servile to the US, more more ruthless in the face of the developing broad

Page 28
united front. It believes that it can continue bo complying with the demands of the IMF for incre giving priority to debt service and that it can rece military and financial assistance in exchange for its on terrorism”, the rise of US military intervention, military bases and the inflow of foreign investments.
There is a trend towards an unbridled rule of proclamation of martial law. The minions of the reg the enactment of an anti-terrorism law and the constitution of the provisions that put limitations on law, that guarantee the basic rights of a criminal s doctrine, that assert economic sovereignty and limi protect the national patrimony and that prohibit f foreign troops.
To say the least, the extremely pro-imperialist and r Arroyo regime wish to prevent the implementati Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and Intern and the negotiation of social, economic and politica scuttle the peace negotiations than address the ro Philippines. The terrorist-listing is calculated to e capitulation and pacification of the revolutionary fo of a “final peace agreement” of empty generalities without the substance of a just and lasting peace.
In a related way, the most vicious kinds of pressur NDFP. Under the direction of US psywar experts, th unleashed a campaign vilifying the most respectable and personages as “terrorists” and then telling the denouncing the revolutionary forces. This psywar c a campaign of assassinations and abductions dire progressive religious, lawyers, human rights activi the party list parties (like Bayan Muna, Anakpawis and members of the mass organizations of worke women, youth and others.
It is reprehensible that the Arroyo regime has government in demonizing and listing as “terrorists the Philippines, the New People’s Army and the c

that it can continue borrowing from abroad by ds of the IMF for increasing the tax burden and vice and that it can receive huge amounts of US tance in exchange for its support for the Bush “war S military intervention, the reestablishment of US
of foreign investments.
an unbridled rule of open terror, without any . The minions of the regime are now busy pushing -terrorism law and the removal from the 1987 ns that put limitations on the declaration of martial ic rights of a criminal suspect under the Miranda ic sovereignty and limit foreign investments, that ony and that prohibit foreign military bases and
ely pro-imperialist and reactionary elements in the event the implementation of the Comprehensive Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law l, economic and political reforms and would rather ons than address the roots of the civil war in the isting is calculated to extort from the NDFP the n of the revolutionary forces either under the guise t” of empty generalities and a prolonged ceasefire ust and lasting peace.
vicious kinds of pressure are being exerted on the of US psywar experts, the military and police have ing the most respectable institutions, organizations ts” and then telling them to clear themselves by ry forces. This psywar campaign is combined with ns and abductions directed against patriotic and ers, human rights activists, journalists, leaders of ayan Muna, Anakpawis and Gabriela) and leaders organizations of workers, peasants, urban poor,
e Arroyo regime has collaborated with the US and listing as “terrorists” the Communist Party of eople’s Army and the chief political consultant of

Page 29
the National Democratic Front of the Philippines assassinations and abductions, the NDFP senior lega Capulong has been clearly targeted for assassin residing in Philippines are experiencing inc intimidating actions from armed agents of the GRP.
This “terrorist” listing violates the mutually accep sovereignty and the non-capitulation principle in th the safety and immunity guarantees for all duly- peace negotiations under the Joint Agreement Guarantees and the basic democratic rights and the H doctrine as affirmed by the Comprehensive Agreem Rights and International Humanitarian Law.
Since August last year, when the US renewed the “ of the CPP, NPA and the NDFP chief political expected the GRP to join it in condemning the un comply with all the aforesaid agreements as w agreements in the Oslo Joint Statements I and II. T existing agreements or else the NDFP sees no point
At whatever rate the GRP complies with mutual a formal talks in the peace negotiations will resume s NDFP is committed to upholding, defending an sovereignty of the Filipino people. This is the ma NDFP in seeking political and constitutional re negotiations.
The NDFP can consider the GRP-NDFP peace ne useful only if these can become the way for assertin and empowering the workers and peasants who com Filipino people. The toiling masses should hav possibilities for expressing and realizing their natio and interests.
Need for Peace Negotiations
The two contending and negotiating parties, the Go of the Philippines (GRP) and the National Democra

ront of the Philippines. In the current wave of ns, the NDFP senior legal adviser Justice Romeo T. ly targeted for assassination. NDFP consultants are experiencing increased surveillance and med agents of the GRP.
ates the mutually acceptable principle of national pitulation principle in the Hague Joint Declaration, uarantees for all duly-authorized persons in the the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity mocratic rights and the Hernandez political offence Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human manitarian Law.
en the US renewed the “terrorist” label and listing NDFP chief political consultant, the NDFP has it in condemning the unjust act of the US and to resaid agreements as well as with the related t Statements I and II. The GRP must comply with the NDFP sees no point in negotiating with it.
complies with mutual agreements or whether the gotiations will resume sooner or later or never, the pholding, defending and promoting the national people. This is the main guiding principle of the l and constitutional reforms through the peace
e GRP-NDFP peace negotiations worthwhile and ome the way for asserting the national sovereignty rs and peasants who comprise ninety per cent of the ng masses should have all the conditions and and realizing their national and democratic rights
ns
gotiating parties, the Government of the Republic d the National Democratic Front of the Philippines

Page 30
(NDFP) have in their respective ways recogni negotiations and have set forth the objectives they w
According to the stalwarts of the national securit cabinet, the maximum objective of the GRP in pursu is to cause the capitulation of the NDFP or facilit GRP and the minimum objective is to conjure fa consciousness of the revolutionary forces and peopl revolutionary movement.
The NDFP has been quite open in declaring tha national liberation and democracy is the same li negotiations for a just and lasting peace. This is the NDFP in the peace negotiations. The NDFP also has propagating the national democratic line on issues, a millions to raise the level of revolutionary struggle the ruling system for the purpose of isolating and enemy.
Since the time of the Marcos fascist dictatorship, I involved in discreet and public discussions abo negotiations. I can use the historical method to development of the position and attitude of both the question of peace negotiations. But such an appr speculative debate about the motivations and calcu parties. We are on more solid ground if we look at the two negotiating parties.
Since 1992 the GRP and NDFP have forged twelv these agreements to determine and measure what th consider and agree upon as matters in the interest o preliminary stage of 1992 to1995 yielded serious way for the stage of formal talks from 1995 to the pr
The Hague Joint Declaration was mutually approve GRP and NDFP negotiating panels in 1992. It pro negotiations in order to address the roots of the ar reforms for laying the stable foundation for a just an
It declares the mutually acceptable principles democracy and social justice as the guiding principle

spective ways recognized the need for peace rth the objectives they wish to achieve.
of the national security division of the Arroyo ctive of the GRP in pursuing the peace negotiations of the NDFP or facilitate the military victory of jective is to conjure false illusions, befuddle the tionary forces and people and split the ranks of the
open in declaring that the line of struggle for mocracy is the same line that it pursues in the asting peace. This is the maximum objective of the ions. The NDFP also has the minimum objective of mocratic line on issues, arousing the people in their of revolutionary struggle and seeking allies within purpose of isolating and defeating the intractable
s fascist dictatorship, I have been privileged to be public discussions about the question of peace e historical method to demonstrate clearly the and attitude of both the GRP and NDFP about the ions. But such an approach might only ignite a e motivations and calculations of the contending lid ground if we look at the existing agreements of
DFP have forged twelve agreements. We can use ine and measure what the two parties are willing to matters in the interest of the Filipino people. The to1995 yielded serious agreements that paved the talks from 1995 to the present.
n was mutually approved by the principals of the g panels in 1992. It proclaims the need for peace dress the roots of the armed conflict and arrive at
foundation for a just and lasting peace.
acceptable principles of national sovereignty, e as the guiding principles for the negotiations. It is

Page 31
against any precondition that negates the inherent peace negotiations. It sets the substantive agenda, to rights and international humanitarian law, socia political and constitutional reforms.
The Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity mutually approved in 1995 by the principals of the G panels. It protects the panelists, consultants and authorized in the peace negotiations and prov terminating the peace negotiations by any of the tw persons duly-authorized to participate in the peace safe positions within 30 days after the date of the no
The Joint Agreement on the Formation, Sequence the Reciprocal Working Committees was mutually the drafting of the tentative comprehensive agreem accordance with the substantive agenda as set f Declaration. A supplementary agreement was mutu require mutual approval by the principals of the com social and economic reforms before there can be a n constitutional reforms.
The Comprehensive Agreement of Respect International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) was of the NDFP and GRP in 1998. This is the first o agreements in accordance with the substantive age and NDFP have agreed on the operating guideline Committee and have fully constituted it, together w Manila, to monitor the joint and separate implementa
At the opening session of the resumption of formal t the NDFP Negotiating Panel and the GRP Neg cooperate in trying to finish the Comprehensive Economic Reforms within six months from Ju cooperated with NDFP, this comprehensive agre finished a long time ago. There would have bee comprehensive agreement on political and constitut that on the end of hostilities and disposition of forces
Unfortunately, in June 2001 the GRP suspended in until 2004 avowedly in protest to the killing of Colo

at negates the inherent character and purpose of he substantive agenda, to include respect for human umanitarian law, social and economic reforms, eforms.
Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG) was by the principals of the GRP and NDFP negotiating nelists, consultants and all other persons duly- negotiations and provides the mechanism for tiations by any of the two parties and for allowing participate in the peace negotiation to go to their s after the date of the notice of termination.
e Formation, Sequence and Operationalisation of mmittees was mutually approved in 1995 to guide comprehensive agreements one after the other in antive agenda as set forth by The Hague Joint ary agreement was mutually approved in 1997 to the principals of the comprehensive agreement on s before there can be a negotiation of political and
eement of Respect for Human Rights and Law (CARHRIHL) was approved by the principals 1998. This is the first of the four comprehensive ith the substantive agenda. Since 2004, the GRP the operating guidelines of the Joint Monitoring constituted it, together with its Joint Secretariat in
and separate implementation of the CARHRIHL.
e resumption of formal talks in Oslo in April 2001, nel and the GRP Negotiating Panel agreed to sh the Comprehensive Agreement on Social and n six months from June 2001. Had the GRP his comprehensive agreement would have been There would have been a chance to finish the n political and constitutional reforms in 2002 and and disposition of forces in 2003.
1 the GRP suspended indefinitely the formal talks test to the killing of Colonel Rodolfo Aguinaldo by

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the New People’s Army. He was one among the m murderers of the Marcos fascist dictatorship. Even continued to participate in military operations again in Cagayan province. The NPA therefore had long combatant with abundant blood death.
To further complicate matters, the GRP agreed w November 2001 to put the CPP/NPA and the NDFP in the “terrorist” list in a bid to pressure the NDFP t so-called final peace agreement which the GRP ha US made the “terrorist” listing in August 2002, f governments (Netherlands, Britain, Australia an European Council.
There are now two major obstacles blocking the resu peace negotiations:
1. The “terrorist” listing. It is a malicious act whi pressure the NDFP to capitulate. It violates t sovereignty and non-capitulation principle in The H protection to persons duly-authorized to participate under the JASIG and the basic democratic rights an offence doctrine in the CARHRIHL.
The GRP has made the resumption of the formal tal end its complicity with the US in labelling and list NDFP chief political consultant as “terrorist.” It h NDFP in upholding the Oslo Statements I an II aga Worst of all, it has repeatedly sung duet with the US must capitulate in order to have the names of revo from the list. It must join the NDFP in complying w to pave the way for the resumption of the formal talk
2. The demand for capitulation. The NDFP rejects t carried by the so-called final peace agreement d violates the non-capitulation and substantive agend Joint Declaration and the Joint Agreement on the Operationalisation of the Reciprocal Working Com rejects any attempt to convert the peace negotiations that lay aside the principle of addressing the root ca through the negotiations on social, economic and po

e was one among the most notorious torturers and scist dictatorship. Even while in civilian office, he ilitary operations against the NPA and the people NPA therefore had long regarded him as an armed ood death.
ters, the GRP agreed with the US government in CPP/NPA and the NDFP chief political consultant d to pressure the NDFP to capitulate by signing the ment which the GRP had unilaterally drafted. The sting in August 2002, followed by various other , Britain, Australia and Canada) and by the
stacles blocking the resumption of the GRP-NDFP
t is a malicious act which seeks to blackmail and apitulate. It violates the principle of national ation principle in The Hague Joint Declaration; the authorized to participate in the peace negotiations asic democratic rights and the Hernandez political
HRIHL.
mption of the formal talks impossible by failing to US in labelling and listing the CPP, NPA and the ultant as “terrorist.” It has also failed to join the lo Statements I an II against the “terrorist” listing. ly sung duet with the US on the line that the NDFP have the names of revolutionary forces removed e NDFP in complying with the existing agreements mption of the formal talks.
tion. The NDFP rejects the demand for capitulation inal peace agreement drafted by the GRP. This n and substantive agenda provisions in The Hague Joint Agreement on the Formation, Sequence and eciprocal Working Committees. The NDFP also rt the peace negotiations into ceasefire negotiations of addressing the root causes of the armed conflict social, economic and political reforms.

Page 33
The GRP must comply with the existing agreemen the NDFP expect that the GRP will ever comply agreements on the substantive agenda? But it is hig is already looking for a way to prevent the negotiati forms and to scuttle the peace negotiations. It is capitulate and, if the latter does not capitulate, to sub against the revolutionary forces and people.
It should be realistic and reasonable for the Arroy resumption of the formal talks on social and econ masses of the people expect this; they are looking social, economic and political crisis. After resum conversations between special representatives o principals on how to accelerate negotiations and without violating the existing agreements.
But the problem of the Arroyo regime might be the can provide it with economic and military assistanc the ruling system and defeating the revolutionary meantime, the regime is becoming more and m vulnerable to the rising resistance of the people a opposition forces. This is the worst time for the Arr and shun the peace negotiations with the National Philippines.

h the existing agreements. If it does not, how can GRP will ever comply with the comprehensive ive agenda? But it is highly probable that the GRP to prevent the negotiation of social and economic eace negotiations. It is trying to make the NDFP
oes not capitulate, to subsequently escalate the war rces and people.
reasonable for the Arroyo regime to agree to the talks on social and economic reforms. The broad t this; they are looking for way out of the current ical crisis. After resumption of the formal talks, ecial representatives of the GRP and NDFP lerate negotiations and agreements are possible, g agreements.
oyo regime might be the false illusion that the US ic and military assistance sufficient for buoying up ating the revolutionary forces and people. In the becoming more and more isolated, weak and sistance of the people and broad united front of e worst time for the Arroyo regime to be arrogant ations with the National Democratic Front of the

Page 34
In Memory of Comrade Nav
by
Comrade SK Senthivel
General Secretary of the ND
It is a year since Comrade Navam (C Navaratnam) p 2004. The New Democratic Party commemorates h sentiment. Comrade Navam lived to his last bre Leninist. One should make serious note of the fact t lead such a life in the current climate. It is of fund one’s Marxist Leninist position from one’s deeds rat
The contemporary national and international sit involve grave risks. Nationalist positions are upheld As a result, national oppression assumed the form o problem of the country. As a result, each adopt viewing every issue based on one’s national viewpoint conceals class exploitation and oppre oppression is the main problem of today, it has to b the same time, the inequalities of the social structur that underlie it cannot be denied. Other forms of brushed aside. In the same way, globalisation a infiltration by imperialism need to be exposed and emphasise and to advance the struggle for the righ the same time, democracy and human rights should the positions that we as Marxist Leninists have been
Comrade Navam was one who was firm in his stan cannot be concealed that there is a situation of so Leninism and Socialism. Meantime, imperialism impression that it is winning through its programm such a climate that a Marxist Leninist needs to mov his determination in policy and firmness in action, a illusion set by imperialism. Each Marxist Leninist

emory of Comrade Navam
by
Comrade SK Senthivel
neral Secretary of the NDP
avam (C Navaratnam) passed away on 8th October Party commemorates his death with revolutionary lived to his last breath as an honest Marxist serious note of the fact that it is not an easy task to ent climate. It is of fundamental importance to see tion from one’s deeds rather than one’s words.
l and international situations are complex and alist positions are upheld vengefully and wickedly. sion assumed the form of war to become the main s a result, each adopts a negative approach of d on one’s national feelings. This nationalist exploitation and oppression. Since chauvinistic lem of today, it has to be exposed and opposed. At ties of the social structure and the class oppression denied. Other forms of oppression too cannot be e way, globalisation and economic and military need to be exposed and opposed. It is necessary to the struggle for the right to self-determination. At and human rights should not be denied. These are xist Leninists have been emphasising.
ho was firm in his stand as a Marxist Leninist. It here is a situation of some setback for Marxism Meantime, imperialism is presenting an illusive g through its programme of globalisation. It is in ist Leninist needs to move ahead by demonstrating and firmness in action, and not fall into the traps of Each Marxist Leninist who has adopted scientific

Page 35
Marxism as his world outlook should approach eve by capitalism with utmost care, and duly recognise t the political strategies that go with them. Capitalism through these steps also introduces poisonous featur cultural domain. Each Marxist Leninist needs to cl oppose them. It is thus that people could by word induced to action. Comrade Navam adopted such a p
Based on historical materialism, Marxist Leninists the nature of exploitation and its sources as manifes They do not in the current social set up sud enlightenment in Marxism Leninism. Each is born a a class. One’s class characteristic and consciousne At some stage in the course of development w becomes rational knowledge, people take a closer lo organisation. The oppressed people in particular problems faced by them based on the questions o asked repeatedly, become socially aware. A signific aware individuals become attracted to the Marxist themselves with its scientific, practical and realisti remain mere textbook Marxists but, in recognition party that put Marxism into practice, act through j party.
When one starts to act in this manner, one makes violently the cruel social structure full of ine oppression. They take an oath that, besides overth new socialist social structure and carry it forwa structure.
Such Marxist Leninists consider it the duty of the every social injustice and oppression that they see. B they carry forward struggles by mobilising the organisation and other mass movements. The bat serve as testing grounds for revolutionary struggle social transformation. Through the struggles eac tempered through a variety of experiences. Thu important part in the growth of the party and in revolutionary struggle. It is a wrong outlook to seek then carry out mass struggles. It is also a wrong ap

ok should approach everything that is put forward are, and duly recognise the economic proposals and o with them. Capitalism in order to establish itself roduces poisonous features on a daily basis into the xist Leninist needs to clearly recognise and firmly t people could by word and deed be educated and Navam adopted such a position to the end.
lism, Marxist Leninists see clearly the inequality, d its sources as manifested in the society of today. ent social set up suddenly awaken to receive eninism. Each is born and grows with the stamp of teristic and consciousness also develop alongside. urse of development when gathered knowledge e, people take a closer look at the world and social ed people in particular, through addressing the ased on the questions of why, how, and what for ocially aware. A significant section of such socially attracted to the Marxist world outlook. They link ic, practical and realistic functions. They will not xists but, in recognition of the need for a Marxist o practice, act through joining a Marxist Leninist
his manner, one makes it one‘s goal to overthrow l structure full of inequality, exploitation and ath that, besides overthrowing, they will create a ture and carry it forward towards a communist
nsider it the duty of their life to struggle against ppression that they see. Besides acting individually, les by mobilising the people under the party ss movements. The battlefields of mass struggle r revolutionary struggle of Marxist Leninists for ough the struggles each revolutionary fighter is ty of experiences. Thus mass struggles play an th of the party and in the strengthening of the a wrong outlook to seek to build up the party and es. It is also a wrong approach to argue that mass

Page 36
struggles by themselves could bring about social c need to emphasise the role of the party. These are and practice. Comrade Stalin summed it up pithily a is blind. Theory without practice is sterile”.
Comrade Navam was one who carried forward t above discussed manner through the party organis Comrades of today should learn well from his exper to our day-to-day practice of Marxism Leninism.
1 We should rid ourselves of the conservatism de finding expression as thoughts and replace them outlook. If we fail to sharpen daily our understan Mao Zedong Thought in thought and in deed, w deflected by conservative thinking.
2 It is essential to make our daily activities
Leninism.
3 Sheer selfishness is the source of all manner of thought. Hence we should keep ourselves on the
4 Within and outside the party, every Marxist Len
to the method of criticism and self-criticism.
5 Every Marxist Leninist should approach matte based on Marxist world outlook, and realise t conclusions is dangerous.
6 Every Marxist Leninist should daily and on
demonstrate progress fearlessly, bravely and example to others. One should temper himself a than as a mere man of words. Mass struggles training.
7 It is important to learn as an object lesson thro
Leninists have acted and succeeded through decision and individual responsibility in party domain of mass struggle.
8 In ideology and in developing policy and car Leninists should, through practical struggle a become newly moulded in one foundry to speak

uld bring about social change and that there is no of the party. These are issues that concern theory in summed it up pithily as “Practice without theory ctice is sterile”.
who carried forward theory and practice in the rough the party organisation and mass struggles. earn well from his experiences. They are important f Marxism Leninism.
s of the conservatism deposited in our minds and oughts and replace them with a scientific Marxist rpen daily our understanding of Marxism Leninism thought and in deed, we are at the risk of being e thinking.
e our daily activities consistent with Marxism
source of all manner of revisionist and reactionary ld keep ourselves on the guard against selfishness.
party, every Marxist Leninist should firmly adhere
and self-criticism.
should approach matters from objective reality d outlook, and realise that arriving at subjective
.
should daily and on every important occasion fearlessly, bravely and confidently, and be an should temper himself as a hero in practice rather f words. Mass struggles are the arenas for such
as an object lesson through practice that Marxist nd succeeded through the process of collective l responsibility in party organisation and in the .
eloping policy and carrying it forward, Marxist gh practical struggle and day-to-day life style, in one foundry to speak the same language.

Page 37
9 The fundamental duty of Marxist Leninists is revolution for socials change by understanding that the people and only the people are the m serving the people among the people.
10 Comrade Mao Zedong stated that perfect materi it is only conscience that Marxist Leninist accordingly. Comrade Mao stated clearly and fir are answerable to the party and the people by the is important and necessary today for us to act by our thinking and actions.
Comrade Navam was an excellent comrade who characteristics, adhered to the Marxist Leninist line determination and confidence. At the same time he w failings. There have been occasions when he put f were subjective and extremist. But, collective debat enabled him to recognise such errors and failings never hesitated to face criticism or to self-criticise. the victories of Marxist Leninists. It was an out characteristic of Comrade Navam that whatever wa from the needs and interests of the Party and the op comrades should acquire this characteristic.
Thoughts of the valuable role of Comrade Navam w us on the occasion of his first dearth anniversary memories of him. The most valuable way of reme will be to carry out the duties of Marxist Len confidence, and without any form of reluctance, hesi
[Translation of article in Puth
* * * * *

of Marxist Leninists is to prepare people for the ange by understanding the essential Marxist truth y the people are the motive force of history and g the people.
tated that perfect materialists are fearless, and that that Marxist Leninists need fear, and acted ao stated clearly and firmly that Marxist Leninists rty and the people by their every word and deed. It ry today for us to act by integrating these ideas into .
excellent comrade who had in him the aforesaid the Marxist Leninist line, and acted with honesty, ce. At the same time he was not beyond mistakes or ccasions when he put forward conclusions which ist. But, collective debates and practical experience uch errors and failings through self-criticism. He cism or to self-criticise. This has been the basis of eninists. It was an outstanding Marxist Leninist avam that whatever was put forward by him arose s of the Party and the oppressed people. Our young is characteristic.
le of Comrade Navam will spread out wide before first dearth anniversary and whenever we recall st valuable way of remembering Comrade Navam duties of Marxist Leninists with firmness and form of reluctance, hesitation or laziness.
nslation of article in Puthiya Poomi, October 2005]
* * * * *

Page 38
Internatio
US and Cuba: Katrina Tells the Differenc
The cyclone Katrina was not preventable, but its c and livelihoods of its victims were a social disaster flooding due to Katrina was avoidable, and the fai prevent the suffering was because US capitalism p lives, and expects the most vulnerable people consequences.
Experts had repeatedly cautioned that the protective face a Category 4 or Category 5 cyclone like Katr despite a severe cyclone season in 2004, the US gov cyclone and flood-control funding, preventing the dollar’s worth of essential work. It is untrue that the the city safe because of the imperialist occupation funds were being used elsewhere but that the priorit is ensuring their resources and markets across the protecting workers and farmers and their homes and
The flooding around New Orleans the day after the c deaths. Critics who point to the lack of troops and v not explain why thousands of mostly working-class the area throughout the storm. Katrina Struck Florid but New Orleans Mayor Ray Nagin urged residents and ordered “mandatory evacuation” on Sund government declaring an “emergency” for the regio own to get somewhere else to stay, and those with fared better.
Before Katrina struck, thousands flocked to the Sup centre, the designated shelters, where the condi degrading without food, water, electricity, hygiene bodies were abandoned for days. People fainted in vain for transportation. There were robberies during in the water now got trapped at the ‘shelters’ for day

International Events
trina Tells the Difference
ot preventable, but its consequences for the lives s were a social disaster that could have been. The s avoidable, and the failure of the government to because US capitalism puts profits before human ost vulnerable people to bear the brunt of the
tioned that the protective system was inadequate to ory 5 cyclone like Katrina hit New Orleans. But, son in 2004, the US government made huge cuts in funding, preventing the completion of millions of ork. It is untrue that there was no money to make e imperialist occupation of Iraq. It is not that the where but that the priority for the imperialist rulers and markets across the world at gunpoint and not ers and their homes and livelihoods.
rleans the day after the cyclone struck caused most the lack of troops and vehicles for rescue work do of mostly working-class Black people remained in m. Katrina Struck Florida on Thursday, 25th August y Nagin urged residents to leave only on Saturday, evacuation” on Sunday. Despite the federal emergency” for the region, residents were on their to stay, and those with more economic resources
sands flocked to the Superdome and the convention lters, where the conditions were inhuman and ter, electricity, hygiene or medical care, and dead days. People fainted in 90-degree heat waiting in re were robberies during the night. People trapped d at the ‘shelters’ for days for lack of transport.

Page 39
What was worse was the tendency of the establi deflect attention from the incompetence of the stat and lawlessness’ were the problem so that th transformed into the culprits. George Bush added h ABC's Good Morning America, "I think there oug people breaking the law during an emergency suc thus became the pretext for inaction.
Cyclone Rita struck the region and led to further f progressed at its lethargic pace, serving as further does not care for the environment or human life. E commentators could not help comparing the US re with that of Cuba. Michael Sneed in a Chicago Sun-Times of 1st Sep has lived in Cuba on and off for 20 years who told h system in place to bus everybody out of harm's way The US government had full and advance kn approaching New Orleans and Mississippi. It spend rescue while it could have averted most of the death.
Ben Wisner, a disaster expert from Ohio in a Guar that when Michelle hit Cuba that year, authorities country’s 11 million people –quite an achievem dilapidated fleet of vehicles, fuel shortage and poo possible only because of advance preparations and personnel, trust in warnings given and cooperation w
Similar mobilization took place in 2004 and 2 cyclones, Ivan and Dennis. Destruction by Dennis with 70,000 homes demolished, and entire moun sixteen were killed. Third World Cuba, with a 4 against it, does what the richest imperialist cou Revolution puts lives first while capitalism puts prof
US: Anti-War Protest Grows
Thousands have continued to protest in several protesting against the unjust war in Iraq. In Was

tendency of the establishment and the media to ncompetence of the state by declaring that ‘crime e problem so that the victims were instantly ts. George Bush added his weight by declaring on erica, "I think there ought to be zero tolerance of uring an emergency such as this..." –lawlessness inaction.
gion and led to further flooding while relief work pace, serving as further proof that capitalist greed nment or human life. Even by big-business media lp comparing the US response to natural disasters
o Sun-Times of 1st September cited a source who f for 20 years who told him that in Cuba, there is a ybody out of harm's way before the cyclone strikes. full and advance knowledge of the cyclone nd Mississippi. It spends millions on recovery and verted most of the death.
ert from Ohio in a Guardian article in 2001 noted ba that year, authorities evacuated 700,000 of the le –quite an achievement for a country with a s, fuel shortage and poor road system, and made vance preparations and planning, a cadre of local given and cooperation with the Red Cross.
place in 2004 and 2005 for two devastating . Destruction by Dennis was valued at $1 billion, lished, and entire mountaintops razed. But only World Cuba, with a 45-year economic embargo richest imperialist country cannot, because the hile capitalism puts profits first.
test Grows
to protest in several major cities of the US st war in Iraq. In Washington DC, around 370

Page 40
demonstrators against the war in Iraq, including Cin of the U.S. peace movement, courted arrest on Mon a protest outside the White House.
AFL-CIO, the largest trade union umbrella organ convention in August passed a resolution demand U.S. forces from Iraq –the first time that the AFL-C stance against an ongoing U.S. war.
To add to the woes of the US presidency, public administration’s handling of the war in Iraq has slum with the worst during the Vietnam War. Doubts abo have now spread to some of the main media and ev like Newt Gingrich are beginning to have their doub
Iran: Confronting Nuclear Hypocrisy
After much controversy and repeated threats by t European Union, the draft resolution against Iran, pr Germany and the U.S. was ratified at the meeting of the International Atomic Energy Agency in Vi ratification of the resolution with 22 votes for, 12 a went to indicate strong divisions among the 35 Governors.
Observers have questioned the legality of the resolu resolution should be registered at the IAEA Secre vote, and this procedure was not followed, and the the Board of Governors. Although the draft resolut between the US and a less willing EU, was further Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) group, Ryma Jam representative on the IAEA board and head of NAM draft failed to take on board its suggestion that time for the matter to be deliberated at the Novembe negotiations to proceed with a view to reaching a co
It was a shame that the US, UK and France despite Iran has ever pursued a nuclear weapons progra several countries into denouncing Iran which only

ar in Iraq, including Cindy Sheehan, now a symbol t, courted arrest on Monday 26th September during House.
e union umbrella organisation in the US, at its ed a resolution demanding a rapid withdrawal of irst time that the AFL-CIO has ever taken a public .S. war.
e US presidency, public confidence in the Bush f the war in Iraq has slumped to levels comparable ietnam War. Doubts about the conduct of the ware f the main media and even right-wing Republicans nning to have their doubts about US policy in Iraq.
Nuclear Hypocrisy
d repeated threats by the United States and the esolution against Iran, proposed by Britain, France, ratified at the meeting of the Board of Governors of Energy Agency in Vienna in September. The with 22 votes for, 12 abstentions, and one against visions among the 35 member of the Board of
the legality of the resolution, since the draft of any ered at the IAEA Secretariat 24 hours before any s not followed, and the draft directly submitted to lthough the draft resolution, already a compromise willing EU, was further weakened by the efforts of AM) group, Ryma Jama' Hussein, the Malaysian board and head of NAM group complained that the its suggestion that time and diplomacy be allowed erated at the November board meeting and for
a view to reaching a consensus decision.
, UK and France despite their failure to show that uclear weapons programme successfully bullied uncing Iran which only exercises the right of a

Page 41
sovereign country to develop peaceful nuclear pow Fittingly, the Nobel Peace Prize for 2005 has gone for services rendered to imperialism by faulting Iran
India, having refused to join the NPT, turned its ba IAEA safeguards, conducted six nuclear explosions and a declared nuclear weapons state, has now, un imperialist double standards on nuclear prolifera India’s vote in favour of the resolution has embarras establishment and the left parties that support the UP now at a loss to explain the foreign policy of t nothing but playing the role of a junior partner to the
UK: More to Conceal than to Reveal
Michael Meacher, UK cabinet minister from 1997 t that the war on terrorism was bogus and that the pretext for the US to use force to secure its global do in the Guardian of 10th September expressed con agency MI6 could thwart the London bombings inve
He draws attention to links between the security se that may be linked to the London bombs, citing a based Observer Research Foundation, pointing out resident Pakistani Muslims belonging to the Harka fought in Bosnia to weaken the Serb government's the full knowledge and complicity of British intelli out that the UK government's ties with a wider Islam well known. Also, former US Federal Prosecutor J TV interview this summer, reported that British in Muhajiroun group in London to recruit Islamist mili to fight the Serbs in Kosovo.
The Observer Research Foundation argues that orchestrated the London bombings are still not be wonderes whether the hunt for those behind the Lon

op peaceful nuclear power as a source of energy. Prize for 2005 has gone to the IAEA and its chief erialism by faulting Iran.
n the NPT, turned its back on accepting full-scope d six nuclear explosions (between 1974 and 1998), apons state, has now, unashamedly, embraced the ds on nuclear proliferation indictment of Iran. resolution has embarrassed a section of the Indian arties that support the UPA Government, which are the foreign policy of the Government, which is of a junior partner to the only global superpower.
ceal than to Reveal
net minister from 1997 to 2003, who wrote in 2003 was bogus and that the 9/11 attacks were only a rce to secure its global domination, has in his article eptember expressed concern that the intelligence e London bombings investigation.
between the security services and Muslim groups ondon bombs, citing a recent report by the Delhi- oundation, pointing out that an estimated 200 UK belonging to the Harkat-ul Ansar terrorist group n the Serb government's hold on Yugoslavia, with plicity of British intelligence agencies. He points t's ties with a wider Islamist terrorist network is less US Federal Prosecutor John Loftus, during a Fox reported that British intelligence had used the al- n to recruit Islamist militants with British passports .
oundation argues that individuals who probably ombings are still not being investigated. Meacher for those behind the London bombings can prevail

Page 42
against powerful political forces, unless Scotland uncover the truth, can prevail over MI6, which is try in practice has every opportunity to operate beyon national security.
Palestine: The Struggle Persists
The Israeli pullout from the desperately poor and de with over 1.3 million Palestinians packed into a thin by 25 miles long ended 38 years of military rule in The occupied territory comprised over 30 percen Zionist settlers in 21 militarized Israeli settlemen checkpoints, security perimeters, military bases a financed and supported by the US. Meanwhile, ove whom more than half were refugees of past Israe prison-like conditions with their land and home efforts to break Palestinian resistance.
The departure of Israeli forces on Sept. 12 was Palestinian rockets aimed at southern Israel and, armed members of Hamas celebrated the event by the cheers of hundreds of thousands. The demons after Israel completed the evacuation of its forces fr largest armed Palestinian protest ever and the first armed wing of Hamas made a public appearance. It to Israeli Premier Sharon, who demands the disa declares that Israel will not allow elections for scheduled for 25
th
January 2006, if Hamas participa
Israel was forced to withdraw, despite years of use drones and helicopter gunships to hunt down and k militants and leaders, more in the way it was force rather by way of friendly persuasion by its imperialis
Since the Israeli departure the border between sout was under Israeli control has been opened and the tearing down sections of the wall. Israel has deman

forces, unless Scotland Yard, in its attempts to il over MI6, which is trying to cover its tracks and rtunity to operate beyond the law under cover of
uggle Persists
desperately poor and densely populated Gaza Strip tinians packed into a thin strip of land 5 miles wide years of military rule in the impoverished territory. prised over 30 percent of the land with 8,000 tarized Israeli settlements and specialized roads, eters, military bases and guard towers, heavily the US. Meanwhile, over a million Palestinians, of e refugees of past Israeli expropriations, lived in their land and homes constantly bulldozed in resistance.
orces on Sept. 12 was followed by a salvo of at southern Israel and, on Sept 18; over 10,000 celebrated the event by marching in Gaza City to thousands. The demonstration, coming one week vacuation of its forces from the Gaza Strip, was the rotest ever and the first where commanders of the e a public appearance. It poses a political challenge who demands the disarming of all militias and ot allow elections for the Palestinian legislature 2006, if Hamas participates without disarming.
aw, despite years of use of high-tech surveillance, hips to hunt down and kill hundreds of Palestinian in the way it was forced out of southern Lebanon rsuasion by its imperialist backers.
the border between southern Gaza and Egypt that as been opened and the Palestinians celebrated by e wall. Israel has demanded that Egypt secure the

Page 43
buffer zone. But that is hard to achieve, given the f the Egyptian masses for the Palestinians.
Although the withdrawal is a clear victory for resistance of the nearly five-year Intifada, all of Ga even the airspace above still remain under Israe Palestinian people are still under daily siege. Sev Israel’s withdrawal from Gaza would lead to intens rest of Palestine under Israeli occupation since 1 about 210 000 Israeli settlers and areas of Jerusa quarter million. As in Gaza, the Palestinians here destruction of olive groves and expropriation of wat expand its system of exclusive roads, settlements an have taken over 47 percent of the West Bank, and isolate Palestinian towns and cities and deny contigu
‘Disengagement’ in Gaza does not mean that Israel its grip over Palestine or weakening Palestinian knows that this is the time to heighten its efforts in t September, the day Sharon addressed the UN, protes marked in several cities of the West Bank, with t Ramallah. Other protests were in Jerusalem, Jenin, Jericho and Bethlehem. All Palestinian political part went to the UN head office in Ramallah to hand in a
Sharon, to whose criminal record is now added t hundred miles long Apartheid Wall in the West Ba villages and towns into walled ghettos, responded to West Bank and to the challenge to his leadership own party by bombing Hamas targets in Gaza as w this is doomed to fail like all earlier attempts of th technically equipped military force in the world struggle for justice, despite massive infusions of U aid to the oppressor for 57 years. The determination like that of the people of Vietnam not long ago, oppressor.

d to achieve, given the feeling of solidarity among
Palestinians.
is a clear victory for the armed and steadfast e-year Intifada, all of Gaza’s borders, the sea, and still remain under Israeli occupation so that the under daily siege. Several observers expect that aza would lead to intensification of its hold on the aeli occupation since 1967: the West Bank with ers and areas of Jerusalem and environs with a a, the Palestinians here face bulldozing of homes, and expropriation of water resources so Israel could ive roads, settlements and security parameters that t of the West Bank, and designed to surround and d cities and deny contiguity of land area.
oes not mean that Israel has given up on tightening weakening Palestinian resistance. The resistance o heighten its efforts in the West Bank and, on 15th addressed the UN, protest to Israeli occupation was the West Bank, with the main demonstration in ere in Jerusalem, Jenin, Tulkarem, Hebron, Salfit, Palestinian political parties and mass organizations in Ramallah to hand in a statement of protest.
record is now added the building of the several eid Wall in the West Bank for turning Palestinian led ghettos, responded to the growing resistance in lenge to his leadership from hardliners within his as targets in Gaza as well as the West Bank. But all earlier attempts of the most heavily armed and ry force in the world to subdue the Palestinian massive infusions of U.S. economic and military years. The determination of the Palestinian people, Vietnam not long ago, is too formidable for any

Page 44
The Philippines
The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) to possible alliance and cooperation with patriotic, minded officials and soldiers of the Armed Forces even as it cited widespread restiveness within t desperate measures in the past days by Presiden officials from testifying on the rigging of the 2004 e
Nepal:
The unilateral declaration of a three-month ceasefire Party of Nepal in early September has wrong foote trick played by the dictator since dissolution of p exploded in his face. Within the country, he is now than ever, with the major political parties nearing well as with the Maoists about democracy in Nepal discredited monarchy. Meantime, the Maoists have with the Indian media and discussions with pol progress in dispelling the wrong impression that the acting to convert Nepal into a one party dictatorship
The dictator’s much publicised ‘walk about’ am September, in company of soldiers and bodygua convinced any. However, he could count on the sup to democracy in Nepal, the Indian ruling classes a particular.
The dictator has clearly become even more despera new legislation in October that criticising the King is now legally challenged by journalists and lawyers

he Philippines (CPP) today extended its offer of peration with patriotic, democratic and critical- rs of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) ad restiveness within the AFP made worse by past days by President Arroyo to stop military the rigging of the 2004 elections.
f a three-month ceasefire by the Maoist Communist tember has wrong footed King Gyanendra. Every r since dissolution of parliament in February has in the country, he is now politically more isolated olitical parties nearing consensus among them as out democracy in Nepal and the future of the now ntime, the Maoists have, though recent interviews d discussions with political parties made some rong impression that they are a group of terrorists a one party dictatorship and destabilise India.
licised ‘walk about’ among the people in mid f soldiers and bodyguards on full alert, hardly e could count on the support of all forces opposed Indian ruling classes and the US imperialists, in
come even more desperate to the point of making that criticising the King is a criminal offence. This y journalists and lawyers.

Page 45
Press Communiqué of the NDP NDP Opposes the State of Emergency
22nd August 2005
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary of the Ne press communiqué of 22nd August 2005 made the fo
The action of the President in imposing a State of E with parliamentary approval points to the prospect into effect several of its ulterior motives. This poses half years’ old Memorandum of Understanding and A fearful situation has arisen in which the State of E deny and to violate the basic democratic and hum especially in the North East and the Hill Country, wo the New Democratic Party strongly condemns the Emergency, which gives additional powers to the po and demands its withdrawal.
The killing of the Minister of Foreign Affairs on th used as the pretext for the declaration of the State extended to a month with the support of a parliame constituting the government, the opposition UNP, t voted together to express their chauvinistic ruling c the armed forces are certain to use the powers g Emergency Regulations to carry out abuses tha Searches, roundups, inspections, arrests, detention will occur as in the past. As a result there is the dan three and a half year’s long environment of peace period of people living in fear and a state of ter created a situation in which democratic and trad peasants and workers, and employees of the state an protests will be stopped and defeated using the same

NDP Diary
e NDP State of Emergency
neral Secretary of the New Democratic Party in his
ugust 2005 made the following statement.
in imposing a State of Emergency and extending it l points to the prospect of the Government putting erior motives. This poses a threat to the three and a m of Understanding and the Ceasefire Agreement. n in which the State of Emergency could be used to asic democratic and human rights of the people, and the Hill Country, workers and peasants. Hence strongly condemns the imposition of the State of ditional powers to the police and the armed forces, . of Foreign Affairs on the 12th of August has been declaration of the State of Emergency. It has been he support of a parliamentary majority. The parties t, the opposition UNP, the JVP and the JHU have eir chauvinistic ruling class stand. The police and in to use the powers granted to them under the carry out abuses that transcend normal laws. tions, arrests, detention torture and false charges a result there is the danger of the disruption of the g environment of peace and the emergence a dark fear and a state of terror. The Government has ch democratic and trade union struggles by the mployees of the state and private sectors and other defeated using the same emergency regulations.

Page 46
Therefore, the New Democratic Party demands tha which will be used in a way detrimental to the peopl Hill Country, workers and peasants, state and privat people as a whole, should be retracted. At the same government and the LTTE should without delay ta arrive at the necessary agreement for all concern killings that take place on a daily basis and to refrain Ceasefire Agreement.
Press Communiqué of the NDP NDP Condemns Attack on Newspaper Of
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary of the Ne press communiqué of 25
th
August 2005 made the fo
The hand-bomb attack on the office of the ‘S newspapers last week and the attack on the ‘Sudar demonstration two days ago are acts chauvinistic democracy and media freedom. These are not m intimidate Tamil media and media persons into subm the entire Tamil population. The New Democratic both incidents. It insists that the government shou inquiries and take appropriate action concerning thes
Hand-bombing the branch office of the ‘Sudar Oli’ a and attacking the ‘Sudar Oli’ journalist at the JVP de acts of intimidation that deny democracy, freedom o gather news, and demonstrate the bitter hostility of th journalists. One could see that the JVP seeks to stir f hatred and fanaticism between the Tamil and Sinhale vote bank. The New Democratic Party points out tha should not fall prey to the chauvinistic fanatical acts

ratic Party demands that the State of Emergency, detrimental to the people of the North East and the easants, state and private sector employees and the e retracted. At the same time it emphasises that the should without delay take part in discussions and reement for all concerned to stop forthwith the daily basis and to refrain from acts in breach of the
DP ttack on Newspaper Office
neral Secretary of the New Democratic Party in his
ugust 2005 made the following statement.
the office of the ‘Sudar Oli’ and ‘Udhayan’ the attack on the ‘Sudar Oli’ journalist at the JVP o are acts chauvinistic fervour that are hostile to edom. These are not merely unruly attempts to
media persons into submission but also to threaten . The New Democratic Party strongly condemns at the government should conduct the necessary te action concerning these two fierce acts.
ffice of the ‘Sudar Oli’ and ‘Udhayan’ newspapers i’ journalist at the JVP demonstration are unruly y democracy, freedom of opinion and the right to te the bitter hostility of the JVP towards Tamil
at the JVP seeks to stir feelings of ethnic tension, en the Tamil and Sinhalese people to strengthen its ratic Party points out that the Sinhalese people hauvinistic fanatical acts of the JVP.

Page 47
Press Communiqué of the NDP The Central Committee of the NDP Call of the Presidential Polls
6th September 2005
The Central Committee of the New Democratic Part unanimous resolution regarding the forthcoming Pre
The system of presidential rule has not has failed benefits concerning the development of the country, standard of the people or the basic right to existence \same time the executive presidential system has be demands and rights of the entire working people exercise oppression in its various forms. It was the common candidate was put forward on behalf of th Country Tamil nationalities and the left and democr in opposition to that system and the constitution tha a change. The Party appeals to the entire population as an expression of their protest.
The late JR Jayawardane and the UNP introduced presidential rule introduced into this country in 1978 long rule of darkness using that constitution. From allied have under the leadership of the President Ch ruled the country under that system. After a total o rule, the country has not moved in the direction of people. Instead, the people of the country have exp and degeneration of the economy, of the political a education, health and culture, as burdens, sorrow an presidential system has paved the way and wel imperialist and regional hegemonic capital and th intervention.
It was especially under this presidential system tha war of chauvinistic oppression was imposed on the nationality. Its impact had severe consequences Country Tamil nationalities. It did not spare the S bordering the North East. That is why the Party to electing someone as President under a system of ex

e NDP mittee of the NDP Calls for the Boycott
Polls
he New Democratic Party has passed the following ding the forthcoming Presidential Election.
rule has not has failed to produce any results or elopment of the country, the elevation of the living e basic right to existence of the nationalities. At the esidential system has been one that has denied the e entire working people and the nationalities to arious forms. It was the wish of the Party that a forward on behalf of the Tamil, Muslim and Hill and the left and democratic forces of in the South, and the constitution that enabled it, and calling for to the entire population to spoil their ballot papers test.
and the UNP introduced the system of executive into this country in 1978. They exercised a 17-year g that constitution. From 1994, the SLFP and its ship of the President Chandrika Kumaratunga have t system. After a total of 27 years of presidential oved in the direction of progress or welfare for its of the country have experienced problems, crises onomy, of the political and social systems, and of re, as burdens, sorrow and cruelty. Meanwhile, the aved the way and welcomed the infiltration of egemonic capital and their political and military
s presidential system that the quarter century long ion was imposed on the North East and the Tamil severe consequences for the Muslim and Hill . It did not spare the Sinhalese people in regions hat is why the Party totally rejects the process of ent under a system of executive presidency, which

Page 48
has neither brought any benefit to nor solved the peasants, intellectuals and other working people a country. It calls upon the people to invalidate their their protest.
Press Communiqué of the NDP NDP Condemns Arrest of Youth in Hill C
25th September 2005
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary of the Ne press communiqué of 25th September 2005 made the
The government has started to make use of the Eme people’s movement that is being carried forward de Upper Kotmale Scheme with disastrous consequen that the police arrested five youth who were putting issued by the People’s Movement Against the Up Scheme announcing its forthcoming conference, co them and surrendered it to the law court. The New condemns this action of the police and the induceme Party views this undemocratic action by the police to force the abandonment of the people’s mov Kotmale Scheme. There is also suspicion whether political and trade unions are behind the police a disrupting the conference of 25th September organi protest and other related protest movements. There cooperate to enable the people’s movement aga Scheme to overcome all obstacles and achieve succe

nefit to nor solved the problems of the workers, other working people and the nationalities of the eople to invalidate their votes and thereby express
e NDP rrest of Youth in Hill Country
neral Secretary of the New Democratic Party in his eptember 2005 made the following observations.
to make use of the Emergency Rules to defeat the being carried forward democratically to oppose the th disastrous consequences. It is as a consequence youth who were putting up lawfully printed posters vement Against the Upper Kotmale Hydropower thcoming conference, confiscated the van used by the law court. The New Democratic Party strongly police and the inducement by the government. The tic action by the police as an attempt to use threat t of the people’s movement against the Upper also suspicion whether the leadership of certain are behind the police action, for the purpose of f 25th September organised to express democratic otest movements. Therefore all the people should people’s movement against the Upper Kotmale tacles and achieve success.

Page 49
Press Communiqué of the NDP NDP’s Call to Mobilise in the Demonstra
30th September 2005
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary of the Ne press communiqué of 30th September 2005 made the
If the people of the Hill Country do not stop the U Project, several more disastrous projects of a simila in the Hill Country in the name of development, and the Hill Country will face destruction. The people, w should mobilise to defeat the conspiracy of the ruli ulterior motives by destroying natural splendour an in order to generate 150 MW of electricity. It is nec to stand up against the Upper Kotmale project being company. Hence, the New Democratic Party calls the demonstration and rally on 4th October in Talaw the Upper Kotmale Hydropower Project.
He also requested the Party and mass organisations people to express their protest and condemnation.
Press Communiqué of the NDP NDP Strongly Condemns Attack on D Thugs
3rd October 2005
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary of the Ne the following press communiqué of 3rd October 20 by thugs on demonstrators against the Upper Kotma
The two chauvinistic parties have from time to time to crush the just demands and struggles of the Hill C caused by setting thugs on the protest demonstratio by the People’s Movement Against the Upper Kotm one such act. The New Democratic Party strongly co

e NDP bilise in the Demonstration
neral Secretary of the New Democratic Party in his
eptember 2005 made the following public appeal.
untry do not stop the Upper Kotmale Hydropower rous projects of a similar nature will be introduced ame of development, and the land and the people of estruction. The people, workers, youth and students e conspiracy of the ruling classes to achieve their ing natural splendour and pollute the environment of electricity. It is necessary for the entire people er Kotmale project being given away to a Japanese Democratic Party calls upon the people to join in on 4th October in Talawakelle Town in protest of ower Project.
and mass organisations led by it to join with the st and condemnation.
e NDP ondemns Attack on Demonstrators by
eral Secretary of the New Democratic Party issued niqué of 3rd October 2005 condemning the attack gainst the Upper Kotmale Scheme.
s have from time to time used thugs and hooligans nd struggles of the Hill Country Tamils. The melee the protest demonstration organised on last Sunday Against the Upper Kotmale Hydropower Scheme is ocratic Party strongly condemns it. The party with

Page 50
foresight draws attention to the risk of such unruly future demands of the Hill Country Tamils. Our a Tamils is that they should not in any way allow room
The two main political cum trade union organisatio competing to support one or the other of the pres chauvinistic political parties. But on the questio scheme that would spell doom to Talawakelle an im Country , they are on retreat rather than oppose members of the Hill Country People’s Front nor statement in support of the protest struggle of S struggle. Meantime, the Party, under the leadership Senthivel and Hill Country Regional Secretary S P in large numbers and gave strong support to the stru leader of the Si Lanka Teachers Union, Sarath Ferna Employees Union, S Vijayaratnam, leader of the A Unions, Mekala Shanmugam, social activist and participated alongside workers and youth to express
Remembering Comrade Navam
Meetings to commemorate the first death annivers Comrade S Navaratnam (Navam) were held in Co meeting in Colombo was held at the Auditorium of Colombo 6 on 16th October and chaired by Comra Organiser of the NDP. Comrade S Thevarajah, Atto address on the life and contributions of Comrade Senthivel, General Secretary of the NDP delivered t “Peace and Democracy in the Current Circumstance of the memorial address is included in this issue].

the risk of such unruly acts being directed against Country Tamils. Our appeal to the Hill Country ot in any way allow room for such acts.
trade union organisations of the Hill Country are or the other of the presidential candidates of two es. But on the question of the Upper Kotmale om to Talawakelle an important region of the Hill reat rather than oppose the scheme. Neither the try People’s Front nor its leader, who issued a e protest struggle of Sunday participated in the ty, under the leadership of its General secretary SK Regional Secretary S Panneerselvam participated trong support to the struggle. Similarly, Mr Joseph, hers Union, Sarath Fernando, leader of the Railway aratnam, leader of the Association of Fishermen’s m, social activist and Rev Fr Geetha Vongalen ers and youth to express their protest.
mrade Navam
the first death anniversary (8th October 2005) of avam) were held in Colombo and in Jaffna. The eld at the Auditorium of the Ramakrishna Mission, r and chaired by Comrade E Thambiah, National rade S Thevarajah, Attorney-at-Law delivered the ntributions of Comrade Navam, and Comrade SK y of the NDP delivered the memorial address titled e Current Circumstances”. [An English translation ncluded in this issue].

Page 51
Sri Lan
The forthcoming presidential election was not anti resident, who hoped that the Supreme Court wou serving as president until close to the end of 2006. named as the SLFP candidate amid controvers mishandling of tsunami related funds, and re Chandrika Kumaratnga is known to have had about h
Rajapaksha, justified the fears of Kumaratunga by s the JVP and the JHU, in each of which he yielded prospective allies on issues relating to the resolutio and even the matter of setting up a joint mechanism to the tsunami victims in the North East. This has the SLFP, with leading figures in the SLFP, includin Bandaranaike and several ministers, openly express the involvement of the JVP and to a less extent th presidential election campaign.
It is particularly embarrassing for Kumaratunga, be disagreement on the signing of the PTOMS agreem the JVP left the coalition, and the presidential candid demand for abandoning the PTOMS to secure exploiting the opportunity to return to the fold of th may be at the cost of splitting the SLFP down the likely to be the main beneficiary of the presidential outcome be, since the crisis in the SLFP will onl JVP’s bid to become the second main Sinhala chauv
The UNP candidate and Leader of the Opposition, R not made clear how he intends to find a solution for programme is full of promises which could have b during its seventeen years of absolute power. Whi lack of appeal of Rajapaksha’s line on the nationa

Sri Lankan Events
al election was not anticipated by the outgoing p the Supreme Court would rule in favour of her lose to the end of 2006. Mahinda Rajapaksha was didate amid controversy concerning his alleged related funds, and reservations that President nown to have had about his being her successor.
ars of Kumaratunga by signing separate deals with ch of which he yielded to pressures from the two relating to the resolution of the national question ng up a joint mechanism (PTOMS) to provide relief he North East. This has deepened divisions within res in the SLFP, including Kumaratinga and Anura inisters, openly expressing their displeasure about P and to a less extent the JHU, as partners in the ign.
ing for Kumaratunga, because it was as a result of of the PTOMS agreement by the government that nd the presidential candidate has given into the JVP he PTOMS to secure its support. The JVP is o return to the fold of the government, although it ting the SLFP down the middle. Thus, the JVP is ciary of the presidential election, whatever may its is in the SLFP will only serve to strengthen the ond main Sinhala chauvinist party in the country.
ader of the Opposition, Ranil Wickramasinghe, has nds to find a solution for the national question. His ises which could have been fulfilled by the UNP of absolute power. While taking advantage of the ha’s line on the national question to the minority

Page 52
nationalities, Wickramasinghe does not commit hims determination. His record during the year and a h negotiations with the LTTE is no more convincin years preceding his election as prime minister.
A significant difference between the two concerns t dictate policy if either is elected. Neither candida pulling the country out of the mess in which it has national oppression or for ridding the country of policy pursued by successive governments under pr funding agencies. Nor do the candidates have any executive presidency and the constitution that mad allows democratic devolution of power.
The elections offered an excellent opportunity to ex executive presidency and the prevailing system of fielding of a common candidate of the left in cons minorities. It would have allowed the left to imp urgency of finding a just and lasting solution to dealing with the issues of national economy and demonstrating the indifference of the two main can issues. But that was not to be. Three Trotskyite ca fray without the slightest consultation with poten joined the LSSP and the CP in rallying behind declared distaste for the alliance with the JVP. Th which advocated fielding a common candidate, h people should, under the circumstances, boycott the a beneficial outcome.
Interestingly, the LTTE, from a purely nationalistic the election as a matter for the ‘Sinhala nation’ a candidate, while denouncing the two main candidate however, has stopped short of calling for a organisations close to the LTTE are doing so, muc the Tamil parliamentarians, of whom some are Wickramasinghe.
The conduct of the Muslim parliamentarians from th the two candidates, demonstrated that political issue

he does not commit himself to the principle of self- during the year and a half from the start of the E is no more convincing than his conduct in the
as prime minister.
ween the two concerns the foreign power that will elected. Neither candidate has credible plans for he mess in which it has been landed by the war of ridding the country of the disastrous economic e governments under pressure from the imperialist he candidates have any intention of replacing the he constitution that made it possible with one that
n of power.
cellent opportunity to expose the bankruptcy of the he prevailing system of government, through the idate of the left in consultation with the national allowed the left to impress upon the masses the and lasting solution to the national question and national economy and state sovereignty, thereby nce of the two main candidates towards these key be. Three Trotskyite candidates have entered the consultation with potential allies, while a fourth CP in rallying behind Rajapaksha, despite their liance with the JVP. The New Democratic Party, a common candidate, has recommended that the rcumstances, boycott the polls, which will not yield
m a purely nationalistic point of view, has declared r the ‘Sinhala nation’ and refused to endorse any g the two main candidates as unreliable. The LTTE, ort of calling for a boycott, although fringe TTE are doing so, much to the embarrassment of s, of whom some are already canvassing for
parliamentarians from the East in deciding between trated that political issues are the least of concerns

Page 53
and that personal rivalries and scrambling for po decisions. Thus they are likely to continue to be wi interested parties within and outside the country.
The Hill Country Tamil leaders, after some hor Wickramasinghe. They claim to have laid down s support. But scrapping the Upper Kotmale project significant that the two leading presidential candidat from the local public in Nuraicholai and the Cathol power station and pledged to move it to another site behind the scene to go ahead with the project, sin has already got an agreement signed with the implement the project in Nuraicholai only week representatives of the Hill Country Tamils, on the o the slightest concern or care to register their strong p Country Tamils and urge the presidential candidate stop the Upper Kotmale Project before it is too late
The popular movement against the Upper Kotm planned round of campaign, despite betrayal by the trade unions and the main political parties. Pl campaigners failed to dampen their enthusiasm, and by the forces of Sinhala chauvinism only hard campaigners.
The ceasefire agreement between the government a increasingly in the breach, following the split engi LTTE in the East last year by foreign agents. Ind continues, while the US feigns better accommo anticipation of the election of a government favour further intensify infiltration.
The spate of tit-for-tat killings that had intensified i to the North and killings occurring in Colombo a expect a more tolerant approach from the LTTE, forces and its allies among the Tamil militia is situation, while the ceasefire becomes even more fra
* * * * *

and scrambling for position dominates political ely to continue to be willing to be manipulated by
outside the country.
eaders, after some horse-trading, are to support im to have laid down several conditions for their Upper Kotmale project is not among them. It is ing presidential candidates have yielded to pressure raicholai and the Catholic Church against the coal o move it to another site, although there are moves ad with the project, since President Kumaratunga ment signed with the Chinese government to Nuraicholai only weeks ago. The parliamentary ountry Tamils, on the other hand, have not shown to register their strong protest on behalf of the Hill e presidential candidate they support to pledge to oject before it is too late to act.
gainst the Upper Kotmale project completed its , despite betrayal by the leaders of the opportunist in political parties. Planned harassment of the en their enthusiasm, and thuggery and intimidation chauvinism only hardened the resolve of the
tween the government and the LTTE is observed following the split engineered in the ranks of the by foreign agents. Indian expansionist meddling feigns better accommodation of the LTTE in of a government favourable to it and a climate to .
ngs that had intensified in the East has now spread occurring in Colombo as well. While the people roach from the LTTE, the conduct of the armed g the Tamil militia is of little help to ease the e becomes even more fragile.
* * * * *

Page 54
When will this rainstorm ce
by Mavai Varothian
The sound of guns loud as thunder The agony of people in pain Our heads crushed by legs in boots A shower of bullets taking lives
A shell accepts its command to go Lightening strikes the route that it take A bird makes sketches in the sky It quenches the thirst of a flying ball
News of the conflict is announced in words contradicting themselves Rain falls announcing the glory of mankind perishing into earth
Where is the rain to fill the belly of the poor starved of his rice living in the hope of salvation for this land tomorrow, not today?
When will this rainstorm of fire cease for an end to the sorrow of the folk that crossed the seas fleeing from bad life on this land
The old sore of war has led to gangre It has cause rot in the main root Will not this long war ever end? Will Tamils not live on this land?
Change after change leading to disap Alternate routes leading to disappoint Today is the opposite of yesterday Each day determined by destruction
Until our hearts change to accept multi-ethnic variety of human goodwill among men will never come the rainstorm on this land will never c

will this rainstorm cease?
by Mavai Varothian
guns loud as thunder people in pain shed by legs in boots ullets taking lives
s its command to go kes the route that it takes sketches in the sky e thirst of a flying ball
onflict is announced adicting themselves ouncing the glory rishing into earth
ain to fill the belly of ed of his rice
pe of salvation for rrow, not today?
rainstorm of fire cease he sorrow of the ed the seas
d life on this land
f war has led to gangrene t in the main root ng war ever end? t live on this land?
change leading to disappointment
s leading to disappointment pposite of yesterday rmined by destruction
s change to thnic variety of human life g men will never come on this land will never cease

Page 55
A Prism: Wet with War
Sinan Antoon this is the chapter of devastation this is our oasis an angle where wars intersect tyrants accumulate around our eyes and in the shackle’s verandah there is enough space for applause let us applaud another evening climbs the city’s candles technological hoofs crush the night a people is being slaughtered across short wave but local radio vomits raw statements and urges us to applaud with a skeleton of a burning umbrella we receive this rain a god sleeps on our flag but the horizon is prophetless maybe they will come if we applaud let us applaud we will baptize our infants with smoke plough their tongues with flagrant war songs teach them the bray of slogans and leave them beside burning nipples in an imminent wreckage and applaud before we weave an autumn for tyrants we must cross this galaxy of barbed wires and keep on repeating HAPPY NEW YEAR
Courtesy: Iraqi Poetry T
translated

Prism: Wet with Wars
Sinan Antoon
ersect nd our eyes
ndah r
h the night tered across short waves: w statements
ing umbrella
tless e
ts with smoke
logans urning nipples
umn for tyrants
y of barbed wires
[Baghdad, March 1991] ourtesy: Iraqi Poetry Today (Zephyr Press, 2003) translated from the Arabic by the poet

Page 56
The Chain R Murukaiyan
There is a chain around our neck Made of gold that scatters glitter. We stroke our moustaches with pride We rejoice in the goldenness of the cha We stroke the golden ornament In the impoverished hope Of gently tucking away the intensity Of the suffereng from hunger and thirst And always try hard To praise the ornament. Do you know the truth my friends? The causes for the embers in your stom And the parching of your tongues Live in palaces They sleep as women surrounding them Wave the fans gently. But you know not. The last bit of the chain around our nec Is of iron. Behind, Starting from the lock at the nape of the The long link extending far too is rough The last link of the tough steel chain Is locked on to the loom by the palace d And the key is in their pocket. While the palace dwellers Sleep as women surrounding them Wave the fans gently, We rejoice in the goldenness of the cha Even in the long drawn day of sorrow. With hope, we always try hard To praise the ornament. There is a chain around our neck Made of gold that scatters glitter.

Page 57
______________ Published by E Thambiah of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM C Phone: 011 2435117; Fax: 011 2473757; E-mail: newdem Printed at the Gowri Printers, Colom

The Chain R Murukaiyan
ound our neck scatters glitter.
staches with pride oldenness of the chain. en ornament d hope away the intensity
om hunger and thirst d ment. ruth my friends?
embers in your stomachs of your tongues
en surrounding them tly.
chain around our necks
ock at the nape of the neck,
ding far too is rough tough iron. tough steel chain loom by the palace dwellers heir pocket.
wellers urrounding them tly, oldenness of the chain rawn day of sorrow. ays try hard ment. ound our neck scatters glitter.

Page 58
___ iah of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM Complex, Colombo 11 11 2473757; E-mail: newdemocraticparty@hotmail.com at the Gowri Printers, Colombo 13