கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: New Democracy 2006.03

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March 2006
NATIONALITES & THEIR FUTURE
SK THE FUTURE IS BRIGH
Desh POEMS BY MURKAIYAN & PANDIYOORAN 

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 ♦ From the Editor’s Desk ♦ Sri Lankan Ev ♦ International Events ♦ NDP Diary ♦ B

arch 2006
NATIONALITES & THEIR FUTURE
SK Senthivel E FUTURE IS BRIGHT
Deshabakthan MS BY MURKAIYAN & DIYOORAN


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______________ or’s Desk ♦ Sri Lankan Events
vents ♦ NDP Diary ♦ Book ReviewsThe crop gets destroyed
by Paandiyooraan
Mortgaged the thaali to buy the equipment, ate the rice with just skinny died fish stir-fry, cleared the forest in July and set ablaze in Au set up a shelter, pulled out tree stumps and u sowed the chena crop and properly fenced.
Within the fence many hut we s had built guarded with care, but the crop got destroyed Crackers we lit- elephant crackers, Chinese crackers and trian but yet, my dear pal, the elephants did come.
If all our efforts go waste in this way, mister, will the towns of your land prosper! Look at the sorrow of our whole neighbourhoo Risking our lives we walked past the tiger and bear of the black hill forests It was the chena crop that we spruced up with our working hands!
Rather than lie beside the loving woman with hands on her breast, we abandoned slee to lie beside snakes on the watchman’s platfo bathe in ash and pluck out the flea. For all the care of the watch by the day the elephant is sure to come by the dusk.
(con


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he crop gets destroyed
by Paandiyooraan
ali to buy the equipment, st skinny died fish stir-fry, in July and set ablaze in August, ulled out tree stumps and uprooted shrubs, crop and properly fenced.
any hut we s had built , but the crop got destroyed!
, Chinese crackers and triangular ones- al, the elephants did come.
waste in this way, ns of your land prosper!
of our whole neighbourhood. e walked bear of the black hill forests. rop that th our working hands!
side the loving woman
breast, we abandoned sleep es on the watchman’s platform, pluck out the flea.
the watch by the day re to come by the dusk.
(continued on inside back cover)From the Edito
The anxiously awaited negotiations betw and the LTTE took place after a three-year g people and especially those in the North-E forward to it and were disappointed by the outc more than agreeing to meet again on 19th to 21 some room for hope. The rest of the joint sta window dressing.
The government claimed victory on the made by them about ceasefire violations and r by the LTTE have been accepted, while the LTT the basis that, by being firm on the issue of p made the government agree to disarm the param
It is not hard to guess what motivated t Geneva. The unhappiness of the public abou conditions in the North-East and their desire for negotiations were important considerations, important was pressure from the ‘international the Western capitalist countries).
Thus, at the negotiating table, the LTTE of paramilitary groups which were a threat to i government sought to establish that the L organisation by inflating the number of cease LTTE as 5000, representing 96% of the total. made the recruitment of children by the LTTE argument of the chauvinist HL de Silva, Presid year ago successfully prevented the implement work through the joint mechanism, PTOMS by ceasefire agreement was illegal, backfired.
Overall, the government had failed to responsibility expected of it. The inclusion of r negotiating team and the presence of the JVP


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From the Editor’s Desk
waited negotiations between the Government lace after a three-year gap. All peace loving those in the North-East anxiously looked disappointed by the outcome, which was little meet again on 19th to 21st April, which leaves The rest of the joint statement seemed to be
claimed victory on the basis that the charges easefire violations and recruitment of children accepted, while the LTTE claimed victory on g firm on the issue of paramilitary groups, it gree to disarm the paramilitary groups.
guess what motivated the two sides to go to ess of the public about the deterioration of -East and their desire for progress in the peace portant considerations, but what was most from the ‘international community’ (actually ountries).
otiating table, the LTTE emphasised the issue which were a threat to its existence, while the establish that the LTTE was a terrorist ng the number of ceasefire violations by the enting 96% of the total. The government also f children by the LTTE a major issue. But the inist HL de Silva, President’s Counsel, who a revented the implementation of tsunami relief mechanism, PTOMS by a court order, that the s illegal, backfired.
ernment had failed to act with the sense of of it. The inclusion of rabid chauvinists in the the presence of the JVP leaders Weerawansaand Somawansa beside the President who wa with the government team to advise the team g on which the government team would have put
President Rajapaksha, a member of a t claimed in his ‘Mahinda Chinthana’ that he wo peace. If he was sincere about it, he would opportunity to make meaningful progress chauvinistic stand of the government team commended by the JVP and JHU, which have, the joint statement. The chauvinistic Sinhala a have endorsed the chauvinistic stand.
It is no secret that the armed forces paramilitary forces working in collaboration LTTE are involved in killings, kidnappings an the North-East. Many of the above acts are carr acts of revenge. None of them can be defended Ceasefire Agreement or the Memorandum of U
What was expected by the people was would find ways to put an end to the violatio reported more than 5000 violations, over 700 are kidnappings, and several hundred concern s have been internal displacements caused by the is an atmosphere of fear and anxiety.
The history of negotiations goes back Thimpu in Bhutan in 1985. The talks hav Colombo, Jaffna, Thailand, Norway, Germany Switzerland, but have not got far. Inability of th at consensus on a way to solve the problem w the country and its people. Prolonging the r achieves nothing more than trading of accusati any friends. What are at stake are the un territorial integrity of the country. The econom and the fast declining quality of life cannot solving the national question. Failing to recogn


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e the President who was in constant contact am to advise the team gave a hint of the basis nt team would have put forwards its case.
ksha, a member of a traditional elite class, a Chinthana’ that he would bring honourable ere about it, he would not have let slip the meaningful progress at the talks. The the government team at Geneva has been P and JHU, which have, however, denounced e chauvinistic Sinhala and English media too vinistic stand.
that the armed forces of the state and the orking in collaboration with them, and the killings, kidnappings and acts of violence in f the above acts are carried out as pre-planned of them can be defended or justified under the r the Memorandum of Understanding.
ted by the people was that the Geneva talks t an end to the violation of the CFA. Of the 00 violations, over 700 are killings, over 500 everal hundred concern serious injuries. There lacements caused by these incidents and there r and anxiety.
negotiations goes back 21 years, starting at n 1985. The talks have since travelled to iland, Norway, Germany and Japan and now ot got far. Inability of the two parties to arrive to solve the problem will not do any good to eople. Prolonging the record of failed talks than trading of accusations, and does not win re at stake are the unity, sovereignty and he country. The economic crisis of the country
quality of life cannot be corrected without estion. Failing to recognise the importance ofsolving the national question will plunge the co which recovery will be extremely difficult.
Both the Government and the LTTE owe country whom they claim to represent to make in the talks so that the war could be brough national question solved to the benefit of all nat


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estion will plunge the country into depths from
extremely difficult.
ment and the LTTE owe it to the people of the aim to represent to make meaningful progress e war could be brought to an end and the d to the benefit of all nationalities.The Nationalities in Sri Lank
their Future
by
Comrade SK Senthivel General Secretary of the ND
[This article is based on the Comrade KA Su Lecture delivered by Comrade SK Senthivel in
Today the countries of the Third World and crises, of which the ones that concern cont nationalities and the related struggles seem to b The national question in each country could b them. In handling the national question, each military oppression, in accordance with the classes. The environment of national crisis is t the forces of imperialism to serve their need countries of the Third World. The dominant co and indirect assistance and support to milita nationalities by the nation states. Meantime, fo of serving their own interests, they also assess the liberation struggles and accordingly provid As a result, struggles and wars based on religious nationalism are prolonged; and killing of blood flow in many countries.
We have witnessed and experienced in aspect of this trend of events. It is the national itself as the main contradiction and as the war Lanka. The national question needs to be concerning all nationalities of the country. Furt


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ationalities in Sri Lanka and
their Future
by
Comrade SK Senthivel
neral Secretary of the NDP
on the Comrade KA Subramaniam Memorial omrade SK Senthivel in Colombo on 2005]
ries of the Third World face several problems e ones that concern contradictions between the lated struggles seem to be the most prominent. in each country could be seen to be based on national question, each nation state resorts to n accordance with the needs of its ruling ent of national crisis is taken advantage of by ism to serve their needs and interests in the World. The dominant countries provide direct e and support to military oppression of the ion states. Meantime, for the ultimate purpose terests, they also assess the forces involved in s and accordingly provide them with support. s and wars based on ethnic, linguistic and re prolonged; and killings continue and rivers countries.
sed and experienced in Sri Lanka every cruel events. It is the national question that projects adiction and as the war and the struggle in Sri question needs to be seen as a problem ities of the country. Further, we see in each ofthe sections representing the different asp ideologies based on a conservative outlook a based on them. Especially among ideas put for Sinhala and Tamil nationalities, one finds history, conservatism, purity, hierarchy, fear f and mutual rejection. The national question viewed on their basis. The notion of “our coun in terms of the notion of majority and minori the notion of “Tamil Eelam” is emphasized separate state.
It is in this context that the national qu above is approached and analysed by Marxis position put forward, based on class struggle Marxist outlook. What many who comment on choose to ignore or to avoid is its class basis. class in the analysis of the national question w chauvinistic or narrow nationalistic positions. H take account of the nationalities, and understan run through them and the respective roles pl national question. Historical clarity about th Lanka and a far-sight based on it are particularly
We can clearly see that there are four n other minority communities in Sri Lanka. W Tamil, Muslim and Hill Country Tamil natio communities comprising the Burghers, Ma (Vedda). They predominantly speak Sinhala while the minority communities also speak the religions are mainly Buddhism, Hinduism, Is The Attho continue in the practice of their anci The foregoing demonstrates that Sri Lanka is a
The Sinhala nationality
Let us first take a brief look at the histor the Sinhala nationality. Some historians point which say that the ancestors of the Sinhalese


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ting the different aspects of the problem conservative outlook and courses of action ally among ideas put forward on behalf of the tionalities, one finds claims to an ancient purity, hierarchy, fear for the future, distrust, The national question and its solution are The notion of “our country” is declared aloud of majority and minority. As a counterpoint, Eelam” is emphasized as a demand for a
text that the national question as manifested nd analysed by Marxist Leninists, and their based on class struggle and according to a many who comment on the national question avoid is its class basis. Anyone who excludes f the national question will easily fall prey to nationalistic positions. Hence it is important to tionalities, and understand the class roots that the respective roles played by them in the torical clarity about the nationalities of Sri ased on it are particularly important
see that there are four nationalities as well as unities in Sri Lanka. We have the Sinhala, ill Country Tamil nationalities and minority ing the Burghers, Malays and the Attho inantly speak Sinhala, Tamil and English, munities also speak their own languages. The uddhism, Hinduism, Islam and Christianity. the practice of their ancient system of worship. trates that Sri Lanka is a multi-ethnic country.
ty
a brief look at the history and development of . Some historians point to ancient Pali texts cestors of the Sinhalese arrived from NorthIndia in the 6th Century BC. Others who rejec provided evidence in support of their view. In established on the basis of historical evidence said settlement of Vijaya and his 700 companio have been various ethnic groups inhabiting th significant is that a substantial part of the Sin Tamil nationalities comprises groups of immigr South India at various times, some as recent centuries ago, who were assimilated to eithe between the different ethnic groups too has occ scale even during the period of recorded history
It cannot be denied that among these et ancestors of the Sinhalese as well as the Tam Sinhalese have an ancestry exceeding 2500 people who arrived in this country during diffe this island their permanent home and devel language and culture. Agriculture was the ma production, and other crafts developed around and along with it chieftains and kings in a syste on land. It was at this stage that Buddhism island. The Sinhala language emerged and de development of the society. It could be said tha derived its form and growth through the blendi of Buddhism, with the then existing languages o
Historically, the emergence of Sinhala were closely intertwined with the arrival of Bud have been attracted to the thought that Sinhala country, to the legend that the Buddha handed responsibility of safeguarding Buddhism, and and religious propaganda of the Mahavansa, w point of view of rivalry for power among feu kings from South India have invaded and ru Sinhala ruling class elite has, with ulterior m tradition of history to their political advantage


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y BC. Others who reject this as a myth have upport of their view. In any event, it has been is of historical evidence that, well before the ya and his 700 companions in Sri Lanka, there nic groups inhabiting the island. What is as bstantial part of the Sinhala as well as of the prises groups of immigrants who arrived from s times, some as recently as less than three ere assimilated to either nationality. Mixing thnic groups too has occurred on a significant eriod of recorded history.
ied that among these ethnic groups were the lese as well as the Tamils. Historically, the cestry exceeding 2500 years, and comprise this country during different periods and made anent home and developed their economy, Agriculture was the main sector of economic crafts developed around it. The state evolved tains and kings in a system of production based s stage that Buddhism was brought into the nguage emerged and developed alongside the iety. It could be said that the Sinhala language owth through the blending of Pali, the religion then existing languages of the natives.
emergence of Sinhala and its development d with the arrival of Buddhism. The Sinhalese the thought that Sinhala is spoken only in this that the Buddha handed to the Sinhalese the uarding Buddhism, and to the fictitious racial da of the Mahavansa, written mainly from the ry for power among feudal rulers, that Tamil ia have invaded and ruled this country. The lite has, with ulterior motives, exploited this their political advantage. It was thus that thechauvinistic claim of “our country” was pr Sinhalese; and the Sinhalese were attracted to it
It is not wrong in any way for the S emphasize its existence, development and futur it needs to acknowledge that other nationalities and concern for their respective nationalities. ruling classes have taken the stand of a major power to rule with chauvinistic arrogance, practice to marginalize and oppress the other look at the forces of the ruling classes will sho descendents of the ruling classes of the feud descendents of those who, as rulers, chieftai officials and administrators in the feudal stru peasants and other people, and divided and op along lines of caste. It was these feudal elite much of the land and the wealth that derived fro
The Sinhala kings and the nobility, irre had matrimonial and family ties with their counterparts. These close ties were those of South Indian Tamil kings have on seve continuously for periods exceeding 80 years. ruled longest, is said to have had a 44 year according to Sinhala historians. The battle betw Dutugemunu and Elara was one between two rather than one of Sinhalese against Tamils. D Elara in battle to become king. Another matte draw attention is that each the two parties to t and Sinhala soldiers and officers. In that case, h be referred to as an ethnic conflict? Hence, w battle was for feudal state power. Such wars h here but across many countries including India.
At the same time, it should be noted written to present and preserve a Sinhala version of history, was based on myths, disto


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“our country” was propagated among the alese were attracted to it.
in any way for the Sinhala nationality to e, development and future as a nationality. But e that other nationalities too have equal rights respective nationalities. But the chauvinistic en the stand of a majority holding on to the chauvinistic arrogance, and making it their e and oppress the other nationalities. A close e ruling classes will show that they are mostly ling classes of the feudal era. They are the who, as rulers, chieftains, nobility, military rators in the feudal structure, oppressed the ple, and divided and oppressed the Sinhalese t was these feudal elite groups that possessed
e wealth that derived from it.
gs and the nobility, irrespective of ethnicity, family ties with their South Indian Tamil lose ties were those of feudal elite classes.
kings have on several occasions ruled ds exceeding 80 years. Of them, Elara, who to have had a 44 year reign as a good king storians. The battle between the Sinhala prince a was one between two rulers for state power halese against Tamils. Dutugemunu overcame me king. Another matter to which historians each the two parties to the conflict had Tamil d officers. In that case, how could the conflict thnic conflict? Hence, what is true is that the tate power. Such wars have occurred not only ountries including India.
e, it should be noted that the Mahavansa, d preserve a Sinhala (Theravada) Buddhist s based on myths, distortions and subjectiveprejudices. It should be recognized that Sinhal and practice are constructed on its basis.
The Sinhala upper class elite comprising feudal landowning classes preserved their p through accepting positions and tiles under the the aim of holding on to their feudal landholdi of the ancestors of the political elite who pose Sinhala Buddhism converted to Christianity an their white masters. An examination of the nam of the Senanayakes, Bandaranayakes, Wijewardanes and other such influential famili are largely Christian and English. The memb with wealth and caste arrogance were the one scenario of the 1920s pleaded for reforms, with masters. It should be noted that they were in caste Tamil elite. It was they and their likes th growth, which is based on competition. Wh themselves, they also had to compete wi nationalities and communities who developed Ethnicity and religion became early weapons Buddhist-Catholic conflict and the Sinhala-M which followed it can be seen as clear signs of t
Meantime, activities to defend Buddh language were carried forward by the elite of th the Buddhist chapters. The Sinhala Buddhist Bikkus carried forward the campaigns for prohi Buddhism and the development of the Si literature and culture as a movement, symbolise as Anagarika Dharmapala. This received the s Sinhalese peasantry and other Sinhalese m Buddhism, the Sinhala language and aspects of impact of colonialism. Meanwhile, the leader chapters served as the centres of preservatio including feudal social values and a caste-based noteworthy that the highest levels of the Budd


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e recognized that Sinhala chauvinist ideology
cted on its basis.
er class elite comprising the descendents of the asses preserved their position of dominance tions and tiles under the European rulers with to their feudal landholdings and wealth. Many political elite who pose off as the guardians of verted to Christianity and rendered service to n examination of the names of the forefathers es, Bandaranayakes, Jayawadanes and er such influential families will show that they nd English. The members of these families arrogance were the ones who in the political leaded for reforms, with loyalty to the colonial noted that they were in unity with the upper- s they and their likes that took over capitalist ed on competition. While competing among had to compete with those from other unities who developed as a capitalist class. became early weapons in this rivalry. The flict and the Sinhala-Muslim riots of 1915 e seen as clear signs of this pattern.
ities to defend Buddhism and the Sinhala forward by the elite of the Buddhist clergy and . The Sinhala Buddhist intellectuals and the the campaigns for prohibition, preservation of evelopment of the Sinhala language, art, s a movement, symbolised by individuals such ala. This received the support of the ordinary and other Sinhalese masses who protected language and aspects of their culture from the . Meanwhile, the leadership of the Buddhist e centres of preservation of cultural values values and a caste-based elitist hierarchy. It is ghest levels of the Buddhist religious elite inthis country have established themselves on things against which the Buddha preached his mobilised millions of the socially downtrodden Buddhism. The Sangha and its Mahanayakes defenders of the forces of the ruling political the pattern of each religion of the world, to bec the armour and weaponry of the ruling elite cla of the ordinary Sinhalese comprising the peasa other toiling masses was deficient, and occurr through want, insufficiency and inability t Besides, hierarchical differences concerning th Country Sinhalese, the Govigama and Karava concerning oppressed castes continued to su society. The contradiction between the land-ow with its feudal origins has continued to survive
The Sinhala feudal forces that latch development since the 19th Century have been i themselves as a ruling class even prior to inde rule, and the British colonialists before depar power to them. These forces created the impr the political representatives of the Sinhala nat contradictions of class and caste. The truth and were different. This leadership comprised the po of Sinhala capitalist upper classes of feudal d guarantee the survival and security of these represent the toiling masses who comprised th Sinhalese. Hence they intensified the role of n in bourgeois parliamentary politics and used i serve their own interests and needs as w imperialists. This developed into the chauvi rejected and marginalised other nationalities, a fundamental rights.
Also, during the past quarter of a century transformed into military oppression and war. H of the toiling masses of the Sinhala nationality


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blished themselves on the basis of the very he Buddha preached his Dharma and thereby he socially downtrodden to follow the path of a and its Mahanayakes have served as the s of the ruling political elite, in keeping with gion of the world, to become in course of time ry of the ruling elite classes. The development se comprising the peasantry, the workers and as deficient, and occurred amid crises of life, ciency and inability to fulfil their needs. ifferences concerning the Kandyan and Low e Govigama and Karava, and caste conflicts castes continued to survive in the Sinhala ion between the land-owning and the landless
as continued to survive up to now.
udal forces that latched on to capitalist 19 Century have been intent upon developing class even prior to independence from British colonialists before departure transferred state forces created the impression that they were tives of the Sinhala nationality, transcending and caste. The truth and the objective situation dership comprised the political representatives pper classes of feudal descent who sought to l and security of these classes and did not asses who comprised the vast majority of the intensified the role of national contradictions tary politics and used it as a smokescreen to rests and needs as well as those of the eloped into the chauvinistic stand that has sed other nationalities, and denied them their
past quarter of a century, chauvinism has been ry oppression and war. Here, the vast majority f the Sinhala nationality have been distractedand deceived by the forces of the ruling class slogans concerning race, religion, language an could be perceived only through observation observation by Marx that a nation which opp itself be free is clearly evident in relation to th Thus, it is only when the workers, peasants, ot intellectuals of the Sinhala nationality seek to class and to mobilise themselves and act ag forces among their nationality who exploit and Sinhala nationality could become a nationality liberation that is truly independent and prospero
The Tamil nationality
Let us next look at the historical develo nationality in Sri Lanka. Many centuries befor when the ancestors of the Sinhalese are said to have lived in this country as ethnic groups. ancestors of the Tamil ethnic groups among been a section of the ancestors of the Si Archaeological evidence for this has been in from time to time. The proximity of the southe of the Indian sub-continent to Sri Lanka cr favoured the migration and settlement of Drav the island.
Thus States took form among the ethnic Lanka and the ancestors of the Sinhalese who s They did not have identities such as a Sinhala were founded on the basis of land, production served as the source of the feudal social stru their development that Sinhala and Tamil kings The Tamil kings came from South India, and the Jaffna Kingdom was founded after the 10 C
The Tamils already living in the North a that arrived from South India along with ac which were structured according to a caste h


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orces of the ruling classes through emotional ce, religion, language and country. This truth ly through observation based on class. The that a nation which oppresses another cannot evident in relation to the Sinhala nationality. he workers, peasants, other toiling masses and hala nationality seek to think on the basis of themselves and act against the ruling class ionality who exploit and oppress them that the ld become a nationality advancing towards a ndependent and prosperous.
the historical development of the Tamil a. Many centuries before the 6th Century BC, the Sinhalese are said to have arrived, people ntry as ethnic groups. There have been the l ethnic groups among them, as would have e ancestors of the Sinhala ethnic groups. ce for this has been indicated by historians proximity of the southern Dravidian territory tinent to Sri Lanka created conditions that and settlement of Dravidian ethnic groups in
form among the ethnic groups resident in Sri s of the Sinhalese who settled alongside them. ntities such as a Sinhala or Tamil states. They asis of land, production and power. They also f the feudal social structure. It was through Sinhala and Tamil kings reigned in Sri Lanka. from South India, and it is worth noting that s founded after the 10th Century.
dy living in the North and the feudal families th India along with accompanying families, according to a caste hierarchy, formed theTamil society. The kingdoms of the so-calle emerged from among them. Similarly, lesser the Vanni. It was, however, in the 12th Centur Jaffna Kingdom emerged. It should be n Portuguese arrived in 1505, Sri Lanka was Kandyan and Jaffna kingdoms.
The rulers of the Jaffna Kingdom prote feudal dominance and the system of caste hie lands in the northern region were rain-fed, the with agriculture based on groundwater and mon that supplemented agriculture. Fishery and alongside agriculture. Unlike the Indian subcon Lanka did not have a Brahmin dominated so dominated by the upper crust of the Vellala c hierarchically differentiated on the basis of la and wealth. Hence, the Vellala elite families w possessed the authority to rule. They belonged Hinduism and made use of temples and othe institutions to preserve their dominance and con
The feudal elite of the Jaffna Kingdom, self interest, opposed the Portuguese who a subsequently accommodated them. The success by and large, in order to avoid trouble for th rule, made compromises with the feudal elite o significant changes took place that affected pro feudal landowners or the systems of caste an they firmly upheld. This is clear from the Thesavalamai Law for the north. Members o appointed as administrators of towns and villag regime. The exercise of power and oppression as Maniyakaararar, Udayaar, Vithaanayaar, Mu birth and death demonstrated the feudal domin time.
Meantime, people were placed at differe hierarchy, below those of the Vellala caste. The


Page 15

ngdoms of the so-called Arya-Chakravarthis them. Similarly, lesser kingdoms emerged in ever, in the 12th Century that a well defined rged. It should be noted that, when the 1505, Sri Lanka was ruled by the Kotte, gdoms.
e Jaffna Kingdom protected and perpetuated the system of caste hierarchy. Although the egion were rain-fed, the economy was feudal, on groundwater and monsoonal rain and crafts riculture. Fishery and commerce developed nlike the Indian subcontinent, the north of Sri Brahmin dominated society. Instead, it was er crust of the Vellala caste, which was itself tiated on the basis of land ownership, labour Vellala elite families with land and property to rule. They belonged to the Saivaite faith of se of temples and other religious and social their dominance and control.
of the Jaffna Kingdom, who initially, in their the Portuguese who arrived in Sri Lanka, dated them. The succession of colonial rulers, to avoid trouble for their interests and their es with the feudal elite of the north so that no k place that affected property ownership of the the systems of caste and untouchability that This is clear from the introduction of the r the north. Members of elite families were ators of towns and villages under the colonial f power and oppression by administrators such ayaar, Vithaanayaar, Muthaliyaar, registrars of strated the feudal domination in Jaffna at the
le were placed at different layers of the caste of the Vellala caste. The caste hierarchy couldbe broadly grouped into the upper, middle and middle layer comprised craftsmen and provid too were placed one below the other in hierar group comprising the depressed communities w of untouchables. But they were the toiling pe backbone of agriculture. They did not own ev land or property. They remained entirely as e wealth, power and comforts of the domina founded on their toil and that of the middle laye
In the feudal era, with Vellala dominat North, Saivaism was practiced as the main temples belonged to the Vellalas. The dep prevented from entering these temples untouchability, worshipped lesser deities and p went with it. Saivaism and Tamil were the pr elite. This could be understood in retrospect thr was put forward through Arumuga Navalar in The Thesavalamai Law again reflect these featu
Meanwhile, in the eastern regions, where state for the Tamils, Tamils have lived as ear kingdoms. The East and its people have, from under the domination of the Kandyan and t Agriculture and fishery have been the main ec Although the society was predominantly f domination by the Vellala elite. In its southe caste was dominant. As a result, although a ca the practice of caste and untouchability was Mukkuva Law introduced by the colonial rule be seen as one reflecting the social life of the T the same time, class identities such as the la peasantry and landed gentry continued to prev deities was dominant among Tamils living in a despite their being Saivaites.
Tamils have been resident in the Trinc long period. They lived in ancient agricultural


Page 16

o the upper, middle and the lower layers. The d craftsmen and providers of services. They elow the other in hierarchical order. The last epressed communities were made into a group they were the toiling peasants who were the re. They did not own even a small extent of remained entirely as enslaved peasants. The omforts of the dominant feudal elite were
d that of the middle layers.
a, with Vellala domination prevailing in the practiced as the main religion. The bigger the Vellalas. The depressed communities, ring these temples by the practice of pped lesser deities and practiced a culture that and Tamil were the preserve of the Vellala erstood in retrospect through the ideology that gh Arumuga Navalar in the late 19th Century.
again reflect these features.
e eastern regions, where there was no separate amils have lived as early settlers with minor nd its people have, from time to time, been of the Kandyan and the Jaffna Kingdoms. have been the main economic pursuits there. was predominantly feudal, there was no llala elite. In its southern part, the Mukkuva s a result, although a caste hierarchy existed, and untouchability was somewhat lax. The ced by the colonial rulers in Batticaloa could ng the social life of the Tamils of the East. At dentities such as the landless people, toiling entry continued to prevail. Worship of minor mong Tamils living in and around Batticaloa, aites.
n resident in the Trincomalee region over a in ancient agricultural villages and in coastalfishing villages. It should be noted that the anc with Saivaite Thevara hymns dedicated to it, b long history of Tamils in the Trincomalee regio of Thiruketheesvaram along the west coa historical testimony.
The Vanni region has had minor feudal k was the sole occupation of the people of the r agriculture by developing a tank irrigation syste the west coast in the Mannar region and i extending southwards to Puttalam. Historical e from time to time to demonstrate that Tamils h in the North-East region and outside it. Thus, that Tamils have lived for generations and that related economic efforts, language and culture in the present North-East Province and beyond that the Tamil society developed over a lo alongside contradictions and struggles relatin gender hierarchy. The development of the Ta nationality in the period from the late colonia the last century needs to be viewed as a contin since, on the basis that emergence of natio capitalism, nationalism originated and develop and religious communities only towards the ta era.
The Muslim nationality
A look at the historical origins of community shows that their arrival and exis thousand years ago. Muslim traders from Ara townships along the coast of the island. Th Muslim community of sizeable population relationship with Muslims who arrived fro Malabar) region and by marrying local Tami Tamil their language. Trade and commer occupation, and the Kotte and Kandyan ki services. The Sinhala kingdoms also needed t


Page 17

uld be noted that the ancient Konesar Temple, hymns dedicated to it, bears testimony to the in the Trincomalee region. The ancient temple along the west coast too bears similar
n has had minor feudal kingdoms. Agriculture n of the people of the region. They practiced ng a tank irrigation system. Tamils lived along Mannar region and in regions beyond it, to Puttalam. Historical evidence has emerged monstrate that Tamils have been early settlers n and outside it. Thus, it can be clearly seen for generations and that their way of life, the ts, language and culture have been developed ast Province and beyond. It could also be seen y developed over a long period of history, ns and struggles relating to class, caste and development of the Tamil community as a d from the late colonial era to the middle of to be viewed as a continuation of that process, hat emergence of nationalism has followed originated and developed among the ethnic ities only towards the tail end of the colonial
ty
historical origins of Sri Lankan Muslim t their arrival and existence begin nearly a uslim traders from Arabia initially settled in coast of the island. They developed into a f sizeable population through matrimonial slims who arrived from the Kerala (then y marrying local Tamil women. They made . Trade and commerce were their main Kotte and Kandyan kingdoms needed their kingdoms also needed them in the affairs ofstate in dealings with foreign countries. Ear Muslims spread from Jaffna along the west co as Mannar, Kuthiraimalai, Puttalam, Colombo Subsequently, they settled in townships in the in developing their trade. Settlements in Trinco trade spread in the East.
The arrival of the Portuguese in 1505 led the decline in the trade of the Muslims, and a s established contact with the Kandyan Kingdom various parts of the Eastern Province were the Kingdom., the Muslims used the opportun Batticaloa region as well. Muslims who settle numbers ventured into agriculture, and subsequ to conditions where they lived amid the Tam resident there. Similarly, in the North the Mus Tamil population in Mannar and stretching sout
The language of the original Muslim set Arabic, and it was the basic language of necessary for Muslims to learn Arabic, th matrimonial relationships, and the predomina language of the Muslims who arrived from Sou the people of the regions where they settl language in their day to day life. In course of t of the Muslims adopted Tamil as their moth observed that well to do Muslims living in Si Sinhala the language of their day to day lif majority of the ordinary Muslims have Tamil their day to day life as well as for their educat denied that the Muslims living among Tamils who have adopted Tamil as their mother t several customs and cultural practices of the Muslims have not adopted the discriminatory system or the practice of untouchability preval Yet, class based distinctions between fa throughout. They have diligently preserved


Page 18

foreign countries. Early settlements of the Jaffna along the west coast in townships such lai, Puttalam, Colombo, Beruwela and Galle. led in townships in the interior in the course of . Settlements in Trincomalee for purpose of t.
e Portuguese in 1505 led to competition and to of the Muslims, and a section of the Muslims h the Kandyan Kingdom and settled there. As astern Province were then under the Kandyan ms used the opportunity to settle in the ell. Muslims who settled there in significant agriculture, and subsequently fishery. This led ey lived amid the Tamil population already y, in the North the Muslims lived alongside a annar and stretching southwards to Puttalam.
the original Muslim settlers from Arabia was he basic language of Islam. While it was s to learn Arabic, their communications, ips, and the predominance of Tamil as the s who arrived from South India as well as of gions where they settled, made Tamil the o day life. In course of time, the vast majority ed Tamil as their mother tongue. It can be do Muslims living in Sinhalese regions made of their day to day life. However, the vast ry Muslims have Tamil as their language in well as for their education. Also it cannot be s living among Tamils in the Tamil regions, amil as their mother tongue, have adopted ultural practices of the Tamils. However, the pted the discriminatory and hierarchical caste of untouchability prevalent among the Tamils. istinctions between families has persisted ve diligently preserved and protected theuniqueness of their Islamic faith and its cu However, despite the emphasis of Islam o differences have prevailed. While trade and com main occupation, not all Muslims have accum While the big merchants and traders are we wage earners, workers and other toiling m majority of the Muslims.
The wealthy upper class Muslims have w with the forces of the Sinhala ruling classes, working class Muslims have been united and ordinary Sinhalese and Tamils. This should b class forces transcending religion. Also, it c contradiction and conflict have persisted bet Muslim political leaderships. A historical re attitude and conduct of leaders like Sir Ponna towards the Muslims. Ramanathan declared th Tamils converted to Islam and did not have a has been on this basis that the conservativ followed him considered the Muslims. Th vehemently opposed this; the conduct of Ram the Sinhala-Muslim riots of 1915 led to furth disgust among the Muslims. Consequently, deliberately cultivated between the Tamils and studied in some detail on another occasion.
Although the Muslims are scattered amo Lanka, they live in large concentrations in th traditional region; and, especially in the Bat Trincomalee districts of the Eastern Province, t for generations with their traditional regions, with Tamil as their mother tongue. The serv Muslims to the development of Tamil continues
The historical continuity of the existence to affirm religious nationalism and to asser identity on that basis. Thus, it is an objective re are a nationality. The concrete condition


Page 19

slamic faith and its cultural manifestations. emphasis of Islam on brotherhood, class iled. While trade and commerce comprise their ll Muslims have accumulated wealth thereby. nts and traders are wealthy, peasants, daily rs and other toiling masses form the vast
s.
er class Muslims have worked in collaboration Sinhala ruling classes, whereas the ordinary s have been united and in solidarity with the Tamils. This should be viewed as unity of ing religion. Also, it cannot be denied that flict have persisted between the Tamil and erships. A historical reason for that is the f leaders like Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan Ramanathan declared that the Muslims were lam and did not have a unique identity, and it is that the conservative Tamil leaders who ered the Muslims. The Muslim leadership is; the conduct of Ramanathan in relation to ots of 1915 led to further dissatisfaction and uslims. Consequently, hostile feelings were between the Tamils and Muslims. This will be
n another occasion.
uslims are scattered among all districts of Sri rge concentrations in the North-East as their , especially in the Batticaloa, Amparai and f the Eastern Province, the Muslims have lived heir traditional regions, economy and culture, other tongue. The service rendered by the ment of Tamil continues to date.
ntinuity of the existence of the Muslims serves ationalism and to assert a distinct national hus, it is an objective reality that the Muslims he concrete conditions that enabled thisdevelopment demonstrate that neither the chauvinism nor the Tamil conservative leade grounds to deny that the Muslims are a national
The Hill Country Tamil nationality
The Hill Country Tamil nationality id fourth nationality of Sri Lanka. The Hill C brought from South Indian villages into the century by the British imperialists to work in and a vast majority are still plantation wo workers who provided the basis for the existen its exploited wealth remain a people who are exploitation and oppression in Sri Lanka.
Even after the departure of the colonialis sector, the life of the Hill Country plantation one of pain and sorrow. The Hill Country Tam large concentrations in the Central, Uva Provinces and diffusely in the Western and So people of the Hill Country could be viewed a their labour for low wages and lived a low cultivation of coffee in the hill country, and th an export economy based mainly on tea and time, under the identity of Hill Country Tam traders, businessmen and wealthy individuals class forces.
The Hill Country Tamils have remained for over one-hundred and eighty years preserv unique linguistic and cultural aspects of their continues where they do not own land or although they have for generations had the plan It is important to note that, despite oppre colonialists and the capitalist forces of chauvin them as the ruling class of Sri Lanka, the Hill continued to exist as a community that h individuality.


Page 20

trate that neither the forces of Sinhala amil conservative leadership has any logical e Muslims are a nationality.
il nationality
ry Tamil nationality identifies itself as the Sri Lanka. The Hill Country Tamils were Indian villages into the island in early 19th imperialists to work in the plantation sector, are still plantation workers. The plantation the basis for the existence of colonialism and main a people who are subject to the worst sion in Sri Lanka.
eparture of the colonialists from the plantation Hill Country plantation workers continues as . The Hill Country Tamils live and work in in the Central, Uva and Sabaragamuwa y in the Western and Southern Provinces. The ntry could be viewed as those who provided wages and lived a lowly life to enable the the hill country, and then the development of sed mainly on tea and rubber. At the same ty of Hill Country Tamils, there have been nd wealthy individuals comprising the upper
y Tamils have remained ethnically Tamil and and eighty years preserved and developed the ultural aspects of their identity. The situation do not own land or residential property, generations had the plantations as their home. ote that, despite oppression by the British pitalist forces of chauvinism which succeeded s of Sri Lanka, the Hill Country Tamils have s a community that has not forfeited itsIt is important to appreciate the essence o Country Tamils have persisted in the stand t home and that Sri Lanka is their country, returning through forced repatriation and press to India, the home of their ancestors. Thus, generations, the Hill Country Tamils has been in the Hill Country. Having Tamil as their com continuity of a common culture and an environ economy has propelled the Hill Country Tam nationality.
It should be noted that Hill Country environment that is vastly different from th Muslim nationalities, namely within regions wh the same time, the identity of ‘people of Indian forward by upper class elements among the H order to negate the identity of the Hill C nationality and thereby secure various con political bargains and make personal gains people are unable to come to terms with the de Country Tamils as a nationality. It is as a attitude that the leadership dominating trade among the Hill Country Tamils is continuing to Tamils to serve its upper class political interes the new generation of Hill Country youth is rec chauvinistic oppression faced by the Hill C driven by the feeling and motivation to be ri emerges as a feeling for national liberation consideration these developments, it is an obj Hill Country Tamils are undeniably a nationalit
The Burgher community
There are besides the above named f Burgher, Malay and Attho (Vedda) communit predominantly descendents of the Portuguese o descendents of the Dutch, who are smaller identified as Burghers. The Burghers have adop


Page 21

appreciate the essence of the fact that the Hill persisted in the stand that this land is their anka is their country, rejecting the idea of ed repatriation and pressure of ethnic violence f their ancestors. Thus, for more than four ountry Tamils has been continuously resident aving Tamil as their common language, a long n culture and an environment of sustaining an d the Hill Country Tamils to the status of a
oted that Hill Country Tamils live in an astly different from that of the Tamil and amely within regions where Sinhalese live. At tity of ‘people of Indian descent’ is being put elements among the Hill Country Tamils, in identity of the Hill Country Tamils as a by secure various concessions, indulge in make personal gains for themselves. Such me to terms with the development of the Hill nationality. It is as a manifestation of this ership dominating trade unions and politics y Tamils is continuing to use the Hill Country er class political interests. But it is clear that Hill Country youth is recognising the forms of n faced by the Hill Country Tamils and is and motivation to be rid of oppression. This for national liberation. When taking into velopments, it is an objective reality that the e undeniably a nationality.
ity
des the above named four nationalities, the ttho (Vedda) communities. The Burghers are ents of the Portuguese of the colonial era. The utch, who are smaller in number, are also The Burghers have adopted Sri Lanka as theirresidence and home. They live in larger num Province and in fewer numbers in urban reg mainly have English as their first language and private sector employment as well as bee enterprises. Their religion has been Roman C Dutch Burghers largely Protestant Christians. style has been that of Europeans.
They do not live contiguously or in large part of the country. At the same time they h themselves with the Sinhalese and to a less ex especially in the Eastern Province. They have as a community with a historical continuity of to grant and to defend their rights that will en their social identity is inevitably a matter of soc
The Malay community
The ancestors of the Malays arrived f Dutch colonial rule and settled in Sri Lanka. religion. As a result they have eventually iden the Muslims. They have become a part of the M are by and large integrated with the Muslim na Census identifies Muslims in Sri Lanka as (earlier Ceylon Moors), Indian Muslims and Ma
There are, besides the Malays, Muslim the Memen and the Borah. It is essential to identities of such communities.
The Attho (Vedda) community
The Attho, who are probably the desce settlers in Sri Lanka, exist as another ethnic g The Attho who even today live with the aboriginal community live mainly in the forest region of the Uva Province. Their livelihood c agriculture. The Attho numbering over 2500 ha own and a contiguous residential territory. The of worship and cultural practices of their c


Page 22

They live in larger numbers in the Western r numbers in urban regions elsewhere. They their first language and have been in state and ment as well as been owners of private gion has been Roman Catholicism, with the y Protestant Christians. Their culture and life
uropeans.
contiguously or in large concentrations in any t the same time they have mostly identified inhalese and to a less extent with the Tamils, rn Province. They have, nevertheless, existed historical continuity of 400 years. To define, their rights that will enable them to preserve nevitably a matter of social justice.
y
f the Malays arrived from Indonesia under d settled in Sri Lanka. They are Muslims by ey have eventually identified themselves with e become a part of the Muslim community and ated with the Muslim nationality. Government slims in Sri Lanka as Sri Lankan Muslims , Indian Muslims and Malays.
es the Malays, Muslim communities such as orah. It is essential to protect the individual unities.
mmunity
are probably the descendents of the earliest exist as another ethnic group in this country. today live with the basic features of an live mainly in the forests of the Mahiyangana vince. Their livelihood comprises hunting and numbering over 2500 have a language of their residential territory. They practice the system ral practices of their community. They areinsistent that their mother tongue is not S individuality and identity should be prote chauvinism approach the Attho with the ulterio Sinhala Buddhist. The members of the Atth accept it. Hence it is essential to recognise th social group and it is important to safeguard t identity.
Dealing with the national question
It is possible to have an overview of the h of the four nationalities and other communitie foregoing brief historical comments. The situ emergence of any community into a nationalit years preceding the last century. Nationalism h terms of the stages of capitalist develop emergence of capitalism. Neither Sri Lanka World country is taking such a path of capitali are several reasons for it.
The European colonialists who had permitted controlled capitalist development in needs and interests. It is important to n continuation of those circumstances, there w movement, like for example that in India, t struggle for independence or a liberation colonialism and imperialism as its extended form
Initially some of the feudal rulers opposition and participated in rebellions resistance failed to develop further. Later, movement that for a limited period played an None of these developed into a national move major scale, embracing the Sinhala, Tamil, M Tamil and other communities. Thus, it is cl development that took place at a slow pace in S consent and collaboration of colonial imperialis


Page 23

other tongue is not Sinhala and that their ntity should be protected. The forces of he Attho with the ulterior motive of making it e members of the Attho community do not essential to recognise the Attho as a distinct important to safeguard their individuality and
nal question
ave an overview of the historical development es and other communities on the basis of the cal comments. The situation that led to the munity into a nationality emerged only in the t century. Nationalism has to be identified in of capitalist development following the sm. Neither Sri Lanka nor any other Third g such a path of capitalist development. There it.
colonialists who had Sri Lanka underfoot pitalist development in a way that suited their It is important to note that, under the circumstances, there was no major national xample that in India, that developed into a ence or a liberation struggle opposed to alism as its extended form.
of the feudal rulers demonstrated their cipated in rebellions and struggles. Such evelop further. Later, it was only the left limited period played an anti-imperialist role. ed into a national movement of struggle on a g the Sinhala, Tamil, Muslim, Hill Country munities. Thus, it is clear that the capitalist place at a slow pace in Sri Lanka was with the on of colonial imperialism.Thus, in the name of “independence”, transfer of power under a semi-colonial and se incompletely developed capitalist classes of fe power. The imperialists who handed over anticipated the long-term prospect of contrad developing within the different communities i development as nationalities, and prepared th While the forces of imperialism are harv contradiction and conflict continue among the n
The Sinhala feudal-capitalist elite forces power handled the development of the Sin sidedly. That form of development too failed lowest levels of the Sinhalese. The rule in the nationality remained, on the basis of class, interests and needs of the wealthy upper classe that from the vast majority of the Sinhalese, it i in the form of neglect, partiality and rejection o as well as other nationalities and communities, oppression. It is as a peak of that oppression waged against the Tamil nationality that has quarter of a century.
The Tamil nationality, in the course of resisted the oppressive Sinhala Buddhist ch leadership of this nominal resistance was held class conservative forces with parliamentary Initially a Saiva Vellala elite leadership and s Christian Vellala elite leadership launched n while holding on to their parliamentary posts. T classes defeated those struggles and carr oppression by denying the rights of the Tamil n nationality and other nationalities were subje democracy, violation of human rights, attack police excesses.
It is under these circumstances that armed from among the Tamil nationality emerged a


Page 24

me of “independence”, Sri Lanka secured a r a semi-colonial and semi-feudal system. The d capitalist classes of feudal descent assumed sts who handed over the power to them, erm prospect of contradictions and conflicts different communities in the process of their alities, and prepared the groundwork for it. imperialism are harvesting the benefits, ict continue among the nationalities.
dal-capitalist elite forces that took over state evelopment of the Sinhala nationality one- development too failed to reach down to the inhalese. The rule in the name of the Sinhala on the basis of class, the protector of the the wealthy upper classes. In order to conceal rity of the Sinhalese, it initiated communalism partiality and rejection of the Tamil nationality alities and communities, and developed it into peak of that oppression that a war has been mil nationality that has gone on for the past
nality, in the course of its development, has e Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism. The initial inal resistance was held by the Tamil upper ces with parliamentary politics at the core. la elite leadership and subsequently a Saiva- leadership launched non-violent struggles, ir parliamentary posts. The chauvinistic ruling se struggles and carried forward further the rights of the Tamil nationality. The Tamil nationalities were subjected to the denial of of human rights, attacks by the army, and
circumstances that armed struggle by the youth l nationality emerged and developed. It wasthrough the assertion of the right of the Tam determination, the consequent right to secessio “Tamil Eelam” that enabled the above armed s gather momentum. The positive and negative dealt with extensively in another context.
The social order of Sri Lanka is, via its se feudal condition, being transformed into a neo The programme of imperialist globalisation is of re-colonisation in order to accelerate it. H denied or concealed that the fundamental cont is clearly one of class. However, the n accompanied by the related struggles, is oversh contradiction as the main contradiction contradiction has on its one side the war of opp Buddhist ruling classes and on the other the lib Tamil nationality.
Although it is possible to resolve the eth have taken the form of the national quest capitalist ruling class forces are not prepared They, essentially, put forward their class intere the advice of the forces of imperialism and re seeking to serve the interests of these forces, th at a solution while making the situation more co
What is essential for the future of Sri La the highest forms of autonomy, incorporating and human rights, on the basis of the right o determination within a united Sri Lanka. It autonomies that would guarantee the wellbei nationalities that unity, mutual understanding a be achieved for all nationalities, and it could Lanka is a multi-ethnic country with unity an question has still remained whether the chauvi class forces will offer such a solution. That Leninists insist on the importance of struggles of class struggle. They point out that the l


Page 25

of the right of the Tamil nationality to self- sequent right to secession and the demand for abled the above armed struggle to spread and e positive and negative aspects of this will be in another context.
of Sri Lanka is, via its semi-colonial and semi- transformed into a neo-colonial social order. perialist globalisation is involved in activities rder to accelerate it. Hence, it is cannot be at the fundamental contradiction in Sri Lanka lass. However, the national contradiction, lated struggles, is overshadowing the principal main contradiction today. The national one side the war of oppression by the Sinhala and on the other the liberation struggle of the
ssible to resolve the ethnic contradictions that of the national question, the chauvinistic forces are not prepared for a just solution. orward their class interests. By paying heed to s of imperialism and regional hegemony and erests of these forces, they are unable to arrive ing the situation more complex and severe.
l for the future of Sri Lanka is the granting of autonomy, incorporating equality, democracy the basis of the right of nationalities to self a united Sri Lanka. It is only through such d guarantee the wellbeing and future of the , mutual understanding and development could ationalities, and it could be ensured that Sri c country with unity and prosperity. But the ined whether the chauvinistic capitalist ruling r such a solution. That is why the Marxist importance of struggles founded on the basis y point out that the liberation struggles ofnationalities should be carried forward with p struggle.
The experiences and lessons of nationa thus far emphasise the need for a path based on Marxist outlook. The Marxist-Leninist assessme can neither decide nor determine their future by to nationalism, because the nationalist position confined to narrow boundaries. Nationalism c point of capitalist exploitation, market and prof free the nationalities from the class oppress Marxist Leninists stand on the progressive side extent that it opposes chauvinistic oppression. struggle chartered by Marxism and the journe the nationalities beyond their national bounda toward the liberation of the entire humanity. T class and other toiling masses of the Sinha recognise the right of the Tamil, Muslim and nationalities to self determination and come against the chauvinistic oppressors of their ow same spirit, the oppressed nationalities should support from among the Sinhala nationality. Th times for anyone who has an interest in the lib of all the nationalities to consider taking the based on Marxism and act accordingly.


Page 26

carried forward with policies based on class
and lessons of national liberation struggles need for a path based on class struggle with a arxist-Leninist assessment is that nationalities determine their future by confining themselves the nationalist position is restricted to aspects undaries. Nationalism comprises the starting itation, market and profit and therefore cannot from the class oppression related to them. d on the progressive side of nationalism to the chauvinistic oppression. But the path of class Marxism and the journey are destined to take d their national boundaries on a broad base f the entire humanity. Therefore the working g masses of the Sinhala nationality should the Tamil, Muslim and Hill Country Tamil etermination and come forward to struggle c oppressors of their own nationality. In the ssed nationalities should seek friendship and e Sinhala nationality. Thus it is the need of the has an interest in the liberation and the future to consider taking the path of class struggle act accordingly.Excerpt from the interview of Comrade Prac Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) with the C BBC.
Do you believe in the multi-party system or party to be the one party ruling Nepal a future?
I am going to address this question very serious a Central Committee meeting of our party, ana from 20th century communist states, we put f the development of democracy.
In the 21st century we cannot have a state l century. That's why our Central Committee un paper on the development of democracy in t spirit of this paper is that there should be between all political parties against feudalism a forces. And that there should be multi-party co we have said that within a certain constitutional competition [should exist] as long as it's agai foreign imperialistic interference and all politic against each other. And this document was una years ago in very clear terms.
In the agreement that we recently made with th have clearly stated that we agree to multi-party have seen from the 20th century, and the lesso from the experiences of the 20th century, a ve was - to understand the subject of democracy need to develop a new consciousness for this. this.
Our opponents have understood us in a dogm dogmatic but our opponents are. They are loo Century glasses. But we are already moving i [We are looking at] the kind of state that is Century, how to give people the maximum po


Page 27

rview of Comrade Prachanda, Leader of the epal (Maoist) with the Charles Haviland of the
multi-party system or would you like your party ruling Nepal at some point in the
his question very seriously. Three years ago, at eeting of our party, analyzing the experiences munist states, we put forward a proposal for ocracy.
e cannot have a state like those of the 20th r Central Committee unanimously passed this ment of democracy in the 21st century. The s that there should be peaceful competition rties against feudalism and foreign imperialist should be multi-party competition. Since then n a certain constitutional provision multi-party ist] as long as it's against feudalism, against terference and all political parties can compete d this document was unanimously passed three
terms.
e recently made with the political parties, we we agree to multi-party competition. What we th century, and the lessons that we have learnt f the 20th century, a very important question he subject of democracy and dictatorship we consciousness for this. And we have passed
nderstood us in a dogmatic way. We are not onents are. They are looking at us with 20th e are already moving into the 21st Century. he kind of state that is possible in the 21st people the maximum possible rights; how toorganize competition; and how to guarantee does not lead to oppression and suppression.
In short, democracy and dictatorship.... How conflict between them - we are developing on process of development, we have terme democracy. People think that our commitme competition is purely a tactic and that we someone. But in reality we have taken the ex century, discussed it, analyzed it in our party, conclusion that the development of democrac 21st Century. That's why we take multi-pa seriously.
We want to move forward. Even in our un parties, we have said that we don't want autoc crush the feudal autocracy that exists today. It multi-party competition. Events have proved thi
Not only now - four years ago, when the roya we saw that the feudal autocracy was snatchin we gained in the 1990 democracy movemen parties were also against the royal massacre. Th to the political parties to join us and build a p we are ready to compete with you, and the fe common enemy of ours and we should fight ag been talking about multi-party competition s believe we need to understand this clearly.


Page 28

and how to guarantee that this competition sion and suppression.
nd dictatorship.... How to make use of this - we are developing on this. And from this ent, we have termed, development of ink that our commitment to the multi-party a tactic and that we are trying to cheat ty we have taken the experience of an entire nalyzed it in our party, and we've come to a velopment of democracy is necessary in the why we take multi-party competition very
rward. Even in our understanding with the that we don't want autocracy; that we have to racy that exists today. It will never propagate
. Events have proved this.
ears ago, when the royal massacre happened, autocracy was snatching away the rights that 0 democracy movement. The parliamentary st the royal massacre. That's why we appealed to join us and build a platform, and [we said] ete with you, and the feudal autocracy was a s and we should fight against it. And we have ulti-party competition since then. I strongly erstand this clearly.The Future is Bright
(a comment on the fast changing interna
by
Deshabakthan
Less than a decade ago, imperialist tri Feikama’s declaration of the ‘end of history’ w work to the intellectual elite of the develop intellectuals disheartened by the fall of socialis Europe and the collapse of the Soviet Union, ha for socialism. Developments in China after M their woes. When the imperialists declared th dead”, feeble-minded left intellectuals got prepa
It is true that the imperialist agenda according to schedule and took impressive s decades; globalisation has yet to lose its mom term effects of its impact are serious. The syste enslavement of the economies of the Third Wo imperialist agenda, implemented through agenc Bank, the IMF and the Asian Development Ba national bourgeois leadership of the Third surrendered to imperialism, and is only conside under the yoke of imperialism rather than oppressor. The degenerated ‘old left’ which by credibility as a revolutionary force had lost m by the turn of the millennium.


Page 29

The Future is Bright
he fast changing international situation)
by
Deshabakthan
cade ago, imperialist triumphalism prevailed. of the ‘end of history’ was the most celebrated al elite of the developed world. Many left ed by the fall of socialist governments in East e of the Soviet Union, had lost faith in a future ments in China after Mao Zedong added to imperialists declared that “Communism was eft intellectuals got prepared for the funeral.
the imperialist agenda of globalisation went and took impressive strides in the last two has yet to lose its momentum, and the long- act are serious. The systematic weakening and nomies of the Third World is still part of the plemented through agencies such as the World Asian Development Bank. By and large, the adership of the Third World has politically lism, and is only considering ways of survival perialism rather than ways to combat the rated ‘old left’ which by the 1980s had lost its tionary force had lost much of its left identity nnium.But the last two decades of the millenn period in which genuine revolutionaries sho standing firmly by their belief in the revoluti revolutionary struggle against severe odds. Man struggles that were written off in the 1980s an or dead re-emerged with new vigour in many co
Since the early 1980s, imperialism soug religious fundamentalism as tools to undermine China and to rally support for its subvers struggles and progressive regimes in Latin Am in Nicaragua. Christian fundamentalism, Islami Jewish fundamentalism directly served impe separate ways. Hindu fundamentalism in India US imperialism as did the Sinhala Buddhist ide The Dalai Lama had for long been an imperialis collaborated with the CIA to bring down the c However, every successful manipulation by t disastrous downside, as the 11th September 2001
Following the Chilean coup and the assas 1974, South America seemed to be secure a threat, except in Colombia where the governm overcome the rebels for nearly half a century. threat, the Shining Path revolutionaries of Peru done with, following the arrest of its leader. been effectively reined in by the 1990s followi imposed on Nicaragua by the US governm Grenada was adequate warning to the rest of th course Cuba, and the overthrow of Aristade sponsored coup a few years ago declared that law.
But the very success of the progra globalisation was to be the nemesis of im reforms, restructuring and opening up of accelerated in South America, where the US democratic governments, since the ‘communist


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decades of the millennium also marked the ine revolutionaries showed their mettle by ir belief in the revolution and persevered in against severe odds. Many mass revolutionary itten off in the 1980s and 90s as marginalised h new vigour in many countries.
1980s, imperialism sought to use religion and m as tools to undermine the Soviet Union and support for its subversion of revolutionary ive regimes in Latin America, as for example fundamentalism, Islamic fundamentalism and directly served imperialism in their own undamentalism in India sought close ties with the Sinhala Buddhist ideologues of Sri Lanka. r long been an imperialist puppet. The Vatican IA to bring down the communists in Poland. ssful manipulation by the imperialists had a the 11th September 2001 attach demonstrated.
hilean coup and the assassination of Allende in seemed to be secure against the communist bia where the government has been unable to r nearly half a century. The only new serious revolutionaries of Peru, seemed to have been the arrest of its leader. Central America had in by the 1990s following the cruel civil war a by the US government. US invasion of warning to the rest of the Caribbean, except of overthrow of Aristade in Haiti by a US- years ago declared that what the US says is
success of the programme of imperialist be the nemesis of imperialism. Economic and opening up of the economy were merica, where the US now opted for more ts, since the ‘communist threat’ was a thing ofthe past, and that democratic governments could World Bank and IMF better than military dictat handed approach invariably involved a risk Even once rich countries like Argentina becam the charm of the promised “global village” w burden of debt was passed on to the toi unemployed poor, while the rich got richer by foreign investors who were ruthlessly plunderi rapid growth of the anti-globalisation moveme years was a direct consequence of the impe globalisation.
Left-leaning governments were elec Argentina, but were under pressure from the severe indebtedness of the countries. The loyal were divided between the aspirations of the mas US imperialism through the funding agencies rapid rise in the cost of living in Argentina le Regime changes putting a left or centre-left followed in Venezuela, Uruguay and more Chile.
While these changes and the ones ant Ecuador following the presidential elections sc are clear signs that the mood of the people is h and imperialist domination, they should not be for social transformation. Two of the six Sout with left or centre-left governments, namely V have announced socialist programmes which welfare programmes in the immediate future. T develop depends very much on the course of ev in the US.
In Venezuela, attempts by the US to to Chavez included a coup which could not sus motivated industrial action, and attempts Unfortunately for the US, Chavez is popular a from the poor and the toiling masses; besides w


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cratic governments could do the bidding of the etter than military dictatorships, whose heavy- riably involved a risk of popular rebellion. ies like Argentina became debtor nations, and ised “global village” wore off very fast. The passed on to the toiling masses and the le the rich got richer by collaboration with the were ruthlessly plundering the continent. The ti-globalisation movement during the past five nsequence of the imperialist programme of
vernments were elected in Brazil and nder pressure from the IMF because of the the countries. The loyalty of the governments the aspirations of the masses and pressure from h the funding agencies that it controlled. The f living in Argentina led to a regime change. ng a left or centre-left leadership in control a, Uruguay and more recently Bolivia and
nges and the ones anticipated in Peru and presidential elections scheduled for this year mood of the people is hostile to globalisation tion, they should not be mistaken to be signals on. Two of the six South American countries governments, namely Venezuela and Bolivia, list programmes which are more likely to be the immediate future. The way matters would uch on the course of events in the region and
ttempts by the US to topple President Hugo up which could not sustain itself, politically action, and attempts to murder Chavez. S, Chavez is popular and has strong support oiling masses; besides world oil prices and theoil wealth of Venezuela are helping the econom but also in its diplomatic offensive through he nations and America’s poor who are neglected b
The stand taken by Venezuela along with the question of referring Iran to the UN admirable, and is a positive step towards build the oppressed nations of the world. There i awareness in Latin America and anti-globalis made a strong impact on public awareness. Bu way to go.
The choice before the third world cou “socialism or death” as Hugo Chavez recently Social Forum. But the march towards social whole host of internal contradictions cry out economy is freed from the clutches of imperial the Amerindian people that made it possible fo and point to possible victory for Ollanta Huma presidential election in Peru could be tran conflicts. The imperialists and local reactionari times over; and bourgeois parliamentary demo as tyranny in the name of a majority, is vu politics. The experiences of former European much of Africa will provide ample lessons in th
It should also be remembered that th process has always favoured the ruling classe lose power they try, often successfully, to r Unless the masses are mobilised, politicised possible for democratically elected governmen promises and yield to imperialist pressure or partners of imperialism.
It was mass protests that threw Lucio G Ecuador, out of power in April 2005, and he ha of his residence in a helicopter to escape the And it was waves of mass protest after ma


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a are helping the economy not only to survive, tic offensive through helping other oppressed poor who are neglected by the state.
by Venezuela along with Cuba in the IAEA on ring Iran to the UN Security Council is sitive step towards building solidarity among of the world. There is growth in political erica and anti-globalisation campaigns have on public awareness. But there is still a long
re the third world countries is plain: it is s Hugo Chavez recently put it at the World e march towards socialism is not simple. A contradictions cry out to be resolved as the the clutches of imperialism. The solidarity of that made it possible for Evo Morales to win ictory for Ollanta Humalla in the forthcoming in Peru could be transformed into ethnic ists and local reactionaries have done it many eois parliamentary democracy, often practiced e of a majority, is vulnerable to parochial es of former European colonies in Asia and vide ample lessons in this respect.
be remembered that the normal democratic voured the ruling classes and wherever they often successfully, to recapture it by force. e mobilised, politicised and activated, it is cally elected governments to go back on their imperialist pressure or even become junior .
tests that threw Lucio Gutierrez, President of in April 2005, and he had to flee from the roof elicopter to escape the wrath of the masses. mass protest after mass protest that madepossible the political changes in Argentina and mass protests that forced the enemies of Chavez
Mobilisation of the masses to bring a could lead to frustration and disenchantment there is a clear political program to carry stru logical end, namely people’s power.
Thus, democratic structures need to be de of struggle, which would resist the emergence o rivalry and hegemony. Besides, most of the America have been badly battered by imperia neo-liberalism. Recovery needs fresh investme that the economy could be snared once more name of aid.
The US failed in its recent bid to impose trade association on South America. But that ne positive action. New economic alliances need America to strengthen regional cooperation a multinational predators.
Thus, the situation is Latin America, espe holds out much promise for the global anti-imp is important to guard against over-optimism a the other hand, one should not be overly pe revolutionary and progressive forces of the wo South America to continue unhindered alo imperialist struggle by relying upon the masses.


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hanges in Argentina and Bolivia. It was, again,
d the enemies of Chavez to retreat.
the masses to bring about regime changes on and disenchantment with struggle, unless al program to carry struggles forward to their ople’s power.
structures need to be developed in the course ld resist the emergence of the politics of ethnic . Besides, most of the economies of South dly battered by imperialist globalisation and ry needs fresh investment which could mean d be snared once more by imperialism in the
its recent bid to impose a US dominated free uth America. But that needs to be followed by economic alliances need to emerge in Latin regional cooperation and solidarity against .
n is Latin America, especially South America, e for the global anti-imperialist struggle. But it against over-optimism and complaisance. On hould not be overly pessimistic either. The ressive forces of the world should encourage ntinue unhindered along its path of anti- relying upon the masses.Sri Lankan
Peace Processing
The Tamils of the North-East made histo Presidential Elections of November 2005. No Democratic Party that urged the Tamil pe elections. It recommended that the people sh point by spoiling their ballot paper. There was of the Tamil political parties, especially certai support the UNP candidate Ranil Wickramas LTTE, which initially indicated that it did Sinhalese chose to elect as their President and vote as they choose, changed its mind a few da and called for a boycott.
The fact that the Tamils were not intereste the leading candidates was clear from the perce from the Jaffna district, which low at around voting closing more than a week before the Tamils was very low even in non-LTTE cont estimated to be low even in Colombo. One fa even the section of the Tamils in the South wh preferred the UNP was the revelation by two UNP leadership engineered the split in the Although it was long suspected that Milinda M getting a foreign agency to bribe Karuna to LTTE, it was a revelation when he and ceremonially let the cat was out of the bag to l votes. Ranil Wickramasinghe failed not only t


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Sri Lankan Events
ng
North-East made history by boycotting the of November 2005. Notably, it was the New t urged the Tamil people to boycott the nded that the people should make a political ballot paper. There was reluctance on the part parties, especially certain MPs who wanted to didate Ranil Wickramasinghe. However, the indicated that it did not care whom the ct as their President and that the Tamils could anged its mind a few days before the election t.
amils were not interested in electing either of was clear from the percentage of postal voting ct, which low at around 25%, despite postal han a week before the election. Polling by even in non-LTTE controlled areas, and was en in Colombo. One factor that disillusioned Tamils in the South who may otherwise have s the revelation by two UNP leaders that the eered the split in the ranks of the LTTE. uspected that Milinda Moragoda had a hand in cy to bribe Karuna to create a split in the elation when he and Naveen Dissanayake t was out of the bag to lure Sinhala chauvinist singhe failed not only to refute the story butalso to censure his party colleagues. There statement of regret forthcoming from him.
The boycott by the Tamils clearly led to the a narrow margin, since Mahinda Rajapaksha’s with the JVP and the JHU regarding the n already antagonised most Tamil voters. T disappointment to the US government, w Wickramasinghe in his capacity as President to in their scheme to bring Sri Lanka under their co
Consequently, the LTTE was roundly denou and foreign NGO watchdogs as well as by the E there was minimal violence in the North-East d election. The truth was that the verdict of th unacceptable to those who wanted the UNP to only the Tamil people been asked by the L parliamentary parties to spoil the ballot paper NDP, the outcome of the election would have same, except that there would not have been roo of democracy’ to complain.
The fact is that, in a situation where the c are not actually choices, the most effective wa democratic right is to refuse to choose. A demo option is not a democracy, and anyone who exercise as undemocratic is an enemy of democ
Given his pledges to the JVP and to the position on the national question as state Chinthanaya”, issued in lieu of an election Mahinda Rajapaksha failed to surprise any wi peace process. The President’s visit to India purpose of the visit was to urge Indian involv question. With State Assembly Elections for T coalition government at the centre dependent Tamil nationalist parties of the South, th Tamilnadu less hostile to the LTTE than it was


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arty colleagues. There was no apology or hcoming from him.
Tamils clearly led to the defeat of the UNP by e Mahinda Rajapaksha’s separate agreements e JHU regarding the national question had most Tamil voters. The outcome was a e US government, which wanted Ranil capacity as President to play role of facilitator Sri Lanka under their control.
LTTE was roundly denounced by various local hdogs as well as by the EU monitors, although ence in the North-East during the period of the as that the verdict of the Tamil people was who wanted the UNP to return to power. Had e been asked by the LTTE and the Tamil to spoil the ballot paper as suggested by the the election would have been very much the would not have been room for the ‘champions lain.
a situation where the choices before a voter s, the most effective way of exercising one’s efuse to choose. A democracy that denies this cracy, and anyone who denounces such an ic is an enemy of democracy.
to the JVP and to the JHU as well as his onal question as stated in the “Mahinda in lieu of an election manifesto, President ailed to surprise any with his approach to the resident’s visit to India was ill timed if the as to urge Indian involvement in the national ssembly Elections for Tamilnadu in sight, the at the centre dependent on support from the ties of the South, the popular mood in to the LTTE than it was a few years ago, andthe Indian government bending over backwar side of the US, India was not keen on o adventure in the near future, although its agen overtime to wreck the climate of peace in th undermine the peace process in the South.
Norwegian mediation was requested in the objections to Norwegian involvement in th election and two months after. After much venue, it was agreed that the talks would b February.
The way the Government’s negotiating te and briefed made one wonder whether the Gov wanted at the negotiating table. Dispute about remained and is bound to be a thorny issue, mo and the Muslim leadership than for the LTTE. T agreeing to an agenda based on the implemen agreement (CFA), sought to renegotiate the c Geneva. In the end, what was achieved was agr another day in April, subject to progress on the CFA, and agreement by the Government that it activities of the paramilitary groups in the LTTE agreed to ensure that there were no attac armed forces.
The situation in the North-East has continu a rise in the level of violence, in the form of threat of violence and damage to property. A forces on civilians have seen a big rise in soldiers have been killed in landmine and gren by the LTTE. Meanwhile, the army has denie attacks on LTTE targets by the “Karuna facti LTTE militia groups.
Karuna’s refusal to be disarmed or Government is a sign that the situation in the transformed into one of anarchy, where neith


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t bending over backwards to be on the good ia was not keen on obliging with another future, although its agents have been working climate of peace in the North-East and to ocess in the South.
ion was requested in the end, despite various ian involvement in the months before the nths after. After much wrangling about the that the talks would be held in Geneva in
ernment’s negotiating team was put together wonder whether the Government knew what it ng table. Dispute about Muslim representation to be a thorny issue, more for the Government ship than for the LTTE. The Government, after based on the implementation of the ceasefire ght to renegotiate the ceasefire agreement at at was achieved was agreement on meeting on ubject to progress on the implementation of the y the Government that it will control the armed ilitary groups in the North-East while the that there were no attacks on members of the
e North-East has continued to deteriorate with violence, in the form of killings, kidnapping, damage to property. Attacks by the armed ve seen a big rise in the North and many ed in landmine and grenade attacks, allegedly hile, the army has denied involvement in the ts by the “Karuna faction” or by other anti-
to be disarmed or disciplined by the that the situation in the North-East could be of anarchy, where neither the LTTE nor theGovernment can control the spiralling increase fact that US intelligence was involved in engin LTTE and the fact that Indian intelligence has trouble in the East and in encouraging opp process, the Tamil struggle for liberation ca armed struggle.
To inform the people of the respective role of imperialism and regional hegemony as including the NGOs is essential to the corre struggle. Failure to address the contradictio nationality has enabled the development of a fickle or fragile, for various factions and pro The price to pay for the neglect of class polit high for the Tamil liberation struggle.
Local elections have been called in a situat badly divided and dented by a series of deserti the Presidential Election.
The PA is not in a position to capitalise on internal power struggle dragging on, and wanting to gain full control over the SLFP by Kumaratunga.
The JVP leadership too is facing a crisis o vis the PA. The decision to go it alone at th added to its difficulties. The outcome of the e major changes in the leadership of the parties.
However, one thing is certain: the main S will not change their negative attitude towards question.
* * * *


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l the spiralling increase in violence. Given the e was involved in engineering the split in the t Indian intelligence has been active in stirring nd in encouraging opposition to the peace ruggle for liberation cannot be confined to
ple of the respective roles played by the forces egional hegemony as well as their agents is essential to the correct orientation of the ddress the contradictions within the Tamil d the development of a social base, however arious factions and pro-government militias. he neglect of class politics will be especially ration struggle.
e been called in a situation where the UNP is ted by a series of desertions since its defeat in n.
position to capitalise on that advantage with its le dragging on, and President Rajapaksha ontrol over the SLFP by sidelining Chandrika
p too is facing a crisis over its position vis-à- ion to go it alone at the local elections has s. The outcome of the elections could lead to adership of the parties.
g is certain: the main Sinhala political parties egative attitude towards resolving the national
* * * *th 47
National Day of Cuba Celebrated
The 47th National Day of Cuba was cele 2006 and the occasion was also observed as the by the International Solidarity People’s Forum Mission Hall, Colombo 6.
The meeting was chaired by Comrade E T ordinator of the ISPF, and was addressed by Co General Secretary of the New Democratic P Fernando of the Railway Workers Alliance and
A session of poetry reading and recital of with Comrade Siva Rajendran in the chair, follo
Comrade S Nandamohan compered the e K Thiruchelvam delivered the vote of thanks.


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ay of Cuba Celebrated
l Day of Cuba was celebrated on 1st January was also observed as the Anti-Imperialist Day olidarity People’s Forum, at the Ramakrishna
6.
haired by Comrade E Thambiah, Central Co- and was addressed by Comrades SK Senthivel, the New Democratic Party, Sarath Kumara y Workers Alliance and J Satgurunathan.
y reading and recital of revolutionary songs, jendran in the chair, followed the talks.
ohan compered the events and Comrade red the vote of thanks.Internationa
The Message from Bolivia
For half a century, Cuba had the distinction “principal enemy" in the region, and the “sole that time. With Hugo Chavez becoming the Pr the U.S. right has labelled both countries "axis hemisphere. At the end of 2005, when Evo Mo Toward Socialism claimed victory in Bolivia's one more member was added to the “axis of e that for some time into the future Cuba, Venez pose an increasing challenge to the domination the US.
The inducting of Evo Morales, an Aymara In Bolivia is among the most significant events American history. Although people of indige occasion, risen to the top in Latin America, M victory was due to a tide of the powerful indig Andean countries and could mean that elec Ecuador this year will bring success to indigeno
Besides Cuba, Venezuela and Bolivia, which imperialism and its programme of globalisati centre governments in Brazil, Argentina and under popular pressure to resist the “economi by the World Bank and the IMF. Chile has n election of a centre-left president in February.
Let us not forget that elected radical governme armed forces supported by US: Brazil, Chile, were prevented in the 1960’s and 70’s from fo


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International Events
rom Bolivia
uba had the distinction of being America's he region, and the “sole enemy” for much of Chavez becoming the President of Venezuela, led both countries "axis of evil" in the western of 2005, when Evo Morales of the Movement med victory in Bolivia's presidential election, added to the “axis of evil” club. It is likely the future Cuba, Venezuela and Bolivia will llenge to the domination of Latin America by
Morales, an Aymara Indian, as president of most significant events in 500 years of Latin hough people of indigenous origin have, on op in Latin America, Morales's overwhelming de of the powerful indigenous mobilisation in could mean that elections in Peru and in bring success to indigenous movements.
ela and Bolivia, which defy the diktat of US rogramme of globalisation, there are left-of- Brazil, Argentina and Uruguay, which are e to resist the “economic reforms” demanded d the IMF. Chile has now followed with the president in February.
lected radical governments were destroyed by d by US: Brazil, Chile, Argentina and Bolivia 1960’s and 70’s from following anything thatvaguely resembled the Cuban road. US interv bounds in Central America and the Caribbean. Sandinista revolution in Nicaragua was destroy by the Contra terrorist intervention sponsored was robbed of a democratically elected governm few years ago.
Although there is no cold war to provide intervention in Latin America, US imperialis when it comes to its self-interest. It sees immediate threat to its domination of Latin South America. In particular, it fears that the V improving social welfare and investing in healt masses, assertion of control of national resourc friendship with countries that the US seeks to Two major attempts by the US to overthrow C have attempts to assassinate him, but such effor is the possibility of invasion by US and V preparing for that eventuality too.
The current tend of election of left and centre good sign. It expresses the anger of the La against imperialist domination in their resp against the ill effects of US-led globalisation. that have been elected, including those of Ve have a long way to go before establishing peo will do everything possible to disrupt and und stability of countries that pose a threat to its do stir public unrest and bring about a regime c political stability.
Thus there is cause for joy but more for cau political work to prepare the masses of Lat imperialist meddling. The lessons of Chile and forgotten so easily.


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Cuban road. US intervention has known no rica and the Caribbean. To name just two, the n Nicaragua was destroyed in the early 1990’s intervention sponsored by the US, and Haiti ratically elected government by the US only a
cold war to provide an excuse for US America, US imperialism needs no excuses self-interest. It sees in Hugo Chavez an ts domination of Latin America, especially icular, it fears that the Venezuelan example of re and investing in health and education of the ntrol of national resources, and solidarity and ies that the US seeks to isolate and destroy. y the US to overthrow Chavez have failed as inate him, but such efforts do not cease. There invasion by US and Venezuela is currently tuality too.
ection of left and centre-left government is a es the anger of the Latin American masses mination in their respective countries and of US-led globalisation. But the governments , including those of Venezuela and Bolivia, before establishing people’s power. The US sible to disrupt and undermine the economic at pose a threat to its domination and thereby bring about a regime change in the name of
r joy but more for caution and carrying out are the masses of Latin America to resist he lessons of Chile and Nicaragua cannot beIran: Standing up to the Big Bully
The US is mounting pressure on Iran to sto nuclear power. The United States accuses Iran weapons secretly, and the European Union ho of nuclear fuel technology will possibly lead t rejects the allegation as politically motivated, in program is fully peaceful and aimed at meetin demand for electricity.
The charge that Iran has the intention of develo is deeply flawed. Firstly, Iran has declared intention and more importantly there is no ev accusations by the US and Israel, each echoing by the other against Iran. Secondly, Iran had International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) th pressure to curtail its uranium enrichment pro centre of the dispute.
The IAEA and Mohamed El-Baradei, its Direc Nobel Peace Prize last year not without reason. Board of Governors of the IAEA yielded to US to the UN Security Council on 4th February ‘rewarded’ by the US for its immoral stand of d than what India has. In fact, India, which lik nuclear weapons on the sly, is not a signatory Proliferation Treaty (NNPT) to which the became a signatory in 2003, but awaits parliame
Iran has offered to provide guarantees through IAEA inspections and restriction of the applia produce low-enriched uranium. Following com with Russia, Iran has also expressed willing uranium enrichment programme in collaboratio
Iran’s willingness to make compromises is weakness by the US, which has been angere election of Ahmedinejad, an Islamist, as Presid


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up to the Big Bully
pressure on Iran to stop its development of ited States accuses Iran of developing nuclear the European Union holds that Iran's mastery logy will possibly lead to military usage. Iran politically motivated, insisting that its nuclear ful and aimed at meeting the rising domestic
s the intention of developing nuclear weapons stly, Iran has declared that it has no such portantly there is no evidence in support of and Israel, each echoing the false accusations ran. Secondly, Iran had co-operated with the nergy Agency (IAEA) throughout, and it is the uranium enrichment programme that is at the
ed El-Baradei, its Director were awarded the year not without reason. Member states of the the IAEA yielded to US pressure to refer Iran ouncil on 4th February, and India has been or its immoral stand of denying to Iran far less n fact, India, which like Israel developed its e sly, is not a signatory to the Nuclear Non- (NNPT) to which the Iranian government 2003, but awaits parliamentary approval.
vide guarantees through Iran's admittance of restriction of the appliance of centrifuges to uranium. Following compromise negotiations also expressed willingness to undertake its ogramme in collaboration with Russia
make compromises is seen as a sign of which has been angered by the democratic ad, an Islamist, as President of Iran. But, evenbefore his election, the President of the US had North Korea as an axis of evil.
Thus it is clear that the intention of the US proliferation of nuclear weapons, in which case Israel and refuse nuclear co-operation with Ind NNPT, and most importantly, dispose of its hug
The US in its struggle to convert the entire Mi of client states whose heads will guarantee U production in the region, with Israel as a watc The war on Iraq was a step towards that goal, b bogged the US down in what threatens to beco The US wants to strike its next target, namel time with the seal of approval of the UN Sec nuclear programme is only an excuse, but not th
Iran has shown increased defiance following IAEA Board of Management and the stand of Iran had the support of Venezuela, Cuba and S at the UN Security Council, China and Russia any US proposal for sanctions against Iran, sin lose from such a move.
Iran has no choice but to be defiant on the develop nuclear energy, since yielding to US p to slow death.
Palestine: Dictating Choice
The resounding victory of Hamas on January 2 majority with 74 of the 132 seats in the P Council (PLC), reducing to 45 the seats held by popular vote for Hamas is principally a rejec negotiations following the signing of the O following which Israel continued to encircle a towns and villages while the Palestinians we themselves so that Israel could deepen its system


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President of the US had named Iran, Syria and of evil.
he intention of the US is not to control the r weapons, in which case it should first disarm ar co-operation with India until India signs the
tantly, dispose of its huge nuclear arsenal.
to convert the entire Middle East into a group heads will guarantee US monopoly over oil n, with Israel as a watchdog of US interests. step towards that goal, but something that has n what threatens to become a messy civil war. e its next target, namely Iran, soon, but this approval of the UN Security Council. Iran’s nly an excuse, but not the only one.
sed defiance following the resolution of the gement and the stand of the US and the EU. Venezuela, Cuba and Syria in the IAEA and, uncil, China and Russia are unlikely to back anctions against Iran, since they have more to .
t to be defiant on the matter of its right to , since yielding to US pressure is tantamount
ating Choice
of Hamas on January 25th gave it an absolute the 132 seats in the Palestinian Legislative g to 45 the seats held by the ruling Fatah. The as is principally a rejection of the disastrous the signing of the Oslo Accord in 1993, continued to encircle and isolate Palestinian hile the Palestinians were required to police el could deepen its system of apartheid.The Palestinian Authority established in the foreign funds for its survival. The funds, mai EU, had political price tag of compliance w colonisation. Patronage and corruption were in of such a system, with around half-a-million Pa the PA for their livelihood. Meanwhile, promin held control over large and Palestinian mono conducted business with Israeli and other foreig
Even before a Hamas-led government could be ‘Quartet’ comprising the US, EU, UN and Rus Hamas that it should abandon armed struggle abide by the Oslo Accord and subsequent ag since softened its approach and held discus delegation. Shortly after the victory of Hama Egypt to join hands with President Mahmood A impose America’s conditions on Hamas. Israe threatening demands. This approach has ba several Arab states refusing to cooperate with Hamas by throttling the PA.
The position of the Hamas, despite its identity stamped on it by the US, is one that seeks to p resulting from errors of omission in the negotiations. Hamas asserts the right of all Pal their homeland to return. It demands, in th returns to its borders before its occupation o Bank in 1967. Anyone with some idea of Palestinian problem can appreciate the position
It is dishonest to point to the ‘terrorism’ of Ham far worse Israeli state terrorism and to de fundamentalism’ of Hamas without cond fundamentalism that led to an Islamic response.
Hamas was elected with an overwhelming maj not sustaining the structures of occupation, whi huge setback for Israeli and US interests in th


Page 43

rity established in the mid-1990s relied on urvival. The funds, mainly from the US and ce tag of compliance with Israel’s ongoing and corruption were inevitable consequences around half-a-million Palestinians reliant upon ood. Meanwhile, prominent figures in the PA e and Palestinian monopolies, which directly h Israeli and other foreign companies.
ed government could be formed, Israel and the he US, EU, UN and Russia made demands on abandon armed struggle, recognize Israel and cord and subsequent agreements. Russia has proach and held discussions with a Hamas er the victory of Hamas, the US encouraged th President Mahmood Abbas (Abu Mazen) to ditions on Hamas. Israel for its part made its This approach has backfired, resulting in using to cooperate with the US bid to subdue
PA.
mas, despite its identity and the terrorist label S, is one that seeks to put right the injustices of omission in the Oslo and post-Oslo serts the right of all Palestinians driven out of urn. It demands, in the interim, that Israel before its occupation of Gaza and the West e with some idea of the history of the n appreciate the position of Hamas.
to the ‘terrorism’ of Hamas without noticing a te terrorism and to denounce the ‘Muslim Hamas without condemning the Zionist d to an Islamic response.
th an overwhelming majority on its promise of tures of occupation, which if realised will be a li and US interests in the region. Hamas hasalso pledged to rid the administration of corru complexity of the power network, neither ta Palestine Legislative Council (PLC) is a weak officially retains considerable power, including the Fatah-led security forces.
However, as long as Hamas stays true to its pe goal of liberation, and does not fall victim to se a valuable role in overcoming the US imperial liberate Palestine.
Nepal: A Dictator Isolated
The consensus among seven major parliamenta Nepal and the agreement reached with the Com (Maoist) of Nepal to work together towards re with a parliamentary democracy has isolated Gyanendra, who came to power after a foreign in which the entire royal family perished. Un back from the Maoists in control of the vast well over 80% of Nepal’s territory, Gyanendr powers, dissolved parliament and dismissed su appointed by him, at the sign of the slightest di a military solution to the “terrorist problem”, call people’s power in Nepal, failed and in Febr a state of emergency under which he assumed the state. This embarrassed the US and In monarchy and their allies, but they went on t remain in power.
The alliance formed last November by the parties representing two-thirds of the members dismissed by the dictator, and the CPN(M) ha the backers of the monarchy to pretend to defe “terrorism”. The campaign against the monarc force that there was an effective boycott of


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administration of corruption. But, given the er network, neither task will be easy. The ouncil (PLC) is a weak body and Abu Mazen derable power, including nominal control over
orces.
amas stays true to its people and faithful to its does not fall victim to sectarianism, it will play rcoming the US imperialist-Zionist alliance to
tor Isolated
seven major parliamentary political parties of nt reached with the Communist Party of Nepal ork together towards replacing the monarchy democracy has isolated the King of Nepal, to power after a foreign-engineered shoot-out yal family perished. Unable to wrest control s in control of the vast countryside covering al’s territory, Gyanendra assumed dictatorial iament and dismissed successive governments e sign of the slightest dissent. His plan to find the “terrorist problem”, as imperialists would Nepal, failed and in February 2005 he declared nder which he assumed absolute power over rrassed the US and Indian backers of the lies, but they went on to help the dictator to
last November by the seven parliamentary o-thirds of the membership of the parliament tor, and the CPN(M) has made it difficult for archy to pretend to defend democracy against aign against the monarchy gathered so much n effective boycott of the local elections inNepal by the people, with only 20% polling o much less.
The monarchy is stumbling towards its eternal the masses of Nepal are looking forward to the
Interviewed in early February by internatio Prachanda, leader of CPN(M) has explained the dispelling the campaign by the reactionaries all are opposed to democratic rule. The response by BBC’s Charles Haviland is given below.
Do you believe in the multi-party system or w party to be the one party ruling Nepal at future? I am going to address this question very ser ago, at a Central Committee meeting of our p experiences from 20th century communist sta a proposal for the development of democracy In the 21st century we cannot have a state li century. That's why our Central Committee unanim paper on the development of democracy in th The spirit of this paper is that there s competition between all political parties aga foreign imperialist forces. And that there should be multi-party competi have said that within a certain constitution party competition [should exist] as lon feudalism, against foreign imperialistic in political parties can compete against each oth And this document was unanimously passed very clear terms. In the agreement that we recently made parties, we have clearly stated that we ag competition.


Page 45

with only 20% polling officially, but actually
bling towards its eternal political grave while e looking forward to the birth of a new era.
February by international media, Comrade PN(M) has explained the position of the Party, n by the reactionaries all over that the Maoists ratic rule. The response to a relevant question iland is given below. e multi-party system or would you like your party ruling Nepal at some point in the
ss this question very seriously. Three years mmittee meeting of our party, analyzing the h century communist states, we put forward velopment of democracy. e cannot have a state like those of the 20th
ntral Committee unanimously passed this ment of democracy in the 21st century. paper is that there should be peaceful all political parties against feudalism and rces. d be multi-party competition. Since then we in a certain constitutional provision multi- [should exist] as long as it's against foreign imperialistic interference and all compete against each other.
as unanimously passed three years ago in
hat we recently made with the political early stated that we agree to multi-partyWhat we have seen from the 20th century, a we have learnt from the experiences of the 2 important question was - to understand the su and dictatorship we need to develop a new this. And we have passed this. Our opponents have understood us in a dog not dogmatic but our opponents are. They ar 20th Century glasses. But we are already m Century. [We are looking at] the kind of state that is Century, how to give people the maximum p to organize competition; and how to g competition does not lead to oppression and s In short, democracy and dictatorship....How conflict between them - we are developing on And from this process of development, development of democracy. People think that the multi-party competition is purely a tact trying to cheat someone. But in reality we have taken the experience o discussed it, analyzed it in our party, and conclusion that the development of democra the 21st Century. That's why we take multi-party competition ve We want to move forward. Even in our und parties, we have said that we don't want auto to crush the feudal autocracy that exists today It will never propagate multi-party competitio Events have proved this. Not only now - four years ago, when th happened, we saw that the feudal autocracy w the rights that we gained in the 1990 democra The parliamentary parties were also against t


Page 46

from the 20th century, and the lessons that the experiences of the 20th century, a very as - to understand the subject of democracy need to develop a new consciousness for
this.
understood us in a dogmatic way. We are opponents are. They are looking at us with s. But we are already moving into the 21st
the kind of state that is possible in the 21st e people the maximum possible rights; how tition; and how to guarantee that this
lead to oppression and suppression. and dictatorship....How to make use of this
- we are developing on this. cess of development, we have termed, cracy. People think that our commitment to petition is purely a tactic and that we are one.
e taken the experience of an entire century, ed it in our party, and we've come to a development of democracy is necessary in
ulti-party competition very seriously. rward. Even in our understanding with the that we don't want autocracy; that we have utocracy that exists today. te multi-party competition. his. ur years ago, when the royal massacre at the feudal autocracy was snatching away ined in the 1990 democracy movement. arties were also against the royal massacre.That's why we appealed to the political par build a platform, and [we said] we are rea you, and the feudal autocracy was a common we should fight against it. And we have been talking about multi-part then. I strongly believe we need to understand this


Page 47

aled to the political parties to join us and d [we said] we are ready to compete with utocracy was a common enemy of ours and st it. talking about multi-party competition since
need to understand this clearly.Book
Ethnic and Class Conflict in Sri Jayawardena, Sanjiva Books, Colombo 7 (6 126 + v.
Kumari Jayawardena is a reputed scholar on the history of the trade union and left women’s movement. She is also considered intellectual who made major contributions to t the development of social movements. The bo published nineteen years ago and shortly befor the affairs of Sri Lanka took the form of an ar concerns the emergence of Sinhala-Buddhist century, running up the anti-Tamil pogrom of 1
The book, in the course of tracing the de Buddhist consciousness, supplies a wealth material. However, there are pointers to a fla analysis and interpretation of the course of eve book uses the term ‘ethnic’ to refer to the nati minority nationalities, which had developed int a separate state by 1976, and an armed struggl Marxist Leninists as ‘Stalinists’, a term that defenders of Stalin in Sri Lanka have n themselves; and prefers to refer to the nationa bourgeoisie’, a ploy of the LSSP to camou alliance with the national bourgeoisie, to collaboration with the ‘class enemy’, somethi opinion only the ‘treacherous Stalinists’ do in colonial and other such struggles.


Page 48

Book Reviews
ss Conflict in Sri Lanka, Kumari Books, Colombo 7 (6th printing), 2003, pp.
ena is a reputed scholar and author of books trade union and left movements and the She is also considered by many as a left major contributions to the historical study of cial movements. The book reviewed here was rs ago and shortly before Indian meddling in a took the form of an armed intervention, and ce of Sinhala-Buddhist consciousness over a
anti-Tamil pogrom of 1983.
course of tracing the development of Sinhala ss, supplies a wealth of useful historical ere are pointers to a flawed approach in the tion of the course of events. Significantly, the hnic’ to refer to the national awareness of the which had developed into a formal demand for 6, and an armed struggle by 1983. It refers to Stalinists’, a term that even the most ardent in Sri Lanka have not used to describe s to refer to the national bourgeoisie as ‘petit of the LSSP to camouflage its opportunist tional bourgeoisie, to avoid admitting to ‘class enemy’, something that in Trotskyite cherous Stalinists’ do in the context of anti-
struggles.Against this background, the errors of omi a political bias. The book deals at length with the ‘ethnic’ minorities. But there is no referen LSSP in 1964 following the principled stan Samarakkody and others on the language is ‘Peking Wing’ Communist Party in opposing fails to receive a mention. Following the split i the CP led by N Sanmugathasan carried with i the party membership and the bulk of the trad However, when it comes to blaming chauvin ‘Maoists’ seem to come in handy.
It is claimed that the JVP comprised ‘Peking Wing’. But there were no splinter gro formation of the JVP except the one that left used the anti-Tamil card against Sanmugathasa youth affiliated to the Party and its youth leag Sanmugathasan split into several factions muc had among its leading members several Communist Party led by Keuneman, including M
The book says that the JVP took expansionism’ from the ‘Maoists’, but fails to borrowed the phrase but not the meaning. The the JVP’s interpretation, without even making a the real threat of Indian expansionism and its ro political stability of Sri Lanka.
There is reference to the left parties suppo Shastri Pact to ‘repatriate’ a majority of H participating in the chauvinistic procession in 1 chauvinism since 1965. But the principled Leninists of the pact and the conduct of the p not seem to deserve a mention.
The left is unfairly faulted for support denominational schools. While hostility to missionary establishment was a motivating fac


Page 49

round, the errors of omission seem to relate to ook deals at length with the left’s betrayal of . But there is no reference to the split in the ing the principled stand taken by Edmund ers on the language issue. The role of the unist Party in opposing Sinhala chauvinism on. Following the split in 1963, the section of ugathasan carried with it a substantial part of and the bulk of the trade union membership. es to blaming chauvinism on someone, the e in handy.
t the JVP comprised splinter groups from ere were no splinter groups at the time of the except the one that left with Wijeweera, who rd against Sanmugathasan to lure the Sinhala Party and its youth league. The Party led by to several factions much later, while the JVP ing members several from the revisionist y Keuneman, including Mahinda Wijesekera.
that the JVP took the idea of ‘Indian e ‘Maoists’, but fails to explain that it only ut not the meaning. The book complains about n, without even making a passing comment on expansionism and its role in undermining the Lanka.
to the left parties supporting the 1964 Sirima- triate’ a majority of Hill Country Tamils, uvinistic procession in 1966, and pandering to 5. But the principled criticism by Marxist nd the conduct of the parliamentary left does
ention.
rly faulted for supporting the take over of ls. While hostility towards the Christian nt was a motivating factor, the take over wasa necessary and desirable thing from the point a national curriculum and ensuring equality o Also management of each all school were remaining private but forfeit the state subsidy th time. Several Catholic schools chose to go priv still do so. Most importantly, the governme nominal religious identity of any school that i over certainly rid the elite group of school m that they exercised over the socially oppress peninsula, strengthened the struggle against ca this point that I wonder what the class stand of t
The book talks about class but makes no analysis to interpret the approach of the vario the national question, and avoids reference to t Sinhala left leadership, especially the LSSP. A at a loss to explain the degeneration of the LS Communist Party, and their opportunism on th ideological flaws.
Class and class loyalties are strong forces no objectivity that transcends class interests analysis in understanding the national questio neutrality or objectivity. Despite the criticism chauvinism, the book seems to adhere to a dominated thought.
The portrayal of chauvinism as a petit bou the book ignores the fact that, the world over who are the driving force behind the chauvinis bourgeoisie to win political power by m comprador for the imperialist agenda. All f including fascism, first strikes root among while, as always, the bourgeoisie, too small in as individuals, merely call the shots. The book d with the role of ideology in such maters and, bourgeois parliamentary politics in the degener allowed to slip through.


Page 50

ble thing from the point of view of developing and ensuring equality of access to education. each all school were given the option of orfeit the state subsidy that it enjoyed up to the schools chose to go private and levy fees and portantly, the government did not alter the tity of any school that it took over. The take elite group of school managers of the power er the socially oppressed and, in the Jaffna the struggle against caste oppression. It is at what the class stand of the author is.
bout class but makes no effort to apply class e approach of the various political parties to nd avoids reference to the class origins of the , especially the LSSP. As a result, the book is degeneration of the LSSP and the revisionist their opportunism on the national question to
yalties are strong forces in society, and there is nscends class interests. Avoidance of class ing the national question is no guarantee of ty. Despite the criticism of Sinhala Buddhist seems to adhere to a tradition of Sinhala
hauvinism as a petit bourgeois phenomenon in act that, the world over, it is the bourgeoisie rce behind the chauvinist agenda: the national political power by mass appeal, and the perialist agenda. All forms of chauvinism, st strikes root among the petit bourgeoisie ourgeoisie, too small in number to be involved call the shots. The book does not concern itself gy in such maters and, inevitably, the role of y politics in the degeneration of the old left is .There are several instances where the au interpretations without much thought. The demala’ has no caste connotations as the autho means ‘foreign Tamil’, a notion with origins work of historical fiction, the Mahawansa.
The book seems to suggest that the Marx grips with ‘ethnic’ issues. Here, the author choo of contribution that Marxist Leninists and organisations have made to the resolution of the
In that context, it is important to draw at another section of the population that has nationalities by its failure to stand up to cha intellectuals with and without political affili remained silent during the anti-Tamil the remember trade unionists and some religious le anti-Tamil violence. The cowardly silence of deafening. It is not surprising that many of the NGO sponsored-identities and other projects steer clear of Marxism, and even found acco Sinhala chauvinist establishment.
Naviinaththuvaththin Nerukkadikalum C Ulakai Katti Ezuppum Vaaippukkalum Modernism and Opportunities to Construc Wijesiriwardana, Kailasapathi Study Circ Tamil), 2006, pp. 34.
This booklet is the published version of on Kailasapathi Memorial Lectures delivered in 20 the title may be slightly in error, because I used the Tamil phrase meaning a perfect or ideal hum
Kailasapathi was a committed Marxist outstanding contribution to literary criticism i conceal his ideology or political leaning


Page 51

l instances where the author repeats careless t much thought. The Sinhala term ‘para onnotations as the author imagines. It simply , a notion with origins traceable to the great n, the Mahawansa.
to suggest that the Marxists have not come to es. Here, the author chooses to ignore a wealth Marxist Leninists and other genuine left e to the resolution of the national question.
is important to draw attention to the role of e population that has failed the minority lure to stand up to chauvinism. Sinhala left without political affiliations, by and large, g the anti-Tamil the pogrom of 1983. I sts and some religious leaders denouncing the he cowardly silence of left intellectuals was prising that many of them subsequently found ties and other projects that allowed them to , and even found accommodation with the blishment.
-SJS- in Nerukkadikalum Cirantha Maanuda ppum Vaaippukkalum (The Crises of pportunities to Construct a Utopia), Sunil ilasapathi Study Circle, Colombo 6, (in
e published version of one of several Professor Lectures delivered in 2005. (My translation of y in error, because I used the word ‘utopia’ for ing a perfect or ideal human world).
a committed Marxist intellectual with an n to literary criticism in Tamil, who did not or political leanings. This booklet is,interestingly, the antithesis of very nea Kailasapathi stood for, and is therefore puzzling Study Circle chooses to publish something that study of his work. The booklet is not intellectua
The author drifts in various directions, d as the causes of the sad plight of humanity Marxism for being entrapped by materialism an practical path for spiritual liberation. His con seem to be limited to the environment and the human being. The author strongly disapprove globalisation and neo-liberalism, and express limited scope of various liberation ideologi believes in the existence of some form of univ can liberate mankind. However, the author’s seems to be limited to his knowledge of Buddhi
So it is not clear what kind of spiritual-po author is prescribing as panacea for the ills millennia of spiritualism, which failed mise problems of humanity, can by its marriage w show us the path to perfection.


Page 52

tithesis of very nearly everything that and is therefore puzzling why the Kailasapathi o publish something that is not even a critical booklet is not intellectually stimulating either.
in various directions, denouncing modernism sad plight of humanity today and criticising rapped by materialism and failing to develop a itual liberation. His concerns in this booklet the environment and the mechanisation of the hor strongly disapproves of post modernism, liberalism, and expresses concern about the ious liberation ideologies. It seems that he ce of some form of universal spiritualism that However, the author’s notion of spiritualism his knowledge of Buddhism.
what kind of spiritual-political thought that the as panacea for the ills of humanity or how ism, which failed miserably to resolve the , can by its marriage with political thought fection.ND
News Release for the Media NDP Calls for a Boycott of Presidentia
13th November 2005
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary of Party made the following observations at a Presidential Election and the Tamil People” Jaffna and chaired by Comrade K Kathirg Region Organiser of the NDP.
If we intend to counterattack the two parties of classes and their policy makers and teach t through the ballot box, the entire Tamil p unanimous in its rejection and boycott Presidential Election. The people should dem forthcoming Presidential Election that it is po democratic right to vote in elections to reject a not exercising that right.
We have for the past 27 years had the executiv of government. There had been four president presidents have occupied the presidential seat Jayawardane and the incumbent Chandrika Ban in power for long periods.
It is necessary for us to consider the kind of perpetrated against the Tamil people and the N


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NDP Diary
e Media a Boycott of Presidential Polls
l, General Secretary of the New Democratic wing observations at a seminar titled “The and the Tamil People” held at Thirunelveli, y Comrade K Kathirgamanathan, Northern e NDP.
attack the two parties of the chauvinistic ruling cy makers and teach them a proper lesson ox, the entire Tamil population should be ejection and boycott of the forthcoming The people should demonstrate through the ial Election that it is possible to use the very te in elections to reject and to boycott through t.
7 years had the executive presidential system had been four presidential elections, and four ed the presidential seat of power. The late JR cumbent Chandrika Bandaranayake have been ds.
to consider the kind of cruelty that has been Tamil people and the North-East during thisperiod. That no nationality or community that along the correct political path by summing u lessons can secure its liberation is a lesson that to demonstrate.
The North-East has been destroyed by a cruel w Muslim people have been subject to untold pa livelihood of the people has been shattered thousand lives have been lost. People have been refugees to this day. The two chauvinistic ru asking for your votes in the Presidential Electi which, behind the scenes, sold out the resourc the labour of the people are the foes of the political parties of the Hill Country are canvas chauvinistic parties which have denied the bas Hill Country Tamils, and are thereby slavish those who kicked them, merely to serve their po
Under these conditions, the forthcoming Presid a good opportunity for the people of the North opposition to chauvinistic oppression and to d esteem and honour. Hence the people should bo Presidential Election and teach the chauvinis lesson.
Press Communiqué of the NDP NDP Demands an End to Army Bruta
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary of Party made the following statement in his pres December 2005, issued on behalf of the Politbu
Two days ago, when the members of th community went on a procession from the Uni office of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Missio intercepted the procession, attacked the partici Several students, lecturers, professors and medi


Page 54

ality or community that has failed to advance ical path by summing up its experiences and iberation is a lesson that history has continued
en destroyed by a cruel war and the Tamil and een subject to untold pain and suffering. The ple has been shattered and up to a hundred en lost. People have been displaced and live as The two chauvinistic ruling class parties are in the Presidential Election. These two parties es, sold out the resources of the country and ple are the foes of the working people. The Hill Country are canvassing for votes for the ich have denied the basic living rights of the and are thereby slavishly kissing the feet of , merely to serve their politics of self-interest.
s, the forthcoming Presidential Election offers the people of the North-East to express their stic oppression and to demonstrate their self nce the people should boycott the forthcoming nd teach the chauvinistic political parties a
of the NDP an End to Army Brutality
l, General Secretary of the New Democratic ing statement in his press communiqué of 20th
on behalf of the Politburo of the Party.
n the members of the Jaffna University procession from the University Campus to the nka Monitoring Mission, the armed forces ion, attacked the participants, and fired shots. ers, professors and media personnel who wentin the procession were seriously injured. This b in the form of revenge needs to be seen as an Democratic Partly strongly denounces this att community by the armed forces. The part government should stop the armed forces fro attacks in other places to take revenge against th
It was in a climate where, a month after the sw Rajapaksha as President, the people, including East, were anticipating talks and the continuati peace that this brutal attack was carried out b the university community. As a result, the peop and fear, and are anxious about the prospect o New Democratic Party strongly urges the Government to take steps without delay to brin attacks, round-ups, search operations and arrests
Press Communiqué of the NDP NDP to Contest Local Elections outsid
Comrade E Thambiah, National Organiser of Party made the following statement in his pres February 2006, issued in connection with the to the local councils.
The New Democratic Party will contest th elections as an independent group in regions o The New Democratic Party, while rejecting op purposes of elections that only help reactionary as an independent group for the purpose of unit up a political alternative.
There is no salvation for the Hill Country throu that will bring reactionary elements to the for new alliances in place of old faces and in th several more reactionary elements. It is onl activity based on a common programme to un


Page 55

seriously injured. This brutal attack which was needs to be seen as an act of war. The New ngly denounces this attack on the university rmed forces. The party demands that the op the armed forces from carrying out such to take revenge against the youth and students.
ere, a month after the swearing in of Mahinda nt, the people, including those in the North- talks and the continuation of the condition of ttack was carried out by the armed forces on ity. As a result, the people are in apprehension us about the prospect of a return to war. The rty strongly urges the President and the ps without delay to bring to an immediate end rch operations and arrests by the armed forces.
of the NDP t Local Elections outside North-East
, National Organiser of the New Democratic ing statement in his press communiqué of 2nd in connection with the forthcoming elections
Party will contest the forthcoming local dent group in regions outside the North-East. Party, while rejecting opportunist alliances for hat only help reactionary politics, is contesting p for the purpose of uniting the people to build e.
or the Hill Country through electoral alliances ary elements to the fore through announcing of old faces and in the process introducing ary elements. It is only alternative political mmon programme to unite the people whichwill show the way forward for the liberation of Country. It is on that basis that the New Demo honest representatives of the people to contest t
The report added that the Party will not contes view of the continuing turbulence and the an prevailing there.
Press Communiqué of the NDP NDP Appeals for a Climate of Peace
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary of Party made the following statement in his pre February 2006, issued on behalf of the Politburo
As agreed between the Government and the L decided for talks in Geneva. But it is also clear work behind the scenes to undermine and thro talks. It is as an aspect of it that ten members of Rehabilitation Organisation were kidnapped by three released subsequently. Whoever may kidnap, it is an act that should be strongly cond of democracy and peace. The New Democrati concerned to release forthwith those who have and cease completely the killings, kidnaps, an various places so as to create a climate that w talks in Geneva.
Following the visit last month by the Nor facilitator Erik Solheim and his efforts to ini there was a lull in the spate of killings, Consequently, the people of the North-East bre The talks have now been scheduled for the month. But local forces seeking to unleash war it and forces of foreign domination seeking country under their economic, political and m concentrating their attention on their respective


Page 56

ard for the liberation of the people of the Hill asis that the New Democratic Party is uniting of the people to contest the elections.
the Party will not contest in the North-East in g turbulence and the anti-democratic climate
of the NDP for a Climate of Peace
l, General Secretary of the New Democratic ing statement in his press communiqué of 8th on behalf of the Politburo of the Party.
e Government and the LTTE a date has been neva. But it is also clear that evil forces are at s to undermine and throw into confusion the of it that ten members of the staff of the Tamil ation were kidnapped by unknown persons and uently. Whoever may have carried out this t should be strongly condemned in the interest ce. The New Democratic Party appeals to all rthwith those who have not yet been released the killings, kidnaps, and threats occurring at create a climate that would be helpful to the
ast month by the Norwegian minister and m and his efforts to initiate the negotiations, the spate of killings, kidnaps and threats. le of the North-East breathed a sigh of relief. een scheduled for the 22nd and 23rd of this s seeking to unleash war and make profit from ign domination seeking to bring the whole onomic, political and military domination are ntion on their respective ulterior motives. Thekidnapping of the TRO staff is one aspect of and the Government should carry forward the preconditions and without falling prey to the a foreign forces to undermine and to throw into is only thus that a climate could be created whe be properly implemented and the talks continu Democratic Party urges both sides to take provide a sense of consolation and peace to the in anxiety and fear amid conditions where eve normal life that existed has been disrupted.
Press Communiqué of the NDP NDP Announces Candidates for Loca
The Politburo of the New Democratic Party press communiqué on 8th February 2006, t Senthivel, General Secretary of the Party.
The New Democratic Party is contesting the Nuwara Eliya and Walapane in the Hill Co Group 1. Its symbol is the candle. The Party is under the leadership of S Panneerselvam, H Secretary of the Party, and Nuwara Eliya unde Sutharsan, member of the Hill Country Regio Party.
The party is contesting the elections to use them the local councils the problems faced by the plantations of the Hill Country, to find solutio whatever possible extent, and to awaken the carry forward mass struggles concerning issu employment, education and health.
Since there is no democratic environment i conditions under which the people could vote f contesting there. Meantime, the Party has asked honest leftist democratic forces in Colombo and


Page 57

staff is one aspect of this. Thus, the LTTE hould carry forward the Geneva talks without out falling prey to the aims of these local and rmine and to throw into confusion the talks. It ate could be created where the ceasefire could ted and the talks continued. Besides, the New es both sides to take decisions that would solation and peace to the people who are living id conditions where even the small degree of has been disrupted.
of the NDP es Candidates for Local Councils
New Democratic Party issued the following 8 h February 2006, through Comrade SK retary of the Party.
Party is contesting the Pradesha Sabhas of alapane in the Hill Country as Independent the candle. The Party is contesting Walapane of S Panneerselvam, Hill Country Regional and Nuwara Eliya under the leadership of DK the Hill Country Regional Committee of the
the elections to use them to highlight through problems faced by the people living in the Country, to find solutions to the problems to ent, and to awaken the people politically to truggles concerning issues of land, housing,
and health.
mocratic environment in the North-East or the people could vote freely, the Party is not time, the Party has asked the people to vote for ic forces in Colombo and elsewhere.Commemoration In Memory of Comrade Chandrakum
The first death anniversary of Comrade Chand the Hill Country Regional Committee of the N and teachers’ trade union activist was marked o at his native Galkanda Estate. A memorial was bushes at the location where his remains were i bore the logo of the New Democratic Party com sickle in the middle of a star. The memorial quotation from Julius Fucik, “Heroes battle, co betray”. The memorial was declared open by C General Secretary and E Thambiah, National Democratic Party.
A memorial meeting chaired by Comrade S M the auditorium of the Galkanda Estate Commun SK Senthivel, E Thambiah, S Panneerselvam several others addressed the meeting. Revolutio at the meeting. A large number of plantation teachers participated in the luncheon at his fa the meeting.


Page 58

Comrade Chandrakumar
rsary of Comrade Chandrakumar, Member of nal Committee of the New Democratic Party on activist was marked on 19th February 2006 Estate. A memorial was built in stone amid tea here his remains were interred. The memorial w Democratic Party comprising a hammer and f a star. The memorial bore as epitaph the Fucik, “Heroes battle, cowards retreat, traitors was declared open by Comrade SK Senthivel, E Thambiah, National Organiser of the New
haired by Comrade S Malar Raj was held in alkanda Estate Community Centre. Comrades biah, S Panneerselvam and S Rajendran and d the meeting. Revolutionary songs were sung ge number of plantation workers, youth and n the luncheon at his family home followingCharity
by R Murukaiyan
Come hither, people of the world. Let us carry out tasks to make the land fertile. Let us throw seed into the furrows Dug by the plough as moved by the hand Along the path trod by the bull So that green plants may surge. Let us extract the juice of fruit and Consume it to heart’s rejoice.
Let us bore the earth to bring out in plenty Gold, silver, iron and gemstone. We will build all kinds of machine that Whiz away with a spin and a swing Spit fire with vigour and fury To carry out countless tasks. We will make a thousand elegant goods That make the possession of eyes a true blessing
We who produced fruit and goods Will share and set up a new code. Let us make it a rule That there shall be none here To cry and to groan in pain. No more is any to worship or command. No more is a fate to weaken and wear down. Arise ye world that is aware of truth Achieve for yourself A path of joyful goodness.


Page 59

f the world. to make the land fertile.
the furrows moved by the hand
the bull ay surge. of fruit and rejoice.
to bring out in plenty gemstone.
of machine that
and a swing d fury
tasks. nd elegant goods sion of eyes a true blessing.
it and goods a new code.
ne here pain. ship or command. eaken and wear down. aware of truth
ess.
1975Announcement
New Democracy publishes article cultural and political importance to th Lanka and their struggle for eman imperialist domination and fre oppression of all kinds by the rea classes.
Articles on local and international m Marxist outlook or with a progressi invited for publication. Articles should in English. Articles in Sinhala or considered for publication in translatio
Readers are encouraged to write th on the journal and its contents comments are of general interest, relevant sections will be reproduced in
Readers are also encouraged to draw to articles of value to our readers so be reproduced in New Democracy abridged form with the cons author/publisher.
Only a limited number of copies of t published and back numbers may be the publisher at
47, 3rd Floor CCSM Complex Colombo 11, Sri Lanka


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Announcement
cy publishes articles of social, litical importance to the people of Sri eir struggle for emancipation from omination and freedom from all kinds by the reactionary ruling
al and international matters, with a ok or with a progressive content are ication. Articles should preferably be ticles in Sinhala or Tamil will be publication in translation.
ncouraged to write their comments al and its contents. Where the of general interest, the letter or s will be reproduced in the journal.
so encouraged to draw our attention lue to our readers so that they may in New Democracy in full or in with the consent of the r.
number of copies of the journal are back numbers may be obtained from
47, 3rd Floor CCSM Complex olombo 11, Sri Lanka(contin Banda and I tired of chasing for days. Mohammed, Arumugam and David, nearby, exhausted by yelling till their throats went sore All the effort with eyes for lantern and flame o is going to waste.
Each in his direction, each in his voice, each on his platform, each in his way. Divided each day, where is our dawn? With crop destroyed each day, on our land only ills will flourish.
If the sky and the soil would raise our earning let us cast the fire-toungued snares in all eigh I the platforms in all four directions would unit thunder will soar from the hoot from our throa
Is the monkey to eat the honey while the bees just sit and wonder? We will gather the might of our two hands with the chena as our support we will plant to crop the mounds looking skyw and the forest packed with shrub and wood. Who will dare stop us from defending with care the crop that we planted?
As arrive monkeys to break the corn, birds to nibble the seed and droves of parrots by evening, the plantation to be harvested in that one day


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(continued from inside front cover) of chasing for days.
ugam and David, nearby, ing till their throats went sore. eyes for lantern and flame on our hands
on, each in his voice, rm, each in his way. , where is our dawn? ed each day, ls will flourish.
soil would raise our earnings -toungued snares in all eight directions. all four directions would unite among us, from the hoot from our throats.
at the honey t sit and wonder?
might of our two hands our support op the mounds looking skywards
ked with shrub and wood.
us from re the crop that we planted?
s to break the corn,
seed rots by evening, e harvested in that one day.Two poems by Samih Al-Qasse
The Wandering Dove I wander everywhere, a frightened dove, Displaced, denied, and deprived of love: Snakes always coil to block my path, Hissing, menacing, and full of wrath; And hounds, chasing me, continue to bar So that my memory of love is pale, dark. The images of my dreams are lost, worn, And I always seem to tread on thorn! Night has slaughtered my moon; And in nightmares I writhe and swoon: The Zionists robbed the stars of my night And nobody cares about my painful pligh Ghosts tear my heart as I bitterly cry, And the indifferent world never wipes my
Vicious Vampires When the sun set in my home, When the moon began to roam, They said I had, at last, vanished, They believed that I was finished. Yet, they were frightened, terrified They gazed at me, spell-bound, horrified When they saw me touch the trees, And address the stars in the cool breeze, Because I came back. They saw my face! They heard the sound of my solid pace, I came back, armed with solid stones, With patriotic love raging in my bones. Then fled the lurking, vicious vampires And vanished the dream of Zionist empires.


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__________ Published by E Thambiah of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM C Phone: 011 2435117; Fax: 011 2473757; E-mail: newdem
Printed at the Gowri Printers, Colom


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oems by Samih Al-Qassem
The Wandering Dove here, a frightened dove, nied, and deprived of love: s coil to block my path, acing, and full of wrath; chasing me, continue to bark, emory of love is pale, dark. f my dreams are lost, worn, seem to tread on thorn! ughtered my moon;
ares I writhe and swoon: obbed the stars of my night, ares about my painful plight. y heart as I bitterly cry, erent world never wipes my eye!
Vicious Vampires et in my home,
began to roam, , at last, vanished, hat I was finished. frightened, terrified me, spell-bound, horrified
me touch the trees, e stars in the cool breeze, e back. They saw my face!
sound of my solid pace, med with solid stones, ve raging in my bones. rking, vicious vampires he dream of Zionist empires.


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______ iah of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM Complex, Colombo 11 11 2473757; E-mail: newdemocraticparty@hotmail.com at the Gowri Printers, Colombo 13