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June 2006
Power Sharing & National Question
Comrade E T
Latin America: Hopes and Fears
NEPAL: Perceptions of People’sVict Desh Interview with Maoist Negotiator
Krishna Bahadu
Poetry: Murkaiyan, Iqbal&Za 

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___ From the Editor’s Desk ♦ Sri Lankan Events ♦ International Events ♦ NDP Diary ♦ Boo

June 2006
ring& National Question
Comrade E Thambiah
rica:Hopes and Fears Mohan
rceptions of People’s Victory
Deshabakthan ithMaoist Negotiator
Krishna Bahadur Mahara
Murkaiyan, Iqbal & Zayyad 

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____________ ♦ esk ♦ Sri Lankan Events nts ♦ NDP Diary ♦ Book ReviewPoems by Tawfiq Zaiyyad
Hands Off Take your hands off! Beware our ire! Do not feed logs to the raging fire: How can you on board a ship stay, And antagonize the ocean’s sway? Our revolt blasts, thud after thud, Though you filled your ears with mud. Although our wrath is like white heat, The flesh of others we never eat; Nor do we know the taste of crime, Nor pillage towns, time after time: We do not burn anybody' s scriptures, Nor impose selective, racist strictures. We do not live on threats and blackmail, Yet our people's will shall prevail!
My Noble Patriotism
S
From th I nouris Near the s Wiping the
With a I plant From the b I build fo And bring justice t
Should I stum My noble p To continue the fight for f

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Poems by Tawfiq Zaiyyad
f! Beware our ire! the raging fire: ard a ship stay, ocean’s sway? ud after thud, our ears with mud. is like white heat, we never eat;
taste of crime, ime after time: body' s scriptures, e, racist strictures. reats and blackmail, ll shall prevail!
m
Slowly, humbly and very calmly, I draw the thin thread of light From the savage darkness of the night. I nourish the dreams, fresh and lovely, Near the source of the pouring waterfall;. Wiping the tears of my friends, one and all, With a bandage of fragrant daffodils. I plant bowers on the barren foothills. From the burning sands of the wilderness I build for the homeless a decent abode; And bring justice to the wronged, and happiness. Should I stumble along the hazardous road, My noble patriotism would raise me again To continue the fight for freedom, which goes not in vainFrom the Ed
The wicked attack on a public transport vehicle Anuradhapura District on 15th June 2006 that killed has been roundly condemned by all. The governme the LTTE was the culprit, and wasted no time in la based bombing attacks on LTTE-held areas. In a has, besides denying involvement, unreservedly co bus, it seemed that the government and the armed f for an opportunity to get at the LTTE.
The knee-jerk reaction of the armed forces to the has been a series of bombing attacks on several L East, culminating in the clash at sea with the LTTE losses to the government, followed by retaliatory att civilians and a hand-grenade attack on a church.
Hasty response by the government forces in the LTTE attacks has resulted in death and injury to h armed forces have responded to each incident of innocent people. Recently, the ‘targeted bombing’ o in the Trincomalee District in response to the atte Commander Sarath Fonseka by a suicide bomber civilian casualties and to the displacement of tens of
Government forces have also, without provo offences against civilians during the past few month were killed in Trincomalee by the Special Task For was followed by the burning down of many shops b minutes of an explosion inside the Trincomalee M blamed on the LTTE. In the North, thirteen peop elders were killed in Allaipiddy in Kayts, five you and seven in Nelliyadi, while seven youths have go in Meesalai. More recently a young family of four Pesalai in Mannar.
Sinhalese villagers in Welikanda in the Polonn killed, after which hundreds of people in the reg presence of pro-government Tamil paramilitaries in

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From the Editor’s Desk
public transport vehicle in Kebethigollawa in the 5th June 2006 that killed 69 and injured many more ed by all. The government promptly assumed that nd wasted no time in launching air, sea and land- LTTE-held areas. In a situation where the LTTE ement, unreservedly condemned the attack on the rnment and the armed forces were merely waiting the LTTE.
f the armed forces to the Kebethigollawa massacre ing attacks on several LTTE targets in the North sh at sea with the LTTE near Mannar, with major llowed by retaliatory attack by the armed forces on e attack on a church.
vernment forces in the past few months to alleged in death and injury to hundreds of civilians. The ed to each incident of attack with the killing of the ‘targeted bombing’ of an LTTE base in Sampur t in response to the attempt on the life of Army a by a suicide bomber led to a large number of
displacement of tens of thousands.
ve also, without provocation, committed grave ring the past few months. In the East, five students by the Special Task Force of the government. This g down of many shops belonging to Tamils, within side the Trincomalee Market, which was readily he North, thirteen people including children and iddy in Kayts, five youths were killed in Putthur, le seven youths have gone missing from Manduvil a young family of four was brutally murdered in
elikanda in the Polonnaruwa District have been ds of people in the region protested against the t Tamil paramilitaries in the region, but the protestwas suppressed. Within weeks, Sinhalese villag Gomarankadawala in the Trincomalee District.
Hit squads do not spare civilians in the Battical and most of the victims are civilians. The killing sp as well.
What is disheartening is that the government, the other mainstream Sinhala and English media while the killing of innocent civilians, fail to condem civilians by the armed forces. In some instances, mislead the public into thinking that the victims w terror (as in the case of the youth killed in Trinco accuse the LTTE of the killings (as in the case of the Pesalai).
The response of the government to the killing armed forces has been as cynical as that of the UNP 1977 when President Jayawardane declared to the T peace you have peace, if you want war you have w anti-Tamil pogrom of 1983 as the understandable fu then, with the exception of the genuine left, sectio some humane individuals, concern for the plight of has not been very visible in the public sphere in the S
It is the prevalence of negative attitudes that p essential Tsunami relief to the affected Tamils and since December 2004. It will not be incorrect to concern shown by the mainstream media and the Si sufferings of the ordinary Sinhalese is bogus and pu considerations.
What is tragic about acts of cruelty driven by aggravate hostile feelings between the nationaliti difficult to solve the national question. It is time from their experience and that of people of other c amicably resolve contradictions among the people o mutual respect.
*****

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eeks, Sinhalese villagers were again killed in incomalee District.
civilians in the Batticaloa and Amparai Districts, civilians. The killing spree has spread to the North
that the government, the state-controlled media and nd English media while, quite rightly, denouncing vilians, fail to condemn the killing of innocent ces. In some instances, they distort the facts to king that the victims were killed during an act of e youth killed in Trincomalee and Putthur) or to ings (as in the case of the killings in Allaipiddy and
ernment to the killing of innocent Tamils by the nical as that of the UNP following the violence in ardane declared to the Tamil leaders “If you want u want war you have war!” and his defence of the as the understandable fury of the Sinhalese. Since the genuine left, sections of the trade unions and concern for the plight of the minority nationalities the public sphere in the South.
negative attitudes that prevented the provision of the affected Tamils and Muslims in the North East ill not be incorrect to suggest that the apparent stream media and the Sinhala politicians about the inhalese is bogus and purely motivated by political
ts of cruelty driven by communalism is that they between the nationalities, making it even more nal question. It is time that the nationalities learn hat of people of other countries about the need to ions among the people on the basis of equality and
*****Power Sharing Should be the B Solving the National Quest
by Comrade E Thambiah National Organiser, New Democra
Some intellectuals are busy figuring out how th Lanka could be solved within a united Sri Lanka, a unitary government, federal government, decen power, and power sharing. It will be useful to take a A unitary government is one where all power is Local authorities are set up for administration and programmes, but have no power to decide on development schemes. The local authority acts as representatives or as part of the government to impl and programmes. It is a means of facilitating gover country with several ethnic groups, and especially w in some regions of the country, equality between impossible in practice under a unitary government. and capitalism make the sharpening of the contra caste, gender and region their tactic for preserving th
A federal form of government comprising the u been introduced at the formation of some nation st replaced unitary states with federal states. The Sovi of America, and Canada are examples of federal s concentrated at the centre and the regions too have p functions as a union of several nationalities with pol
The extent of power sharing, it could be said, could be maximised to an extent where the state fu The Soviet Union, until its break-up, was one such China and Hong Kong is another. Other systems of

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haring Should be the Basis for ing the National Question
by Comrade E Thambiah
rganiser, New Democratic Party
busy figuring out how the national question in Sri in a united Sri Lanka, and juggle phrases such as ral government, decentralization, devolution of t will be useful to take a look at these concepts. s one where all power is concentrated at the centre. for administration and to implement government power to decide on matters like policy and local authority acts as a council of government the government to implement government policies ans of facilitating government administration. In a groups, and especially where they are concentrated untry, equality between nationalities has proved r a unitary government. The failings of feudalism harpening of the contradictions of race, religion, ir tactic for preserving their authority and power.
rnment comprising the union of several states has ation of some nation states. Some countries have federal states. The Soviet Union, the United States re examples of federal states. Here, power is not nd the regions too have political power; or the state ral nationalities with political power.
haring, it could be said, will vary. Power sharing xtent where the state functions as a confederation. break-up, was one such instance and the union of nother. Other systems of devolution of power alsoexist. Examples include countries such as India, Be and Nicaragua. Here, several of the powers of the regions, but without proper federation.
Co Power Sharing
Fed
Devolution of Power
Decentralisation of Power
It is not possible to share power within a uni decentralise it. The question may arise as to how Ch unitary system ensured the autonomy of the natio noted that there have been socialist structures in thes
Although it is not possible to alter the nature decentralisation of power, it is possible for the stat many of the features of the federal state. In Chin among nationalities was ensured to a relatively larg there is more decentralisation of power than devolu need for a nationality to secede to fulfil its aspiration federation, adequate autonomy has been assured.
In China and later in Nicaragua, attention was nationalities without a contiguous territory. Autonom within autonomous regions to ensure the autonom minorities within an autonomous region. Similar st such as Switzerland and Belgium. Autonomies and f countries have been set up according to conditions sp
In Sri Lanka, the struggle of the Tamils develop the national question remains unresolved. The gove the Tamils in order to suppress it, and a war of natio since 1983. In 1987, during the height of the stru were set up under the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord. Th constitution of 1978, based on a unitary state, was i the Provincial Councils. It also had provision for a Northern and Eastern Provinces. There was no Amendment to dissolve the Provincial Councils. A

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untries such as India, Belgium, Switzerland, China al of the powers of the centre are devolved to the federation.
Confederation ring
Federal System
of Power
sation of Power
are power within a unitary state, but possible to may arise as to how China and Nicaragua under a autonomy of the nationalities. But it should be ocialist structures in these countries. ible to alter the nature of a unitary state through t is possible for the state to function with some or e federal state. In China and Nicaragua, equality sured to a relatively large degree. The truth is that on of power than devolution of power. There is no ede to fulfil its aspirations, and although there is no my has been assured.
icaragua, attention was paid to the autonomy of guous territory. Autonomous structures were set up to ensure the autonomy of nationalities living as mous region. Similar structures exist in countries lgium. Autonomies and federal systems in different ccording to conditions specific to each country. le of the Tamils developed under conditions where ns unresolved. The government imposed a war on ess it, and a war of national oppression has been on g the height of the struggle, Provincial Councils o-Sri Lanka Accord. The 13th Amendment to the on a unitary state, was introduced to accommodate also had provision for a temporary merging of the vinces. There was no provision under the 13th Provincial Councils. An amendment granting thePresident power to dissolve was introduced subseq that 13 MPs elected from the Northern and Easter amendment). It had provisions whereby the c withdraw through Parliament any aspect of the 1 beyond decentralisation of power to devolution of p government was reluctant and dragged its feet a powers which were devolved by law under that am North-East Provisional Council became defunct.
Later, in 1997, proposals put forward Kumaratunga included devolution of power with sharing. But it underwent several serious revisio Parliament in 2000 with devolution of power de sharing and with the division of the North East int representatives rejected it as did the UNP, some of copies of that Act within the chamber of the Parliam
In 2002, Prime Minister Ranil Wickramasing solution, based on the peace accord of 20 Kumaratunga too accepted it. The present President not agree to a federal system, and insists that th question will be within a unitary system. The J Urumaya have not consented even to decentralisati on a federal solution.
Under the circumstances, the solution to the nat cannot be based on decentralisation or devolution o through either to end national oppression by grantin and to other oppressed nationalities. It will only b sharing as the basis and for a solution to be found on
There is no need or compulsion to interpre secession or separate state. It is the reactionary force seek to establish the political domination of the ruli oppose the sharing of power between the nationalitie
As Marxist Leninists, we endorse the grow development of nationalities; emphasise autonomy determination; and have been firm that the basis sharing.
*****

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was introduced subsequently. (It should be noted the Northern and Eastern Provinces voted for this isions whereby the central government could nt any aspect of the 13th Amendment that went power to devolution of power. Besides, the central and dragged its feet about evolving in practice ed by law under that amendment. As a result, The ncil became defunct. posals put forward by President Chandrika olution of power with some features of power several serious revisions before presentation in evolution of power devoid of aspects of power on of the North East into four regions. The Tamil s did the UNP, some of whose members set alight
chamber of the Parliament.
er Ranil Wickramasinghe consented to a federal peace accord of 2002. President Chandrika it. The present President Mahinda Rajapaksha does tem, and insists that the solution to the national unitary system. The JVP and the Jathika Hela ed even to decentralisation. The Tamil side insists
s, the solution to the national question of Sri Lanka alisation or devolution of power. It is not possible al oppression by granting autonomy to the Tamils ionalities. It will only be correct to accept power a solution to be found on that basis.
compulsion to interpret such power sharing as It is the reactionary forces among the Sinhalese that al domination of the ruling classes who negate and r between the nationalities.
we endorse the growth, existence and future s; emphasise autonomy based on the right to self een firm that the basis of autonomy be power
*****Towards a New Latin America:
and Fears
by Mohan
1. Introduction
Political shifts in Latin America during the pas have been unimaginable to many political observ century, when the US appeared to be still in effec American ‘backyard’. Changes of government had the electoral process, although mass agitation an pivotal role in facilitating the regime changes in including Chile in the 1990s. Globalisation continue schedule and elected governments could not resist the IMF and multi-national corporations (MNCs) b power.
Things started to change, slowly but certainly, with the masses playing an active role to arrest governments to yield to US imperialist pressure, ex the IMF. Anti-globalisation campaigns attracted pa hundreds of thousands, and their success has no imperialist policy makers to huddle together insid tight security in fear of protesting masses.
Electoral verdicts have, by and large, been enco some disappointments for the overly optimistic, as contested Presidential Election Runoff of 4th June 20 imperialist and pro-poor candidate Ollanta Huma ahead of his rivals in the Presidential Elections of 9 president Alan Garcia, who left office in disgrace after charges of corruption were proven against him.

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s a New Latin America: Hopes
and Fears
by Mohan
America during the past five years or less would many political observers at the end of the 20th ared to be still in effective control over its Latin nges of government had come into being through ough mass agitation and struggle have played a the regime changes in a number of countries, . Globalisation continued to be implemented as per nments could not resist yielding to pressure from corporations (MNCs) backed by the global super
e, slowly but certainly, at the turn of the century n active role to arrest the slide-back of elected imperialist pressure, exerted directly and through campaigns attracted participants by their tens and d their success has now made it necessary for to huddle together inside fortified buildings amid esting masses.
by and large, been encouraging to the left, despite he overly optimistic, as in the case of the closely ion Runoff of 4th June 2006, where the openly anti- andidate Ollanta Humala, who was comfortably residential Elections of 9th April, lost to the former left office in disgrace in 1990 and Peru in 1992, ere proven against him.The US imperialists will find solace in Gar seemingly halted the run of left-wing successes in South America, with the last one being that of Mic 15th January 2006, following a run-off poll in the Presidential Election of 11th December 2005. The i feel encouraged by the fact that Garcia campaigned to Hugo Chavez and his anti-imperialist policies. T with over half the population living below the pove if Garcia would, as expected, follow the path of im re-emergent Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Sandero L movement is bound to gain from the defeat of the pr Garcia government takes the necessary steps to economic reform policies imposed on Peru under su
It should be also be noted that Humala polled combined resources of the ruling classes, their state and the media controlled by them. Whether a victo been allowed to act as decisively as Chavez and overwhelming mandates for their political consideration. However, with the presence in power of one description or another in Venezuela, Ar Bolivia and Chile, and the increasing international is Humala would have had a better opportunity to ridding the country of imperialist exploiters, and giv fairer deal and a greater say in governing the country
What is undeniable, however, is that political are changing in favour of anti-imperialist strugg moment is to consolidate the gains and carry forward direction. There can be no illusions about the feeli America towards US imperialism. The toiling mass Even the middle classes who, despite their resentme saw in US imperialism a protector of their quality political stability are having doubts as a result of th ‘reforms’ imposed by the IMF on the Latin Ameri since the late 1990s.
It was the economic failure of the US-back America that compelled the US to opt for democrat to deliver imperialist globalisation in the region, a

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ill find solace in Garcia’s victory since it has f left-wing successes in country after country in st one being that of Michelle Bachelet in Chile on ng a run-off poll in the wake of the inconclusive December 2005. The imperialists have reason to that Garcia campaigned on a platform of hostility nti-imperialist policies. The problems facing Peru, n living below the poverty line can only get worse d, follow the path of imperialist globalisation. The ist-Maoist Sandero Luminoso (Shining Path) from the defeat of the pro-poor Humala, unless the the necessary steps to arrest and to reverse the
posed on Peru under successive governments.
ted that Humala polled close to 48% despite the ruling classes, their state, their imperialist masters y them. Whether a victorious Humala would have cisively as Chavez and Morales, who had won for their political programmes, deserves th the presence in power of left-wing governments ther in Venezuela, Argentina, Uruguay, Brazil, ncreasing international isolation of US imperialism, better opportunity to deliver on his pledges of rialist exploiters, and giving the oppressed masses a
in governing the country.
wever, is that political attitudes in Latin America f anti-imperialist struggles, and the need of the e gains and carry forward the struggle in the correct illusions about the feelings of the people of Latin ialism. The toiling masses have always despised it. o, despite their resentment of US domination, once protector of their quality of life and guarantor of g doubts as a result of the impact of the economic MF on the Latin American economies, especially
failure of the US-backed dictatorships in South US to opt for democratically elected governments lisation in the region, and there was considerableinitial success. Governments elected on a popular m for the vast majority from poverty, unemployment a failed to keep their promises, because of external p liberal economic ‘reforms’ that spelt disaster to so services. Globalisation proved to be exactly wha robbing the poor nations to feed the greedy MNCs by and large proved to be unable or unwilling to res and, in many instances, used strong arm tactics to sections of the increasingly marginalised populatio between rising popular resistance to privatisation a one side and imperialist pressure through lend investors on the other.
Besides the failure of the imperialist-dictat policies, the disastrous US foreign policy including in Afghanistan and Iraq, the impulsive reaction of th the name of “War on Terrorism”, the shameful han during which affected Central American nationals from the US and denied humanitarian aid, and the biggest violator of human rights including those o name of national security, are among important fac the people in their resistance to US domination.
What is especially significant about the politic America is the emergence of a Latin American id regional solidarity drawing on past struggles for i domination. The names of Simon Bolivar, José Mar forces of inspiration. There is also a shift in the a favour of self-reliance and cooperation with neighbo common cultural backgrounds and common prob strong government, global security and neo-liberal v global super power are being called into questio socialism, common ownership, community ac economic liberation, conservation of resources, an wealth attract increasing popular interest.

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s elected on a popular mandate, by promising relief overty, unemployment and falling living standards, s, because of external pressure to implement neo- that spelt disaster to social security and essential ved to be exactly what it was intended to be: feed the greedy MNCs. The elected governments nable or unwilling to resist imperialist globalisation d strong arm tactics to deal with protests by large marginalised population. They were thus caught stance to privatisation and corporate greed on the pressure through lending agencies and foreign
f the imperialist-dictated neo-liberal economic foreign policy including the US war of aggression impulsive reaction of the US to the 9.11 tragedy in rism”, the shameful handling of natural disasters, tral American nationals were callously deported manitarian aid, and the exposure of the US as the rights including those of its own citizens, in the are among important factors that have emboldened e to US domination.
ificant about the political changes sweeping Latin of a Latin American identity and moves towards on past struggles for independence from foreign imon Bolivar, José Marti and Zapata have become is also a shift in the attitude of governments in cooperation with neighbours with whom they share nds and common problems. The importance of ecurity and neo-liberal values as emphasised by the eing called into question while the concepts of ership, community action, regional alliances, rvation of resources, and equitable distribution of pular interest.2. Democracy as Mass Political Action
Democratic politics as mass political action h heads of state who were mere yes-men to the IMF, and Bolivia; challenging abuse of political power a amending constitutions as in Venezuela; and, mos political leaders to be responsive to the people. An i democratic process is the politicising of indige undoubtedly inspired by the armed struggle of the are in total control of Chiapas region and whose in indigenous people in neighbouring regions. It is th resist imperialist globalisation and neo-liberal emboldened governments to ignore IMF prescripti debts which have been bleeding the populace of subsidies; to refuse to privatize water and other nationalise major natural resources. Latin Americ public their doubts about the hemispheric security US, and have distanced themselves from it.
The US government, the mainstream media, a commentators in the US portray the changes in La shift and at times a Marxist resurgence in Latin political reason of justifying armed intervention foreseeable future. What is in fact happening is sim many advanced capitalist countries including the U crises. In fact, the essentially economic alliances s between Venezuela, Cuba and Bolivia are practica survival, which enjoy mass support in the countri more justifiable than any of the US-dominated milita across the globe, including the one now evolving b Mass political action has a long way to go be empowerment of the masses.
What the advanced capitalist countries see as industrial action in Nicaragua, the blockading of hi removal of presidents in Argentina, Bolivia and E changes in Venezuela, are democratic processes wh to have a say in governance and to play a role in instead of letting it be a footnote to that of US impe way to go before these goals are achieved.

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itical Action
mass political action has led to the toppling of re yes-men to the IMF, as for example in Ecuador use of political power as in Chile and Argentina; in Venezuela; and, most importantly, compelling nsive to the people. An important contributor to the politicising of indigenous people, which was e armed struggle of the Zapatistas of Mexico who pas region and whose influence is growing among bouring regions. It is the resolve of the masses to ation and neo-liberal economic ‘reforms’ that o ignore IMF prescriptions and partially discount eeding the populace of social services and basic vatize water and other natural resources; and to esources. Latin American states have also made he hemispheric security alliance proposed by the
selves from it.
he mainstream media, and right-wing and liberal ortray the changes in Latin America as a leftward ist resurgence in Latin America, for the obvious ing armed intervention in Latin America in the in fact happening is similar to what happened in ountries including the US during serious economic lly economic alliances such as those being forged and Bolivia are practical solutions to problems of s support in the countries concerned, and are far the US-dominated military and economic alliances the one now evolving between the US and India. a long way to go before achieving legitimate .
pitalist countries see as disorder and chaos, like ua, the blockading of highways in Guatemala, the rgentina, Bolivia and Ecuador, and constitutional democratic processes where the people have begun e and to play a role in writing their own history tnote to that of US imperialism. But there is a long s are achieved.Even governments which, for various rea confronting US imperialism have been compelled popular mood and to act in ways that serve nat interests and emphasise solidarity among Latin Kirchner of Argentina, although far from a radic Chávez of Venezuela or Evo Morales of Bolivia, and Inácio Lula da Silva of Brazil have stood alongside understanding and even approval of the nationalisati sector of Bolivia in May 2006, despite some adverse their own economies. Also an agreement has been Latin American countries to construct a 13 000 ki running from Venezuela to Argentina.
3. Mass Protests and Resistance to Globalisation
If the US imperialism should blame any for th and resistance to globalization, it can only blame the and coercion by the IMF for the mobilisation of the the urban and rural poor, students, indigenous peop politicians who once took positions endorsing g media which until recently were hostile to the an and held protestors in ridicule now report the protes sympathetically, especially since protests have prod several governments to listen to the people.
It was only twenty three years ago that the policies of Salvador Allende led to his overthrow a fullest backing of the US, to be followed by the cru Chile under General Pinochet. A similar course of however, averted through the mobilisation of the m by the US and local reactionaries backfired and enc to spearhead regional trade agreements, promote r challenge US interference in the region.
Another tangible result of mass mobilisation wa the election pledges of Evo Morales to build a mo guarantee of indigenous rights and to nationalize hyd Bolivia. President Morales has since nationalised

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hich, for various reasons, are restrained in m have been compelled to be responsive to the in ways that serve national as well as regional olidarity among Latin American nations. Néstor hough far from a radical in the mould of Hugo o Morales of Bolivia, and the even less radical Luiz zil have stood alongside Venezuela in their show of roval of the nationalisation of the hydrocarbon fuel 06, despite some adverse short-term implications to an agreement has been reached between the four to construct a 13 000 kilometre long gas pipeline Argentina.
tance to Globalisation
should blame any for the current surge of protest on, it can only blame the greed of its multinationals r the mobilisation of the organised working classes, tudents, indigenous people, intellectuals and even positions endorsing globalisation. The regional were hostile to the anti-globalisation campaigns le now report the protests more seriously, and even since protests have produced results and compelled n to the people.
ree years ago that the anti-imperialist economic e led to his overthrow and brutal murder with the o be followed by the cruel military dictatorship of het. A similar course of events in Venezuela was, he mobilisation of the masses so that every attempt naries backfired and encouraged President Chávez agreements, promote regional co-operation, and the region.
of mass mobilisation was the massive mandate for Morales to build a more inclusive nation with a hts and to nationalize hydrocarbon fuel resources of has since nationalised fuel resources on 1st May2006, and reinforced his alliances with Cuba and V US.
The mass protests against the economic bu Argentina led to the regime change in Argentina. Pr up to the IMF and forced down the army to enjoy t government forced international bond holders t investments as part of restructuring the Argentine d some of the country’s wealth to fund urgently Argentina also paid off the entire IMF debt, partly Venezuela.
The government of Uruguay led by Tabare Va basis of popular support for opposition to the priv commitment to social reform. The electoral succ earlier in the year is again a sign of the strengthenin where progressive and left candidates have failed to candidates have forced their successful opponents to Ottón Solis, an opponent of the US-sponsored Cen Association (CAFTA) running against Oscar Arias, Costa Rica in February 2006.
It has also been reported that, in Mexico, the Andrés López Obredor leads both the centrist and t in the elections scheduled for July 2006. Also th conditions in Nicaragua, owing to fiscal policies im result of the Washington consensus, has made Danie of the Sandinista government, which was brought d US-imposed civil war, and other leftist leaders mo likely to have a major impact on the November elect
What has been central to the transformation of America is not the electoral success of the left b masses against the agenda of imperialist globalisat where the government is compliant to the comm implementation of the imperialist agenda will meet when economic ‘reforms’ and ‘free trade’, inevitab majority. The turn of events in Latin America su growing bolder in expressing their opposition to im every form.

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liances with Cuba and Venezuela, to the ire of the
ainst the economic burdens on the people in change in Argentina. President Kirchner has stood own the army to enjoy the trust of the people. The ational bond holders to accept losses on their ucturing the Argentine debt and thereby reserving ealth to fund urgently needed social programs. entire IMF debt, partly through sale of bonds to
uguay led by Tabare Vazquez was elected on the r opposition to the privatization of water and its rm. The electoral success of Michelle Bachelet sign of the strengthening of the left in Chile. Even andidates have failed to be elected, anti-imperialist r successful opponents to a run-off as in the case of f the US-sponsored Central American Free Trade ing against Oscar Arias, a supporter of CAFTA, in 6.
ed that, in Mexico, the Worker’s Party candidate s both the centrist and the conservative candidates for July 2006. Also the worsening of economic ing to fiscal policies imposed on the country as a nsensus, has made Daniel Ortega, former President nt, which was brought down as a consequence of a other leftist leaders more popular, and the left is ct on the November elections in 2006.
to the transformation of the political scene in Latin al success of the left but the mobilisation of the of imperialist globalisation. This means that, even compliant to the commands of US imperialism, rialist agenda will meet stiff resistance, especially and ‘free trade’, inevitably, begin to hurt the vast ts in Latin America suggest that the people are ng their opposition to imperialist domination in its4. Confronting US Policy
US imperialism will, however, not be moved by and, where possible, will compel governments to i trade’ and ‘open economy’ and to facilitate globa reforms. In other situations, the US will use militar do not bear fruit will resort to anything ranging from pretext of defending freedom and democratic valu safer place. It is in this context that one has to und the changes in attitude of governments which the ‘friendly’.
Of thirty-four Latin American states twenty-sev southern neighbour and a close ally of the US, ha invasion of Iraq, and most of the Latin American sta of the Security Alliance of the Americas. The distr is based on the historical experience of one-an invasions across the Americas. Even the limited su based on economic dependence, and not ratified by t
It is common knowledge that terrorist threat t America has been from Latino gangs trained in the their communities and pose a more real and immi fundamentalism’. Problems of crime and delinque social problems in Brazil and Venezuela are m perceived threat to the US from the Middle East. T proposal of an “Inter-American Convention against is to most Latin Americans just another US imperia interests for which the Latin Americans will pay the
The US policy for Latin America comprises agreements beneficial to MNCs and US economic in to cheap labour and natural resources; and p agriculture. It also includes interference in the Venezuela and Nicaragua; installation of US tro military support to regimes fighting against re Columbia, where support is provided, on the pretex to suppress the leftist rebel forces, who are in con Colombia, while ensuring immunity of right wing vi

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wever, not be moved by the protests of the masses ompel governments to implement policies of ‘free and to facilitate globalisation through economic , the US will use military threat and where threats to anything ranging from subversion to war in the m and democratic values or making the world a text that one has to understand the implications of governments which the US still considers to be
erican states twenty-seven, including Mexico, the close ally of the US, have refused to support US f the Latin American states are reluctant to be part the Americas. The distrust of American intentions l experience of one-and-a-half centuries of US cas. Even the limited support to the US is largely nce, and not ratified by the people.
ge that terrorist threat to public safety in Central tino gangs trained in the US, which have infested e a more real and imminent danger than ‘Islamic of crime and delinquency fostered by inherited and Venezuela are more immediate than any from the Middle East. Thus the recent US-inspired ican Convention against Terrorism” for the region just another US imperialistic plan to serve its own Americans will pay the price.
atin America comprises the promotion of trade NCs and US economic interests; unrestricted access ural resources; and protectionism towards US es interference in the electoral process as in installation of US troops as in Paraguay; and es fighting against revolutionary forces, as in provided, on the pretext of impeding drug traffic, l forces, who are in control of a sizeable part of
munity of right wing vigilantes.Current US preoccupation with the Middle Eas Russia and China as the next stage of its plans for gl that it has given up on Latin America. Several att remove Chávez from power including several unsuc him. Attempts to destabilise Bolivia have been denounced by Morales and Chávez. The US imperi underhand activities at toppling governments tha ‘American way of life’.
But one should remember that Cuba has stood intimidation, economic blockade and sabotage by source of inspiration for the whole of Latin Ame opponents of the Cuban government. Despite ceas isolate Cuba, Cuba now has diplomatic relations w Costa Rica of the thirty-four Latin American nations
Thus it is important for the states of South A Cuban experience since each of them has its choic people by submitting to the US and defying US im interests of the people.
5. The Future
The new century marks great victories for the much of which has been achieved without armed st of the Zapatistas in Chiapas and the Colombian rebe the struggle initiated in the last century. A successi South America does not mean that US imperialism majority to prevail. Every victory of the people protected from imperialist predators.
The plan for regional alliances and sharing President Hugo Chávez and known as the Bolivar America (ALBA) has made a promising start w Development Bank of the South and a Latin Amer free the region from reliance on foreign capi Venezuela and Cuba has led to the rapid expansio Venezuela with the support of Cuban medical pers Venezuela government provides Cuba with much ne

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ion with the Middle East and the encirclement of t stage of its plans for global control does not mean tin America. Several attempts have been made to r including several unsuccessful bids to assassinate lise Bolivia have been uncovered recently and Chávez. The US imperialists have not denied their ppling governments that appear to threaten the
ber that Cuba has stood up to forty seven years of ckade and sabotage by the US to become a great e whole of Latin America, except the hard core vernment. Despite ceaseless efforts by the US to s diplomatic relations with all but El Salvador and r Latin American nations.
or the states of South America to learn from the ch of them has its choice between letting down its US and defying US imperialism in defence of the
s great victories for the people of Latin America, hieved without armed struggle, with the exception and the Colombian rebels who have persevered in last century. A succession of electoral victories in ean that US imperialism will allow the will of the victory of the people has to be preserved and redators.
alliances and sharing of resources initiated by d known as the Bolivarian Alternative for Latin de a promising start with the setting up of a outh and a Latin American Development Fund to iance on foreign capital. Cooperation between d to the rapid expansion of public health care in t of Cuban medical personnel in return for which ides Cuba with much needed oil and investment inCuban electric power and oil refining. Co-operation includes agreements between Venezuela, Argentina Uruguay and involves the entire Caribbean region. American trade block consisting of Argentina Braz with Bolivia, Chile and Peru as associate mem Venezuela as a member and considering inclusion member.
The Bolivarian vision shared by anti-imperialis relies on the stability of the government of Venezue of its oil wealth to the benefit of the country as well region. The commitment of Chávez to socialism Venezuelan experience in upholding the Bolivar Bolivarian project in Venezuela is very much a sta support from the broad masses who are for the firs country the main beneficiaries of its oil wealth. Pol of the masses to defend the people and the country persistent US imperialist threats.
It is mass agitation and struggle that made it pos the decline and decay of the economies of several c The forms of struggle that have enabled regime ch election have been essentially peaceful and, if viole it has been by the repressive state and the people. taken place have only partially altered the nature of and have hardly altered the nature of the state appa are still powerful and can be expected to strike back with the support of imperialism.
The commitment of left-of-centre leaders to conditional and volatile. In an international situation take an openly aggressive stand against ‘unfrien leaders could be propelled towards compromise wit witnessed in many countries in Asia even in recent t
The lessons of Chile in 1973 and Nicaragua in should not be forgotten by the progressive forces preparedness and popular support that sav counterrevolutionary coup. The US imperialists opportunity; and the defeated local exploiting class

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il refining. Co-operation in the energy sector now n Venezuela, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile and ntire Caribbean region. Also, Mercosur, the South isting of Argentina Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay, Peru as associate members, is poised to induct nd considering inclusion of Cuba as an associate
hared by anti-imperialist leaders of Latin America government of Venezuela which uses the proceeds fit of the country as well as the advancement of the of Chávez to socialism is an outcome of the upholding the Bolivarian vision. However, the zuela is very much a state sponsored activity with sses who are for the first time in the history of the ies of its oil wealth. Politicisation and organisation people and the country is essential in the face of eats.
struggle that made it possible to take steps to arrest e economies of several countries of Latin America. have enabled regime changes through democratic lly peaceful and, if violence was used at any stage, e state and the people. But the changes that have lly altered the nature of the relations of production nature of the state apparatus. The defeated classes e expected to strike back at an opportune moment, ism.
eft-of-centre leaders to social change is mostly an international situation where the US imperialists stand against ‘unfriendly’ states, several such towards compromise with imperialism, as we have
in Asia even in recent times.
1973 and Nicaragua in the 1980s and early 1990s the progressive forces of Latin America. It was ar support that saved Venezuela from a . The US imperialists are still waiting for an ed local exploiting classes are still intact and haveallies in the urban middle classes and among crimi will require far greater preparedness to defend the g and to build upon them.
Weakening the hold of the exploiting classes o Already the US has started to apply pressure on meeting in early June 2006 in Washington betwee and Michelle Bachelet. The victory of the centre- Chile was not as decisive as that of that of Evo Mo Hugo Chávez in Venezuela. The army is still a maj stripped of a formal role following the downfall of influence of the forces of reaction within the arm inability of the Chilean legal system to make Pino more to do with the influence of the elite cla technicalities of his trials. Thus the Chilean governm pressure from the US.
US approach towards Evo Morales would be o of Fiedel Castro and Hugo Chávez; and moves a divisions in the Bolivian indigenous mass support b years to come can only be ones of cautious optim imperialism in Latin America, and the need for co imperialist meddling cannot be over-emphasised. In no alternative to mass struggle and mass line in polit
It is the duty of all progressive forces to encoura of struggle to rid Latin America of its imperialist bu of the progressive forces to caution the forces of complaisant about their achievements or underest enemy.

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classes and among criminal elements in society. It aredness to defend the gains of the past few years
the exploiting classes on the society is not easy. d to apply pressure on Chile, as evident from the in Washington between Presidents George Bush e victory of the centre-left Michelle Bachelet in s that of that of Evo Morales in Bolivia or that of . The army is still a major political force, although llowing the downfall of General Pinochet, and the reaction within the army is still significant. The al system to make Pinochet fully accountable has luence of the elite classes than with the legal hus the Chilean government remains vulnerable to
vo Morales would be open hostility as in the case Chávez; and moves are already afoot to create digenous mass support base for Morales. Thus the ones of cautious optimism for the forces of anti- ica, and the need for counter-measures to combat t be over-emphasised. In the final analysis, there is gle and mass line in politics.
ressive forces to encourage and support every form erica of its imperialist burden. It is equally the duty to caution the forces of social change not to be hievements or underestimate the strength of theNepal: Perceptions of People’s V
by
Deshabakthan
Preamble
Some 200,000 people gathered in Kathmandu o demand a constituent assembly to decide the co Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) rally there sin absolute grip on power, and reinstated the parliam Tens of thousands filled into a public ground in Kat Gyanendra in full view of the Royal Palace. Do automatic rifles stood guarding the heavily guarde maintained a vigil outside and armoured cars and s manned major road intersections.
Krishna Bahadur Mahara (see interview follow CPN-M negotiator for talks with the government, government had been slow in implementing a decis special assembly to draft a new constitution and cal interim government that would include the Maoists poll, and confirmed the commitment of the Maoist also be noted that the CPM-N Chairman Prachan week earlier that, while the CPN-M was confident t want a republican state, it was bound to accept the was otherwise.
In the short term, much depends on the direc between the government and the Maoists will take by outside elements, especially the Indian and US a this article is to examine the implications for N leading to and immediately following the subduing o

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erceptions of People’s Victory
by
Deshabakthan
athered in Kathmandu on Friday 2nd June 2006 to mbly to decide the country's future at the first (Maoist) rally there since Gyanendra gave up his d reinstated the parliament he disbanded in 2002. o a public ground in Kathmandu, to denounce King f the Royal Palace. Dozens of soldiers carrying ding the heavily guarded palace while riot police and armoured cars and soldiers with machine guns
tions. ra (see interview following this article), the chief s with the government, told the rally that the new in implementing a decision to hold elections for a new constitution and called for the formation of an uld include the Maoists and organise the assembly mmitment of the Maoists to peace talks. It should M-N Chairman Prachanda told local journalists a CPN-M was confident that 99 percent of Nepalese was bound to accept the verdict of the people if it
h depends on the direction that the negotiations d the Maoists will take as well as on interference ally the Indian and US authorities. The purpose of the implications for Nepal of the developments following the subduing of King Gyanendra.Problems of Defining the Struggle
The mainstream Indian and international medi been contemptuous of the Maoists and their ar dictatorial monarchy. While there has been a shift i dissolved parliament to assume absolute power on concerns were more about restoring parliamentary d status quo in Nepal based on the ‘twin pillars’ monarchy and the parliament.
With the exception of a section of the left, journ progressive commentators like Pratush Chandra an such as Monthly Review, and internet journals su Tehalka, the general picture presented about Nepa Third World country with economic difficultie terrorism.
Within India, the impression has been created th India work as a single entity, and that Maoist succes Maoists activity India, where they are already in con in several states. There was no doubt that the M support of Marxist Leninists and genuine leftists India. They also enjoy strong support within the N especially immigrant workers who left in the conditions in Nepal. But there has been no questio from India in collaboration with Indian Maoists of a
It is nevertheless true that success of a revolu leading to a republic headed by the CPN-M wo revolutionary forces guided by Marxism Leninism to struggles for liberation worldwide, which have victories scored by the masses since 1996 in their Maoists. Several things frighten the reactionary revisionist ‘communist’ parties of India, especi revolutionary mass line in politics, and a succes struggle in a neighbouring country. It is therefore n success to the Maoists.
The approach of the ruling classes ranged from and its saffron brigade to the Hindu king and dictato Manmohan Singh government to ensure the surviva discrete ways. It was only when it became clear that trouble and prolonging the agony of Nepal would

Page 21

truggle
and international media had, until late in 2005, Maoists and their armed struggle against the there has been a shift in attitude since Gyanendra ume absolute power on 1st February 2005, media restoring parliamentary democracy and thereby the d on the ‘twin pillars’ of stability, namely the
t. section of the left, journalists like Rita Manchanda, like Pratush Chandra and Amit Sengupta, journals and internet journals such as Counter Punch and e presented about Nepal seems to be that it is a th economic difficulties aggravated by Maoist
ssion has been created that Maoists in Nepal and in y, and that Maoist success in Nepal would intensify re they are already in control of substantial territory as no doubt that the Maoists of Nepal enjoy the ts and genuine leftists and progressive forces in ng support within the Nepali community in India, kers who left in the face of appalling living ere has been no question of the CPN-M operating with Indian Maoists of any description. that success of a revolutionary struggle in Nepal ded by the CPN-M would be an inspiration to by Marxism Leninism Mao Zedong Thought and worldwide, which have been encouraged by the ses since 1996 in their armed struggle led by the frighten the reactionary ruling classes and the arties of India, especially the success of the politics, and a successful armed revolutionary country. It is therefore necessary for them to deny
ling classes ranged from open support of the BJP e Hindu king and dictator Gyanendra to that of the ent to ensure the survival of the monarchy in more hen it became clear that the monarchy was in deep agony of Nepal would accelerate the fall of themonarchy with adverse consequences for the Indi Indian government changed its tactics. It was at this sections of the ruling Congress sought to intervene success to the Maoists by assimilating them to the ‘d
While the goal of the CPM-N was the New Dem it was implementing in regions under its contro claimed that the aim was to replace the monarchy w state. Such portrayal of the Maoists continued eve Gyanendra on 1st February 2005, following whic restoration of democratic rule their top priority. The in their dealings with the Nepali government but no concerning the rights of the toiling masses. They we an interim settlement with a role for the King until t was finally resolved. All of that changed as his r repressive.
The CPN-M declared a unilateral ceasefire on created a climate conducive to the signing of a 12 seven-party alliance (SPA) on 22nd November 2005. the seven parties was also an important factor in agree to cooperate with the Maoists in their strug regime. It should also be noted that, since the agreem most accommodating towards the SPA, even to campaigns in deference to pleas by the SPA.
The Maoists called off their unilateral ceasefire the Gyanendra regime was not reciprocating the ges the ceasefire to launch attacks against the Maoists a Army. Neither the US nor the Indian authorities c ceasefire was one-sided; but when it ended, they s and denounced the Maoists for their violent ways.
When the Gyanendra regime unleashed vio leaders, lawyers and journalists in January 2006, th by calling upon the SPA and the King to have a dia democracy. This approach prevailed even w Gyanendra’s seizing power was marked by an upsu unleashing of murderous violence against the publ the successful boycott of the local elections of 8 King made it clear to all that he was thoroughly iso

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nsequences for the Indian establishment that the its tactics. It was at this stage that the CPI(M) and ress sought to intervene, with the aim of denying similating them to the ‘democratic process’. PM-N was the New Democratic Revolution, which egions under its control, the mainstream media replace the monarchy with a one-party communist e Maoists continued even after the royal coup of y 2005, following which the Maoists made the le their top priority. The Maoists had been flexible epali government but not compromising on issues toiling masses. They were even willing to consider role for the King until the question of the republic f that changed as his regime became extremely
unilateral ceasefire on 3rd September 2005, which e to the signing of a 12-point agreement with the on 22nd November 2005. Pressure from the ranks of an important factor in persuading the leaders to e Maoists in their struggle against the dictatorial ted that, since the agreement, the Maoists had been ards the SPA, even to the point of calling off
leas by the SPA. their unilateral ceasefire on 2nd January 2006 since not reciprocating the gesture and took advantage of ks against the Maoists and the People’s Liberation the Indian authorities cared to examine why the t when it ended, they said that it was unfortunate for their violent ways.
regime unleashed violence against democratic lists in January 2006, the US and India responded d the King to have a dialogue to enable a return to ch prevailed even when the anniversary of was marked by an upsurge in popular protests and iolence against the public by the RNA. However, he local elections of 8th February called for by the at he was thoroughly isolated and could not survivein power for a day longer without the support of th the imperialists and the Indian ruling classes.
It should be noted here that, to the very end, ov the US to persuade the SPA to make a deal wit exclusion of the Maoists. The SPA leaders did not o a deal with the King would be their doom as well.
The Indian establishment, partly to curry favo because of its own miscalculations, continued Gyanendra, despite its formal criticism of his assu and demand for the restoration of parliamentary g belatedly realised which way the wind was bl campaign against the King and reluctantly approve Maoists, it had other things in mind. Its desire to Nepal was beyond doubt so that it sought to drive and Maoists at a crucial stage of the struggle.
It used the president of the Nepali Congress, Gir of the Indian establishment, for the purpose; and K difficulties” for the inability of the SPA to join the M appeal for a peaceful agitation for democracy. The remarkable flexibility, and agreed to call off t Kathmandu, and issued a separate but similar sta alliance calling for a peaceful agitation for restoring the way for Maoist sympathizers to join the peac beginning April 6.
The foregoing would show how different class conditioned perceptions of the struggle for d reactionary forces dreaded the Maoists and acted w eventually weakening them, knowing very well t backbone of the struggle against the monarchy. The parliamentary left in India seems to have had a developments in Nepal. The parliamentary lef opportunistic than its counterpart in India, and the s party is the Communist Party (United Marxist Le government in 1994 only to be dismissed an yea Birendra. CPN(UML) has had problems of factiona collaboration with Gyanendra to form a governmen since the Maoists combined mass political work in t struggle against the repressive state. The concern of

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ithout the support of the RNA and the backing of an ruling classes. that, to the very end, overt attempts were made by PA to make a deal with King Gyanendra to the he SPA leaders did not oblige since they knew that be their doom as well. nt, partly to curry favour with the US and partly calculations, continued to provide support to al criticism of his assumption of absolute power ation of parliamentary government. Even when it way the wind was blowing and endorsed the and reluctantly approved of the SPA’s deal with s in mind. Its desire to preserve the monarchy in that it sought to drive a wedge between the SPA e of the struggle. the Nepali Congress, Girija Prasad Koirala, a client , for the purpose; and Koirala cited “international of the SPA to join the Maoists to make a common ion for democracy. The CPN-M leadership showed agreed to call off the on-going blockade of separate but similar statement as the seven-party ful agitation for restoring democracy, thus opening thizers to join the peaceful agitation of the SPA
ow how different class and national interests have f the struggle for democracy in Nepal. All the Maoists and acted with the aim of isolating and , knowing very well that the Maoists were the ainst the monarchy.
dia seems to have had a different perception of the The parliamentary left in Nepal is no less erpart in India, and the strongest parliamentary left arty (United Marxist Leninist) which formed the to be dismissed an year later by the then king, ad problems of factional infighting and a record of ra to form a government. Its credibility has eroded mass political work in the countryside with armed ive state. The concern of the CPI(M) and the CPI isbased on the fear that the capture of state power through armed struggle will add to the credibility Marxist Leninists in India who reject the parliamenta Thus, facilitating an agreement between the SP parliamentary democracy is restored by peacefu potentially beneficial to the Indian elite as well as The member organisations of the SPA knew that Gy before they formed an alliance, and that a working a with an assurance of return to democratic politics them. The Maoists themselves had decided in favou isolate the King, mainly in consideration of the ge the cost to the people in blood if the state of civil conditions where the monarchy receives milita meddlers.
People’s war is not eternal war, and the inevita due to the violent nature of the state in class societ and neo-colonialism operate. The Maoists cons democratic system from a position of strength with c Nepali territory and have awakened the people pol democratic system that they seek will assure the fa cross-section of the oppressed masses who hav severely under represented under the old parliament the 12-point agreement between the CPN-M and th mere return to the old system which has failed more There is no doubt that the people mobilised Gyanendra and not to return to days of a parliam under the patronage of the King. When the King reinstate Parliament, the Indian Foreign Minister w persuaded the SPA to accept the offer. This was u who wanted the King removed from power. There c this as that would be a breach of the spirit of the 12-p
Media Induced Amnesia
There is a strong tendency in the mainstream m international, to portray the events in Nepal purely dictatorial conduct of an unpopular monarch w following an unfortunate royal family tragedy. The as mass mobilisation which occurred in the wa

Page 24

capture of state power in Nepal by the Maoists ll add to the credibility of the Maoists and other
ho reject the parliamentary road to socialism. reement between the SPA and the Maoists so that is restored by peaceful mass mobilization was e Indian elite as well as to the parliamentary left. of the SPA knew that Gyanendra was doomed even ce, and that a working agreement with the Maoists to democratic politics was the best option before ves had decided in favour of a broad united front to consideration of the geopolitics of the region and lood if the state of civil war was prolonged under narchy receives military backing from foreign
rnal war, and the inevitability of armed struggle is the state in class society and the way imperialism ate. The Maoists consented to a parliamentary osition of strength with control of well over 80% of wakened the people politically. The parliamentary y seek will assure the fair representation of a wide essed masses who have been unrepresented or under the old parliamentary system. The purpose of ween the CPN-M and the SPA could not be for a
which has failed more than once. t the people mobilised themselves to overthrow rn to days of a parliament of corrupt politicians e King. When the King relented and offered to dian Foreign Minister who flew into Kathmandu pt the offer. This was unacceptable to the people, ved from power. There could be no compromise on
h of the spirit of the 12-point agreement.
ncy in the mainstream media, both Sri Lankan and e events in Nepal purely as a consequence of the unpopular monarch who ascended the throne yal family tragedy. The struggle itself is portrayed ch occurred in the wake of the heavy-handedsuppression of protests by the King, rather in t revolutions’ in former socialist countries and regions
None of the commentators in the mainstream long after the King’s assumption of absolute pow parties to mobilise the masses or why it was not against the dictator or why some of them willingly until they were dismissed or thrown into jail. The fa parties are only interested in a share of the power cannot have all of it. Most of them have been wil monarchy and as a whole do not have the interests o What has been conveniently forgotten by most of the parliamentary political parties claiming cre struggle against a monarchy with scant regard for p government, has a consistent record of defiance rather scramble for cabinet posts doled out by him th
It is now made to appear that, by some mirac people in their millions against the King in April 20 struggle of the Peoples’ Liberation Army and the r the regime, the fact that it was to the call of the responded, be it a general strike, hartal or blockade, strength of the Maoists, proven in combat with the masses to come out on the streets do not receive a m Minimising the importance of the role of the ar the political work of the Maoists and the changes t countryside during the past decade is intentional. T implications to hegemonic and imperialist interests o struggle in Nepal paved the way to democracy there. There is also an attempt, in India especially, to i revolutionary path the Maoists’ willingness to work and to use means other than armed struggle to ac justice. This is a desperate bid to mislead the ne enthused by the success of the Maoist struggle in N growing support for the Indian Maoists.
Armed struggle is only one form of struggle a with an armed oppressor; and multi-party system Marxist Leninists and are consistent with the united with a system in which competition is unequal and t the property owning elite, parliamentary electi

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the King, rather in the fashion of the ‘velvet list countries and regions. tors in the mainstream media ask why it took so umption of absolute power for the parliamentary sses or why it was not possible for them to unite some of them willingly served under the dictator r thrown into jail. The fact is that the parliamentary in a share of the power for themselves when they of them have been willing collaborators with the not have the interests of the masses at heart. ently forgotten by most commentators is that none cal parties claiming credit for the success of the with scant regard for parliament or parliamentary ent record of defiance of the King. They would posts doled out by him than demand democracy. ear that, by some miracle, the SPA mobilised the inst the King in April 2006. The role of the armed beration Army and the rural militias in weakening was to the call of the CPN(M) that the masses trike, hartal or blockade, and the fact that it was the ven in combat with the RNA, that emboldened the treets do not receive a mention. nce of the role of the armed struggle, the value of aoists and the changes that have swept the Nepali decade is intentional. The media are aware of the and imperialist interests of conceding that an armed
way to democracy there. t, in India especially, to interpret as abandoning the ists’ willingness to work within multi-party system an armed struggle to achieve their goal of social e bid to mislead the new forces who have been the Maoist struggle in Nepal, and thereby arrest the ian Maoists.
one form of struggle and is inevitable in dealing and multi-party systems are not entirely alien to onsistent with the united front approach. However, petition is unequal and the media are dominated by e, parliamentary elections are not quite levelplayground. The Maoists of Nepal seek to rectif cannot, however, disarm themselves or give up a forces hostile to them within and outside Nepal are a
Returning to Old Habits
The temptation is great to cheat the Maoists by the 12-point agreement of September 2005. The I work through the new Prime Minister Koirala to un reached in the 12-point agreement.
Koirala’s visit to Delhi and the Indian gove development of hydropower and other projects are s of a conspiracy to create a crisis and thereby avoid to set up a constituent assembly and move towards a There are already signs that the SPA or a sectio King of his powers, seeks to consolidate pow parliament, while there is no sign that action will b the RNA responsible for serious crimes against un RNA, renamed as the Nepal Army, serving government, would be an equally effective tool of classes. Especially, in the event of sidelining the M the US and India, the RNA will be essential to the su The RNA has been well armed during the p powers and has been a force to reckon in the affairs powers that armed the reactionary RNA have direct other officials, and it is significant that the US As Asia, Richard Boucher during his visit to Nepal in with the beleaguered monarch, but opted for a dire chief, Pyar Jung Thapa, and stated at a press confe response to a question whether he thinks that ‘the going to be one of the decision makers in future ins don't think I quite used the word decision maker, bu I think that the army is going to have a very import has to help defend the nation; it has to help defend They also have to be able to implement the ceasef wanted to check with the army and see, first of all, the political process, that they were supporting the and second of all talk to them about how they saw t

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of Nepal seek to rectify such imbalances. They hemselves or give up armed struggle as long as n and outside Nepal are armed.
to cheat the Maoists by going against the spirit of September 2005. The Indian elite are already at e Minister Koirala to undermine the understanding ement. i and the Indian government’s offer of aid for r and other projects are seen by the Maoists as part crisis and thereby avoid fulfilling the commitment
bly and move towards a republic. that the SPA or a section of it, having stripped the ks to consolidate power through the reinstated o sign that action will be taken against officers of erious crimes against unarmed civilians, since the epal Army, serving under a post-Gyanendra equally effective tool of oppression of the ruling vent of sidelining the Maoists with the backing of will be essential to the survival of the government. ell armed during the past years by international to reckon in the affairs of Nepal. The international ionary RNA have direct dealings with its chief and nificant that the US Assistant Secretary for South ing his visit to Nepal in early April did not meet rch, but opted for a direct meeting with the RNA d stated at a press conference after the meeting, in ether he thinks that ‘the Royal Nepalese Army is sion makers in future instead of parliament’ that "I word decision maker, but I said something like that. ng to have a very important role to play. The army n; it has to help defend the nation against threats. to implement the ceasefire, and carry it out. So I rmy and see, first of all, that they were supporting hey were supporting the civilian leaders in Nepal, m about how they saw their job in the days ahead,and how, when a civilian leadership wanted us to, the future."
The Immediate Future
Isolating the Maoists in the short run would lead Maoists held in high esteem by the masses, thorough Meanwhile, the bickering within and among the par would lead to political instability and, in the end through which the US and India could interfere with
The possibility of undermining the Maoists by power is only wishful thinking, since they are runn over most of Nepal and have implemented their poli regions under their control. It will be suicidal for issues of social justice or to reverse the process injustice.
It is, however, unlikely that the elite classes of defeat because their main benefactor has been def every way possible to protect their interests and constitutional assembly being set up and a republic ensure fairer representation for the oppressed section be resistance from reactionary forces within and outs The most serious threat to Nepali democracy i bond between US imperialism and the Indian ruli between the two to facilitate efforts by the former grows too strong to contain. Nepal has always been the US, but meddling by the US was limited to pro the dictatorial monarchy without causing alarm to very wary of US intentions. The new climate is d Indo-US collaboration, and a stable and independ government will not help to further US interests in democracy in Nepal need to be fully alert to these ris
What the Maoists have achieved is to have crea it is possible for Nepal to move towards a genuine with social justice with no further bloodshed. Whe are ready to accept the democratic verdict of the ma will determine whether Nepal will peacefully progr social justice for its people.

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eadership wanted us to, we could support them in
the short run would lead to civil war and, with the by the masses, thoroughly isolate the government. ithin and among the parliamentary political parties stability and, in the end, a military government, ndia could interfere with impunity in Nepal.
rmining the Maoists by making them partners in ing, since they are running a parallel government e implemented their policies of social justice in the l. It will be suicidal for them to compromise on to reverse the process of redressing centuries of
that the elite classes of Nepal will readily concede benefactor has been defeated. They will resist in tect their interests and, even in the event of a ng set up and a republican constitution adopted to for the oppressed sections of the masses, there will ry forces within and outside Nepal. t to Nepali democracy is the strengthening of the ism and the Indian ruling elite and collaboration te efforts by the former to isolate China before it . Nepal has always been of strategic importance to e US was limited to providing military support to ithout causing alarm to an India which was once s. The new climate is different in the context of a stable and independent Nepal with a popular o further US interests in the region. The forces of
be fully alert to these risks. achieved is to have created conditions under which move towards a genuine and inclusive democracy further bloodshed. Whether the exploiting classes ocratic verdict of the masses under such conditions al will peacefully progress towards prosperity andAs long as the Maoists adhere to the mass l principle of unity and struggle within a united fron not be defeated.
*****
Postscript: Since the article was written, attempts Prime Minister Koirala to settle for a con consolidating his power through the reinstated parl by the Maoists. Formal talks were held between the on 16th June an eight-point agreement was re government and CPN-M: 1. Effective and honest implementation of the 1 November 2005 between the SPA and CPN-M and th of Conduct signed by the SPA government and CPN- 2. Commitment to democratic norms and values in party system, civic liberties, fundamental rights, hu and the concept of rule of law and carrying out e peaceful manner 3. Requesting the UN to help in the monitoring and and arms of both Government and CPN-M for a fr Constituent Assembly 4. Guaranteeing the democratic rights won thr Movement and the recent historic People’s Move constitution based on the 12-point understanding a Conduct; forming an interim government accordin constituent assembly elections; dissolving Parli Governments of CPN-M through consensus a arrangements. 5. Deciding issues of national interests with consensus 6. Guaranteeing the fundamental right of the Nepa the Constituent Assembly Elections without fear, inf inviting international observation and monitoring d need 7. Bringing about a forward-looking restructuring class-based, racial, regional and gender-based pro

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ts adhere to the mass line in politics and to the gle within a united front, the people of Nepal will
*****
e was written, attempts by the SPA and especially to settle for a constitutional monarchy by ough the reinstated parliament have been thwarted s were held between the SPA and the CPN-M, and oint agreement was reached between the SPA
mplementation of the 12-point understanding of SPA and CPN-M and the 25-point Ceasefire Code A government and CPN-M on May 26, 2006. tic norms and values including competitive multi- , fundamental rights, human rights, press freedom, law and carrying out each other’s activities in a
p in the monitoring and management of the armies ent and CPN-M for a free and fair election to the
ocratic rights won through the 1990 Popular historic People’s Movement; drafting an interim 2-point understanding and the Ceasefire Code of im government accordingly; announcing dates for tions; dissolving Parliament and the People’s through consensus after making alternative
ational interests with long-term effect through
ental right of the Nepali people to participate in lections without fear, influence, threat or violence; vation and monitoring during the elections as per
d-looking restructuring of the state to resolve the l and gender-based problems through ConstituentAssembly Elections; and transforming the ceas Government and CPN-M into permanent peace b peace, prosperity, forward-looking change and the sovereignty and pride, and express commitment to re talks. 8. Directing the government and CPN-M negotiatin tasks related to above without delay.
A committee has been formed as per the eight-p interim Constitution and submit it to the Governme teams within 15 days.
International response to the 8-point agreement bet and the CPN-M has generally been positive desp opinion coloured by fears about Maoist intentio opportunist left is interesting but not surprising. Th Communist Party of India complimented the CPN- road to socialism and urged the Indian Maoist comments came from the Communist Party commentators sympathetic to them. The fact that i struggle to bring the arrogant Nepali monarchy to of the countryside from the control of the feudal lan and regional minorities, oppressed castes and wome and that without the armed struggle Nepal would under the monarchy for centuries are carefully comments are designed to give the impression tha other revolutionaries believe in violence for its own be thoroughly criticised and rejected.

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transforming the ceasefire between the Nepal nto permanent peace by focusing on democracy, -looking change and the country’s independence, express commitment to resolve the problem through
t and CPN-M negotiating teams to accomplish all ut delay.
ormed as per the eight-point agreement to draft the bmit it to the Government and CPI-M negotiating
e 8-point agreement between the SPA Government rally been positive despite right and centre-right s about Maoist intentions. The response of the g but not surprising. The General Secretary of the complimented the CPN-M for taking the peaceful ged the Indian Maoists to follow suit. Similar e Communist Party of India (Marxist) and to them. The fact that it took 10 years of armed ant Nepali monarchy to its knees and to free much control of the feudal landlords, and to make ethnic pressed castes and women stand up for their rights, d struggle Nepal would be exactly where it was enturies are carefully wiped off memory. Such give the impression that the Indian Maoists and e in violence for its own sake and should therefore
rejected.Interview with Krishna Bahadur Mah
Excerpts of an interview by Gunaraj Luitel and Ujir Maoist negotiating team, Krishna Bahadur Mahara, who May to make the environment favourable for talks with to end the decade-old insurgency that has claimed more
Q: How long has it been since you were here last? Krishna Bahadur Mahara: It's been about two and
Q: Didn't you come to the capital after the second ro Mahara: We held talks in Hapure after the talks ended immediately in Hapure. Since the Doramb appeared in public.
Q: The main reason why you are in the capital this the problems? Mahara: It's obvious. Not only this time but ever talks, it has been to give new directions to the peo and for bigger social transformation. We have t objectives can be reached through talks. We have can be peaceful solutions too. A lot has changed time. So, we are here because we seriously believ constituent assembly.
Q: The newly formed government - and th Representatives (HoR) – has made some fresh anno people. Has that helped? Mahara: It has eased things. In contrast the prese different from earlier governments. Nevertheless considered to be fully acceptable as yet. There still out.
Q: Your party has critically welcomed the Hou Maoists were consulted before making the announce
Mahara: Our formal reaction to the Proclamatio public. We have welcomed religious secularism an

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ith Krishna Bahadur Mahara
Gunaraj Luitel and Ujir Magar with the head of the na Bahadur Mahara, who arrived in Kathmandu in late favourable for talks with the government in an attempt cy that has claimed more than 13,000 lives.
May 23, 2006 ce you were here last? : It's been about two and a half years.
apital after the second round of talks?
Hapure after the talks in Kathmandu. The talks pure. Since the Doramba incident, we have not
u are in the capital this time is to find a solution to
only this time but every time we have come for ew directions to the people, to make a new Nepal sformation. We have this belief that the above through talks. We have always believed that there too. A lot has changed in the political scene this ause we seriously believe that we can go for the
government - and the reinstated House of s made some fresh announcements in favour of the
gs. In contrast the present government is slightly ernments. Nevertheless the scenario cannot be ptable as yet. There still remains a lot to be sorted
ally welcomed the House Proclamation. It's said ore making the announcement...
tion to the Proclamation has already been made religious secularism and the stripping of many ofthe king's powers. This is politically a very positiv many political parties have said that it has made the people are yet to be made sovereign. Theref incomplete. Comparatively, this has been a step forw see the practical implementation of the announce people's revolution is constituent assembly. The ba 12-point understanding between the parties and C assembly is the heart of the revolution. The ultima republicanism.
We are not involved in the Proclamation. So w whether the parliamentary political parties will o institutionalise the house and legitimise it rather t direction of a constituent assembly. At least the gov to some agreement with our party prior to the weakness or a conspiracy that the government failed
Q: The positive moves by the government have cre favour of the government and the parties. You have b you wonder why this is being done before the talks w Mahara: Yes in some regards we are thinking that. been fighting in the streets for about one and a half were trying to make the movement effective they w has seen the face of the movement before and after t Since the 12-point understanding was central in ta people, our role and participation has been clearly circle. We and the people know this. We have movement and we share a major contribution. So people will assess the parties' weakness. If they do and think that they can do everything on their own to find. It will push us deeper into the maze of probl will step forward and lead the people's will and verd
Q: Does this mean returning to the armed insurgenc Mahara: What no one should be mistaken about peaceful way before our revolution started. We prac too. When we presented the 40-point demand, we to did not choose to start a war; we were compelled t and maintained sincerity there too. Our main agend assembly. So it was not that we spoiled the talks an

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olitically a very positive move. But the leaders of said that it has made the house fully sovereign. But ade sovereign. Therefore this Proclamation is this has been a step forward. We, however, wait to ntation of the announcement. The verdict of the ituent assembly. The basis of the movement is the ween the parties and CPN (Maoist). Constituent e revolution. The ultimate aim of the revolution is
the Proclamation. So we are apprehensive as to political parties will only work to improve and nd legitimise it rather than moving ahead in the sembly. At least the government should have come ur party prior to the Proclamation. It is either at the government failed to involve us.
the government have created a wave of support in d the parties. You have been positive too. But don't g done before the talks with the Maoists? rds we are thinking that. Parliamentary parties have for about one and a half years now. Although they vement effective they were not able to. Everybody ement before and after the 12-point understanding. anding was central in taking the movement to the pation has been clearly understood in the political know this. We have had a major role in the major contribution. So if the leaders fail here the es' weakness. If they don’t consult with our party everything on their own, solutions will be difficult er into the maze of problems. If that is the case, we he people's will and verdict.
g to the armed insurgency? ould be mistaken about is that we were taking a olution started. We practised parliamentary politics 40-point demand, we took up peaceful means. We ar; we were compelled to. We came to talks twice ere too. Our main agenda was always a constituent t we spoiled the talks and returned. Secondly, thistime too we have come with sincerity and a sen peaceful aspirations have always been there in the will be there in the future too. But if any force t against the people’s will, we might be compelled to unwillingness. We hope that will not happen.
Q: The present House, reinstated by the pressur different House and has declared itself all-powerful raise unnecessary doubts it may fail to work as per t Mahara: No, it’s not like that. Where is our plac Representatives? We are the political force who present House. Not only us, there are several othe outside the present House. There are only the rep parties. And it’s false that the mass movement was l parties. There are parliamentarians (in the present eight years ago. People have advanced in this per represent the people’s mandate as expressed during the House is the Constitution of 1990, which constitution. We are against the 1990 Constitution. T representatives (in the House) who were against the
Q: So which mechanism can be formed to include th Mahara: The central committee meeting of our par roadmap. A broad political conference should be or political forces including the representation of al parties, the Maoists and civil society. We have been conference for the last few years. That conference w the present House and will work as an interim con interim government formed afterwards will hold elections.
Q: Nepali people want peace and the present gover successful in establishing it. What has hampered ahead? Mahara: The government has taken a positive environment conducive for talks. But the governme just to that. Doubts will be raised if it gets stuck just
Q: Perhaps, since the announcement has been m assembly elections, there should be no uncertainties

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ith sincerity and a sense of responsibility. Our lways been there in the past and present and they too. But if any force tries to conspire and work e might be compelled to take that way despite our t will not happen.
instated by the pressure of the movement, is a clared itself all-powerful and sovereign. When you may fail to work as per the people’s aspirations? that. Where is our place in the present House of he political force who is not represented in the s, there are several other political forces who are . There are only the representatives of the seven he mass movement was launched only by the seven ntarians (in the present House) elected seven or ve advanced in this period. The House does not ate as expressed during the movement. The base of ution of 1990, which we say is a regressive the 1990 Constitution. Talking truthfully, there are e) who were against the mass movement.
be formed to include the Maoists? ittee meeting of our party has put forth a 10-point conference should be organized comprising all the the representation of all the levels of the seven il society. We have been stressing for a roundtable years. That conference will be more powerful than work as an interim constitution. The all-powerful d afterwards will hold the constituent assembly
ce and the present government has been somewhat it. What has hampered taking the talks process
has taken a positive step towards creating an talks. But the government should not confine itself aised if it gets stuck just there.
ouncement has been made to go for constituent ould be no uncertainties?Mahara: Yes, theoretically an agreement has bee forget the experience of the present House as it has a of national interest. But such decisions are stil optimistic, the government itself has presented parliament and that all the oppositions have welcom that the proclamation has made the king powerle position to hatch a conspiracy. There could still b powers. There are still some forces that do not wan country. There are such forces conspiring against u process. It can’t be said that such forces, that Doramba, will not repeat their tactics against us. depends on how responsibly the seven-party governm
Q: Don’t you believe that a conducive environment all the decisions exists since you have been coll parties for some time now? Mahara: This government is different than any ot called it the seven-party government and not one o that the present government is formed by the pressu we mean that we are a part of the movement. W government. We have come here to collaborate with encourage and assist the government to take constituent assembly elections. So, the talks th compared to the past two ones.
Q: When will the talks begin? Mahara: We will start now. First the governme political detainees. The government should not de commitment towards the 12-point understanding. T comrades who have disappeared at the hands of the made public. The government has responded respo should be held after completing all these tasks. We talks process as soon as possible. We have also str constituent assembly elections jointly.
Q: So the whole process will move ahead after government? Mahara: We will not participate in the present go interim government. Before that the old constitutio

Page 33

y an agreement has been reached. We shouldn’t present House as it has approved various proposals such decisions are still pending so far. To be t itself has presented such proposals in the oppositions have welcomed them. It’s totally false made the king powerless. The king is still in a racy. There could still be interference by foreign e forces that do not want peace and stability in the ces conspiring against us to stop us from the peace that such forces, that committed incidents like their tactics against us. The whole peace process the seven-party government will come forward.
conducive environment for the implementation of nce you have been collaborating with the seven
is different than any others in the past. We have vernment and not one of the old regimes. Saying t is formed by the pressure of the mass movement, rt of the movement. We have come to assist the here to collaborate with it, not to struggle. We will government to take a concrete step towards tions. So, the talks this time will be different
es.
n? ow. First the government should release all our vernment should not delay as it has expressed its 2-point understanding. The whereabouts of all our ared at the hands of the past government should be ent has responded responsibly on this issue. Talks eting all these tasks. We are for accomplishing the ssible. We have also stressed on quickly going for ns jointly.
will move ahead after your participation in the
icipate in the present government but will join the e that the old constitution should be annulled andthe new interim constitution should be drafted. A interim constitution, all the organs of the state will through that phase it will be easier to go for a consti
Q: When will your Chairman Prachanda come for th Mahara: It depends on the climate of trust. All our the chairman will come for talks at the time of th process for the constituent assembly elections begins
Q: Will Prachanda come only for the final signature Mahara: Yes, our chairman will lead from our side Prasad Koirala, as the head of the seven parties, w that we need to accomplish all the procedures.
Q: You seem to be assisting the government but a intensified extortions and abductions. How will it be environment for talks? Mahara: Hmm, I need to tell you a little bit about th case of the industries shut in Bara and Parsa. We h with industrialists in the past. But this time the issu Arguments on the ordinary issues of donati demonstrations and abductions are rife. The elemen have attempted to break up the peace talks, by raisin option but to ask donations from the people for our out cadres not to take money forcibly. Our friends Maoists from Kathmandu as well. What has been s who have not abducted anyone. Some people have call it abduction for security reasons. We have not the city. We do not agree that the people are intim large section of the people is with us and that is w position. The more the talks gain momentum th decrease. There were several complications befo understanding. The environment for collaboration Politics will resolve every problem; there is no room
Q: Why do you ask for donations when the governm ready to allocate a budget for the Maoist army?

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n should be drafted. After the formation of the organs of the state will be at the interim stage and
easier to go for a constituent assembly.
n Prachanda come for the final negotiations? climate of trust. All our senior comrades including r talks at the time of the final decision, when the ssembly elections begins.
ly for the final signature? n will lead from our side and Prime Minister Girija of the seven parties, will sit for negotiations. For all the procedures.
g the government but at the same time you have bductions. How will it be supportive in creating an
ll you a little bit about this. We recently studied the n Bara and Parsa. We had begun asking donations st. But this time the issue has been raised sharply. ary issues of donations, military (Maoists’) ons are rife. The elements that are against the talks, the peace talks, by raising such issues. We have no from the people for our army. We have directed all ey forcibly. Our friends have handed over the fake s well. What has been said on abductions is false, one. Some people have come to us and asked us to ty reasons. We have not demonstrated our arms in that the people are intimidated by the Maoists. A is with us and that is why we have arrived at this lks gain momentum the more such issues will eral complications before reaching the 12-point nment for collaboration was created after that. roblem; there is no room to doubt us.
ations when the government has already said it is or the Maoist army?Mahara: We will seriously present this issue durin asking donations from the people if the government army.
Q: How can the Maoist militia be managed before elections? Mahara: We have not taken it as a big issue. An ar if a political solution is reached. The problem does with the Royal Nepalese Army. The army (King’s) people and has been in favour of the monarchy for t a serious mistake to believe that everything is all ri RNA is now under the control of the House. restructuring of the state and army. A new National merging our army and There are no obstacles from our side to go for free a armies (RNA and Maoist) can be neutralized. It has point understanding that the armies can be kept u organization’s supervision.
Q: Will it be problematic, as the RNA has alrea Nepali Army? Mahara: The RNA has been converted into the N not in practice. There are still aristocrats, feudalis existing within the RNA, which cannot be changed o
Q: But, it has been mentioned that if the Nepal Ar might be created if the Maoists suddenly try to take c Mahara: We have said (before and after reaching th that our army is everyone’s army. We had even pro induct their cadres in our army and take responsible make our army- the army of the seven parties. It w their part if they trusted the king’s army rather than t
Q: When will the people get the chance to hear of pe Mahara: We want to end this process as soon a depend only on our desire. We are hopeful that the true soon.
Q: Have you begun talks with the government?

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present this issue during the talks. We will stop eople if the government provides the budget to our
ilitia be managed before the constituent assembly
n it as a big issue. An army can easily be managed ched. The problem doesn’t lie with our army; it’s rmy. The army (King’s) was mobilized against the ur of the monarchy for the last 238 years. It will be that everything is all right just by saying that the ontrol of the House. We have proposed for a d army. A new National Army can be formed after army and the RNA. our side to go for free and fair elections. Both the an be neutralized. It has been mentioned on the 12- e armies can be kept under UN or any credible
, as the RNA has already been converted to the
en converted into the Nepali Army only in words still aristocrats, feudalistic thoughts and opinions hich cannot be changed overnight by one decision.
ned that if the Nepal Army is weakened, problems ists suddenly try to take control? fore and after reaching the 12-point understanding) army. We had even proposed the seven parties to my and take responsible positions. We are ready to of the seven parties. It will be a great delusion on
king’s army rather than that of the people’s.
the chance to hear of peace? this process as soon as possible. But it doesn’t We are hopeful that the people’s dream will come
th the government?Mahara: I have begun holding informal talks. government to start the talks immediately. The gov able to form a talks team. The government lacks ser hand, are already ready for talks.
(C *****
If even today the political leadership only c a democratic republic to be a Maoist slogan, then they would the millions of people and their own political activists chan "Maoists." The CPN-Maoist is flexible and responsible and, k situation, has been proposing Constituent Assembly as a meeting point for which will prove correct, scientific and permanent is not Parliament by the King, but the parallel government de revolutionary forces. That is crystal clear.
(From Baburam Bhattarai’s “Letter to the Editor” of Kantipur , N

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holding informal talks. We are pressuring the s immediately. The government has still not been he government lacks seriousness. We, on the other talks.
(Courtesy: Kantipur Online) *****
cal leadership only considers the slogans for ist slogan, then they would be seen by history to have made own political activists chanting this slogan in the streets, xible and responsible and, keeping in mind the international n proposing the elections for a meeting point for all. The path for that ific and permanent is not the Merciful Reinstatement of e parallel government declared and established by the al clear.
to the Editor” of Kantipur , Nepal, 25. 4 2006)Keeping the Ceasefire Alive
The first round of talks in Geneva achieved litt pledging to uphold the Cease Fire Agreement (C Government agreeing to disarm the paramilitary fo that something more positive could come out of scheduled for 19th to 21st April, but failed to material Violence increased rather than decreased after observed increasingly in the breach. Attacks sympathisers increased in the East with leading cadr for which the Karuna group claimed responsibilit links with the group, despite the group operating fr In the North too, killings, allegedly by the EPDP w armed forces, of civilians with LTTE sympathies as Opponents of the LTTE too have been killed. A civilians had been killed by the armed forces. The this year exceeds 200, while the number of LTTE ca Attacks on the armed forces increased in respon forces and paramilitary groups, and the LTTE deni that the attacks were carried out by the ang organisations’. The response of the armed forces to civilians in the vicinity and harass the public, in the The armed forces also made it difficult for the fishermen and farmers to earn a living, by pla movements.
There were more sinister operations by sections of t Sinhala extremist elements. The killing of five stude burning down of several Tamil businesses and killin thugs, following what seems to be a staged bom market, were planned acts to create tension in Trinc the Tamils from the area. The killing of social activ connivance of the armed forces led to a counte soldiers in a landmine blast. The escalation of vio more civilians including Sinhalese villagers in Wel

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Sri Lankan Events
fire Alive
in Geneva achieved little more than the two sides ease Fire Agreement (CFA) and the Sri Lankan sarm the paramilitary forces. There was still hope ive could come out of the next round of talks, ril, but failed to materialise. er than decreased after the Talks, with the CFA the breach. Attacks on LTTE members and e East with leading cadres falling victim to attacks p claimed responsibility while the Army denied e the group operating from areas under its control. allegedly by the EPDP with the connivance of the ith LTTE sympathies as well as traders, increased. o have been killed. A large number of innocent the armed forces. The number of civilians killed the number of LTTE cadres killed is around 15. rces increased in response to attacks by the armed ups, and the LTTE denied responsibility, claiming arried out by the angered people and ‘mass e of the armed forces to each attack was to punish harass the public, in the name of search operations. ade it difficult for the working people such as earn a living, by placing restrictions on their
erations by sections of the armed forces guided by The killing of five students in Trincomalee and the mil businesses and killing of 20 civilians by racist ms to be a staged bombing inside the vegetable to create tension in Trincomalee and to drive away he killing of social activist V Vignesvaran with the forces led to a counterattack that killed several t. The escalation of violence led to the killing of nhalese villagers in Welikanda in the PolonnaruwaDistrict and Gomarankadawela in the Trincomalee LTTE.
President Rajapaksha has for advisors several c to a negotiated solution and is under pressure from Hela Urumaya against implementing what has bee Little progress was made in controlling the pa evidence of close links between them and the arme long ago by an army officer indicated that the arm using the paramilitary forces, the Karuna faction i LTTE. Steps towards the next round of talks st implement the agreement reached at Geneva, and th May.
An unsuccessful attack of 25th April on Army C by a suicide bomber, just outside the Army Headqua Commander and hurt the credibility of the A responsibility, but the government retaliated by Trincomalee District, claiming that it was targe actually killed 14 civilians, injured many and displac Government refusal to provide helicopter transp the East to the North for discussions before the nex met with LTTE refusal to participate in the talks b the North and East could confer. Acrimony abo extended to the question of LTTE’s de facto contr The Government’s sought to challenge the LTTE soldiers to the North by ship, across waters over control. The presence of members of the Sri L (SLMM) on board the ship as well as on an accom boat further complicated issues. While the governm attack on the transport vessel was thwarted, th responded to provocation by the accompanying vess it was informed of the presence of SLMM personnel
The SLMM position on the question of marine of the government and was rejected by the LTTE SLMM got added to the list of unresolved issues. Th was dented when it amended, under pressure fro Secretariat, its report critical of the Government re and revised it again on protest from the LTTE.

Page 38

ela in the Trincomalee District, allegedly by the
as for advisors several chauvinists who are hostile d is under pressure from the JVP and the Jathika lementing what has been agreed upon in Geneva. in controlling the paramilitary groups despite ween them and the armed forces. A statement not r indicated that the armed forces were hopeful of es, the Karuna faction in particular, to defeat the next round of talks stumbled on the failure to ached at Geneva, and the meeting was deferred to
of 25th April on Army Commander Sarath Fonseka tside the Army Headquarters, seriously injured the credibility of the Army. The LTTE denied vernment retaliated by bombing Sampur in the ing that it was targeting LTTE positions, but injured many and displaced tens of thousands. provide helicopter transport for LTTE cadres from scussions before the next round of talks in Geneva, participate in the talks before leading cadres from confer. Acrimony about the mode of transport f LTTE’s de facto control over the sea adjoining. to challenge the LTTE claim by transporting 700 hip, across waters over which the LTTE claimed members of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission as well as on an accompanying high speed patrol sues. While the government claimed that an LTTE essel was thwarted, the LTTE claimed that it y the accompanying vessels and ceased attack when nce of SLMM personnel.
the question of marine territory was close to that s rejected by the LTTE; and the security of the of unresolved issues. The credibility of the SLMM ded, under pressure from the Government Peace al of the Government re the bombing of Sampur,
st from the LTTE.The European Union which placed a travel b banned the LTTE in May 2006 under pressure fro with the LTTE for denying victory in the Presiden the UNP. The ban seems to have had a negative ef with the government emboldened by it and the LTTE
With the prospect of the second round of t Norway proposed talks in Oslo in early June to res security of the SLMM. The low key team sent by reflected a lack of seriousness on its part, and the refusing to meet the Government delegation and s send a junior member of the team for talks with the the Government team had left Oslo by then.
It was amid accusations and counter-accusations armed conflicts intensified, with both the Governm pledging commitment to the ceasefire agreement (C the Norwegians assuring that the CFA, however frag
The massacre at Kebethigollawa on 15th June, government by bombing LTTE controlled areas for battle of 18th June near Mannar followed by an att fishermen and the destruction of their boats and e attack that killed seven and injured many inside a ch the ceasefire, let alone the peace process.
Local Council Elections: Interpreting the Elections to local councils, except those in the April 2006. Most were held as per schedule and the the PA. The UNP fared poorly capturing less th authorities contested. The Tamil National Alliance to capture all local bodies in areas with a Tamil m their list of candidates was disqualified. Its success was important in view of a campaign by its oppo from the North. Splits in the UNP and defectio members including its chief organiser also hurt severely, since the performance has also to be see among the minority nationalities switching loyalti own.

Page 39

hich placed a travel ban on the LTTE in 2005, 2006 under pressure from the US, which is bitter victory in the Presidential Elections to its client, have had a negative effect on the peace process, dened by it and the LTTE getting more defiant.
the second round of talks in Geneva receding, Oslo in early June to resolve issues relating to the e low key team sent by the Government to Oslo ess on its part, and the LTTE met it by initially rnment delegation and subsequently consenting to team for talks with the government delegation, but ft Oslo by then. and counter-accusations about the Oslo fiasco that , with both the Government and the LTTE again e ceasefire agreement (CFA), and the SLMM and t the CFA, however fragile, was intact.
higollawa on 15th June, the hasty response of the TE controlled areas for two days running, the sea nnar followed by an attack by Navy personnel on ion of their boats and equipment, and a grenade injured many inside a church do not auger well for eace process.
(written 19.06.05)
ctions: Interpreting the Results
cils, except those in the North, were scheduled for as per schedule and the outcome was favourable to oorly capturing less than a quarter of the local amil National Alliance did well in the North East in areas with a Tamil majority, except one where disqualified. Its success in the Batticaloa District a campaign by its opponents to separate the East the UNP and defections to the PA by leading ief organiser also hurt its performance, but not ance has also to be seen in the light of its allies alities switching loyalties or contesting on theirThe chauvinistic JVP and the JHU fared badly, just one local authority and the latter none. Alth terms the two parties would be seen to be doomed, by the JVP show that it has not lost its voter base number of seats held by it in Parliament which is strength and was made possible by an alliance wi manipulated well. The JHU has a weak mass base the last parliamentary elections was due to the fru nationalists with the UNP. Repetition of that perfo election was doubted, especially after the way the themselves in Parliament.
The elections that were deferred owing to litiga and the UNP fared better than the PA, because mos been UNP strongholds. The UNP list of candidates f Council (CMC) was disqualified owing to an irregu with the official list by two important UNP person deal with an ‘Independent Group’ to support it at th to step down to make way for a UNP administratio supported group won, despite the PA list bei Nanayakkara of the Democratic Left Front, who con position on the national question from that of th programme for the CMC aimed to uplift the livi people.
The parliamentary acrobatics of the two leading lost them considerable support, but major gains we more credible and with track records of deals with o chauvinistic parties. The New Democratic Party wi a seat in the Pradeshiya Sabha of Walapane but wa margin in that of Nuwara Eliya.
The implications of the local government electio elections are not sufficiently encouraging for the PA for snap elections. In any event, the current det situation, with a threat of resumption of war a economy, could alter the electoral balance in m evident in the local elections
*****

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nd the JHU fared badly, with the former capturing d the latter none. Although in electoral political be seen to be doomed, the share of votes gathered as not lost its voter base and that in fact it is the in Parliament which is disproportionate to its true ssible by an alliance with the PA, which the JVP has a weak mass base and its relative success at tions was due to the frustration of many Sinhala Repetition of that performance at any subsequent cially after the way the clergymen MPs conducted
deferred owing to litigation were held in late May an the PA, because most of the constituencies had UNP list of candidates for the Colombo Municipal lified owing to an irregularity caused by tampering o important UNP personalities. The UNP made a roup’ to support it at the polls and for the winners for a UNP administration of the CMC. The UNP- spite the PA list being headed by Vasudeva ratic Left Front, who consistently distinguished his uestion from that of the PA and put forward a aimed to uplift the living conditions of ordinary
batics of the two leading Hill Country Tamil parties ort, but major gains were by forces which are no k records of deals with one or the other of the large ew Democratic Party with its principled stand won bha of Walapane but was denied a seat by a small liya.
local government election results for parliamentary y encouraging for the PA to take the risk of going event, the current deterioration in the national f resumption of war and an increasingly shaky electoral balance in more significant ways than s
*****News Report: Party Position in Local Ele
24th March 2006
Comrade E Thambiah, Attorney-at-Law and Nati Democratic Party, addressing an election campaign by Comrade S Panneerselvam, the leading cand candidates contesting the Walapane Regional C should refrain from voting for the chauvinistic part Hill Country Tamils by sweet words and the dece their agents and parade as the leaders of the Hill C they should create conditions in the Hill Country w their rights with political awareness and self-respec the people, the workers and youth along that politica activity that the NDP is contesting as an independen its symbol. The people should vote for the Party as Political Path, New Leadership and New Hill Countr
“The plantation workers, who are Hill Count oppressed people for 186 years, exploited and denie and local capitalists. They have at the same tim discrimination, neglect and alienation by the cha addition, they have been deceived by their own parties that evolved from their midst. This deceptio restoration of their right to vote. The leaders of the interest only in securing ministerial posts to line the bargaining on behalf of the Hill Country Tamils, bu people or of the workers.
“That is why the old leadership and the ones that forces for securing positions and accumulating we forward the interests of the people. All of them have

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NDP Diary
ty Position in Local Elections
ttorney-at-Law and National Organiser of the New g an election campaign meeting in Ragala, chaired lvam, the leading candidate in the NDP list of Walapane Regional Council said: “The people for the chauvinistic parties which try to entice the eet words and the deceptive leaderships who are the leaders of the Hill Country. At the same time ns in the Hill Country where people will fight for wareness and self-respect. The NDP is mobilising youth along that political path. It is as a part of that testing as an independent group with the candle as uld vote for the Party as a way of signalling a New hip and New Hill Country.
s, who are Hill Country Tamils, have been an ears, exploited and denied their rights by foreigners
have at the same time been subject to ethnic alienation by the chauvinistic governments. In deceived by their own trade unions and political heir midst. This deception has got worse since the vote. The leaders of the Hill Country have shown nisterial posts to line their pockets, in the name of Hill Country Tamils, but not in the problems of the
dership and the ones that claim to be new comprise s and accumulating wealth and not those putting people. All of them have together betrayed the HillCountry Tamils by securing posts, bribes, and cont to show the green light for the Upper Kotmale P teach such elements a proper lesson in the forth elections. They should vote for the NDP candid symbol of the candle and make them win.”
The meeting was also addressed by several NDP Nuwara Eliya and Walapane Regional Councils.
News Release for the Media May Day Message of NDP 28th April 2006
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary of th issued the following May Day message on behalf o the NDP.
Cold-blooded murders in the form of attacks, c are the order of the day in the North East. As a decline in daily life and there is anxiety and fear in dangerous situation is developing in which war coul
While President Mahinda Rajapakse repeatedl peace and not retreating from peace negotiation Government should accept the responsibility for the favourable to the second stage of the talks in Geneva
In the meantime, prices of essential goods are i result, the working people, unable to bear the burde painfully facing hardships. The second government has aroused dissatisfaction and protest among worke Silence is preserved about the wage increases fo sector employees including the plantation workers under such depressing circumstances that the wo toiling masses are looking up to the forthcoming M Democratic Party emphasises that the governme ceasefire and thereby take the initiative for the s control the rising cost of living, and grant an adequa upon all the working people to firmly resolve on struggle of the working class, to struggle in unity.

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g posts, bribes, and contracts worth many millions r the Upper Kotmale Project. The people should per lesson in the forthcoming local government te for the NDP candidates contesting under the ake them win.”
dressed by several NDP candidates contesting the e Regional Councils.
edia of NDP
General Secretary of the New Democratic Party ay message on behalf of the Central Committee of
n the form of attacks, counterattacks and revenge the North East. As a result, normalcy is on the re is anxiety and fear in the minds of the people. A oping in which war could resume.
da Rajapakse repeatedly emphasises honourable from peace negotiations, the President and the the responsibility for the failure to create conditions ge of the talks in Geneva.
of essential goods are increasing by the day. As a unable to bear the burden of the cost of living, are The second government circular on wage increases and protest among workers and other wage earners. the wage increases for several hundred private the plantation workers of the Hill Country. It is cumstances that the workers, peasants and other up to the forthcoming May Day. Hence, the New ises that the government should implement the the initiative for the second stage of the talks, ing, and grant an adequate wage increase; and calls le to firmly resolve on this May Day, the day of s, to struggle in unity.It is a succession of chauvinistic governments feudal-capitalist elite classes that carried forward t oppression and transformed the national problem in imperialism and regional hegemony, through pro ruling classes, have been able to secure and safegua and political interests in this country. But the peopl forced to shed blood, lose life and property, and live all the working people realise these truths that th awakening and liberation.
The May Day Procession and Meeting of the Ragala in the Hill Country. The meeting will b Panneerselvam, Member of the Walapana Regional Comrades E Thambiah, National organiser of the N Secretary of the NDP, S Thevarajah, Member of the trade union representatives including Comrades Mahendran. The Procession will commence at the 10.00 a.m.
In view of the abnormal climate of anxiety in the meeting, chaired by Comrade K Kathirgamanatha restricted scale. Trade union representatives of th meeting.
News Report: May Day Meetings of the P
1st May 2006
The May Day procession and meeting of the N held in the Hill Country with great enthusiasm. abnormal climate of anxiety in the North East, M conducted on a limited scale in Jaffna and Vavuniya
The May Day meeting of the NDP held in Raga S Panneerselvam, Member of the Walapane Region procession which started at Nadukkanakku Bazaar meeting in Ragala. The stage was decorated with cut-outs illustrating workers’ struggles. The main Comrade E Thambiah, National organiser of the asserted that the working class of the Hill Country c salvation merely by nodding ‘yes’ to everything sai

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auvinistic governments and their leaders from the s that carried forward the ethnic contradiction as the national problem into war. Forces of foreign hegemony, through providing support for these le to secure and safeguard their economic, military s country. But the people of the country have been ife and property, and live amid war. It is only when lise these truths that there could be real political
ion and Meeting of the NDP will take place in ry. The meeting will be chaired by Comrade S the Walapana Regional Council, and addressed by tional organiser of the NDP, SK Senthivel, General evarajah, Member of the Politburo of the NDP, and es including Comrades DK Sutharsan and V n will commence at the Nadukkanakku Bazaar at
climate of anxiety in the North East, the May Day ade K Kathirgamanathan (Selvam) will be on a on representatives of the Party will address the
y Day Meetings of the Party
on and meeting of the New Democratic Party were with great enthusiasm. In view of the prevailing ty in the North East, May Day discussions were e in Jaffna and Vavuniya.
f the NDP held in Ragala was chaired by Comrade of the Walapane Regional Council. The May Day Nadukkanakku Bazaar ended at the venue for the ge was decorated with red flags, red banners and s’ struggles. The main address was delivered by tional organiser of the NDP. Comrade Thambiah ass of the Hill Country cannot think of liberation or g ‘yes’ to everything said by the trade unions or bybelieving the insincere utterances of the parliam instead, they should mobilise along the path of revo forward their proletarian politics in the Hill Country outcome of the various mass struggles carried out b has been elected by the people to the Walapane R does not mean that the people should be drawn into bring about changes in the Hill Country by dependin cannot be any doubt that such electoral work and fertiliser for the mass struggles to be carried forward
Comrade Panneerselvam, in his address from the did not elect him to secure posts and positions but declared that he will be faithful to the wishes of the will together with the people carry out his work alon
The meeting was also addressed by Comrades the Politburo of the NDP, S Rajendran, J Sa Mahendran, S Shanmugaraja, and Puthiya Ma Revolutionary songs were also sung at the meeting.
Portraits of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Mao Z well as those of comrades who lived and died f Country and the plantation workers were held high such as ‘Distribute land to the Hill Country Tam living’, ‘Stop the war; Find a political solution’, ‘G their maximum wage’ and ‘Reject the deceptive lea during the procession.
Statement to the Media NDP Condemns Attack on Uthayan News 3rd May 2006
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary of th issued, on behalf of the Politburo of the NDP, denouncing the shooting attack on the office of the n
The premeditated shooting carried out by armed office of the Uthayan newspaper on the night of 2 fired at freedom of the media and human rights. T bullets brutally took away the lives of two of the em

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terances of the parliamentary leaders, and that, se along the path of revolutionary struggle to carry litics in the Hill Country. He added that it is as an s struggles carried out by the Party that a comrade ople to the Walapane Regional Council, but that le should be drawn into the illusion that they could ill Country by depending on elections, while there such electoral work and representation would be les to be carried forward in the future.
, in his address from the chair, said that the people posts and positions but to serve the struggle. He hful to the wishes of the Party and the people, and e carry out his work along the revolutionary path.
addressed by Comrades S Thevarajah, Member of P, S Rajendran, J Satkurunathan, Kuyilthoppu raja, and Puthiya Malayakam V Mahendran. lso sung at the meeting.
ls, Lenin, Stalin, Mao Zedong and Che Guevara as who lived and died for the people of the Hill workers were held high in the procession. Slogans the Hill Country Tamils’, ‘Reduce the cost of a political solution’, ‘Grant the plantation workers ‘Reject the deceptive leadership’ were raised aloud
ttack on Uthayan Newspaper
General Secretary of the New Democratic Party Politburo of the NDP, the following statement ack on the office of the newspaper Uthayan.
ing carried out by armed persons who entered the paper on the night of 2nd May 2006, comprise shots dia and human rights. Two of the ruthlessly fired he lives of two of the employees. Two others havebeen injured. Besides, computers and other equ newspaper have been destroyed by the shooting. T vehemently condemns this fierce attack by armed government to take firm steps to identify the backgr forces behind it.
As a result of national oppression, there is a shad As a result, there are cruel killings taking place by brutal killings carried out by various factions that been killed. Earlier, the office of Sudaroli, the sister Colombo has been attacked and its security officer Uthayan has been attacked and murders have taken p
Such attacks on newspapers and other media are freedom of the media but also a sign of fascist ten democracy and human rights deep underground. T newspaper has taken place at the time when the In Free Media was held in Colombo and awards were fear whether this incident is a proclamation warn attempts to initiate negotiations and people’s desire f
Hence the New Democratic Party emphasises t Government should not dismiss this incident as o necessary firm action.
Statement to the Media Victoria Project Leads to Fissures on Ear the Upper Kotmale Project 25th May 2006
Comrade E Thambiah, Attorney-at-Law and N New Democratic Party issued, on behalf of the P following statement concerning the implications of by the Victoria Dam for the Upper Kotmale Project.
Major fissures have occurred on the earth surfa to Trincomalee. This is bound to affect human se Trincomalee. Cracks have also appeared on the Vic fail submerging many human settlements. Despite w have appeared on the ground in Yorksford, work i

Page 45

mputers and other equipment belonging to the oyed by the shooting. The New Democratic Party fierce attack by armed persons. It also asks the ps to identify the background to this attack and the
ppression, there is a shadow war in the North East. killings taking place by the day. It is amid these by various factions that the media personnel have ice of Sudaroli, the sister newspaper of Uthayan, in and its security officer killed. Now the office of and murders have taken place.
pers and other media are not merely attacks on the also a sign of fascist tendencies that seek to bury ts deep underground. The attack on the Uthayan at the time when the International Conference of lombo and awards were being made. It makes one is a proclamation warning of a war against the ons and people’s desire for peace.
ratic Party emphasises that the President and the smiss this incident as one of many, and take the
eads to Fissures on Earth Surface: Stop le Project
Attorney-at-Law and National Organiser of the ued, on behalf of the Politburo of the NDP, the ning the implications of the major fissures caused
Upper Kotmale Project.
curred on the earth surface stretching from Matale und to affect human settlements from Matale to lso appeared on the Victoria Dam. The dam could n settlements. Despite warnings about fissures that nd in Yorksford, work is to be carried forward onthe Upper Kotmale Project. If the consequent dama Upper Kotmale Project should be abandoned and al to meet the need for electricity.
Every hydroelectric project undertaken in Sri L the dams and fissures in the land adjoining the re consequences for the people living in these areas environment has already suffered serious effects.
The government is going ahead with the Uppe these experiences and disregarding the continuo carried forward by the Peoples’ Movement against t It seeks to implement the Project despite incontr damage caused by large reservoirs and alternatives f forward. The disastrous Upper Kotmale Project s continuous struggles should be carried forward to sto
Media Release by the NDP On the Unrest in the North and East an Members 25th May 2006
The New Democratic Party has emphasised the Mahinda Rajapakse’s government to create a pea peaceful means take meaningful steps to initiate talk
The Party has urged the Government to restor negotiations based on a solution which will assure t the right to self determination of the nationalitie without submitting to imperialist, regional hegemoni
Further, the Party has pointed out to the Pr Regional Secretary Mr K Kathirgamanathan (alias suspicious movements by the security forces that thr
The NDP has brought the above matters to the n letter of 24th May 2006, signed by SK Senthivel, Thambiah, Attorney-at-Law and National Organise Party and addressed to the President.
Excerpts of the letter are as follows:

Page 46

. If the consequent damage is to be prevented, the uld be abandoned and alternative schemes adopted ity.
ject undertaken in Sri Lanka has led to cracks in he land adjoining the reservoirs. This has serious le living in these areas and for the region. The ffered serious effects.
ng ahead with the Upper Kotmale Project despite regarding the continuous protests and struggles les’ Movement against the Upper Kotmale Project. Project despite incontrovertible evidence of the ervoirs and alternatives for electric power being put pper Kotmale Project should be abandoned and be carried forward to stop it.
DP the North and East and Threats to our
arty has emphasised the responsibility of President rnment to create a peaceful atmosphere and by gful steps to initiate talks with the LTTE.
e Government to restore peace to the country by ution which will assure the equality, autonomy and tion of the nationalities and unity among them, ialist, regional hegemonic and chauvinistic forces.
pointed out to the President that its Northern Kathirgamanathan (alias Selvam) is disturbed by e security forces that threaten his right to life.
he above matters to the notice of the President in its igned by SK Senthivel, General Secretary and E and National Organiser of the New Democratic resident.
e as follows:The North and East has become a real killing fie killings are committed by the security forces, pa armed forces of the LTTE.
The alleged attacks and killings taking place b Karuna group have completely changed the peacef The killing of five students in Trincomalee and th followed, the assassinations of Joseph Pararajasinga Trincomalee, the tit-for-tat killings of Tamils, Sinha activities of the paramilitary troops and the securi incidents that have made the East into a killing field.
The Situation in the North also has gone from past. After each Claymore and grenade attack, innoc as a hit-back operation of the security forces. T children and elders were killed in Allaipiddy in Kay in Putthur, and seven in Nelliyadi. Seven youths Manduvil in Meesalai. Under the circumstances, order of the day.
The Udhayan newspaper office has been attacke been shot dead. The lives of the members of the Tam
Apart from that, headless bodies have been foun
The Tamil people of Trincomalee are fleeing to as well as to India by illegal means, since there is Trincomalee.
People of the North are frightened to move abou day activities, as innocent people are killed while th bed.
These terrible acts are acts of fascist cruelt democratic people cannot be silent on the killings, innocent civilians. But they can be stopped only by as the Commander of all security forces and Head o lies with your office to stop all killings, abduction and East as well as outside the North and East.
Your office is very much duty bound to create the North and East and to take meaningful steps LTTE. Moreover, we take this opportunity to urg offices to look into the risks faced by the members

Page 47

become a real killing field and it is alleged that the the security forces, paramilitary troops and the
d killings taking place between the LTTE and the tely changed the peaceful atmosphere of the East. s in Trincomalee and the attacks and killings that of Joseph Pararajasingam MP and Vignesvaran of killings of Tamils, Sinhalese and Muslims, and the ry troops and the security forces are some of the
East into a killing field.
rth also has gone from bad to worse in the recent nd grenade attack, innocent people are being killed f the security forces. Thirteen people including lled in Allaipiddy in Kayts. Five youths were killed elliyadi. Seven youths have gone missing from der the circumstances, killings have become the
r office has been attacked and two employees have the members of the Tamil media are under threat.
ss bodies have been found in Avissawella.
rincomalee are fleeing to other parts of the country al means, since there is no safety for their lives in
frightened to move about to carry out their day-to- eople are killed while they are travelling or even in
e acts of fascist cruelty, and peace loving and e silent on the killings, abductions and attacks on can be stopped only by your peaceful intervention curity forces and Head of State. The responsibility p all killings, abductions and attacks in the North he North and East.
ch duty bound to create a peaceful atmosphere in take meaningful steps to initiate talks with the this opportunity to urge you to use your good s faced by the members of our Party in the North.There is reliable information that the life of Mr K Selvam) is under threat, with the security forces m risky and suspicious manner. Suspicious moveme targeting him has been observed by our members.
Please note that our Party has never campaig division of the country as a solution to the ethnic/ firmly committed to a political solution for the Tam on autonomy, equality and self determination, with Lanka.
We are not in favour of foreign powers, espec imperialists and Indian regional hegemony, to i mediation to solve our ethnic problems.
We never approved of the presence of any foreig
Despite all the risks, threats and challenges, eve during struggles against the national oppression working within the legitimate democratic framew Leninism Mao Zedong Thought. During the period control of the LTTE as well as during its control forces, we continued to function in Jaffna and hel May Day rallies.
In 2006, our May Day celebrations were limited view of the unrest prevailing there as well as the surveillance of our members by the security forces.
Further, you should be aware that we w organisation of the New Left Front and in 1999 Council Elections in Colombo and in Nuwara Eliya In the General Elections of 2000 and 2002 we con and Nuwara Eliya under the symbol of the clock, on Left Front led by Comrade Vasudeva Nanayakkara.
We contested the Provincial Council Elections group.
In the Local Government Elections of 2006 w and Walapane Pradeshiya Sabhas as an independen our symbol and secured a seat in the Walapane Prade

Page 48

on that the life of Mr K Kathirgamanathan (alias th the security forces moving around his house in er. Suspicious movement of the security forces rved by our members.
arty has never campaigned for secession or the a solution to the ethnic/national question. We are ical solution for the Tamils in the North East based self determination, within an undivided united Sri
f foreign powers, especially the US and European gional hegemony, to intervene in the guise of c problems.
he presence of any foreign troops in Sri Lanka.
reats and challenges, even in the war situation and e national oppression of Tamils, we have been ate democratic framework, guided by Marxism ught. During the period when Jaffna was under the ll as during its control by the Sri Lankan armed nction in Jaffna and held our meetings, including
celebrations were limited to seminars inside halls in ing there as well as the suspicious activities and s by the security forces.
be aware that we were a founding member Left Front and in 1999 contested the Provincial bo and in Nuwara Eliya with the table as symbol. 2000 and 2002 we contested in Jaffna, Colombo symbol of the clock, on the list of the Democratic Vasudeva Nanayakkara.
ncial Council Elections of 2004 as an independent
ent Elections of 2006 we contested Nuwara Eliya abhas as an independent group, with the candle as at in the Walapane Pradeshiya Sabha.We believe that we are the only party guided b Zedong Thought working in the North East, the Hill the country. We work very closely with Sinhale parties and groups and cannot therefore be branded to surveillance or to threats by the security forces.
We urge you to use your good offices to creat enable us to continue with our political work in the identified with any other forces in the North East.
We understand that the risks and the threats f identified with the unrest in the North East, and t responsibilities and urge you as the Head of State to stop the killings and attacks in the North East and LTTE to find a political solution for the ethnic probl
We expect that your government will restore negotiations based on a solution which will assure t the right to self determination of the nationalitie without submitting to imperialist and regional he forces.
SK Senthivel General Secretary A Nati
Maiden Address by Comrade Panneersel
The following is a translation of the summary Comrade S Panneerselvam at the meeting of the W in May 2006 after he took oaths as Member of the P
I wish to firstly state that I have been elected to which no benefits have reached the community o voted for me. I have been elected to struggle administrative obstacles that stand in the way o through the Pradeshiya Sabha and to extend the a Sabhas for development work to include the plan struggle to fulfil that responsibility. It is said that it development schemes inside the plantations because is under the control of the central government and

Page 49

the only party guided by Marxisn Leninism Mao the North East, the Hill Country and other parts of ry closely with Sinhalese people along with left not therefore be branded otherwise to be subjected by the security forces.
ur good offices to create a sensible atmosphere to ur political work in the North East too. We are not ces in the North East.
risks and the threats faced by our members are n the North East, and therefore we reiterate your u as the Head of State to take the necessary steps to s in the North East and to initiate talks with the ution for the ethnic problem.
overnment will restore peace to the country by ution which will assure the equality, autonomy and tion of the nationalities and unity among them erialist and regional hegemonic and chauvinistic
E Thambiah Attorney-at-Law National Organiser
y Comrade Panneerselvam
slation of the summary of the maiden address by at the meeting of the Walapane Pradeshiya Sabha aths as Member of the Pradeshiya Sabha.
at I have been elected to a Pradeshiya Sabha from ached the community of plantation workers who en elected to struggle to overcome legal and at stand in the way of benefits reaching them bha and to extend the authority of the Pradeshiya ork to include the plantations. I will continue to sibility. It is said that it is not possible to carry out e the plantations because the land of the plantations central government and the plantations themselvesare administered by the private sector. That situatio those who live in the plantations have the right t Pradeshiya Sabha, development should reach them a made to the laws relating to the Pradeshiya Sabhas include the plantations in the Pradeshiya Sabhas.
All local councils, including the Pradeshiya Sa into autonomous bodies with sufficient authority to to carry out development activities and to meet the living within their respective boundaries.
Local councils should not be bodies that merel the central and provincial governments, but should function independently with their own agendas for d with their specific circumstances.
The funds allocated to the Pradeshiya Sabhas an implement programmes should be raised. Current implement programmes to values less than Rs 50 00 and should be increased. The activities of the local out not only in Sinhala but also in Tamil. The P necessary legal declarations for it.
Sufficient funds and powers should be allocate carry out development schemes based on suggestio by the public.
In some areas, Pradeshiya Sabhas have been set than 10 000 voters. But in Nuwara Eliya, the Pra large territories and large populations. Their ext accommodate several Pradeshiya Sabhas. I will m through the Pradeshiya Sabha to serve the people council is limited in scope. I am a communist. I belo Party. Our task is to struggle for the oppressed pe pledging that I will serve on this council in a way t of the people and that I will function as the voice of
*****

Page 50

ate sector. That situation has to be changed. Since tations have the right to vote in elections to the ent should reach them as well. Changes should be the Pradeshiya Sabhas and Provincial Councils to e Pradeshiya Sabhas.
uding the Pradeshiya Sabhas, should be developed h sufficient authority to fulfil the day-to-day needs, ctivities and to meet the aspirations of the people e boundaries.
not be bodies that merely carry out the agendas of governments, but should be organisations that can their own agendas for development in accordance nces.
e Pradeshiya Sabhas and to individual members to ould be raised. Currently a member could only alues less than Rs 50 000.That is a very small sum he activities of the local council should be carried ut also in Tamil. The President should issue the
for it.
wers should be allocated to the Local councils to emes based on suggestions from and participation
ya Sabhas have been set up for regions with fewer Nuwara Eliya, the Pradeshiya Sabhas comprise populations. Their extent could be reduced to eshiya Sabhas. I will make every possible effort bha to serve the people who elected me. But this I am a communist. I belong to the New Democratic le for the oppressed people. Thus, I conclude by n this council in a way that reflects the aspirations
function as the voice of the people.
*****Internatio
France: A Victorious Struggle
The Contrat de première embauche (CPE) o legislation nominally aimed at reducing youth u currently running at 23%, was really meant to st competitiveness of French capitalism by downgrad the working class. It allows employers to dismiss w without cause during their first two years of empl reduce the statutory school leaving age to 14 for fa benefits from parents of absentee school children.
Many economists and business leaders have b France for the country's weak economy, and sough the workers have won through a series of struggles said that the catalyst for the new law was the wave o France last autumn, when youth from low-inco housing projects with unemployment rate at 40 perc spree of anger directed at what in their view was an But the ultimate target of the law was the French wo
The first mobilization against the CPE wa participation mainly by students and supported by t the left. Support grew and, despite the impress involving well over 200 000, Prime Minister stubbornly refused to listen, and the law was passe the National Assembly, and the government declar start to be signed by mid-April.
The result was that the protests grew even st wider sections of the population. The trade unions jo general strike which paralysed France, and the pr massive participation of 3 million across France. It more impressive mobilization on 4th April, and the of relenting on 5th April. On 10th April, President that the CPE will be repealed and replaced by unemployment.

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International Events
ous Struggle
ière embauche (CPE) or the First Job Contract ed at reducing youth unemployment in France, was really meant to strengthen the international capitalism by downgrading the social position of employers to dismiss workers under the age of 26 first two years of employment. Other provisions leaving age to 14 for failing pupils and withdraw entee school children.
business leaders have blamed the labour laws of ak economy, and sought to reverse the rights that ugh a series of struggles since World War II. It is new law was the wave of rioting that swept across youth from low-income, suburban, immigrant ployment rate at 40 percent rioted in a three-week hat in their view was an unresponsive government. e law was the French working class.
against the CPE was on 7th February with dents and supported by trade unions and parties of d, despite the impressive protest of 7th March 000, Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin , and the law was passed on its second reading in the government declared that CPE contracts will ril.
e protests grew even stronger with support from tion. The trade unions joined in on 28th March in a sed France, and the protest demonstration had a million across France. It was followed by an even on on 4th April, and the government showed signs n 10th April, President Jacques Chirac announced ealed and replaced by other measures to tackleWhat is specially significant about the French prot demonstration of the power of the masses, is that it h claim by many postmodernists that class struggle h the declaration of the ‘End of History’ by Francis F globalization.
Iran: Winning Friends
Foreign Ministers of the Shanghai Cooperat comprising China, Russia, and the Central Asi Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan who met i Iran against US plans to punish Iran. Although no was issued, they made their position clear. Russia Lavrov insisted that the problem must be resolve should be no attempt to isolate or to put pressure on of military force against countries such as Iran and that Russia and China will not vote for any resoluti use of force.
Iranian President Ahmedinejad’s visit in Ma world’s largest Muslim population, helped to conso as earlier stated by the Indonesian Foreign Minist support nuclear development for peaceful purposes, consistently object to nuclear weapons proliferation.
Iran’s diplomatic offensive, including the 18-p Ahmedinejad to President Bush in early May and m dismissal by US Secretary of State Condoleezza Ric a bully in the eyes of many Third World countries, within Iran against the US position on nuclear power
With increasing opposition to sanctions again action, the EU is now seeking to find compromis development in Iran. It is, however, unlikely that Ir its right to develop its nuclear energy for peaceful pu
Iraqi Invasion: Three Years of Getting N
Without the approval of the UN Security Cou advice of many close allies, the US launched on 1

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t about the French protest movement, besides its of the masses, is that it has flown in the face of the ists that class struggle has ceased to be as well as of History’ by Francis Fukuyama, the ‘prophet’ of
ends
e Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) , and the Central Asian states of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan who met in May decided to support unish Iran. Although no formal statement on Iran ir position clear. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei roblem must be resolved by talks, and that there late or to put pressure on Iran, and rejected the use untries such as Iran and North Korea. He affirmed not vote for any resolution that is an excuse for the
edinejad’s visit in May to Indonesia, with the ulation, helped to consolidate Indonesian position onesian Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda: "We nt for peaceful purposes, especially energy, but we
r weapons proliferation."
sive, including the 18-page letter from President ush in early May and more importantly its abruptly f State Condoleezza Rice, have exposed the US as Third World countries, while hardening attitudes osition on nuclear power in Iran.
ition to sanctions against Iran, let alone military king to find compromise deals on nuclear power however, unlikely that Iran would consent to forgo ar energy for peaceful purposes.
ree Years of Getting Nowhere
f the UN Security Council and much against the , the US launched on 19th March 2003 one of itslongest-running wars, now into its fourth year, w administration refer to as the greatest US foreign Vietnam. Over 2 300 Americans have been killed, a wounded or maimed. Less importantly to US conce is 30 000 deaths as a direct consequence of the attributable to the war, while the number of injuries of toxic weapons is many times more. The truth is an aberration but an inevitable aspect of the hist imperialism.
Iraq is on the verge of a full-scale civil war, w prevent but in fact have contributed to in their e obedient Iraqi regime. The establishment of even government of national unity and the reconstruction possible as long as US forces are stationed in Iraq, Abu Ghraib and many more will keep haunting the m
The US is the victim of its own lies and is cle justify its foreign policy disaster when it hails the ki leader Al Zarqawi in May 2006 as a major turning Qaeda is not the main force of resistance to US oc approach only weakens the struggle by contributing while standing in the way of a broad based anti-impe
The Philippines: Calling in the Death Squad
The Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) Philippines are desperate following a string of mili People’s Army (NPA) against the AFP over the Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s regime has turned to te squads, according to the Communist Party of condemned the Malacañang Cabinet Oversight Com (COC-IS) and the AFP for masterminding the ass leader and National Democratic Front (NDF) pea Teroy" Llamas on 29th May. The CPP has vowed to shadowy group of assassins commanded by pro-Ar orchestrated by the COC-IS. Apart from Llamas, Limjoco, abducted last May 7, is held incommunica being liquidated.

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into its fourth year, which critics of the Bush the greatest US foreign policy catastrophe since icans have been killed, and over 16 000 have been importantly to US concerns, the human cost to Iraq ect consequence of the war with over 100 000 e the number of injuries and illnesses due to the use imes more. The truth is that the US conduct is not table aspect of the historical development of US
a full-scale civil war, which the US forces cannot ontributed to in their efforts to put in place an establishment of even an apparently accountable ty and the reconstruction of the country will not be es are stationed in Iraq, since memories of Falluja,
will keep haunting the memories of the Iraqis.
f its own lies and is clearly clutching at straws to aster when it hails the killing of the Iraqi Al Qaeda 2006 as a major turning point. The fact is that Al e of resistance to US occupation and its parochial struggle by contributing to a Sunni-Shiite conflict f a broad based anti-imperialist united front.
lling in the Death Squads
he Philippines (AFP) and the Government of ollowing a string of military successes of the New inst the AFP over the past few years. President regime has turned to terror tactics by using death Communist Party of Philippines (CPP), which Cabinet Oversight Committee on Internal Security r masterminding the assassination of former CPP cratic Front (NDF) peace consultant Sotero "Ka . The CPP has vowed to punish the Black Army, a s commanded by pro-Arroyo military officers and S. Apart from Llamas, another respondent Philip 7, is held incommunicado and in grave danger ofThe government is most worried of the CPP comprise a mighty force at the forefront of the broa the increasingly isolated regime, which is now prominent leaders identified with the progressive liquidate principal leaders of the movement, espec respondents accused of rebellion by the Departme appears to be an unofficial hit list for the Black Arm
The CPP points out that the campaign to assass Arroyo leaders stems from a desperate effort to terrorize the people and derail efforts to protest ag pro-imperialist and brutal rule of President Arroyo.
In the light of these developments, the NPA offensives against the pro-Arroyo military and para to help weaken the regime and punish those who crimes against the people. The CPP has called o intensify their efforts to oust President Arroyo.
Luis G. Jalandoni, Chairperson of the Nationa June denounced the hypocrisy of the government in over "the mounting case of killings" while the witnesses, survivors of the assassinations, hu organizations, Amnesty International and other inter parliamentarians from various countries to killers f AFP, the Philippine National Police, paramilitary Arroyo regime.
Meanwhile, CPP sources have dismissed as bl spin that the NPA is behind the killing of Llamas, enmity between Ka Teroy, who has always remaine CPP-NPA-NPF and that the revolutionary movem relations with him even after he took a leave fro movement. CPP sources also lambasted COC-IS for of former AFP colonel, senator and ‘Reform the leader Gregorio Honasan as the one behind the ki sees this as a desperate bid to divide the broad op them against one another.

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st worried of the CPP, NPA and NDF as they the forefront of the broad united opposition against regime, which is now said to target nationally d with the progressive movement, with plans to of the movement, especially those in a list of 49 ellion by the Department of Justice, which also it list for the Black Army.
t the campaign to assassinate the progressive anti- a desperate effort to paralyse the opposition, rail efforts to protest against and bring down the le of President Arroyo.
evelopments, the NPA is to intensify its tactical rroyo military and paramilitary forces nationwide and punish those who have committed grievous The CPP has called on the Filipino people to t President Arroyo.
irperson of the National Democratic Front on 6th isy of the government in claiming "grave concern" of killings" while the killings are attributed by the assassinations, human rights and church rnational and other international organizations, and us countries to killers from or connected with the nal Police, paramilitary and death squads of the
es have dismissed as bloody intrigue the COC-IS d the killing of Llamas, clarifying that there is no who has always remained a respected friend of the e revolutionary movement has maintained good fter he took a leave from the mainstream of the o lambasted COC-IS for insinuating that the group nator and ‘Reform the Armed Forces’ campaign s the one behind the killing of Llamas. The CPP d to divide the broad opposition by trying pittingB
Human Rights, Politics and States. Laksir Scientists Association, Colombo 5, 2002, pp. 340 +
The book comprises three case studies, namely and Sri Lanka. The first three chapters, respectivel development of human rights, the ‘absence of hum societies, and the role of colonialism in introducing discusses ‘experiments of democracy’ and human background to gross violations of human rights. Th since the Cold War and trends for change and is foll conclusions.
The author seems to believe that there is somet nature, and that absolute human rights exist, waitin hailing liberal values in relation to human rights, position on such matters as erroneous because of i and ‘considering civil rights and social rights as a the matter of in-built oppression in class society author at any stage. The role of imperialism and s oppression do not seem to play a role in the exercise
The author seems to believe that nation states followed the path of human rights while those in the not asked himself in the book is the kind of doub Western democracies that are rich in their tradition relating to ruling class interests. Is the value of hu neo-colony the same as that in the European imperia the standards of human and other rights in the capit the sweat shops of Asia? Does not the exploitation o the violation of fundamental human rights?
The difficulty with ‘liberal’ humanitarianism i defence of private property, especially the private o production, which is the root cause of conflict in m that democratisation in the West has been accomp the people, transparency in economic dealings an elections through multi-party elections is evide

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Book Review
cs and States. Laksiri Fernando. The Social
ombo 5, 2002, pp. 340 + v., Price not specified.
ee case studies, namely those of Burma, Cambodia ree chapters, respectively, deal with the origin and hts, the ‘absence of human rights’ in our ancient lonialism in introducing human rights. The fourth democracy’ and human rights, and the fifth the ions of human rights. The sixth examines changes ds for change and is followed by a short chapter of
lieve that there is something absolute about human man rights exist, waiting to be discovered. While lation to human rights, he dismisses the Marxist erroneous because of its ‘overemphasis on class’ ts and social rights as antagonistic’. Interestingly, ression in class society has never concerned the le of imperialism and social order based on class lay a role in the exercise of human rights.
elieve that nation states that evolved in the West rights while those in the East did not. What he has ook is the kind of double standards practiced by re rich in their tradition of human rights in matters rests. Is the value of human life in a Third World in the European imperialist state exploiting it? Can other rights in the capitalist West survive without oes not the exploitation of labour in itself constitute l human rights?
eral’ humanitarianism in all its forms lies in its , especially the private ownership of the means of ot cause of conflict in modern society. The illusion West has been accompanied by accountability to n economic dealings and even the risk of losing arty elections is evident throughout the book.However, as I went through the relevant sections of thinking of the way the largest democracy in the W recently.
The author has not shown the slightest intere Sinhala Buddhist nationalism and the class interests local as well as at the international levels by prolon surprisingly, neither capitalist exploitation nor impe in this book.
The author’s aversion for Marxism and Marxist itself all too often so that the author does miss Marxism together with fascism. He reserves most for Maoism which, along with Stalinism, he des version of Marxism, and goes to the extent of label JVP as Maoist without a shred of evidence to just surprising that he draws heavily on Samuel H Civilisations’ fame for his interpretation of issues of
He attacks ‘peasant-based, Maoist-type political fundamental human rights both in theory and in prac in India, the ‘Shining Path’ of Peru and the JVP realise that the alleged violations by revolutionary fo the Shining Path (and more recently the Ne insignificance against the violations by the state wh armed struggles against the state. What the auth invisible violations of human rights inherent in cl armed struggle against oppression.
Burma’s military rule is referred to as ‘sociali credentials and the exaggerated death toll in Cam entirely to the Khmer Rouge. The author makes n Chomsky’s articles on Cambodia, but chooses to ig analysis which points out that alleged killings by th deliberately over-estimated by very large factors.
On the question of anti-Tamil violence, the auth of his way to claim that the refugee flow in 1983 ‘ Tamil militants for propaganda purposes’. Not on criticism of India’s role in furthering its hegemonic Lanka Accord but also soft pedals criticism of the violations for with the Indian Peace Keeping Force

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the relevant sections of the text, I could not escape rgest democracy in the West conducted its affairs
own the slightest interest in the class nature of m and the class interests that are being served at the national levels by prolonging ethnic conflicts. Not ist exploitation nor imperialism receives a mention
or Marxism and Marxist liberation struggles shows t the author does miss any opportunity to lump cism. He reserves most of his anti-Marxist venom with Stalinism, he describes as an authoritarian es to the extent of labelling the Sinhala chauvinist hred of evidence to justify his statement. It is not heavily on Samuel Huntington of ‘Clash of nterpretation of issues of democracy.
ed, Maoist-type political mobilisations’ as negating oth in theory and in practice, naming the Naxalites ’ of Peru and the JVP as examples. He does not tions by revolutionary forces like the Naxalites and more recently the Nepali Maoists) pale into iolations by the state which were the cause for the e state. What the author refuses to see are the an rights inherent in class society which lead to ession.
is referred to as ‘socialist’ without questioning its rated death toll in Cambodia is attributed almost ge. The author makes nominal reference to Noam bodia, but chooses to ignore Chomsky’s objective hat alleged killings by the Khmer Rouge had been by very large factors.
-Tamil violence, the author seems to go a little out e refugee flow in 1983 ‘was skilfully aided by the anda purposes’. Not only does the author avoid urthering its hegemonic interests through the Indo- pedals criticism of the killings, tortures and other n Peace Keeping Force was directly and indirectlyresponsible, and seeks to explain IPKF conduct in ‘unknown terrain’.
The analysis is in most places superficial and f insights. NGOs and bogus human rights organisati such as the UTHR(J) are dealt with tenderly. Fo Kumaratunga’s commitment to peace is hailed, with infamous “war for peace’ and some of the worst v under her presidency. The author goes to the exten responsibility for the misdeeds of ‘a gangster emerged with the PA. If I remember correctly, she several of this class of politicians to her last day in them crossed over from the PA to the UNP to bring PA government in 2001.
The author asserts that the two main post Col capitalism and democracy and that the two are “co This is a restatement of the position taken by the im apologists: democratic freedom is freedom for capi However, the author arrives at one valid conclusion rights constituted a terrible historical antithesis quite knowledge and values around human nature and reluctance to examine the nature of the state and it tool of class oppression makes him assign the antithesis into synthesis to human rights movement human rights movements would function above co class conflict as well as of the imperialist agenda o cannot be unaware that many of the human rights have not been free of considerations of ideology, cla
*****

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explain IPKF conduct in terms of its working in
places superficial and fails to give new or useful human rights organisations with political agendas dealt with tenderly. Former President Chandrika t to peace is hailed, without even a mention of her and some of the worst violations of human rights author goes to the extent of exonerating her from deeds of ‘a gangster layer of politicians’ who remember correctly, she was rather supportive of iticians to her last day in office, although some of PA to the UNP to bring about the downfall of the
the two main post Cold War trends are towards and that the two are “correlated if not the same”. position taken by the imperialists and their liberal dom is freedom for capital to exploit and plunder. at one valid conclusion that “the state and human historical antithesis quite detrimental to the present und human nature and human needs”. But his ature of the state and its role in class society as a makes him assign the task of transforming this human rights movements. And it appears that such ould function above considerations of class and the imperialist agenda of globalisation. The author ny of the human rights movements and activists erations of ideology, class and ethnicity.
*****Layer of Rock by R Murukaiyan
All art is for the joy of people! If dreams shall make us happy We are willing to pay to dream. It’s no wonder.
The sculptor who makes a sculpture Accumulates within stone all his dream The moviemaker presents his dream In actions, scenes, words and song. The theatre artist displays his dream By acting, speech and dance To make wonder within the confines o We watch and praise. We praise his skill of expressing A fine idea so very subtly – Wondering at the novelty emerging ou Gestures, body movement, looks And the sound of anklets.
We are amazed how one could Demonstrate such a wonder. Our words and feelings melt To blend into the thought of How such an incomparable idea Comes to one’s mind and found expre
Imagination should have at its base – Reality – the layer of rock. We should realise that too.

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Layer of Rock by R Murukaiyan
r the joy of people! shall make us happy lling to pay to dream.
der.
tor who makes a sculpture tes within stone all his dreams.
maker presents his dream scenes, words and song. e artist displays his dream speech and dance onder within the confines of stage. and praise. his skill of expressing
so very subtly – at the novelty emerging out of body movement, looks und of anklets.
azed how one could ate such a wonder. and feelings melt nto the thought of an incomparable idea one’s mind and found expression.
n should have at its base – he layer of rock.
realise that too.
1969Martyrs
by A. Iqbal
We trapped in our cameras the miserable sight of your leaving empty handed.
We projected the scene into the ey of the Arabs who wihout a plan throw money in all eight directions.
With heavy heaves and tears in the they give generously. To prove that we gave what we rec we shared out a part.
Truly we saw in our heart of hearts the pain in your wounded heart.
Now in your name we run NGOs and uplifted our lifestyles. Unconditionally, you refugees are the true martyrs

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Martyrs
by A. Iqbal
in our cameras le sight of
empty handed.
d the scene into the eyes
who wihout a plan y in all eight directions.
heaves and tears in their eyes enerously. at we gave what we received
ut a part.
w
of hearts our wounded heart.
name we run NGOs our lifestyles. ally, s are the true martyrs.Announcement
New Democracy publishes articles of and political importance to the people o their struggle for emancipation fr domination and freedom from oppress by the reactionary ruling classes.
Articles on local and international m Marxist outlook or with a progress invited for publication. Articles should English. Articles in Sinhala or Tamil w for publication in translation.
Readers are encouraged to write the the journal and its contents. Where the of general interest, the letter or relevant reproduced in the journal.
Readers are also encouraged to draw articles of value to our readers so tha reproduced in New Democracy in full form with the consent of the author/pub
Only a limited number of copies of published and back numbers may be o publisher at
47, 3rd Floor CCSM Complex Colombo 11, Sri Lanka

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Announcement
publishes articles of social, cultural ortance to the people of Sri Lanka and for emancipation from imperialist freedom from oppression of all kinds y ruling classes.
l and international matters, with a k or with a progressive content are ation. Articles should preferably be in in Sinhala or Tamil will be considered translation.
couraged to write their comments on ts contents. Where the comments are st, the letter or relevant sections will be
journal.
o encouraged to draw our attention to to our readers so that they may be ew Democracy in full or in abridged sent of the author/publisher.
number of copies of the journal are ck numbers may be obtained from the
47, 3rd Floor CCSM Complex olombo 11, Sri LankaPoems by Tawfiq Zaiyyad (continued)
We Shall Never Forget! My house can be stormed, night or day! I can be arrested, and taken away. In my own homeland, I am not free: That is why 1 shall use an olive tree To engrave on its trunk my tragedy, To register on it every evil perfidy, To document every vile Zionist crime, Committed in our land at any time. I shall record the names of torturers. Looters, thieves, rapists and murderers I shall keep for each a detailed file, Containing evidence of everything vile, From Kafr Kassem to Deir Yassin, And crimes thereafter, or in between!
On the Trunk of an Olive Tree I shall engrave, on an olive tree, The sighs and secrets of my tragedy: I shall draw the location of my village, The victim of destruction and pillage; And the number of each piece of land That was usurped, and mark it with a bran My inscription shall not be wasted, For every bitterness that I've tasted Shall be eliminated in the near future By the sweetness of the coming rapture! My homeland survived a thousand conque Foreign invaders, intruders and plunderers And despite the death, adversity and pain, With love and liberty we shall rise again!

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ed)
ever Forget!
be stormed, night or day! ted, and taken away. eland, I am not free: shall use an olive tree its trunk my tragedy, it every evil perfidy, every vile Zionist crime, our land at any time. he names of torturers. s, rapists and murderers r each a detailed file, dence of everything vile, sem to Deir Yassin, ereafter, or in between!
nk of an Olive Tree
, on an olive tree, secrets of my tragedy: e location of my village, estruction and pillage; er of each piece of land ped, and mark it with a brand. shall not be wasted, rness that I've tasted ated in the near future ess of the coming rapture! survived a thousand conquerors,
rs, intruders and plunderers; e death, adversity and pain, liberty we shall rise again!The Passport Mahmoud Darwish
They did not recognize me in the shadows That suck away my colour in this Passport And to them my wound was an exhibit For a tourist who loves to collect photographs They did not recognize me, Ah... Don't leave The palm of my hand without the sun Because the trees recognize me All the songs of the rain recognize me Don't' leave me pale like the moon!
All the birds that followed my palm To the door of the distant airport All the wheat fields All the prisons All the white tombstones All the barbed boundaries All the waving handkerchiefs All the eyes were with me, But they dropped them from my passport
Stripped of my name and identity? On a soil I nourished with my own hands? Today Jacob cried out Filling the sky: Don't make an example of me again! Oh, gentlemen, Prophets, Don't ask the trees for their names Don't ask the valleys who their mother is From my forehead bursts the sword of light And from my hand springs the water of the rive All the hearts of the people are my identity So take away my passport!

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Published by E Thambiah of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM C Phone: 011 2435117; Fax: 011 2473757; E-mail: newdem Printed at the Gowri Printers, Colom

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The Passport hmoud Darwish
nize me in the shadows y colour in this Passport
und was an exhibit ves to collect photographs nize me,
nd without the sun recognize me
rain recognize me le like the moon!
llowed my palm distant airport
tones ndaries dkerchiefs
hem from my passport
e and identity? ed with my own hands?
out
mple of me again! ophets,
for their names ys who their mother is
bursts the sword of light springs the water of the river e people are my identity
assport!

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__
iah of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM Complex, Colombo 11 11 2473757; E-mail: newdemocraticparty@hotmail.com at the Gowri Printers, Colombo 13