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September 2006
The Current Political Climate
NDP Central Committee State
The Left & the National Questi Ravi Vaithees
Poetry: Mary Ayad, Sanm
♦ From the Editor’s Desk ♦ Sri Lankan Eve ♦ International Events ♦ NDP Diary ♦ Boo

September 2006
Current Political Climate
Central Committee Statement
Left & the National Question
Ravi Vaitheespara
: Mary Ayad, Sanmarga
’s Desk ♦ Sri Lankan Events nts ♦ NDP Diary ♦ Book Review

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A Poem for the Children of Palestine (Ded by Mary Ayad April 11, 200 I am a silent witness. I am a voice for those whose voice has been silenced, deafene The music of playing children in a schoolyard is silenced by tan echoing screams that slice into the bright morning hour. The sweet melody of children’s voices is silenced by violence. occupation, bloodshed, trauma, fear, and terror, they cannot sp Intruding green tanks litter their path with bloodied corpses, wo the soldier shouting at a grief stricken mother drowns out her ba down on her. In my confusion and shock I can only stagger to keep my balan mind is flooded with images. Is this really happening? I see through the eyes of the innocent little ones, whose vulnera from the nightmares they experience, both in their lived reality a landscape. A little girl has nightmares of being shot at and chased by soldie terrified in the dark of the night. How can I comfort her? How can I lie to a child and say everyt I am a silent witness for children whose lives should be peacefu days at school and time at home with their parents. Checkpoint soldiers enforcing road closures keep children from forcing them to take rocky side roads through mountains and h shortcuts when they have no other choice. I am overwhelmed by despair from the sense of injustice. A Female student and her grandfather are being harassed and I feel ashamed for what they have to endure. A fallen book bag lies at the side of the road, covered in dusty f A white scarf fluttering in the wind is covered with dirty tire mark The winding roads are filled with broken dreams, broken lives. Instead these children watch their futures truncated both literall destruction, violence and death and figuratively when the inkling opportunities for further education, work, peace, life and play m Tanks and helicopters entering towns in the early hours of the m the ground. There stand long lines of students at checkpoints, unable to att What dreams can they have of becoming a doctor, or lawyer or I am a silent witness for children who are one third of the popul An empty feeling in the pit of the stomach, fatigue from hunger, foreboding dread fills the consciousness of an elementary scho classmates had been shot at while in a car.

hildren of Palestine (Dedicated to Abdel Karim)
by Mary Ayad April 11, 2003
has been silenced, deafened, drowned out and defeated. choolyard is silenced by tanks, helicopters, bullets, shouts, and bright morning hour. ces is silenced by violence. I see what they see: horror, war, r, and terror, they cannot speak and if they do, who hears? h with bloodied corpses, wounded bodies, and falling homes; en mother drowns out her baby girl’s wail as a wall crashes
ly stagger to keep my balance, to keep from screaming as my s really happening? ent little ones, whose vulnerability leaves them no protection e, both in their lived reality and those written on their inner
shot at and chased by soldiers, as images of death wake her up
lie to a child and say everything will be OK? ose lives should be peaceful and tranquil, filled with play and ith their parents.
closures keep children from going to school or returning home ds through mountains and hills, risking getting shot for taking choice. the sense of injustice. her are being harassed and humiliated at a checkpoint. to endure. f the road, covered in dusty footprints, trampled into the mud. s covered with dirty tire marks. oken dreams, broken lives. Will their story be forgotten? utures truncated both literally while hearing and witnessing
figuratively when the inkling that this is what life is and their work, peace, life and play may be non-existent. ns in the early hours of the morning shake and collapse walls to
at checkpoints, unable to attend classes due to closures. oming a doctor, or lawyer or teacher?
o are one third of the population, malnourished. omach, fatigue from hunger, inability to concentrate, a sense of
ness of an elementary school class that discovered their in a car.
(CONTINUED ON INSIDE BACK COVER)

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From the Edit
The escalation of the armed conflict between the and the LTTE over the past year is moving rap conclusion. The Government and the LTTE declar hostility do not constitute war. To complement this Monitoring Mission (SLMM) has declared that t (CFA) is still alive. It makes one wonder whether th clinically alive patient.
The attitude of the ‘International Community’, has been highly cynical. The EU ban on the LTTE miscalculation as the Norwegians would like us t approval of the actions of the Mahinda Rajap imperialist West has its global agenda and its polic interests of the Sri Lankan state or of the LTTE, an the Tamil people or for that matter any section of the
The peace process has been used by the imper country into total submission to the process of globa hegemon finds in the conflict a tool to assert its do While India has been a reluctant supporter of the pe has a stake in keeping the conflict alive, Pakistan ha of Indian reluctance to give unqualified military su state, owing partly to popular resistance in Tamilna has added a further international dimension to the Sr
The conduct of the armed forces towards Tamil from early this year and has been outright wicked armed forces have taken advantage of its air power Kfir bombers, and used it not merely to attack LTT also to attack civilians. What seems worse than the m NGO workers in Muthur and the killing of school ch a children’s home in Mullaitivu is the way in explained the former by first blaming the LTTE credible inquiry into the killings and defended the l that the children were LTTE cadres and therefore International Community has expressed its protest concern about the deterioration of the human rights

From the Editor’s Desk
ed conflict between the Sri Lankan government ast year is moving rapidly towards its logical nt and the LTTE declare that the current acts of ar. To complement this mockery, the Sri Lanka M) has declared that the Ceasefire Agreement s one wonder whether the CFA is a brain dead but
rnational Community’, meaning the big powers, he EU ban on the LTTE this year was neither a egians would like us to believe nor an act of of the Mahinda Rajapaksha government. The bal agenda and its policies are not based on the state or of the LTTE, and even less the plight of matter any section of the Sri Lankan population.
been used by the imperialists to manipulate the n to the process of globalisation, while the Indian ict a tool to assert its dominance over Sri Lanka. ctant supporter of the peace process and probably onflict alive, Pakistan has of late taken advantage e unqualified military support for the Sri Lankan lar resistance in Tamilnadu to such support. This ional dimension to the Sri Lankan tragedy.
d forces towards Tamil civilians has been brutal as been outright wicked in recent months. The vantage of its air power, with its Israeli-supplied ot merely to attack LTTE positions and bases but t seems worse than the mass murder of seventeen d the killing of school children by the bombing of llaitivu is the way in which the government irst blaming the LTTE and then undermining a lings and defended the latter by declaring falsely TE cadres and therefore legitimate targets. The as expressed its protest at the incidents and its tion of the human rights situation in the country,

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but has not given the slightest impression of taking a threat to that effect.
The success of the armed forces in capturing M east, advancing the forward defence line in the failure of the LTTE to strike back at the bomb opponents of peace even more cocky so that the de CFA and the abandoning of the peace process has vociferous sections of Sinhala chauvinists, main Whether all-out war will lead to the final defeat of but it is certain that, with prolonged conflict, the a new forms that cannot be dealt with by conventio the all mighty US and its allies in Afghanistan to s bloodied Taliban has lessons for the advocates of Lanka.
Whatever may be the case, the continuation of is bad and innocent people have been made vict which could have easily excluded them. The suff over a hundred thousand newly displaced and the to a people who have yet to recover from the rav war and the tsunami of 2004 December is totally u
There cannot be a military solution to the na attempt to weaken the ‘enemy’ by subjecting the makes peace more elusive and the unity of the cou that the peace-loving people of the country united the war and, in the process, mobilised the oppress enemies of the people of the land, of their unity and
*****

test impression of taking firm action or even made
ed forces in capturing Mavilaru and Sampur in the ard defence line in the Jaffna peninsula, and the trike back at the bomber aircraft have made the ore cocky so that the demand for abrogation of the of the peace process has grown stronger among the nhala chauvinists, mainly the JVP and the JHU. ead to the final defeat of the LTTE is questionable, prolonged conflict, the armed struggle will assume dealt with by conventional warfare. The failure of allies in Afghanistan to subdue a once battered and ons for the advocates of a military solution in Sri
ase, the continuation of the present state of affairs le have been made victims of an armed conflict, xcluded them. The suffering imposed on the well ewly displaced and the denial of essential supplies to recover from the ravages of a two-decade long 04 December is totally unacceptable.
litary solution to the national question and every nemy’ by subjecting the ordinary masses to terror and the unity of the country more fragile. It is time le of the country united in mass campaigns against s, mobilised the oppressed masses against the real he land, of their unity and of their well being.
*****

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The Current Political Clima
An Assessment by the Central Comm
New Democratic Party
Although it is claimed that there is a Ceasefire Ag the Government and the LTTE since 2002, activitie reported as breaches of the CFA. Kidnappings, arr continue.
Since October 2005 the attacks have intensifie journalists, and Tamil traders and personalities hav been no information about many Tamil who have North-East, claymore attacks have been aimed at the The Governor of the North-East Province is a f goes to show the dominant role of the army in admin
Late last July, the LTTE stopped the water su Reservoir in the Eastern Province. The LTTE expla as a result of the Government’s refusal of permission water supply scheme that the Asian Developme provide for the Tamil people of the region who di facilities and the refusal of the Army to allow the tra by the Tamil people of the region, and stated that restored when the Government acts to address these
Following the closure of the sluice gate of M bombed not only Mavilaru and the adjoining Samp Kilinochchi region. Severe battle ensued between LTTE in Mavilaru. Consequently, the LTTE launch region to capture it and left it after two days. M displaced as a result of the fighting as were Ta Muslim leaders accuse that the Muslims were ill t that 52 persons suspected to be members of a grou been arrested by the LTTE and not still released.

Current Political Climate
nt by the Central Committee of the
ew Democratic Party
there is a Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) between TE since 2002, activities of both sides have been CFA. Kidnappings, arrests, killings and attacks
e attacks have intensified. A Tamil MP, Tamil rs and personalities have been killed. There has many Tamil who have been kidnapped. In the s have been aimed at the armed forces. orth-East Province is a former army officer. This
ole of the army in administrative affairs as well.
E stopped the water supply from the Mavilaru ovince. The LTTE explained that this action was nt’s refusal of permission for the construction of a the Asian Development Bank had agreed to le of the region who did not have water supply the Army to allow the transport of essential goods region, and stated that the water supply will be ent acts to address these matters.
of the sluice gate of Mavilaru, the Government and the adjoining Sampur region, but also in the battle ensued between the Government and the uently, the LTTE launched attacks in the Muthur eft it after two days. Muslims in Muthur were he fighting as were Tamils from Muthur East. t the Muslims were ill treated by the LTTE and to be members of a group called the ‘Jihad’ has and not still released.

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It is said that the LTTE carried out attacks in M and the LTTE claims that it restored the water su the Government claims that the Army did it.
The Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLM Government commenced the fighting while negat the LTTE to restore the water supply and that restored the water supply the Government has not c
The Government announced that the LTTE ha camps during the period of ceasefire and that the the camps are destroyed and the region is brought u
Meanwhile, the Sri Lankan Air Force is carry the Kilinochchi region. The Government claims carried out as acts of war but as counterattack ag The LTTE has stated that it is counterattackin Government. The Government continues to claim capture LTTE-controlled territory, and the LTTE t capture Government-controlled territory. Both sid only to them, claiming that the attacks are in defe But what take place are air attacks and missile attac
Air attacks, missile attacks and bombings are in the North-East. Curfews continue. People are Government on a children’s home managed by the killed 61 students and injured over a hundred. Th the students were being given lessons in first-aid.
Seventeen activists of an NGO with its head killed while they were in their office in Muthur homes in large numbers. People are suffering with is the consequence of counterattacks, it is ha consequences of war, as understood by the two sid
The LTTE leader V Pirapakaran has informe attacks and agree to negotiate. President Mahinda Norway that the Government will stop its attacks. he flew to Britain. While it was said to be a priva premier Tony Blair during the visit. It is reported has asked the British premier to secure India’s supp

E carried out attacks in Muthur to distract the Army t it restored the water supply from Mavilaru while at the Army did it.
nitoring Mission (SLMM) has stated that the the fighting while negations were under way with water supply and that even after the LTTE had the Government has not ceased attack in the region.
unced that the LTTE had established new military f ceasefire and that the attack will not cease until nd the region is brought under government control.
ankan Air Force is carrying out bombing attacks in The Government claims that the attacks are not but as counterattack against attack by the LTTE. at it is counterattacking against attacks by the ment continues to claim that it is not its intention to territory, and the LTTE that it is not its intention to rolled territory. Both sides are, for reasons known at the attacks are in defence or are counterattacks. r attacks and missile attacks.
ttacks and bombings are taking place continuously s continue. People are killed. Air attack by the ’s home managed by the LTTE in Mullaithivu has ured over a hundred. This attack took place when ven lessons in first-aid.
an NGO with its head office in France have been their office in Muthur. People are leaving their eople are suffering without water and food. If this counterattacks, it is hard to imagine what the nderstood by the two sides, will be.
Pirapakaran has informed Norway that it will stop tiate. President Mahinda Rajapaksha has informed ent will stop its attacks. Having made the statement it was said to be a private visit, he met the British g the visit. It is reported that President Rajapaksha
ier to secure India’s support for Sri Lanka.

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On return to Sri Lanka, President Rajapaksh Congress of the SLFP on 4th September, expressed forces had captured Sampur, and claimed that the c that the Government will not submit to terrorism. E Sampur, the government forces continued their atta the Jaffna Peninsula.
Meantime, the Co-Chairs for the Sri Lankan Pea to meet in Brussels on 12th September to analyse th Lanka. Reports say that the Co-Chairs comprising t US, EU, Japan and Norway are to ask President Ra the fighting, commence negotiations and resolve th faced by the people affected by the fighting.
Steve Mann, Chief Deputy Commander for US had stated that the parties concerned should hon carried out by NGOs to provide relief to the aff reported that the Co-Chairs have expressed their co 17 activists of an NGO with its headquarters in Fra young people in Sencholai.
A situation has arisen where the NGOs canno East. Besides relief from the state not reaching activities of the NGOs are also being blocked. T Tamil Rehabilitation Organisation have been frozen Central Bank. Thus the humanitarian work that has been stopped. It is well known that the structure for people affected by the tsunami (PTOMS), to Chandrika Kumaratunga consented after much wra Supreme Court order.
Relief and humanitarian aid have been preve affected Tamil people. Prolonged curfews and short it difficult for people to purchase goods. Hunger a thrust upon the people in the same way that a wa Meantime, people displaced from Muthur are passi relief from the Government.
Against this background the Co-Chair countrie 12th September could issue a statement critical of b the LTTE and ask both sides to end hostilities an would be the outcome of that meeting.

ka, President Rajapaksha, when addressing the September, expressed joy that the government r, and claimed that the capture of Sampur shows ot submit to terrorism. Even after the capture of rces continued their attacks in that region and in
rs for the Sri Lankan Peace Process are scheduled September to analyse the current situation in Sri Co-Chairs comprising the representatives of the are to ask President Rajapaksha to put an end to otiations and resolve the humanitarian problems by the fighting.
puty Commander for US affairs in Central Asia concerned should honour the dedicated tasks rovide relief to the affected regions. It is also have expressed their concern about the killing of h its headquarters in France and the killing of 61
where the NGOs cannot function in the North- the state not reaching the Tamil People, the also being blocked. The bank accounts of the isation have been frozen on the instruction of the anitarian work that has been carried out too has wn that the structure for providing relief to Tamil sunami (PTOMS), to which former president nsented after much wrangling was scuttled by a
n aid have been prevented from reaching the onged curfews and shortage of money have made rchase goods. Hunger and starvation have been the same way that a war was thrust upon them. d from Muthur are passing their time waiting for .
d the Co-Chair countries that are to meet on the a statement critical of both the Government and es to end hostilities and start negotiating. That at meeting.

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The Anti-War Front held a procession and a demanding an end to the war. Chauvinists attemp An attack on them put an end to their efforts to w Rupasinghe, Chairman of the Anti-War Front s opposing the war is to be held on 21st September activity, the activities of the chauvinists have wrecking it.
Meantime, in the Tamilnadu state of India, a the Sri Lankan Tamils is noticeable among organisations. Consequently, the central govern pressure from Tamilnadu to intervene in Sri La understood that the Indian government has government its ‘Sarkaria Proposals’ to resolve question on the basis of power devolution in expressed its willingness to send humanitarian aid war.
The Sri Lankan government announced that th in August was aimed at the outgoing Pakistani H Wali Mohammad. The Government had suggested been by the LTTE since the Pakistani governm Lankan government with considerable military Raman, former chief of RAW accused Pakistani m directing the aerial attacks in the North-East. He resident in Colombo are giving advice.
Air Vice Marshal (Retd.) Shehzad Aslam Cha Force has been nominated as the new High Comm new Deputy High Commissioner is also said to be Force. Raman has accused that the outgoing Pak and his successor are responsible for a variety Raman has recommended that India should surp Lanka.
A leading Pakistani newspaper had gone on re could have been behind the attack on the Pakistan outgoing Pakistani High Commissioner Bashe claimed that the attack was not by the LTTE but by
It appears that the current war situation has t the playing field of not only the Co-Chair countrie

held a procession and a meeting on 17th August, war. Chauvinists attempted to wreck the meeting. end to their efforts to wreck the meeting. Kumar f the Anti-War Front said that a massive rally held on 21st September. Although this is an NGO f the chauvinists have built up to the level of
ilnadu state of India, a rapid rise in sympathy for is noticeable among the people and among tly, the central government of India is under to intervene in Sri Lanka to end the war. It is ian government has sent to the Sri Lankan Proposals’ to resolve the Sri Lankan national f power devolution in India. Besides, India has to send humanitarian aid to the people affected by
nment announced that the explosion in Kollupitiya the outgoing Pakistani High Commissioner Bashir vernment had suggested that the attack could have the Pakistani government was providing the Sri considerable military assistance. Meanwhile B AW accused Pakistani members of the Air Force of s in the North-East. He claimed that the officials iving advice.
td.) Shehzad Aslam Chaudhry, of the Pakistan Air as the new High Commissioner for Pakistan. The ssioner is also said to be a former officer of the Air d that the outgoing Pakistani High Commissioner sponsible for a variety of terrorist acts in India. that India should surpass Pakistan in aiding Sri
ewspaper had gone on record to suggest that RAW e attack on the Pakistani High Commissioner. The Commissioner Basheer Wali Mohammed has s not by the LTTE but by RAW.
rent war situation has transformed Sri Lanka into ly the Co-Chair countries and India, but also as the

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playing field of Pakistan. All of them pose to be government and the Tamil people. This is be government believes that the Co-Chair countries, supporting it. The Tamil people still seem to hope Chair countries would be supportive of them.
Neither the Co-Chair countries nor India can br rid the people of their misery. They can only pretend to bring the war to an end or rid the people of the may say, in the current climate of war, the foreign f their own interests. They are clear about their purp Tamil and Muslim people who do not seem to be aw
In this climate of war, the President had an appoint an international commission to inquire into arrests. This is rather strange. He has also called up the UNP and the SLFP to join to form a National G be an attempt to push the country towards authoritarian situation. Anyone who knows the his which imposed war upon the Tamil people woul would only adversely affect the Tamil people. Als have endorsed globalisation are likely to unleas workers and peasants of the country.
Not only the government of Rajapaksha but e thought that they could defeat the struggle for self-d misery on the Tamil people. Although those thoug keep surfacing from time to time. Struggles will forms until self-determination is established.
On the basis of these lessons, all democ revolutionary activists, and those involved in variou the self-determination of the Tamil people should ca way people’s movements to exert pressure against solution on the basis of the right to self-determ equality for the Tamil people and other oppre movements should not function according to the sc but as people’s movements.
7th September 2006

All of them pose to be helping the Sri Lankan il people. This is because the Sri Lankan the Co-Chair countries, India and Pakistan are eople still seem to hope that India and the Co- pportive of them.
ountries nor India can bring the war to an end or y. They can only pretend that they will take steps or rid the people of their misery. Whatever one ate of war, the foreign forces are acting to serve re clear about their purpose, but it is the Sinhala,
ho do not seem to be aware of it.
r, the President had announced that he would mission to inquire into kidnappings, killings and ge. He has also called upon the two main parties join to form a National Government. That would the country towards an anti-democratic and one who knows the history of these two parties the Tamil people would know that their unity t the Tamil people. Also, the two parties which n are likely to unleash oppression upon the country.
ent of Rajapaksha but even earlier governments at the struggle for self-determination by heaping e. Although those thoughts were incorrect, they to time. Struggles will continue in a variety of
n is established.
se lessons, all democratic, left and popular those involved in various ways in the struggle for e Tamil people should carry forward in a peaceful o exert pressure against war and for a political the right to self-determination, autonomy and eople and other oppressed nationalities. Such ction according to the schemes of foreign forces

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Revisiting the Left and th National Question in Sri La
by Ravi Vaitheespara Assistant Professor Department of History, University of M
Today, when the left movement in Sri Lanka i former self—fragmenting into ethnically distinct c look back at the years when they had played a dyn in Sri Lankan politics. It seems even more difficul major left parties that were once the stronge nationalities. It was, after all, the left, which w efforts to disenfranchise the plantation sector Tami infamous “Sinhala Only” policy in 1956. There prominent Trotskyite and a leader of the Lanka S Colvin R. De Silva who then warned the gover “One language, two nations and two languages o
1 Paper presented at the conference, Tropes, Territor Tamil Studies Conference held at the University of T 2006. I would like to thank Mark Gabbert, Henry He Geetha for comments and helpful suggestions on earlie am grateful for the interviews and discussions I Sivathamby, N Sivagurunathan, S Kadirgamar, SK Se Tampoe on the Sri Lankan Left.

evisiting the Left and the onal Question in Sri Lanka1
by Ravi Vaitheespara Assistant Professor History, University of Manitoba, Canada
vement in Sri Lanka is merely a shadow of its into ethnically distinct camps, it seems difficult to en they had played a dynamic and progressive role eems even more difficult to imagine that it was the were once the strongest defenders of minority r all, the left, which was the first to oppose the e plantation sector Tamils as well as resist the now policy in 1956. There were left leaders like the a leader of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP), then warned the government most prophetically, ns and two languages one nation”. Yet despite all
ference, Tropes, Territories, and Competing Realities: ld at the University of Toronto, Canada, 11-14th May Mark Gabbert, Henry Heller, Eliakim Sibanda and V. lpful suggestions on earlier versions of this paper. I also ews and discussions I had with S Sivasegaram, K an, S Kadirgamar, SK Senthivel, J Uyangoda and Bala eft.

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these achievements, the confidence in the left to undermined generally and particularly among the isl
Why and how did the left fall from such grace? retreat from such noble and principled stands on Given their earlier record, how and why did this empty phrases and opportunist politics? Curiously, efforts by historians to find answers to these questi veteran left academic with a great deal of experti union and left movements in Sri Lanka has focuss this very subject. I am thinking here of Kumari Jay and Class Conflict in Sri Lanka2 and the relative article, “The Left and the National Question in experience and familiarity with the subject, Jayawa job narrating the twists and turns of the major left days as principled defenders of national minorities t the late 50’s into compromising with Sinhala/ma shift that occurred as a result of their entry into coal Nationalist parties such as the Mahajana Eksath Pe and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). This mo revolutionary goals to the politics of coalition follow communist party policies that now urged the le parliamentary path to socialism even if it meant nationalist parties. However, this move by the left elsewhere led to tremendous internal dissension breakaway parties. The breakaway parties often revolutionary ideals and principles including th nationalities.
The central argument informing Jayawardena failed to debate seriously or adequately theorize th instead followed a policy informed by pragmatism.
2
Kumari Jayawardena. Ethnic and Class Conflict in Sr Books, (6th printing), 2003. 3
Kumari Jayawardena., “The National Question and Lanka.” in Charles Abeysekera and Newton Gunasinghe Sri Lanka, Social Scientists Association, Colombo, 1987
4 Ibid. p. 233.

onfidence in the left today has been seriously articularly among the island’s ethnic minorities.
ft fall from such grace? How and why did the left nd principled stands on the national question? how and why did this happen? Was it merely nist politics? Curiously, there have been far few answers to these questions. Fortunately for us, a a great deal of expertise working on the trade in Sri Lanka has focussed some of her work on king here of Kumari Jayawardena’s work, Ethnic Lanka2 and the relatively more recent research National Question in Sri Lanka”3. Given her with the subject, Jayawardena does a wonderful d turns of the major left parties from their early s of national minorities to their slow descent from mising with Sinhala/majoritarian nationalism--a lt of their entry into coalition politics with Sinhala the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP) coalition Party (SLFP). This move away from their more olitics of coalition followed shifts in international that now urged the left parties to follow the alism even if it meant working with bourgeois r, this move by the left parties in Sri Lanka as ous internal dissensions leading to splits and reakaway parties often held on to their more principles including the defence of minority
informing Jayawardena’s work is that the left or adequately theorize the national question and formed by pragmatism.4 There is also more than
and Class Conflict in Sri Lanka, Colombo: Sanjiva
National Question and the Left Movement in Sri and Newton Gunasinghe Eds., Facets of Ethnicity in sociation, Colombo, 1987.

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a hint that the positions on the national question t merely carbon copies of those taken by interna rather than being arrived at through a serious con the local Sri Lankan reality. In this she echoes refrain against the Sri Lankan Marxists that if it ra would automatically be opened in Colombo. For e the 1940’s the LSSP and the Ceylon Communist level accepted Lenin’s line on the rights of natio adding that the CCP, in addition, accepted S formulation which had led to the Indian Commun such a right to the Muslims in India.5 This she arg CCP to speak of the existence of a Tamil nation long before Tamil nationalist parties like the Fe adds that these were “all merely routine and obl serious debate.
For Jayawardena, three factors played a pivo trajectory of the left’s engagement with the natio actual “proletarian” constituency of the early lef predominantly “immigrant” from South India—s became labelled the Kochi party as around half t the CCP was from the Malayali urban workers in Malayalam name for Cochin). Such identificat plantation workers, and the Tamil language “in irreligious and unpatriotic cosmopolitans” may explain the left’s anxieties to jettison this image masses through a compromise with Sinhala na disenfranchisement of a substantial number of the ceased to be a factor in parliamentary politics, second factor was the class nature of the leaders a Here, she suggests that many of them, particularl the early LSSP, were from the upper classes, not often educated abroad –although she does not re this affected their policy reversals. The other majo the most loaded explanatory category for explain Sinhala chauvinism was the infiltration of the
5 Ibid. p. 231-33. 6 Jayawardena. “The Left and the National Question” p

n the national question taken by these parties were those taken by international Marxist leadership at through a serious consideration and analysis of lity. In this she echoes the familiar critique and kan Marxists that if it rains in Moscow, umbrellas pened in Colombo. For example, she writes that in the Ceylon Communist Party (CCP) at an abstract e on the rights of nations to self determination— n addition, accepted Stalin’s more mechanistic d to the Indian Communist Party (CPI) to concede s in India.5 This she argues enabled the Sri Lankan tence of a Tamil nation and advocate regionalism alist parties like the Federal Party. However, she merely routine and obligatory” and there was no
ee factors played a pivotal role in the unfortunate gagement with the national question. One was the ituency of the early left in Sri Lanka which was t” from South India—so much so that the CCP i party as around half the trade union support for layali urban workers in the South (Kochi is source ochin). Such identification with “alien” groups, he Tamil language “in addition to being seen as c cosmopolitans” may for Jayawardena partially s to jettison this image and embrace the Sinhala omise with Sinhala nationalism.6 No doubt the ubstantial number of the plantation workers—who parliamentary politics, helped this process. The ss nature of the leaders and intellectuals of the left. any of them, particularly the prominent leaders of the upper classes, not only English educated but lthough she does not really explain precisely how eversals. The other major factor which she uses as ry category for explaining the left’s drift towards the infiltration of the lower levels of the party
the National Question” p. 249.

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leadership by the petit bourgeois and by peti According to her, from 1935 to around 1960 the le internationalist perspective; but from the 1960’s t bourgeoisie—the Sinhala-Buddhist Dharmapala id for a long time had resurfaced.8
Writing in the 80’s, when left academics were level of violence brought about by the ethnic conflic there is an impatient and often critical tone in Ja difficult to disagree with the main contours of her However, one needs to keep in mind that in such difficult to convey the complexity and nuances o unintended consequences of the work, however, is entrench the general cynicism toward the left that h wake of the ethnic conflict--something that had opportunism and hypocrisy of the parliamentary l negative propaganda promoted by conservative nati the divide.
This state of affairs, combined with the ascenda and cultural studies in the academia more generally led to a general disenchantment with the left –o translated into a widespread belief that there is little the national question or even that it may be a l seriously thinking about the ethnic question in Sri L the left really mean that there is really little to be ga thinkers had to say and write about this subject. T would like to address in this paper. I do this by goin perspectives on the national question adopted by leaders in the various left movement. This prelimi not so much to refute the findings of Jayawarde discussion and debate on the subject and perhaps understanding to this important and complex subject
When one goes back and begins to read closely individual left leaders one often gets a perspective broad narratives about the left. The work and writi leaders reveal a creativity, passion and engagement
7 Ibid. p. 250. 8 Ibid. p. 253-255.

ourgeois and by petite bourgeois ideology7. 5 to around 1960 the left had taken a principled ; but from the 1960’s the ideology of the petit uddhist Dharmapala ideology—lying dormant ed.
en left academics were taken by surprise by the out by the ethnic conflict, it is not surprising that often critical tone in Jayawardena’s work. It is e main contours of her findings and arguments. ep in mind that in such a broad narrative it is mplexity and nuances of the facts. One of the f the work, however, is that it serves to further m toward the left that has been developing in the t--something that had resulted not just by the of the parliamentary left but also through the ted by conservative nationalists on both sides of
mbined with the ascendancy of post-structuralism cademia more generally around the same time has ntment with the left –one that seems to have
belief that there is little to learn from the left on ven that it may be a logical starting point for
ethnic question in Sri Lanka. Does the failure of re is really little to be gained from what those left ite about this subject. This is the question that I paper. I do this by going back and looking at the al question adopted by some of the Tamil left movement. This preliminary exploration is done findings of Jayawardena but to open greater the subject and perhaps add further depth and tant and complex subject.
d begins to read closely the writings and work of often gets a perspective that seems to get lost in left. The work and writings of certain Tamil left assion and engagement with the ethnic issue that

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inevitably get lost in such a broad study of the tw policies be it in the hands of Robert Kearney Perhaps there is no better reminder of this failu moving speech given by Pon Kandiah of the Com debates in parliament before the passing of the 1956. Not only is the speech a carefully crafte Bandaranayake’s arguments, but it betrays a pass the building of a united Sri Lankan identity withou his own particular attachment to his Tamil identity
My views in opposition to this Bill are not ba that I am a Tamil. As a Tamil I believe that t that is dear to me. It denies me my past, and pr children and their descendants a future.... Ne nor any other government nor even the wo forbid me from talking to my parents to my Tamil, in the language in which my mother sa me, the language in which my wife trained m first joys and grief’s... a hundred laws cannot
The speech is certainly a far cry from the dispassio with the stereotypical “alienated, anglicized, cosmo some have come to associate with elite left leaders.
Arguing that Ceylon is the only country which and practices of newly independent countries in fundamental to democracy as the right of a people the business of government”10 Kandiah provid Fanonian argument for why such a sentiment is gla pointing of course to the fact that there was movement that wrought freedom for Sri Lanka: “P freedom will not lightly countenance a step where to deny its fruit to another.” Only such a struggle sense of comradeship between the different racial a
9 P Kandiah, Communist View on the Language Que Debate in Parliament, June 11, 1956) Colombo: Seya P 10 Ibid. p. 2. 11 Ibid. p. 7.

a broad study of the twists and turns of left party nds of Robert Kearney or Kumari Jayawardena. r reminder of this failure than the powerful and on Kandiah of the Communist Party (CCP) in the ore the passing of the Sinhala Only Act in June peech a carefully crafted and brilliant counter to ts, but it betrays a passion and engagement with i Lankan identity without at the same time denying ent to his Tamil identity:
on to this Bill are not based solely on the fact a Tamil I believe that this Bill robs me of all enies me my past, and present and denies... my scendants a future.... Neither this government ment nor even the worlds worst tyrant can ng to my parents to my wife and children in in which my mother sang to me when she fed hich my wife trained my child to express its a hundred laws cannot stop me.9
ar cry from the dispassionate rhetoric associated enated, anglicized, cosmopolitan” mentality that ate with elite left leaders.
s the only country which runs counter to the ideals dependent countries in its denial of a “matter so as the right of a people to use its own language in ent”10 Kandiah provides what is essentially a y such a sentiment is glaringly absent in Sri Lanka, he fact that there was no popular anti-colonial eedom for Sri Lanka: “People who have fought for untenance a step where one section of them sought r.” Only such a struggle would provide an “abiding
een the different racial and linguistic groups.”11
w on the Language Question. (taken from the Official , 1956) Colombo: Seya Print & Prints, 2002, p. 2.

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Perhaps what is most striking about Kandiah’s his almost prophetic warning of the unity of fee generated by the Bill and the consequences that wou to be passed. Speaking of the unity of the Tamil pe bill he stated:
... the entire people are united, all politica religions urged on by the belief that the cause t as it is just .... You will never crush the spirit of its existence. You will never make a tribe f outside, the battles of the working class for its cannot think of a fight more righteous, or enn which the Tamil people today are beginning for
What is more, Kandiah sensed a novel development subaltern classes as a result of the Bill:
I point out also that there is something new to areas...It is not so much Tamils who have stud majority who have never studied it or any oth who are leading the struggle. The resistance to the rich, middle sections of the Tamil people may eventually acquiesce than from the lower se
He further added quite perceptively: “Similar ch among the Sinhalese which is the reason for this power.”14 Meaning of course that it was only thro among the Sinhala masses that the Sinhala nationa power—riding on the wave of the “Sinhala Only” po
Another factor that often gets overlooked in s assessing the left’s contribution to the national ques and critique of other political forces of the tim utilizing the nationality question had at least from elite, narrowly communal, pro-imperialist agendas. here is that when assessing the left’s contribution or also needs to take into account their critical enga
12 Ibid. pp. 23-24. 13 Ibid. p. 24. 14 Ibid.

triking about Kandiah’s speech in parliament is ing of the unity of feelings among the Tamils e consequences that would follow if the Bill were he unity of the Tamil people in opposition to the
are united, all political parties, all castes, he belief that the cause they fight is as urgent l never crush the spirit of a people fighting for l never make a tribe forget its history ... he working class for its rights and its life. I more righteous, or ennobling than the one today are beginning for their language.12
ed a novel development among the more of the Bill:
re is something new to be seen in the Tamil h Tamils who have studied English, but the er studied it or any other foreign language uggle. The resistance today comes less from ns of the Tamil people who you may hope, ce than from the lower sections ....13
rceptively: “Similar changes have taken place h is the reason for this government to come to se that it was only through a similar awakening that the Sinhala nationalist parties had come to of the “Sinhala Only” policy.
en gets overlooked in such broad surveys when tion to the national question is the left’s struggle tical forces of the time, forces which, though estion had at least from the left perspective, an ro-imperialist agendas. What I want to underline the left’s contribution or lack of contribution one count their critical engagement with what they

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considered chauvinist political forces of the time emphasis either on Sinhala or Tamil chauvinism. left attitudes towards such narrowly ‘communalis the debate in parliament on the Sinhala Only bill in CCP member, Kandiah, observed in a fit of what a “it is very curious but true that there are only tw country, namely the LSSP and the CCP and that a up their national character, having become sectiona
Although one may critique their uncompr parties such as the Tamil Congress and the Feder take account of their critical engagement with th The point is that what is often presented as mere between the left parties and parties such as the Ta Party or the UNP has to be also taken for what it a over alternative ways of dealing with the national is not stressed enough in the extant literature. critiqued nationalist parties I will use some s illustrate how this critique often offered a grea developments that led to the ethnic impasse. On articulate examples of this is offered in the writi Karalasingam which first appeared as a series Socialist, the official organ of the LSSP in the 60 as a collection of essays under the title The Way O Peoples16. In it Karalasingam masterfully critique Tamil political parties such as the Tamil Congress (FP).
The ever-increasing and systematic discriminat was a real enough phenomena for Karalasingam as the opening pages:
It is no exaggeration to say that the Tamil s been reduced to the position of an oppressed n oppression is manifest in all fields—in open le administrative actions and regulations, a connivance at, if not open connivance
15 Ibid. p. 6. 16 V Karalasingam, The Way Out for the Tamil Postscript: 1977). Colombo: International Publishers, 1

litical forces of the time advocating an exclusive la or Tamil chauvinism. An early example of such narrowly ‘communalist’ parties is evident during n the Sinhala Only bill in June 1956 when the same bserved in a fit of what appears to be exasperation: ue that there are only two national parties in this and the CCP and that all other parties have given , having become sectional parties.”15
critique their uncompromising position towards Congress and the Federal Party, one still needs to ical engagement with the politics of these parties. often presented as merely the struggle for power nd parties such as the Tamil Congress, the Federal e also taken for what it also clearly was—a struggle ealing with the national question. This crucial fact n the extant literature. While all the left parties ies I will use some selected examples here to e often offered a great deal of insight into the the ethnic impasse. One of the best known and s is offered in the writings of the LSSP leader V t appeared as a series of articles in the Young n of the LSSP in the 60’s and was later published nder the title The Way Out for the Tamil Speaking gam masterfully critiques the politics of exclusive h as the Tamil Congress (TC) and the Federal Party
nd systematic discrimination against the Tamils
ena for Karalasingam as he states quite bluntly in
to say that the Tamil speaking peoples have osition of an oppressed national minority. This t in all fields—in open legislation, in concealed s and regulations, and finally in direct not open connivance by these capitalist
ay Out for the Tamil Speaking People (including International Publishers, 1978.

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governments of pogromist activity against people.17
He then proceeds to provide a comprehensive list of which even includes the much disputed discrimin schemes:
In the administrative field the scarcely veiled e pursue discriminatory land colonization policies Eastern Provinces is now the declared policy of purpose openly canvassed at less guarded mo colonization is the gradual reduction of the Tam a minority in these areas.18
What was so tragic for Karalasingam was that the right leadership to deal with this grave and ch had instead been misled by the politics and p exclusively Tamil, Federal Party just as they had bee before them. It was for Karalasingam a kind of poli been learned on the lap of the British imperialis imperial nominations of representatives from vario nutshell, this strategy hinged on the “conception th of the Tamil speaking people is the responsibil speaking peoples themselves and it is only the Ta fight and that they must do so as Tamils.”19 It wa was not based on any alliances with other progressi classes in the island. For Karalasingam, this helps massive mandate from the Tamil people and des under this leadership, Chelvanayakam their leader o God can help the Tamils from now on” when, towar SLFP-led alliance swept the polls with a two-thirds Sinhala-dominated coalition to amend the constitu the Federal Party a role in deciding which party fundamental problem or flaw for Karalasingam wa the Federal Party.
17 Ibid. p. 1. 18 Ibid. 19 Ibid. p. 15.

mist activity against the Tamil speaking
a comprehensive list of these oppressive policies uch disputed discriminatory land colonization
eld the scarcely veiled effort of the UNP to and colonization policies in the Northern and w the declared policy of the Government. The sed at less guarded moments, of such land ual reduction of the Tamil speaking people to s.
Karalasingam was that the Tamils did not have with this grave and challenging situation. They by the politics and political strategy of the Party just as they had been by the Tamil Congress alasingam a kind of politics and strategy that had f the British imperialists--from the tradition of presentatives from various communities. Put in a d on the “conception that the fight for the rights ople is the responsibility solely of the Tamil es and it is only the Tamils who can wage this so as Tamils.”19 It was a political strategy that ces with other progressive forces or the working aralasingam, this helps explain why despite the Tamil people and despite decades of struggle anayakam their leader only could exclaim “Only m now on” when, towards the end of his life, the e polls with a two-thirds majority, thus enabling a to amend the constitution at will and denying n deciding which party ruled the country. The w for Karalasingam was the political strategy of

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Karalasingam mounts a powerful critique making his arguments through a cold and sober ca the actual numerical strength of the Tamils, thei island and the meagre natural resources and traditional areas of habitation. For Karalasingam, seriously their ability to use either an electoral or Westminster style Parliamentary system—a situati East Pakistan where East Pakistan had subs economic clout. He argued that since the FP maximum of 21 seats in parliament out of a total o reduced to adopt a strategy of mercenary politics the major political parties to form a majority go made the right noises about taking care of the T the actual political or ideological orientations of t was summed up by the FP motto, “We can mak This focus on numbers devoid of politics was situation of Ceylon not only futile but positively da
For Karalasingam, the exclusive and elitist Tam such as the Tamil Congress and the Federal Party n imperialist forces they also by the very nature of th Tamil communal politics also encouraged majorita and brought together the presently divided Sinhala to the Tamil speaking peoples. As he explains:
Tamil political monolithism must sooner or political monolithism and the first victims o those parties and forces most sympathetic to t of the Tamil speaking people...just as the fir Sama Samaja Party and the Communist Party in unifying and cementing the presently div opposed to the Tamil speaking people at the c real allies.20 In a later essay entitled “Postscript: 1977” h lucidity about how the current impasse that the Ta came to be. For Karalasingam, Tamil youth mili continuation of the politics of TC, FP and the Tam (TULF) but had also inherited the political ideolo elitist communal parties. If in terms of ideology it
20 Ibid. pp. 23-24.

s a powerful critique of this political strategy ugh a cold and sober calculation of such factors as ngth of the Tamils, their dispersal throughout the natural resources and cultivable land in their tion. For Karalasingam, these all combined to limit se either an electoral or economic muscle under a entary system—a situation quite unlike the case of ast Pakistan had substantial demographic and ed that since the FP could only ever return a arliament out of a total of 151 seats that it was soon y of mercenary politics allying with the either of s to form a majority government as long as they ut taking care of the Tamil issues—regardless of logical orientations of these parties. This strategy P motto, “We can make or break governments”. devoid of politics was for Karalasingam in the ly futile but positively dangerous.
exclusive and elitist Tamil political formations s and the Federal Party not only allied with pro- o by the very nature of their exclusive emphasis on also encouraged majoritarian Sinhala nationalism,
resently divided Sinhala forces which are opposed ples. As he explains:
lithism must sooner or later beget Sinhalese and the first victims of the latter would be es most sympathetic to the legitimate demands people...just as the first victims ... were the nd the Communist Party.... It may yet succeed nting the presently divided forces which are speaking people at the cost of eliminating their
led “Postscript: 1977” he writes with remarkable rrent impasse that the Tamil youth find themselves ngam, Tamil youth militancy was not merely the s of TC, FP and the Tamil United Liberation Front rited the political ideology or orientation of these f in terms of ideology it was the same, in method it

Page 19
propagated a similar exclusively self reliant “three the challenges facing the Tamils. The solution for progressive forces among the Sinhalese and other c instead of aligning with the pro-imperialist forces or or Tamil nationalism. Thus imploring the youth he w
Somewhere along the line, the politics which th the wrong turn; while it is true that they bear nonetheless behoves them to ascertain where it .... The fatal turn was when under the lea Ponnambalam they forsook the anti-imperialist on minority communalism as the answer to ma of Sir Baron Jayatilake and DS Senanayak leadership found the UNP (the home of Sinhala ally and the forces of anti-imperialist movement evolution of the Tamil leadership reveals a lot a property is far stronger than the professed co leadership for the rights of the Tamil speaking youth will but understand its true significanc meaning and fearlessly draw the conclusions th overcome their inner crisis and would be ready place to not only achieve their national rig important, their legitimate place in the worl imperialism.”21
It is unfortunate that, despite Karalasingam’s bo speaking peoples, he was not able to garner a signi he able to influence his own party, which had parliamentary path toward socialism, from sliding d of compromises it made with Sinhala majoritarian and 70’s. Karalasingam’s own ambivalence and question of Tamil right to self-determination no dou developments.22 As mentioned earlier it was not j
21 Ibid. p. 58. 22 He felt the call for Tamil rights was itself inspired b imperialism and thus argued that “Marxists, can u champions of the right of self determination. A common territory in themselves are totally inadequate. The key struggle against imperialism?” ibid. pp. 54-55.

ively self reliant “three musketeers approach” to amils. The solution for him was to ally with the he Sinhalese and other communities of Sri Lanka pro-imperialist forces or relying solely on Tamils imploring the youth he wrote:
ine, the politics which they are pursuing took it is true that they bear no responsibility, it em to ascertain where it took the wrong turn as when under the leadership of Mr. GG ook the anti-imperialist movement and relied ism as the answer to majority communalism ke and DS Senanayake .... In time this NP (the home of Sinhala communalism) their nti-imperialist movement their enemy.... This leadership reveals a lot and shows the bond of r than the professed concerns of the TULF s of the Tamil speaking peoples. If the Tamil and its true significance, assimilate its full draw the conclusions that follow, they would isis and would be ready to take their rightful hieve their national rights but even more ate place in the world movement against
espite Karalasingam’s bold message to the Tamil ot able to garner a significant following nor was own party, which had chosen the so called socialism, from sliding dangerously into the kind ith Sinhala majoritarian nationalism in the 60’s own ambivalence and lack of clarity on the elf-determination no doubt played a role in these ned earlier it was not just Karalasingam or the
ghts was itself inspired by the forces of reaction and that “Marxists, can under no circumstances, be determination. A common language and a contiguous ally inadequate. The key question is: does it aid the ibid. pp. 54-55.

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LSSP which offered such criticisms of nationalist p the left parties and their leaders did so. One of the of this mercenary style of politics of accommod offered in a recent publication in Tamil by succes Communist Party (Peking Wing).23 It offers a assessment and criticism of the FP pointing out th progressive anti-imperialist forces, many of the F against such progressive movements as the t movements in the north but it was also decide foreign policy, something that was for the author the support the FP extended to the pro-US polic Vietnam war.
I would like to turn next to the intervention o like Karalasingam belonged to the parliamenta Karalasingam, not only gave vent to his disaff adequately address the ethnic issue but also too finding an alternative strategy. With rising Tami increasing state repression beginning in the 1970 belonged to the parliamentary CCP (Moscow wi question his party’s failure to seriously address the to build a left party that sought to squarely add Senthamizhar Iyakkam (Red Tamil Movement). A friends and associates, he and his organisation Tamil nationalist parties including the FP and th 1978 Ponnambalam also published a booklet in Ta Aagividuvom (Let us become Red-Tamils) e disaffection with the parliamentary left but the re what appeared to be his pro-Tamil nationalist polit
Composed in the form of a dialogue with q work attempts to present systematically Ponnam disaffection with the mainstream left parties and
23
Imayavaramban. Thanthaiyum Maintharum: Tha Vimarsanam (Father and Progeny: A Critical Review Party). Colombo: Puthiya Poomi Publications, 2000.
24 V Ponnambalam, Senthamizhar Aagividuvom (Let us Varathar Veliyeedu, 1978.

criticisms of nationalist political parties,’ almost all eaders did so. One of the most trenchant criticisms f politics of accommodation of the FP has been ation in Tamil by successors to the tradition of the g Wing).23 It offers a searching and systematic
f the FP pointing out that far from allying with the st forces, many of the FP policies were not only movements as the trade union or anti-caste but it was also decidedly pro-imperialist in its that was for the author particularly illustrated by ded to the pro-US policy of the UNP during the
ext to the intervention of a Tamil left leader who ged to the parliamentary left but, quite unlike gave vent to his disaffection with its failure to thnic issue but also took decisive steps towards ategy. With rising Tamil youth militancy and the n beginning in the 1970’s, V Ponnambalam who ntary CCP (Moscow wing) had not only come to to seriously address the ethic issue but also sought sought to squarely address this issue called the ed Tamil Movement). Astonishing many of his left e and his organisation forged alliances with the including the FP and the TULF in the 1970’s. In ublished a booklet in Tamil entitled, Senthamizhar become Red-Tamils) explaining not only his iamentary left but the reasons and thinking behind o-Tamil nationalist political moves.24
m of a dialogue with questions and answers, the t systematically Ponnambalam’s reasons for his stream left parties and his reasons for building a
aiyum Maintharum: Thamilarasu Katchi Araciyalin geny: A Critical Review of the Politics of the Federal omi Publications, 2000.
izhar Aagividuvom (Let us become Red-Tamils). Jaffna:

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new Tamil left party that in his view took seriously while still holding onto the principles of Marxist striking about the work is its powerful and innovativ parliamentary left’s policies on the ethnic questio conceding that it was his own party, the CCP that ha recognizing Tamils as a distinct nationality w determination as early as 1944, he argues that it nev issue seriously enough to popularize and instil emphasize its urgent importance.25 Suggesting th polemics without substance he goes on to say that ev of the parliamentary left to accept the right of self d but with conditions and stipulations—such as only united Sri Lanka—makes it difficult to consider anything more than mere eye wash.26 Thus what em of the left is its failure to take the struggle of the Tam with any degree of seriousness or in terms of any concerted action beyond merely articulating principl
Many of the arguments he deploys in his b sensitive contribution to Marxist theories of nationa emphatic warning against majoritarian nationalism e he termed great Russian chauvinism) and henc difference between the nationalism of the oppresso the oppressed. Clearly making a sharp distinction, need for Marxists to support the nationalism of the ideology is purely nationalist. 27 This deployment o becomes useful when Ponnambalam mounts a powe position toward Tamil nationalist parties such as TC bold support for them. Thus explicitly invoking Len that the nationalism of the oppressor community c same light as the nationalism of the oppressed, because it is against oppression it has some demo
25 Ibid. p. 47. 26 Ibid. p. 50. 27 Michael Lowy among others have pointed out this Lenin to Marxist theories of nationalism in his more r theories of nationalism. See Michael Lowy, Fatherland the National Question. London: Pluto Press, 1998.

his view took seriously the fight for Tamil rights e principles of Marxist Leninism. What is most s powerful and innovative Leninist critique of the s on the ethnic question. While affirming and n party, the CCP that had been in the forefront in distinct nationality with the right to self 44, he argues that it nevertheless did not take this popularize and instil this to the masses or ortance.25 Suggesting that it was largely party he goes on to say that even the more recent trend accept the right of self determination in principle pulations—such as only within the context of a it difficult to consider such positions as being ye wash.26 Thus what emerges from his criticism ke the struggle of the Tamil people for their rights ness or in terms of any sustained campaign or rely articulating principled positions.
ts he deploys in his book hinges on Lenin’s arxist theories of nationalism particularly Lenin’s ajoritarian nationalism even among leftists (what chauvinism) and hence his emphasis on the ionalism of the oppressor and the nationalism of ing a sharp distinction, Lenin had argued for the rt the nationalism of the oppressed even if their st. This deployment of Lenin’s ideas certainly ambalam mounts a powerful critique of the left’s nalist parties such as TC and the FP and his own s explicitly invoking Lenin, Ponnambalam argued oppressor community cannot be regarded in the lism of the oppressed, suggesting instead that ssion it has some democratic potential and thus
rs have pointed out this distinctive contribution of ationalism in his more recent evaluation of Marxist ichael Lowy, Fatherland or Mother Earth? Essays on : Pluto Press, 1998.

Page 22
should in most cases be supported.28 Thus unlik leaders, Ponnambalam adopts a fairly conciliatory nationalist parties. What is, however, surprising i little reservation or restraint.
Recalling Marx’s famous statement regardi States: “Labour cannot emancipate itself in the wh is branded” Ponnambalam argued again utilizing situation of ethnic inequality among workers the advanced. He wrote “that the right of self determi the workers struggle will strengthen it.”29
Despite these innovative critiques of left part question, Ponnambalam’s abrupt and desperate po fruit. Tragically they ended up not only alienatin but he was also let down by the Tamil nationalist work with.30 What is however evident from this t were in fact increasing disillusion with the lef question at least among sections of the progr Ponnambalam was able to capture and articulate t brief period.
28 Ponnambalam, Senthamizhar. pp. 51-52. 29 Ibid. p. 38. 30 For a more detailed discussion of this episode see S Left Tradition in Lankan Tamil Politics” in Rajan P Challenges and National Crisis. Colombo: Ecumen Dialogue and Social Scientists’ Association, 2001. pp. a sympathetic portrait of Ponnambalam and suggests betrayal from certain elements within the SLFP-Le Kadirgamar, “The Left Tradition in Lankan Tamil Pol Lanka: Global Challenges and National Crisis. Colo Study and Dialogue and Social Scientists’ Association on the other hand suggests that his rather hasty interven in the hands of the right wing to make a mockery o Vadapulaththu Pothuvudamai Iyakkamum Thozhar Ka Movement in the North and Comrade Karthigesan Publications, 2003. pp. 123-24.

supported.28 Thus unlike the majority of the left pts a fairly conciliatory position towards the Tamil s, however, surprising is that he does this with so nt.
mous statement regarding slavery in the United ancipate itself in the white skin where in the black argued again utilizing Lenin’s views that in a lity among workers the class struggle cannot be the right of self determination far from weakening trengthen it.”29
ive critiques of left party policies on the national abrupt and desperate political moves did not bear ed up not only alienating him from his own party by the Tamil nationalist coalition he had sought to ever evident from this tragic episode is that there disillusion with the left’s position on the Tamil sections of the progressive elements and that capture and articulate this disaffection albeit for a
ar. pp. 51-52.
sion of this episode see Santhasilan Kadirgamar, “The mil Politics” in Rajan Philips Ed. Sri Lanka: Global risis. Colombo: Ecumenical Institute for Study and ts’ Association, 2001. pp. 284-86. Kadirgamar provides nnambalam and suggests that his failure was aided by nts within the SLFP-Left coalition. See Santhasilan tion in Lankan Tamil Politics” in Rajan Philips Ed. Sri nd National Crisis. Colombo: Ecumenical Institute for ial Scientists’ Association, 2001. pp. 265-94. Senthivel at his rather hasty intervention merely became a weapon ng to make a mockery of the left. See SK Senthivel, i Iyakkamum Thozhar Karthigesanum. (The Communist d Comrade Karthigesan) Colombo: Puthiya Poomi 4.

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It was, however, the voices of the break away parties that remained outside the lure of coalition a that had greater credibility in the eyes of many am the Tamil region. One of the most popular left pa around this time was the break away wing of the C CCP, initially led by the senior communist leader came to be known as the Communist Party (Peking Communist Party (Moscow Wing), now Commun CPSL, whose remaining rump in the north was know The work and writings of some of the leaders o especially interesting and relevant for the present dis including the highly respected senior party lead working in the Tamil north during this time of incr ethnic conflict.
It is clear from their writings that many mem troubled by the increasing drift towards violence an by the rise of Tamil youth militancy on the one Sinhala racism and violence unleashed by the state serious attempts to engage with this issue at least by members of the Peking Wing. In 1976, one such article published in the form of a Tamil pamphlet e Arasiyal Nilaimaiyum Thesiya Sirupaanmai Ina Pir Political Situation in Sri Lanka and the Problem of What is remarkable about the article is not simply th concerted efforts by this party to engage seriousl problem, but it’s fairly comprehensive and in depth developments that had led to the ethnic impasse.
It conceded, for example, that the parliamenta failed the national minorities. It also provides a clear and limitations of the Federal Party’s politics and co early 70’s, many started realizing the Federal Part had very little alternatives, be it in the form of the m even under their own breakaway wing led by particularly on this failure they seem to reluctantly fact that Sanmugathasan had been an outstanding early life, in his later life he was quite ineffective as

ices of the break away factions of the major left e the lure of coalition and parliamentary politics in the eyes of many among left sympathizers in the most popular left parties in the Tamil north reak away wing of the Ceylon Communist Party, enior communist leader N Sanmugathasan which ommunist Party (Peking Wing) as opposed to the Wing), now Communist Party of Sri Lanka, mp in the north was known as the Moscow Wing. some of the leaders of the Peking Wing are levant for the present discussion as many of them ected senior party leader M Karthigesan were during this time of increasing communalism and
ritings that many members of this wing were drift towards violence and separatism occasioned militancy on the one hand and the increasing e unleashed by the state on the other. There were with this issue at least by a segment of the senior ing. In 1976, one such effort produced a long of a Tamil pamphlet entitled, Ilankayin Inraiya iya Sirupaanmai Ina Pirachanayum (The Current nka and the Problem of the Minority Nationality). e article is not simply the evidence it provides of arty to engage seriously with the rising ethnic prehensive and in depth analysis of the political o the ethnic impasse.
le, that the parliamentary left had by the 60’s, s. It also provides a clear analysis of the strengths al Party’s politics and concludes that when in the alizing the Federal Party’s ineffectiveness, they be it in the form of the mainstream left parties or akaway wing led by Sanmugathasan. Writing they seem to reluctantly concede that despite the ad been an outstanding communist leader in his was quite ineffective as a practical revolutionary

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leader.31 They argued that his ‘bookish Marxism’ stage to utilize the opportunity presented by the fa disaffected youth and unite the progressive forc direction.”32 Instead they argued that his leadershi caused a lot of internal dissensions within the par great number of people leaving the party includ broke away to form the now infamous Sinhala Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) in the late mid splinter groups. One important splinter group in Subramaniam which came to be known as the Sr (Left) which later changed its name to the New De ended up becoming the strongest of the various sp Communist Party (Peking Wing) in the North.
It is clear that the group led by the late KA S led by SK Senthivel has seriously attempted to co conflict and fill what it concedes had been a majo Sri Lanka—the need to both adequately theorize question. To this end they have sought not only t political developments that had led to led to the most importantly to theorize the national questio writings, publications and annual Congresses.3
31 Despite this criticism they point to his brilliant ac union leader; as a theoretician who had clarified the ide face of Soviet revisionism that had led the old CP to socialism; as well as his role as an outstanding organi campaigns in the north. See Vehujanan and Imayavaram Thozhar Sanmugathasan: Vimarsana Kannotam (S Communist Movement: a Critical Appraisal) Madras: South Asian Books, 1994. pp. 19-20. 32 Ibid. p.20. 33 Ibid. p. 12. 34 Their list of publications includes a fair number devo the national question. See for example, Imayavaramb Sri Lanka. Madras: Chennai Books, 1988; Imayavar (On Self Determination), Colombo: Puthiya Poomi Pub Viduthalai Porattamum: Aaiyvu Katturaikal, Madras (Second edition).

t his ‘bookish Marxism’ did not allow him at this unity presented by the failure of the FP to lead the ite the progressive forces in Sri Lanka in a new argued that his leadership style by the late 60’s had issensions within the party which not only led to a leaving the party including its youth wing which now infamous Sinhala nationalist- left called the na (JVP) in the late mid-60’s but also many other ortant splinter group in the north was led by KA e to be known as the Sri Lanka Communist Party its name to the New Democratic Party (NDP) and rongest of the various splinters to emerge out of the
Wing) in the North.33
roup led by the late KA Subramaniam and currently eriously attempted to come to grips with the ethnic oncedes had been a major lacuna in left politics in oth adequately theorize and deal with the national have sought not only to take careful stock of the at had led to led to the current impasse but also ize the national question through their numerous annual Congresses.34
y point to his brilliant achievements as a major trade n who had clarified the ideas of Marxist-Leninism in the at had led the old CP to take the parliamentary path to as an outstanding organizer of the Anti-untouchability ehujanan and Imayavaramban, Communist Iyakkaththil imarsana Kannotam (Sanmugathasan’s Role in the tical Appraisal) Madras: Puthiya Poomi Publications & . 19-20.
cludes a fair number devoted exclusively to the topic of r example, Imayavaramban. On National Relations in i Books, 1988; Imayavaramban, Suyanirnayam Pattri ombo: Puthiya Poomi Publishers, 2001; Ina Odukkalum iyvu Katturaikal, Madras: South Asian Books, 1995.

Page 25
A publication that came out of the Fourth Cong the year 2002 is quite illustrative and instructiv pamphlet provides a window to their approach to th their perspectives towards the various players in Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), which major players among the Tamils. Presenting Sri Lan comprising four main nationalities, the Sinhalese, T Country Tamils along with national minorities Malays and the Attho (Vedda), they argue that the r of each nationality be mutually respected. This po correct Marxist-Leninist position (in contrast to wh left parties that claim to be left but do not take a issue) and furthermore claim that they have held on despite facing tremendous challenges including thre many of their members from various quarters incl and paramilitary groups.
What is perhaps most remarkable is their attem and qualified support for the Tamil militant struggl the same time they attempt to maintain their own au to a Marxist Leninist vision for Sri Lanka. They jus of the Tamil militant struggle on two grounds. F forcefully and clearly that the cynical use of S nationalism by the Sinhala ruling classes had over contradiction in Sri Lanka--the national contradict contradiction. It was for this reason that despite t with class struggle they feel they have to extend thei the oppressed minorities even when this may take a Thus recalling Lenin’s attempt at such a delicate ba a finely balanced path between the right of self-det for an equitable class and caste less society. Th balancing act is evident in their political report:
From the outset, our party has had a clear posi has always pointed to the class basis of the natio the consequent oppression. Our assessment
35 New Democratic Party, Political Report of the Four 2002). Colombo: Puthiya Poomi Publications, 2002

e out of the Fourth Congress of the NDP held in lustrative and instructive in this regard.35 The w to their approach to the ethnic crisis as well as the various players in the crisis including the Eelam (LTTE), which by now had become the mils. Presenting Sri Lanka as a multi-ethnic state nalities, the Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims and Hill th national minorities including the Burghers, da), they argue that the right to self determination ually respected. This position they regard as the sition (in contrast to what they perceive as other e left but do not take a principled stand on this that they have held on to this difficult position challenges including threats and assassinations of m various quarters including the Tamil militant
remarkable is their attempt at balancing a critical e Tamil militant struggle and the LTTE while at to maintain their own autonomy and commitment for Sri Lanka. They justify this qualified support ggle on two grounds. Firstly by arguing quite t the cynical use of Sinhala chauvinism and ruling classes had over the years made the main -the national contradiction rather than the class is reason that despite their central engagement they have to extend their support for the rights of en when this may take a purely nationalist form. pt at such a delicate balance they intend to steer een the right of self-determination and the quest caste less society. This program of a careful eir political report:
arty has had a clear position on the war, and e class basis of the national contradiction and ssion. Our assessment has been that this
itical Report of the Fourth National Congress (8, 9-
i Publications, 2002

Page 26
national contradiction does not consti contradiction and that it evolved into the main the intense chauvinistic oppression that trans While the Party accepted the need for struggle contradiction, it emphasized the position tha should be negotiations and a just political solut
Secondly, they also attempt to explain the p support for the Tamil militant struggle by als dimension of the Tamil militant struggle. As the pa
The class-related fact that the overwhelming m men and women, workers, peasants, fisher-fol their lives in the struggle against chauvinistic from families of socially depressed workin clearly understood...the upper class elite an classes have sent abroad their offspring. Let u those who faced the various forms of oppressio were mostly the ordinary working peoples. I into account the class based contribution o struggle that has been carried out as a national the Party sees the nineteen year was as not struggle of the LTTE but also the oppression o
There is thus a qualified endorsement of the Ta LTTE, particularly for LTTE’s determination to fig military oppression”. Fully aware that their positio liable to bring harsh criticisms from many quarters
... our party critically supported the relentless the LTTE on behalf of the Tamil people. branded as ‘Tigers’ by elements speaking on b forces hostile to the LTTE. We nevertheless, what was just and what was right at any stag hesitate to oppose what was wrong and agains been our Marxist Leninist position.... The ot
36 Ibid. p. 16. 37 Ibid. p. 19.

on does not constitute a fundamental it evolved into the main contradiction owing to tic oppression that transformed it into a war. ted the need for struggle in resolving this main hasized the position that at some stage there
and a just political solution.36
ttempt to explain the party’s critical and careful ilitant struggle by also emphasizing the class ilitant struggle. As the party pamphlet explains:
that the overwhelming majority of the young kers, peasants, fisher-folk and others who lost gle against chauvinistic oppression have been ially depressed working masses should be he upper class elite and the upper middle- ad their offspring. Let us also remember that arious forms of oppression and suffered losses nary working peoples. It is necessary to take ss based contribution of the people to the carried out as a national struggle. That is why neteen year was as not just concerning the but also the oppression of the people.37
ed endorsement of the Tamil struggle and of the TE’s determination to fight against “chauvinistic y aware that their position is an unpopular one and isms from many quarters they write:
supported the relentless struggle carried out by of the Tamil people. As a result we were y elements speaking on behalf of the rulers and TTE. We nevertheless, did not fail to support at was right at any stage. Equally we did not at was wrong and against the people. This has inist position.... The other Tamil parties have

Page 27
compromised with chauvinism, and sing th hegemony and kowtow before it.38
Thus despite being aware of these criticisms an and distrust of LTTE’s exclusive politics of Tamil n to support the Tamil militant struggle all be it with LTTE:
... the LTTE deserves strong criticism and c monolithic approach, denial of democracy and actions. Their political ideology is Tamil nation progressive features, they have been unable conservatism and the political cultural trimmin Its leadership remains a petite bourgeois leaders
The above brief survey of the perspectives of and parties on the national question reveals that serious and passionate engagements with the nationa conflict even from members of parties that had s majoritarian nationalism. Thus, despite these failure and writings—particularly on the conduct of narrow offer great insights into the political development impasse as well as broaden our understanding involved in this issue. V Ponnambalam’s interven served to demonstrate how the left parties failed to h against Great Russian chauvinism—almost always to local smaller nations, and thus to distinguish be the oppressor and the nationalism of the oppressed. more damaging critique of the left was to point to it level of rhetoric with respect to the national question substantial actions based on such principles.
Above all, this brief survey suggests that movement in the left’s attitude to the national que pace of the ethnic conflict. As a result, even th attempted to distance themselves from their earl Sinhala majoritarian nationalism and speak determination—although this shift by all indications
38 Ibid. pp. 18-19. 39 Ibid. p. 18.

auvinism, and sing the praise of Indian before it.38
re of these criticisms and their own ambivalence lusive politics of Tamil nationalism they continue nt struggle all be it with a strong criticism of the
strong criticism and condemnation for its enial of democracy and certain high handed ideology is Tamil nationalism. Despite some hey have been unable to cast aside Tamil olitical cultural trimmings that went with it. petite bourgeois leadership39
of the perspectives of various left party figures l question reveals that there were indeed some gements with the national question and the ethnic rs of parties that had succumbed ultimately to hus, despite these failures, recalling their thinking n the conduct of narrowly “communalist” parties e political developments that led to the ethnic en our understanding of the complex factors Ponnambalam’s intervention on the other hand the left parties failed to heed Lenin’s dire warning vinism—almost always guilty of doing violence d thus to distinguish between the nationalism of nalism of the oppressed. Perhaps Ponnambalam’s the left was to point to its failure to go beyond the t to the national question and to take concrete and such principles.
survey suggests that there was considerable tude to the national question with the increasing . As a result, even the parliamentary left has selves from their earlier open collusion with ionalism and speak the language of self is shift by all indications seem only at the level of

Page 28
rhetoric and seems to lack any real substance as observed.40 Of the parties that remained outside th it is only the NDP and to a lesser extent the NSSP attempted to not only to reassess the factors that ha but also to re-examine and re-theorize the nat examination often led to abandoning earlier reco theoretical concepts like historic and non-histori five point requirements for a nation—to deny the to minority nationalities in Sri Lanka.
This movement towards a greater acceptance of Sri Lanka and the right to self determination Lankan left much like their counterpart in India w if not nationalist in their orientation from the start the origins of the left movement in Sri Lanka t imperialist and nationalist currents such as the Su this hardly surprising. 42 It is thus hardly surprising Lanka due to a variety of factors just as their coun much infected by a state centred nationalism that interests of the hegemonic ruling groups, cla respective states. A variety of reasons have been o nationalism of the Indian communist parties, one caste, Kancha Ilaiah going as far as calling it a
40 The current parliamentary left like its earlier counter coalition consisting of well known Sinhala chauvinist p to wean the government away from chauvinism it seem political opportunism. 41 This attempt at re-theorisation of the national questio numerous publications on the subject. See for example NDP, for the NSSP, see for example, Vickramabahu Ka Assimilation of Nations. Colombo: World Publications and1987); V Thirunavukkarasu, Perinavathaththin Azh (Elimination of Chauvinism is Sri Lanka’s Salvation) C 2005. 42 See for example the work of Regi Siriwardena, Work in Wartime. Colombo: International Centre for Ethnic S Amarasinghe, Revolutionary Idealism and Parliamenta Trotskyism in Sri Lanka. Colombo: Social Scientists’ A

k any real substance as Ponnambalam had earlier that remained outside the lure of coalition politics, a lesser extent the NSSP that has self-consciously assess the factors that had led to the ethnic conflict and re-theorize the national question.41 This re- abandoning earlier recourse to outdated Marxist historic and non-historic nations or even Stalin’s r a nation—to deny the right to self-determination
Sri Lanka.
rds a greater acceptance of the multi-ethnic nature t to self determination itself suggests that the Sri ir counterpart in India were above all state-centred rientation from the start. Recent work that locates ovement in Sri Lanka to diverse strands of anti- currents such as the Suriya Mal movement makes is thus hardly surprising that the left parties in Sri factors just as their counterparts in India were very centred nationalism that often served to mask the nic ruling groups, classes and castes in their y of reasons have been offered for this state centred communist parties, one scholar with a focus on g as far as calling it a genuine variant of Indian
left like its earlier counterparts are part of the ruling
own Sinhala chauvinist parties. Although they say it is
from chauvinism it seems quite a lame excuse for
ion of the national question is evident from their
subject. See for example the already cited works by the ample, Vickramabahu Karunaratne, Tribe, Nation and mbo: World Publications, 1983. (reprinted in 1986 su, Perinavathaththin Azhive Ilankaiyin Viduvu. s Sri Lanka’s Salvation) Colombo: V Thirnavukkarasu,
f Regi Siriwardena, Working Underground: The LSSP ational Centre for Ethnic Studies, 1999; Ranjit Idealism and Parliamentary Politics: A Study of ombo: Social Scientists’ Association. 2000.

Page 29
nationalism, what he dubs as “Brahminical Commun noted Indian left academics such as Javeed Ala preoccupation in the Indian left though are loathe to cultural roots of its leadership but instead traces it t of its revolutionary theories. He for example writes:
One of the key features of the organized politic today is its exceptional concern with fighting t of ‘communalism, on the one hand, and atte forefront as defenders of the national unity of In at the build-up of the revolutionary p society...primarily through, working on the orientation to politics in turn led to a withdraw society as such—its institutions, values and articulation ....44
Focussing mostly on the political trajectory of India (Marxist), CPI(M), Aditya Nigam has similar how the CPI(M) had come to be “completely hegem discourse of nationhood and national integration.”
The well known and highly respected CCP Sanmugathasan’s political career itself offers a movement from a state-centred perspective to a m on the national question. Like many Tamil left lea most of his career had been loathe to consider publicly arguing at one point that since they did n major requirements for a nation—that they share a they were yet to qualify as a nation.46 However, by
43 Kancha Ilaiah, “Towards the Dalitisation of the Nati Wages of Freedom: Fifty Years of the Indian Nation Sta Press, 1998. p. 269. 44 Javeed Alam, “Communist Politics in Search of Heg Ed. Wages of Freedom: Fifty Years of the Indian N University Press, 1998. pp. 179-80. 45 Aditya Nigam, “Communist Politics Hegemonised Wages of Freedom: Fifty Years of the Indian Nation Sta Press, 1998. pp. p. 207. 46 Sanmugathasan asserts this in his interesting but r nationalist account especially of early Sri Lankan hi

s “Brahminical Communist nationalism.”43 Other cs such as Javeed Alam also sense a similar left though are loathe to blame this on the socio- ip but instead traces it to the statist assumptions . He for example writes:
of the organized politics of the left in India concern with fighting the menacing growth the one hand, and attempting to be in the f the national unity of India ... (they) looked the revolutionary potential in Indian ough, working on the state ... such an n turn led to a withdrawal of attention from nstitutions, values and particular modes of
e political trajectory of the Communist Party of ditya Nigam has similarly attempted to illustrate to be “completely hegemonised by the dominant
national integration.”45
highly respected CCP (Peking Wing) leader career itself offers a good of example of a tred perspective to a more sympathetic position ike many Tamil left leaders: Sanmugathasan for en loathe to consider the Tamils as a nation, int that since they did not fulfil one of Stalin’s ation—that they share a common economy, that a nation.46 However, by the mid to late 80’s one
e Dalitisation of the Nation” in Partha Chatterjee Ed. s of the Indian Nation State. Delhi: Oxford University
Politics in Search of Hegemony” in Partha Chatterjee Years of the Indian Nation State. Delhi: Oxford -80. st Politics Hegemonised” in Partha Chatterjee Ed. s of the Indian Nation State. Delhi: Oxford University
in his interesting but rather formal if not Sinhala of early Sri Lankan history. His coverage of the

Page 30
can detect a progressive hardening of his attitude t and what he dubbed the “official left”. Towards th an almost about face change in his attitude towar well as Tamil youth militancy and the LTTE. Wr bitterness about the increasing racism and reluctan to even concede minor concessions to the Tamils, very sympathetic reading of the Tamil militant stru approvingly of Tamil youth militancy he credits t won gains made by the Tamils:
There is no doubt that the increasing success o was instrumental for the government of Sri offer to the Tamils. Men who had sworn nothing more than District Development Coun proposed Provincial Councils ....”47
Pointing out that even this concession was maske masses not as a real concession he goes on to stubborn and stead fast position taken by some of in the face of the twin pressures brought to bear under Rajiv Gandhi and the Jayawardane Sanmugathasan at the heart of the failure of the Lankan state’s continuing reluctance to recognize some semblance of self determination:
The basic reason for this failure is that the Sr and the Sinhala Chauvinist leadership refused the Tamils are a nation who have lived in co the northern and eastern provinces for a very and that therefore, they are entitled to determination. Unless this right is accepted and can be no solution to the current Tamil problem
modern period however is quite innovative and origina the parliamentary Left, the SLFP and the MEP is troubling is his rather unquestioning or even Sinhala early Sri Lankan history. N Sanmugathasan, A Mar Ceylon. Colombo: Sarasavi Printers, 1972. p. 64. 47 N Sanmugathasan, “The National Problem or the Pro Unpublished papers, p. 17. 48 Ibid. p. 20.

ardening of his attitude toward the Sri Lankan state official left”. Towards the end of his life there was ge in his attitude towards the national question as ancy and the LTTE. Writing with a great sense of sing racism and reluctance of the Sri Lankan state ncessions to the Tamils, his later writings affords a of the Tamil militant struggle. For example, writing th militancy he credits them for the small but hard mils:
the increasing success of the guerrilla struggle the government of Sri Lanka to improve its Men who had sworn that they would give trict Development Councils to the Tamils, now ouncils ....”47
s concession was masked to appear to the Sinhala cession he goes on to write approvingly of the sition taken by some of the Tamil militant groups essures brought to bear by the Indian government nd the Jayawardane government. Now, for art of the failure of the negotiations was the Sri reluctance to recognize the right of the Tamils for termination:
this failure is that the Sri Lankan government inist leadership refused to accept the fact that n who have lived in contiguous territories in ern provinces for a very long period of time they are entitled to the right of self this right is accepted and acknowledged there he current Tamil problem”.48
ite innovative and original and his analysis especially of SLFP and the MEP is brilliant. However, what is estioning or even Sinhala nationalist interpretation of Sanmugathasan, A Marxist Looks at the History of rinters, 1972. p. 64. ational Problem or the Problem of National Minorities”,

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What is clear from this is that with the increasing many left leaders, Sanmugathasan had moved cons position on the national question and reluctance to e struggle.
Sanmugathasan also blames the statist ori communist parties to their coming under the infl forces from an early stage-- first coming under the revisionist communist parties and later under leadership which as he points out had even gone to Indian communists to support Indira Gandhi during emergency rule in the mid-70’s.49 Some writers i have also pointed out how the policies of the India only had their echoes and counterparts in the offic have also played an important role in suppressing the oppressed minorities and the working classes i this phenomenon in relation to the Indo-Lanka peac wrote:
It was therefore no surprise to us that over the both the communist parties of India blindly supp without fulfilling the international duty of supp of Sri Lanka’s Tamil minority and its working Indian communist parties along with the Sri parties have issued a joint statement not only p accord but also calling for its strict implement surrender of their weapons by the militant g course... no mention of the plight of the Tam from the frying pan into the fire. There is also the thousands of innocent people killed or of oth
Other more recent works of a similar persuasion Sanmugathasan in critiquing the nationalist and Indian communist parties.51 A work in Tamil focusi
49 N Sanmugathasan, “The Sri Lankan Problem and (Private unpublished papers). p. 5. 50 Ibid. pp. 5-6. 51 See for example Dilip Menon’s analysis of the CPI (M Kerala, EMS Namboodripaad’s interpretation of Kera sought to re-inscribe a positive place for Brahmins and

hat with the increasing ethnic conflagration, like athasan had moved considerably from his initial stion and reluctance to endorse the Tamil militant
blames the statist orientation of the Indian coming under the influence of revisionist left - first coming under the influence of the British rties and later under the Russian revisionist ts out had even gone to the extent of ordering the ort Indira Gandhi during the infamous period of -70’s.49 Some writers including Sanmugathasan the policies of the Indian communist parties not counterparts in the official left in Sri Lanka but tant role in suppressing the genuine struggles of d the working classes in Sri Lanka. Writing of to the Indo-Lanka peace accord, Sanmugathasan
rise to us that over the Sri Lankan question ties of India blindly supported Rajiv Gandhi ternational duty of supporting the interests inority and its working classes.... both the ies along with the Sri Lankan revisionists int statement not only praising the JR-Rajiv for its strict implementation, including the pons by the militant groups. There is of f the plight of the Tamils who have fallen o the fire. There is also no condemnation of nt people killed or of other atrocities.50
s of a similar persuasion have even gone beyond ng the nationalist and Brahminical bias of the A work in Tamil focusing on the life of the well
ri Lankan Problem and the Indian Communists!” . 5.
n’s analysis of the CPI (M) Brahmin chief minister of ’s interpretation of Kerala history which he argue place for Brahmins and the Indian nation in light of

Page 32
known Tamilnadu CPI(M) leader Jeeva (P Jeevana being an ardent party worker had sympathies for Periyar and understanding towards the Dravidian narrative of the life and times of Jeeva explor location of many of the Brahmin leaders of the Ma fearful and distrustful of party workers such as Je among the Tamil population and worked hard author, a former CPI(M) member, also laments ho of the CP(M) had intervened many times in the statements on behalf of a unitary state and against liberation struggle.53
If there is evidence of statist or nation parliamentary left parties as well as some work o the elite caste leadership of the Communist parties the communist parties by the dominant discourse o integration, there is little comparable work on the that many Sri Lankan Tamil left leaders themselv concern with the rising ethnic conflict had be hegemonisation by the dominant discourse of integration. In this regard, even Sanmugathasa work, A Marxist Looks at the History of Ceylon, p on pre-colonial Sri Lanka provides a useful exam pre-colonial Sri Lanka, though attempting in many communal reading of Sri Lanka’s past what com standard and uncomplicated Sinhala-Buddhist n achievements of ancient Sri Lanka with libera
the threat posed by the Dravidian movement. See, Di the Marxist Way: EMS Namboodripaad and the Pasts Invoking the Past: the Uses of History in South Asia. D 1999. pp. 55-90. 52
His main argument being that despite being Marxis leaders were distinctly uncomfortable with anything th in Tamil culture or Tamil regionalism and thus tended as Jeeva who was known for his Tamil literary and or garner much support among the Tamils. See Pu Ar Maraikappatta Unmaikal (Comrade Jeeva: Hidden Pathippakam, 1997. 53 Ibid. p. 42.

) leader Jeeva (P Jeevanandam—who in addition to rker had sympathies for the anti-caste struggles of g towards the Dravidian movement)—through its times of Jeeva explores how the socio-cultural rahmin leaders of the Marxist parties led them to be party workers such as Jeeva who had a solid basis tion and worked hard to empower them. 52 The member, also laments how the Brahmin leadership ned many times in the Sri Lankan crisis to make unitary state and against federalism and the Tamil
e of statist or nationalist bias in the Indian as well as some work on the connection between f the Communist parties and the hegemonisation of the dominant discourse of nationalism and national comparable work on the Sri Lankan left. It is clear il left leaders themselves, despite their increasing ethnic conflict had been subjected to a similar dominant discourse of nationalism and national rd, even Sanmugathasan’s own pioneering 1972 the History of Ceylon, particularly its brief section provides a useful example. In the brief section on ough attempting in many places to dispel a narrow Lanka’s past what comes across is very much a ted Sinhala-Buddhist nationalist account of the Sri Lanka with liberal quotes from the highly
idian movement. See, Dilip Menon, “Being a Brahmin boodripaad and the Pasts of Kerala” in Daud Ali, Ed. f History in South Asia. Delhi: Oxford University Press,
that despite being Marxists, many of its elite Brahmin fortable with anything that smacked remotely of pride ionalism and thus tended to marginalize someone such his Tamil literary and oratorical skills and was able to the Tamils. See Pu Ar Kuppusamy, Thozhar Jeeva: omrade Jeeva: Hidden Truths). Coimbatore: Vidiyal

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celebrated Sinhala nationalist archaeologist S compares this with the more recent account of pre-c NSSP leader Vickrambahu Karunaratne55 it becom version of pre-colonial Sri Lanka itself has come a ethnic conflict. In a rather revealing passage while of Hinduism on Buddhism in the Island, Sanmugath
If one goes to see the ruins of the palace in Po see the ruins of two temples in front of the p Buddhist temple at which the King worshippe temple dedicated to Vishnu, at which his India Later on Vishnu was admitted inside the templ an out and out Hindu practice as dancing the ‘K Buddhist practice. We have heard of Srimavo B the ‘Kavadi’ at the notorious Lunawa temple, w top society people. The sight would have revolt should revolt any genuine Buddhist!56
Kavadi, is a dance form of Hindu worship now subaltern classes and castes of the Tamils and Sanm it here is hardly a flattering account of Hindu-Tamil Though not intending to detract from Sanm achievements and contributions as a Left leader in like to note here is that Shanmugathasan’s own wr was no doubt under some pressure to appear no to Sinhala community—to the extent of indulging in own community. This almost apologist narrative o leader Sanmugathasan then makes it hardly surpr
54 Nor is standard narrative of the Indo-Aryan origins o Mention of Tamils or Hinduism only serve in this n standard Sinhala nationalist narrative rather than as sign the Island. He had written for example: “(the) brilliant sy tribute to the engineering skill of the ancient Sinhales glories of the ancient Sinhalese civilization.... With th irrigation—brought about by foreign invasions ... begin Sinhalese civilisation”. p. 4. 55 Vickramabahu Karunaratne, Tribe, Nation and Assimi World Publications, 1983. (reprinted in 1986 and1987) 56 N Sanmugathasan, “The National Problem or the Prob Unpublished papers, p. 9.

alist archaeologist S Paranavithana.54 If one e recent account of pre-colonial Sri Lanka by the Karunaratne55 it becomes clear that the left’s Lanka itself has come a long way thanks to the evealing passage while speaking of the influence in the Island, Sanmugathasan had written:
ruins of the palace in Polonnaruwa, you will emples in front of the palace. One was the ich the King worshipped. The other was a shnu, at which his Indian queen worshipped. dmitted inside the temple. Today, even such ractice as dancing the ‘Kavadi’ has become a have heard of Srimavo Bandaranaike dancing rious Lunawa temple, which is patronized by sight would have revolted Lord Buddha and ne Buddhist!56
of Hindu worship now associated with the more of the Tamils and Sanmugathasan’s reference to account of Hindu-Tamil influence on Buddhism. o detract from Sanmugathasan’s remarkable ions as a Left leader in Sri Lanka, what I would anmugathasan’s own writings here reveal that he ressure to appear no to be partisan or offend the e extent of indulging in some slights against his ost apologist narrative of the Tamil communist makes it hardly surprising that many of the
the Indo-Aryan origins of the Sinhalese interrogated. sm only serve in this narrative to complexify this rrative rather than as significant actors or presence in xample: “(the) brilliant system of irrigation which is a l of the ancient Sinhalese that was the basis of the e civilization.... With the collapse of this system of oreign invasions ... begins the decline of the ancient
Tribe, Nation and Assimilation of Nations. Colombo: rinted in 1986 and1987) ional Problem or the Problem of National Minorities”,

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Sinhala leaders of Sri Lanka’s official left, m backgrounds slid dangerously towards Sinhala Sanmugathasan himself points out towards the end
Once the left movement started slipping opportunism, there was no end to it. People wh Marx’s statement about religion being the opi started visiting Kataragama temple before la campaigns; and of paying homage at the Dalad their portfolios. It was nothing but an attempt Man.57
What is important to consider is how these vis past held by left leaders translate in terms empowerment or disempowerment of certain gr groups for example does the thinly veiled domi unity and national integration really serve be it in state-centred vision of India (which is essenti Brahminical vision of India) held by many Indian resistant to change, it is hardly surprising that the despite their Marxism had a vision of Sri Lanka as Sinhala Buddhist civilization occasionally inva Indians (read Tamils).
Epilogue:
Despite these failures and challenges in the left’ question in Sri Lanka, the left perspective, partic manifestation which continue to inspire at least a the national question remains, perhaps, the m approach to dealing with the national question.
57 Sanmugathasan attributes this reversion and opportu most of the parliamentary left leaders who he asserts ca of them feudal” who merely “played at revolution as re interests.” See, N Sanmugathasan, “Fifty Years of the L papers. p. 6-9. 58 Despite these failures there is certainly a renewed in nationalism and the national question. There is also ren attempt to theorize nationalism which may be regarded and serious Marxist attempts to theorize nationalism de discussion of this renewed interest, see “The Nation as

Lanka’s official left, many of them from elite ously towards Sinhala Buddhist nationalism. As
ints out towards the end of his life:
ement started slipping down the path of s no end to it. People who had been re-echoing ut religion being the opium of the people, now agama temple before launching their election ing homage at the Dalada Maligawa accepting s nothing but an attempt to cheat both God and
onsider is how these visions of the “nation” and its rs translate in terms of the group rights or owerment of certain groups and classes. Which the thinly veiled dominant discourse of national tion really serve be it in India or Sri Lanka? If this India (which is essentially synchronous with a ia) held by many Indian communist leaders is so ardly surprising that the official left in Sri Lanka a vision of Sri Lanka as essentially an Indo-Aryan, ation occasionally invaded by the nasty South
challenges in the left’s handling of the national e left perspective, particularly in its ideal Leninist nue to inspire at least a segment of left thinkers on mains, perhaps, the most sensitive and ethical the national question.58 As a recent work on the
his reversion and opportunism to the class character of t leaders who he asserts came from “rich families some
played at revolution as revolution was not in their class asan, “Fifty Years of the Left Movement” Unpublished
is certainly a renewed interest in Marxist approaches to uestion. There is also renewed interest in Otto Bauer’s m which may be regarded as one of the more sustained to theorize nationalism despite its failings. For a erest, see “The Nation as a Common Fate: Otto Bauer

Page 35
nationalities policy of the formative Soviet “affir between the crucial years of 1917 to 1923 sug invaluable lessons to be learned from left attempts demands of autonomy and safeguards for national m equity and socialism— in this case the Soviet attem Soviet empire’s numerous national minorities chauvinism and oppression and at the same time car mandate with its emphasis on class struggle an equality. Lenin’s dire warning against the danger Bolsheviks’ own Great Russian chauvinism and h generous to the national minorities in the face of figures such as Georgii Piatokov and Nikolai Bukha as agents of counter revolution provides an abje leaders today who have all but forgotten these im Soviet experience.60 Against Piatokov and Bukharin was only by being respectful to the various nati ensure that they do not fall into the hands of count attention away from class struggle to struggles aga As Terry Martin observes of Lenin’s argument, “Cla politically dominant social identity only if national respect.”61 Lenin’s argument that the communist psychology of great power chauvinism from the clever quip “scratch any Communist and you wi chauvinist” 62 certainly should resonate for any th vicissitudes of left history in Sri Lanka and India.
Today” in Michael Lowy, Fatherland or Mother Earth? Question. London: Pluto Press, 1998. 59 The recent scholarly interest in Soviet policy toward th perhaps suggests the beginning of a renewed interest in t nationality question. See for example, Terry Martin, The Nations and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, 1923-1939 Cornell University Press, 2001; Ronald Grigor Suny and of Nations: Empire and Nation-Making in the Age of Len Oxford University Press, 2001. I am thankful to V Geeth to me.

formative Soviet “affirmative action empire”59 of 1917 to 1923 suggests there are indeed rned from left attempts to negotiate between the afeguards for national minorities and the goals of his case the Soviet attempt to both safeguard the s national minorities from Great Russian and at the same time carry forward their socialist is on class struggle and social and economic ning against the dangers of what he termed the ssian chauvinism and his passionate plea to be inorities in the face of severe opposition from okov and Nikolai Bukharin who saw them simply lution provides an abject lesson for many left l but forgotten these important lessons from the t Piatokov and Bukharin, Lenin had argued that it tful to the various nationalities that one could into the hands of counter revolution nor deflect struggle to struggles against national oppression. f Lenin’s argument, “Class, ... would become the identity only if national identity was given proper nt that the communist party had “inherited the r chauvinism from the tsarist regime” and his Communist and you will find a Great Russian uld resonate for any thoughtful student of the
Sri Lanka and India.63
erland or Mother Earth? Essays on the National
1998. in Soviet policy toward their various nationalities of a renewed interest in the Left’s contribution to the ample, Terry Martin, The Affirmative Action Empire:
Soviet Union, 1923-1939. Ithaca and London: ; Ronald Grigor Suny and Terry Martin, Eds. A State -Making in the Age of Lenin and Stalin. Oxford:
I am thankful to V Geetha for pointing these sources

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Statement to the Media NDP Condemns Brutal Attacks by Israe 2nd July 2006
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary of t issued, on behalf of the Politburo of the NDP condemning the Israeli attack on the people of Pale
People are daily suffering loss of life and i continuous brutal attacks carried out by Israel especially targeted and attacked. Israeli Zionism self. The New Democratic Party vehemently cond Palestine and Lebanon by Israel with the bles expresses its solidarity with the people of Pales same time it calls upon all genuine progressive, that uphold humanitarian values, liberation an oppression to condemn these attacks and demand t
The US regularly makes a big noise abou committed naked aggression in Iraq and Afghani undertaken the sacred task of combating and defea warning and threatening Iran and Syria. The sam Israeli terrorism, and endorses and justifies carry Palestine and Lebanon. The British government Israel, which was created as a powerful base facilitating the looting of the oil wealth of the Ar and oppressing the Muslim countries and their peo is today acting as the hand of imperialism.
Israel has been set the task of killing off the people who resist the US and the imperialist West out by Israeli terrorists in the name of defending limit innocent people including infants. The savag the backing of the US against the people of Pale

NDP Diary
Brutal Attacks by Israel
, General Secretary of the New Democratic Party Politburo of the NDP, the following statement ack on the people of Palestine and Lebanon.
ring loss of life and injuries as a result of the carried out by Israel. Important buildings are ttacked. Israeli Zionism has thus exposed its true c Party vehemently condemns the fierce attacks on y Israel with the blessings of the US. It also ith the people of Palestine and Lebanon. At the ll genuine progressive, democratic and left forces n values, liberation and freedom, and oppose ese attacks and demand their stoppage.
akes a big noise about world terrorism. It has ion in Iraq and Afghanistan, claiming that its has of combating and defeating terrorism. It is directly Iran and Syria. The same US expresses support to orses and justifies carrying out savage attacks on he British government is slavishly supporting it. d as a powerful base and a fierce means for the oil wealth of the Arab world and for subduing countries and their people who stand in the way, of imperialism.
task of killing off the Palestinian and Lebanese and the imperialist West. The brutal attacks carried the name of defending Israel has killed without uding infants. The savage attacks carried out with ainst the people of Palestine and Lebanon has the

Page 41
motive of frightening into submission all anti-imper That is why the UN Security Council as well as failed to come forward to condemn the cruel attacks to it. The NDP joins the people of the world and the and left forces of Sri Lanka in condemning these att immediate stoppage.
Statement to the Media NDP Condemns Killings by Government 25th August 2006
Comrade E Thambiah, National Organiser of th issued, on behalf of the Central Committee of statement.
The New Democratic Party strongly condemns t armed forces, including the one on the Sencholai Ch students were killed, the killing of 17 NGO employ killings, and demands that the Government should Agreement (CFA) totally defunct by carrying out fur
Over the past year there have been a variety o During the past month the Government and the LTT attacks, while declaring that they do not compris declares that its attacks are counterattacks while th defensive action. But people are being killed and di This is not a healthy trend for carrying forward th process.
While the government declared that it carried ou supply from the Mavilaru anicut, its carrying out sim Vanni and the Jaffna Peninsula amounted to impos Tamil people. Indian intervention is on the increase been brought under the control of the US, the EU an been transformed into an arena for the Indo-Pakistan
Foreign countries and the so-called Internatio always issue statements and watch in amusement establishment of their hegemony.

ubmission all anti-imperialist liberation struggles. rity Council as well as several governments has ndemn the cruel attacks by Israel or to put an end ple of the world and the progressive, democratic in condemning these attacks and calling for their
illings by Government Forces
ational Organiser of the New Democratic Party Central Committee of the NDP, the following
rty strongly condemns the various attacks by the one on the Sencholai Children’s Home where 61 lling of 17 NGO employees in Muthur, and other the Government should not render the Ceasefire funct by carrying out further such brutal attacks.
e have been a variety of breaches of the CFA. overnment and the LTTE have been carrying out at they do not comprise war. The Government counterattacks while the LTTE calls its attacks e are being killed and displaced in large numbers. for carrying forward the ceasefire or the peace
eclared that it carried out attacks to secure water nicut, its carrying out simultaneous attacks in the sula amounted to imposing full-scale war on the ention is on the increase in Sri Lanka, which has trol of the US, the EU and Norway. Sri Lanka has ena for the Indo-Pakistan rivalry.
the so-called International Community will as d watch in amusement while attending to the ony.

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All the forces that care for the entire populat realise this and unite to carry forward major popu end to the war efforts.
Statement to the Media NDP Condemns Killings by Governmen 18th September 2006
Comrade E Thambiah, Attorney-at-Law and New Democratic Party issued, on behalf of the NDP, the following statement.
The New Democratic Party has emphasised th out mass struggles for the prevention of activities a kidnapping, disappearing, murder and extraction o has pointed out that the conflict between the associations will only benefit anti-people elements.
One or several armed gangs, like for example the connivance of the government during 1988-89 the kidnapping and disappearance of traders, employees and personalities. It is necessary fo responsible and meaningful action to put an en disappearances. War damage and murders have in Also, since kidnapping, disappearing, murder a money have become part of their daily life, the T severe stress.
Although the government has been saying that kidnapping, disappearing, murder and forcible e occurrence has not diminished. Therefore, it is nec forces against them to carry forward broad-based m
It is important for political parties, trade un traders’ associations and shop employees unio struggles on the basis of general consensus.
*****

e for the entire population of the country should arry forward major popular movements to put and
Killings by Government Forces
, Attorney-at-Law and National Organiser of the sued, on behalf of the Central Committee of the ent.
Party has emphasised that it is necessary to carry prevention of activities aimed at Tamils such as the murder and extraction of protection money. It also e conflict between the politicians and traders’ efit anti-people elements.
gangs, like for example the PRRA operating with ernment during 1988-89, could be responsible for appearance of traders, media personnel, shop ties. It is necessary for the government to take ful action to put an end to the kidnappings and age and murders have increased in the North-East. disappearing, murder and forcible extraction of of their daily life, the Tamil people are subject to
ent has been saying that it is taking action against murder and forcible extraction of money, their shed. Therefore, it is necessary to unite a variety of y forward broad-based mass struggles.
litical parties, trade unions, mass organisations, shop employees unions to participate in such eneral consensus.
*****

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A War by Any Other Name
If one were to believe the Government of Sri L SLMM, the ceasefire agreement (CFA) still exis existence means is anybody’s guess.
Until a few months ago, with the ceasefire nom were killed in the North, LTTE cadres were kill leaders were gunned down, and people disappeared one was responsible for anything. The failure of LTTE to adhere to what was agreed at the Geneva ta escalation of conflict. The disaster that the Oslo talk led to open conflict free from of pretence to ignoranc
The government’s reprisal attacks on what it cl firstly for the alleged attempt by the LTTE on the l Sarath Fonseka in April and then in June in respon attack on a bus that killed 69 people including man harsh, considering the fact that it has still not been e was responsible for the incidents. And the victim mainly civilians.
LTTE’s closure of the sluice gates at Mavilaru Government’s refusal of permission for an Asian D water supply scheme for the Tamil people of the reg water supply and other grievances of the local T military action by the government, which the g military action with a humanitarian purpose and d appears that the government had decided some tim damage to the LTTE’s military capability before it c from losses following the split of the Karuna factio impact of the tsunami of December 2004.
The government eventually captured Mavilaru, a a real threat to its naval base in Trincomalee, but at t loss of life and the creation a major refugee proble displacement of over 50 000 people from their home

Sri Lankan Events
her Name
e Government of Sri Lanka, the LTTE or the ement (CFA) still exists –on paper. What its ’s guess.
, with the ceasefire nominally in place, soldiers LTTE cadres were killed in the East, political , and people disappeared without a trace; but no nything. The failure of the government and the s agreed at the Geneva talks in April led to further isaster that the Oslo talks in June turned out to be
of pretence to ignorance.
sal attacks on what it claimed to be LTTE bases, pt by the LTTE on the life of Army Commander d then in June in response to the Claymore mine 69 people including many children, were unduly hat it has still not been established that the LTTE cidents. And the victims of the bombings were
sluice gates at Mavilaru in August protesting the rmission for an Asian Development Bank funded e Tamil people of the region in desperate need of rievances of the local Tamil population led to vernment, which the government claimed was anitarian purpose and did not constitute war. It nt had decided some time ago to do maximum tary capability before it could sufficiently recover plit of the Karuna faction and more seriously the cember 2004.
ally captured Mavilaru, and Sampur, which posed e in Trincomalee, but at the cost of a considerable a major refugee problem in the region with the people from their homes.

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The government also bombed the LTTE-contr of the armed conflict in Mavilaru and continue capture of Mavilaru and Sampur. Meantime t battlefront in the north, reportedly in self-defence, with the army claiming that it had advanced its for sectors. But battle is still raging in the north, bom Vanni, and new fronts are being opened in the Am the East. But we are told that it is not war. Not yet,
During the past few months, Tamils from th Trincomalee have been fleeing their homes to hundreds in the face of attacks and threats from th The situation has been aggravated further by arm members of paramilitary groups, demanding lar Tamil businessmen, and kidnapping and killing p reason.
The response of the government to the killing forces has for sometime been one of denial and killing in Muthur of 17 employees of an NGO bas schoolgirls by aerial bombing in Mullaitivu, and t of 11 Muslims in Ninthavur have badly hu government, and the clumsy handling of the issues a proper inquiry have not helped either.
While the government and the LTTE are busy beyond its endurance limit, and the SLMM and N all is well with the CFA, the people of the North E suffering is aggravated by the systematic blockin several ways the plight of the people in the regions worse than during periods of war.
Spy v. Spy The Sri Lankan government has procured arms f recent times Pakistan has been a major supplier, reluctant to arm Sri Lanka at a time when there w Tamilnadu about the suffering of the Tamils in Sar

bombed the LTTE-controlled Vanni from the time Mavilaru and continued bombing even after the d Sampur. Meantime the LTTE had opened a portedly in self-defence, and a fierce battle ensued, at it had advanced its forward defence line in some raging in the north, bombings are continuing in the being opened in the Amparai-Batticaloa region in hat it is not war. Not yet, that is.
months, Tamils from the districts of Mannar and fleeing their homes to far away places in their tacks and threats from the armed forces and thugs. ggravated further by armed gangs, claiming to be groups, demanding large sums of money from idnapping and killing people, often for no known
overnment to the killing of civilians by the armed been one of denial and blaming the enemy. The ployees of an NGO based in France, the killing of bing in Mullaitivu, and the recent hacking to death thavur have badly hurt the credibility of the sy handling of the issues and reluctance to conduct helped either.
t and the LTTE are busy stretching the CFA well it, and the SLMM and Norway are pretending that the people of the North East are suffering, and their the systematic blocking of essential supplies. In the people in the regions affected by the conflict is of war.
(written 23.09.06)
ent has procured arms from varied sources and in been a major supplier, especially after India was at a time when there was growing public anger in ring of the Tamils in Sari Lanka.

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When the outgoing Pakistani High Commissio claymore mine explosion in Colombo in August, Lanka hastily declared that the LTTE was the likely Pakistan supplying arms to Sri Lanka. A few days la English daily, Dawn suggested that it was the Rese (RAW) of India that was behind the attack. Subsequ Commissioner for Sri Lanka publicly accused RAW by the Indian High Commission, but the Pakistani o accept the denial. Thus a war of words is still go countries.
Meantime, B Raman, former chief of RAW, in Pakistani Air Force personnel based in Colombo o pilots in their bombing from high altitude. Raman should support the Sri Lankan government so th foothold in a country which India considers its prese There were also suggestions from various so funding Muslim armed groups such as the Jihad in carry out attacks against the LTTE. But it is also kn Sri Lanka Muslim Congress regularly seeks advise and it was suspected that Indian agents were be clashes in the East three years ago.
The involvement of the Indian High Commis attempts to prevent the management of the Appol changing hands from the Indian parent group of co business drew sharp criticism from the Minis Bandaranayake. Although the government dissociat of the minister, many in the government privately the minister, as the growing Indian domination in S to increased resentment among the Sri Lankan elit the appointment of Rao as Indian Ambassador to C the heat off the debate.
In any event, the entry of Pakistan as a player in will only make more complex the problems faced b would resent the growth of Pakistani influence and s
*****

kistani High Commissioner narrowly escaped a in Colombo in August, the Government of Sri the LTTE was the likely culprit since it resented Sri Lanka. A few days later, the leading Pakistani sted that it was the Research and Analysis Wing hind the attack. Subsequently, the Pakistani High a publicly accused RAW. The charge was denied sion, but the Pakistani officials were unwilling to war of words is still going on between the two
ormer chief of RAW, in a lengthy article accused el based in Colombo of guiding the Sri Lankan m high altitude. Raman recommended that India nkan government so that Pakistan cannot gain
India considers its preserve. estions from various sources that Pakistan was ups such as the Jihad in the Eastern Province to LTTE. But it is also known that the leader of the s regularly seeks advise from mentors in India, Indian agents were behind the Tamil-Muslim rs ago. e Indian High Commissioner Nirupama Rao in nagement of the Appollo Hospital in Colombo dian parent group of companies to a Sri Lankan icism from the Minister of Tourism, Anura he government dissociated itself from the views e government privately and publicly commended Indian domination in Sri Lankan affairs has led ong the Sri Lankan elite. The announcement of Indian Ambassador to China has helped to take
of Pakistan as a player in the affairs of Sri Lanka ex the problems faced by the country, since India Pakistani influence and seek to curtail it.
*****

Page 46
Internatio
Cuba: Long Live Fidel
The US government spokespersons showed ho when they for a second time in recent times ex incapacitation of Cuban President Fidel Castro leadership and the people of Cuba know that Fi policies, which for over forty-seven years enable mightiest power in the world and frustrate its ever the Cuban government led by the Communist Party
Fidel will live on for many years, even after hi and the spirit of Fidel will lead the defiance of U Latin America, and the world over until its impend
India: Terror in Maharashtra
On 11th July 2006 a series of seven bomb bl Mumbai that took place over 11 minutes killed 20 than 700. The Chief Minister of the State of M blasts were anticipated by the State Police but ther time and place. How credible these claims are is o is that the Indian state has once again failed to pro acts of terror and communal violence.
Sections of the mainstream media, notably th group of newspapers, were quick to accuse Pakista intelligence agents with acts of terror by suspected helped the reactionary forces of Hindutva to po ‘unpatriotic’ community loyal to Pakistan. Such attention from identifying how genuine grievances parts of India could lead to militancy and in someti On 8th September 2006, a bomb attack at Mu town of Malegaon with a predominantly Muslim

International Events
Fidel
pokespersons showed how small minded they were time in recent times expressed their glee at the President Fidel Castro. Castro and the Cuban of Cuba know that Fidel is not forever; but the orty-seven years enabled Cuba to stand up to the rld and frustrate its every effort to topple Fidel and
by the Communist Party, are there to stay.
any years, even after his eventual death some day, ll lead the defiance of US imperialism in Cuba, in
rld over until its impending collapse.
Maharashtra
eries of seven bomb blasts in suburban trains in ver 11 minutes killed 207 people and injured more ister of the State of Maharastra claimed that the the State Police but there was no knowledge of the ible these claims are is one thing, but what matters once again failed to protect innocent people from al violence.
tream media, notably the Chennai-based ‘Hindu’ e quick to accuse Pakistan. Association of Pakistani ts of terror by suspected Muslim terrorists has only rces of Hindutva to portray the Muslims as an loyal to Pakistan. Such accusations also deflect how genuine grievances of the Muslims in certain
militancy and in sometimes terrorism.
6, a bomb attack at Muslim burial ground in the predominantly Muslim population killed several

Page 47
people including three children and injured many m of the view that not only did the largely Hindu po them, but are also hostile to them. Remarkably, the been calm in its response to the attack and there wa Hindu minority in the town.
The Muslims of India are under-represented in th a backward social group, marginally better off than address their genuine grievances, the ruling classe Muslim sentiment among Hindus at national and loc in the media as well as by other means to claim tha links with international Muslim militant/terrorist org Taliban and Al Qaida. To add claims of links with this charge sheet will only worsen communal tension
Israel: From Palestine via Lebanon into S
A statement issued in early July 2006 by Tariq Chomsky, Eduardo Galeano, Naomi Klein, Harold Jose Saramago, Giuliana Sgrena and Howard Zi conflict between Israel and Palestine following Pale soldier prisoner, pointed out that Israeli forces had a civilians, a doctor and his brother, from Gaza, (an i anywhere, except in the Turkish press) and that it w Palestinians took the Israeli soldier prisoner, and exchange against prisoners taken by the Israelis. Palestinans in Israeli jails, including a thousand ag charges). The statement drew attention to the dou employed by the West, which considered the Palestinians an outrage but saw the illegal military Bank and the systematic appropriation of its particularly that of water–by the Israeli ‘Defence’ realistic fact of life.
Israel which has been carrying out attacks in Ga months escalated its attacks and re-occupied Gaza, not long ago. Its killing of well over a hundred civi inflicting extensive damage to property, and disrupt failed to cow the Hamas, which has, in fact, ga Palestinians.

dren and injured many more. The Muslims were id the largely Hindu police forces fail to protect o them. Remarkably, the Muslim community has the attack and there was no counterattack on the .
e under-represented in the state sector and remain arginally better off than the Dalits. Rather than vances, the ruling classes seek to whip up anti- indus at national and local level by campaigning other means to claim that Muslim militants have slim militant/terrorist organizations, including the dd claims of links with Pakistani Intelligence to orsen communal tension.
tine via Lebanon into Shame
rly July 2006 by Tariq Ali, John Berger, Noam o, Naomi Klein, Harold Pinter, Arundhati Roy, Sgrena and Howard Zinn, commenting on the Palestine following Palestinians taking an Israeli t that Israeli forces had abducted on 24th June two rother, from Gaza, (an incident scarcely reported rkish press) and that it was on 25th June that the li soldier prisoner, and proposed a negotiated s taken by the Israelis. (There are over 9 000 including a thousand against whom there are no ew attention to the double standards repeatedly which considered the "kidnapping" by the saw the illegal military occupation of the West appropriation of its natural resources–most y the Israeli ‘Defence’ Forces a regrettable but
arrying out attacks in Gaza over the past several s and re-occupied Gaza, which it reluctantly left well over a hundred civilians, injuring thousands, to property, and disrupting essential services has which has, in fact, gained support among the

Page 48
The Hisbullah in Lebanon took two Israeli August to demand the release of Arab detainees. I the US and the UK started a non-stop bombi Lebanon and southern Beirut in the hope of inflic Hisbullah. It only succeeded in killing over 1200 L many more, and causing severe damage to prope Hisbullah defied the Israeli attack and air, land an with minimal losses and enhanced reputation a battered Lebanon, demonstrating that Israel was in
Today the Israeli government is in crisis. There resignation of the Prime Minister and the Minister pressure is not from the anti-war or left groups, th home that Israeli aggression has failed to delive trouble in Arab countries with pro-US governme Brotherhood capitalised on the success of Hama government of Hosni Mubarak stareed helplessly Hamas and its leader Hassan Nassrullah.
The present move of the US-Israeli axis-of-evi the Hamas through the pliant President Abbas precondition for Hamas to recognise Israel, if it we a government of Palestinian unity. This ploy is bou necessary time for the Israeli warmongers to reco their next major misdeed.
As for Lebanon, the US and Israeli conspiracies part of a bigger scheme to subdue Iran. The prospe Syria leading to war on Iran has temporarily re misadventure in Lebanon, but has not been elimina
India: The Law Sides with Coke and Pe
The Supreme Court of India has overturned th of Kerala banning the sale of Coca Cola and Pepsi the drinks contained pesticides. The ruling, w implications for the other Indian states where a b please the two multi-national beverage giants investors.

anon took two Israeli soldiers prisoner on 12th ease of Arab detainees. Israel with the blessings of rted a non-stop bombing campaign in southern irut in the hope of inflicting heavy damage on the ed in killing over 1200 Lebanese civilians, injuring severe damage to property and infrastructure. The li attack and air, land and sea blockades to emerge enhanced reputation among the people of war- trating that Israel was in fact a ‘paper tiger’.
nment is in crisis. There is a strong demand for the inister and the Minister of Defence. Although the nti-war or left groups, the message has been driven ion has failed to deliver. There are also signs of with pro-US governments. In Egypt, the Muslim n the success of Hamas, while the authoritarian barak stareed helplessly at mass celebrations of the
an Nassrullah.
he US-Israeli axis-of-evil is to bring pressure upon pliant President Abbas who seeks to make it a recognise Israel, if it were to join the PLO to form an unity. This ploy is bound to fail, but will buy the aeli warmongers to recover before the venture on
and Israeli conspiracies and aggression there are a subdue Iran. The prospect of a US-Israel attack on Iran has temporarily receded, as a result of the but has not been eliminated.
ides with Coke and Pepsi
f India has overturned the ruling of the High Court of Coca Cola and Pepsi Cola based on claims that sticides. The ruling, which will have adverse Indian states where a ban has been imposed, will tional beverage giants as well as other foreign

Page 49
What is at stake with Coke and Pepsi is no pesticides. The manufacturers have been drawing resources, depriving rural masses of safe drinking w ruling could be transformed into a good thing for t campaign against Coke and Pepsi will be tra educational and boycott campaign against the comp the adverse impact of their operation on the env resources and local beverage industry.
Iran: Winning Non-Aligned Backing
One of the important resolutions of the meeting Havana in September is the endorsement the righ nuclear energy.
The Declaration on the Nuclear Question of the ratified what was agreed upon by the foreign minis 2006; reaffirmed the fundamental and inalienabl undertake research, production and use of nucle purposes; and rejected the monopoly of nuclear tech and double standards of those already possessing, nuclear weapons, but prohibiting others from u peaceful ends. The Declaration defends the use peaceful aims, without discrimination and in acc legal obligations, and recognises the Interna Organization as the sole authority competent to ve obligations under safeguard agreements and empha the IAEO from pressures, blackmail and threats tha some of its allies have been exerting on the IAEO.
The principled role played by Nicaragua and C elsewhere in defending Iran against bullying by the the nuclear issue has a valuable message to the peop World countries. Nations facing imperialist aggress allies in socialists.
Afghanistan: Taliban Bounces Back
The Asia Times, in an article marking the September 11, 2001, based on a report on the recon

Coke and Pepsi is not only the presence of rers have been drawing heavily on rural water asses of safe drinking water. The Supreme Court into a good thing for the people of India if the and Pepsi will be transformed into a mass paign against the companies in consideration of ir operation on the environment, health, water e industry.
n-Aligned Backing
solutions of the meeting of non-aligned nations in e endorsement the right of Iran to develop its
Nuclear Question of the Islamic Republic of Iran pon by the foreign ministers in Malaysia in May amental and inalienable right of all states to ction and use of nuclear energy for peaceful onopoly of nuclear technology and the hypocrisy ose already possessing, upgrading and extending hibiting others from using nuclear energy for ration defends the use of nuclear energy with scrimination and in accordance with respective ecognises the International Atomic Energy thority competent to verify the fulfilment of the agreements and emphasises the need to protect lackmail and threats that the US government and exerting on the IAEO.
ed by Nicaragua and Cuba within the NAM and against bullying by the US and its EU allies on ble message to the people of Iran and other Third cing imperialist aggression have their staunchest
ban Bounces Back
n article marking the fifth anniversary of the on a report on the reconstruction of Afghanistan

Page 50
by a group closely monitoring the Afghan situa "Taliban front line now cuts halfway through the of the southern provinces."
The report attributed the gathering moment occupation in southern Afghanistan to the failed policy leading to a humanitarian crisis of starvati that the Taliban is using the situation to regain th by address the needs of the people. The report als expenditure outpaces development and reconstruc the ‘international community’ should reassess Afghanistan since Taliban has grown from a ver terrorists in 2001 into a large part of the popula emphasis of the military aspects over issues of d tragic situation in the south, the US is perseve erroneous path.
An article in the People’s Daily (China) of 1 that the NATO was overreaching itself globally b the command of southern Afghanistan in Augus NATO Secretary General Jaap De Hoop Schef Hamid Karzai signing a long-term partnership agre boost bilateral ties, and cited an official NATO frequent assaults from the Taliban, the number of N Afghanistan would increase from the present 800 the year.
The Taliban, has no doubt emerged as a pow puppet regime and foreign occupation in Afghan political alternative, however, it will need to ser rectify the sectarian and oppressive aspects of its id
Nepal: All the King’s Men at it Again
Dr Baburam Bhattarai of the Communist addressing the 40th annual general meeting of th Chamber of Commerce and Industries on 3 A Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala for wrecking Maoists and the government concerning po management. He pointed out that Koirala had refu

toring the Afghan situation, pointed out that the uts halfway through the country, encompassing all "
the gathering momentum against the forces of fghanistan to the failed anti-narcotics and military nitarian crisis of starvation and poverty there, and he situation to regain the confidence of the people e people. The report also pointed out that military elopment and reconstruction, and that the US and unity’ should reassess the entire approach in has grown from a very small group of isolated large part of the population. Although it was the aspects over issues of development that led to the uth, the US is persevering undeterred along its
ple’s Daily (China) of 17th September commented eaching itself globally by taking over from the US Afghanistan in August. It drew attention to the l Jaap De Hoop Scheffer and Afghan President ng-term partnership agreement on 6th September to cited an official NATO website that, owing to Taliban, the number of NATO soldiers stationed in se from the present 8000 to 18 500 by the end of
doubt emerged as a powerful resistance to the US n occupation in Afghanistan. To become a viable ver, it will need to seriously review its past and ppressive aspects of its ideology.
ng’s Men at it Again
ai of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), al general meeting of the Federation of Nepalese and Industries on 3rd August, strongly criticised sad Koirala for wrecking an agreement between the rnment concerning political issues and arms out that Koirala had refused to sign the agreement

Page 51
after receiving a call from an invisible place (mean He also said that the CPI(N) believed that it nee democratic republic, but warned that if Koirala fa become necessary to launch another movement, this
Clearly, Koirala is dancing to the tunes of fore interested in disarming the Maoists, restoring power a façade of democratic government, and controlling of the armed forces of Nepal.
Other incidents such as the landing of a cargo p explosives from Ukraine at an Indian airport, allege of imperialist forces against the Maoists, and a between Koirala and King Gyanendra on 31st Augu behind the scenes about which the people of Nepal s
A press statement, issued by the CPN(M) Cent its meeting which ended on Thursday 31st August, making an “allegiance with domestic and internati going against the spirit of the twelve-point and e with the Maoists. CPN(M) spokesperson Krishna B the possibility of arms management before the gov agreed on an “overall political package”. Making p Central Committee that they would not be ready eve People’s Liberation Army to cantonment areas u issues were addressed, he said both the sides ha progress on the interim statute, interim legislature, arms management.

an invisible place (meaning US envoy Moriarty). N) believed that it needed Koirala’s role for a arned that if Koirala favours monarchy, it may another movement, this time in urban centres.
cing to the tunes of foreign forces who are only Maoists, restoring power to the monarchy behind ernment, and controlling Nepal with the support l.
the landing of a cargo plane laden with arms and an Indian airport, allegedly part of a conspiracy nst the Maoists, and an unexplained meeting yanendra on 31st August point to sinister moves ich the people of Nepal should be alert.
ed by the CPN(M) Central Committee following Thursday 31st August, said the government was h domestic and international reactionary forces” the twelve-point and eight-point understanding spokesperson Krishna Bahadur Mahara ruled out agement before the government and the Maoists ical package”. Making public the decision of the would not be ready even to confine the Maoists’ to cantonment areas unless the main political said both the sides had to make simultaneous tute, interim legislature, interim government and

Page 52
B
Thirst for Profit: Excerpts of Essays, Rep Privatisation and Commodification of Wate Kalacharam), Contact R Srinivasan, 4 Fifth Chennai 600031, pp. 50.Contribution Indian Rs. 25
The collection of excerpts published is in su PALA, NDLF, PLF and RSYF against the privatis of water. It has 21 articles, most of them from ind concern for the welfare of the people and their contributors are Maurice Barlow, Vandana Shiv Watson, Rajesh Ramachandran, Arun Kumar S Sainath, Ann Ninan, Chandra Bhushan, VR Kris and Nithyanand Jayaraman and organisations suc Centre for Science and Environment, India Res International.
The publication is most timely since privatisation of water is gathering momentum in banning the sale of Pepsi and Coca Cola have cau have not been already banned, while the Supre September overturning the ban in Kerala has led to
The articles deal with various aspects of water economics of privatisation, cost implications for environmental issues, implications for water reso water, and moral and ethical aspects of water priva
The articles are of universal relevance and in a easy to understand. New Democracy will publish forthcoming issues in view of the importance of recommends this publication as essential reading the spate of privatisations in Sri Lanka, the impend facing the country, and the real threat of serious wa
*****

Book Review
cerpts of Essays, Reports and Interviews on modification of Water. (Compiled by Puthiya Srinivasan, 4 Fifth Street, Jegannathapuram, ontribution Indian Rs. 25.00
erpts published is in support of the campaign by SYF against the privatisation and commodification s, most of them from individuals with long known of the people and their environment. Among the Barlow, Vandana Shiva, Jacques Pauw, Connie andran, Arun Kumar Singh, Naudhini Kaur, P ndra Bhushan, VR Krishna Iyer, Mann Engqvist, n and organisations such as the Polaris Institute, Environment, India Resource Centre and Zenith
most timely since mass campaigns against gathering momentum in India and campaigns for and Coca Cola have caught on in states where they anned, while the Supreme Court ruling of 22nd
ban in Kerala has led to angry mass protests.
various aspects of water privatisation including the n, cost implications for the consumer, health and lications for water resources and public access to al aspects of water privatisation.
versal relevance and in a lucid style so that they are emocracy will publish a selection of articles in its w of the importance of the subject, and strongly tion as essential reading for those concerned with in Sri Lanka, the impending environmental disaster
real threat of serious water shortages.
-SJS-
*****

Page 53
Lament of a Mother
by Sanmargaa
Your body in the street dirt
Blood flooding the back I bent down to check if it was you Yes my darling it was you The crowd that gathered asks me
“Aachchi why are you sobbing? The khaki-clad one threateningly de
“Do you know the lad?” The revolver in his hand
Glitters in the sun “I don’t” I nod
To deny the first pearl that I bo My heart shudders
When Karna fell at the Kurukshetra
“My son!” screamed Kunti And rushed to embrace him
Ill-fated I am To be born in these times, my darlin
So ill-fated that I cannot Declare that you are my son.
Had I been strong in body I would have carried you overnight
And cremated you at Chemman This hand that the day before
Served you soaked rice Would have done
Its final duty as well
Unable to bear the cruelty of Raava You went on self-exile for six m Could not you have stayed on
On some pretext Just like those of our leaders
Within a week of your return The wicked sinners shot you dead
Why had you to retu

Lament of a Mother
by Sanmargaa
the street dirt ooding the back
to check if it was you darling it was you hat gathered asks me
i why are you sobbing?” lad one threateningly demands
know the lad?” r in his hand in the sun
d the first pearl that I bore udders
fell at the Kurukshetra !” screamed Kunti to embrace him I am in these times, my darling,
ed that I cannot
you are my son. en strong in body
carried you overnight mated you at Chemmani.
at the day before you soaked rice
done duty as well
ear the cruelty of Raavana nt on self-exile for six months
u have stayed on e pretext se of our leaders
week of your return sinners shot you dead
Why had you to return?

Page 54
Had I taken you home
Claiming you to be my son Would your brothers have been sp
By these wicked souls? They would hunt them down, burn
And take away your brothers And even the cow by truck to Pala
Who would care, my darling s I am too poor.
The well to do send abroad their c
To become doctors Why did you my darling son
Bear it all on your shoulder? How could you forget us
Who depended on you? I brought up all of you
On my wages alone When you grew into a shade tree
To give me shelter All my dreams went to dust
In the street dirt Now I need to rely on my hands
To my last day
Yes my darling, I will just say goo
And weep the rest at home My bitterness will some day
Incinerate the wicked sinners! The boy who died for the land
Lies in the street dirt While those who held forth on the
Demanding a separate state Enjoy their feasts
And live in safety My heart breaks
To leave him there So ill-fated I am that I could not
Declare that you are my son.

n you home ng you to be my son r brothers have been spared se wicked souls? d hunt them down, burn the hut, ke away your brothers the cow by truck to Palali
ould care, my darling son- oor.
do send abroad their children ome doctors u my darling son t all on your shoulder?
you forget us epended on you? p all of you
wages alone grew into a shade tree e me shelter ams went to dust street dirt d to rely on my hands
last day
rling, I will just say goodbye eep the rest at home
ss will some day rate the wicked sinners!
ho died for the land
the street dirt e who held forth on the stages nding a separate state r feasts
e in safety reaks ve him there
I am that I could not e that you are my son.
(Written circa 1985)

Page 55
How can I reassure them their world is safe when I am frightened I am a silent witness for children who witness violence, children w school, who have bullets ringing past their ears, for being at the w Knowing that walking to school isn’t safe after hearing of classma from nightmares, afraid to leave their homes. I grieve the deaths of innocent children, yet my grief is pale comp I am a silent witness for children whose nights are plagued by nig by hunger, death, violence, bloodshed and fear. Bougainvillea vines that once adorned a front door are trampled, they soak up the blood of their owner. Life is being destroyed all around me. I am a silent witness for children who have nowhere to go and no forces that destroy their lives, their families, their health, their pea their hopes and their dreams. A Pregnant women being harassed by soldier who forbids her fro birth in a hospital passes out from exhaustion and fear. I stand by helplessly as she falls to the ground begging for mercy A university student cannot cro ss a checkpoint into a neighbourin who suffered a stroke. I am a silent witness for children who have witnessed violence ag watch their parent’s homes and shops bulldozed and razed to the parents cannot feed them, protect them or promise them anything An elderly farmer watches his ancient olive groves cut down to th landscape brown. His grandchildren are standing barefoot amon homeless, and destitute. No words are able to begin to honour what his family has lost. Mothers of young children whose husbands are detained, killed, o and rice in the street cannot feed their children or fill their empty c are now flattened upon their return from the market. I wonder, how will they go on? What will become of them now? Broken plaster scattered all the toys, books, and clothes, burying Where are the innocent joys of childhood in these children’s lives No child should suffer as the children of Palestine suffer. Where is the safety and the peace, the tranquillity and the joy? A world that is capable of standing by in silence while the lives of scale are cut down by a violent occupation that does not bring for that has lost its conscience and its humanity. It is time to open ou children of Palestine and it is time to open our ears and hear the suffering of Palestine’s children. How can I remain silent after all I have witnessed?

(CONTINUED FROM INSIDE BACK COVER) is safe when I am frightened? witness violence, children who get shot walking home from their ears, for being at the wrong place at the wrong time. afe after hearing of classmates getting shot and walking up homes. n, yet my grief is pale compared to their mother’s losses. se nights are plagued by nightmares, whose days are plagued d and fear. d a front door are trampled, their pink petals darkening as . . have nowhere to go and no one to protect them against the milies, their health, their peace, their well-being, their futures,
y soldier who forbids her from crossing a checkpoint to give haustion and fear.
e ground begging for mercy. heckpoint into a neighbouring town’s hospital to visit his father
have witnessed violence against their parents, children who s bulldozed and razed to the ground, children who know their
m or promise them anything. t olive groves cut down to the ground, turning the green are standing barefoot among the remains of their house,
what his family has lost. bands are detained, killed, or unemployed buying tomatoes ir children or fill their empty cupboards that they will discover
m the market. will become of them now? books, and clothes, burying them underneath grey rubble. ood in these children’s lives? of Palestine suffer. e tranquillity and the joy? in silence while the lives of innocent children on a mass ation that does not bring forth peace or security is a world manity. It is time to open our eyes and see the fate of the open our ears and hear the silent screams of agony and
e witnessed?

Page 56
Beirut Sami Mahdi So this is Beirut Lost in the Crowd Staring at battered faces So this is Beirut A woman with many lovers When she was shot The killer left undisturbed.
(19
Resurrection Sa’di Yusuf In an unlit hospital A little boy died of thirst They buried him quickly And left confused Now he opens his wilting eyes Opens his wide eyes And digs Digs deep into the earth
(19

Page 57
____________
Published by E Thambiah of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM Phone: 011 2435117; Fax: 011 2473757; E-mail: newde Printed at the Gowri Printers, Colo

Beirut Sami Mahdi is Beirut the Crowd at battered faces is Beirut an with many lovers she was shot ler left undisturbed.
(1979)
Resurrection Sa’di Yusuf nlit hospital boy died of thirst uried him quickly ft confused e opens his wilting eyes
his wide eyes gs eep into the earth
(1982)

Page 58
___
biah of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM Complex, Colombo 11 011 2473757; E-mail: newdemocraticparty@hotmail.com d at the Gowri Printers, Colombo 13