கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: New Democracy 2006.12

Page 1
December 2006
21st October 1966 Uprising
SK S Merging the North and East
E Th Water and Big Business Krishna Iyer; India Resource
Poetry: Mahakavi, So Pa, Sivaseg
♦ From the Editor’s Desk ♦ NDP Diary ♦ ♦ Sri Lankan Events ♦ International Events

December 2006
st October 1966 Uprising
SK Senthivel erging the North and East
E Thambiah ater and Big Business
Iyer; India Resource Centre
: Mahakavi, So Pa, Sivasegaram
r’s Desk ♦ NDP Diary ♦ Readers’ Views ts ♦ International Events ♦ Book Reviews

Page 2
The Moon and the Chari
by Mahaakavi
"The village has gathered to draw th let us go and hold the rope" - one came forward.
A son, borne by mother earth in her to live a full hundred years. Might in his arms and shoulders light in his eyes, and in his heart desire for upliftment amid sorrow.
He came. He was young. Yes, a man. The brother of the one who only the day before with agility of mind as wings on his climbed the sky, to touch the moon and return - a hard worker.
He came to draw the rope with a wish in his heart: "Today we shall all be of one mind"
"Halt" said one. "Stop" said anothe "A weed" said one. "Of low birth" sa "Say" said one. "Set alight" said an
The fall of a stone, the slitting of a t the flight of a lip and teeth that scat the splattering of blood, and an earth that turned red. A fight there was, and people were
A chariot for the village to draw stood still like it struck root. On it, the mother goddess, the creator of all worlds, sat still, dumbfounded by the zealotry of her
Out there, the kin of the man who only the day before had touche is rolling in dirt.
(Translation

e Moon and the Chariot
by Mahaakavi
has gathered to draw the chariot, d hold the rope"
forward.
by mother earth in her womb hundred years. arms and shoulders yes, and in his heart
liftment amid sorrow.
e was young. The brother of the one
day before f mind as wings on his shoulder sky, to touch the moon a hard worker.
draw the rope in his heart:
hall all be of one mind".
ne. "Stop" said another. id one. "Of low birth" said another. ne. "Set alight" said another.
stone, the slitting of a throat, a lip and teeth that scattered, ng of blood,
that turned red. was, and people were killed.
the village to draw e it struck root. other goddess,
f all worlds, sat still, d by the zealotry of her children.
e kin of the man
day before had touched the moon irt.
(Translation of a poem written around 1969)

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From the Ed
The closure of the A 9 highway by the governme breakout of hostilities between its troops and the LT Jaffna peninsula had the anticipated effect of sev goods in the peninsula and difficulties for the people recover from the effects of the tsunami of 1994. The opening was the only tangible achievement of t constitutes a serious breach of the CFA. While the r necessary precondition for meaningful progress government’s insistence on the transport of good opening of an alternate land route to the peninsula i political and military agenda. Nevertheless, it is appreciate the immense suffering of the people resul
An impending shortage of goods in the penin October and serious shortages reported in early Nov claimed that there were no shortages and that the c motivated. Hoarding of essential goods and the bl meant that the poor were left to starve. With the hoarding and the black market, the armed forces capital by opening fair price stalls where they sold led, however, to the question as to how the governm well stocked over and above its needs while the peop
When the conditions became intolerable, the Bis Thomas Savundaranayagam, on 19th November, app Co-Chairs for the Sri Lanka Peace Process to preva Sri Lanka to open A 9, and to implement the CFA attention of the media in the south, but failed to pers to supply essential goods. Despite statements that shipped or are being shipped to the north, nothing Jaffna reported a death by starvation.

From the Editor’s Desk
ighway by the government in August following the een its troops and the LTTE in the southeast of the anticipated effect of severe shortage of essential difficulties for the people in the Vanni struggling to the tsunami of 1994. The closure of the A 9, whose gible achievement of the MoU signed in 2002, of the CFA. While the reopening the highway is a r meaningful progress in the peace talks, the n the transport of goods by sea as well as the
route to the peninsula is driven by its chauvinistic da. Nevertheless, it is important that both sides ering of the people resulting from the closure.
of goods in the peninsula was pointed out in es reported in early November, but the government shortages and that the complaints were politically ential goods and the blooming of a black market left to starve. With the LTTE unable to curb the arket, the armed forces sought to make political e stalls where they sold their surplus goods, which n as to how the government kept the armed forces its needs while the people faced serious shortages.
ame intolerable, the Bishop of Jaffna Rt. Rev. Dr. , on 19th November, appealed in desperation to the Peace Process to prevail upon the Government of to implement the CFA. The appeal attracted the south, but failed to persuade the government to act Despite statements that essential goods have been ed to the north, nothing had happened, even after tarvation.

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The Sri Lankan government appears to use every Tamils of the North East to bully them into submiss control, it bombs the people out of residential are number of internally displaced people, and further disrupting economic activity. In the eastern strong which is already facing a serious refugee problem people displaced from the Muthur district in Augus one hand have intensified military action, includin camps, while on the other blocked the movement of rights organisations have reported the miserable chauvinists seem think that the people in LTTE con starved.
If holding the people to ransom by using starvatio part of government strategy in the North East, the s disease to the government’s armour. The rains were chikungunya and even dengue, with their effect a nutrition. Cases of chikungunya in the North East a thousands, but the government has failed to act.
The ‘international community’ has done nothing and the recent expression of concern by the Co-Cha conditions in the North East has not gone anywhe Lankan government to deal promptly with the deter in the North East.
The Indian government seems to be only i Tamilnadu political allies under pressure from grow plight of the Tamil people, especially since the ai reported humanitarian aid to the people of the nor replay of the drama of 1987, when the Rajeev Gandh supplies by boat and when the boats were intercepte resorted to air drops to snub the Jayawardane govern
The closure of A 9 cannot bring about the def certainly prolong the misery to the people of the J them less hopeful of a political solution. It is the d peace loving forces to prevail upon the governme persuade the government and the LTTE to re-enter n
*****

ent appears to use every form of threat against the bully them into submission. Where the LTTE is in le out of residential areas, thereby increasing the ced people, and further aggravating the crisis by ty. In the eastern stronghold of LTTE in Vaharai, serious refugee problem with a large number of Muthur district in August, the armed forces on the military action, including the bombing of refugee locked the movement of essential supplies. Human reported the miserable conditions there, but the the people in LTTE controlled areas deserve to be
ransom by using starvation as a weapon of war was in the North East, the spate of heavy rains added armour. The rains were followed by the spread of gue, with their effect aggravated by the lack of nya in the North East are reportedly in the tens of ent has failed to act.
unity’ has done nothing to ease the growing crisis f concern by the Co-Chairs about the deteriorating st has not gone anywhere near persuading the Sri promptly with the deteriorating human conditions
t seems to be only interested in placating its nder pressure from growing mass anger about the , especially since the air attacks on civilians. The to the people of the north will certainly not be a , when the Rajeev Gandhi government tried to send the boats were intercepted by the Sri Lankan Navy,
the Jayawardane government.
not bring about the defeat of the LTTE but will y to the people of the Jaffna Peninsula, and make tical solution. It is the duty of the progressive and vail upon the government to reopen A 9 and to d the LTTE to re-enter negotiations in earnest.
*****

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Thoughts and Experiences Forty Y
The 21st October 1966 Upris
a Turning Point in the Histo
of Sri Lankan Tamils
Comrade SK Senthivel General Secretary, New Democra
On 21st October 1966, a great revolutionary u north of Sri Lanka. That uprising led to a major history of the Sri Lankan Tamils. It occurred as thousand year old caste system and the cruel p associated with it, and was a clarion call for awak downtrodden by caste among the Tamils, living a s denied their rights by the caste system and the prac uprising also was a pointer to the opening of new fr against the national oppression of the Tamils as a wh
It was the Revolutionary Communist P N Sanmugathasan (Comrade Shan) that called for th In the 1960’s, there was a great debate in the movement on the question of the choice between t the parliamentary path, which led to splits internationally. The old communist party opted for t Revolutionary Communist Party was founded under Shan to take the revolutionary path. It had overwhel

and Experiences Forty Years after
1st October 1966 Uprising,
urning Point in the History
of Sri Lankan Tamils
Comrade SK Senthivel
ecretary, New Democratic Party
a great revolutionary uprising took place in the prising led to a major turning point in the long Tamils. It occurred as a challenge to the two- system and the cruel practice of untouchability a clarion call for awakening and struggle to the ng the Tamils, living a slavish life, oppressed, and aste system and the practice of untouchability. The to the opening of new fronts in the path of struggle ion of the Tamils as a whole. ionary Communist Party1 led by Comrade e Shan) that called for the struggle and initiated it. a great debate in the international communist of the choice between the revolutionary path and which led to splits in communist parties munist party opted for the parliamentary path. The arty was founded under the leadership of Comrade ry path. It had overwhelming support in the South,

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the Hill Country and the North and the East. Inter time when revolutionary struggles took place in seve
At the time, the national contradiction in Sri L The forces of Tamil nationalist political domination their parliamentary seats and carry forward their specific, the politics of the Saiva Vellala upper clas the Tamil Congress and that of the Saiva-Christian Federal Party, in the name of Tamil nationalism. W of the unity and rights of the Tamils, non-violent st parliamentary seats, they showed no interest downtrodden people living among the Tamils and d caste system and untouchability.
Meanwhile, the caste contradiction gradually ca sixties to supersede the national contradiction. Th castes comprising thirty percent of the total Tam cruelty of untouchability under the caste system. Th denied. They were not respected as a people entitl and were referred to in the neuter as ‘it’. Under the s then, they lived a life of sorrow as the toiling cla society and were kept economically, socially, ed backward by caste oppression.
It is important at this point to elaborate a little o continued in history as a social structure. The caste from the Indian sub-continent, and struck root and the Tamils, but also among the Sinhalese. The caste the Hill Country Tamils of Indian origin, who were b British colonialists. However, a rigid system of cas with untouchability has been secure among the Tam north. A caste hierarchy like that in India has been p Its basis was Hindu religious ideology and the feud But, unlike in India, where the Brahmin was domina of Sri Lanka the Saiva Vellala elite dominated. Thes landowners and rulers. Among the Sinhalese, it wa elite caste group with station matching that of the Ve This basis was the meeting point for the unity of t forces.
Any honest historian studying the historica nationalism among the Sri Lankan Tamils cannot ig

orth and the East. Internationally too, that was a uggles took place in several countries.
al contradiction in Sri Lanka had begun to grow. list political domination used that growth to secure nd carry forward their elite class politics. To be Saiva Vellala upper class elite was represented by t of the Saiva-Christian Vellala upper class by the of Tamil nationalism. While these elements spoke e Tamils, non-violent struggle and their rivalry for showed no interest about the plight of the among the Tamils and denied of their rights by the ility.
ontradiction gradually came to the fore in the early tional contradiction. The people of downtrodden ercent of the total Tamil population suffered the der the caste system. Their democratic rights were ected as a people entitled to equality and justice, euter as ‘it’. Under the social conditions prevailing orrow as the toiling class at the bottom layer of nomically, socially, educationally and culturally on.
int to elaborate a little on the caste system that has cial structure. The caste system came to Sri Lanka nt, and struck root and flourished not only among the Sinhalese. The caste system also exists among Indian origin, who were brought to the island by the er, a rigid system of caste domination intertwined n secure among the Tamils, especially those in the e that in India has been preserved in Sri Lanka too. s ideology and the feudal regime that defended it. the Brahmin was dominant at the peak, in the north ala elite dominated. These forces were as a class the ong the Sinhalese, it was the Govigama, a feudal n matching that of the Vellala, who were the rulers. point for the unity of the Tamil and Sinhala elite
studying the historical development of Tamil Lankan Tamils cannot ignore the fact that the caste

Page 7
system was one of its important structural componen Navalar through Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan to Saiva Vellala elite domination that nurtured and d When the Federal Party under the leadership of SJ Tamil nationalism, it acted in the form of Sai domination that defended the caste system. It shoul the advancement of the Tamil nationalist armed Vellala domination and its sustaining ideology have
In the caste structure of the Sri Lankan Tamils, t peak position as the highest caste. Vellalas at the ne are also considered to be upper caste. In all they co population. The middle castes comprise 30%. Th downtrodden people who toil at the lowest level. It oppression, the cruelty of untouchability and the e been imposed. Such a caste structure, the caste con under the circumstances, demanded a struggle again then seen as a historic necessity.
It was in full consideration of the above social of the class contradiction that the Revolutionary Co the mid-60s to carry forward struggles. It was also struggles in the north, which was the bastion of the Committee of the Party handed over the entire r Northern Regional party leadership.
21st October 1966 was determined as the day o was decided to conduct a procession opposing c starting from Chunnakam, an important agricultural rally at the Jaffna maidan. The Party applied for po police refused permission for the procession, but political desires of the dominant upper caste forces permission for the procession.
Nevertheless, over a thousand members of Revolutionary Communist Party mobilised to carry Party to go in procession in defiance of the ba including youth, clad in red shirts and carrying re revolutionary feeling and passion were getting pr young comrades who were enthusiastically at the f procession. I was twenty-two then, and was attracte eighteen, while I was a student at school. The

tant structural components. Leaders from Arumuga mbalam Ramanathan to GG Ponnambalam, upheld tion that nurtured and defended the caste system. der the leadership of SJV Chelvanayakam upheld d in the form of Saiva-Christian Vellala elite he caste system. It should be noted that, even with amil nationalist armed struggle, Saiva-Christian ustaining ideology have not been eliminated.
the Sri Lankan Tamils, the Vellala elite occupy the caste. Vellalas at the next levels and the Brahmins pper caste. In all they comprise 40% of the Tamil stes comprise 30%. The remaining 30% are the il at the lowest level. It was upon them that caste ntouchability and the exploitation of labour have structure, the caste contradiction and oppression, manded a struggle against it. Such a struggle was sity.
tion of the above social reality and the sharpening at the Revolutionary Communist Party resolved in rd struggles. It was also decided to carry out the h was the bastion of the caste system. The Central anded over the entire responsibility for it to the
dership.
determined as the day of launching the struggle. It procession opposing caste-based untouchability, n important agricultural township, and hold a mass The Party applied for police permission for it. The for the procession, but allowed the meeting. The inant upper caste forces were behind the refusal of n.
thousand members of the various fronts of the arty mobilised to carry forward the decision of the in defiance of the ban by the police. People, d shirts and carrying red flags and banners with passion were getting prepared. I was among the enthusiastically at the forefront of organising the o then, and was attracted to Marxism when I was tudent at school. The difficult condition of the

Page 8
working class family to which I belonged; the rural casteism and untouchability; the denial of social ju and the pain and sorrow experienced as a result in questions within me. It was in the process of findin accepting Marxism. Marxism is not merely for lea exposed clearly the horror, exploitation, and inequa system. It also pointed to methods of struggle to them. I got ready at the age of eighteen to take my f developing into a fully-fledged Marxist Leninist. I b the student organisation of the Party, founded in 1 Communist Party under the leadership of Comrad later in its youth movement. I was granted membe and, in the same year, the Party accepted my applic member. Comrade M Karthigesan was then the No Comrades KA Subramaniam, VA Kandasamy, D Kumarasamy, Neervai Ponnaiyan, K Daniel, Sellathamby were among comrades in the lead Subramaniam was the Northern Regional Secretary and Comrade RK Chudamani was treasurer.
Comrade KA Subramaniam showed a keen activities. He was a leading comrade who w responsibility and initiative in the development of on for long to carry out party work. The nat international environment of struggle at the time a towards many young comrades besides me to functi and resolve to struggle.
It was in such a situation that the Party took the the struggle of October 21st. The decision of procession in defiance of the ban by the police gav to all the fronts of the Party.
The blow struck on the procession opposing c that day, like the mythological blow on Lord Siva c pittu (steamed rice cake) falling on all beings, bec among downtrodden Tamils who lived under the yok 21st October 1966 Uprising was a firm pointer to especially the younger generation, that the only w was through struggle.

ich I belonged; the rural environment pervaded by ; the denial of social justice, based on inequality; perienced as a result in my daily life raised many s in the process of finding answers that I arrived at m is not merely for learning and appreciating. It exploitation, and inequality of the existing social methods of struggle to overcome and transform of eighteen to take my first steps along the road to ged Marxist Leninist. I became a strong activist in the Party, founded in 1964 as the Revolutionary e leadership of Comrade N Sanmugathasan, and t. I was granted membership of the Party in 1965 Party accepted my application to serve as full-time igesan was then the Northern Regional Secretary. am, VA Kandasamy, Dr SV Seenivasagam, M onnaiyan, K Daniel, V Sinnathamby and M comrades in the leading group. Comrade KA thern Regional Secretary of the youth movement, ni was treasurer.
aniam showed a keen interest in guiding my ding comrade who worked with a sense of in the development of comrades who would stay t party work. The national conditions and the f struggle at the time also contributed positively des besides me to function with idealist motivation
n that the Party took the decision to carry forward 1 . The decision of the party to conduct the e ban by the police gave revolutionary enthusiasm .
e procession opposing casteism in Chunnakam on cal blow on Lord Siva2 carrying earth for a wage of alling on all beings, became a blow on all people who lived under the yoke of caste oppression. The was a firm pointer to the downtrodden people, eration, that the only way of winning their rights

Page 9
The 21st October 1966 Uprising was not a on importance was that it became the biggest revoluti system which in the course of the history of Sri Lan into a caste hierarchy. It cannot be denied that there time to time attempts to combat the caste system an that sense, the organisational activities of the J Congress formed in the 1920’s against untouchabili social event. That was a progressive facet of the Gandhian principles. Subsequently, an organisati educated member of the downtrodden commu Christians have protested against the caste sy Subsequently, the Lanka Samasamaja Party, the firs north, was active against caste-based untouchability Tharmakulasingam. However, it was only after the f Party in Jaffna in 1945 that political and soci extensively among the downtrodden. Meantime, the served as the body that put forward demands for the organisations and the granting of various rights, hig demands. The Communist Party was the supporting
Associations such as the Minority Tamils Coun Arunthathiyar Association, Toddy Tappers’ Unio Union put forward demands on behalf of the dow were unable to put forward demands for a comp launch a firm struggle for the rights. They were reforms implemented. In 1957, under the Bandarana enacted for the elimination of social disabilities. Un a result of severe pressure, certain cafés and restaura an egalitarian basis. It was the Minority Tamils Co Part which took the initiative in the matter. Things d It was under intense pressure that the Nallur Kand renowned temple in the North, was opened to the d cafés and restaurants in the smaller townships and continued to be two kinds of Tamils–those ele downtrodden by caste. The doors of the remaini firmly shut to the downtrodden.
It was in this context that, following the 21 launched by the Revolutionary Communist Part untouchability was undertaken by the Party and its Y north. The importance of people mobilising along

Uprising was not a one-day event. Its historical ame the biggest revolutionary assault on the caste of the history of Sri Lankan Tamils had developed not be denied that there have previously been from mbat the caste system and reject untouchability. In nal activities of the Jaffna Student and Youth 0’s against untouchability comprised a remarkable progressive facet of the nationalism adhering to equently, an organisation led by Joel Paul, an e downtrodden community, and well-meaning against the caste system and untouchability. masamaja Party, the first left political party in the ste-based untouchability under the leadership of S er, it was only after the founding of the Communist that political and social work was carried out ntrodden. Meantime, the Minority Tamils Council forward demands for the setting up of several social ng of various rights, highlighting the more popular arty was the supporting force behind it.
e Minority Tamils Council, Thiruvalluvar Council, , Toddy Tappers’ Union and the Washermen’s s on behalf of the downtrodden people. But they d demands for a comprehensive set of rights or the rights. They were only able to have some 57, under the Bandaranaike government, a law was of social disabilities. Under that legislation, and as certain cafés and restaurants were made to serve on the Minority Tamils Council and the Communist e in the matter. Things did not change beyond that. re that the Nallur Kandaswamy Temple, the most rth, was opened to the downtrodden. Elsewhere, in smaller townships and villages in the north, there s of Tamils–those elevated in caste and those e doors of the remaining temples too remained den.
that, following the 21st October 1966 Uprising ionary Communist Party, the campaign against en by the Party and its Youth League all across the people mobilising along the path of struggle was

Page 10
emphasised. The campaign took place amid op obstruction by the dominant castes, the police and ca
At this stage, the struggle moved towards its n the question of carrying out struggles in practice. W movement initiates a struggle, the starting point an should be in accordance with correct theory. It is ess practice should be farsighted and suit objective reali for the mass struggles against caste-based untoucha party on that basis, and may be summed up as follow
∗ The people downtrodden by caste, compri Tamil population, belong, as a class, to the the system of caste slavery, remain at the bot they are the people at the core of the struggle
∗ It was affirmed that the struggle against caste be carried out on the basis of Marxism Lenin class struggle, and it was decided that the s merely caste-based outlook and of parliam aimed at winning fundamental democratic an
∗ Communists have embraced the Marxist wor of class struggle. Thus, the Revolutionary upheld the natural position that communist elevated and downtrodden by caste, to be a against all forms of oppression. The Marxist firm in their will to carry forward that positio
∗ Importantly, the question of who the enemie
were was clearly determined. Policies were casteist approach of ‘elevated by caste vs. d not come to the fore. Those desirous of casteist fanatics guided by them were includ same time, it was decided to win over pr forces of goodwill from among the so-calle and supportive forces.
∗ It was decided that the form of struggle w popular struggle, mobilising the people and c unlawful forms of struggle.

n took place amid opposition, interference and
castes, the police and casteist fanatics.
gle moved towards its next stage. That concerned t struggles in practice. Whenever a social liberation le, the starting point and the basis of the struggle th correct theory. It is essential that both theory and d and suit objective reality. The theory and practice nst caste-based untouchability were devised by the
be summed up as follows:
dden by caste, comprising thirty percent of the elong, as a class, to the working class and, within lavery, remain at the bottom layer of society. Thus, t the core of the struggle.
the struggle against caste-based untouchability will basis of Marxism Leninism from the standpoint of t was decided that the struggles shall be free of a outlook and of parliamentary opportunism, and damental democratic and human rights.
braced the Marxist world outlook and the politics hus, the Revolutionary Communist Party firmly position that communists go beyond the issue of rodden by caste, to be at the forefront of struggle oppression. The Marxist Leninists of the north were
arry forward that position.
stion of who the enemies were and who the friends etermined. Policies were drawn in a way that the ‘elevated by caste vs. downtrodden by caste’ did re. Those desirous of caste domination and the ed by them were included among enemies. At the decided to win over progressive and democratic rom among the so-called upper castes as friendly s.
the form of struggle would take the form of a bilising the people and combining both lawful and ruggle.

Page 11
∗ Importance was given to the formation of
forces that could be united to carry out broad Party provided leadership and direction to the
∗ It was decided that the struggles will be laun major temples, and other public places where untouchability was practiced openly.
∗ Losses and sacrifices are inevitable in mass
emphasised that unnecessary losses be avoide based on the people and reliant on the individualistic heroism. In particular, it was was carried out that was anti-people or was li
The above matters were not determined clearly two. The correct and the incorrect were identified and the discussion, and debate from time to time o experience. The guidelines of Comrade Mao Zedon serving the people and learning from the people we period. It was thus that a firm mass struggle could under the conditions that prevailed.
Struggles inspired by the broad and widespread 1966 Uprising took place within a year of its l temple-entry struggles had started by mid 196 confrontation arose as a result of the café-entry strug Karthigesu lost his life as a victim of shooting by conference following the launching of the Mass Mov Untouchability was held in the Town Hall, Jaffna a the first martyr of the 21st October 1966 Uprising. It STN Nagaratnam, a communist supporter and a s firmly opposed to caste-based untouchability, was Mass Movement for the Abolition of Untoucha Seenivasagam, KA Subramaniam and N (Mann) M Chairmen. Mattuvil V Chinnaiya and Alvai K G Secretaries. K Daniel was elected Organiser. A Ge five and its Executive Committee were also elected.
The Mass Movement was neither narrowly parliamentary outlook nor aimed at securing conces It was founded as a broad-based mass movement th who opposed and rejected casteism and untouchabil

en to the formation of a united front to unite all united to carry out broad-based struggles, while the rship and direction to the struggles.
he struggles will be launched in cafés, restaurants, ther public places where the cruelty of caste-based racticed openly.
s are inevitable in mass struggles. It was, however, ecessary losses be avoided and that the struggles be ple and reliant on the people rather than on sm. In particular, it was mandatory that no struggle was anti-people or was likely to harm the people.
e not determined clearly and definitely in a day or correct were identified through continuous debate ate from time to time of practical knowledge and of Comrade Mao Zedong of going to the people, ning from the people were of great help during this irm mass struggle could be carried out with calm evailed.
e broad and widespread impact of the 21st October within a year of its launching. Café-entry and d started by mid 1967. A situation of direct ult of the café-entry struggles in Changanai. Sinnar a victim of shooting by casteist fanatics. The first unching of the Mass Movement for the Abolition of the Town Hall, Jaffna at a forum named after him, ctober 1966 Uprising. It was at this conference that unist supporter and a socially concerned person sed untouchability, was elected chairman of the Abolition of Untouchability. Comrades Dr SV aniam and N (Mann) Mutthiah were elected Vice innaiya and Alvai K Ganesan were elected Joint elected Organiser. A General Committee of thirty-
ittee were also elected.
was neither narrowly caste-based nor with a aimed at securing concessions, titles and positions. based mass movement that united that included all asteism and untouchability. Those who served in it

Page 12
carried forward consciously and responsibly the soc contributed collectively through dedication, sacrific and hard work for the struggle. The lofty feelings a in an environment of revolutionary struggle and the comrades like me are still fresh in my mind. Beside the experiences of those struggles that were the revolutionary political stand and public life.
Following the struggle in Changanai, struggles cafés where equality in Chavakachcheri, Kodikama Nelliyadi, Urumpirai, Maruthanarmadam, Chun Tellippalai, Chitthankeni, Vaddukkoddai, and in p equality was not in practice in cafés. Such demands of democratic and human rights were not easily acce domination. Struggles in areas such as Changana Acchuveli, Karaveddy, Kanpollai and Nelliyadi b went on for months and years. That in Changanai we
Up to fifteen militants at the forefront of the s the struggle. Many were imprisoned and tortured in seriously wounded. At the same time casteist fana annihilated. Many women were at the forefront of st
The struggle to enter the Maviddapuram Kanda major temples in the north, went on for three yea temple remained closed. The Amman temple in same fate. The Selvacchannathi temple at Thond temple in Vallipuram were opened to all as a res temples were opened amicably as a consequence of struggle.
The struggles carried forward by the Mass Mov Untouchability under the leadership and guidan Communist Party yielded a variety of experience mass struggles that occurred over a period of five ye a major turning point in the history of caste-bas Tamils. Political, social and cultural awareness am caste was heightened in the course of these str reinforced the struggles. Literature was enriched by poetry. Plays such as Sangaaram, Kandan Karunai, were centred on the struggles. In 1969, the Mass M of Untouchability held its second conference at the

and responsibly the social task before them. They ugh dedication, sacrifice, bravery, public interest, gle. The lofty feelings and actions that I witnessed tionary struggle and the thoughts that I shared with resh in my mind. Besides, I should add that it was truggles that were the cradles for our continued
and public life.
in Changanai, struggles for equality took place in avakachcheri, Kodikamam, Acchuveli, Karaveddy, aruthanarmadam, Chunnakam, Kankesanthurai, addukkoddai, and in parts of Jaffna town where in cafés. Such demands for equality and emphasis ghts were not easily accepted by the forces of caste reas such as Changanai, Kodikamam, Manduvil, npollai and Nelliyadi became direct clashes and rs. That in Changanai went on for three years.
at the forefront of the struggle became martyrs to prisoned and tortured in police stations. Many were same time casteist fanatics too were attacked and ere at the forefront of struggle.
e Maviddapuram Kandaswamy Temple, one of the , went on for three years. During the period the The Amman temple in Mattuvil too suffered the nnathi temple at Thondamanaru and the Azhvar opened to all as a result of the struggle. Some bly as a consequence of the impact of the ongoing
rward by the Mass Movement for the Abolition of leadership and guidance of the Revolutionary a variety of experiences and understanding. The over a period of five years (1967-1971) served as the history of caste-based untouchability among d cultural awareness among the downtrodden by the course of these struggles. Art and literature terature was enriched by short stories, novels and aram, Kandan Karunai, Kaduzhiam and Kudinilam es. In 1969, the Mass Movement for the Abolition econd conference at the Martyr Ratnam Forum in

Page 13
Jaffna. An art exhibition that accompanied it serv untouchability. This exhibition which portrayed downtrodden by caste and the cruelty of untouchab rights was held for three days in Colombo; and had a of the country.
Many creative writers, artistes and educationists social concern and supporters of Marxism Lenini struggles, and made their contributions willingly and casteist outlook and approach of today’s advocates o that environment. This made the experience and distinctly different from that in India. Marxist Lenin and artistes who came from among those eleva forefront of the struggle. They shed blood. They we made history. Besides, that became the strength contributed to its success. The struggles provided a years ago that narrow casteism, narrow regionalism cannot win the true liberation or the rights of the bro
Thus the 21st October 1966 Uprising and the m served as a major turning point in the history of among Tamils in Sri Lanka. The Tamil nationalist or sympathise with the struggles in any way. The youth organisations that succeeded it did not come historical experience of those mass struggles or concepts, method of struggle or the tactics. It i Revolutionary mass struggle against caste-based create among the Tamil youth a new environment fo against national oppression.
The 21st October 1966 Uprising and the mass st and established the equality and democratic rights caste in the course of the history of caste-based un way for the downtrodden by caste to free themse extent from the slavish life of pain and sorrow. It wa educational and social advancement. The historica 1966 Uprising in securing for a people, who were gi in the name of the caste system, a status of socia praised and remembered forever.
Nevertheless, the social reality is that, forty casteism has still not been completely eliminated

hat accompanied it served to expose caste-based ition which portrayed the life of misery of the the cruelty of untouchability and emphasised their s in Colombo; and had a major impact in the south
artistes and educationists, from among persons with ters of Marxism Leninism, joined in these mass ntributions willingly and without reservations. The ch of today’s advocates of ‘Dalitism’ had no role in de the experience and practice of that situation t in India. Marxist Leninists, democrats and writers om among those elevated by caste were at the ey shed blood. They were tortured in prison. That t became the strength of the mass struggle and he struggles provided a clear historic lesson forty eism, narrow regionalism and narrow nationalism n or the rights of the broad masses.
1966 Uprising and the mass struggles in its wake point in the history of caste-based untouchability . The Tamil nationalist leadership did not support ggles in any way. The extreme Tamil nationalist cceeded it did not come forward to appreciate the ose mass struggles or to learn from the theory, gle or the tactics. It is, however, true that the le against caste-based untouchability served to th a new environment for carrying out the struggle
Uprising and the mass struggles that followed won y and democratic rights of those downtrodden by history of caste-based untouchability. It paved the by caste to free themselves to whatever possible of pain and sorrow. It was a harbinger of economic, ancement. The historical role of the 21st October or a people, who were given second class treatment ystem, a status of social equality deserves to be ever.
al reality is that, forty years after the uprising, completely eliminated from among the Tamils.

Page 14
While economic changes and the environment of T to give the impression that casteism has bee demonstrates that the reality is otherwise. As long Hindu religion-cum-caste structure which was rigid feudal era lasts, it will not be possible to elimina carrying forward revolutionary struggles for soci struggle that casteism could be destroyed. The upr good illustration for it.
In the crisis ridden situation in which the Tamil is being carried forward, an environment has emerg to examine in depth, on various fronts, the theory, and the future. Some super genius intellectuals sug abandon contradictions of class, caste, gender oppr unite under Tamil nationalism as a divine mantra. short-sighted notions arising from the failure to ta contradictions, the development of the inherent reactions. A so-called unity without policy, princip with a superficial and conservative outlook can liberation.
Thus, for the Tamil liberation struggle to advanc is necessary to have the internal contradictions iden the correct approach for their resolution. Besides, broad-based unity and tactics of people-based strugg to learn from the direction, path and journey chart October.
1
Both the revisionist party and the Marxist Leminist Party u Ceylon at the time. The name Revolutionary Communist P to distinguish the Marxist Leninist tradition from the revisio
2
The reference is to South Indian Saivaite mythology, where of a wage labourer to put right a wrong committed by the struck with a stick as punishment for neglect of duty and the

d the environment of Tamil national struggle tend that casteism has been eliminated, actual life ty is otherwise. As long as the basic ideology of tructure which was rigidly constructed during the t be possible to eliminate casteism. It is through nary struggles for social change based on class d be destroyed. The uprising of 21st October is a
tion in which the Tamil national liberation struggle environment has emerged in which it is necessary rious fronts, the theory, aims, methods of struggle genius intellectuals suggest that all Tamils should class, caste, gender oppression, and regionalism to ism as a divine mantra. Such views are none but g from the failure to take into account the social pment of the inherent contradictions, and their without policy, principle or aim and put forward nservative outlook cannot achieve any form of
ration struggle to advance along the correct path, it ternal contradictions identified correctly and adopt eir resolution. Besides, it is necessary to pursue s of people-based struggle. For that, it is important , path and journey charted by the struggle of 21st
Marxist Leminist Party used the name Communist Party of olutionary Communist Party is used to avoid ambiguity and tradition from the revisionist
aivaite mythology, where Lord Siva once assumed the form wrong committed by the Paandiya king. The labourer was or neglect of duty and the blow was felt by all beings.

Page 15
Only the Parliament can Legi the North-East Merger*
Comrade E Thambiah National Organiser, New Democra
The North and East have been de-merged by Court. It is opinions regarding that ruling which today. Concerning the arguments in support of the c the traditional homeland of the Tamil people, the ruling noted that more arguments have been prese However, the judgement was made on the ba declarations from 1987 to date concerning the Nor made in violation of the Thirteenth Amendment an Act.
Accepting or rejecting historical arguments ab concerns the outlook of an individual. Administ Provinces of Ceylon were demarcated by the British portioned into five provinces, namely the We Southern and Central Provinces in 1933 in accord Cameron Reforms. The Kandyans opposed it then demarcation of the boundaries adversely affecte Kandyans. Their protests were ignored. The seven K is today the North Central Province together compris
The North Western Province was formed in 18 the North Central Province, then a part of the Cen new sixth province. In 1866 a part of the Central Pr to form the Uva Province. The Sabaragamuwa Pro again comprised what was part of the Central Provin
_____________
* Translation of article in Tamil in the Veerakesari Weekly E


Page 16

he Parliament can Legitimise he North-East Merger*
Comrade E Thambiah
Organiser, New Democratic Party
ave been de-merged by a ruling of the Supreme ding that ruling which are the subject of debate ments in support of the claim that the North-East is f the Tamil people, the Supreme Court has in its uments have been presented against that position. was made on the basis that the presidential date concerning the North-East merger have been hirteenth Amendment and the Provincial Councils
historical arguments about traditional homelands n individual. Administrative boundaries for the emarcated by the British. Under them, Ceylon was inces, namely the Western, Northern, Eastern, inces in 1933 in accordance with the Colebrook- andyans opposed it then on the grounds that the aries adversely affected the importance of the ere ignored. The seven Koralas of Kandy and what rovince together comprised the Central Province.
vince was formed in 1845. Subsequently in 1873, , then a part of the Central Province, was made a a part of the Central Province was taken out of it The Sabaragamuwa Province established in 1889, art of the Central Province.
_______
he Veerakesari Weekly Edition of 22nd October 2006Changes have been made since to the boundar and have been accepted. However, it cannot be sa enabled the provincial administrations to fulfil the a the provinces.
When the Provincial Council system was intr provinces were accepted as the basic administrative were introduced by the Thirteenth Amendment to th were included in the Constitution. Besides, a separa for the Provincial Councils.
According to Section 154 A (3) of the Thi possible for two or three adjoining provinces to me Provincial Council through an Act of Parliament. In to function jointly, Parliament has to enact new leg provisions given under Sections 154 A to 154 T, th Section 154 A (3) on the merging of provinces.
With the Thirteenth Amendment standing as ab Provincial Councils Act (Act No. 42 of 1987) has merging of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. President could declare the merger of two or thr function as a single Provincial Council. The merger day a referendum is held to determine the wish provinces concerned regarding the declaration. Th could, however, be deferred indefinitely by discretionary powers.
Thus, although the President could merge the pr it is necessary to conduct a referendum to determin of the provinces regarding the merger. If a majo provinces vote in favour of the merger, the provinc merged and function as a single Provincial Council. vote against the merger, the provinces will funct Councils. Elections will be conducted for mem Councils.
Besides, as already stated earlier in the artic passing an Act of Parliament to merge two or thr function as a single Provincial Council.
Section 134 A (3) of the Thirteenth Amendmen the Provincial Councils Act contain the general pro


Page 17

de since to the boundaries of the nine provinces, owever, it cannot be said that these arrangements inistrations to fulfil the aspirations of the people of
ouncil system was introduced in 1987, the nine the basic administrative units. Provincial Councils teenth Amendment to the Constitution of 1978 and itution. Besides, a separate legislation was enacted
154 A (3) of the Thirteenth Amendment, it is joining provinces to merge to function as a single an Act of Parliament. In other words, for provinces ent has to enact new legislations. Among detailed tions 154 A to 154 T, there is no provision besides
rging of provinces.
endment standing as above, Section 37 (1) of the ct No. 42 of 1987) has special provisions for the and Eastern Provinces. By Section 37 (1), the e merger of two or three adjoining provinces to ial Council. The merger will remain valid until the to determine the wishes of the people of the ing the declaration. The date for the referendum rred indefinitely by the President, using his
ident could merge the provinces by his declaration, referendum to determine the wishes of the people the merger. If a majority of the people of the the merger, the provinces will continue to remain ngle Provincial Council. If a majority of the people he provinces will function as separate Provincial e conducted for membership of the Provincial
ated earlier in the article, it is possible through ent to merge two or three adjoining provinces to ial Council.
e Thirteenth Amendment and Section 37 (1) (A) of t contain the general provisions for the merging ofprovinces. There are also specific provisions for th and Eastern Provinces.
Section 37 (1) (B) states that the President ca merging the Northern and Eastern Provinces unle explosives and other such military equipment in th terrorist groups and other organisations have b Government and there is a cessation of hostilities. S states that if a referendum is held in the Eastern Pro people in the Eastern Province vote in favour of the conduct a referendum in the Northern Province.
What is clear from the above is that for the Pres of the Northern and Eastern Provinces there should weapons and there should be peace. That is a precon make the declaration. No such condition has been la other provinces. Also, a referendum is necessary f Eastern Provinces.
When the Thirteenth Amendment and the Prov debated in Parliament, the representatives of the T East were not present in the house. As the MPs of th Front had not sworn their oath rejecting secession, u they had been deprived of their right to parliamentar their views were not expressed there. However, the East had spoken against the merging of the Northern
Although attention has been dawn outside Parlia Provincial Councils Act regarding the merging of Provinces, the late Amirthalingam and his colleagu that it should not be developed into a major debate. AJ Wilson and Neelan Thiruchelvam too did not inv concerning the ambiguities. The Tamil leaders a assured them that, if the Northern and Eastern Provi the merged province will never be de-merged and referendum on the merger. Knowing very well that and the Provincial Councils Act will not fulfil the Tamil people, they accepted and approved of them.
The unclear and confusing legal provisions and merger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces declaration of the Supreme Court that the merger


Page 18

pecific provisions for the merging of the Northern
es that the President cannot make the declaration Eastern Provinces unless the arms, ammunition, military equipment in the possession of extremist r organisations have been handed over to the cessation of hostilities. Section 37 (1) (B) (3) also s held in the Eastern Province and a majority of the ce vote in favour of the merger, there is no need to Northern Province.
above is that for the President to declare the merger Provinces there should have been the surrender of e peace. That is a precondition for the President to ch condition has been laid down for the merging of ferendum is necessary for only the Northern and
mendment and the Provincial Councils Act were representatives of the Tamil parties of the North- house. As the MPs of the Tamil United Liberation th rejecting secession, under the Sixth Amendment heir right to parliamentary membership. As a result, sed there. However, the Muslim MPS of the North-
merging of the Northern and Eastern Provinces.
been dawn outside Parliament to ambiguities in the garding the merging of the Northern and Eastern lingam and his colleagues in the TULF appealed ped into a major debate. Constitutional experts like uchelvam too did not involve themselves in debates s. The Tamil leaders announced that India had rthern and Eastern Provinces are merged somehow, ever be de-merged and that there will never be a Knowing very well that the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord s Act will not fulfil the national aspirations of the
and approved of them.
ing legal provisions and loopholes concerning the nd Eastern Provinces have lent support to the Court that the merger is not valid in law. In thesame way that those who struggle for their rights us law that could be used, those who oppose struggles confusion and lack of clarity and loopholes in the law
It was in this way that the JVP filed a fundamen that the declaration by the President merging t Provinces was unlawful and claiming that the peop had been deprived of their fundamental right of setti Council because of it.
The Supreme Court which inquired into the peti the Parliament should have passed legislation m Eastern Provinces or the President should hav compliance with Section 37 (1) (b); and on that basi had not passed legislation merging the Northern an only the Presidential declaration deserved attention contrary to the law.
According to Section 37 (1) (b), the conditions been surrendered and that there should have bee should have been fulfilled prior to the declaration Eastern Provinces. It is contrary to that section of t have declared the merger of the Northern and E fulfilment of the requirements. Also the referendum regarding the merger had been deferred for seven basis that the Supreme Court ruled that the merger o Provinces was unlawful, and also that the people o been deprived of their right to set up their own Provi
In a similar way, the Supreme Court had ruled t between the Government and the LTTE to set up a jo to provide relief to the victims of the tsunami was un
Again, the Supreme Court has in some recent ca taken by plantation companies through the Minist workers from the plantations.
Legally and logically these rulings may seem rig Supreme Court is ultimate and final. But the conse social and cultural problems can be serious.


Page 19

ruggle for their rights use favourable aspects of the se who oppose struggles for rights too make use of y and loopholes in the law to their advantage.
he JVP filed a fundamental rights petition accusing e President merging the Northern and Eastern d claiming that the people of the Eastern Province undamental right of setting up their own Provincial
ich inquired into the petition pointed out that either e passed legislation merging the Northern and President should have made a declaration in (1) (b); and on that basis ruled that the Parliament merging the Northern and Eastern Provinces, that ation deserved attention, and that declaration was
7 (1) (b), the conditions that weapons should have there should have been cessation of hostilities prior to the declaration merging the Northern and trary to that section of the law for the President to of the Northern and Eastern Provinces without nts. Also the referendum in the Eastern Province been deferred for seventeen years. It was on this rt ruled that the merger of the Northern and Eastern d also that the people of the Eastern Province had to set up their own Provincial Council.
preme Court had ruled that the agreement reached d the LTTE to set up a joint mechanism (P-TOMS) ms of the tsunami was unlawful.
urt has in some recent cases ruled as legal the steps nies through the Ministry of Plantations to expel s.
ese rulings may seem right. Also, the verdict of the and final. But the consequent political, economic,
can be serious.The position of the Tamil people is that any ta North-East will be unfruitful. A political solution san meaningful nor acceptable.
Lakshman Kiriella, UNP MP has announced t parliamentary legislation for the merger of the North But the government should introduce the legislatio Government, President Rajapaksha is not in favour chance for the legislation to be introduced in Parliam
If the declaration of the merger is unlawful, co the Eastern Province for a merger too will be unlaw for the Eastern Provincial Council too will be unlawf
Parliamentary legislation is the only way to Eastern Provinces. That needs a two-thirds majority if the Government, the UNP and the Tamil parties jo
Presently, even if President Rajapaksha is willi for him to use his discretionary or executive powers Northern and Eastern Provinces contrary to the Con Councils Act.
It should also be noted that there is nothing t matter under the provisions of the Indo-Sri Lanka Ac


Page 20

il people is that any talks not based on a merged l. A political solution sans that basis will be neither
P MP has announced that the UNP will support r the merger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. introduce the legislation. When the Head of the apaksha is not in favour of the merger, there is no
be introduced in Parliament.
e merger is unlawful, conducting a referendum in erger too will be unlawful. To defer the elections ouncil too will be unlawful.
n is the only way to merge the Northern and ds a two-thirds majority, which could be achieved and the Tamil parties join hands.
dent Rajapaksha is willing, it will not be possible ary or executive powers to effect the merger of the nces contrary to the Constitution and the Provincial
that there is nothing that India could do in this of the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord.The Right to Water
VR Krishna Iyer (Former Judge of the Supreme Cour
The right to life is a foremost human right san exist. Air, water, and everything without which life assets. Humanity needs water for a hundred reasons inconceivable without potable water. Countries worl of water. Preserving every ounce of safe water and b highest priority. Under such circumstances, every harvested, every well has to be conserved and eve preserved.
“Every generation should leave water, air and unpolluted as when it came to earth. Each undiminished all the species of minerals found existi
Aqua robbery by corporates is becoming comm dereliction of state duty is denying humanity the bas
The core principle of public law is: The state i resources and is under a legal duty to protect them meant for public use and cannot be converted into pr
The ancient Roman Empire developed the ‘Do which primarily rests on the principle that certain res and the forests have such a great importance to the would be wholly unjustified to make them a subject said resources being a gift of nature, they should b everyone irrespective of the status in life. The d government to protect the resources for the enjoym rather than to permit their use for private ownership


Page 21

The Right to Water
VR Krishna Iyer dge of the Supreme Court of India)
oremost human right sans which society ceases to thing without which life cannot exist are universal er for a hundred reasons and so civilised progress is le water. Countries worldwide struggle for sources unce of safe water and breathable air is humanity’s ch circumstances, every drop of rain has to be o be conserved and every pool or pond has to be
ld leave water, air and soil resources as pure and ame to earth. Each generation should leave of minerals found existing on earth”.
rates is becoming common in the Third world but enying humanity the basic source of water.
ublic law is: The state is the trustee of all natural gal duty to protect them. These rare resources are nnot be converted into private ownership.
pire developed the ‘Doctrine of the Public Trust’ principle that certain resources like air, sea, waters great importance to the people as a whole that it to make them a subject of private ownership. The of nature, they should be made freely available to he status in life. The doctrine enjoins upon the resources for the enjoyment of the general public se for private ownership or commercial purposes.The American courts in recent cases have exp public trust doctrine in protecting al ecologically im freshwater wetlands or riparian forests. Our legal common law includes the public trust doctrine as pa state is the trustee of all natural resources which are use and enjoyment. Public at large is the beneficiar waters, airs, forests, and ecologically fragile lands under a legal duty to protect the natural resources. public use cannot be converted to private owners doctrine is a part of the law of the land. (1997; ISCC
Now we come to the menace of multinational c the water, converting all the perennial springs, de hungry, the mother and the child of water without w If law of life is to be sustained, giant corporates can every drop of water. Be you ever so large a corpora above you. Man, woman and child come first an technological power, no economic cabal, nor milit people’s rights. If people’s water wealth is plundere converted into market, leaving the helpless to di become a desert. People everywhere must win.
If We the People of India, one billion stro resources properly planned, there never shall be a Business in food and water. What we need today awake, share what belongs to all through social ju and demand our right to water. No terrorist bore w cola shall commit breach of people’s global trust, sans water.
Journalists must stand united behind humankind has power over humanity’s mind, voice over the Each according to his thirst is the rule of water justic
[From The Hindu, as reproduced in Thirst for Profit, Kalaccharam, Chennai 600083]


Page 22

n recent cases have expanded the concept of the ecting al ecologically important lands, for example arian forests. Our legal system based on English ublic trust doctrine as part of its jurisprudence. The ural resources which are by nature meant for public at large is the beneficiary of the seashore, running cologically fragile lands. The state as a trustee is t the natural resources. These resources meant for erted to private ownership. Thus the public trust of the land. (1997; ISCCP-388/389)
enace of multinational corporations consuming all he perennial springs, depriving the poor and the child of water without which life becomes extinct. ned, giant corporates cannot deny every human life, u ever so large a corporate power, the law of life is and child come first and no corporate might, no onomic cabal, nor military arsenal can supersede water wealth is plundered, polluted, profiteered and ving the helpless to die of thirst, the earth will rywhere must win.
India, one billion strong, claim Bharat’s water , there never shall be a global multinational Big r. What we need today therefore is to arise and to all through social justice. Let us unite, agitate ater. No terrorist bore well shall bully the poor, no f people’s global trust, no single soul shall perish
nited behind humankind because the Fourth Estate s mind, voice over the world’s democratic order. is the rule of water justice.
uced in Thirst for Profit, compiled by Puthiya 083]Profiteering of Thirst
The story of Coca Cola in In
India Resource Centre
Most of the media promotional images of Coke millions of Indian homes through television and n billboards etc. since the onset of market liberalisatio channel television in India no longer target the weal but are wooing the common masses. Can one see improving economic condition of India’s strugglin economic liberalisation as its proponents seem to c his different avtars of the common man in the “ campaign or the “paanch matlab chota Coke” and e the overwhelming message is that “Coke adds life”.
The reality is far from this rosy picture.
Coca Cola in Kerala
The largest Coca Cola plant in India in Kerala thousands of impoverished farmers and many poor work by draining the water that feeds their wells an waste sludge. The plant in the southern state of Kera litres of water a day, has been the target of protes currently involved in an unequal struggle to sto destroying their livelihoods. For them “thanda m something entirely different.
•
Three years ago, the little patch of land in the hills of Palakkad in the Indian state of Kerala yielded coconuts an year. It provided work for dozens of l arrived and built a 40-acre bottling plant next door Hameed, the farmer who owns the modest smallhol sacks of rice from the land and a meagre 200 coc have run dry.


Page 23

Profiteering of Thirst
story of Coca Cola in India
India Resource Centre
tional images of Coke that are beamed down to hrough television and newspaper advertisements, et of market liberalisation and the mushrooming of o longer target the wealthier middle class audience n masses. Can one see this as a reflection of the tion of India’s struggling poor with the onset of its proponents seem to claim? Be it Amir Khan in common man in the “thanda matlab coca cola” atlab chota Coke” and even the earlier campaigns, is that “Coke adds life”.
osy picture.
ant in India in Kerala is responsible for putting farmers and many poor Dalits or Adivasis out of that feeds their wells and poisoning the land with he southern state of Kerala, which uses one million een the target of protests by the farmers who are unequal struggle to stop the drinks giant from s. For them “thanda matlab coca cola” means .
•
ttle patch of land in the green picturesque rolling an state of Kerala yielded 20 sacks of rice and 1500 ed work for dozens of labourers. Then Coca Cola bottling plant next door. In his last harvest, Sahul wns the modest smallholding, could coax only five and a meagre 200 coconuts. His irrigation wells“The world will always get thirsty” says one Co allude to is an entirely different kind of thirst: a man manufactured and bottled drinks. At Plachimada Kerala, the Hindustan Coca Cola Beverages Pvt. L real thirst, thirst borne out of scarcity of plain drink huge factory extracts up to 1.5 million litres of water it has drilled into the aquifer to produce Coke, Fant locals call, without irony, Thumbs-Up.
The cruellest cut of all is that the pant bottles while the local people – who could never afford it miles a day to fetch water for their use. Women from Scheduled Tribe colonies at Perumatti and Pattanch to walk 3 km each way to fetch drinking water eve them unable to report in time for casual farm jobs.
The turbid brackish water which remains at th now too high in dissolved salts to be healthy to drin locals claim that it made them ill. On account of wa have become scarce as Coca Cola’s huge water c made people thirsty but hungry too.
The economy of Plachimada was entirely agra came up in 1998. “The plant was set up in a 38-acr Land Utilisation Act intended to prevent conversio non- agricultural purposes”, argues Vellor Swamin Cola Virudha Janakeeya Samara Samithy.
Every day 85 lorry loads leave the factory, each bottles. To produce them the company siphons off minimum requirements of about 20 000 people. Th water but, with the dried-out farms closing, also the are up to 10 000 landless labourers.
Coca Cola obviously denies the truth that lies be image of ‘life and living it up’. The statement from reiterates that the allegations made against the pla untrue but also politically motivated. The real culp reduction in rainfall in the area – from 1213 mm in and just 670 mm in 2002. It quotes India’s Nation Hyderabad as saying: “There is no field evidence groundwater reserves in the plant area”.


Page 24

get thirsty” says one Coke commercial. What they rent kind of thirst: a manufactured thirst, a want for drinks. At Plachimada village, Palakkad District, Cola Beverages Pvt. Ltd (HCBL) is also creating f scarcity of plain drinking water. Meanwhile, the 1.5 million litres of water a day from the deep wells er to produce Coke, Fanta, Sprite and the drink the humbs-Up.
l is that the pant bottles a brand of mineral water ho could never afford it – have to walk up to six or their use. Women from the six Scheduled Caste/ t Perumatti and Pattanchery panchayats now have fetch drinking water every morning, often making e for casual farm jobs.
ter which remains at the bottom of their wells is alts to be healthy to drink, cook or even wash in as em ill. On account of water scarcity, farm jobs too ca Cola’s huge water consumption has not only gry too.
imada was entirely agrarian till the Coke factory t was set up in a 38-acre plot violating the Kerala ed to prevent conversion of agricultural lands for , argues Vellor Swaminathan, convenor of Coca mara Samithy.
s leave the factory, each containing 550 cases of 24 he company siphons off enough water to meet the bout 20 000 people. They have not only lost their t farms closing, also their jobs. The worst affected ourers.
nies the truth that lies behind their carefully crafted up’. The statement from its headquarters in Atlanta ns made against the plant in Kerala are not only otivated. The real culprit for the Company is the area – from 1213 mm in 2000 to 1147 mm in 2001 It quotes India’s National Geophysical Institute in re is no field evidence of overexploitation of the plant area”.All these despite the fact that state meteorolog rose between 2000 and 2001. Neither is how much i as indicated by the company, the issue here. How aquifer is.
While the company staff casually repeat the drought-prone, they fail to answer the questions rais in the anti-Coke struggle: “If the area is drought-pro water-intensive unit be set up without any norms a area?”
The quality of the water is an issue too. Samp United States have concluded that high levels of dis by the fast rate of depletion of the aquifer and that “severe hardship”.
Then there is pollution. Chemical effluents prod the groundwater and poison the land with waste slu the foul-smelling sludge as “organic fertiliser” and farmers started to develop sores on their skin and palms were dying. Furthermore, the state’s Polluti found cadmium at toxic levels in the sludge sample tried to give it away but no one wanted it. Protesters and dumping it in front of the plant. The pollution emitting sludge from the factory, but the company c waste is a good “soil conditioner”.
Local council tax records, despite claim establishments that it would create jobs in the area, staff at the plant of whom approximately thirty are f the protesters there themselves had once worked the terrible headache working there”, Saraswathi Kalia bottle washer for two years, said. Conditions were so wouldn’t go back if the pay was doubled.
Early this year when the panchayat decided n licence issued to Coca Cola on grounds of “protect that they were persuaded by the idea that the compa jobs to the area. “But the reality is few local peopl the water situation and pollution are a calamity”.
The decision could, however, not stand for lo tactics was initiated to set the decision aside. Co


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act that state meteorological reports show rainfall 1. Neither is how much is saved through rainwater, y, the issue here. How much load you add to the
aff casually repeat the argument that the area is answer the questions raised by the people involved f the area is drought-prone, then, how could such a up without any norms and restrictions in such an
r is an issue too. Samples for analysis sent to the ed that high levels of dissolved salts were produced of the aquifer and that washing in it would cause
Chemical effluents produced by bottle contaminate the land with waste sludge. Early attempts to dry “organic fertiliser” and market it failed when the sores on their skin and noticed that their coconut more, the state’s Pollution Control Board recently els in the sludge samples from the plant. The plant one wanted it. Protesters have been gathering it up the plant. The pollution board asked Coke to stop ctory, but the company continues to claim that their ioner”.
records, despite claims from local political create jobs in the area, show only 134 permanent pproximately thirty are from nearby areas. Some of ves had once worked there but quit. “I used to get a there”, Saraswathi Kaliappan, 38, who works as a , said. Conditions were so poor that she claimed she
was doubled.
he panchayat decided not to renew the industrial on grounds of “protecting public interest” saying the idea that the company would bring money and eality is few local people have been employed and
tion are a calamity”.
wever, not stand for long as a chain of pressure the decision aside. Coca Cola workers set up acounter protest outside the council headquarters marched on the town hall. Just like in the Enron played a significant role. The US ambassador to Indi the Principal Secretary to the Indian Prime Minist their attention: “I would like to bring to your attent resolving, a potentially serious investment problem both our countries. The case involves Coca Cola, foreign investors in India”.
The issue is not just about corporate irrespon binding international regulations but signs of the typ by agents of trans-national global capital such as C such as India who often lack the necessary politi already bought into the logic of corporate globalisati
That is why few expect that the final verdict f Kerala to be anything other than “If they do not wate


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e council headquarters and 1000 demonstrator Just like in the Enron case, the US government e US ambassador to India wrote to Brajesh Mishra, the Indian Prime Minister, attempting to bring to e to bring to your attention, and seek your help in ious investment problem of some significance to se involves Coca Cola, one of the largest single
bout corporate irresponsibility in the absence of tions but signs of the type of political arm-twisting global capital such as Coke on local governments ack the necessary political will to resist or have c of corporate globalisation.
t that the final verdict for the waterless people of than “If they do not water, let them drink Coke”.Read
C.P., the Netherlands
The article by Dr. Ravi Vaitheespara gives additiona the left and the national question and furthermore also de relation to the survey articles by Kumari in the eighties speeches of P. Kandiah. I hope there will be more d because one always finds it difficult to understand why the
Further, I find the article on the current political climate is a
V Geetha, Chennai
The Left in Sri Lanka and the Tamil Questio
Ravi Vaitheespara’s paper offers a refreshing persp Lanka. It revisits the Tamil national question and walks communists of various persuasions from the 1950s to the points out that, ironically enough, the left parties were, at did not imagine that the Tamils and Sinhalase constitu interests could not ever be reconciled. Following Lenin, th to self-determination, and Colvin De Silva in fact was o policy outlined in 1956. Yet the left did not really work th either theoretically or politically. Thus the Leninist line a political leaders remained an abstract ideal – here V Jayawardena’s work to support his own reasoning – whi as the left succumbed to a politics of pragmatism.
Vaitheespara, however, does not bemoan this gradua rather he sets about to investigate the speeches and wr thinkers and leaders, especially those who were Tamil to allows us a radical critical handle on the Tamil national though passionately committed to the cause of a unit Kandiah and Karalasingam were yet deeply aware of the national cause. However they appeared to have accented
In his charged speech in parliament, Pon Kandiah language and memory for a people and considered the T a noble one, fit to stand company with the struggle of the


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Reader’s Views
itheespara gives additional information and analysis on ion and furthermore also deals deeply into the subject in by Kumari in the eighties. I could still remember the ope there will be more discussion from other leftists, ficult to understand why the left had failed in Sri Lanka.
current political climate is also a very clear analysis.
anka and the Tamil Question: a Response
r offers a refreshing perspective on the conflict in Sri tional question and walks us through ideas argued by sions from the 1950s to the present. Vaitheespara wryly gh, the left parties were, at one time, truly national: they ils and Sinhalase constituted two nationalities whose onciled. Following Lenin, they supported the Tamils right vin De Silva in fact was opposed to the ‘Sinhala Only’ e left did not really work through its own ideas carefully, ly. Thus the Leninist line advanced by left thinkers and abstract ideal – here Vaitheespara quotes Kumari rt his own reasoning – which was gradually abandoned tics of pragmatism.
es not bemoan this gradual fall from revolutionary grace: igate the speeches and writings of individual communist y those who were Tamil to find out if their understanding ndle on the Tamil national question. He points out that d to the cause of a united proletariat, men like Pon re yet deeply aware of the essential justice of the Tamil appeared to have accented it differently.
parliament, Pon Kandiah invoked the importance of ople and considered the Tamils’ fight for linguistic rights ny with the struggle of the working class. In fact he evenattempted to delineate a class basis to the language iss thus fought in the name of their beleaguered linguistic ide middle classes, but those from the lower classes. Ka differently: in his essay in Young Socialist he detailed the the Tamil people in all fields of civil and political life; he c an opportunism that could not go beyond making and bre and, more importantly, held that the Tamil communalism Tamil Congress had yielded their Sinhala counterparts. H of Sinhala and Tamil working people, which he argued w He was also sceptical of Tamil militancy and understo partisan tradition that would ultimately bode ill for all.
Vaitheespara then considers the views of Ponnam nationalism – through his sharp critique of the left par question. He accused them of not being sensible to th problem and of offering arguments and solutions that wer conceptualized. Ponnambalam was politically more op Karalasingam was and this, it appears, proved his downfa left, was let down by the left parties and only served as determined to mock the left. Like Ponnambalam there we with left arguments on the national question: Vaitheesp Shanmugathasan as emblematic of those who were fo bitterly, that Tamil nationalism was a worthy cause, grievances on the one hand and an unabated and unab the other. Referring to more contemporary views, Vaithee has come to see the national contradiction as predom concerns. For instance, a New Democracy publication no is both imminent and urgent and that it is not surprising th men and women from the working classes.
Yet wonders Vaitheespara, why, in spite of this reco nature of the Tamil national cause, could left ideologu argument or political strategy that would provide an alte understood but which left them feeling uneasy. The reaso do with two things: the left in Sri Lanka, including the T and nation-state as almost sacrosanct entities within w could the question of self-determination be transacted. not really seek to unpack the idea of the nation in their co society. Shamugathasan, Vaitheespara points out, ac version of Sri Lanka’s pre-colonial history and thereby


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basis to the language issue: he noted that those who ir beleaguered linguistic identity were not the rich or the om the lower classes. Karalasingham saw the issue ng Socialist he detailed the systematic denial of rights to f civil and political life; he charged the Tamil parties with go beyond making and breaking parliamentary majorities at the Tamil communalism of the Freedom party and the eir Sinhala counterparts. He counselled a united struggle people, which he argued would help realize Tamil rights. mil militancy and understood it as continuing an older imately bode ill for all.
ers the views of Ponnambalam who advocated red rp critique of the left parties’ position on the national f not being sensible to the actual nature of the Tamil ents and solutions that were mechanical and indifferently was politically more open to the nationalists than appears, proved his downfall. For he lost his place in the arties and only served as political grist to right wingers ike Ponnambalam there were others who were incensed ational question: Vaitheespara considers the career of atic of those who were forced to acknowledge, albeit m was a worthy cause, fuelled largely by genuine nd an unabated and unabashed Sinhala chauvinism on ntemporary views, Vaitheespara notes that the Tamil left al contradiction as predominant and subsuming class Democracy publication notes that the call of nationalism d that it is not surprising that it has attracted a number of ing classes.
, why, in spite of this recognition of the historically just cause, could left ideologues not delineate a credible that would provide an alternative to the militancy they feeling uneasy. The reasons, he notes, had perhaps to Sri Lanka, including the Tamil left, assumed the nation crosanct entities within whose limits and terms alone ermination be transacted. Secondly, left ideologues did ea of the nation in their conceptions of the good national itheespara points out, accepted the Sinhala-Buddhist lonial history and thereby granted its salience, withoutasking if this was, itself, not a constuctivist view, a chauvinism.
This is not so different from the Indian communists troubles in the north-east and on the question of Tam almost sacerdotal manner the idea of a united India – or theorising on this subject. In fact, in spite of their accepta self-determination, the left has always been uneasy determination of nationalities within the Indian Union. ideolgoues resolutely opposed the demand for a separat anti-caste radicals from Tamil Nadu, and failed to engage justice issues that lay at the core of this demand. With res too, left ideologues are prone to accept hegemonic de culture – as Dilip Menon has shown in his remarkable cri historiography. (Vaitheespara refers to this in his pape critique of the caste question in communism in the Tamil N
Vaitheespara’s attempt to unpack the details of the Ta national question could be pushed further and in di uncovering of a ‘Tamil’ left position is itself interesting: for an affective sensibility, bound up with literature and cu considers Tamilness through the prism of rights on the o on the other; whereas for Ponnambalam the wrongs endu into almost revolutionary subjects. For Shanmugathasan not guided by affective sentiments, or revisionist idea primary and urgent in a classic Leninist sense, constitu feature of the socialist project itself. The different wa constitutes the socialist project in each of these instance investigated further. This would help to both delineate a m practice and socialist theory-making and mark the points they seal their borders. As Terry Martin has noted in h nationalities question in the erstwhile Soviet Union, n content: how one defines a people is as decisive as how o rights. In this sense, it would be useful to ask whether the yielded for their proponents an adequate knowledge of the
Secondly, it might be useful to turn the critical lens to as well and how its cause was advanced within the left pa for Lenin and initially for Stalin, nationalism was bound u self-determination as well as with the larger socialist p period national identities in the Soviet Union, notes Marti


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t a constuctivist view, and one enabled by Sinhala
m the Indian communists’ position on Kashmir or the on the question of Tamil Eelam. They uphold in an idea of a united India – or a unified Sri Lanka – in their ct, in spite of their acceptance of the Leninist doctrine of as always been uneasy with the question of self- within the Indian Union. As early as the 1940s, left the demand for a separate Dravida Nadu advanced by Nadu, and failed to engage with the social and economic re of this demand. With respect to the idea of the nation e to accept hegemonic descriptions of civilisation and hown in his remarkable critique of EMS Namudiriphad’s refers to this in his paper, as also to a more recent
communism in the Tamil Nadu context).
npack the details of the Tamil left’s engagement with the pushed further and in diverse directions. Firstly, the ition is itself interesting: for Kandiah, Tamilness appears up with literature and cultural memory. Karalasingam he prism of rights on the one hand and classic Leninism ambalam the wrongs endured by Tamils transform them ects. For Shanmugathasan and others, who are clearly iments, or revisionist ideas, the Tamil cause appears ic Leninist sense, constituting as it does, an important ct itself. The different ways in which Tamilness re- t in each of these instances is interesting and could be d help to both delineate a map of nationalist rhetoric and aking and mark the points where they meet and where erry Martin has noted in his monumental work on the erstwhile Soviet Union, nationalism is both form and ople is as decisive as how one understands their national e useful to ask whether the prisms of language and class
adequate knowledge of the Tamil people.
l to turn the critical lens to Sinhala Buddhist nationalism advanced within the left parties. Terry Martin notes that, n, nationalism was bound up with the modern notion of with the larger socialist project. But in the post 1932 Soviet Union, notes Martin, came to be primordialised.This easy sliding between the one sense of the nation a characteristic of socialist arguments on nationalism than and Czech Springs bear witness to this in creative ways, a in Soviet history itself, which prove the destructive effects and the manner in which it is constantly fudged are m nationhood as well: when objective factors render self-d and in fact are made to aid an active oppression of tho question of cultural origins becomes all the more urgent rallying cry when all else appears to have failed. This p Tamil nationalism found its adherents in Sri Lanka: Tami political rhetoric of self-determination and a cultural rhet The one allows them to battle the chauvinist Sri Lankan s to recruit fighters to their cause.
Thirdly, the rhetoric of a united struggle needs to be for it assumes the possibility of socialist comradeship acro geography. And it also assumes a continual memory of s it would be important to ask: What were the actual comradeship? Were they contingent correlates, which ha and leaders, circumstances and successes? Was there a a comradeship to sustain itself, either in terms of party p action?
This question could be pushed even further: was su comradeship a feature of a cosmopolitan worldview as w the historian Uma Chakravarthy has noted (in a pe communist ideologues were far more attracted to build together Hindus and Muslims, than to building a comm linguistic groups. The reasons, she suggests, might h cosmopolitanism of the left in India in the 1930s and 1 speaking writers and artists constituted the intellectual va it an expansive secular character. It would be interesting Lankan context, the idea of a unified struggle was schoolrooms, furthered by shared literary and cultural tas an empirical or political possibility?
The question then arises: can such cosmopolitanism moment, to history meaningfully, especially when it repres in a deeply divided society, marked by class and ethn question would be, is it not because of this, that this co impossible historical condition, that nationalism is far more


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one sense of the nation and the other is perhaps more ments on nationalism than we imagine – the Hungarian ss to this in creative ways, and there are other examples, rove the destructive effects of this sliding. This distinction is constantly fudged are matters that pertain to Tamil ective factors render self-determination a distant dream n active oppression of those who uphold this idea, the omes all the more urgent – for it serves as an enabling ears to have failed. This perhaps explains why militant herents in Sri Lanka: Tamil militants have recourse to a ination and a cultural rhetoric of an ancient homeland. the chauvinist Sri Lankan state, whereas the other helps .
nited struggle needs to be critically interrogated as well, f socialist comradeship across class, language, faith and s a continual memory of such a struggle. In this context k: What were the actual objective correlates to this ingent correlates, which had to do with specific struggles d successes? Was there a more enduring basis for such f, either in terms of party propaganda or programmes of
shed even further: was such an imagined and desired smopolitan worldview as well? In the Indian left context, rthy has noted (in a personal communication) that ar more attracted to building a secular ideal, bringing , than to building a communist bloc across castes and s, she suggests, might have to do with the peculiar India in the 1930s and 1940s, when Hindi and Urdu nstituted the intellectual vanguard of the party and gave ter. It would be interesting to find out whether, in the Sri f a unified struggle was one hatched in common red literary and cultural tastes and practices, rather than lity?
an such cosmopolitanism really speak to the contingent ly, especially when it represents a marginal point of view marked by class and ethnic fault lines? The corollary ecause of this, that this cosmopolitanism represents an that nationalism is far more appealing, since it offers, asBukharin noted in a different context, an expressive me (Bukharin noted in 1923, “when we tax [the non-Russia takes on a national form, is given a national interpretatio our opponents.) This last observation could be pushed politics of militancy – its myth of a homeland, its celebra martyrdom and death – as well as the politics of peace a deeply embedded within a rhetoric that is resolute cosmopolitanism that cross-ethnic groups represent, be primordial core of nationalism, and further smacks of clas that Tamil primordialism is equally a product of class and subsumed in the fact of a common tongue and a sha nationalists do not see the need to acknowledge class or c
These are some of the fascinating and urgent directi suggests we pursue.
Sri Manoharan, Colombo
I refer to the paper by Ravi Vaitheespara titled “the Le Question: a Response”. It is most welcome that a subject for study in the current situation. I wish to add the follo supplement the points made by the author:
The Communist Party at its Valvettithurai Conference prescribing regional autonomy as a way of settling the nat
The Sinhala Only Act of June 1956 was adopted amid left. The left comprising the LSSP and the CP had a com of nineteen, a formidable number in a house with 95 ele parity of status for Tamil. All nineteen voted against the A MPs from the FP and TC put together.
The left organised a meeting at the Colombo Town H and a hand grenade tossed at Dr NM Perera, who was sa intercepted the device and lost his hand as a result.
It should also be noted that personalities from among Sri Rahula Thera and Sri Sumangala Thera joined the le status for Tamil.


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context, an expressive means to articulate discontent? en we tax [the non-Russian peasantry] their discontent iven a national interpretation, which is then exploited by ervation could be pushed to both critically examine the of a homeland, its celebration of Tamilness, its cult of ll as the politics of peace and democracy. The former is rhetoric that is resolutely opposed to the sort of thnic groups represent, because the latter denies the and further smacks of class power. (It is another matter ally a product of class and culture, but since this is easily ommon tongue and a shared historical destiny, Tamil d to acknowledge class or caste.)
cinating and urgent directions that Vaitheespara’s work
i Vaitheespara titled “the Left in Sri Lanka and the Tamil ost welcome that a subject of that title has been taken up ion. I wish to add the following items of information to y the author:
s Valvettithurai Conference in 1955 adopted a resolution
as a way of settling the national question.
ne 1956 was adopted amidst vehement opposition by the SP and the CP had a combined parliamentary strength ber in a house with 95 elected embers, and demanded neteen voted against the Act along with the eleven Tamil
gether.
ng at the Colombo Town Hal to oppose ‘Sinhala Only’, Dr NM Perera, who was saved by an LSSP stalwart who his hand as a result.
t personalities from among the Buddhist clergy such as angala Thera joined the left in its struggle for parity ofE Thambiah, Colombo
The paper “the Left in Sri Lanka and the Tamil Qu historically the stand of the left of Sri Lanka on the nation between the section of the left movement that may be cal the LSSP and the CP and the ‘unofficial left’ comprising t left parties and groups.
The highlighting of these differences will help the re correct position of the genuine left on the national questio the ‘official left’ has always been used as supportive evid Marxist Tamil nationalists to attack the left movement as a
We should also bear in mind the healthier position ad the early 1960s, especially on issues such as the Citi Language Act (commonly known as Sinhala Only Act) equality and autonomy for the North East.
The strong stand taken by N Sanmugathasan agains by the Tamil nationalist parties and subsequently the Tam left. It may not be wrong to say that the subse Sanmugathasan to defend Tamil nationalism and denou based less on scientific analysis than on sympathy for the Sinhala chauvinist state oppression.
The breakaway faction of the Communist Party n Democratic Party has always taken a correct and consis question, based on scientific and historical dialectical ou be further developed in keeping with new developments in
The contribution of Ravi Vaitheespara could serve as question of the role of the left and examining in detail it and exchanges of views that emerge will contribute to re is essential to arriving at a lasting political solution for t building socialism in Sri Lanka.
Imayavaramban, Kandy
Vaitheespara has raised searching questions regardin ‘left’ on the national question. Attempts to answer these need to address the role of class outlook of not only the Tamil nationalists.


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i Lanka and the Tamil Question” in ND 22 elaborates t of Sri Lanka on the national question, and differentiates movement that may be called the ‘official left’ comprising ‘unofficial left’ comprising the NSSP, the NDP and other
differences will help the readers to know the real and left on the national question. The opportunistic stand of en used as supportive evidence by the anti-left and anti- tack the left movement as a whole.
nd the healthier position adopted by the ‘official left’ until n issues such as the Citizenship Act and the Official own as Sinhala Only Act). They even canvassed for North East.
N Sanmugathasan against Tamil nationalism was used and subsequently the Tamil militants against the entire to say that the subsequent change of heart by mil nationalism and denounce Sinhala chauvinism was is than on sympathy for the Tamil people suffering under
sion.
f the Communist Party now functioning as the New taken a correct and consistent position on the national nd historical dialectical outlook. Its position will need to g with new developments in the national question.
itheespara could serve as a good start for reopening the t and examining in detail its contribution. The dialogues merge will contribute to reshaping left movement, which sting political solution for the national question and for .
arching questions regarding the changing position of the Attempts to answer these questions would necessarily ss outlook of not only the parliamentary left but also theKumari Jayawardena has charged that the CP accep as the Indian CP’s line, which accepted the right of determination, and that the positions taken by the ‘left’ obligatory”, and that there was no serious debate. I wond the right of the ‘Muslim nation’ to self-determination was in analysis of the national question. The concept of a Mus ‘Hindu nation’) evolved in the complex context of the Indi the increasing inability of the Indian National Congres address the concerns of the Muslims ultimately led to th simply endorsed what it saw as objective reality, circumstances.
Jayawardane fails to say what was wrong in the CP’s nationality, which, for whatever reason it was done, put th endorsing the district-based devolution under the Bandar of 1957. (Notions of Muslim and Hill Country Tamil natio the leaders of those communities until the national qu national crisis). While Jayawardena claims that the LSSP rights of nations for self determination, the LSSP did no nationality even in the 1960s; and many LSSP leaders rather than a nationality.
The backsliding of the left on the national question wa taking the parliamentary road to power. Parliamentary o the betrayal of the Tamil nationality but also of the working noted that the LSSP endorsed the satyagraha campaign o CP which supported the cause was critical of the way the
Despite the left defending the rights of the Tamils we been consistently rejected at the polls by the Tamils, wit Kandiah’s success in 1956 in Point Pedro. Despite the Tamils living in the south mostly supported the UNP, with Tamil Congress and later the FP. That was frustrating which by the mid-1960s were well entrenched in parliame electoral benefit in standing up for the Tamils they acted respective Sinhala vote banks, on which Sinhala chauvi impact. This was explicitly admitted to me in the late 1960
The LSSP dealt behind the back of its United Left Fro CP) in 1964 to betray the ill-fated 21 demands of the w break up of the ULF, so that its leader NM Perera secu shortly after the MEP leader Philip Gunawardane sought,


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charged that the CP accepted Stalin’s definition as well ich accepted the right of the Muslim nation for self- ositions taken by the ‘left’ were “all merely routine and no serious debate. I wonder if the CPI’s acceptance of to self-determination was in line with Lenin’s and Stalin’s ion. The concept of a Muslim nation (as opposed to a complex context of the Indian struggle for independence; Indian National Congress-led freedom movement to uslims ultimately led to the birth of Pakistan. The CPI aw as objective reality, and inevitable under the
hat was wrong in the CP’s recognition of the Tamils as a r reason it was done, put the CP at ease when it came to evolution under the Bandaranayake-Chelvanyakam Pact nd Hill Country Tamil nationalism did not even occur to nities until the national question began to turn into a dena claims that the LSSP accepted Lenin’s line on the rmination, the LSSP did not recognise the Tamils as a ; and many LSSP leaders still talk of a Tamil minority
n the national question was mainly a consequence of its to power. Parliamentary opportunism led not merely to ality but also of the working class. It should, however, be the satyagraha campaign of the FP in 1961, and that the was critical of the way the FP carried out the campaign.
the rights of the Tamils well into the 1960s, the left has he polls by the Tamils, with the single exception of Pon Point Pedro. Despite the chauvinism of the UNP, the tly supported the UNP, with tactical endorsement by the FP. That was frustrating for the two main left parties, ell entrenched in parliamentary politics; and seeing little for the Tamils they acted to arrest the erosion of their , on which Sinhala chauvinism had started to have an itted to me in the late 1960s by members of the LSSP.
back of its United Left Front partners (the MEP and the ated 21 demands of the workers as well as cause the its leader NM Perera secured a cabinet post. This was hilip Gunawardane sought, unsuccessfully though, to usethe impending workers’ struggle as a lever to get the Jayawardena seems to miss the strong link between betrayal of the oppressed by the left, be it national mino the left claimed to represent.
Tamil consciousness transformed itself from one of nationality or nationhood over a century. For most of the the interests of the Jaffna Vellala elite. Even though the M asserted their separate identity, Tamil nationalists ignor speaking people’. Even today there is reluctance among T the Muslims and Hill Country Tamils as distinct nationa constantly refused to address issues of caste oppression CP (most importantly the Marxist Leninists) took up the caste. That was a major cause for friction between the left
The Tamil nationalists were not serious about a strugg FP had called for at its founding in 1948 or for the separa its successor, the TULF in 1976. Right up to 1980, the Sinhala chauvinist governments, well short of genuine aut to compare the positions taken by the parliamentary l Leninists on the national question with that of the Tamil na
I have some doubts about the role played by Karalasin broke away from the LSSP with those who disapprove rejoined shortly after. It will be interesting to learn what was regarding the conduct of the LSSP on questions re return to the fold.
It took V Ponnambalam until after 1977 to redef Interestingly, he contested SJV Chelvanayakam in KKS demand for Tamil Eelam. He was a high ranking membe national and regional levels when the party was a partn coalition until 1976. I am not aware of any denoun Ponnambalam of the discriminatory constitution of 1972 about which he complained following his endorsement barely a year after his roaring electoral success in 1977 very youth who once adored him).
The demand for a separate state of Tamil Eelam b among Tamils only after all hope of a just and lasting so power was shattered in 1980. The genocide of 1983 was famous debate in 1977 between Sanmugathasan and V


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gle as a lever to get the entire left into government. the strong link between the parliamentary path and the left, be it national minorities or the very classes that
sformed itself from one of linguistic identity to that of a century. For most of the period, Tamil identity served ala elite. Even though the Muslims had from time to time y, Tamil nationalists ignored it by referring to a ‘Tamil there is reluctance among Tamil nationalists to recognise Tamils as distinct nationalities. Tamil nationalism has issues of caste oppression, while the left, especially the xist Leninists) took up the cause of those oppressed by
for friction between the left and the Tamil nationalists.
not serious about a struggle for a federal state that the g in 1948 or for the separate Tamil Eelam demanded by 76. Right up to 1980, they were ready for deals with ts, well short of genuine autonomy. I think that it is useful en by the parliamentary left and the genuine Marxist ion with that of the Tamil nationalists during this period.
he role played by Karalasingam in the LSSP. In 1964, he ith those who disapproved of its opportunist line, but interesting to learn what the position of Karalasingam the LSSP on questions relating to the Tamils, after his
until after 1977 to redefine himself as a red-Tamil. V Chelvanayakam in KKS in 1976 to oppose the latter’s was a high ranking member of the revisionist CP at the hen the party was a partner in power in the SLFP led- ot aware of any denouncement during that time by atory constitution of 1972 or of the string of betrayals following his endorsement of Amirthalingam (who took electoral success in 1977 to be branded a traitor by the im).
te state of Tamil Eelam became a serious proposition pe of a just and lasting solution based on devolution of The genocide of 1983 was a major turning point. In the en Sanmugathasan and V Tharmalingam, an importantTULF leader, the former showed that the TULF demand electoral ploy.
The Marxist Leninists never took a static view of recognised the emergence and expression of distinct nat and Hill Country Tamils well ahead the Tamil nationalis concept of self-determination to extend it to nationalities secession was not a feasible option.
To refer to the parliamentary left as ‘left’ now is absurd an appendage of the SLFP. Any remaining left identity o fully eroded. So it is the weak but principled Marxist Len various factions among the Sinhalese who constitute the whose shoulders rests the task of rebuilding the left, p imperialist struggle and carrying forward the campaign through supporting the just struggle of all oppressed natio
While it is useful to draw parallels between Sri Lankan to be conscious of the risks of extrapolation. For example oppression differs not only between the two countries b states of India, so that the role the Brahmin and Brahmini In fact, many fail to see how the Vellala elite dominatio Lanka succeeded in denying the Tamil national struggle let alone orientation.
Thus, the need to correctly understand the role of the strong, and Vaitheespara’s intervention is particularly difference between the opportunist left and the Marxist Le appreciation of the issues, future work should consider th of national politics among the nationalities as well as issu oppression; the role of parliamentary politics; the position well as the left parties vis-à-vis imperialism and regional h


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ed that the TULF demand for Tamil Eelam was just an
er took a static view of the national question. They d expression of distinct national identities of the Muslims ahead the Tamil nationalists. They also developed the to extend it to nationalities and ethnic groups for whom ption.
y left as ‘left’ now is absurd since it has for too long been ny remaining left identity of the chauvinistic JVP is now but principled Marxist Leninists among Tamils and the inhalese who constitute the real Sri Lankan left and on sk of rebuilding the left, providing leadership the anti- ing forward the campaign against national oppression
ggle of all oppressed nationalities.
arallels between Sri Lankan and Indian left, one also has extrapolation. For example, the form and nature of caste tween the two countries but also between the different the Brahmin and Brahminism has to be seen in context. the Vellala elite domination of Tamil nationalism in Sri he Tamil national struggle an anti-imperialist dimension,
understand the role of the left in the national question is intervention is particularly valuable in clarifying the nist left and the Marxist Leninists. I think that for a fuller re work should consider the context of the development nationalities as well as issues of caste, class and gender entary politics; the position of the various nationalists as imperialism and regional hegemony, and globalisation.Statement to the Media NDP Welcomes Talks 11th October 2006
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary of th issued, on behalf of the Politburo of the NDP, the fo The agreement between the Government of Sri conduct talks on the 28th and 29th of October is to time, both sides should act with very much respon conducive to the taking place of talks for the talks and for decisions that mean progress. Especiall Government should make their fullest effort to us proceed along the path for a political solution wi from the chauvinists for military action. As a for kidnapping and acts of revenge should be ceased by an end to the fear for life, apprehension and anxie New Democratic Party emphasises the need for such
People in the North-East have, as a result of attacks and conflicts, experienced during the past te displacement and burdens on their lives. The suffer the last two months. The closure of A 9 has cut o goods and travel to the north. As a result of blockade, people of the north are finding it difficu even at sky-high prices. Patients are suffering becau medicine and medical services. Education is in disa unable to come to the south for essential needs and m
Hence our Party puts forward the appeal th Government should open the A 9 highway to the nor goodwill to make the talks meaningful. It also po experienced by the people in the north could be allev also emphasises the need to adopt an appropriate misery faced by the people in the east.


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NDP Diary
lks
General Secretary of the New Democratic Party tburo of the NDP, the following statement.
the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE to d 29th of October is to be welcomed. At the same with very much responsibility to create a climate ce of talks for the talks to take place as scheduled ean progress. Especially, the President and the their fullest effort to use the forthcoming talks to a political solution without yielding to pressure ilitary action. As a forerunner, attacks, killings, nge should be ceased by both sides. That would put apprehension and anxiety among the people. The hasises the need for such a course of action. st have, as a result of the increased intensity of ienced during the past ten months daily loss of life, n their lives. The suffering has been severe during closure of A 9 has cut off the supply of essential north. As a result of this undeclared economic rth are finding it difficult to buy essential goods tients are suffering because of shortage of essential ces. Education is in disarray. People are stranded, for essential needs and medical treatment. forward the appeal that the President and the e A 9 highway to the north as an anticipatory act of meaningful. It also points out that the suffering n the north could be alleviated through it. The party o adopt an appropriate approach to deal with the in the east.Statement to the Media NDP Warns of the Consequences of the Ruling on the Merging of the North-East 18th October 2006
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary of th issued, on behalf of the Politburo of the NDP, the fo
The Supreme Court ruling that legitimises the s and Eastern Provinces which remained merged fo aggravated the national question which continues a The above ruling has paved the way to reject economic and socio-cultural aspirations and just dem Besides, it has also opened the way for new co Muslim and Sinhala people of the North-East. It has chauvinists such as the JVP and the Hela Urumaya the chauvinistic war of oppression. Hence the Pre idea of a referendum in the East and take steps to pa will enable the continuation of the merger of the No President should consider favourably the idea put main opposition party, to enact legislation for a me Party wishes to point out that, otherwise, a situation risk of the current efforts for a peaceful solution b increasing destruction by war.
It has become a new trend today to use certa frustrate just demands and struggles for such dema courts of law. Already strikes which constitute a rig suffered such a fate. In a similar fashion, the PTOM by the former President and passed in parliament ha by a ruling of the Supreme Court. That too was the the JVP which then wrecked the efforts for peace. efforts are being made for talks on the coming 2 secured a court order nullifying the merging of Provinces.
The New Democratic Party has continuously stre the North-East, comprising the traditional homela Muslims, through the sharing of power on the b determination could be the right political solu emphasises that the Tamils and the Muslims shou come forward to join in struggle to defeat the intrigu


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e Consequences of the Supreme Court ging of the North-East
General Secretary of the New Democratic Party tburo of the NDP, the following statement. ng that legitimises the separation of the Northern ch remained merged for eighteen years has only estion which continues as war, without a solution. ved the way to reject and shatter the political, l aspirations and just demands of the Tamil people. d the way for new conflicts among the Tamil, of the North-East. It has also strengthened extreme and the Hela Urumaya who insist on continuing pression. Hence the President should abandon the East and take steps to pass an act of Parliament that of the merger of the North-East. In this matter, the favourably the idea put forward by the UNP, the nact legislation for a merger. The New Democratic at, otherwise, a situation will arise with a growing or a peaceful solution becoming meaningless and ar. trend today to use certain aspects of the law to struggles for such demands through rulings by the es which constitute a right of the trade unions have imilar fashion, the PTOMS legislation put forward passed in parliament has been rendered ineffective Court. That too was the chauvinistic handiwork of d the efforts for peace. Even today, when serious talks on the coming 28th and 29th, the JVP has lifying the merging of the Northern and Eastern
rty has continuously stressed that only autonomy to the traditional homeland of the Tamils and the ring of power on the basis of the right to self- he right political solution. Hence the Party and the Muslims should speak in one voice and ggle to defeat the intrigue of the chauvinists.Statement to the Media Reopen the A 9 Highway and Resume Ta 4th November 2006
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary of th issued the following statement, on behalf of the Polit
The refusal of the Government to open the A failure of the Geneva talks and pushed the north tow misery. Meantime, the Government is conducting a attacks on the North east. Such military actions ind war. If the Government while talking of a political s road for a military solution, it will plunge the North country into destruction. Hence the only way to tra situation is for the Government to reopen the A 9 of resuming negotiations.
It will soon be n year since President Rajapaksha the lines of an honourable political solution in the ‘ been undertaken. The two talks in Geneva faile conducted in a constructive manner. Meanwhile, ch proliferated. People had to face loss of life and disp tat killings and kidnappings based on revenge took human rights, and law and order seem to have woefu Hence the people are anxious to know wheth Government want to implement a programme wit orientation or make the necessary efforts for a negotiations. Meantime, the New Democratic Par danger that the so-called ‘international community heightened crisis in the North East to interfere and i their own interests.
Statement to Television Death Sentence for Saddam Hussein is Un 7th November 2006
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary of t made the following statement to a television channe Saddam Hussein.


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ighway and Resume Talks
General Secretary of the New Democratic Party nt, on behalf of the Politburo of the NDP. rnment to open the A 9 Highway has led to the and pushed the north towards starvation and human ernment is conducting aerial bombing and missile uch military actions indicate a move towards total ile talking of a political solution and peace take the , it will plunge the North east as well as the whole ence the only way to transform the current critical ent to reopen the A 9 Highway and to find ways
ce President Rajapaksha was sworn in. Nothing on olitical solution in the ‘Mahinda Chinthanaya’ has talks in Geneva failed because they were not manner. Meanwhile, charges and counter-charges face loss of life and displacement. Besides, tit-for- s based on revenge took place daily. Democracy,
rder seem to have woefully lost their meaning. anxious to know whether the President and the ment a programme with a chauvinistic militarist ecessary efforts for a political solution through e New Democratic Party wishes to warn of the international community’ taking advantage of the th East to interfere and infiltrate with ease to serve
r Saddam Hussein is Unacceptable
, General Secretary of the New Democratic Party nt to a television channel, on the death sentence forThe verdict of a death sentence for Saddam Hu delivered by a tribunal of a US puppet gover unacceptable. It is merely a verdict guided by the Democratic Party joins the people of Iraq and th opposing and denouncing the verdict. If this bad pr imperialism will make it the accepted practice to pa rid of every ruler and political leader opposed to it in
Saddam Hussein emerged as an Iraqi national regime. He mercilessly killed Iraqi communists, opposed him to run a nationalist military governme and certain other western countries for his survival. of the US and Israel, who resisted US domination invasion of Iraq and the death sentence for Saddam taken by the US to dispose of its opponent and to se the Arab World. Saddam was at the forefront of favourite and hit-man in the Middle East which acts and carries out mass murder of the Palestinians. sentence, the US has miscalculated that it is able to Arab World. The reality is that the US is getting its trap. What one can see is that not only the people also the American people are becoming increasingl imperialist aggression.
Statement to the Media NDP Denounces Violation of Human Righ 15th November 2006
The Politburo of the New Democratic Party, afte the situation prevailing in the country, issued the foll
Amid the political and economic crises in the c chauvinistic military forces gaining the upper han democratic forces that are interested in the wellbe people should unite and carry forward mass m Otherwise, chauvinist military oppression will lead The brutal murder of Nadarajah Raviraj MP in br warning of that. The young parliamentary politici both inside and outside parliament to defend democr to publicise the pathetic situation of the Tamil


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entence for Saddam Hussein, Ex-President of Iraq f a US puppet government set up in Iraq is a verdict guided by the US imperialists. The New people of Iraq and the people of the world in he verdict. If this bad precedent is not stopped, US e accepted practice to pass a death sentence and get
al leader opposed to it in any country. ed as an Iraqi nationalist and headed a military lled Iraqi communists, and murdered those who nalist military government in Iraq. He used the US ountries for his survival. He was also an opponent resisted US domination in the Arab World. The th sentence for Saddam Hussein are merely actions of its opponent and to secure its control over oil in was at the forefront of opposing Israel, the US Middle East which acts a threat to the Arab World der of the Palestinians. Thus, through this death lculated that it is able to assert its control over the that the US is getting its feet enmeshed into a death hat not only the people of Iraq and the world, but re becoming increasingly opposed to the policy of
iolation of Human Rights
Democratic Party, after a careful consideration of e country, issued the following statement. conomic crises in the country, there is a threat of s gaining the upper hand. To stop this trend, all interested in the wellbeing of the country and its carry forward mass movements and struggles. ary oppression will lead to a fascist dictatorship. rajah Raviraj MP in broad daylight is an advance g parliamentary politician took part in agitations iament to defend democracy and human rights, and situation of the Tamil people. His murder hasdemonstrated that parliamentary democracy under system is a farce.
In recent months, paying no heed to state displeasure and opposition, the government continu artillery fire and shelling against Tamils in the No attack was on the people who took refuge in the Kat in the East. Based on the decision of military advi remained closed for the past three months. There north owing to the blockade. Meanwhile, in the N killings have increased by the day and reached a North east will not take long to spread to the Hill C chauvinist military activities could soon evolv dictatorship. It should be understood with forewarn and its people could face a major disaster.
The ruling SLFP and the opposition UNP have c work together. The CWC and the Hill Country Peo government and hold ministerial posts. While p differences with the government, the JVP and the J the government, urging it to adopt severely a chauv circumstances, those who oppose war and desire pea for human rights are unable to have a positive respon There is now the need and urgency for the T Country Tamils who are denied of justice and fa peasants and toiling masses of the south to unite un programme. It should be realised that little cou government, the opposition, or the imperialist intern
Thus it is necessary to mobilise the people and su strong protest and pressure. The immediate politica compel the government to take the necessary altern and a political solution to the national question, and crises faced by the people. The New Democra democratic forces that love the country and the achieve it.
*****


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ntary democracy under the executive presidential
ing no heed to statements of condemnation, the government continued unabated its air strikes, gainst Tamils in the North East. One such brutal ho took refuge in the Kathiraveli School in Vaharai ecision of military advisors, the A9 Highway has st three months. There is a human tragedy in the e. Meanwhile, in the North East, abductions and the day and reached a peak. The situation in the g to spread to the Hill Country and the South. Such ties could soon evolve into an open fascist nderstood with forewarning that the whole country major disaster.
opposition UNP have come to an understanding to nd the Hill Country People’s Front have joined the isterial posts. While pretending that they have ment, the JVP and the JHU have discussions with o adopt severely a chauvinist agenda. Under these ppose war and desire peace, democracy and respect
to have a positive response from the government.
and urgency for the Tamils, Muslims and Hill enied of justice and fair play and the workers, of the south to unite under an alternative political realised that little could be expected from the , or the imperialist international community.
obilise the people and subject the ruling sections to . The immediate political programme should be to take the necessary alternative steps to secure peace he national question, and answers to the day to day le. The New Democratic Party calls upon all e the country and the people to act in unity to
*****Statement to the Media by the Proletarian New Dem Award Wage Increase Immediately 8th November 2006
The Proletarian New Democratic Union has w Agreement between the Employers and the Unio award a daily wage of 350 rupees without further the current state of unrest among workers will only d E Thambiah, Attorney-at-Law, President o Democratic Union, which serves as a union for workers and employees in the private sector, add without building a strong trade union movement, secure a new wage scheme with a fair increase in wa the trade union leaders who are the current signatori lead to the building up of a strong trade union mo revolutionary trade union movement should be bu class. It is through that it will be possible to secure a well as achieve a new wage scheme that will allow future.
Trade unions that are wasting time without agreement or securing higher wages are of no use. N which, while criticising the former, seek to drag th route be of any good to the workers. Meantime, to movement is weak, certain trade union and NGO totally wreck the trade union movement are on companies. It is necessary to build up in their plac trade union movement based on working class ide wage scheme accommodating fair wage increas plantation workers.
Plantation workers are participating in strug increase, in defiance of the trade union leadershi among workers. If prolonged, the unrest will inten the plantation companies should award increased wa


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he Proletarian New Democratic Union ease Immediately
emocratic Union has warned that the Collective mployers and the Unions should be renewed to rupees without further procrastination. Otherwise ong workers will only deteriorate. y-at-Law, President of the Proletarian New serves as a union for plantation workers, and the private sector, added in his statement that, trade union movement, it will not be possible to with a fair increase in wages. Replacing with others are the current signatories to the agreement cannot a strong trade union movement. Instead, a strong movement should be built based on the working ll be possible to secure a fair wage increase now as e scheme that will allow fair wage increase in the
wasting time without renewing the collective er wages are of no use. Nor will other trade unions former, seek to drag the workers along the same workers. Meantime, today, when the trade union trade union and NGO leaders acting in a way to nion movement are only helping the plantation to build up in their place a powerful revolutionary ed on working class ideology. It is through that a ting fair wage increase could be won by the
participating in struggles demanding a wage e trade union leadership. This has led to unrest ed, the unrest will intensify. Bearing this in mind, ould award increased wages.Sri Lank
Geneva Round 2: Road to Nowhere
No serious political observer could have expect emerge from the second round of talks in Gen government went back on its pledge at the earlier ro the ceasefire agreement (CFA) and control the a groups, and went a step further to launch air atta targets without justification and kill civilians throug To make matters worse for the Tamil people, especia Jaffna peninsula the government closed the A9 road using the armed conflict in the peninsula as pretext.
Peace talks and proposals for a political solution devices of procrastination and deception; and the las has lived up to that reputation. With the governmen holding the people of Jaffna to ransom by the closur in Geneva hinged on satisfactorily resolving the que refusal of the government to reopen the road government thinking is driven by elements within an who seek a military defeat of the LTTE. Meantime, assure safe passage for government supply vessels t through what it claims to be its territorial waters has
It is essential today for the government and the the failure of the Geneva talks and reach an early ag the A9 in the interest of the ordinary people of th return to normal life has been shattered by the events


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Sri Lankan Events
Road to Nowhere
erver could have expected anything worthwhile to round of talks in Geneva, especially after the ts pledge at the earlier round of talks to implement FA) and control the activities of Tamil militia rther to launch air attacks against alleged LTTE and kill civilians through indiscriminate bombing. the Tamil people, especially in the Vanni and in the ment closed the A9 road to Jaffna on 11th August, he peninsula as pretext.
ls for a political solution have hitherto proved to be nd deception; and the last round of talks in Geneva on. With the government, in violation of the CFA, to ransom by the closure of the road, any progress ctorily resolving the question of reopening A9. The t to reopen the road is clear indication that en by elements within and outside the armed forces of the LTTE. Meantime, the refusal of the LTTE to ernment supply vessels to take supplies to the north its territorial waters has created a further impasse.
the government and the LTTE to put behind them lks and reach an early agreement on the opening of he ordinary people of the north, whose hopes for
n shattered by the events of the past few months
(1 11 2006)The Supreme Court Strikes Again
The Supreme Court upheld the fundamental ri JVP accusing that the declaration by President merging the Northern and Eastern Provinces was u the people of the Eastern Province had been depr right of setting up their own Provincial Council beca
While the Supreme Court ruling is technically v judgment has adverse implications for the peaceful question. It should also be noted that judiciary ceas since JR Jayawardane, as Executive President, start and in recent years it has been used by the right w deny justice to the workers and to the oppressed Tam
A Marriage of Convenience
The Memorandum of Understanding signed b SLFP has been hailed as a milestone in the history Lankan media. The purpose of the cooperation betw in order to enable the government of President Raja the national question. However, there does not see between the two leaders on issues that are wrecki While the UNP leader Ranil Wickramasinghe is em by the CFA and the MoU between the Government the A9, President Mahinda Rajapaksha is most relu turns a blind to the excesses of the armed forces. H by increasing the defence budget by nearly a half at desire for a peaceful solution to the national questio stopped inducing members of the UNP from c ministerial posts.
Although talks of a ‘national government’ c parties and their closest allies has been there even President, the reason for the present alliance seem with the politics of survival: for Rajapaksha to pro genocidal war without criticism from the main Wickramasinghe to stabilise and strengthen his posi the party is further weakened by crossovers.


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rt Strikes Again
held the fundamental rights petition filed by the claration by President JR Jayawardane in 1977 Eastern Provinces was unlawful and claiming that Province had been deprived of their fundamental
Provincial Council because of it.
urt ruling is technically valid, the reality is that the ications for the peaceful resolution of the national noted that judiciary ceased to be independent ever xecutive President, started to meddle in its affairs, een used by the right wing and the chauvinists to and to the oppressed Tamil nationality.
(15 11 06)
nvenience
Understanding signed between the UNP and the milestone in the history of the country by the Sri of the cooperation between the parties is said to be nment of President Rajapaksha to find a solution to ever, there does not seem to be much in common n issues that are wrecking the prospect of peace. l Wickramasinghe is emphasising the need to abide etween the Government and the LTTE and reopen Rajapaksha is most reluctant to open the A9 and s of the armed forces. He made his intentions clear udget by nearly a half at a time while declaring his n to the national question. Nor has the government s of the UNP from crossing over by offering
national government’ comprising the two major ies has been there even before Rajapaksha became e present alliance seems opportunistic, and to do l: for Rajapaksha to proceed with the undeclared ticism from the main opposition party and for and strengthen his position within the UNP before ed by crossovers.
(15 11 06)Slaying of an Outspoken Parliamentarian
The killing on 10th November in broad daylight Raviraj, a very much liked and arguably the most o city of Colombo in a state of a maximum security a the political stability of the country. The killing drew political parties, and the TNA leadership charged responsibility and accusations had been made abou member, although the government has denied any in Given the spate of kidnappings and killings mai in Colombo and the failure of the police to interv Rajapaksha’s statement that he would seek the hel find the culprits did not cut much ice with the Tam by one of his critics that ‘why he should to bother when the killers are in his own backyard’.
*****


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poken Parliamentarian
ember in broad daylight of the TNA MP Nadarajah and arguably the most outspoken Tamil MP, in the f a maximum security alert does not bode well for country. The killing drew strong protests from most NA leadership charged that the government with ns had been made about involvement of a cabinet nment has denied any involvement. appings and killings mainly of Tamils taking place e of the police to intervene effectively, President t he would seek the help of the Scotland Yard to much ice with the Tamil MPs, drew a sharp retort hy he should to bother to bring in Scotland Yard wn backyard’.
(20 11 2006)
*****Internatio
Nepal: A Historic Achievement
It is a year since the twelve-point understanding Seven Party Alliance and the Communist Party of months since the eight-point agreement concluded in deal was made between the SPA and CPN(M). The about a role for the CPN(M) in government and co utmost to wreck the new deal. Even India was using parties, and especially the Nepali Congress leade Koirala, to secure a role for the King, with so government and to weaken the CPN(M) politically a
The CPN(M), by refusing to yield to extern disarmament and the role of the monarchy and thr democratic republic, succeeded in arriving at an ac November whereby the CPN(M) would join the December.
The Peace Agreement essentially concerns the and policies for political, social and economic transf of the existing conflict through positive means; the m side of both the Nepalese Army and the PLA imple ending the war; upholding human and fundament settling disputes; and issues related to the implemen its right spirit. What is important to the people of Section 3 of the agreement regarding political, socia and conflict management give below in approximate
3 Political, social, economic transformation and c
Both parties have agreed to formulate following political, social and economic transformation and conflict through positive means:


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International Events
Achievement
elve-point understanding and reached between the the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and five t agreement concluded in June 2006, that a historic SPA and CPN(M). The US is even now unhappy ) in government and could be expected to do its al. Even India was using its influence with its client Nepali Congress leader and Prime Minister GP for the King, with some power in the future the CPN(M) politically and militarily.
sing to yield to external pressure on issues of f the monarchy and through its commitment to a ded in arriving at an accord with the SPA on 16th PN(M) would join the interim government on 1st
essentially concerns the adaptation of programmes cial and economic transformation and management gh positive means; the management of arms on the rmy and the PLA implementation of the ceasefire; human and fundamental rights; mechanisms for related to the implementation of the agreement in portant to the people of Nepal is what is said in regarding political, social, economic transformation ve below in approximate translation in English.
mic transformation and conflict management ed to formulate following programmes and policies for onomic transformation and management of the existing
means:3.1. Based on the decision taken by the meeting of t
parties and the Maoists (schedule 6) on Novemb political, economic and social transformation. 3.2. Form the interim legislative – parliament, as per interim government shall hold election to constitue June 2007 in free and fair manner and make th inherent sovereign right. 3.3. No rights of state administration shall remain with
of late King Birendra, late Queen Aishwarya and th control of the Nepal government and use it for th trust. All properties acquired by King Gyanendra b King (like palaces of various places, forests and having historical and archaeological importan Determine the fate of the institution of monarchy Constituent Assembly through simple majority vote 3.4. Promulgate the political system that fully compre
universally adopted principles of fundamenta competitive democratic system, sovereign rights supremacy of the citizens, constitutional balance a justice and equality, independent judiciary, periodi civil society, complete press freedom, right to transparency and accountability of the activities of participation, fair, able and uncorrupted administra 3.5. End the existing centralised and unitary state syst inclusive, democratic progressive system to addre that of women, Dalits, indigenous community, M and minority communities, backward regions by e linguistic, gender, cultural, religious and regional di 3.6. End all forms of feudalism and prepare and imp programme of socio-economic transformation on m 3.7. End feudal land ownership and formulate the policie 3.8. Adopt policies for protection and promotion of nation 3.9. Adopt policies for establishment of civil rights i
employment and food security. 3.10. Adopt policies to provide land and socio-economic like landless, bonded labourers, tillers, Haruwa-cha which are socio-economically backward.


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taken by the meeting of the top leaders of the seven s (schedule 6) on November 8, guarantee progressive social transformation. tive – parliament, as per the interim constitution, the ll hold election to constituent assembly elections by mid- fair manner and make the Nepalese people feel their . istration shall remain with the King. Bring the properties te Queen Aishwarya and their family members under the vernment and use it for the welfare purposes through a uired by King Gyanendra by the virtue of him being the arious places, forests and conservation areas, heritage archaeological importance) shall be nationalised. the institution of monarchy by the first meeting of the hrough simple majority vote.
l system that fully comprehends with the concepts of principles of fundamental human rights, multiparty system, sovereign rights inherent in the people and ns, constitutional balance and control, rule of law, social ependent judiciary, periodic elections, monitoring by the press freedom, right to information of the citizens, untability of the activities of the political parties, people’s
nd uncorrupted administrative mechanism. ised and unitary state system and restructure it into an rogressive system to address various problems including indigenous community, Madhesis, oppressed, ignored ies, backward regions by ending prevailing class, ethnic,
al, religious and regional discrimination. lism and prepare and implement a minimum common
nomic transformation on mutual understanding. ip and formulate the policies for scientific land reforms. tion and promotion of national industries and resources.
blishment of civil rights in education, health, shelter, ecurity.
e land and socio-economic security to backward groups bourers, tillers, Haruwa-charuwa and other such groups, ically backward.3.11. Adopt policies to take strict actions against the
government positions and have amassed huge a corruption. 3.12. Prepare a common development concept that transformation of the country and will also ass economic prosperity in a short period of time. 3.13. Follow policies ascertaining the professional rig investment on sectors like promoting industries, tr employment and income generating opportunities.
There is no doubt that what has been achieved would not have been possible without armed strugg is an essential prerequisite for the eventual transf people’s democracy and a socialist republic. Multi will not hinder the process, provided that the worki to ensure democracy at grassroots level and to defe feudal exploiting classes during the decade long arm facing the progressive forces in Nepal is the implem for democracy and social justice
Caution is particularly necessary, however, a especially by US imperialism and Indian expansion the economic and political affairs of Nepal for lon against the ‘sugar-coated bullets’ of foreign aid a ‘economic development’ aimed at exploiting the na of Nepal.
Korea: The American Threat
The nuclear tests carried out by the Democr Korea has serious implications for nuclear disarmam of existing unequal nuclear order ruled by the US an standards. With Israel in possession of a powe remaining out of the Non Proliferation Treaty (NPT US and India and Pakistan which have conducted t out of the NPT, to accuse North Korea of being a t non-proliferation is a sick joke, especially when th unrivalled nuclear power.
With the US refusing to give assurances abo weapons against North Korea, and having its m


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strict actions against the people who have worked in nd have amassed huge amount of properties through
evelopment concept that will help in socio-economic country and will also assist in ensuring the country’s a short period of time. aining the professional rights of workers and increase like promoting industries, trade and export and increase e generating opportunities.
what has been achieved for democracy in Nepal le without armed struggle; and genuine democracy for the eventual transformation of Nepal into a socialist republic. Multi-party democracy by itself , provided that the working masses are empowered ssroots level and to defend their victories over the ring the decade long armed struggle. The challenge s in Nepal is the implementation of the programme stice
necessary, however, against foreign meddling, m and Indian expansionism which has dominated affairs of Nepal for long. More caution is needed ullets’ of foreign aid and foreign investment for med at exploiting the natural and human resources
ican Threat
ied out by the Democratic People's Republic of ns for nuclear disarmament from the point of view order ruled by the US and based on outright double possession of a powerful nuclear arsenal and roliferation Treaty (NPT) with the blessings of the which have conducted their own nuclear tests and orth Korea of being a threat to peace and nuclear joke, especially when the charge comes from the
to give assurances about the non-use of nuclear orea, and having its military bases and troopsstationed across the border in South Korea, North K appropriate steps in defence. North Korea opted out not legally bound to non-proliferation. The tests wil US as a pretext to intensify its aggressive campaig the name of punishing violations of Internationa (IAEA) regulations, and more importantly Iran, wh target.
The US, the self-appointed global policeman, Council sanctions to bully North Korea and Iran b attempts at any such offensive or to escalate confli Middle East should be fully opposed. It is thus the across the world, to expose the hypocrisy of nucle repeated nuclear tests, in coming out against North of IAEA regulations, and more importantly to deno the right to use nuclear attack North Korea while right to a nuclear deterrent.
Israel: Nuclear Terrorism
Robert Fisk, a respected reporter for the British d author of Pity the Nation and The Conquest of the in his article of 30th October in the internet magazi Israel of using a secret new uranium-based weapon 34-day assault last July and August that killed civilians.
Fisk points out that Israel used American " Hizbollah's Beirut headquarters; drenched southe bombs in the last 72 hours of the war, leaving tens which continued to kill Lebanese civilians; and, denial, used phosphorous bombs, said to be restricte of the Geneva Conventions, which neither Israel nor
Fisk cites an initial report by Dr Chris Bus Secretary of the European Committee on Radiation least two bomb craters in Khiam and At-Tiri, wh based munitions were used against targets in Lebano the contamination is either from some novel small ex device or other experimental weapon based on t uranium oxidation flash, or from a bunker-busti


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in South Korea, North Korea has every right to take . North Korea opted out of the NPT in 2003 and is oliferation. The tests will, however, be used by the y its aggressive campaign against North Korea, in olations of International Atomic Energy Agency ore importantly Iran, which is the more immediate
inted global policeman, seeks to obtain Security North Korea and Iran by punitive offensives, and ive or to escalate conflict in East Asia and in the opposed. It is thus the duty of progressive forces the hypocrisy of nuclear states, with a record of ming out against North Korea for alleged violation ore importantly to denounce the US for reserving tack North Korea while denying North Korea the
rrorism
reporter for the British daily, The Independent and nd The Conquest of the Middle East (forthcoming) r in the internet magazine Counterpunch, accused uranium-based weapon in southern Lebanon in the and August that killed 1,300 Lebanese, mostly
srael used American "bunker-buster" bombs on arters; drenched southern Lebanon with cluster of the war, leaving tens of thousands of bomblets ebanese civilians; and, despite initial categorical ombs, said to be restricted under the third protocol
which neither Israel nor the US have signed.
port by Dr Chris Busby, the British Scientific Committee on Radiation Risk on samples from at Khiam and At-Tiri, which indicate that uranium- against targets in Lebanon. According to the report rom some novel small experimental nuclear fission tal weapon based on the high temperature of a or from a bunker-busting conventional uraniumpenetrator weapon employing enriched rather (Enriched uranium is a fuel for nuclear reactors whi natural uranium or depleted uranium, an extremel tank missiles and less radioactive than natural uraniu
Fisk quotes Chris Bellamy, Professor of Militar Cranfield University, UK who has reviewed the B some sort of experimental weapon with an enriche purpose of which we don't yet know. At best--if yo remarkably cavalier attitude to the use of nuclear wa
He also draws attention to Israel’s poor reputa about its use of weapons in Lebanon, and its d phosphorous munitions on civilian areas, until dying and dead civilians whose wounds caught fi
Lebanon: Murder Conspiracies?
Lebanese Industry Minister Pierre Gemayel h 22nd November and the blame has been laid on Syr the US. In this context, it is useful to draw atten website waynemadsenreport.com, which was the American involvement in the assassination of Leb Rafik Hariri as well as those of Elie Hobeika, Lebanese politicians. The website reported on 24 French DGSE (Direction générale de la sécurit officer has informed it that that Lebanon's ex-Prime killed in a car bombing arranged by Israel's M significant as the French government joined Washin Syria for the attack, and the UN Secretary General st
According to the DGSE officer, Israel and its A blame Syria for the assassination of the popular Leb Lebanese mass revolt that saw the withdrawal of Sy The Syrian withdrawal left Lebanon defenceless a attack launched by Israel, with US support, against infrastructure in July and August 2006.
Is the latest murder too another step in destabilis Syria in the process of achieving Israeli goals in Leb


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ying enriched rather than depleted uranium. for nuclear reactors which is more radioactive than d uranium, an extremely hard metal used in anti- active than natural uranium).
my, Professor of Military Science and Doctrine at ho has reviewed the Busby report: "At worst it's weapon with an enriched uranium component the yet know. At best--if you can say that--it shows a
to the use of nuclear waste products." n to Israel’s poor reputation for telling the truth s in Lebanon, and its denial in 1982 of using on civilian areas, until journalists discovered whose wounds caught fire when exposed to air.
Conspiracies?
nister Pierre Gemayel has been killed in Beirut on me has been laid on Syria again by forces loyal to is useful to draw attention to the story from the rt.com, which was the first to report Israeli and the assassination of Lebanon's ex-Prime Minister hose of Elie Hobeika, George Hawi, and other ebsite reported on 24th October 2006 that a senior générale de la sécurité extérieure) intelligence that Lebanon's ex-Prime Minister Rafik Hariri was arranged by Israel's Mossad. The revelation is vernment joined Washington and Israel in blaming UN Secretary General still pursuing that charge.
officer, Israel and its American backers wanted to ation of the popular Lebanese leader to prompt the aw the withdrawal of Syrian forces from Lebanon. t Lebanon defenceless against the "Clean Break" ith US support, against Hezbollah and Lebanon's ugust 2006.
another step in destabilising Lebanon and isolating ving Israeli goals in Lebanon?US Elections: A Snub to the Neo-Conserv
The results for the elections held in November f in the US Senate and the House of Representatives majority in both chambers. The results have severe President Bush and his neo-conservative advisors w its disastrous policies in Afghanistan and Iraq.
The results of the elections are a welcome cha people of the US have clearly expressed their disap Hence the Democrats have called for a phased with Iraq. But that does not mean that US imperialism wi Democrats did not oppose the invasion of Iraq or their Middle East policy different in substance from
Nicaragua: the Return of Daniel Ortega
Daniel Ortega was elected President of Nicaragu Castro was prompt to congratulate Ortega, whose left wing electoral successes in South America in t near success of the left-wing Lopez Obrador in M electoral irregularities. Ortega’s is the first left- America after the Sandinista government led by him by a two-pronged campaign of US-backed terror a undermined Ortega’s stature as a national leader.
Ortega is no more the radical and democratic lea in overthrow of the Somosa dictatorship and in rebu ruins left behind by the dictator. He was frustrated b waged by the ‘Contras’ and the severe economic em by the US. Nevertheless, Ortega's election makes wa a new Nicaraguan administration might do a bet country's endemic poverty than have the past sixte for whose continuation the US went out of its way to as well as to threaten the country with economic ruin the Sandinistas. More importantly it represents t masses of the impoverished country to stand up to th
Mexico: the South on the Boil


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nub to the Neo-Conservatives
ions held in November for the seats that fell vacant ouse of Representatives has given the Democrats a The results have severely weakened the hands of -conservative advisors who drove the US towards hanistan and Iraq.
tions are a welcome change to the extent that the rly expressed their disapproval of the war in Iraq. called for a phased withdrawal of US troops from that US imperialism will mend it ways. In fact the the invasion of Iraq or Afghanistan before nor is ferent in substance from that of the Republicans.
turn of Daniel Ortega
ed President of Nicaragua in early November. Fidel ratulate Ortega, whose victory follows a wave of s in South America in the past few years and the ing Lopez Obrador in Mexico, denied to him by tega’s is the first left-wing success in Central a government led by him was pushed out of power n of US-backed terror and vicious campaign that
as a national leader.
dical and democratic leader who played a key role dictatorship and in rebuilding Nicaragua from the tator. He was frustrated by the US-backed civil war the severe economic embargo placed on Nicaragua tega's election makes way for the modest hope that stration might do a better job of addressing the than have the past sixteen years of neoliberal rule US went out of its way to canvass within Nicaragua untry with economic ruin in the event of victory for ortantly it represents the will of the oppressed country to stand up to threats by US imperialism.
on the BoilSuccessive Mexican governments have followed US imperialist demands. The tying up of the Mexi the US under the North American Free Trade Agre some people rich in the north of the country while majority of the workers and peasants, and especially
1994 saw the first successful act of rebellion wh in the province of Chiapas a brief but violent uprisin a substantial part of the province. The success of t inspiration to the left and the suffering masses. Whil of 2000 brought an end to the corrupt one-party mon government of President Fox was again pro-US and
The Democratic Revolution Party candidate And was confident of electoral success in the elections h victory by electoral malpractices. Mass protests aga Calderon demanding a full recount. But the Elect partial recounts that there was no need for a recou have persisted in their demand and protests are to c Congress to impede the inauguration of preside Meantime, Obrador has sworn himself in as Mexico 20th November, launching a parallel government th from effective governing the country an already dent
Meanwhile, the poor southern state of Oaxaca, bo May 2006 been gripped by violent political crisis cau action of the state governor Ulises Ruiz against strik
Opponents of the repressive regime in Oaxaca measures by the Mexican armed forces under the lea Assembly of the Peoples' of Oaxaca) founded embracing a large number of social organizations teachers and indigenous people. Initially the strug removal from office of Ruiz. But state repression ha struggle so that resistance is now to the oppressi misguided economic policies of globalization and ad
The militarized police's violent occupation of protests throughout Mexico: The Zapatista-insp together with other movements, blocked highway November 1st, while all roads through Zapatista t blocked throughout the day. APPO has in effect tak


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vernments have followed a policy of submitting to he tying up of the Mexican economy with that of erican Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) has made rth of the country while causing misery to the vast
peasants, and especially the agricultural south.
ssful act of rebellion when the Zapatistas launched brief but violent uprising, and remain in control of vince. The success of the Zapatista rebels was an e suffering masses. While the presidential elections he corrupt one-party monopoly in Mexico, the new x was again pro-US and right-wing.
tion Party candidate Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador uccess in the elections held in 2006 but cheated of ctices. Mass protests against the election of Felipe recount. But the Electoral Court ruled based on was no need for a recount. Supporters of Obrador and and protests are to continue inside and outside inauguration of president-elect Felipe Calderon. rn himself in as Mexico's "legitimate" president on a parallel government that could prevent Calderon e country an already dented the economy.
thern state of Oaxaca, bordering Chiapas, has since violent political crisis caused by the heavy-handed Ulises Ruiz against striking teachers.
ssive regime in Oaxaca have resisted repressive rmed forces under the leadership of APPO (Popular ' of Oaxaca) founded on 17th June 2006 and of social organizations that include the striking ople. Initially the struggle was in demand of the . But state repression has extended the scope of the is now to the oppressive Mexican state and the s of globalization and addresses more basic issues.
violent occupation of Oaxaca in fact provoked ico: The Zapatista-inspired ‘Other Campaign’, ents, blocked highways throughout Mexico on ads through Zapatista territory in Chiapas were . APPO has in effect taken over the running of cityof Oaxaca and some 30 municipalities throughout t that Popular Assemblies be created throughout M organizations join to create a new way of exercising
The Mexican state has responded in violent w defeat the mobilised masses resorted to unlawfully the protesters. Struggles are on for the release of return of disappeared people. One thing is certain: th stop with the resignation of Ruiz. but will con empowerment. International solidarity is needed no struggle to build a true representative democracy.
The Philippines: Hiding the Comb to Stop
The website philippinerevolution.org of the Philippines (CPP) and the New People's Army (NP photographs of war victories against the oppressive s defaced or hacked, at the end of July 2006. But losi sites on the Internet did not prevent the CPP and Front, in providing the media with latest news in th loss of the website, the CPP persevered in the pr oppressive state, and was soon back on Intern philippinerevolution.net
The CPP continues to report victories in ar government armed forces and warns of bigger a statement a few months ago said that "through warfare, the people's democratic government, the mass organizations and the NPA, together with the defence units in the guerrilla fronts, have been able and grow on a nationwide scale" and that "the hun available for tactical offensives on a nationwide s profusely. ... the NPA under the leadership of t multiply the platoons as the attack units of the comm provincial and regional units. These platoons can bigger offensives ...."


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nicipalities throughout the state, and has proposed e created throughout Mexico and that grassroots a new way of exercising representative democracy. responded in violent ways and having failed to s resorted to unlawfully detaining and disappearing e on for the release of all political detainees and e. One thing is certain: the Oaxacan people will not of Ruiz. but will continue to build grassroots l solidarity is needed now to support them in their
sentative democracy.
iding the Comb to Stop the Wedding
revolution.org of the Communist Party of the ew People's Army (NPA) which posted news and s against the oppressive state disappeared, probably d of July 2006. But losing one of the most visited ot prevent the CPP and the National Democratic ia with latest news in the battle front. Despite the P persevered in the propaganda war against the s soon back on Internet with a new address:
report victories in armed struggle against the and warns of bigger attacks to come; and in a go said that "through relentless mass work and cratic government, the local Party branches, the NPA, together with the people's militia and self- la fronts, have been able to preserve their strength cale" and that "the hundreds of NPA platoon now sives on a nationwide scale can bleed the enemy der the leadership of the CPP is determined to attack units of the commands at the guerrilla front, its. These platoons can easily combine to launchB
The Politics of Regi Siriwardena
Regi Siriwardena: Selected Writings Vol. 2, P Canagaratna ed.) International Centre for Eth 8, 2006, pp.618 +xiv (Price not marked)
The carefully edited collection of essays on po Regi Siriwardena, is a fair representation of Regi’s is confined to his political commentary on internatio
After his articles in the 1950s on the Soviet Un Soviet Union fades away in the 1960s and 70s to re the ascent of Mikhail Gorbachev. His writings o confined mostly to the Soviet Union with the excep on Cuba by Huberman and Sweezy in 1961 an following a visit in the mid-1980s. His views on the his apathy for Stalin and ‘Stalinism’. They seem t liberal interpretations and Issac Deutscher, and Reg extent of condemning EH Carr’s historical judgme for their failure to denounce the Bolsheviks.
Stalin made serious errors when he was at the party during very difficult times for the Soviet Un seeking to isolate and undermine the soviet state against German fascism, in which the Soviet sacrifices. His errors have been acknowledged by M in their context. Regi’s views are, however, con Trotskyite outlook, the views of western libera Deutscher, whose only fault seems that he remained
The blurb on the back cover claims that ‘Regi ha Lenin is not exempt from his scrutiny’, hardly realis Regi the last messiah, almost. Whatever Regi’s inter his understanding of trends in the Soviet Union and flawed. He clutches at straws to explain why Gor and has no explanation as to why Poland, which aft


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Book Review
Regi Siriwardena
cted Writings Vol. 2, Politics & Society. (AJ national Centre for Ethnic Studies, Colombo rice not marked)
llection of essays on political and social issues by epresentation of Regi’s world outlook. This review ommentary on international and national issues.
1950s on the Soviet Union, Regi’s interest in the the 1960s and 70s to return with vigour following bachev. His writings on international affairs are iet Union with the exception of a review of a book d Sweezy in 1961 and two articles on Poland 1980s. His views on the Soviet Union are based on Stalinism’. They seem to rely heavily on western ssac Deutscher, and Regi’s liberalism goes to the Carr’s historical judgments as partial and unsound
the Bolsheviks.
ors when he was at the helm of the state and the times for the Soviet Union, with the imperialists ermine the soviet state before and after the war in which the Soviet Union made the biggest been acknowledged by Marxist Leninists, but seen iews are, however, conditioned by his one-time iews of western liberals, and of course Issac
seems that he remained a Marxist.
over claims that ‘Regi has no sacred cows and even is scrutiny’, hardly realising that Gorbachev was to st. Whatever Regi’s interpretations were of history, in the Soviet Union and Poland seems pathetically ws to explain why Gorbachev failed disastrously o why Poland, which after a visit in the mid-1980she assured would remain socialist, failed to do so. H Yeltsin would betray Russian interests to US imperia
Regi’s lack of interest in the affairs of the rest o socialist countries of Asia surprises me. Nor does im of his concerns. However, he is gleeful that n socialism in the post-Brezhnev Soviet Union, with meddling in encouragement of Islamic forces in the the Soviet Union, following the Soviet misadventur comes to Sri Lanka, Regi is reluctant to recognise concede their right to self-determination. Here, Reg very left of which he is critical on the ‘Tamil questio
In his long response to the vilification of the 1987 by Sinhala chauvinists, he acknowledges th interest in getting involved in resolving the conflict, Indian expansionist agenda written into the Accor claim that until 1983 India treated the matter a problem. But India did use the escalating national Jayawardane regime a lesson’ several years earlier, in Sri Lankan foreign policy.
Regi readily accuses the LTTE of cruelly dashin peace in 1994, as on earlier occasions, ignoring the on offer was on each occasion was only for the peac chauvinistic agenda rather than resolving the cen question. I am tempted to ask how the great surviva not a bad thing to Regi when it led to the break-up o worth a thought in the Sri Lankan context, whe secession was made well before the nationalist upsur
His approach to the LSSP also has its ambig criticism of Colvin R de Silva and V Karalasingam staunch Trotskyites, but more forgiving and adm played a key role in steering the LSSP along the o path, for the latter’s ‘social democratic philosophy’.
Regi is presented by some as an ‘independent served the opponents of Marxist politics well in usi as well as the genuine left. His uncritical endorseme in the USSR and China and hailing of Bukharin’s e


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cialist, failed to do so. He could hardly foresee that n interests to US imperialism.
n the affairs of the rest of the world, especially the urprises me. Nor does imperialism seem to be one , he is gleeful that nationalism prevailed over nev Soviet Union, with hardly a mention of US t of Islamic forces in the Central Asian republics of the Soviet misadventure in Afghanistan. When it is reluctant to recognise Tamils as a nationality or determination. Here, Regi is no different from the cal on the ‘Tamil question’.
the vilification of the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord of ts, he acknowledges that India acted out of self in resolving the conflict, but ignores aspects of the written into the Accord. He is also wrong in his ia treated the matter as a domestic Sri Lankan the escalating national problem to ‘teach the JR n’ several years earlier, following the pro-US slant .
e LTTE of cruelly dashing the glimmer of hope for occasions, ignoring the fact that the peace that was on was only for the peaceful implementation of the than resolving the central issues of the national sk how the great survival value of nationalism was n it led to the break-up of the Soviet Union, but not ri Lankan context, where a formal demand for fore the nationalist upsurge in the Soviet union..
SSP also has its ambiguities. He is harsh in his ilva and V Karalasingam, both of whom had been ore forgiving and admiring of NM Perera, who g the LSSP along the opportunistic parliamentary democratic philosophy’.
me as an ‘independent’ Marxist, a label that has rxist politics well in using him to attack the bogus is uncritical endorsement of the economic reforms hailing of Bukharin’s economic policies, show tome a different Regi, in fairness to whom I should sa long himself from not only any left party identity, bu
What concerns me is not Regi’s philosophy or bias and double standards in political issues. Why whether it was in the Soviet Union or in Sri L response full of mockery from him is not hard to gu few to whom Regi is a ‘sacred cow’.
*****
A Dissident’s Diagnosis of a Sick Socie
Michel Warschawski: Toward an Open To Press, New York NY10001, USA, 2004, p (paperback).
The book, subtitled ‘The Crisis of Israeli Society a leading Israeli dissident and Director of the Altern valuable insight into politics and society in Isra especially since the breakdown of the Oslo peace pro
Continued military occupation of Palestin expansionist war in Palestine, and the brutal oppres as well as in Israel are discussed in historical seque shows how the war has not only brutalised the sold the Israeli society which is fast becoming, if not alr undemocratic and corrupt. The book is clearly dem justice, human and fundamental rights are sacrific Zionism agenda of ethnic cleansing and total war world.
While not underestimating the looming catastro any punches against those responsible for the sad pl not at all a prophet of doom. He sees hope for determined minority that stands up for the rights of soldiers who refuse to serve.


Page 55

ess to whom I should say that he had distanced for any left party identity, but also Marxist identity.
ot Regi’s philosophy or ideology, but his obvious in political issues. Why every failure of the left viet Union or in Sri Lanka brings out a gleeful om him is not hard to guess, except perhaps for the ed cow’.
-SJS- *****
Diagnosis of a Sick Society
Toward an Open Tomb. Monthly Review 10001, USA, 2004, pp. 124 , US$ 14.95
e Crisis of Israeli Society’ by Michel Warschawski, nd Director of the Alternative Information provides ics and society in Israel, and their deterioration wn of the Oslo peace process in 2000.
ccupation of Palestine, the ongoing Israeli e, and the brutal oppression of Arabs in Palestine ussed in historical sequence and context. The book t only brutalised the soldiers but also de-sensitised fast becoming, if not already, dehumanised, racist, The book is clearly demonstrates how law, social ental rights are sacrificed at the altar of militant cleansing and total war against the Arab-Islamic
ting the looming catastrophe and not holding back esponsible for the sad plight of Israel, the author is om. He sees hope for salvation in the small but ands up for the rights of the Palestinians, including .The following passages from the book seemed to
“From 1996 on, the army became a genui right in relation to the government.... highe making political statements, threatening the go consider it insufficiently determined to carry campaign to its conclusion, and addressing t order to “explain” the gravity of the situation to
“But the changed character of the State leadership goes beyond the weight of the army major rule of fundamentalist religious parties the Russian parties on the other must also be em political parties represent and give voice to curr to which references to democracy, the rule of l powers and civil liberties mean absolutely noth
“The law of the state does not count for the them only God’s law is legitimate. For democracy and individual freedom are superflu first cause of what they consider Israel’s weakness. Both currents share a boundless anti-
....
“The violence and rejection of the require by Israel’s elected officials serve as a model fo graffiti on the walls and the bumper stickers Arabs but also anything perceived as the ene ‘Oslo criminals’ that should be brought before “hostile media” .... The refusal to allow peop Israelis express more and more openly when it being extended now to Israelis who refuse to the pack or who would just like to live normal secular society.”
*****


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from the book seemed to ring a bell.
e army became a genuine power in its own e government.... higher officers have been ents, threatening the government when they tly determined to carry out the pacification usion, and addressing the public directly in
ravity of the situation to them....
character of the State of Israel’s political d the weight of the army high command. The ntalist religious parties on the one hand and the other must also be emphasised. These two nt and give voice to currents in Israeli society democracy, the rule of law, and separation of ies mean absolutely nothing....
te does not count for the religious parties; for w is legitimate. For the Russian parties, ual freedom are superfluous luxuries and the they consider Israel’s moral and political ts share a boundless anti-Arab racism....
rejection of the requirements of democracy cials serve as a model for its citizens.... (The nd the bumper stickers) attack not only the ng perceived as the enemy within, from the hould be brought before a court-martial to the he refusal to allow people to stay alive which nd more openly when it comes to Arabs ... is Israelis who refuse to howl with the rest of just like to live normal lives in a democratic,
(from pp.92-94)
-Sri-
*****The Cock Fight
SoPa
It was when the Greek and Roman empires ran the roost thousands of slaves bid to carry out the command of emperors and noblemen
A lion rushes into the arena hungry as a slave opens the cage door for the amusement of the noblemen and their ladies What next? The noblemen and their ladies relish the sight of th tearing apart a man and devour him as he writhes That was two thousand years ago Recently the Olympic games returned home What a grand carnival As every black man and black woman scored victo brushing aside the white race that enslaved them t my chest heaves with pride But there was a little ache in my heart For whom does every black man and black woman For the America that oppresses and insults their ra The world has advanced very much in the past twe No one relishes the sight of a lion tearing apart a m But what the world has placed at its apex is the Am that fattens up man like a bull, like a bantam to extract victory for itself.


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The Cock Fight
SoPa
empires ran the roost
rors and noblemen
rena
age door
eir ladies
ir ladies relish the sight of the lion d devour him as he writhes in pain
years ago
turned home
d black woman scored victory te race that enslaved them to forge ahead pride che in my heart black man and black woman struggle? ppresses and insults their race in the name of colour ed very much in the past twenty centuries
ht of a lion tearing apart a man. placed at its apex is the American lion e a bull, like a bantam elf.
(2004)THE ONE THAT GAVE THE LE
SoPa
Then, police stations were few, the vithana had police powers. The vithana ruled the roost, and the villagers call the vithana the headman
The Kombayan Manal cemetery, the most famou massive banyan, bo and vilaththi trees, and the pond surrounded by earthen wall give a feeling of entering a grove, and not a ceme
It was a time when we flew kites and played kitti in the fields that surround the cemetery. The transport of corpses and the feast of drums at the junction to entertain: daangu dakkudu dangudu dakkudu daangu dakkudu dangudu dakkudu Jolly good, jolly good, the lordship has passed aw Jolly good, jolly good, we’re sure of tomorrow’s fo
The folk playing the funeral drums lived around K Sinnaan was the senior of the drummers
The family of the dead do not attend to funeral m A distant relative or a neighbour takes responsib
To conduct a funeral is an art. The one who conducts too will be ‘high’ and wield his might with ease on the low castes. That day Ponnuththurai was dictating term as usu It was time to settle accounts. Mooppan demanded payment for four teams of d Ponnuththrai insisted it was three that came. Words got heated, “Rascal you know me not! If I strike you ..” “If your lordship strikes a few would know. Should I strike the whole would know!”
(from Ninaivuch Chuvaduka


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ONE THAT GAVE THE LEAD
SoPa
were few, powers. roost, and ithana the headman
l cemetery, the most famous in the peninsula – nd vilaththi trees, and by earthen wall ing a grove, and not a cemetery.
flew kites and played kitti und the cemetery. es and the junction to entertain: gudu dakkudu gudu dakkudu
the lordship has passed away we’re sure of tomorrow’s food
neral drums lived around Kombayan Manal or of the drummers
do not attend to funeral matters. neighbour takes responsibility.
is an art. s too will be ‘high’ ith ease on the low castes. ai was dictating term as usual. ccounts. payment for four teams of drummers. it was three that came.
not! If I strike you ..” s a few would know. ole would know!” (from Ninaivuch Chuvadukal, 2005)Announcement
New Democracy publishes articles of social, importance to the people of Sri Lanka an emancipation from imperialist domination oppression of all kinds by the reactionary rulin
Articles on local and international matte outlook or with a progressive content are inv Articles should preferably be in English. A Tamil will be considered for publication in tra
Readers are encouraged to write their commen its contents. Where the comments are of gene or relevant sections will be reproduced in the j
Readers are also encouraged to draw our att value to our readers so that they may be Democracy in full or in abridged form with author/publisher.
Only a limited number of copies of the journ back numbers may be obtained from the publis
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New Democracy could also be accessed by int
www.ndpsl.org


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Announcement
lishes articles of social, cultural and political eople of Sri Lanka and their struggle for imperialist domination and freedom from s by the reactionary ruling classes.
nd international matters, with a Marxist gressive content are invited for publication. rably be in English. Articles in Sinhala or red for publication in translation.
ed to write their comments on the journal and e comments are of general interest, the letter ill be reproduced in the journal.
ouraged to draw our attention to articles of so that they may be reproduced in New r in abridged form with the consent of the
er of copies of the journal are published and
obtained from the publisher at
47, 3rd Floor CCSM Complex Colombo 11, Sri Lanka
d also be accessed by internet at
www.ndpsl.orgOf things precious by S Sivasegaram
The shawl over my dad’s shoulder and the blouse covering my mum’s breast while they stroll along this street are of cotton cloth, but prettier than gold embroidered silk. The long name that my mum and dad gav is old fashioned, but sweeter than poetry to my ears. The old chair on which I sat in my school was of cheap timber, but more majestic than a throne. The cup from which I sip tea in the restau is local porcelain, but worth more than a gem-studded golden b The temple that I go to is not world renowned, but greater in glor than the famed temples of Madurai and K The brackish water I draw from the village is more sacred than the waters of the Gan
You ask me how – Listen: Each one was a reward of struggle by me, mum, dad, grandma and granddad
(Translation of a p


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Of things precious by S Sivasegaram
my dad’s shoulder and ring my mum’s breast
along this street th, but d embroidered silk. hat my mum and dad gave me , but etry to my ears.
which I sat in my school ber, but han a throne. hich I sip tea in the restaurant n, but
a gem-studded golden bowl. I go to owned, but greater in glory temples of Madurai and Kaanchipuram.
ter I draw from the village well han the waters of the Ganges and Kaaveri.
–
reward of struggle d, grandma and granddad.
(Translation of a poem written around 1988)Three short poems by Lal Singh
Words
Words have been uttered long before us and for long after us Chop off every tongue if you can But the words have been uttered
D
When the labourer woman Roasts her heart on the taw The moon laughs from beh The father amuses the youn Making music with bowl and The older one tinkles the be Tied to his waist And he dances These songs do not die Nor either the dance in the Caste
You love me, do you? Even though you belong to another caste But do you know Our elders do not even cremate their dead at the same place?
Courtesy: the little magazine, Novem


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__________
Published by E Thambiah of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM C Phone: 011 2435117; Fax: 011 2473757; E-mail: newdem
Website: www.ndpsl.org Printed at the Gowri Printers, Colom


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short poems by Lal Singh Dil
ue
Dance
n the labourer woman sts her heart on the tawa moon laughs from behind the tree father amuses the younger one ing music with bowl and plate older one tinkles the bells to his waist he dances se songs do not die either the dance in the heart
ou?
elong
r dead
y: the little magazine, November-December 2000.


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_____
iah of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM Complex, Colombo 11 11 2473757; E-mail: newdemocraticparty@hotmail.com
Website: www.ndpsl.org at the Gowri Printers, Colombo 13