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March 2007
Discussion Paper
The Way Forward
Imayavaramban
Marxists and the National Question
Maude Barlow
Commodification of Wat
Poetry:
Mahendran, Pradeesh
♦ From the Editor’s Desk ♦ NDP Diary ♦ ♦ Sri Lankan Events ♦ International Events

March 2007
Paper The Way Forward
mban Marxists and the National Question
low mmodification of Water
ry:
Mahendran, Pradeesh
r’s Desk ♦ NDP Diary ♦ Readers’ Views ts ♦ International Events ♦ Book Reviews

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Good Morning Revolutio
by Langston Hughes (1902-
Good morning Revolution: You are the best friend I ever had. We gonna pal around together from now Say, listen, Revolution: You know the boss where I used to wor The guy that gimme the air to cut expen He wrote a long letter to the papers abo Said you was a trouble maker, a alien-e In other words a son-of-a-bitch. He called up the police And told’em to watch out for a guy Named Revolution
You see, The boss knows you are my friend. He sees us hanging out together He knows we’re hungry and ragged, And ain’t got a damn thing in this world And are gonna to do something about it
The boss got all his needs, certainly, Eats swell, Owns a lotta houses, Goes vacationin’, Breaks strikes, Runs politics, bribes police Pays off congress And struts all over earth –
But me, I ain’t never had enough to eat. Me, I ain’t never been warm in winter. Me, I ain’t never known security –
(

od Morning Revolution
by gston Hughes (1902-67)
evolution: t friend
round together from now on. olution:
ss where I used to work, me the air to cut expenses, letter to the papers about you: trouble maker, a alien-enemy,
son-of-a-bitch. police atch out for a guy on
you are my friend. ging out together
hungry and ragged, amn thing in this world – o do something about it.
his needs, certainly,
uses,
’,
ibes police ss er earth –
ever had enough to eat. been warm in winter. known security –
(continued on inside back cover)

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From the Edito
The trend set in early 2006 continues. T intensified military action, and captured much o LTTE in the Batticaloa and Amparai districts of price for civilians. The number of refugees surpassed 200 000, and the plight of the displa the infrastructure to deal with the refugees be and in considerable disarray following the op year, albeit with the Ceasefire Agreement still a
Wishful thinking by the Tamil parliamenta ‘international community’ will intervene in a hum to materialise. But illusions persist about ‘international community’.
The temptation to play the China card to c and India had always been great with Tamil missed an opportunity from the time that C support for revolutionary struggles globally. between Pakistan and the Tamil leadership wh to India to come to their rescue, even after it be India was only using the Sri Lankan nationa hegemonic ambitions. Also, it is not for ignoranc and Israel have been the biggest suppliers of a the genocidal war conducted by the reactiona Tamil leadership is pinning its hopes on interv possible the UN.
Two Tamil nationalist MPs who recently v Pakistan and China are the main suppliers of hence India should frustrate the Chinese a dominate Sri Lanka by intervening on beha Similar statements continue to be made by vari is being ignored is that India, to serve its heg ball with the US and, if the purpose is to coun

From the Editor’s Desk
ly 2006 continues. The armed forces have , and captured much of the areas held by the d Amparai districts of the East, but at a heavy number of refugees in these districts has the plight of the displaced is pathetic owing to l with the refugees being under severe strain array following the opening of hostilities last
efire Agreement still alive,.
the Tamil parliamentary leadership that the will intervene in a humanitarian way has failed sions persist about the goodwill of the .
y the China card to curry favour with the US een great with Tamil nationalists, who rarely from the time that China was a bastion of y struggles globally. There was no affinity e Tamil leadership which continued to look up escue, even after it became patently clear that e Sri Lankan national question to serve its o, it is not for ignorance of the fact that the US biggest suppliers of arms and armaments for cted by the reactionary governments that the ng its hopes on intervention by the US, and if
MPs who recently visited India stated that the main suppliers of arms to Sri Lanka and strate the Chinese and Pakistani plans to intervening on behalf of the Tamil people. ue to be made by various Tamil leaders. What ndia, to serve its hegemonic ends, is playing he purpose is to counter Chinese or Pakistani

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influence, both the US and India would only w Lanka solely their client.
On the part of Sinhala nationalism, since defeat of the SLFP in 1977, and particularly si the ‘open economic policy’ in the years that fol main national bourgeois party, lost the imperialism, and when the SLFP returned to po the same policies as the UNP on nearly every occasional ritual anti-imperialist utterance d section of their traditional support.
President Mahinda Rajapaksha, in a recent of JR Jayawardane, has praised the economi latter and pledged to continue with it. Meanw ACSA and earlier deals with the US Governme country into a vassal of the US or of an Indo proximity of India and its hegemonic ambitions.
The JVP and the JHU while objecting to facilitate the peace process are favourable eliminate the LTTE threat. The net effect of th the peace process on various sides will be to m a reality.
Let us be clear that to denounce US and Ind welcome any other. But it is important to rec avoid deflecting attention from them by pointing
What the people of the country should alway the forces of imperialism and hegemony ar people of Sri Lanka, irrespective of nationality. name of liberation or in the name of safeguar country, is credible unless it is thoroughly anti-im
*****

nd India would only work harder to make Sri
la nationalism, since the shattering electoral 77, and particularly since the consolidation of y’ in the years that followed, the SLFP, as the is party, lost the initiative in opposing e SLFP returned to power in 1994, it pursued UNP on nearly every major issue, despite the perialist utterance designed to reassure a support.
japaksha, in a recent speech made in honour praised the economic policy initiated by the ntinue with it. Meanwhile the recently signed with the US Government are transforming this the US or of an Indo-US alliance, given the hegemonic ambitions.
U while objecting to foreign intervention to cess are favourable to US intervention to t. The net effect of the negative approach to rious sides will be to make foreign intervention
denounce US and Indian domination is not to it is important to recognise real threats and from them by pointing at imaginary threats.
country should always be conscious of is that m and hegemony are their enemies of the pective of nationality. No struggle, be it in the the name of safeguarding the integrity of the s it is thoroughly anti-imperialistic
*****

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The Way Forward
Liberation of the Entire People of Sr
Possible only by Mass Uprisin
[What follows is a summary paper of a recent dis and Tamil Marxist Leninist activists. The discussion forward the struggle against social oppression, f country from imperialism and hegemony, and the r question through solidarity among the nationalities of the right to self-determination. Readers are invit observations on this paper so that the ideas con dealt with more thoroughly and expanded upon.]
The Memorandum of Understanding (Mo Agreement (CFA) made in 2002 between the th Wickramasinghe and the LTTE have been in e conflicts, Claymore anti-personnel mine attack kidnappings, disappearances, and arrests that year have rendered them ineffective
The national question and alien forces In the pretext of supporting the war against ter the peace efforts, forces of imperialism and he the day-to-day conduct of the affairs of this co US, the countries of the European Union, exercising hegemony. The economy of this cou by India through the one-sided Free Trade Ag and Sri Lanka which only benefits India and thr in Sri Lanka. Besides, Sri Lanka receives milita Pakistan and Israel. The CIA, FBI, RAW, M foreign intelligence services are carrying out th unhindered.

The Way Forward
of the Entire People of Sri Lanka is sible only by Mass Uprisings
mary paper of a recent discussion among Sinhala nist activists. The discussion was aimed at carrying gainst social oppression, for the liberation of the and hegemony, and the resolution of the national rity among the nationalities, based on the principle rmination. Readers are invited to make their critical per so that the ideas contained therein could be hly and expanded upon.]
f Understanding (MoU) and the Ceasefire in 2002 between the then Prime Minister Ranil LTTE have been in effect until 2006. Armed personnel mine attacks, explosions, murders, ces, and arrests that occurred over the past ineffective
nd alien forces ng the war against terrorism and helping with of imperialism and hegemony are determining f the affairs of this country. Through that the he European Union, Japan and India are e economy of this country has been enslaved -sided Free Trade Agreement between India benefits India and through Indian investments i Lanka receives military support from the US, e CIA, FBI, RAW, Mossad and other such ces are carrying out their espionage activities

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It is as a result of the stand taken by Sinh errors of the Tamil nationalists that there is in foreign forces; and today the national question problem and has been left in the hands of forei Sinhala domination and its oppressive approac Hill Country Tamil nationalities and nation Burghers, Malays and the Attho (earlier know been subject to untold suffering, cruelty and op of the oppressed Tamil people have become ce whose armed activities have been on the rise.
Meanwhile, under the imperialist globalisa liberal economic schemes are being impleme sector as well. While the people are continuing of their effects, the ruling classes are con programme of globalisation has killed the l economy based on self sufficiency. The oppre and the middle classes are badly affected. I worsening climate of liberalisation and privatisa resources of the country will be left behind for th
Dissatisfaction and resistance among the pe Under these circumstances, any reasonable p the way the ruling classes are governing this c whole have reached a state where they are w present anti-people form of government should of government that gives prominence to the inte
The constitution, the presidential system o parliamentary system have failed to protect, a welfare of the people of Sri Lanka, their honou wealth, and their democratic and human rights forces and the judiciary seem to be concerned classes and protecting their interests, and hegemony of the upper classes. Meanwhile the the employed middle classes are getting ready the exploiting classes and face the challenges.
The current Sri Lankan situation demands t the hands of the ruling classes to the true repre Major changes are required in state power. Th

e stand taken by Sinhala chauvinism and the nalists that there is increased domination by the national question has become the main ft in the hands of foreign forces. As a result of ts oppressive approach, the Tamil, Muslim and tionalities and national minorities like the e Attho (earlier known as the Veddha) have ffering, cruelty and oppression. The struggles eople have become centred around the LTTE, ave been on the rise.
imperialist globalisation programme, neo- s are being implemented in the agricultural people are continuing to oppose them in view ling classes are continuing with them. The tion has killed the life cells of a national sufficiency. The oppressed peasants, workers are badly affected. It is doubtful under the ralisation and privatisation whether any of the will be left behind for the generations to come.
istance among the people
es, any reasonable person will protest about s are governing this country. The people as a tate where they are willing to accept that the of government should be replaced by a form prominence to the interests of the people.
presidential system of government, and the ve failed to protect, among other things, the Sri Lanka, their honour and self respect, their atic and human rights. The police, the armed seem to be concerned with serving the ruling their interests, and defending the Sinhala lasses. Meanwhile the workers, peasants, and sses are getting ready to take a stand against
face the challenges.
n situation demands the transfer of powers in sses to the true representatives of the people. red in state power. The people are becoming

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like dried leaves and a single spark to set the w lost faith in the ruling classes. The old syst administration of the ruling classes have incompetence. The ruling classes have forf continue to rule the people. Under these cond Lanka are affected in many ways, directly a comfortably off middle classes and people with beginning to feel insecure.
A new approach to struggle Thus, not only the ordinary masses, but als comfort are compelled to seek changes thro activity. Such alternative politics has to be revol
The characteristic of the ruling classes of Sri of imperialism. On the political and social pla state uphold violence and war as their mai differences between the methods of strugg classes and those against earlier political est differences between the strategy and tactics o exploiting reactionary classes and those of the based on banditry and terror. One who takes n cannot be satisfied about the adequacy of the struggle.
Hence it is necessary to transform complete the people, to undertake new initiatives and to of struggle in new directions. Trade union a peasants, strikes, electoral political meeti demonstrations have only provoked harsh resp violence, and yielded counterproductive results.
Thus several struggles that are distinct from to be carried out, outside the scope of the parlia and the confines of trade unions, unlike the stru and outside the electoral arena, and in way traditional propaganda. It is also a historical ways unlike that of NGOs that are confined to a
Through elections and the importance giv classes have become more and more privileg most ordinary rights of the ruled classes are den

ingle spark to set the woods alight. They have lasses. The old system of government and uling classes have reached their limit of g classes have forfeited their eligibility to le. Under these conditions, the people of Sri any ways, directly and indirectly. Even the sses and people with considerable wealth are .
ggle nary masses, but also those living in some o seek changes through alternative political politics has to be revolutionary politics.
e ruling classes of Sri Lanka is that of a client olitical and social planes, the policies of the nd war as their main approach. There are e methods of struggle against such ruling st earlier political establishments. There are strategy and tactics of governance by the old sses and those of the present ruling classes rror. One who takes note of these differences t the adequacy of the current approaches to
to transform completely the old approaches of new initiatives and to carry forward new forms tions. Trade union activities of workers and toral political meetings, processions and y provoked harsh responses accompanied by nterproductive results.
that are distinct from those of the past need the scope of the parliamentary electoral arena unions, unlike the struggles carried out within l arena, and in ways different from that of t is also a historical necessity to function in
that are confined to a specified framework.
d the importance given to them, the ruling ore and more privileged. Meantime, even the e ruled classes are denied to them.

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The armed struggle of the JVP in 1971 an struggle for the right to self determination of th to a feeling of disgust among the people so tha struggles to emerge. The imperialists and the forces have succeeded in this. However, the op choice or alternative but to impair the existing and the ruling classes through the correct form a meaningful democratic government. To ach mass struggle with fresh meaning should be la that great mass struggles and uprisings take pla
Lessons from earlier struggles Owing to the errors of the leadership, the hat despite popular participation on a massive developed into a mass uprising. Various strikes strike, resistance campaigns by the people, an have, owing to the activities of bogus left f NGOs, and contrary to expectations, helped exploited and ruled classes have continued to advance by learning from these experiences.
It cannot be denied that people have won so significant political changes have been ac movements and resistance campaigns. But the to the predominance of anti-people forces. T general, used to achieve the political goals of and used until the leadership was granted its op
A new mass uprising becomes necessary Today, a political climate prevails in which the p against the ruling classes, their political ene requires no less than a fundamental social c urgently demands a new popular uprising unde change in political leadership. The maturing o achievement of a victorious situation depends people.
At the mention of mass uprising and mass protest that they will be ruthlessly suppressed classes, chauvinists and fascists, and will only reinforcement of state power to unprecedented

f the JVP in 1971 and 1988 and the armed elf determination of the Tamil people have led ong the people so that they do not want such imperialists and the reactionary ruling class this. However, the oppressed people have no to impair the existing system of government ough the correct form of struggle and establish government. To achieve that, new forms of meaning should be launched. It is in that way
and uprisings take place across the globe.
ruggles
e leadership, the hatral of 12th August 1953, ation on a massive scale, could not be rising. Various strikes, including the July 1980 gns by the people, and mass demonstrations ivities of bogus left forces and mischievous expectations, helped the ruling classes. The es have continued to be affected. We need to
these experiences.
t people have won some rights and that some nges have been achieved through mass ce campaigns. But the leadership was captive anti-people forces. These struggles were, in the political goals of the UNP and the SLFP, hip was granted its opportunity.
comes necessary prevails in which the people stand face to face es, their political enemy. That confrontation fundamental social change and to that end popular uprising under the appropriate radical rship. The maturing of this condition and the us situation depends on the entire Sri Lankan
s uprising and mass struggle, some jump to ruthlessly suppressed by the terrorist ruling fascists, and will only pave the way to further wer to unprecedented levels. They would also

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claim that the people will be subject to sufferin this fashion do not see popular uprising as a co protect the people.
Those who accept popular uprising as the p pay attention to the new meaning, the new form of the popular uprising for social change. It is n alternative economic defence, action and reac emphasises the case for the struggle so that invincible. A mass struggle carried forward participation could contain one or several a welfare of the people. Lazybones and ones popular uprisings think that such an uprising w unarmed people and that it is difficult for a p place. Such people have no faith in the power o
If it is possible for the ruling classes to decimate a mass uprising, it means that the u mass uprising. A mass uprising comprises a c mass struggles. In such a correct mass uprisin measures for the steps leading to social chan such as strategy and tactics. Mass struggles a of training the people and struggles genera them.
Uprisings should be carried forward with car Any mass uprising carried forward in a state suicidal. Mass uprisings cannot be create struggles cannot be transformed into a mass an announcement, or appeals through leafl uprisings cannot be specified a time, place necessary objective conditions are there and the emergence of a mass uprising is inevitable. compulsively create a mass uprising, a mas cannot be stopped either. It will run its course u After which, the uprising should be sustained to
Thus, we need to be alert to the prospects o We should also develop the political and orga that could withstand that environment, an intellectual standards that correspond to it. Su

l be subject to suffering. People who argue in opular uprising as a correct path of struggle to
ular uprising as the path for struggle need to meaning, the new form and the new workings r social change. It is necessary to prepare an ence, action and reaction, and a culture that r the struggle so that the popular uprising is ggle carried forward with maximum popular ain one or several aspects concerning the azybones and ones who refuse to endorse hat such an uprising will lead to the killing of t it is difficult for a popular uprising to take no faith in the power of the people.
he ruling classes to militarily suppress and g, it means that the uprising is not a correct uprising comprises a continuous sequence of a correct mass uprising, there are preparatory leading to social change. They have features tics. Mass struggles are, simultaneously, acts nd struggles generating confidence among
rried forward with care ied forward in a state of unpreparedness is s cannot be created compulsively. Mass sformed into a mass uprising merely through ppeals through leaflets and posters. Mass ecified a time, place and event. When the ditions are there and contradictions sharpen, uprising is inevitable. As much as one cannot ass uprising, a mass uprising once started . It will run its course until it reaches its target.
hould be sustained to retain its victory.
lert to the prospects of such a mass uprising. the political and organisational preparedness hat environment, and the emotional and t correspond to it. Such preparedness will be

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able to mobilise accordingly the spontaneous fe guide them.
When such preparedness does not exist, the can make use of mass struggles to their adv struggles ineffective and obstruct social trans goal of the struggles. In the history of Sri Lank have been used merely to bring the UNP and turn. NGOs have incorporated mass struggles That too is to help the ruling classes.
The political goal of mass uprisings It is important to ensure that mass struggl concern the interests of the people and are in rather than belong to the leaders. A struggle absence of the goal of social transformation,
The people of this country have been affec major parties, which can neither fulfil the aspir be reformed into parties for the people. To cre place is not an alternative either. People should mass activities that are confined to elections a are of no benefit. Although it may seem that t resolving certain problems that are in the open demands, reality is otherwise. There should be in resolving the fundamental issues.
The national oppression against the Tamil oppression both direct and indirect are not the s viewed on different planes. But the programme against the two nationalities is fundamentally th situation in which imperialist hegemony is oppo respective planes, what is opposed and what is to both. The struggles of the two nationalities n They should be coordinated and carried ou enemy, the terrorist ruling classes loc internationally. In the same way, the mass economic demands of the workers in the plan should be confederated with the struggles of peasants.

gly the spontaneous feelings of the people and
ess does not exist, the enemies of the people struggles to their advantage and render the obstruct social transformation, which is the the history of Sri Lanka, most mass struggles to bring the UNP and the SLFP to power in rated mass struggles into their programmes. ing classes.
ss uprisings re that mass struggles and their purposes the people and are in the hands of the people e leaders. A struggle is meaningless in the cial transformation,
untry have been affected by the rule of both neither fulfil the aspirations of the people nor for the people. To create other parties in their either. People should be made to realise that confined to elections and economic demands gh it may seem that they can be confined to s that are in the open and to winning certain wise. There should be agreement and interest
tal issues.
on against the Tamil people and imperialist d indirect are not the same. Thus they may be s. But the programme of imperialist hegemony ies is fundamentally the same. While there is a list hegemony is opposed separately from the s opposed and what is to be won are common the two nationalities need to be confederated. ated and carried out against the common ruling classes locally and imperialism ame way, the mass activities to press for e workers in the plantation and state sector with the struggles of the fisher folk and the

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Also mass activities against the Upper scheme, the Noraicholai and Sampur thermal p proposals for the Weerawila Airport and the s combined against the main enemy, namely imperialism.
The confederation of struggles It will be useless to confine mass struggles t specific planes, without basing them on soci need to be combined. Confederation does n importance of any struggle or altering its aim. carried forward on its plane with vigour and int coordination between the mass struggles and b The basis of confederation could be ind dedication. If there is no coordination between for the ruling class to set one struggle against that the chauvinistic ruling classes of Sri Lan presenting the Tamil people’s struggle for se against the Sinhalese and Muslim people. necessary to develop cooperation among the s against the common enemy and a common uniting all forces that could be united in a given need for need to confederate different struggles
To say that there is need for unity in mass s unity with those involved in the activities of t classes, bogus leftists, opportunists and NGO cannot be unity with forces that are explicitly or should be understood that when, in the context we say that broad-based unity is needed i chauvinism, we do not mean unity with thos with the chauvinistic oppressors. To ensure su should ensure participation by the vast m maximum possible friendly forces and the sma enemies.
Unity, confederation and struggle Likewise, winning the support of those outsi joining in the activities of their struggle will be should be handled in a way that the support of

against the Upper Kotmale hydro power and Sampur thermal power schemes, and the wila Airport and the super highway could be ain enemy, namely the ruling classes and
ruggles
fine mass struggles to specific demands on basing them on social transformation. They Confederation does not mean reducing the le or altering its aim. While each struggle is ne with vigour and intensity, there is need for mass struggles and between the leaderships. ration could be independence-consensus- coordination between struggles, it will be easy one struggle against another. It is well known ng classes of Sri Lanka have succeeded in ople’s struggle for self-determination as one and Muslim people. To defeat them, it is peration among the struggles, a common line emy and a common programme. Also, like ld be united in a given mass struggle, there is rate different struggles and their leaderships.
ed for unity in mass struggles does not mean in the activities of the parties of the ruling opportunists and NGOs. It means that there es that are explicitly or implicitly anti-people. It t when, in the context of the national question, d unity is needed in the struggle against mean unity with those working hand-in-hand ressors. To ensure success of a struggle, one tion by the vast majority of the masses, ly forces and the smallest possible number of
d struggle upport of those outside a given struggle by f their struggle will be most effective. Matters ay that the support of those outside is not just

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moral support but one with commitment. F support of the Sinhalese to the struggle of the form of mutual linking of common struggles, enduring.
The strongest power against the ruling clas people. That power can be built only through m it is the right thing to do to affirm the support with the struggle by linking up with their struggle
There is need for unity within specific struggles. That unity should be based on democratic. Confederation cannot only be a concern practice and organisational structure.

with commitment. For example, when the to the struggle of the Tamil people takes the f common struggles, it becomes strong and
gainst the ruling classes is the power of the be built only through mass struggles. Besides, to affirm the support of those not associated g up with their struggles.
nity within specific struggles and between hould be based on confederation and be ion cannot only be a concept; it should also anisational structure.

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Marxist Leninists and the
Lankan National Questio
by Imayavaramban
1. Marxists and Social Oppression
Marxists hold that the principal contradiction between the two main antagonistic classes. Th on irrespectively of the existence of other However, other contradictions, including some antagonistic, can under some conditions antagonistic ones. Those concerning religion, la nations and nationalities, regions, caste and between oppressed castes and classes are am To use the terminology of Mao Zedong, they contradictions. What one should not forge contradiction, including what should have been could develop into the main contradiction addressed more urgently than the fundamental
It is true that historical enmity has existed often based on rivalries of dominant classes ‘natural’ or permanent about such hostility, and hostility between social groups could be intro order that dominant elite classes may continue the oppressed classes, by diverting their attent oppression suffered by them. While it is contradictions are the creations of the exploi elite, whether they be colonial or neo-colonial of masters, do not fail to exploit such contradic It is only when such contradictions spin out of c

ist Leninists and the Sri kan National Question
by Imayavaramban
al Oppression
principal contradiction in class society is that tagonistic classes. Thus, class struggle goes e existence of other social contradictions. tions, including some which are not normally r some conditions be transformed into concerning religion, language, race, ethnicity, , regions, caste and class, especially those s and classes are among such contradictions. of Mao Zedong, they are essentially friendly e should not forget is that a secondary hat should have been a friendly contradiction, main contradiction that demands to be than the fundamental contradiction.
l enmity has existed between social groups, of dominant classes. But there is nothing out such hostility, and what is important is that groups could be introduced and cultivated in classes may continue in power, untroubled by y diverting their attention away from the class them. While it is true that not all such reations of the exploiting classes, the ruling lonial or neo-colonial masters or a local class exploit such contradictions to their advantage. radictions spin out of control and lead to social

Page 14
instability and disorder that threaten their intere for reconciliation and act decisively to prevent conflict. Whether they act fairly or impartially in matter, but all action is guided by class interest.
A Marxist’s understanding of social contr much on their context and their relation contradiction. A ‘dogmatic Marxist’ may take a underestimate or even reject the importance o than class contradictions. Marxism cannot ‘dogmatic Marxist’ is not a Marxist. While a M position in dealing with a social contradiction, based on objective study and in full awa implications. Thus, while there can be clear gui predetermined positions for a Marxist to take contradictions.
The positions that Marx and Lenin too questions of their times were not rigid. They c their understanding of the issues. Although the determination in itself was not inherent to Mar first proposed it as the right of a nation and defended the right of oppressed nations to sec readily applicable to countries under colonial o other enslaved nations. Even the nationalism oppressed nations was seen as deserving t insofar as their struggle was against imperialism
With most of the colonial countries freeing t rule or other forms of direct domination by im colonial or anti-imperialist nationalism of the b control of the state in the liberated country fail independence by developing a national econo aspirations of the people. Not only the pro-imp that took over the reins of state power from even the more patriotic national bourgeois prove up to neo-colonialism and, in course of tim imperialism. The nationalist slogans that once masses against imperialism and colonialism e or got transformed into narrow nationalistic

at threaten their interests that the masters call decisively to prevent further escalation of the t fairly or impartially in these matters is another
ided by class interest.
nding of social contradictions depends very t and their relationship to the principal c Marxist’ may take a rigid view of matters and ject the importance of any contradiction other s. Marxism cannot be dogmatic; thus a a Marxist. While a Marxist takes a principled social contradiction, that position should be dy and in full awareness of its practical there can be clear guidelines, there cannot be for a Marxist to take on the various social
Marx and Lenin took on specific national were not rigid. They changed on the basis of issues. Although the principle of national self- s not inherent to Marxism, it was Lenin who right of a nation and thereby unconditionally ressed nations to secede. This principle was ntries under colonial or semi-colonial rule and Even the nationalism of the elite classes in seen as deserving the support of Marxists as against imperialism.
ial countries freeing themselves from colonial irect domination by imperialism, the old anti- t nationalism of the bourgeois elite who took e liberated country failed to achieve economic ping a national economy compatible with the . Not only the pro-imperialist puppet regimes of state power from the former masters but ational bourgeois proved incapable of standing and, in course of time, compromised with list slogans that once served to mobilise the ism and colonialism either fell by the wayside narrow nationalistic or chauvinistic slogans

Page 15
targeting fellow ethnic, religious or other so persevering in the struggle against imperialism.
The form taken by such narrow nationalism from country to country and, in several instanc developments were sown even before politi colonial or imperialist domination. What are nearly all such instances are the class interest promotion of agendas of national, ethnic, reli oppression. It is in this context that Marxism-Le Marxism, as opposed to pacifist and opportunis had to review and redefine its theoretical p appropriate practical approach.
Even a cursory view of the positions taken Maoist communist parties on issues of natio other forms of oppression will show that they s oppressed, defended their right to struggle, a took up the cause of the oppressed as part of transformation. This stands in stark contrast wit the whole range of opportunists, including coexistence with imperialism and those who h the ‘parliamentary path to socialism’.
There persists, however, a tendency, esp nationalists and other opponents of Marxism, i to argue that Marxism, because of its empha either insensitive to other contradictions or in their significance. Postmodernism come to thei to dismiss Marxism as a ‘grand narrative’ and t of ‘meta narratives’ that serve to divide the force need to unite against imperialism and its oppressed nationalities and other oppresse opportunists who call themselves communists o cited by the opponents of Marxism to attack gen consistently defended the oppressed and unc such betrayals. An examination of the cond Marxism will show that they act not out of ignora knowing very well the difference between genui the opportunists.

religious or other social groups rather than le against imperialism.
uch narrow nationalism or chauvinism varied and, in several instances, the seeds for such n even before political independence from omination. What are often readily ignored in are the class interests that are served by the f national, ethnic, religious, racial and caste ontext that Marxism-Leninism, or revolutionary pacifist and opportunist trends within Marxism, fine its theoretical position and develop an roach.
f the positions taken by Marxist Leninist and s on issues of national, caste, gender and n will show that they stood on the side of the ir right to struggle, and more often than not oppressed as part of their struggle for social ds in stark contrast with the positions taken by portunists, including advocates of peaceful lism and those who have lost their way along
socialism’.
ver, a tendency, especially among anti-left ponents of Marxism, including NGO ‘radicals’, because of its emphasis on class struggle is r contradictions or incapable of appreciating odernism come to their rescue with arguments ‘grand narrative’ and thus promote all manner erve to divide the forces that for their liberation imperialism and its allies. Betrayal of the and other oppressed communities by the mselves communists or socialists are regularly f Marxism to attack genuine Marxists who have e oppressed and unconditionally denounced mination of the conduct of the enemies of ey act not out of ignorance but out of mischief, erence between genuine Marxist Leninists and

Page 16
It is against this background that the Marx oppression is reviewed here, in general; and i Lankan national question, the contribution advancing the principle of self-determination, forms of social oppression, including their le struggle against caste oppression.
2. Marxists, National Struggles and Self-D
The nation state is a product of capitalism natural or fundamental about national identity identity exists and so does nationalism. When takes the form of national oppression, natio either side of the conflict. Thus nationalism is cannot be wished away. However, Marxists d nationalism of the oppressor and the nationa Recognition of right of a nation to self-determin take an uncompromising position in all struggle in the colonial era.
The emergence of chauvinism and narrow colonial period led to national oppression nationalities which were themselves subject issues were further complicated by the involve other emerging forces of hegemony. Marxists s a friendly contradiction but recognised the r developing into an antagonistic one. Even the p situations took a principled stand in support o ethnic groups and nationalities. With the natio greater significance in electoral politics, oppor principled politics, and the parliamentary left a same way that social democrats and liberals w considerations increasingly dictated the stand t and other forms of oppression, at times includin
It was difficult for the opportunist left to open equality and social justice. Thus, while pretend of equality between different nationalities and e they distanced themselves from just struggles

ground that the Marxist position on national ere, in general; and in the context of the Sri n, the contribution of Marxist Leninists to of self-determination, their position on other ion, including their leading role in the mass pression.
Struggles and Self-Determination
product of capitalism and there is nothing bout national identity. Nevertheless, national es nationalism. When bourgeois oppression nal oppression, nationalism is reinforced on t. Thus nationalism is a force to reckon, and . However, Marxists distinguish between the ssor and the nationalism of the oppressed. nation to self-determination helped Marxists to position in all struggles for national liberation
auvinism and narrow nationalism in the post- national oppression and struggle involving themselves subject to neo-colonialism. The licated by the involvement of imperialism and hegemony. Marxists saw the contradiction as but recognised the risk of the contradiction onistic one. Even the parliamentary left in most led stand in support of the rights of minority nalities. With the national question assuming lectoral politics, opportunism got the better of he parliamentary left acted in very much the ocrats and liberals would have, and electoral ly dictated the stand taken on issues of nation sion, at times including class oppression.
pportunist left to openly abandon principles of e. Thus, while pretending to uphold principles ent nationalities and ethnic groups, in practice es from just struggles, when association with

Page 17
them was likely to be an electoral disadvantage the extent of opposing such struggles in the violence and terrorism or opposing sectariani and separatism. While they denounced chau increasingly conciliatory towards the chauvinist to be ‘unpatriotic’. Their condemnation of sec oppressed minorities was conditioned by the vociferous only when their political survival was behaviour of the parliamentary left was the con will to take the initiative in launching and leading
Electoral opportunism also meant that increasingly sought to appear patriotic, at tim than the nationalists, so that it was anathema right of minority nationalities to national self-det right to secession as stated unequivocally by Le
The right to self-determination is not someth blindly, and cannot be imposed on a nationalit nationality struggles for its right to self-determin when it feels that its identity or its very exis Intervention by a Marxist party should be aimed and that is best achieved by supporting the rig The opportunist left sees the demand for seces than the threat faced by the nationality. The res the one hand by the various Marxist-Leninist organisations in India and that by the two pa parties on the other on liberation struggles northeast of India will amply illustrate the revolutionary left and parliamentary opportunism
Imperialism and reactionary forces too hav the right to self-determination and encourage countries. Carving out a white state from Sou consideration on the eve of the success of t white racist state. Secession of Katanga from 1960s was an imperialist backed project which the goal of ridding the Congo of an anti- achieved. Examples of cynical manipulation of achieve imperialist goals are many and includ nationality in the Kosovo Province of Serbia, th

electoral disadvantage. At times, they went to such struggles in the pretext of denouncing r opposing sectarianism, narrow nationalism they denounced chauvinism, their tone was owards the chauvinists, for fear of being seen condemnation of sectarian violence against s conditioned by the public mood and was ir political survival was itself under threat. Such ntary left was the consequence or the lack of launching and leading mass struggles.
also meant that the parliamentary left ppear patriotic, at times even more patriotic that it was anathema for them to endorse the ies to national self-determination, including the ed unequivocally by Lenin.
ination is not something that could be applied posed on a nationality or an ethnic group. A ts right to self-determination or to secede only entity or its very existence is under threat. party should be aimed at removing the threat, by supporting the right to self-determination. the demand for secession as the issue rather he nationality. The respective stands taken on rious Marxist-Leninist and Maoist communist nd that by the two parliamentary communist liberation struggles in Kashmir and in the amply illustrate the difference between the liamentary opportunism.
tionary forces too have taken up the cause of nation and encouraged secession in several white state from South Africa was a serious e of the success of the struggle against the sion of Katanga from the Congo in the early t backed project which was abandoned when Congo of an anti-imperialist regime was ynical manipulation of nationalist sentiments to are many and include that of the Albanian Province of Serbia, the Kurds of Iraq (but not

Page 18
the far more harshly oppressed Kurds of southe ago, Eritrea under Ethiopian domination.
To a Marxist Leninist the national cause is therefore, however progressive and anti-imperi struggle may be, one’s approach to the nationa same as that of a nationalist. The starting points of interests is confined to the just cause of d people to determine their mode of existen oppression and domination. Under no circum Leninist turn a blind eye to social oppression Thus, unconditional support for the liberation s nationality does not stop a Marxist Leninist justice within that nationality.
The claim by some postmodernists and na because of its emphasis on class struggle, ofte other forms of social oppression, is not capable the national struggle is not just incorrect, but claims, aimed at distorting the Marxist Leninist struggle, are based on a selective patchwork o conduct of the parliamentary left and the occas genuine Marxist Leninists.
The struggle of each oppressed nationality continuously evolving, with no two struggles further accentuated by foreign intervention intentions in several instances. Thus there Marxist Leninist position on the national ques context.
Imperialism meddles in the national que defending the human and fundamental rights o when it wants to stage a ‘regime change’. It m ‘combating terrorism’ when it chooses to chauvinistic regime. In either event, it is through the oppressed nationalities and by working tow the right to self-determination that Marxist imperialist intentions and achieve unity among t
Marxist Leninist endorsement of the right to based on seeing secession as the key to solvin

essed Kurds of southern Turkey) and, not long ian domination.
the national cause is not an end in itself and, essive and anti-imperialist a national liberation pproach to the national question will not be the list. The starting points differ and convergence to the just cause of defending the right of a eir mode of existence free from external tion. Under no circumstance can a Marxist to social oppression internal to a nationality. ort for the liberation struggle of an oppressed p a Marxist Leninist from fighting for social lity.
ostmodernists and nationalists that Marxism, on class struggle, often to the exclusion of all ression, is not capable of coming to terms with ot just incorrect, but also mischievous. Such g the Marxist Leninist position on the national selective patchwork of information relating to tary left and the occasional error committed by
.
oppressed nationality has been complex and ith no two struggles alike, and differences foreign intervention driven by hegemonic stances. Thus there cannot be a universal on the national question in the post colonial
in the national question in the pretext of fundamental rights of oppressed nationalities ‘regime change’. It meddles in the pretext of hen it chooses to support an oppressive ther event, it is through defending the rights of es and by working towards solutions based on ination that Marxist Leninists can defeat achieve unity among the nationalities.
sement of the right to self-determination is not on as the key to solving any national question.

Page 19
On the contrary, Marxist Leninists see the right the most effective means of ensuring unity a country subject to imperialist oppression. The s Turkish Marxist Leninists to the liberation strugg and of the Marxist Leninists of the Philippine struggle are illustrative of the principled pos Leninists.
The basic desire of Marxist Leninists to ave in the Third World arises from a view of the con nationalities as friendly, and on their desire f oppressed people in their struggle against the Marxist Leninist approach to the national quest peaceful resolution of the differences, based on to self-determination. That does not prevent a taking a principled stand on national oppressi liberation. Marxist Leninists are obliged to supp even with a declared secessionist goal, not in t per se, but to defend the rights of the oppressed
It is important to recognise that the Marxis national question is neither determined a prio abstract, but emerges in the course of social pr of objective conditions obtaining locally as Marxist Leninist support for liberation struggl opponents of Marxism say, not despite the em but based on an understanding of the relatio and class oppression.
Let us examine against this background the in Sri Lanka on various issued relating to the context of the emergence of nationalism based major political force.
3. Marxists and the National Question in S
Unlike several Asian countries under colonia have a national liberation struggle. The el interested in sharing the spoils of colonial exp colonial masters than in the overthrow of c

Leninists see the right to self-determination as s of ensuring unity among nationalities of a alist oppression. The support and sympathy of to the liberation struggle of the Kurdish people nists of the Philippines to the Moro national of the principled position taken by Marxist
arxist Leninists to avert secession in countries from a view of the contradictions between the and on their desire for solidarity among the ir struggle against their principal enemy. The to the national question thus emphasises the differences, based on the principle of the right at does not prevent a Marxist Leninists from on national oppression and the struggle for sts are obliged to support liberation struggles, essionist goal, not in the interest of secession rights of the oppressed.
gnise that the Marxist Leninist position on a her determined a priori nor developed in the the course of social practice and in the context obtaining locally as well as internationally. for liberation struggles is, contrary to what y, not despite the emphasis on class struggle tanding of the relationship between national
t this background the position taken by the left issued relating to the national question, in the e of nationalism based on ethnic identity as a
ational Question in Sri Lanka
ountries under colonial rule, Sri Lanka did not ion struggle. The elite classes were more spoils of colonial exploitation with the British the overthrow of colonial rule. But ethnic

Page 20
consciousness was strong among the differen regional interests.
Sinhala Buddhist ideology was designed to s emergent Sinhala capitalist classes and the lan with feudal origins and a record of collaborati The hostility of the Sinhala Buddhist elite towa Church in the late 19th century carefully avoide colonial rulers and the clash with the Muslims colonial content. Hostility towards the two maj namely the Hill Country Tamils and those of t slower to arrive. The emergent Sinhala nation with contradictions so that at the time of the a leadership of the Salagama caste group (now Buddhist identity and very much under Sinhal emphatically distanced itself from the Sinhala Sinhala Catholic population along the coastline then Tamil speaking. Differences ran dee leadership of the Hill Country Sinhalese and t Sinhalese, and caste was a major political considerations.
Tamil national identity was also slow to eme much in response to an aggressive form of S emergent Tamil nationalism was represent belonging to the high castes of Jaffna, and concerns of the Tamils of other regions as well and classes. Thus the emergence Tamil as w identities as political forces was initially based respective elite groups within the co ‘democratisation’ was consequent upon the d politics.
Class interests continued to override natio emergence of Sinhala and Tamil identities as which was at least nominally committe transformation of society, took a principled s issues. When DS Senanayake proposed colon mass settlement of landless Sinhalese peasan Tamil and Muslim Eastern Province, the strong by the then Trotskyite leader Philip Gunawarda

g among the different social groups as were
logy was designed to serve the interests of the ist classes and the land-owning classes, both record of collaboration with the colonialists. la Buddhist elite towards the Roman Catholic entury carefully avoided confrontation with the lash with the Muslims in 1915 had little anti- towards the two major Tamil ethnic groups, Tamils and those of the North and East was ergent Sinhala national identity itself was rife at at the time of the anti-Muslim violence, the ma caste group (now with a strong Sinhala y much under Sinhala chauvinistic influence) self from the Sinhala nationality, and today’s ion along the coastline north of Colombo was Differences ran deep between the elitist untry Sinhalese and that of the Low Country as a major political factor overriding ethnic
was also slow to emerge and developed very aggressive form of Sinhala nationalism. The alism was represented by an elite group astes of Jaffna, and failed to address the other regions as well as the oppressed castes mergence Tamil as well as Sinhala national es was initially based on the interests of the ps within the communities and their nsequent upon the development of electoral
ued to override nationalism, even after the d Tamil identities as political forces. The left, nominally committed to a revolutionary y, took a principled stand on major political ayake proposed colonisation schemes for the less Sinhalese peasants in the predominantly rn Province, the strongest protest was voiced der Philip Gunawardana who charged that the

Page 21
move was aimed at protecting the interests of south from demands for land reform.
In 1948, the entire parliamentary left voted Act that disenfranchised the Hill Country Tam section of the Tamil and Muslim MPs voted for significant shift in the position of the left wh Gunawardana formed an electoral alliance with SLFP led by SWRD Bandaranayake. The Offici which made Sinhala the sole official langua nevertheless, resolutely opposed by the Tro Communist Party (CP).
The degeneration of the leadership of the L direct result of the decision to take the parliame What happened to the LSSP and the CP was n from what had happened to the parliamenta opportunist politics designed to win the larg parliamentary seats meant not only the aband the ethnic minorities against chauvinism, bu working class and abandoning class struggle.
Thus, if the conduct of the parliamentar emphasis on class conflict makes Marxism inca with the national question, then that evidence c claim that for some other conceivable reason coming to grips class struggle. Such is the a about Marxism based on the conduct of an oppo
It was after the split in the international com early 1960s that the opportunists in the CP, g Communist Party of the Soviet Union, openly path and within a few years formed an alliance of the Sinhala national bourgeois class at the parted company with the opportunists in 1964 Leninist communist party, and it would be app conduct of the Marxist Leninist tradition to d Marxist attitude not only towards nationalism forms of social oppression. It should be sai sections of the LSSP which broke off with the L LSSP-R in 1964 and the Nava Sama Samaja P that they retained their principled stand on

cting the interests of the landed gentry in the and reform.
rliamentary left voted against the Citizenship the Hill Country Tamils, whereas a sizeable Muslim MPs voted for the Act. But there was a osition of the left when the Trotskyite Philip electoral alliance with the Sinhala nationalist aranayake. The Official Language Act of 1956 sole official language of the country was, opposed by the Trotskyite LSSP and the
he leadership of the LSSP and the CP was a on to take the parliamentary road to socialism. SSP and the CP was not significantly different d to the parliamentary left elsewhere; and gned to win the largest possible number of nt not only the abandoning of the defence of ainst chauvinism, but also letting down the oning class struggle.
of the parliamentary left is evidence that t makes Marxism incapable of coming to grips , then that evidence could equally be used to r conceivable reason Marxism is incapable of ruggle. Such is the absurdity of conclusions the conduct of an opportunist left.
the international communist movement in the ortunists in the CP, guided by the revisionist Soviet Union, openly took the parliamentary rs formed an alliance with the SLFP, the party ourgeois class at the time. The genuine left opportunists in 1964 to function as a Marxist , and it would be appropriate to examine the Leninist tradition to draw conclusions about towards nationalism but also towards other ion. It should be said in fairness to certain ch broke off with the LSSP in 1964 to form the Nava Sama Samaja Party in the early 1970s, principled stand on the rights of the Tamil

Page 22
speaking people, and the NSSP, in contrast to position on the national question recognised the defended the right of the Tamils to self-determin
Marxist Leninists have been consistent in th discrimination against ethnic minorities including of 1965 on the ‘repatriation’ of the already dise Tamils without consideration for the wishes of the notorious practice of ‘standardisation’ tha Tamils in university admissions; and the republ which discriminated against ethnic minorities status to Buddhism. Despite the principled Leninists, they, together with the opportunist enemies by Tamil nationalist parliamentary le militant successors and denounced as traitors to
The proposal of a federal structure for Sri L 1938 in anticipation of threats that may be faced Leonard Woolfe, the well known author of ‘Vil former senior civil servant in the island who was member of the Fabian Society. The Commun recognise the Tamils as a nationality and pres for them. Although some critics claim that the C understanding of the national question, and wa adopted by the Soviet Union, the fact remain LSSP recognised the need for equal treatme Significantly, the CP recognised Tamils as a the LSSP preferred to refer to Tamils as a mino
The Federal Party (FP) was founded in 19 Tamil Congress which they accused of bet Tamils in supporting legislation that disenfra which claimed to speak for the entire Tamil sp island, actually had representation only am Northern and Eastern Provinces. Although the main goals the achievement of a federal stat Northern and Eastern Provinces, it never laun purpose. Its main focus was the language protests about planned Sinhala settlements in t Provinces, no campaign was launched agains alter the ethnic balance in these provinces in

NSSP, in contrast to the traditional Trotskyite uestion recognised the Tamils as a nation and Tamils to self-determination
been consistent in their opposition all acts of nic minorities including the Sirima-Shastri pact on’ of the already disenfranchised Hill Country tion for the wishes of the Hill Country Tamils; f ‘standardisation’ that discriminated against ssions; and the republican constitution of 1972 inst ethnic minorities and granted a special spite the principled position of the Marxist with the opportunist left, were branded as nalist parliamentary leaders as well as their
enounced as traitors to the Tamil cause.
eral structure for Sri Lanka was first made in eats that may be faced by ethnic minorities, by ll known author of ‘Village in the Jungle’ and
t in the island who was subsequently an active Society. The Communist Party was early to a nationality and prescribe regional autonomy critics claim that the CP did this without much ional question, and was merely taking the line nion, the fact remains that the CP and the ed for equal treatment of all ethnic groups. ognised Tamils as a distinct nationality while er to Tamils as a minority.
P) was founded in 1949 by dissenters in the they accused of betraying the Hill Country gislation that disenfranchised them in 1948 or the entire Tamil speaking population of the resentation only among the Tamils of the rovinces. Although the FP had as one of its ent of a federal state for the Tamils of the rovinces, it never launched struggles for that was the language issue and, despite its inhala settlements in the Northern and Eastern was launched against moves by the state to in these provinces in favour of the Sinhala

Page 23
nationality. The FP, like its predecessor the Ta using its parliamentary strength to make deals the two main Sinhala nationalist parties th reluctance to collaborate with the left parties wa Tamil elite class interests that it chose to serve.
It was only in 1976, after the bankruptcy of t of the FP was exposed that the FP allied nationalist rivals to found the Tamil United Le objective was the establishment of a separate The Marxist Leninists were of the view that the merely a ploy to win seats at the parliamenta serious move towards a separate state, which soon after the elections. The TULF had mad whereby it would persuade Tamils in the South in return the UNP when in government will addr of the Tamils. The TULF was badly let down b and the District Councils set up in 1980 by the U to have less authority than a municipal council was one of national oppression against the T pogrom of July 1983 and the TULF losing all cre
The Tamil militant youth movements were e the TULF, and with the impotence of the TULF clear the youth movements became more ass mass support at the expense of the TULF. A was inspired by the mass struggle against un Marxist Leninists in the 1960s, what the Tamil from that mass struggle was the principle of Some of the avoidable tragedies of the liberatio could be traced to its reliance on foreign supp than on the masses and a broad-based mass st
It is true that the Marxist Leninists and ot failed to win over a sizeable section of the Tam lost ground to the Tamil militants in some of t Several critics have attributed this to the failu itself with the Tamil national struggle. Othe because of the impression that the left as a w itself with the Sinhala nationalists. While there both explanations, the truth is somewhat more c

its predecessor the Tamil Congress, relied on trength to make deals with one or the other of nationalist parties that came to power. Its with the left parties was largely because if the that it chose to serve.
ter the bankruptcy of the parliamentary politics d that the FP allied with its weaker Tamil the Tamil United Left Front (TULF), whose ishment of a separate state of Tamil Eelam. re of the view that the call for secession was ats at the parliamentary elections and not a separate state, which proved to be the case . The TULF had made a deal with the UNP e Tamils in the South to support the UNP and n government will address the main grievances was badly let down by the UNP government; set up in 1980 by the UNP government proved n a municipal council. The period since 1977 ression against the Tamils culminating in the the TULF losing all credibility with the Tamils.
th movements were essentially an offshoot of mpotence of the TULF becoming increasingly nts became more assertive and even gained ense of the TULF. Although Tamil militancy ss struggle against untouchability led by the 960s, what the Tamil militants failed to learn was the principle of relying on the masses. agedies of the liberation struggle of the Tamils iance on foreign support and military prowess a broad-based mass struggle.
rxist Leninists and other genuine left forces ble section of the Tamil population and in fact militants in some of their earlier strongholds. buted this to the failure of the left to identify tional struggle. Others claim that this was on that the left as a whole had compromised tionalists. While there is some substance to th is somewhat more complex.

Page 24
Unlike in the South, where the left parties w dominated left politics, in the North, it was the dominated the left movement. It was activ movement and took up the cause of those op was to its disadvantage in electoral politics. Ho in the CP in 1964, the Marxist Leninists deve left group in the North owing to their mas attracted the progressive elements across cas the Marxist Leninists to launch and lead an eff untouchability in 1966.
Tamil nationalist leadership was traditiona upper caste elite of the North, and the militan succeeded the parliamentary leadership was a its outlook. The Marxist Leninists emerging fro their party in the 1970s were placed at a disad discrimination and state sponsored violence ag the youth towards strongly nationalistic position Party (NDP), which by the early1980s was th party in the North and East and in the Hill Coun towards the youth movements, but was cons errors in the line taken by the movements. specifically warned against excessive reliance harsh treatment of rivals including intern dependence on foreign powers, and about the d style of politics that denied the Tamil masses struggle against chauvinistic oppression.
The Marxist Leninists also pointed out th nationalist claim of representing the entire T including Muslims and the Hill Country Tamils Party, which by the early1980s was the main the North and East and in the Hill Country, be and Hill Country Tamil identity as distinct from North East, recognised their political emergenc own right and was the first to advocate the rig and other national minorities to self-determina principle of self-determination in its true spirit b to it to nationalities in a position to exercise the

here the left parties with Trotskyite beginnings the North, it was the Communist Party that vement. It was active in the trade union the cause of those oppressed by caste. This n electoral politics. However, following the split arxist Leninists developed into the strongest owing to their mass political work, which elements across caste barriers, and enabled aunch and lead an effective campaign against
ership was traditionally in the hands of the North, and the militant youth movements that tary leadership was at best petit bourgeois in Leninists emerging from unfortunate splits in ere placed at a disadvantage with anti-Tamil ponsored violence against the Tamils pushing ly nationalistic positions. The New Democratic he early1980s was the main Marxist Leninist st and in the Hill Country was not antagonistic ments, but was constructively critical of the by the movements. The movements were st excessive reliance on arms, against their als including internecine killings, against owers, and about the dangers of the command ied the Tamil masses an active role in their stic oppression.
s also pointed out the fallacy of the Tamil esenting the entire Tamil speaking people, e Hill Country Tamils. The New Democratic 1980s was the main Marxist Leninist party in in the Hill Country, besides endorsing Muslim entity as distinct from that of the Tamils of the eir political emergence as nationalities in their rst to advocate the right of these nationalities rities to self-determination, by presenting the tion in its true spirit by not restricting the right osition to exercise the right to secession.

Page 25
None of these could have endeared the M Tamil nationalists, and the policy of isolating t the Marxist Leninists, initiated by the Tamil Co Party continued under the militant nationalists. of views has by and large been denied to the p especially the Tamils and the Muslims, by th forces as well as by the Tamil militants, witho survived this climate of denial of free political rival Tamil militant organisations, not by compr national and other forms of oppression bu principles.
The Marxist Leninists may have erred tactic ideologically or in their strategy based on a p against local reaction and foreign domination. the Marxist Leninists would have been more s Tamil nationalist identity or endorsing the sec proven wrong by the fate that befell the Natio Tamileelam (NLFT) and its breakaway Peop Tamileelam (PLFT). Both organisations had young men who were once members or s Leninist parties or groups. But their failed to be the Tamil nationalist cause, and got thrown i Some Tamil nationalist militant organisations Marxist oriented, but when it came to the crun LTTE got the better of their leftist politics and t in the hands of a foreign country.
Another useful case worth a mention here Peramuna, whose concessions to Sinhala na whatever Marxist pretences that remained in vicious force of Sinhala nationalism.
Those who complain that Marxist Leninists struggle and fail to respond adequately to othe their failure to adopt the Tamil secessionist cau credit for the Marxist Leninist initiative in the oppression. What the critics fail to, or refuse t that the Marxist Leninists are consistent in stan any oppressed community irrespective of who th

have endeared the Marxist Leninists to the e policy of isolating the left, and in particular tiated by the Tamil Congress and the Federal e militant nationalists. Democratic expression been denied to the people of the North East, d the Muslims, by the state and its armed Tamil militants, without exception. The NDP enial of free political activity by the state and isations, not by compromising its stand on the s of oppression but by holding on to its
may have erred tactically, but they did not err trategy based on a prolonged mass struggle d foreign domination. Those who believe that uld have been more successful by adopting a or endorsing the secessionist agenda were te that befell the National Liberation Front of its breakaway People’s Liberation Front of th organisations had in significant number once members or sympathisers of Marxist . But their failed to be credible as advocates of se, and got thrown into political wilderness. militant organisations appeared to be left or en it came to the crunch their rivalry with the eir leftist politics and they ended up as pawns country.
orth a mention here is the Janatha Vimukthi ssions to Sinhala nationalism washed away ces that remained in it and made it a most ationalism.
that Marxist Leninists overly emphasise class nd adequately to other contradictions, point to Tamil secessionist cause, but do not give due ninist initiative in the struggle against caste tics fail to, or refuse to, appreciate is the fact are consistent in standing up for the rights of y irrespective of who the oppressor is.

Page 26
Tamil nationalists are still reluctant to reco Country Tamils as distinct nationalities, althou full 180 degrees to talk about a Muslim nation in a Muslim nationality spread across the whole Muslim opportunists who seek to drive a wedg of the East and the vast majority of the M Sinhalese. The need to address aspects o concerning the Muslims and the Hill Countr principle of self-determination, was urged by decade ago and its criticism of the opportunist of the two nationalities has been vindicated leaders in recent times and the increasing masses with them.
What are also forgotten are the warnings is serious shortcomings of the Tamil militant move to be prophetic, especially the one concerning national question. Another matter to which the drawn attention is the trust placed on the ne ‘international community’. The Tamil national m refrained from taking an anti-imperialist positio the side of victims of imperialist aggression. It against national oppression has to learn s lessons before they heed the warnings against
4. Concluding Remarks
It should be clear from the foregoing that wh shortcoming of Marxism and Marxists in de question and the rights of oppressed ethnic min the parliamentary path and opportunist politics.
Marxist Leninists in Sri Lanka have no nationalism for short term political gain. contradiction as fundamental, they have internationally been sensitive to issues of socia recognise the development of a secondary con contradiction in a given situation and to respond

still reluctant to recognise Muslims and Hill ct nationalities, although a few have turned a out a Muslim nation in the East as opposed to ead across the whole island, and side with seek to drive a wedge between the Muslims st majority of the Muslims living amid the to address aspects of the national question and the Hill Country Tamils based on the ation, was urged by the NDP more than a ism of the opportunist politics of the leadership has been vindicated by the conduct of the and the increasing disillusionment of the
n are the warnings issued by the NDP about he Tamil militant movements, which turned out ly the one concerning foreign meddling in the er matter to which the NDP has consistently ust placed on the neutrality of the so called . The Tamil national movement has historically anti-imperialist position and has failed to take erialist aggression. It seems that the struggle sion has to learn several more first hand
the warnings against imperialist intentions.
rks
the foregoing that what has been shown as a and Marxists in dealing with the national f oppressed ethnic minorities is actually that of
d opportunist politics.
Sri Lanka have not pandered to narrow term political gain. While upholding class mental, they have both nationally and itive to issues of social oppression; and able to nt of a secondary contradiction into the main ituation and to respond to it appropriately.

Page 27
This is not to claim that Marxist Leninists ha situation correctly and acted wisely. What is sig always been honest, based their position on perceived by them, been willing to rectify opportunism. Even where they have in the shor owing to their principled position during crit oppression and struggle, they have made a v endorsing the positive aspects of struggle while aspects that harm the interests of the masses.
The challenge facing the NDP and other Lanka is big. They have an important role to p defending the struggle against national oppre rights of all nationalities and national minorities the right to self-determination, while ensurin forces of regional hegemony do not take adv secure control over the whole country. They warning all nationalities of the impending fa suppression of democratic and fundamental rig pretext of combating terrorism.
Only through the unity of the genuine left wi alliance of progressive and genuinely patriotic to force the government and its allies on the on the other to end the war and enter into meaning just, peaceful and lasting solution to the natio such an alliance that will be able to restore dem rights to the whole country and reverse the hegemonic encroachment into the sovereignty o

at Marxist Leninists have always assessed the ted wisely. What is significant is that they have sed their position on the objective reality as en willing to rectify errors, and resisted they have in the short term lost mass support d position during critical periods of national , they have made a valuable contribution by pects of struggle while constructively criticising erests of the masses.
the NDP and other Marxist Leninists in Sri an important role to play in opposing the war, gainst national oppression, and securing the and national minorities through the exercise of ination, while ensuring that imperialism and ony do not take advantage of the crisis to whole country. They also have the duty of of the impending fascist threat and brutal ic and fundamental rights of the people in the
rism.
of the genuine left with the broadest possible nd genuinely patriotic forces will it be possible and its allies on the one hand and the LTTE on nd enter into meaningful negotiations to find a g solution to the national question. It is only be able to restore democracy and fundamental try and reverse the trend of imperialist and t into the sovereignty of the country.

Page 28
Blue Gold The Global Water Crisis and the Commodification of the World’s Wa
Maude Barlow (National chairperson, council of Ca Chair, IFG Committee on the globalisat
We’d like to believe there’s an infinite supply But the assumption is tragically false. Available less than one half of one percent of all the wa sea water or is frozen in the polar ice. Fresh wa rainfall, at the rate of 40 000 to 50 000 cubic k to intensive urbanisation, deforestation, water farming, however, with the drying of the earth’s finite source of fresh water is disappearing; if pr water in all river basins on every continent could
Global consumption of water is doubling eve twice the rate of human population growth. A Nations, more than one billion people on earth fresh drinking water. If current trends persist, b water is expected to rise to 56% above the a available.
As the water crisis intensifies, governmen transnational corporations are advocating privatisation, commodification and mass diversi say that such a system is the only way to distrib thirsty. However, experience shows that sel market does not address the needs of the poo contrary, privatised water is delivered to those as wealthy cities and individuals and water-i

Blue Gold he Global Water Crisis and dification of the World’s Water Supply
Maude Barlow hairperson, council of Canadians; mmittee on the globalisation of Water)
ere’s an infinite supply of water on the planet. gically false. Available fresh water amounts to percent of all the water on earth. The rest is the polar ice. Fresh water is renewable only by 000 to 50 000 cubic kilometres per year. Due , deforestation, water diversion and industrial e drying of the earth’s surface, even this small r is disappearing; if present trends persist, the n every continent could steadily be depleted.
f water is doubling every 20 years, more than population growth. According to the United billion people on earth already lack access to urrent trends persist, by 2025, the demand for e to 56% above the amount that is currently
tensifies, governments under pressure from ns are advocating a radical solution: ation and mass diversion of water. Proponents the only way to distribute water to the world’s ence shows that selling water in the open the needs of the poor, thirsty people. On the r is delivered to those who can pay for it, such dividuals and water-intensive industries, like

Page 29
agriculture and high-tech. As one resident of Mexico observed after his community’s water h by the high-tech industry: “Water flows uphill to
The push to commodify water comes at a political and economic impacts of water scarcity destabilising force, with water-related conflicts globe. For example, Malaya, which supplies a water, threatened to cut off that supply in criticised its government policies. In Africa, rela and Namibia have been severely strained construct a pipeline to divert water from the sh eastern Namibia.
The former Mayor of Mexico City predicts Valley in the foreseeable future if a solution to not found soon. Much has been written abou wars in the Middle East, where water resourc The late King Hussain of Jordan once said tha would go to war with Israel over was water, Jordan’s water supply.
Meanwhile, the future of one of earth’s most determined by those who profit from its overus of transnational corporations, backed by aggressively taking over the management of developing countries, dramatically raising the p residents and profiting from the Third World’ solutions to the water crisis. The corporate should be treated like any other tradable good, by the market principle.
At the same time, governments are signing domestic water supplies by participating in tra the North American Free Trade Agreement successor, the Free Trade Area of the America Trade Organisation (WTO). These global trad give transnational corporations unprecedented signatory countries.
Already corporations have started to sue g gain access to domestic water sources. For

. As one resident of the high desert in New s community’s water had been diverted for use
“Water flows uphill to money”.
ify water comes at a time when the social, pacts of water scarcity are rapidly becoming a ater-related conflicts springing up around the aya, which supplies about half of Singapore’s t off that supply in 1997 after Singapore policies. In Africa, relations between Botswana n severely strained by Namibian plans to vert water from the shared Okavango River to
Mexico City predicts a war in the Mexican future if a solution to his city’s water crisis is as been written about the potential for water , where water resources are severely limited. f Jordan once said that the only thing that he rael over was water, because Israel controls
of one of earth’s most vital resources is being profit from its overuse and abuse. A handful ations, backed by the World Bank, are the management of public water services in matically raising the price of water to the local rom the Third World’s desperate search for risis. The corporate agenda is clear: water y other tradable good, with its use determined
ernments are signing away their control over by participating in trade agreements such as e Trade Agreement (NAFTA): its proposed e Area of the Americas (FTAA); and the World O). These global trade institutions effectively ations unprecedented access to the water of
have started to sue governments in order to c water sources. For example, Sun Belt, a

Page 30
California company, is suing the Government o because British Colombia (B.C.) banned wate ago. The company claims that B.C.’s law v based investor rights and therefore is c compensation for lost profits.
With the protection of these internatio companies are setting their sights on the mass by diversion and super-tanker. Several com technology whereby large quantities of water w sealed bags and towed across the ocean for s highest bidder will only exacerbate the worst im crisis.
A number of key research and environmenta the Worldwatch Institute, World Resources I Nations Environment Programme have been well over a decade. If water usage continues to rates, the results will be devastating for the e Groups such as the International Rivers Netw Waters Network, Sierra Club and Friends of along with thousands of community groups fighting the construction of new dams, reclaim wetlands, confronting industry over contamina and protecting whales and other aquatic specie fishing. In a number of countries, experts ha exciting and creative solutions to these problem yet efforts need to be coordinated and und context of economic globalisation and its role in and commodification.
Who owns water? Should anyone? Should rights do transnational corporations have to buy it be traded as a commodity in the open market to protect water? What is the role of governme water-rich countries share with those in the wa is the custodian for nature’s livelihood? Ho become involved in the process?
The analysis and recommendations in this principle that water is part of earth’s heritage, a the public domain for all time and protected b

ing the Government of Canada under NAFTA a (B.C.) banned water exports several years ms that B.C.’s law violates several NAFTA- and therefore is claiming $10 billion in fits.
of these international trade agreements, eir sights on the mass transport of bulk water -tanker. Several companies are developing quantities of water would be loaded into huge cross the ocean for sale. Selling water to the xacerbate the worst impacts of the world water
arch and environmental organisations such as , World Resources Institute and the United ogramme have been sounding the alarm for ter usage continues to increase at the current devastating for the earth and its inhabitants. rnational Rivers Network, Greenpeace, Clean Club and Friends of the World International, f community groups around the world are of new dams, reclaiming damaged rivers and dustry over contamination of water systems, d other aquatic species from hunting and over- countries, experts have come up with some utions to these problems. This work is crucial, coordinated and understood in the broader alisation and its role in promoting privatisation
ould anyone? Should it be privatised? What rporations have to buy water systems? Should ity in the open market? What laws do we need the role of government? How do those in the e with those in the water-poor countries? Who ture’s livelihood? How do ordinary citizens rocess?
mmendations in this report are based on the t of earth’s heritage, and must be preserved in l time and protected by strong local, national

Page 31
and international law. At stake is the whole no the idea that through our public institutions human and natural heritage to be preserved Local communities must be watchdogs of ou establish principles that oversee the use of this
Instead of allowing this vital resource to beco the highest bidder, we believe that access to needs is a fundamental human right. Each gen the abundance and quality of water is not dimi activities. Great efforts must be made to resto ecosystems that have already been degrade others from harm.
Above all we need to radically restructure ou in order to reverse the depletion of our fresh w within the watershed ecosystems that were cre must abandon the specious notion that we resources because, somehow, technology w There is no technological “fix” for a planet deple
[Reproduced with kind permission from Thirst for P
Kalaccharam, Chennai 60008

stake is the whole notion of the “commons”, ur public institutions we recognise a shared tage to be preserved for future generations. t be watchdogs of our waterways and must
versee the use of this precious resource.
vital resource to become a commodity sold to believe that access to clean water for basic uman right. Each generation must ensure that ity of water is not diminished as a result of its ust be made to restore the health of aquatic lready been degraded as well as to protect
radically restructure our societies and lifestyles epletion of our fresh water and to learn to live systems that were created to sustain life. We ious notion that we can abuse the world’s ehow, technology will come to our rescue. l “fix” for a planet depleted of water.
mission from Thirst for Profit, compiled by Puthiya laccharam, Chennai 600083]

Page 32
ND
Appeal by the Central Committee of t 25th March 2007
On the 14th and 15th of February 2007, po Terrorist Investigation Department (TID) ar members of the New Democratic Party in the of the Party, namely V Mahendran N/Halgranoya), R Jeyaseelan (30 years, Tea Sugeshanan (30 years, Teacher, N/Halgranoya Student, N/Halgranoya), N Krishnapriyan (23 y Open University)
The above five comrades have been arre Regulations No. 7 (Prevention and Prohibi Specified Terrorism Activities) of 6th Decembe been produced in Courts before a Magistra detained in the Boosa Detention Camp on the p the inquiries.
They are young comrades who have been im New Democratic Party and at the lead in build Organisation, Trade Union and Teacher’s O Country. These comrades were at the foref carried forward by the New Democratic Party in
They played a leading role in the People’s Upper Kotmale Hydropower Project, in buildin Proletarian Union as the alternative trade unio plantation workers, in the struggle of the plant wages, and in the campaign against the S Project. They have also actively campaigned a political solution and for unity among the Tamil a
To associate such comrades with “terrorism detention is political victimisation. There is reactionary forces that are unable to bear the g

NDP Diary
entral Committee of the NDP
of February 2007, police officers from the Department (TID) arrested five important Democratic Party in the Hill Country Region ely V Mahendran (32 years, Teacher, eelan (30 years, Teacher, N/Halgranoya), S eacher, N/Halgranoya), S Mohanraj (26 years, N Krishnapriyan (23 years, Rozella, Student,
ades have been arrested under Emergency evention and Prohibition of Terrorism and vities) of 6th December 2006. They have not ts before a Magistrate and continue to be tention Camp on the pretext of continuing with
des who have been important members of the nd at the lead in building the Party, its Youth ion and Teacher’s Organisation in the Hill es were at the forefront of mass struggles w Democratic Party in the Hill Country.
g role in the People’s Campaign against the wer Project, in building the New Democratic alternative trade union movement among the struggle of the plantation workers for higher paign against the Sedhu Samudram Canal actively campaigned against the war and for a
nity among the Tamil and Sinhalese people.
mrades with “terrorism” and keep them under timisation. There is suspicion that it is the e unable to bear the growth of the Party as an

Page 33
alternative political force in the Hill Country ami are behind these arrests and detention.
Of our five comrades from ordinary working served the Party, three are teachers and two ar taking steps to secure their release throug through legal action. The Party also appeals to forces to join in the campaign based on the dem produced in court for judicial inquiry or be releas
The Party calls upon entire left and dem forward to launch a people’s campaign dema the Emergency Regulations relating to the Prev Terrorism and Specified Terrorism Activities tha threat to carrying out freely democratic, human political activities, under the critical conditions upon Marxist Leninist parties, and left and dem bring the necessary pressure to that effect Government in order to secure the release of as well as other political, trade union and media
The Party also appeals to comrades an concerned individuals and organisations, and financial support to the best of their ability necessary legal action for the release of our provide essential financial help to the fam comrades.
Thanking you,
SK Senthivel, General Secretary
E Thambiah, Attorney-at-Law, National Organis
Bank Details for Financial Cont
S Thevarajah a/c Number 452868 Bank of Ceylon Super Market Branch
Colombo 11

in the Hill Country amid severe pressures who and detention.
from ordinary working class families who have re teachers and two are students. The Party is their release through public pressure and Party also appeals to the left and democratic aign based on the demand that they should be cial inquiry or be released.
entire left and democratic forces to come ple’s campaign demanding the withdrawal of ns relating to the Prevention and Prohibition of Terrorism Activities that are an obstacle and a ely democratic, human rights, trade union and the critical conditions that prevail; and calls rties, and left and democratic forces abroad to essure to that effect upon the Sri Lankan secure the release of the five Party comrades trade union and media activists.
als to comrades and friends, the socially d organisations, and well wishers to provide best of their ability in order to take the or the release of our party comrades and to cial help to the families of the detained
cretary
-Law, National Organiser
ils for Financial Contributions:
S Thevarajah a/c Number 452868 Bank of Ceylon uper Market Branch
Colombo 11

Page 34
Statement addressing Leaders of Political Pa and Mass Organisations, and the Media
NDP Calls for the Release of Arrested and De 19th February 2007
Call for the Release of Our Party Members Arre
V Mahendran (Teacher, Ragala) R Jeyaseelan (Teacher, Ragala) S Sugeshanan (Teacher, Ragala) S Mohanraj (Student, Ragala) N Krishnapriyan (Student, Rozella)
We would like to take this opportunity to inf said members of our party were arrested at the and 15th of February by police officers and Headquarters. At the same time our party me (Proletarian New Democratic Union) membe harassed and threatened by persons claiming officers. Their houses are being searched and c
We understand that the above arrests and o are done on alleged connections between our a Mr Nihal Serasinghe, one of the three me \arrested recently in Colombo.
In fact, Mr Serasinghe is married to a Tam attended our public meetings and is a graphic He is known to be a left activist and particip against war, for democracy and human rights. bases, and our said members would have had the above premises. We are confident that ther secret or nefarious connection between our s Serasinghe.
Our party is a Marxist Leninist party which twenty-eight years and never accepted te programme. While opposing military activities through been emphasising and reiterating a p national question through peaceful negotiation. for the Tamil and oppressed nationalities wit

Leaders of Political Parties, Trade Unions ns, and the Media
elease of Arrested and Detained Members
r Party Members Arrested and Detained
r, Ragala) r, Ragala) er, Ragala) Ragala) ent, Rozella)
this opportunity to inform you that the above y were arrested at their residences on the 14th y police officers and detained at the TID me time our party members, our trade union cratic Union) members, and supporters are d by persons claiming themselves to be CID
being searched and checked.
e above arrests and other acts of harassment ections between our above said members and ne of the three media persons who were mbo.
e is married to a Tamil lady in Ragala, has ings and is a graphic designer by profession. ft activist and participates in mass agitations cy and human rights. We know him on these bers would have had connections with him on are confident that there cannot be any alleged ection between our said members and Nihal
t Leninist party which is working for the past never accepted terrorism as a political ing military activities and war, we have right ng and reiterating a political solution for the peaceful negotiation. We advocate autonomy ssed nationalities within the framework of a

Page 35
united Sri Lanka and at the same time agitate the rights of the working class and peasants. assertion of its separate identity, our party has with the left and democratic forces for the com and safeguarding the rights of the people.
Under these circumstances, we wish to state have been arrested and detained unlawfully, un on the basis of fabricated and wrong informatio that certain anti-social and reactionary forces our progress in political and trade union activitie behind these actions against us.
In this regard, we have already written to February 2007 and to the Secretary of Defence and have urged them to expedite the questioni and release them as soon as possible.
Letter of Protest
NDP Protests the Abuse of the Name of the P 12th March 2007
Hon. Karu Jayasuriya MP
Dear Sir,
Protesting your use of the name New Democrat our party
This is to inform you that our part doth he your use of the name New Democratic Party.
We understand that the rebel or breakawa National Party under your leadership is using Democratic Party to identify itself.
You may be aware that our party is a Marx has a history of 28 years, and recalls to you invitation to our party, we had discussions with the United National Party.

the same time agitate and raise our voice for class and peasants. Despite differences and identity, our party has always worked closely atic forces for the common cause of winning ts of the people.
nces, we wish to state that our said members etained unlawfully, unjustly and unreasonably and wrong information, and that we suspect nd reactionary forces which cannot stomach nd trade union activities in the Hill Country are inst us.
ve already written to the President on 15th Secretary of Defence on 19th February 2007, expedite the questioning of our said members n as possible.
use of the Name of the Party
name New Democratic Party, the name of
that our part doth hereby mark its protest of w Democratic Party.
the rebel or breakaway group of the United r leadership is using our party’s name, New ify itself.
at our party is a Marxist-Leninist party which rs, and recalls to your memory that, on your e had discussions with you when you were in .

Page 36
Our party contested General, Provincia Government Elections under independent lists a Democratic Left Front under the leadership Nanayakkara, and the New Left Front.
Our party contested Provincial Council Elec independent list in Nuwara Eliya.
You may be aware that we were a founder the New Left Front, and contested under the Colombo as well as in Nuwara Eliya in 1999 for In 2000 and 2001, we contested the Parliamen Colombo and Nuwara Eliya under the symb Democratic Left Front led by Comrade Vasudev
We contested the Provincial Council Elect independent list. In 2005, we contested in Nuw Pradeshiya Sabha as independent groups, an Walapane Pradeshiya Sabha. According Panneerselvam is representing us in the said P
Our Party is working among plantation w union named the Proletarian New Democratic U
We are publishing Puthiya Poomi, a Ta Democracy, an English quarterly magazine.
We are a party that is seriously and continuo activities. Please note that we named the par Party since we believe in the New Democratic R
Therefore please desist from using the said Party. Thanking you, yours faithfully, SK Senthivel, General Secretary E Thambiah, Attorney-at-Law, National Organis
[Note: Hon. Karu Jayasuriya has since assured the Party will not be abused.
*****

General, Provincial Council and Local der independent lists and under the lists of the nder the leadership of Comrade Vasudeva w Left Front.
rovincial Council Elections in 1993 under an a Eliya.
at we were a founder, constituent member of contested under the symbol of the Table in wara Eliya in 1999 for the Provincial Councils. ntested the Parliamentary Elections in Jaffna, liya under the symbol of the Clock, of the by Comrade Vasudeva Nanayakkara.
ovincial Council Elections in 2004 under an , we contested in Nuwara Eliya and Walapane dependent groups, and secured a seat in the Sabha. Accordingly, Mr Shanmugam enting us in the said Pradeshiya Sabha.
among plantation workers through a trade ian New Democratic Union.
uthiya Poomi, a Tamil monthly, and New uarterly magazine.
seriously and continuously involved in political at we named the party the New Democratic the New Democratic Revolution.
st from using the said name New Democratic
cretary -Law, National Organiser
a has since assured the NDP that the name of the arty will not be abused.] *****

Page 37
Sri Lankan
Left Parties and Groups Protest again Deteriorating National Situation
[The following is the text of a letter sent by concerned or the His Excellency the President on 13th March 2007.]
13th March 2007
His Excellency, the President Janadhipathi Mandiraya Colombo
Your Excellency,
We wish to bring to your notice the grave numerous members of political parties and org groups, trade unions, media institutions, m artistes that has arisen from the harsh p conditions now prevailing in the country. We th to give your most serious attention to this emerg
1. You have attained office by means of an and ultra-nationalistic forces that advocate the Cease-Fire Agreement and a militarist solutio The dependence on such an alliance whose m the JVP and the Jathika Hela Urumaya is pro towards a full-scale military course of action, a entire Sri Lankan society is being converted to mindset. In consequence, those sectors of so democratic right and employ civic actions and peaceful political settlement of the ethnic pro

Sri Lankan Events
and Groups Protest against the
National Situation
letter sent by concerned organisations and individuals to nt on 13th March 2007.]
No. 17 Barrack Lane Colombo 2 13.03.2007 dent
our notice the grave threat to the lives of olitical parties and organisations, human rights media institutions, media professionals and n from the harsh political and militaristic in the country. We the undersigned, urge you attention to this emerging situation.
office by means of an alliance with militaristic ces that advocate the abrogation of the 2002 nd a militarist solution to the ethnic conflict. h an alliance whose major partners comprise Hela Urumaya is propelling the government ary course of action, as a result of which the is being converted to a militaristic and racist , those sectors of society that exercise their ploy civic actions and means to advocate a ent of the ethnic problem, including political

Page 38
parties, mass organisations, women’s organisa media institutions are now being subjected complete violation of their fundamental and citizens. It is imperative that, as head of state, intervene to urgently bring this worsening situat
2. The severely repressive laws currently government in pursuit of the above-mentioned s to worsen the current situation. These forces are undemocratically attempting to strengthen achieve their fascistic objectives.
3. We wish to point out that the Natio Terrorism, an organisation like the Jathika Hela represented in Your Excellency’s Cabinet of Mi massive hate campaign, targeting all those society that are opposed to war and stand settlement. An example of this dangerous hate put up throughout Colombo carrying the slogan Tigers - Leftist Tigers - identify them – elim country”. Attempts by some sections to vilify a and groups that have a view point that is differ described as a terrorist tactic to whip up public sectors and groups and activists. The irrationa Ravaya newspaper of Friday 18th by a memb Cabinet of Minister, namely JHU parliamen Ranavaka, has shocked all law-abiding an citizens in the country. We draw Your Excel relevant extract from this interview.
“.... Yes! People are dying. What can be d you asking us to spare them? They are traito What is the attitude of your Government and C and hateful statement by a Minister who y member? Do we interpret the failure of your Ca comment on this statement as an indication Cabinet and Government as a whole collectivel and share the views of this Minister? This Excellency’s Government is becoming a regim nature.

ns, women’s organisations, trade unions and ow being subjected to extreme pressure in heir fundamental and democratic rights as that, as head of state, Your Excellency should g this worsening situation under control.
ressive laws currently being enforced by your the above-mentioned strategy are only serving tuation. These forces within your government mpting to strengthen their position in order to ectives.
t out that the National Movement Against n like the Jathika Hela Urumaya, which is now llency’s Cabinet of Ministers, is carrying out a , targeting all those sections of Sri Lankan d to war and stand for a peaceful political of this dangerous hate campaign is the poster bo carrying the slogan: “Peace Tigers - Media identify them – eliminate them – save the me sections to vilify as “Tigers” those sectors iew point that is different to theirs can only be ctic to whip up public animosity against those activists. The irrational statement made in the riday 18th by a member of Your Excellency’s mely JHU parliamentarian Patali Champika d all law-abiding and democracy-upholding We draw Your Excellency’s attention to the interview.
dying. What can be done about that? Are e them? They are traitors to the race ....”
ur Government and Cabinet to this destructive by a Minister who yet remains a Cabinet t the failure of your Cabinet spokespersons to ent as an indication that Your Excellency’s as a whole collectively endorse this statement f this Minister? This is evidence that Your t is becoming a regime of fascist and racist

Page 39
This vilification as “Tigers” or as “Tiger sup simplistic way of silencing your political op repression is reminiscent of the infamous repr USA in the 1950s by United States Senator targeted people by labelling as ‘commu sympathisers’. A large number of America artistes, lawyers, senior military officers b McCarthyist terrorism. The McCarthyist rampag US President was also branded a ‘communist’. The prevailing situation in Sri Lanka is similar Those artistes, trade unionists, media profes and non-governmental organisations opposed being branded today as “Tigers” by the Jathika and Government Ministers and other Governme Sripathi Sooriyarachchi and Mangala Sama Excellency’s Government are also being sympathisers”. Likewise, according to the coun Sooriyarachchi, Your Excellency, the Preside being branded as a “Tiger sympathiser”. The u the JVP, the ‘Lanka’ newspaper, has, in recen admission into the Government of a group of UN “Veluppillai Ranil” and “Veluppillai Mahinda”. The use of this tactic of branding as a “Tiger terrorise them and thereby suppress their po them to public humiliation as well as make them war hysteria is a most dangerous and socially h
4. Prevention of Terrorism Act and other re It is our contention that the political and fun entirety of Sri Lankan society are very gra provisions of the Prevention of Terrorism Act effect under the Emergency Regulations enact Government. We point out that some of thes more draconian than the impunity regulations e government that even you had opposed while s not an example of this repressive ethos tha government officers and even the ordinary ind

rs” or as “Tiger supporters” is becoming a ing your political opponents. This style of t of the infamous repressive campaign in the nited States Senator Joseph McCarthy who abelling as ‘communist’ and ‘communist number of Americans including senators, r military officers became victims of this e McCarthyist rampage ended only when the anded a ‘communist’. n Sri Lanka is similar to the McCarthy regime. ionists, media professionals, political parties rganisations opposed to the war policy are Tigers” by the Jathika Hela Urumaya, the JVP s and other Government politicians. and Mangala Samaraweera who left Your nt are also being labelled as “Tiger according to the counter charges made by Mr cellency, the President of the country, are r sympathiser”. The unofficial media organ of spaper, has, in recent headline critical of the nment of a group of UNP defectors, referred to eluppillai Mahinda”.
branding as a “Tiger” to vilify individuals, to eby suppress their political activism, subject as well as make them the target of collective ngerous and socially harmful tendency.
ism Act and other repressive laws t the political and fundamental rights of the society are very gravely threatened by the tion of Terrorism Act that has been put into ncy Regulations enacted by Your Excellency’s out that some of these regulations are even impunity regulations enacted by the then UNP u had opposed while sitting in Opposition. Is it repressive ethos that the actions of those even the ordinary individuals appointed and

Page 40
empowered under these anti-terrorism laws remedy? Does it not take way the sole remedy for recou that oppressed and suffering citizens could reso Government has clearly moved to grant exces powers to the very security forces and au considered principally responsible for the ongo and disappearances of people. The recent arrests of Sinhala youth accused o as the case of journalist Guruparan both culpability of Your Excellency’s Government in abductions and disappearances. While at first Government denied any involvement, subseque pressure and in the face of public campaigns mass media, the Government was compelle persons were indeed in its custody. If these persons had broken the law, then th under the relevant legal provisions. Resort to extraction of confessions that were then issu without any observance of legalities have o undermine the legitimacy of the country’s judic action has wholly undermined the basic legal p innocence until proven guilty. Your Excellenc facility of the use of the state mass media to recent accusation made against you regarding However, the ordinary citizens lacking power o not have the same capacity to counter similar against them. Who will be held responsible wh accused and are publicly condemned by the legal defences, and are then subject to publi assault and the destruction of their homes and as much as those Americans suffered under Mc Sri Lankans today subjected to such branding devoid of normalcy.
5. Suppression of trade union activism
While the Essential Services laws enacted Regulations on August 3rd 2006 rendered any

anti-terrorism laws are exempt from legal
sole remedy for recourse to the legal system ring citizens could resort to? Your Excellency’s moved to grant excessive and even unlimited curity forces and auxiliary forces that are sponsible for the ongoing wave of abductions eople.
hala youth accused of being “Tigers” as well ist Guruparan both go to demonstrate the ency’s Government in the growing incidence of rances. While at first, in both instances, the involvement, subsequently, under international of public campaigns by trade unions and the rnment was compelled to admit that these s custody. oken the law, then they should be punished l provisions. Resort to abduction and forced s that were then issued to the mass media of legalities have only served to seriously of the country’s judicial system and law. This ined the basic legal principle of recognition of guilty. Your Excellency’s Ministers have the state mass media to vigorously counter the against you regarding a pact with the Tigers. tizens lacking power or financial resources do ity to counter similar “Tiger” allegations made e held responsible when such citizens are so y condemned by the mass media minus any then subject to public harassment including on of their homes and property by mobs? Just ans suffered under McCarthyism, so are these ted to such branding as “Tigers” face a future
e union activism
rvices laws enacted under the Emergency 3 2006 rendered any trade union action as

Page 41
illegal, the recently enacted anti-terrorism regula action as ‘terrorism’. Despite agreeing to withd the face of mass protests, the Government ha some trade unions have moved to call on th regard, the leaders of these unions have com Posters containing photographs of these unio them as “Tigers” have been put up inside pub offices. Given the hate-filled warmongerin prevailing today, such branding amounts to a against these individuals who could face pos violence.
6. Suppression of the mass media
In the course of the recent enactment of sever under the Emergency Law, Your Excellen Government leaders gave the assurance that not be used to suppress the media and the what is occurring now is a far more dangerous there is a need to suppress the political ac initially, powerful government personalities as along with various racist and militarist factio individuals as “Tigers”. Having been publicly and “terrorists”, these individuals are then de Terrorism Regulations.
When Your Excellency, in a recent address Committee described the Mavubima newspa supporter, this created a space for the us regulations against that respected and popular reporter Ms Parameshwari has now already detention under the Regulations. The subseque Dushyantha Basnayake can only be construed publishing house and its owners. This is a draconian repression that is being meted ou Government. The even worse repression that is Tamil language media and its personnel is well
The sheer numbers of the media professional abducted and detained in this country in recent indicator of the state of freedom of the mass me

ed anti-terrorism regulations define trade union pite agreeing to withdraw these regulations in s, the Government has yet to do so. Even as moved to call on the ILO to act in this in ese unions have come under death threats. graphs of these union leaders and labelling een put up inside public sector buildings and te-filled warmongering social atmosphere randing amounts to a virtual death sentence who could face possible mob hysteria and
mass media
nt enactment of severe anti-terror regulations Law, Your Excellency as well as senior e the assurance that these regulations would s the media and the trade unions. However, a far more dangerous situation. Today, when press the political activism of an individual, ent personalities as well as the state media, t and militarist factions act to brand such Having been publicly condemned as “Tigers” dividuals are then dealt with under the Anti
in a recent address to the SLFP Executive e Mavubima newspaper as being a Tiger a space for the use of the anti-terrorism espected and popular newspaper. Mavubima ari has now already completed 100 days in lations. The subsequent detention of publisher an only be construed as an intimidation of this ts owners. This is a prime example of the at is being meted out by Your Excellency’s orse repression that is being meted out to the d its personnel is well known.
e media professionals who have been killed, this country in recent months are an alarming eedom of the mass media.

Page 42
7. Censorship of the arts A massive attack, using propaganda as well a been unleashed on the freedom of expre intellectuals opposed to war. We remind Y banning of ‘Aksharaya’ and other films. We must express our profound regret and pro assault on the human right to hold views and to 8. The failure to adopt a consensual po resolving the national crisis has seen a slide in that is devastating the country. We call for u continuing violence in the North-East that disappearances, large-scale population dis destruction of property. We urge an end to o and call for systematic steps to resolve the c Tamil and Muslim people. It is the Government of Sri Lanka that m responsibility for the worsening national policy we have described at length above. A legitima must fulfil the task of providing its citizens conditions to live freely enjoying basic civil freedom of expression. We must express yet a as Head of State, our profound regret and prote Excellency’s Government to fulfil this task. undersigned, call for
• The withdrawal of all repressive Emergency
• A halt to all abductions and killings
• The disclosure of the location of all those ab
• A halt to illegal arrests
• The proper arraignment of those in custody or their immediate release
• The protection of families and property custody
• A halt to the branding as “Tigers” and re unionists, artistes and media professionals
• An end to the war strategy that is the root ca
Thank you.

rts
propaganda as well as legal harassment has e freedom of expression of artistes and war. We remind Your Excellency of the d other films. ofound regret and protest at this unrestrained
t to hold views and to express views. opt a consensual political approach toward sis has seen a slide into an unending civil war ountry. We call for urgent steps to end the the North-East that is resulting in killings, cale population displacements, and the We urge an end to offensive military actions teps to resolve the complex problems of the . of Sri Lanka that must bear the principal sening national policy and military crisis that gth above. A legitimately elected government providing its citizens with all the necessary enjoying basic civil and political rights and e must express yet again to Your Excellency, found regret and protests at the failure of Your t to fulfil this task. Accordingly, we, the
repressive Emergency Regulations s and killings location of all those abducted and in detention
nt of those in custody before the courts of law ease
milies and property of those being held in
ng as “Tigers” and repression against trade
media professionals tegy that is the root cause of all these evils.

Page 43
Signed by
1. Left Front 2. United Socialist Party 3. New Democratic Party 4. Socialist Party 5. Western Peoples Front 6. Tamil National Alliance 7. Free Media Movement 8. Sri Lanka Tamil Media alliance 9. Federation of Media Employees Trade Unions 10. Sri Lanka Working Journalists Association 11. Hiru Group 12. Diyesa Group 13. X Group 14. Mavubime Api 15. East Wind 16. November Movement 17. Ceylon Teachers Union 18. United Federation of Labour 19. Government United Federation of Labour 20. Janaraja United Health Services Union 21. Government Printers Union 22. Socialist State Workers Union 23. Professor Sucharitha Gamlath 24. Professor H Sriyananda 25. Dr Sunil Wijesiriwardana 26. Fr Sarath Iddamalgoda – Manawa Himikam Piya 27. Movement for the Defence of Democratic Rights
(Wasantha Dissanayake) 28. Centre for Protection of Right to Life and Democr
(Chandrapala Kumarage, Attorney at Law) 29. Jayasiri Jayasekera – Journalist 30. Parakrama Niriella – Dramatist 31. Gamini Viyangoda – Writer 32. Shiral Lakthilale – Attorney at Law
Expanding Cabinet and End of Party

nt e t a alliance
mployees Trade Unions urnalists Association
n abour ederation of Labour h Services Union Union rs Union Gamlath da
na a – Manawa Himikam Piyasa fence of Democratic Rights
ke) of Right to Life and Democracy
ge, Attorney at Law) Journalist ramatist
riter orney at Law
net and End of Party Politics?

Page 44
President Mahinda Rajapaksha’s answer to the majority was to induce people to cross ov benches. There were rewards as well as v crossovers. The rise in the popularity of the Pr military gains in the east of the country led to f the ranks of the UNP and to challenges to Wickramasinghe. The UNP leader deflected th into an MoU with the government whereby the U support for the government’s efforts to deal wit in exchange it was agreed that crossovers will n
The JVP was, as expected, unhappy with the p by the government since that undermined dissenters faced political oblivion as a res regaining the upper hand within the UNP, and encouraged further crossovers from the UNP ministerial posts, thereby creating the biggest even imaginable. The JVP turned even more Meanwhile the JVP itself faced an internal crisis
Ministerial posts as rewards to outsiders also c ranks of the SLFP who resented the downgrad by the dilution of authority. The UNP declared been honoured by the President and decided to government. This led to further criticism, interference in the affairs of government by President. The President responded fast by dis of whom one was invited back shortly afterward
Leaving aside the acrimony caused by the dis become clear is that parliamentary party politics absurdity, with people joining and leaving partie to question.
*****

aksha’s answer to the lack of a parliamentary people to cross over to the government ewards as well as veiled threats for such he popularity of the Present as a result of the of the country led to further frustrations within nd to challenges to the leadership of Ranil P leader deflected the challenge by entering ernment whereby the UNP will give unqualified nt’s efforts to deal with the national crisis and d that crossovers will not be encouraged.
d, unhappy with the purchase of new loyalties ce that undermined their influence. UNP al oblivion as a result of Wickramasinghe d within the UNP, and President Rajapaksha sovers from the UNP and rewarded all with creating the biggest cabinet ever or perhaps P turned even more hostile, but to no avail. faced an internal crisis and a split.
rds to outsiders also caused friction within the esented the downgrading of ministerial posts ity. The UNP declared that the MoU has not esident and decided to withdraw support to the to further criticism, especially about the s of government by the kith and kin of the responded fast by dismissing three ministers back shortly afterwards.
ony caused by the dismissals, what has now iamentary party politics is being reduced to an ing and leaving parties at will and with no one
*****

Page 45
Internationa
Nepal: Cause for Caution if not Conce
The signing of the agreement between th Nepal (Maoist) and the Seven Party Alliance w the People of Nepal, not just because that mea conflict but because it could mark the end for ev dictatorial monarchy and give Nepal the first op democracy.
The optimism of the CPN(M) about the po short and medium term goals of social justice democracy was not shared by the Indian Maois CPN(M) of the risk taken by the revolutionary fo
Given the geopolitical reality of Nepal wher and the sole global superpower would use the intervene militarily in Nepal and the existence w of the armed forces and parties loyal to forces the agreement entered into with the SPA for a c transition could be tactically a correct move. Bu wind and to expect the reactionaries in SPA Congress factions, to cooperate in social and that will undermine their position and cla dangerous.
Already the Prime Minister had acted in bad of ambassadors by not consulting the CPN(M) show of strength by the CPN(M) that made sense. No opportunity will be spared by the change the Maoists and the oppressed masses stood and jointly with whom they defied the arm
The climate of peace is also being exploited the oppressed masses. The recent clamour of

International Events
r Caution if not Concern
greement between the Communist Party of even Party Alliance was warmly welcomed by just because that meant an end to the armed uld mark the end for ever of the repressive and give Nepal the first opportunity for meaningful
CPN(M) about the possibility of achieving its goals of social justice through parliamentary d by the Indian Maoists who have warned the by the revolutionary forces in disarming itself.
reality of Nepal where its western neighbour rpower would use the pretext of a civil war to al and the existence within Nepal of a section parties loyal to forces of foreign intervention, to with the SPA for a ceasefire and democratic lly a correct move. But to throw caution to the reactionaries in SPA, especially the Nepali operate in social and economic programmes eir position and class interests could be
ister had acted in bad faith in the appointment onsulting the CPN(M) in advance and it was a CPN(M) that made the Prime Minister see ill be spared by the reactionaries to short the oppressed masses for whom the CPM(N)
m they defied the armed forces of the state.
is also being exploited to create conflict among The recent clamour of the Mahdesi nationality

Page 46
for a fair representation in the elected bodies Hindutwa infiltrators from India to cause clash people. The initial mishandling of the Ma government which used force to control protest Maoists who expressed support for the Mahdes prospect of the contradictions among the peop forces of mischief to divide the oppressed mass identity and other differences could undo at lea achieved through a decade of struggle.
It is urgently necessary to consolidate the masses in their struggle for social justice and f conserved if not built upon, and to be alert ag who is far more dangerous in times of peace conflict.
The Philippines: Marcos Mark II
The National Democratic Front of Philippin accused the Gloria Arroyo regime of keepin militarism, fascism and corruption—hallmarks dictatorship. The regime, besieged by plummet increasing political isolation, has during the pa unlawful killing of hundreds of political dissident terror on the politically organised masses. Hum have indicted the Armed Forces, the National P and intelligence networks for the crimes. Th Special Rapporteur Philip Alston on the spate has made Arroyo’s position vulnerable and the Egged on by the US imperialists she is hurriedl country into a military-backed dictatorship. The Terror Act, euphemistically called the Human S appear to target the small and supposedly Al Abu Sayyaf and Jema’ah Islamiyah, which co with under existing legal and security systems.
Professor Jose Ma. Sison, Chief Political C explained in his comment on the Act that the unleash state terror with impunity and create a need to declare martial law, and thereby intim

in the elected bodies has been exploited by India to cause clashes among the Mahdesi handling of the Mahdesi demand by the orce to control protests was denounced by the upport for the Mahdesi demand. However, the tions among the people being manipulated by e the oppressed masses in the name of ethnic ces could undo at least part of what has been e of struggle.
ry to consolidate the victories scored by the for social justice and for people’s power to be on, and to be alert against the class enemy, us in times of peace than in times of armed
Marcos Mark II
atic Front of Philippines (Southern Mindanao) yo regime of keeping alive the embers of corruption—hallmarks of the hated Marcos besieged by plummeting popular support and ion, has during the past five years resorted to ds of political dissidents and unleashed military rganised masses. Human rights organisations Forces, the National Police, paramilitary forces s for the crimes. The recent report of UN Alston on the spate of killings in the country ion vulnerable and therefore more desperate. erialists she is hurriedly acting to transform the cked dictatorship. The newly proclaimed Anti- lly called the Human Security Act of 2007 may ll and supposedly Al Qaida-linked groups like h Islamiyah, which could be adequately dealt and security systems.
ison, Chief Political Consultant for the NDFP, nt on the Act that the intent of the Act is to impunity and create a climate of fear without law, and thereby intimidate and suppress not

Page 47
only revolutionary organizations and popul opposition, dissent and independent media with
He observed that the Act provides for t organizations and individuals, indefinite detent charge of terrorism, freezing and confiscation o incrimination of so-called accomplices and intrusions of surveillance into privacy and restraints even on those released on bail, and course, the military, police and paramilitary forc anyone whom they regard or suspect as a “ter detention without charges is 72 hours, which extract a confession out of a detainee who c indefinitely on the non-bailable charge of te enough time to remove all traces of the arrest disappear permanently. This is not a farfetch prevailing conditions of continuing human rights and the stigmatization and suppression of p organizations and individuals as ‘terrorists’.
The next likely step is to ban the Co Philippines, the New Peoples’ Army and if Democratic Front of Philippines, and, of co Liberation Front. But, in fact, any party or organ be proscribed as ‘terrorist’ upon the decision o Anti-Terrorism-Council, based on intell recommendations by the military and police. Th the democratic forces that would resist the m towards a dictatorship of the kind known unde of a century ago.
Professor Sison expressed confidence that ultimate failure of the 14-year Marcos fascist regime will ultimately fall in disgrace by using terrorize the people. For a while, the draconian repression and harm to the people. But unwitti the broad masses of the people and the revol the armed revolution for national liberation, dem fiercely than ever before. Many political activist otherwise stay in the legal political struggle are join the armed revolution and seek justice for w

nizations and popular movements but all dependent media within the system.
e Act provides for the easy proscription of uals, indefinite detention on the non-bailable zing and confiscation of financial assets, easy d accomplices and accessories, unlimited e into privacy and family life, oppressive released on bail, and so on. As a matter of e and paramilitary forces can arrest and detain d or suspect as a “terrorist”. The time limit for s is 72 hours, which is more than enough to t of a detainee who could then be detained bailable charge of terrorism. There is also ll traces of the arrest and make the detainee This is not a farfetched possibility under the ontinuing human rights violations with impunity nd suppression of patriotic and progressive uals as ‘terrorists’.
p is to ban the Communist Party of the eoples’ Army and if possible the National ilippines, and, of course, the Moro Islamic act, any party or organization or individual can t’ upon the decision of a politically-controlled based on intelligence reports and military and police. The ultimate target will be at would resist the march of the Philippines the kind known under Marcos over a quarter
essed confidence that “As well-proven by the -year Marcos fascist dictatorship, the Arroyo ll in disgrace by using the Anti-Terror Act to a while, the draconian regime can do a lot of he people. But unwittingly it incites and drives people and the revolutionary forces to wage ational liberation, democracy and justice more Many political activists and people who would l political struggle are pushed by the regime to and seek justice for wrongs done to them”.

Page 48
In conclusion he said that “The CPP, confronted with the vow of the Arroyo regime revolutionary movement for national liberation render it strategically inconsequential before understandable why the Filipino people and r raising the level of their own strength and struggles for the purpose eradicating not only th entire ruling system of big compradors and land to US imperialism”.
Korea: Who Blinked?
The Western media establishment was unanim deal that was struck in Beijing on 13 February process of denuclearization of Korea, c reconciliation, ending the Korean War, and between North Korea and its two historic en United States that North Korea had yielded par China and partly as a result of the UN Security condemning North Korea for its nuclear test as sanctions. That was essential fodder to keep th faithful.
But it was Washington, which refused to talk Korea, that yielded and not North Korea whic talk. Although the Washington’s honouring t another matter, its readiness to start normali North Korea, to remove the terrorist label restrictions on doing business with it, even b nuclear disarmament, were major concessions long embargo and enabling diplomatic and eco meet North Korea’s consistent demands and unnecessary. The US also appears to have some major disputes that had been the subject
Why the US decided to take a conciliatory a member of the alleged ‘Axis of Evil’ remains a not accept the thesis that North Korea had yie the US attitude towards Iran may hold the answ

aid that “The CPP, NPA and NDFP are of the Arroyo regime to destroy the people’s for national liberation and democracy or to nconsequential before 2010. It is therefore Filipino people and revolutionary forces are ir own strength and capabilities for greater eradicating not only the Arroyo regime but the g compradors and landlords who are beholden
ked?
blishment was unanimous in its verdict that the eijing on 13 February 2007 commencing the zation of Korea, comprehensive regional he Korean War, and normalizing relations nd its two historic enemies, Japan and the Korea had yielded partly under pressure from ult of the UN Security Council Resolution 1718 for its nuclear test as well as imposing limited ntial fodder to keep the spirits high among the
which refused to talk face-to-face with North not North Korea which was always willing to hington’s honouring the agreement is quite iness to start normalisation of relations with e the terrorist label from it, and to ease iness with it, even before the completion of ere major concessions. Ending a half-century ing diplomatic and economic normalization will sistent demands and render nuclear defence lso appears to have decided not to pursue
had been the subject of bitter contention.
take a conciliatory attitude towards a prime xis of Evil’ remains a puzzle to those who do t North Korea had yielded. The hardening of ran may hold the answer to that question.

Page 49
US-India: Stephen Rademaker Spills
India voted against Iran at the Governors' Bo Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in 2005 and 2 resolution condemning Iran for not meeting it Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and the second UN Security Council. Stephen Rademaker, th Secretary for International Security and Non-Pr a meeting that he addressed in the Institute f Analyses (IDSA) on Thursday 15th February 20 India to vote against Iran on both occasions.
Rademaker’s talk was reported in detail by S much respected journalist and Associate Ed attended the talk. And Rademaker’s confessio Times of India and the Hindu but not given muc
What is interesting is that nobody in the ruling e and India seems embarrassed. On the other ha be, since the question of who is master has long
Russia-India-China: Coalition in the M
The meeting between the foreign ministers India at Hyderabad House in New Delhi on Feb announcement that ‘cooperation, rather than govern the approaches to regional and globa signal to the US that it can no longer wage wa will. It is also suspected that the discussio Afghanistan, Iran and Iraq. Despite the assertio that the “trilateral cooperation was not directed any other country and was, on the contrary international harmony and understanding”, the U an alliance between the three, even if it is on tourism.
Russia, against a background of weakeni battlefronts of Asia, in the political front in L

n Rademaker Spills the Beans
at the Governors' Board of the International IAEA) in 2005 and 2006, the first time on a ran for not meeting its obligations under the NPT) and the second time to report Iran to the ephen Rademaker, the former US Assistant l Security and Non-Proliferation, confessed at ssed in the Institute for Defence Studies and sday 15th February 2007 that the US coerced on both occasions.
ported in detail by Siddharth Varadarajan, a ist and Associate Editor of the Hindu, who ademaker’s confession was published in the ndu but not given much publicity in the West.
t nobody in the ruling establishments of the US assed. On the other hand, why should anyone who is master has long since been settled?
ina: Coalition in the Making?
the foreign ministers of Russia, China and e in New Delhi on February 14, 2007 and their operation, rather than confrontation, should to regional and global affairs’ is seen as a n no longer wage war on weaker countries at d that the discussion covered West Asia, q. Despite the assertion in the joint statement ation was not directed against the interests of was, on the contrary, intended to promote d understanding”, the US will not take kindly to three, even if it is only for promoting cultural
ckground of weakening US authority, in the he political front in Latin America and rising

Page 50
Chinese influence in Africa, is taking the initiati alliance with that will stand up to US attempts convergence of interests of Russia and China the Central Asia-centric Shanghai Cooperatio Russia and China are members, and a year observer.
Significantly, Putin has been particularly months and, in his speech on 11th Februa Conference on Security Policy, openly critici Russia has also has started to exercise its rig played by the Soviet Union in dealing with Palestine in particular.
To the section of the Indian elite that is nos defence treaties with the Soviet Union, this s India to take to become a global power than by However, the close ties that have developed b classes, irrespective of their political party labe off. Thus, as long as the US remains the m economic power, it is likely that India will use Russia, and rather grudgingly with China, to str its patron.
While the emergence of an alliance t domination and interference in the affairs of s benefits to the Third World, the class nature o dictate that such alliances only work to carv themselves. Revolution is the only salvation fo and people of the Third World.

a, is taking the initiative in the evolution of an nd up to US attempts to dominate Asia. The of Russia and China has already resulted in Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, where embers, and a year ago India joined as an
as been particularly assertive in the recent eech on 11th February at the 43rd Munich Policy, openly criticised US foreign policy. rted to exercise its right to the traditional role nion in dealing with the Middle East and
Indian elite that is nostalgic about the days of Soviet Union, this seems a better path for global power than by being a client of the US. hat have developed between the Indian ruling heir political party labels, are difficult to shake e US remains the main global military and ely that India will use its developing ties with ingly with China, to strike better bargains with
ce of an alliance to counter US military nce in the affairs of smaller countries has its rld, the class nature of the ruling classes will es only work to carve up the world among s the only salvation for the oppressed nations
orld.

Page 51
B
An LSSP Rebel Remembered
T Perera. Revolutionary Trails, Edmund Sam Profile. Social Scientists Association, Colom
Edmund Samarakkody, who split from t probably be remembered for his uncompromis the rights of the minorities of Sri Lanka. His spl roots in the opportunist proposal by NM Perer go in for a coalition with the SLFP, which foun in the Party as early as May 1960. The lack of Committee of the Party meant that the decision when some of the former opponents of the pro Leslie Gunawardane and Bernard Soysa cha opportunity knocked on the door a second t betrayal of a united workers struggle based on 2
The book provides a factual record of the h career of Edmund Samarakkody and places it of the history of the LSSP.
It was perhaps too late when Samarakko decided to openly challenge the opportunist line NM Perera had consolidated his position as t Thus, unlike in the case of the CP, where a s year led to a strong opposition to opportunism and his colleagues, despite the Ceylon Me bourgeois trade union of formidable strength, rebels, soon found themselves politically isolate
While Samarakkody’s judgment in crucial decision of the two LSSP rebels to vote for a ri Throne Speech in December 1964 and thereby SLFP-LSSP coalition government, could be

Book Review
bel Remembered
y Trails, Edmund Samarakkody: A Political s Association, Colombo 5, 2006, pp.223 +vi
dy, who split from the LSSP in 1964, will for his uncompromising stand in support of s of Sri Lanka. His split from the LSSP had its proposal by NM Perera that the LSSP should the SLFP, which found overwhelming support ay 1960. The lack of a majority in the Central eant that the decision was deferred until 1964 r opponents of the proposal Colvin R de Silva, d Bernard Soysa changed their mind when the door a second time at the cost of the rs struggle based on 21 demands.
factual record of the highlights of the political rakkody and places it against the background .
late when Samarakkody and his colleagues ge the opportunist line in 1964, by which time ated his position as the leader of the LSSP. of the CP, where a similar split in the same osition to opportunism, Edmund Samarakkody spite the Ceylon Mercantile Union, a petit f formidable strength, taking the side of the elves politically isolated.
s judgment in crucial issues, especially the rebels to vote for a rightist amendment to the ber 1964 and thereby cause the defeat of the overnment, could be criticised or even be

Page 52
condemned, people respected his political an had the honesty to openly express regret o bringing down a government which he did not a an amendment sponsored by reactionaries. Tha LSSP-R that split from the LSSP dearly so that LSSP that had its doubts about of the coalition also led to desertions from the LSSP-R.
Despite his humiliating defeat in the parliam Samarakkody remained firm and uncompro principle. Significantly, he stood by the JVP in insurrection in 1971 and provided legal and ot them, only to be let down by the JVP who found JR Jayawardane. He failed, however, to see agenda that was being developed by the JVP le opposing Indian invasion, and it took him un supporters of the Indo-Sri Lanka accord to rea for. Despite his reservations on the right determination he defended the rights of the T Importantly, he opposed Indian armed inte denounced Indian expansionist intentions.
What is lacking in the book is a valid exp LSSP, the dominant left party in the country a the CP in the South, failed and, what was wor appendage of the SLFP. Ritual denunciation protesting about the opportunism of individuals subject of his study fall far short of a good exp that the LSSP finally turned out to be. N Sanm context, drawn attention to the class origins o LSSP in particular. Thus there is a need for se the part of nostalgic historiographers of the left.
Nevertheless, the book is essential docume tribute to one of the most principled politician produced.
*****

ected his political and personal integrity. He nly express regret of his action–not that of ent which he did not approve of, but voting for d by reactionaries. That error cost him and the e LSSP dearly so that even the section of the about of the coalition turned hostile to them. It
the LSSP-R.
g defeat in the parliamentary election of 1965, firm and uncompromising in matters of stood by the JVP in its time of defeat in the provided legal and other forms of support to by the JVP who found a more useful patron in iled, however, to see through the chauvinist eveloped by the JVP leadership in the guise of , and it took him until the JVP killed leftist ri Lanka accord to realise what the JVP stood ations on the right of the Tamils to self- ed the rights of the Tamil people to the end. d Indian armed intervention in 1987, and sionist intentions.
e book is a valid explanation as to why the party in the country and much stronger than d and, what was worse, degenerated into an . Ritual denunciation of the ‘Stalinists’ and ortunism of individuals by the author and the ar short of a good explanation for the tragedy ned out to be. N Sanmugathasan has, in this to the class origins of the ‘old left’, and the there is a need for serious soul searching on riographers of the left.
k is essential documentation, and a deserving st principled politicians that the country has
-SJS- *****

Page 53
Globalised Militarism: Fresh Ques
Peter Custers. Questioning Globalised M Military Production and Critical Economic New Delhi 110 049 (paperback), 2006.
The book is the outcome of well resea production and consumption of arms as an present world capitalist order. Custers brings o study of militarism by going deeply into the militarism, touching on subject areas and topic attention of many an economist.
The opening chapter presents the globalisa context of the tendency for increased military since the late 1990s and planned full-scale war the nuclear threat which not long ago wa essentially to the two super powers, and the arms and armament systems. He takes off from the analysis of the business cycle and Marx’ tendency towards disproportionality, to locate sector in the social circuit of capital and thro international trade and the issue of unequal e novel concept of disparate exchange (me different nature of the commodities excha attention to the exchange of primary commod Third World economies and its negative impac what is exchanged for primary commodities rep argues the case for an innovative approach to through incorporating the existence of non-com
The rest of the book is in three parts, the under the theme ‘Social waste and non-com individual circuit of capital’, the second with n theme ‘The military sector and social accumula last with six chapters under the theme ‘arms e of world trade: international circuits of capital’.

ilitarism: Fresh Questions
oning Globalised Militarism: Nuclear and Critical Economic Theory, Tulika Books, erback), 2006.
tcome of well researched analysis of the ption of arms as an integral aspect of the rder. Custers brings out fresh insights to the going deeply into the economic aspects of bject areas and topics that have escaped the nomist.
presents the globalisation of militarism in the for increased military expenditure in the US planned full-scale wars, the new turn taken by ch not long ago was something confined per powers, and the growth in the export of ems. He takes off from the Marxian method for ness cycle and Marx’s notion of capitalism’s portionality, to locate the role of the military it of capital and through Marxist theories of he issue of unequal exchange to arrive at a arate exchange (meaning the qualitatively commodities exchanged), with particular e of primary commodities for arms in many nd its negative impact on development since imary commodities represent social waste. He novative approach to theorise the arms trade existence of non-commodity waste.
is in three parts, the first with eight chapters l waste and non-commodity waste and the al’, the second with nine chapters under the r and social accumulation of capital’, and the er the theme ‘arms exports and the structure al circuits of capital’.

Page 54
The book presents economic theory and style which does not compromise rigour despit accessible to the lay reader.
It would be appropriate to conclude this revi from his Foreword:
“This audacious pioneering work deserve greatest attention, even if it is not always easy one is convinced by one or the other of his arg we cannot advance in these matters without ref
“To understand the world, Custers offers o subjects propositions which, in my opinion, un advances. For the conjunction ‘”economy/histo into play fundamental concepts with regard to politics and the sense of social, and with between societies that together compose the w
*****
The People’s Leader
Kahawathha P Mahendra
I grew up on the milk of wisdom that gran’da My journey is along the path he tread– not the tiniest deviation from his footsteps. Slashing through and pruning the thinking o is the glory of his wisdom.
This theatre by me is to take that through to my successors wai If an educated one awakens who will fall pre

conomic theory and analysis in a readable promise rigour despite care to make the text er.
te to conclude this review by citing Samir Amin
eering work deserves to be read with the f it is not always easy to read. Whether or not or the other of his arguments is not the point; se matters without reflecting on this work”.
orld, Custers offers on all these fundamental ich, in my opinion, unquestionably constitute nction ‘”economy/historical materialism’ brings ncepts with regard to use-value, the role of of social, and with regard to the relations gether compose the world system”.
SJS-
*****
The People’s Leader
hawathha P Mahendran
of wisdom that gran’dad fed me
e path he tread– on from his footsteps.
pruning the thinking of the people om.
to my successors waiting to be born. akens who will fall prey to my hunger?

Page 55
In case you moan and groan and struggle to in my pockets bones that I have saved to br Some I will throw at the polls. Some others I will smear with promises, knock on the doors of the young and throw to silence the young. Listen to all my words, applaud, give me joy I will say aloud again and again of my ability to bargain so that your votes do not go waste and blissfully will I feed and fatten myself.
You who daily climb the hills with chapped feet, donate blood to quench the thirst of leeches in the scorching sun, in the rain and choke with all your sores I will trample you some more. I will charm to conceal my monstrosities I will be a minister.
In five star locations I stage my orgies my pot belly swelling up. Opposition benches are not for me– I raise my hand with the ruling side so that the wickedness that pervades my mi remains covered and concealed.
You toilers! You naïve ones! Vote for me tomorrow too for my bravery in slashing you to pieces and send me to Parliament– for I am the servant of the people
(translated from Tamil from

groan and struggle to rise, I have that I have saved to break your back.
e polls. ear with promises, f the young and throw at them
, applaud, give me joy. and again n not go waste d and fatten myself.
apped feet, ch the thirst of leeches in the rain
r sores e more. l my monstrosities
stage my orgies up. re not for me– he ruling side s that pervades my mind concealed.
ones! too hing you to pieces
ment– f the people
nslated from Tamil from Puthiya Poomi, January 2007)

Page 56
Colours T Pradeesh
Look for it Not for the colour of your skin But the colour of your mind Good isn’t it The colour of the sea is blue The sky is also blue Trees, bushes and grass Covering the earth are green All are good for the eyes The Rainbow with its seven colours Gives us light and joy Blood is red Hair is black, sometimes brown In elders grey Skins of men differ in colour White, black, brown, fair, yellow and That is nature Nature is beautiful Colours are beautiful They are for us Some foolish men Have divided themselves By colour Have fought many meaningless wa And still hate each other For they are power crazy Colours are creation of climate Followed by gene With none to blame Right and wrong Good and bad Beautiful and ugly Not by colour But from greedy men’s minds No good or bad by colour No high or low by colour
(Prade

Colours T Pradeesh
olour of your skin ur of your mind
f the sea is blue lso blue es and grass
earth are green for the eyes w with its seven colours ht and joy
, sometimes brown y n differ in colour , brown, fair, yellow and red re autiful beautiful us h men d themselves
t many meaningless wars
each other power crazy creation of climate gene
blame rong ad d ugly
r edy men’s minds bad by colour w by colour
(Pradeesh is 9 years old)

Page 57
Appeal by the Central Comm
the New Democratic Pa
On the 14th and 15th of February 2007 from the Terrorist Investigation De arrested under Emergency Reg important members of the New De from the Hill Country. They have not in Courts before a Magistrate and detained in the Boosa Detention pretext of continuing with the inquirie [For more details see NDP Diary The Party is taking steps to secur through public pressure and throug The Party appeals to comrades an socially concerned individuals and and well wishers to provide financial necessary legal action to secure the five detained comrades and to pr financial support to their families.
Bank Details for Financial Cont
S Thevarajah a/c Number 452868 Bank of Ceylon Super Market Branch Colombo 11

y the Central Committee of New Democratic Party
15 of February 2007, police officers rist Investigation Department (TID) r Emergency Regulations five bers of the New Democratic Party untry. They have not been produced e a Magistrate and continue to be Boosa Detention Camp on the uing with the inquiries.
etails see NDP Diary pp.30-31] king steps to secure their release pressure and through legal action. als to comrades and friends, the ned individuals and organisations, to provide financial support for the action to secure the release of the omrades and to provide essential t to their families.
ils for Financial Contributions:
S Thevarajah a/c Number 452868 Bank of Ceylon uper Market Branch
Colombo 11

Page 58
Announcement
New Democracy publishes articles of s political importance to the people of Sr struggle for emancipation from imperiali freedom from oppression of all kinds b ruling classes.
Articles on local and international matte outlook or with a progressive conten publication. Articles should preferably be in Sinhala or Tamil will be considered translation.
Readers are encouraged to write their journal and its contents. Where the comm interest, the letter or relevant sections wi the journal.
Readers are also encouraged to draw articles of value to our readers so t reproduced in New Democracy in full or with the consent of the author/publisher.
Only a limited number of copies of the jou and back numbers may be obtained from
47, 3rd Floor CCSM Complex Colombo 11, Sri Lanka
New Democracy could also be accesse
www.ndpsl.org

Announcement
ublishes articles of social, cultural and to the people of Sri Lanka and their ipation from imperialist domination and ression of all kinds by the reactionary
nd international matters, with a Marxist progressive content are invited for should preferably be in English. Articles il will be considered for publication in
raged to write their comments on the nts. Where the comments are of general r relevant sections will be reproduced in
encouraged to draw our attention to to our readers so that they may be Democracy in full or in abridged form the author/publisher.
ber of copies of the journal are published may be obtained from the publisher at
47, 3rd Floor CCSM Complex olombo 11, Sri Lanka
could also be accessed by internet at
www.ndpsl.org

Page 59
All my life, been livin’ hand to mouth Hand to mouth.
Listen, Revolution, We’re buddies, see – Together, We can take everything: Factories, arsenals, houses, ships, Railroads, forests, fields, orchards, Bus lines, telegraphs, radios, (Jesus! Raise hell with radios!) Steel mills, coal mines, oil wells, gas, All the tools \of production. (Great day in the morning!) Everything – And turn’em over to the people who wo Rule and run’em for us people who wor
Boy! Them radios! Broadcasting that very first morning to U Another member of the International So Greetings to the Socialist Soviet Repub Hey you rising workers everywhere gre And we’ll sign it: Germany Sign it: China Sign it: Africa Sign it: Italy Sign it: America Sign it with my one name: Worker On that day when no one will be hungry Anywhere in the world again.
That’s our job!
I been starvin’ too long Ain’t you?
Let’s go, Revolution!

(continued from inside front cover) livin’ hand to mouth
n, ee –
rything: als, houses, ships, ts, fields, orchards, aphs, radios,
ll with radios!) mines, oil wells, gas, roduction. e morning!)
r to the people who work. for us people who work.
s! t very first morning to USSR: r of the International Soviet’s done come
Socialist Soviet Republics
orkers everywhere greetings – Germany
ne name: Worker n no one will be hungry, cold oppressed, world again.
o long
tion!
(written circa 1931-40)

Page 60
The Ballads of Lenin by Langston Hughes (1902-6
Comrade Lenin of Russia High in a marble tomb, Move over, comrade Lenin, And give me room.
I am Ivan, the peasant, Boots all muddy with soil, I fought with you, Comrade Lenin. Now I have finished my toil.
Comrade Lenin of Russia Alive in a marble tomb, Move over, comrade Lenin, And give me room.
I am Chico, the Negro, Cutting cane in the sun. I lived for you, Comrade Lenin. Now my work is done
Comrade Lenin of Russia Honored in a marble tomb, Move over, comrade Lenin, And leave me room.
I am Chang from the foundries On strike on the streets of Shangh For the sake of the Revolution I fight, I starve, I die.
Comrade Lenin of Russia Speaks from the marble tomb, ON GUARD WITH THE WORKER 

Page 61
________
THE WORLD IS OUR ROOM!
Published by E Thambiah of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM C Phone: 011 2435117; Fax: 011 2473757; E-mail: newdem
Website: www.ndpsl.org Printed at the Gowri Printers, Colom

The Ballads of Lenin by gston Hughes (1902-67)
enin of Russia arble tomb, comrade Lenin, e room.
he peasant, uddy with soil,
you, Comrade Lenin. finished my toil.
enin of Russia
arble tomb, comrade Lenin, e room.
the Negro, e in the sun.
u, Comrade Lenin. rk is done
enin of Russia a marble tomb, comrade Lenin,
e room.
from the foundries
the streets of Shanghai. e of the Revolution rve, I die.
enin of Russia
the marble tomb, WITH THE WORKERS FOREVER D 

Page 62
______
IS OUR ROOM!
iah of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM Complex, Colombo 11 11 2473757; E-mail: newdemocraticparty@hotmail.com
Website: www.ndpsl.org at the Gowri Printers, Colombo 13