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June2007
Parliament & Class Politic
Salvation by Opting Out?
State & Secularism
Ima Liberation & Killings
PPooeettrryy::
David Di Ashraf Sihabdeen, C
Editorial ? NDP Diary ? Sri Lankan Events ? Intern

e2007
rliament & Class Politics SK Senthivel lvation by Opting Out?
E Thambiah ate & Secularism
Imayavaramban beration & Killings
Mohan eettrryy::
David Diop, Nuhman, Ashraf Sihabdeen, Chandralekha
ri Lankan Events ? International ? Book Reviews

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They’ll Come for the Vot
Chandralekha Kingsley
They’ll come for the votes –grinning they’l Pompously dressed in jackets having made many an excuse to secure th they’ll come for the votes –grinning they’ll
The siblings of those that shamelessly bec and a few more have gone home –never sighted near the village. But with a song a they’ll come for the votes –grinning they’ll
Neither Kandan knows nor Kadamban und any story or any sorrow of the people. Plans for the locals they have none. Like the chameleon they are, the pair that
She who came to speak the truth they drive her away from the village. They who callously uttered lies and distort hoaxes of all kind, and unintended pledge they who set up unions and raked in the s where have they gone? –These men of m who dared not oppose the state have yet to show their face in the village – they’ll come for the votes –grinning they’ll
“Should one wait six years for a cabinet po that’s from the younger one. Had he self-respect, would his elder broth have fallen for Mahinda Chinthanaya? Merrily they clown, merrily the pair of them Do they not know that they are dancing in
The starvation of the folk of Kingsbury line the helplessness of Vazhamala and Vadap the soldier chasing Ammaci of Aricithottam the starvation to death of Meenatchi of Mid the brothers never understand. Washed and polished, the two kings of mi when will you come? When will you come to hold forth and fetch votes?
(translated from Tami

y’ll Come for the Votes
handralekha Kingsley
e votes –grinning they’ll come for the votes. d in jackets
an excuse to secure their posts votes –grinning they’ll come for the votes.
se that shamelessly became ministers ve gone home –never llage. But with a song and dance
votes –grinning they’ll come for the votes.
ows nor Kadamban understands
rrow of the people. they have none. n they are, the pair that we have.
speak the truth y from the village.
uttered lies and distortions, and unintended pledges; ions and raked in the subscriptions one? –These men of might ose the state heir face in the village –but
votes –grinning they’ll come for the votes.
ix years for a cabinet post? ....” nger one. t, would his elder brother inda Chinthanaya? merrily the pair of them hat they are dancing in the buff?
e folk of Kingsbury lines f Vazhamala and Vadapazhani
Ammaci of Aricithottam ath of Meenatchi of Middleton understand. ed, the two kings of mischief e? When will you come
tch votes?
(translated from Tamil, Puthiya Poomi, January 2007)

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From the Edito
There is no doubt that the country is rus disaster. What was an unsuccessful peace needed ceasefire has been effectively destroye which the Ceasefire Agreement was written rem
In several ways the ongoing undeclared war when one considers the number of people kill sniper fire, bombing, shelling, landmines and others; the number seriously injured and cripp people who have been displaced by the conflic than for conventional war, except during certain have seen hundreds dead in a matter of days.
To add to the woes of the Tamils, extortion, disappearing which were common events in t have become familiar events in Colombo. It is killings and kidnappings take place in broad day the police seem to be able to solve even one c who could not be released by paying a private continued to be anybody’s guess.
Since around May, kidnappers targeted a few businessmen, and that caused considerable s country is drifting towards. Even before the co the media, the police evicted hundreds of temporary residences in lodges in Colombo an from Colombo.
Threats against the media went up one notc government threatening the editor of a lead reputation for some degree of balance in its chauvinistic sloganeering. Threats against the while the owner of the Maubima and Indepe

From the Editor’s Desk
at the country is rushing headlong towards unsuccessful peace negotiation but a badly en effectively destroyed with only the paper on ement was written remaining in tact.
going undeclared war is worse than war itself number of people killed in direct combat, by lling, landmines and Claymore mines among usly injured and crippled and the number of isplaced by the conflict the figures are no less r, except during certain military operations that d in a matter of days.
the Tamils, extortion, kidnapping, murder and common events in the North and the East ents in Colombo. It is incredible how daringly ake place in broad daylight and how incapable le to solve even one crime. The plight of those d by paying a privately arranged ransom has s guess.
nappers targeted a few Sinhalese and Muslim aused considerable shock and fear that the s. Even before the controversy heated up in evicted hundreds of occupants from their lodges in Colombo and expelled two hundred
edia went up one notch with a senior figure in the editor of a leading newspaper with a ree of balance in its news and being free of . Threats against the Tamil media continued Maubima and Independent newspapers that

Page 4
were forced to close down some months ago w of funding the LTTE.
Some of the actions of the government hav discredit to it. But the war machine shows no despite the cost of the war to the country, th crisis and the burden on the people who suffer resulting from the war as well as hardships a activities by the increasing number of security m
Interestingly the ‘International Community’ never acts, on matters that affect the broad misery suffered by the vast numbers of people The plight of the oppressed Minority nationali concern. Interestingly the killing of NGO activ indirectly for INGOs attracts strong criticism, a hundreds by the war machine rarely makes one
Plans for ethnic cleansing in the Trincomalee up a High Security Zone (HSZ) in Muthur-Ea concern. Indian expansionism sees in the HSZ firm foothold in that part of the island with a harbour.
Recent moves by Germany, then the US curtail aid to Sri Lanka are signals of disap distanced itself from this approach. What the ‘I does not like is embarrassing conduct by a clie for the oppressed nationalities to be misle disapproval.
A change of government or a change of styl the oppression so that the programme of im implemented smoothly is all what they desire.
*****

n some months ago was arrested on charges
f the government have misfired and brought ar machine shows no sign of slowing down, ar to the country, the intensifying economic the people who suffer the rise in cost of living s well as hardships added to their everyday g number of security measures.
national Community’ seldom comments, and that affect the broad masses of people and st numbers of people displaced by the conflict. sed Minority nationalities is the least of their e killing of NGO activists working directly or cts strong criticism, although the slaughter of hine rarely makes one blink.
ing in the Trincomalee District through setting e (HSZ) in Muthur-East–Sampur is not their nism sees in the HSZ its opportunity to get a t of the island with a strategically important
rmany, then the US and the UK to stop or are signals of disapproval, but Japan has approach. What the ‘International Community’ sing conduct by a client state. It will be foolish onalities to be misled by such signals of
nt or a change of style of work in carrying out the programme of imperialist globalisation is
all what they desire. *****

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The Parliamentary System the Politics of Class Domin
SK Senthivel General secretary, New Democratic
Sri Lanka seems to be perched on the top of a in a state of simmer signalling a shift towards North-East and beyond, blood and tears flow displacements are at a peak level. Violation denial of democracy occur at a pace that they h responses. Economic deterioration and crises day. The rise in prices of goods and service ch in cost of living an unbearable burden. The co severe that ninety percent of the population c peasants, and other working people in the g sectors are facing a variety of crises.
The main question facing the country conce above problems that concern the political and country. In this situation, every socially and pol needs continues to be deeply concerned abou the entire people, the problems faced by th future of the country.
There is a need for alternative political thin particular conditions of Sri Lanka, policies t practice that could carry forward those policie required in each of the spheres of politics, econ culture.
In this context, it is important to possess a h analysis of the developments in the political sp an outlook should be able to recognise the link the economic, social and cultural spheres have we need to identify the reasons for each o experienced as adverse results, serious crises

arliamentary System and litics of Class Domination
SK Senthivel l secretary, New Democratic Party
erched on the top of a volcano. The country is alling a shift towards total war. Already in the blood and tears flow like rivers. Deaths and peak level. Violations of human rights and r at a pace that they have attracted worldwide terioration and crises are worsening by the goods and service charges has made the rise arable burden. The consequent situation is so nt of the population comprising the workers, rking people in the government and private ty of crises.
ing the country concerns the solutions for the cern the political and economic affairs of the every socially and politically conscious person eeply concerned about the living conditions of roblems faced by the nationalities, and the
lternative political thinking appropriate to the Sri Lanka, policies that derive from it and forward those policies. Such new thinking is pheres of politics, economy, social affairs, and
portant to possess a historical perspective and ents in the political sphere of Sri Lanka. Such le to recognise the links and relationships that cultural spheres have with the political, since reasons for each of the problems that is results, serious crises and bloody tragedies. A

Page 6
historical outlook based on scientific social a precondition for that. There can be no doubt th Marxist world outlook.
To a few intellectuals, it is fashionable to c and politics of class struggle based on a Marx outdated. In particular, we see some who Marxists to secure prominence in the spheres culture now claiming to be postmodernists an anti-Marxist propaganda.
However, approaching historical developm aspects of politics, economics, social affairs, a perspective is necessarily based on scientific s an undeniable reality that the national con oppression have developed to occupy a place can deny that class contradiction and class basis and the driving force in social dynamics.
Thus, whether one were to review the deve history of Sri Lanka or to examine the current p possible to exclude the consideration of class have continued to exist among the Sinhala, Country Tamil nationalities. Hierarchical differe un-propertied classes, exploiting and exploited ruled classes have continued to exist. Such c easily got rid of. When talking about this matter said “In class society everyone lives as a memb kind of thinking, without exception, is stampe class”.
The politics of family domination
A recently published article about the fam power outlined the family politics that has contin the SLFP and the political culture adhered to article failed to touch on the class political stand for the leadership of these two parties to ca politics as the politics of their respective famil mention of the upper caste elitist status of the the political leadership. Also there was no men Buddhism. Nevertheless, class, ethnicity, caste

on scientific social analysis is an essential re can be no doubt that it will be based on a
, it is fashionable to claim that class outlook ggle based on a Marxist view of the world are we see some who at one time posed as inence in the spheres of social science and be postmodernists and carrying out blatantly
g historical development and the various omics, social affairs, and culture from a class y based on scientific social analysis. While it is hat the national contradiction and national ed to occupy a place of prominence, no one ntradiction and class oppression remain the e in social dynamics.
ere to review the development of the political examine the current political situation, it is not consideration of class. Class considerations among the Sinhala, Tamil, Muslim and Hill es. Hierarchical differences of propertied and ploiting and exploited classes, and ruling and inued to exist. Such class identity cannot be lking about this matter, Comrade Mao Zedong ryone lives as a member of a class, and every exception, is stamped with the brand of a
mination article about the families that have been in politics that has continued within the UNP and al culture adhered to by them. However, the the class political stand that provided the basis se two parties to carry forward Sri Lankan their respective families. Also, there was no te elitist status of the families that comprised lso there was no mention of the dominance of , class, ethnicity, caste and religion have been

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dominating the politics of the colonial era parliamentary political leadership that succeede
Pompous utterances are made about demo elections and the possibility of anyone to be ele is an unwritten rule in Sri Lankan politics that, fo the bourgeois parliamentary democratic govern ‘high’ position in class, nationality, race and political history, it was only once, and for just th outside the Govigama upper caste, R Prema caste, held the post of Executive President. H the upper class, upper caste Sinhala elite foun period of rule by Premadasa, who had mass ap a considerable record of service to the people. excluded, one would see that in Sri Lankan poli ruling classes was always connected with feu class, nationality, race and religion.
Sri Lanka had four-and-a-half centuries of c lasted one and-a-half centuries. Various forms in an environment of tightening colonial grip. T serf relationship got established as an extensi since the colonialists could not bring about m society and feudal relations here. While they c the central highlands to set up plantations for th rubber, they did not go beyond that to bring a feudal property relations, since they needed the allies and for their administrative services.
Thus the feudal classes secured administr local officials who dominated over the people. T an extension of feudalism. These classes we ownership of property and its continuance as w themselves. They belonged to the Govigama Sinhalese, and a section of this class became C their dominant class status. The fact that the na the leading political families like the Senana Jayawardanes, Wickramasinghes and Rajapa origin is an indication of their class cum religiou
Thus it can be seen that the politically lead ruling class forces are descendents of feudal

of the colonial era as well as that of the dership that succeeded colonial rule.
re made about democracy, people’s era, free lity of anyone to be elected to parliament. But it Lankan politics that, for one to reach the top in ary democratic government, one has to hold a nationality, race and religion. In Sri Lankan ly once, and for just three years, that a person pper caste, R Premadasa, said to be a low xecutive President. History also showed that aste Sinhala elite found it hard to stomach the asa, who had mass appeal, political ability and service to the people. If this one instance were that in Sri Lankan politics the leadership of the s connected with feudal values in relation to d religion.
d-a-half centuries of colonial rule. British rule turies. Various forms of slavery were nurtured tening colonial grip. The ideology of landlord- blished as an extension from the feudal era, uld not bring about major changes in feudal ns here. While they confiscated land in the in et up plantations for the production of tea and beyond that to bring about major changes in since they needed the feudal classes as their strative services.
ses secured administrative posts to become
ted over the people. This needs to be seen as m. These classes were able to preserve the d its continuance as well as to further advance ed to the Govigama upper caste among the of this class became Christians to consolidate s. The fact that the names of the ancestors of ilies like the Senanayakes, Bandaranaikes, asinghes and Rajapakshas are of European heir class cum religious backgrounds.
hat the politically leading families forming the escendents of feudal families that served the

Page 8
colonial rulers. Amid their capitalist attitude su they are fully immersed in their feudal ideology they were Kandyan Sinhalese or Low Country S freed themselves of the ‘walauwwa’ (manorial) class, upper-caste elite. From among non- especially the Durawa, Karawa and Salagama, arose families with links to the colonial masters that ventured into trade to develop into an inf Despite their wealth, the elite of the majority them to be of lower birth and took advantage o them out of political leadership. It is from the capitalist development emerged among the Si comprador capitalism, national capitalism and b This development by and large accommo thinking and practice.
Such a situation was a hindrance to the de The parliamentary democracy and the electo façades of bourgeois democracy by means of practices could not be carried forward. Instead afore-mentioned upper caste, upper class rulin respective dominant positions within parliament
The bourgeois parliamentary system was Soulbury Constitution of 1947. The colonialists rule to the families of the upper caste, upper dominated politics, through the general electio parliament. Members of these elite metamorp Buddhism to make the independence of 1948 th
The class nature of leadership
Even before parliamentary government w Sinhala Buddhist elite ruling class in power, the Tamil upper caste, upper class elite of feudal d appointed educated and propertied Tamils to th introduced by them in the 19th century, and gr titles including knighthoods. In the capital city referred to as the representatives of the Tamils the leaders of the Tamils. The Tamil elite colonialist conspiracy of divide-and-rule by se

ir capitalist attitude subservient to imperialism, n their feudal ideology. Irrespective of whether lese or Low Country Sinhalese, they have not ‘walauwwa’ (manorial) mentality of the upper- . From among non-Govigama castes too, arawa and Salagama, settled along the coast, to the colonial masters since pre-British times to develop into an influential capitalist class. e elite of the majority Govigama considered and took advantage of caste rivalries to keep ership. It is from the above elite families that merged among the Sinhalese to develop into tional capitalism and big bourgeois capitalism. and large accommodated feudal ideology,
a hindrance to the democratisation of society. cracy and the electoral systems were mere ocracy by means of which broad democratic rried forward. Instead the descendents of the aste, upper class ruling elite consolidated their tions within parliamentary democracy.
mentary system was introduced through the 947. The colonialists transferred the power to e upper caste, upper class Sinhala elite who gh the general election of 1947 for the first these elite metamorphosed into guardians of dependence of 1948 their monopoly.
ership ntary government was introduced with this ing class in power, they had solidarity with the class elite of feudal descent. The colonialists propertied Tamils to the administrative system e 19th century, and granted them a variety of ds. In the capital city of Colombo, they were ntatives of the Tamils and in the Tamil regions ils. The Tamil elite played along with the divide-and-rule by serving the colonialists as

Page 9
their trusted loyal servants as well as reinfo upper class positions. The history of the Tamils group occupying a central place.
When the bourgeois parliamentary system w relationship between the Tamil elite and the classes was an alliance of feudal upper caste Saiva Vellala elite became ministers and sen solidarity between the Sinhala and Tamil upper subsequently a Saivaite-Christian Tamil leaders be noted that the elite class solidarity has been under the prevailing conditions of chauvinistic w
The bourgeois parliamentary rule has bee years since its introduction under the Soulbury under the constitutions of 1972 and 1978 as d by the Sri Lankan ruling classes. But in their es they have not transcended the constitutional British imperialism. This is because the Sinhala designed the constitutions to serve their own satisfy the wishes of the imperialists, and not in majority comprising the Sinhalese, Tamils, Mu Tamils as well as other national minorities or w equality and a sense of confidence among the n minorities. Sixty years of bourgeois parliamenta there has been no constitution based on genui that addresses the fundamental needs and aspi
Sri Lanka is territorially a small countr resources including water and land that can off and development. In this country with a occupation, it should be possible to achieve However, the families of the upper caste, upp descendents of feudal classes have made utilities their property. Ordinary peasants li landless peasants or as lease holders. The la legislation in the 1970s did not bring much ben ceiling on land was placed at 50 acres. But t able to contrive methods by which the most fer continued to remain in their hands. When JR power in1977, the land ceiling was raised to 1

nts as well as reinforced their upper caste, e history of the Tamils is written with this elite l place.
arliamentary system was set up in 1947, the Tamil elite and the Sinhala Buddhist ruling of feudal upper caste forces. Members of the me ministers and senior administrators. The hala and Tamil upper classes held even when Christian Tamil leadership took over. It should ss solidarity has been able to withstand even itions of chauvinistic war of oppression.
entary rule has been in existence for sixty n under the Soulbury Constitution of 1947 and f 1972 and 1978 as drafted and implemented lasses. But in their essence and fundamentals ed the constitutional boundaries set out by is because the Sinhala Buddhist ruling classes ns to serve their own class interests and to imperialists, and not in the interests of the vast Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims, and Hill Country national minorities or with the aim of ensuring onfidence among the nationalities and national bourgeois parliamentary rule have shown that itution based on genuine democratic principles mental needs and aspirations of the people.
ially a small country. It nevertheless has r and land that can offer its people a good life this country with agriculture as its main possible to achieve self sufficiency in food. the upper caste, upper class comprising the classes have made fertile lands and water Ordinary peasants lived on their lands as lease holders. The land ceiling introduced by id not bring much benefit to the landless. The ed at 50 acres. But the feudal families were by which the most fertile and productive lands heir hands. When JR Jayawardane came to ceiling was raised to 100 acres to protect the

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landowners as well as to enable them to reclaim had lost. This illustrates the nature of the domin Sinhala elite exercised over land.
Meanwhile, state-owned lands in far away fo and water resources were allocated to landless were settled as cultivators in these lands development. Thus in the pretext of distributin planned colonisation schemes were set up in the Tamils and Muslims in the North and the motives, thereby killing two birds with one stone in here is the matter of class distinction be Sinhala Buddhist elite of feudal descent and th of Sinhala working masses. Such fundamenta among the Tamil, Muslim and Hill Country Tami
Thus, among the basic components of fam are class, incorporating private property and ex upper caste family status derived from feudalism Asia. Such features can be recognised in the ec SAARC countries, India in particular.
Family dominance or class dominance?
The ascent to power of Sirima Bandaranay woman prime minister was not as a conseque or experience. Equally, the election of he Kumaratunga as executive president in 1994 w the pro-people policies and pledges. One canno was basic to both mother and daughter was t caste dominant class background. In the same DS Senanayake as prime minister by his son D followed by Sir John Kotelawala had similar rea ascent of JR Jayawardane to power and for R become leader of the UNP and to gain political of power for R Premadasa separating the two similar basis. It should also be understood th Wickramasinghe amid today’s internal crisis o Senanayake, another political family successor him have little to do with pristine deeds based o

enable them to reclaim the lands that they had he nature of the domination that the propertied er land.
ed lands in far away forest areas with poor soil e allocated to landless Sinhalese. Poor people tors in these lands with little infrastructural e pretext of distributing land to the landless, emes were set up in traditional homelands of in the North and the East, with chauvinistic o birds with one stone. What should be noted f class distinction between the upper class feudal descent and the overwhelming majority es. Such fundamental class distinctions exist and Hill Country Tamil minority nationalities.
ic components of family dominance in politics rivate property and exploitation of labour, and derived from feudalism characteristic of South e recognised in the echelons of state power in n particular.
ass dominance? of Sirima Bandaranayake as the world’s first as not as a consequence of her political work , the election of her daughter Chandrika ve president in 1994 was not only because of nd pledges. One cannot easily forget that what r and daughter was their upper class, upper kground. In the same way, the succession of minister by his son Dudley Senanayake to be elawala had similar reasons as the basis. The ne to power and for Ranil Wickramasinghe to P and to gain political power, with a short spell a separating the two periods, was again on a lso be understood that the survival of Ranil day’s internal crisis of the UNP and Rukman litical family successor, standing together with pristine deeds based on democratic values.

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The role of the Buddhist Sangha establishm in taking to the villages the dominance and pow elitist families. Thus it is inevitable that the dom not only accept the blessings of the leaders of t likes and dislikes.
Much is spoken about the arrival of technolo of aspects of capitalism in the country. I globalisation is being welcomed by the lead classes and by all governments. But feudal practices continue to survive and dominate th rural population. As much as these are arroga dominate among the ruling classes, there a practices among the people. It is undeniable th prevail to varying degrees among the Tamil, M Tamil nationalities as well. It has been well parties in all elections from those for the par down to local authority.
Resisting ruling elite dominance
Those who resisted this state of affairs to a c those who were leftists at the time. But they cou left ideological policies beyond a certain perio that was their class origin. The leftist leaders w families got themselves into the mire of opportunism in the 1960s to alienate themselve and other toiling masses, go behind the ruling degrade themselves to the state of forfeiting ev see that they reduced themselves to mere yes Kumaratunga government then and the government now.
What lessons do all these teach us? It healthy political debates on these matters. It class politics of the working people can be adv to the politics of the ruling classes. It is only progress along the path to resolve the whole r by the country, the people and the nationalities.
*****

ist Sangha establishments has been important he dominance and power of these class-caste inevitable that the dominant ruling families do ings of the leaders of the Sangha but also their
the arrival of technology and the development m in the country. In particular, imperialist elcomed by the leadership of all the ruling ernments. But feudal ideology, thinking and rvive and dominate this country with a large h as these are arrogance and a tendency to ling classes, there are slavish thinking and ple. It is undeniable that these characteristics s among the Tamil, Muslim and Hill Country ell. It has been well exploited by the ruling om those for the parliament and presidency
minance is state of affairs to a considerable extent were t the time. But they could not persevere in their eyond a certain period. The main reason for . The leftist leaders who came from well to do s into the mire of parliamentary political to alienate themselves from the working class , go behind the ruling class forces and finally e state of forfeiting even their identity. We can emselves to mere yes-men for the Chandrika nt then and the Mahinda Chinthanaya
these teach us? It is important to develop on these matters. It is only through that the ing people can be advanced as an alternative ng classes. It is only such politics that could to resolve the whole range of problems faced
and the nationalities.
*****

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Will Leaving the Plantatio
Lead to Salvation?
E Thambiah National Organiser, New Democrati
The plight of the plantation worker today
Many dislike to be told, even with substanti Country Tamil community remains backward community has advanced since there are te government officials, lawyers, doctors, lecture community and that the community is therefor they mean is that, except in the plantation sec community is advanced.
There are others who question whether should continue to be plantation workers and should remain in the plantations. They think tha advance because a majority of the community reason being that the wages are very low for t standard of living is at rock bottom. Their q frustration that being plantation workers br conclude that, since it is not possible for them of living or secure higher wages, the best thin field.
Will it be possible for all the workers involv leave it and join the service sector or other wh possible for the entire plantation worker popula Tamils to be dependent on the few in other form
Production is the basis of economics. It is p indirectly sustains the service sector and other white collar employment. Production of good from human life; and it is fantasy to suggest people could be involved in non-production sect

Leaving the Plantations Lead to Salvation?
E Thambiah l Organiser, New Democratic Party
tion worker today
d, even with substantial evidence, that the Hill ity remains backward. They claim that the d since there are teachers, traders, senior yers, doctors, lecturers and engineers in the community is therefore now advanced. What t in the plantation sector, in other sectors the
o question whether the plantation workers lantation workers and their descendents too tations. They think that the community cannot rity of the community is in the plantations; the ges are very low for the plantations and their rock bottom. Their question arises out the lantation workers brings no benefit. They not possible for them to elevate their standard r wages, the best thing to do is to leave that
all the workers involved in physical labour to ice sector or other white collar jobs? Will it be ntation worker population and the Hill Country n the few in other forms of employment?
s of economics. It is production that directly or rvice sector and other forms of work including t. Production of goods cannot be separated is fantasy to suggest that a vast majority of in non-production sectors.

Page 13
Workers in the plantation sector and the sufficiently advanced in intellectual pursuits for them to be find employment in sectors that labour. Such a growth cannot be expected t could the hill country plantation worker commun basic living requirements and a minimum basi years escape from employment based on wage
Although the daily wage is slightly highe sectors, the workers there will be casual la exploitation without any employment protection work as gardeners, domestic helps and shop state of advancement.
Leaving the plantations for employment will forfeiting one’s permanent residence in the e nomadic life on the streets away from the regio far. The plantation workers do not have the me land or dwelling for life outside the plantation right to the ’line rooms’ and their surroundings far. It should be realised that their right to res employment in the estate.
From British rule to rule by the Sri Lankan ru
The work skills of the plantation workers w plantations set up two hundred years ago in British colonialists have not been developed political administration of the country has been Lankan capitalist class, direct and indirect d capital still persists in the plantations.
The plantations were taken over by the state plantations could not stand up to the gri international trade and since state ownership be transformed into common ownership, the go properly administer the plantations.
Since the Sri Lankan ruling class, besid plantation workers with the national mainstre chauvinistic oppression, the plantation economy

ation sector and their descendents are not ntellectual pursuits for even a small number of ment in sectors that do not require physical cannot be expected to occur suddenly. How tation worker community that has been denied and a minimum basic wage for two hundred yment based on wage labour?
age is slightly higher in other employment ere will be casual labour subject to severe employment protection. They are likely to find estic helps and shop assistants. This is not a
s for employment will, in the long run, mean nt residence in the estate. It could mean a ts away from the region where one lived thus rs do not have the means or wages to procure outside the plantation. Nor do they have the nd their surroundings in which they resided so that their right to residence is by virtue their .
by the Sri Lankan ruling class
plantation workers who were brought to the undred years ago in the mid 1800s by the not been developed substantially. Although the country has been handed over to the Sri direct and indirect domination by colonialist plantations.
taken over by the state in the 1970s. Since the stand up to the grip of imperialism over ince state ownership under capitalism cannot on ownership, the government was unable to lantations.
n ruling class, besides failing to unite the the national mainstream, subjected them to he plantation economy faced serious crises.

Page 14
In the 1980s, the World Bank and the IMF, applied pressure on the government to hand ba private sector. Accordingly in 1991, twenty-two on lease to private companies. These compan management of the plantations in the h companies.
Unlike when the plantations were in the han the years commencing the 1970s were ma programme designed to subject the plantati ethnic oppression. Plantation workers fled the chauvinistic colonisation activities as well as c and oppression. A large number of plantation India between 1970 and 1983, under the Sirim 1964.
As a result of continuing chauvinist atta plantation workers continue to leave the estate Ratnapura, Kalutura and Galle Districts.
Globalisation and privatisation
Ever since the handing over of plantations 1991, the companies have shown sustained re wages of plantation workers. As a result, continue to struggle to survive for want of a d there are no new registrations as plantation wo a fair wage and new employment opportunitie question as to whether they should continue in t
Since the 1990s, imperialist globalisation market. That is, the situation in which one cou another in the period of colonial domination ga which the capital of one country exercised dom that has now changed to one in which capita exercise dominance over several countries companies. The World Bank, the IMF a Organisation become principal instruments o and international economy and commerce h imperialist agenda through modern informat dominance and supervision by the World Bank

ld Bank and the IMF, in the name of reforms, overnment to hand back the plantations to the ly in 1991, twenty-two plantations were given panies. These companies, in turn, placed the lantations in the hands of management
ations were in the hands of British companies, the 1970s were marked by a chauvinistic subject the plantation workers to planned ation workers fled the estates as a result of activities as well as chauvinistic harassment number of plantation workers were sent to 1983, under the Sirima-Shastri Agreement of
nuing chauvinist attacks in the plantations, ue to leave the estates, especially in Kegalle, Galle Districts.
tisation
g over of plantations to private companies in e shown sustained reluctance to increase the rkers. As a result, the plantation workers urvive for want of a decent living wage; and tions as plantation workers. With the denial of ployment opportunities, the workers face the ey should continue in the plantation sector.
perialist globalisation dominates the world ation in which one country directly dominated colonial domination gave way to a situation in country exercised dominance in another; and one in which capital from various countries er several countries through multinational Bank, the IMF and the World Trade incipal instruments of imperialist domination my and commerce have been linked to the ugh modern information technology. Global ion by the World Bank, the IMF and the World

Page 15
Trade Organisation to carry forward the global d come into practice in the name of globalisation. the global economy according to the neo-libe organisations was facilitated through information
This globalisation dominated by internation control plantation capital and business. Intern the plantations has risen and the share of plantation companies has also increased alon international trade.
Rather than continue the plantations globalisation seeks to fragment large plantation and transform it into micro-economies. Expulsi from the estates is a prerequisite for it.
National and class oppression of plantation
Chauvinism has as its aim the destruction o of the plantation workers in the central highla Tamil national identity. The departure of plan estates will only help the chauvinist agenda.
The plantation industry remains the econ workers and the plantations remain their res healthy for them to leave them. Under such co to whether the plantation workers could or shou for reasons of low wage and poor employmen important.
Plantation workers cannot improve their e living by leaving the plantations. The gl globalisation of labour have not advanced suff Also leaving the plantations in that manner abode or social security.
It is not the destiny of plantation workers to c sector. But that does not mean that they sho sector to suit the needs of capital and the Besides, conditions do not exist that allow the c sector where they could be advanced workers.

rry forward the global dominance of capital has name of globalisation. That is, the operation of ording to the neo-liberal policies of the three ted through information networking.
minated by international capital has come to l and business. International capitalisation of n and the share of multinational capital in s also increased alongside market rivalry in
e the plantations as a macro-economy, gment large plantations and plantation workers ro-economies. Expulsion of plantation workers equisite for it.
ression of plantation workers
aim the destruction of the population density in the central highlands with a Hill Country he departure of plantation workers from the chauvinist agenda.
try remains the economy of the plantation ions remain their residential areas. It is not them. Under such conditions, the question as workers could or should leave the plantations and poor employment opportunities becomes
nnot improve their earnings or standard of plantations. The global environment and ve not advanced sufficiently for that purpose. ions in that manner will not ensure right of
plantation workers to continue in the plantation t mean that they should leave the plantation s of capital and the desires of chauvinism. t exist that allow the choice of an employment e advanced workers.

Page 16
Hence it is necessary for the plantations t secure a fair wage, employment opportunities, a plantation sector itself. It is through that they c livelihood of the vast number of plantation wo position to leave the plantation sector as we requirements to fulfil the national aspirations of
Political and trade union leadership
Politics and trade union policies, polit organisations, leadership, practice, programm should be accordance with the above stated pu
For this, the contribution of popular activist educated among Hill Country Tamils is essentia so desire, could act independently. Working acting in opposition to oppression and p environment should be such that they independence in that manner. The educated should work with dedication in the plantatio belong to create a climate in which the planta could live in freedom. The current climate is plantation workers but also their dependents being compelled to leave the plantation areas. T educated.
The role and dedication of educated Hill Cou
The toil, dedication and struggles of the pla source of the evolution and development, educated Hill Country Tamils. In the struggles d teacher appointments in particular, for the ed plantation workers who had been the main figh of the educated relies on the survival of the pla the educated should play an important role in d the plantation workers. The educated are t plantation workers.
There is a general criticism that, during plantation workers during November-Decemb

y for the plantations to struggle politically to oyment opportunities, and social security in the is through that they can establish the light to mber of plantation workers who are not in a ntation sector as well as achieve the basic national aspirations of the Hill Country Tamils.
n leadership
union policies, political and trade union p, practice, programmes and style of work th the above stated purpose.
ion of popular activists, especially that of the ntry Tamils is essential. The educated, if they dependently. Working independently means o oppression and pressures. Their living e such that they could establish their anner. The educated from the Hill Country ation in the plantation sector to which they te in which the plantation workers there also he current climate is one in which not only lso their dependents and the educated are the plantation areas. This is not secure for the
of educated Hill Country Tamils
d struggles of the plantation workers are the and development, however small, of the mils. In the struggles demanding employment, particular, for the educated it has been the ad been the main fighting force. The survival the survival of the plantation workers. Hence, an important role in defending the survival of The educated are the descendents of the
criticism that, during the struggles by the g November-December 2006 demanding a

Page 17
wage rise, the contribution of the educated in th where there a large number of educated H neither remarkable nor organised. The reason educated are alienated from the plantation wor the struggle for a higher wage as a problem o alone rather than as a social problem.
The educated should change this situation a to make an exemplary contribution towards the They need to develop plans and work with the existence of the educated itself will be wrecke prospect for the emergence of educated peopl the plantation workers.
The educated cannot consider as service th their wage. They should go beyond the idea through their profession to contribute to the ad of the community. Each should act according way that enhances one’s personality.
In a situation in which parliamentary polit leaders are very much obedient to the ruling ch vital that work is done outside the capitalist fram view. It is important that the educated think dee to the political, social, economic and cultural liberation of the plantation workers and t nationality as well as for the resolution of their d
[Translation of article in Tamil from Puth
*****

n of the educated in the Nuwara Eliya District, mber of educated Hill Country Tamils, was rganised. The reason is said to be that the rom the plantation workers, and tended to see wage as a problem of the plantation workers cial problem.
change this situation and use their knowledge ntribution towards the society and its survival. lans and work with the people. Otherwise the d itself will be wrecked; and there will be no ce of educated people emerging from among
consider as service the work that earns them go beyond the idea of serving the people to contribute to the advancement and survival should act according to his or her ability in a personality.
ch parliamentary politicians and trade union edient to the ruling chauvinistic capitalism, it is tside the capitalist framework with a long term he educated think deeply about and contribute conomic and cultural means needed for the tion workers and the Hill Country Tamil he resolution of their day-to-day problems.
rticle in Tamil from Puthiya Poomi, February 2007.]
*****

Page 18
State and Secularism
(An essay on religion in the politics
Imayavaramban
1. Introduction
Some argue that historically the state has r true that religious establishments have at time control over the affairs of the state especially u Religion has even been the driving force behind of a monarch for a given religion did not neces was allowed to interfere with the affairs of th periods of religious zealotry and state spo discrimination against people for religious rea And religion even when it has divided commun cause for social conflict, since, as a society, p peace despite differences in cultural, religion, la
Theocracies have existed in feudal and slave of the world, and the nominal link between the times survived at least in form under capitalism UK. Feudal rulers have shown affinity for religio exercising control over communities and in p There have on the other hand been instances w Confucianism in East Asia, have had a strong feudal state has taken advantage of the conce honour to preserve social order. One needs to that historically religion has been a divisive societies, and particularly so where the link be religious establishment was strong. There hav where the state has sided with one religious others, and religious establishments have us strengthen themselves in most feudal societies.
Capitalism, out of necessity, undermined th especially organised religion with a central auth state, but compromised with religion and relig

tate and Secularism
religion in the politics of Sri Lanka)
Imayavaramban
rically the state has rarely been secular. It is ishments have at times wielded considerable the state especially under feudal monarchies. he driving force behind the throne. The affinity religion did not necessarily mean that religion with the affairs of the state. Except during alotry and state sponsored proselytisation, ople for religious reasons was not common. it has divided communities was not always a since, as a society, people have coexisted in
in cultural, religion, language and caste.
ted in feudal and slave societies in many parts inal link between the state and religion has at form under capitalism, as for example in the hown affinity for religion, in view of its value in communities and in preserving social order. hand been instances where ethical codes, like ia, have had a strong hold on society, and the dvantage of the concepts of duty, loyalty and l order. One needs to be conscious of the fact has been a divisive force in multi-religious so where the link between the state and the as strong. There have been many instances ed with one religious establishment against tablishments have used state patronage to most feudal societies.
essity, undermined the influence of religion, ion with a central authority, in the affairs of the with religion and religious authority, as they

Page 19
played a useful role in social control, especiall classes against revolutionary ideology. For colo word of God provided moral justification for co Americas, Africa ad Asia. While contradicti capitalism and the religious establishment, differences as well as rivalry for power over have ensured that instances of collusion far exc
Many religious thinkers have emphasised religion and sought in religion a means of achie the long term the liberation of mankind. But, heretics who are at best ignored and under les treated harshly, like the Liberation Theologian were initially ignored by the Roman Catholic h denounced since the 1980s when their mass ap to the establishment. American Christian funda anti-socialist tendencies and hostility towards other hand, enjoyed the patronage of big busine
There have been many instances where rel main organised resistance to the reactionary Islam has played this role most effectively. How was won, with imperialist support in Afghanis imperialist opposition in Iran, the Islamic revolu replacing one form of state oppression with ano
In South Asia, the generally loosely knit relig central authority like the Hindu religions and for as the socially more coherent branches of Is better organised Christianity have produced rel emphasised tolerance towards other religion secular approach to society. But in the past five seen various forms of reactionary re fundamentalism accompanying and aiding the colonial South Asia.
While rationalists and progressive religious t success in helping communities to adapt to mo not been equipped to deal with the emerg reactionary modern political force siding with im little ambiguity about the theoretical Marxis opportunist politics has tempted several Ma

cial control, especially in protecting the ruling ary ideology. For colonial rulers spreading the oral justification for colonial expansion in the sia. While contradictions continue between ious establishment, because of ideological ivalry for power over society, class interests es of collusion far exceeded those of conflict.
s have emphasised the humane aspects of igion a means of achieving social justice and in ion of mankind. But, often, they are seen as ignored and under less favourable conditions Liberation Theologians of Latin America who the Roman Catholic hierarchy the 1960s but 0s when their mass appeal became a problem erican Christian fundamentalists with fanatical and hostility towards other religions, on the atronage of big business as well as the state.
y instances where religion has served as the ce to the reactionary state; in recent times, most effectively. However, once the struggle t support in Afghanistan and in the face of ran, the Islamic revolution failed its people by te oppression with another.
erally loosely knit religious structures without a indu religions and forms of Buddhism, as well herent branches of Islam, and the relatively ity have produced religious leaders who have owards other religions and a progressive, ety. But in the past five decades we have also of reactionary religious ideology and anying and aiding the rise of reaction in post-
progressive religious thinkers have had some unities to adapt to modern society, they have deal with the emergence of religion as a cal force siding with imperialism. While there is he theoretical Marxist position on religion, tempted several Marxist political parties to

Page 20
compromise with religion, leading to their betr as the oppressed classes. That secularism is and with the connivance of the reactionary sta not unexpected, but the tendency for the oppo forces of religious hegemony, although not uni and needs to be dealt with.
This essay examines briefly the extent to wh undermined in society by the upsurge in relig Lanka, and the implications of this trend for th the nationalities against chauvinist and imperi social justice It also explores ways in which the through collective social effort.
The essay deals with the emergence of extremism as a political force, and state p towards the dominant religion; religion as a poli the resolution of other social contradictions; th and the prospects for the struggle for secular po
2. The rise of religion as a political force
Colonial rulers had a willing partner in the re the metropolis and religious conversion was the end for the other. The various Christian mis colonial state patronage took advantage of soc people, aggravated by colonial rule, as well as injustice based on caste and class. As the inten were not entirely altruistic, while having created they soon found accommodation with the traditio
Attractions of modern education, state emplo social status, however, continued to serve as a from among the traditional elite. It was with em Sinhala Buddhist middle class in the South (Saivaite) counterpart in the North that relig socio-political issue leading to Buddhist and was significant was that while the attitude confrontational towards the Christian Churches colonial state and did not demand independenc

, leading to their betrayal of Marxism as well s. That secularism is undermined consciously of the reactionary state in many instances is tendency for the opportunist left to pander to ony, although not universal, is more worrying h.
riefly the extent to which secularism has been y the upsurge in religious parochialism in Sri ns of this trend for the liberation struggles of chauvinist and imperialist oppression and for res ways in which the trend could be reversed ffort.
h the emergence of religion and religious l force, and state patronage and partiality igion; religion as a political force and its role in ocial contradictions; the case for secularism; struggle for secular politics.
as a political force
illing partner in the religious establishment in us conversion was the means for one and the various Christian missionaries who enjoyed took advantage of social backwardness of the lonial rule, as well as the social inequality and nd class. As the intentions of the missionaries , while having created a Christian elite group, odation with the traditional elite.
education, state employment and elevation of ontinued to serve as a bait to attract converts l elite. It was with emergence of an educated e class in the South and its Tamil Hindu the North that religious identity became a ing to Buddhist and Hindu revivalism. What t while the attitude of the revivalists was he Christian Churches but less so towards the
demand independence for the country.

Page 21
It is worth noting that in India too the r reformists while being assertive in their positi stopped short of a call for independence until movement gathered momentum. What is signif and in India the ‘nationalist’ movement had in it of religious revivalists who influenced the m divided the people on communal lines based linguistic and ethnic forms of nationalism rem approach independence from colonial rule; an against oppression by caste emerged alo movement.
Although the religious revivalists attempted the majority at a central position in the struggle interests that they represented were not that that religious group. Its driving force comprise elite classes backed by a section of the educate took advantage of the numerical majority, to frighten the majority of the community about thr so much from colonial rule but local religious gro
Targeting Muslims was not surprising in Ind despite the differences in circumstances betwe Muslim traders were important rivals to the counterparts in the two countries. In Sri Lanka as its initial target Christian missionaries, and in communal clash between Buddhists and Protes was an attack against Roman Catholics in the the end of the 20th Century.
Conversion to Protestant Christianity amo Tamils in Sri Lanka happened among the uppe castes and caste groups that had sufficiently a be socially assertive. Also caste identity o between Buddhism/Hinduism and Protestant C from the elite classes were quite at ease educated Sinhala or Tamil Christian identity f Sinhala Buddhist or Tamil Hindu identity. Th among Sinhala Christians than Tamil Christ several of the later day champions of Sinhala B Christians or had a Christian ancestry. The R

at in India too the religious revivalists and sertive in their position regarding ‘Hinduism’ or independence until after the independence entum. What is significant is that in Sri Lanka ist’ movement had in it a significant component ho influenced the movements in ways that ommunal lines based on religion. Regional, s of nationalism remained dormant until the from colonial rule; and the political struggle caste emerged alongside the nationalist
revivalists attempted to locate the religion of osition in the struggle against colonial rule, the sented were not that of the broad masses in driving force comprised the newly emergent section of the educated middle classes; and it umerical majority, to whip up sentiments to e community about threats to its existence not e but local religious groups.
s not surprising in India or Sri Lanka, since, circumstances between India and Sri Lanka, portant rivals to their Hindu and Buddhist ountries. In Sri Lanka, Sinhala Buddhism had n missionaries, and interestingly there was no Buddhists and Protestant Christians but there oman Catholics in the Western Province near ry.
tant Christianity among the Sinhalese and ened among the upper classes and the upper that had sufficiently advanced themselves to lso caste identity overrode the difference ism and Protestant Christianity, and converts were quite at ease to swap their English- il Christian identity for an English-educated mil Hindu identity. This was more common ns than Tamil Christians to the extent that hampions of Sinhala Buddhism were one-time istian ancestry. The Roman Catholics with a

Page 22
long history of persecution under the Dutch, a British, and a larger oppressed class compone were more loyal to their religious identity than t of predominantly Tamil Speaking Muslims to their religious rather than linguistic identity for political reasons.
The targeting of Muslims by Sinhala Buddhis riots of 1915 was a significant turning poin relationship between the nationalities, and the (then Ceylonese) identity was going to be int essence Sinhala Buddhist, identity became cl followed. Even before independence it was o LSSP and the CP, which were truly Sri Lankan Sinhala-Christian accommodation, however, nationalists from openly adopting the Sinhala B until the Buddhist priests became a major politic
Although in general religious identity was hos particular Marxism, the left parties had supporte even Hindu clergy in the early years. The Cath hostile to the left and was openly supportive of up to the mid 1960’s. Elite class interests domi that hostility to the left was strong among the religious figures. However, the left, especially had a strong Muslim presence at various working class and the educated secular Muslim
Although the partiality of the colonial stat educated elite and its continuation under the UN call to redress the injustice to the deprived ma very much to the electoral success of the SLF the benefit to the oppressed masses was ma imperialist national bourgeois agenda, some r expansion of social welfare, the class intere Sinhala Buddhist identity became increasingly not slow to take advantage of the surge in Sinh to which the leadership of the UNP had contribu
State sponsored colonisation schemes had a encroachment of Tamil and Muslim areas in th added the approach of occupying pockets of

on under the Dutch, and to a less extent the ressed class component than the Protestants, eligious identity than the latter. The leadership Speaking Muslims too tended to emphasise n linguistic identity for a variety of social and
s by Sinhala Buddhist chauvinists during the gnificant turning point in the history of the nationalities, and the signs that Sri Lankan y was going to be interpreted as Sinhala, in st, identity became clear in the decades that dependence it was only the left parties, the were truly Sri Lankan and secular in outlook. modation, however, prevented the Sinhala dopting the Sinhala Buddhist ideology at least became a major political force in 1956.
ligious identity was hostile to left politics and in ft parties had supporters among Buddhist and early years. The Catholic Church was openly s openly supportive of the pro-imperialist UNP te class interests dominated Muslim politics so as strong among the Muslim clergy and other er, the left, especially the Communist Party, resence at various levels from among the ucated secular Muslim intellectuals.
of the colonial state towards an English- tinuation under the UNP was the pretext for a ice to the deprived masses which contributed al success of the SLFP-led coalition in 1956, ssed masses was marginal. Despite an anti- geois agenda, some reformist measures and lfare, the class interests were elitist and its became increasingly explicit. The UNP was e of the surge in Sinhala Buddhist nationalism f the UNP had contributed.
isation schemes had already led to the Sinhala nd Muslim areas in the East and to this was occupying pockets of territory under various

Page 23
pretexts by laying claims to the existence of B Setting up a Buddhist shrine by placing a statue a Bo tree and then enlarging it into a temple territory with the tacit support of the state technique since the mid-1950s. Distorted vers been the basis to claim that much of the Nort Buddhists or was under Sinhala rulers at so rightfully belongs to the Sinhala Buddhists.
Chauvinistic interpretations of improvised presented as the glorious past of the Sinh Buddhism), had tremendous appeal among th and the portrayal of other nationalities as destroyers of the Sinhala civilisation and Buddh parochial thinking and helped to consolidate Buddhist chauvinism. The state through the s media played an important part in the process the rise since around the 1960s, and saw a ste spokespersons of the government made no se ‘Sinhalise’ the North East.
The increased scale of pampering of the Bud since 1956 and purchasing political support from by political parties in return for material favour corruption of the clergy and divisions among the lines and to the emergence front organisati comprising members of the clergy. The net re clergy has become politicised as a group which exceptions, upholds Sinhala Buddhist chauvini knit organisation called the Eksath Bhikkhu Pe the election of the SLFP led government in Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam Pact addressi problem, and finally in the assassination of S 1958, the clergy did not have a political exist main chauvinistic political parties, until the launc Urumaya, which gave prominence to Buddhist C
The state and the Sinhala Buddhist capitalist past three decades gone a long way towar Buddhist identity on the landscape, work plac social domain. The Mahanayake priests of the S

to the existence of Buddhism in the region. ine by placing a statuette of the Buddha under rging it into a temple and taking over more support of the state has been a standard 1950s. Distorted versions of history has also that much of the North East belonged to the Sinhala rulers at some time and therefore inhala Buddhists.
ations of improvised versions of history, us past of the Sinhalese (and of course ous appeal among the Sinhala rural masses, ther nationalities as aliens, invaders and civilisation and Buddhist values contributed to elped to consolidate the position of Sinhala e state through the school curricula and the nt part in the process. This tendency was on 1960s, and saw a steep rise since 1977 when vernment made no secret of their intention to .
pampering of the Buddhist clergy by the state g political support from members of the clergy rn for material favours has contributed to the nd divisions among the clergy on party political ence front organisations of political parties the clergy. The net result is that the Buddhist ised as a group which, with a remarkable few ala Buddhist chauvinism. Although a loosely he Eksath Bhikkhu Peramuna played a role in P led government in 1956, obstructing the akam Pact addressing the Tamil national he assassination of SWRD Bandaranaike in have a political existence separate from the l parties, until the launching of the Jathika Hela
minence to Buddhist Clergy.
ala Buddhist capitalist classes have during the e a long way towards imposing a Sinhala landscape, work places, the media and the nayake priests of the Siamnikaya (with its twin

Page 24
power centres at Asgiriya and Malwatte), Am chapters of Buddhism have been made politica that not merely consultation with them but their made a minimum requirement for the solution Besides the formal Buddhist establishments hav political fronts comprising Buddhist priests chauvinistic political parties as well as exp political organisations. Even important lay or Ceylon Buddhist Congress whose activities we religious affairs too had become politicised to fo of the chauvinist lobby obstructing a just s question.
That the Buddhist clergy like most other clerg a long-standing complaint. Many priests have breach of the Buddhist rules of discipline pleasures; and this has since the 1980s been a and discussion with some Buddhist clergymen Buddhist Mahasanghas for the state of affairs even dented the importance of the Buddhist cle
The Catholic Church was once the m establishment but has avoided direct involvem mid-1960s. With the Catholic population alm between the Sinhala and Tamil nationalities, badly divided on ethnic lines since the 1970s identified with nationalism of one kind or the oth is now less virulent in its opposition to the left not been approving of the spread of left ideolo since the 1960s and surviving as a small bu absence of a strong left movement, the role o politics is likely to be confined to alignment with North East and conservative Sinhala nationalism
Protestant Christians have a large middle cl Protestant establishment has accommodated identities, including a tiny but active minority wi the LSSP. While Protestant Christians have in

a and Malwatte), Amarapura, Ranayanikaya ve been made politically important to the point ion with them but their endorsement has been ement for the solution of the national crisis. ist establishments have emerged a number of ing Buddhist priests affiliated to various rties as well as explicitly Sinhala Buddhist ven important lay organisations like the All ss whose activities were intended to concern ecome politicised to form an important section obstructing a just solution to the national
y like most other clergy was corrupt has been t. Many priests have been notorious for their t rules of discipline and desire for worldly ince the 1980s been a subject of public debate e Buddhist clergymen publicly denouncing the for the state of affairs. But none of this has ce of the Buddhist clergy to chauvinist politics.
h was once the most political religious voided direct involvement in politics since the atholic population almost equally distributed d Tamil nationalities, the Church has been lines since the 1970s and the clergy is now of one kind or the other. Although the Church opposition to the left, the establishment has e spread of left ideology within the community rviving as a small but resilient force. In the movement, the role of the Catholic Church in fined to alignment with Tamil nationalism in the tive Sinhala nationalism in the South.
ave a large middle class component and the t has accommodated a diversity of political but active minority with a historical affinity for ant Christians have individually had a strong

Page 25
presence across the political spectrum, the r tended to cater to elitist and middle class interes
Since the 1970s the traditional Protestan besieged by well-funded evangelical Christian o roots in the US. They are actively involved in p accused of using unethical methods involving miracles as well as using money and other mat to the resentment of religious Buddhists and bitterly hostile to the left as well as to armed political work that would earn the wrath of the st
The Muslims do not have a central religious Muslim nationalism and the emphasis on Isla religious considerations important to politica opportunist politics by Muslim political leader genuine social and political concerns of the ma of Islamist politics internationally, largely in resp anti-Arab imperialist agenda and collusion of leaders with imperialism, and the effect of em East on social life among other factors has le strong Islamist groups. Although they are not they have had a serious impact on the social lif women. Contradictions exist between the eme more traditional mosques and their implications of Muslim nationalism remains to be seen.
A major victim of the rise of Muslim nationali Islamic identity has been the left movement, in 1970s there was a strong Muslim presence contributions at every level in carrying forwar emphasis of religion runs the risk of going b identity to demand conformity of individual mem and that could make not only Marxists but al thinkers vulnerable to attack by conservative a as well as opportunist politicians.
Hindus in Sri Lanka have no formal religious preach religion or to make rulings on matters re

litical spectrum, the religious leadership has nd middle class interests.
traditional Protestant Churches have been evangelical Christian organisations, many with e actively involved in proselytisation and often cal methods involving public performances of money and other material inducements, much ligious Buddhists and Hindus. They are also t as well as to armed struggle, but keep off
arn the wrath of the state.
ve a central religious authority, and the rise of the emphasis on Islamic identity have made important to political work. The pursuit of uslim political leaders to the neglect of the al concerns of the masses as well as the rise tionally, largely in response to the anti-Muslim, nda and collusion of many Arab and Muslim , and the effect of employment in the Middle g other factors has led to the emergence of lthough they are not a strong political force, impact on the social life of Muslims, especially xist between the emergent Islamists and the and their implications for the political direction ains to be seen.
ise of Muslim nationalism and the emphasis of the left movement, in which until well into the ong Muslim presence which made valuable vel in carrying forward the leftist cause. The s the risk of going beyond the threshold of rmity of individual members of the community; t only Marxists but also progressive and left ack by conservative and reactionary elements liticians.
ve no formal religious authority or a clergy to e rulings on matters relating to religious theory

Page 26
or practice. Its survival has been through socia susceptible to change. However, the Hindu rev North since the late 19th century helped to cons as upheld by the Hindu Vellala elite. Unlike B despite its elitist class interests addressed the whole, the Hindu revivalists were narrower in concerned the defence of Hindu Vellala intere Christian proselytisation. Rather than figh oppression, Hindu revivalism defended the cas as well as the practice of untouchability.
Various individuals ranging from Hindu s proclaimed sages and god-men as well as Hi cropped up, claiming to speak on behalf of the community. Since the middle of the last century organisations of devotees of cult figures like S Maharaj among many others have mushroome various deities, like Hanuman for instance, h country. Their appeal is mostly to the middle c to the affluent.
Hindu fascist organisations like the Vishwa H India too have made inroads into Hindu affairs elitist Hindu organisations promoting the anti-M agenda of the VHP in connivance with ra individuals and groups.
3. Political impact of religion
The hold of religion on the Sri Lankan individ proportion of those who strictly abide by their r majority of the population has some form of rel level there is tolerance towards other faiths. Re different extents influenced each other, esp Buddhism and Hinduism because of the long p addition, fairly healthy interaction has existed b even after the rise of chauvinism and narrow n has long been a long tradition of religio mischievous acts of provocation by religious ext

as been through social practice that has been owever, the Hindu revivalist movement in the century helped to consolidate religious values, Vellala elite. Unlike Buddhist revivalists who terests addressed the Sinhala Buddhists as a ists were narrower in their outlook and were f Hindu Vellala interests against the threat of . Rather than fight to eliminate caste lism defended the caste hierarchical structure untouchability.
anging from Hindu social workers to self- od-men as well as Hindu organisations have peak on behalf of the religion and the religious dle of the last century, under Indian influence, s of cult figures like Satya Sai Baba and Guru ers have mushroomed, as well as temples for uman for instance, hitherto unknown in the mostly to the middle classes while some cater
tions like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) of ads into Hindu affairs in the country with some s promoting the anti-Muslim and anti-Christian connivance with rabidly Sinhala Buddhist
religion
the Sri Lankan individual varies. Although the strictly abide by their religious code is small, a has some form of religious faith, and at mass wards other faiths. Religious practices have to ced each other, especially in the case of because of the long period of coexistence. In teraction has existed between the nationalities uvinism and narrow nationalism, so that there g tradition of religious tolerance, despite
cation by religious extremists.

Page 27
The Sinhala Buddhist elite and the more adv clergy have a vested interest in making Buddhis have succeeded in securing for it a special p which also guarantees the rights of other religio enjoyed by the Buddhist clergy through the e have in the Sinhala Buddhist community, succe in granted various special privileges for the cler Buddhist priests. This has further contributed t and breach of the rules of discipline by a large s
The rise in religious awareness and the ac mass participation in religious activities meant a well as the wealth in the control of the religious and owners of places of worship and head p increase in influence for religious leaders in the including politics.
The prominence given to Buddhism in the af rise in religious awareness also led to the i rituals in public and state functions which had fo a tendency for individuals and organisations to religious identity, especially that of Buddh festivals, what would normally have been religious observations are also exploited commercial interests too promote such trends fo
Whether the multitude of stupas and statues cropping up along with modern buildings to alt country mean a genuine rise in Buddhist awar moral values upheld by Buddhism is thrown in crime rate, prostitution, drug abuse and social few decades.
The attitude of the religiously minded elite Hindu and Muslim communities is not fundame scale limited by the resources. Nevertheless, t looking new and renovated Mosques especially with a large Sinhalese population has added Muslims, and mosques have been destroyed n Muslim riots instigated by chauvinists and crimin

elite and the more advantaged sections of the rest in making Buddhism the state religion and ring for it a special place in the constitution, e rights of other religions. Besides the benefits clergy through the elevated status that they hist community, successive governments have l privileges for the clergy, in actual practice the s further contributed to the abuse of privilege f discipline by a large section of the clergy.
wareness and the accompanying increase in ious activities meant an increase in income as ontrol of the religious establishments, trustees f worship and head priests. It also meant an eligious leaders in the affairs of the community
to Buddhism in the affairs of the state and the ess also led to the introduction of religious functions which had for long been secular and and organisations to make a public display of cially that of Buddhism. Besides religious normally have been solemn occasions for are also exploited for such display, and promote such trends for their own gains.
of stupas and statues of the Buddha that keep odern buildings to alter the landscape of the rise in Buddhist awareness and return to the Buddhism is thrown into doubt by the rise in rug abuse and social degradation in the past
eligiously minded elite among the Christian, unities is not fundamentally different, with the urces. Nevertheless, the appearance of posh- ed Mosques especially in relatively poor areas population has added to resentment against ave been destroyed not long ago in local anti-
chauvinists and criminal elements.

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Churches too have come under attack in re Buddhist fanatics have less than three years a and even tried to prevent Christmas celebration Soma Thera, a populist Buddhist fundamentali following a heart attack was attributed to ‘Christ
Although Hindu temples as well as Cathol targets of bombing and shelling by the armed identity rather than Hindu identity that has bee Buddhist chauvinism.
The Sinhala Buddhist chauvinists are rather to events affecting Buddhists and Buddhism in response to the demolition of the Bamien Budd by the Taliban was a condemnation of Muslim for building a replica of the statue in Sri Lan taken of the oppression of the Chagma natio predominantly Buddhist community whose surv capitalist predators as well as the state. Nor interest in the oppression of Buddhists by t Nepal; significantly it was the Maoist rebels wh armed struggle defended the rights of all religi On the question of the US-sponsored Tibetan Dalai Lama, although loyalties are divided bet Chinese government, for pragmatic reasons, wish to antagonise China.
In the period preceding the overthrow of the Nepal, the Sri Lankan Tamil media generally s even when international news reports made th monarch untenable. But for the occasional i progressive writers, the Tamil media still refers the struggle to bring down the dictator as terro use of that term to refer to the LTTE or any ot This attitude is also evident in the tendency am side unconditionally with India against Pakistan be supportive of the Indian state against oppr be indifferent. This appears to be related to an on imagined ‘Hindu’ and cultural identities.

me under attack in recent times, and Sinhala ss than three years ago set fire to churches t Christmas celebrations following the death of Buddhist fundamentalist, whose death abroad as attributed to ‘Christian conspiracy’.
es as well as Catholic churches have been shelling by the armed forces, it is the Tamil u identity that has been the target of Sinhala
chauvinists are rather selective in its response hists and Buddhism internationally. While the n of the Bamien Buddha statue in Afghanistan ndemnation of Muslims as a whole and a call the statue in Sri Lanka, no notice has been of the Chagma nationality of Bangladesh, a ommunity whose survival is under threat from ell as the state. Nor has there been much on of Buddhists by the Hindu Monarchy of s the Maoist rebels who in the course of their the rights of all religious minorities in Nepal. S-sponsored Tibetan separatist project of the alties are divided between the Lama and the r pragmatic reasons, the chauvinists do not .
g the overthrow of the dictatorial monarchy of mil media generally sided with the monarchy, news reports made the defence of the Hindu for the occasional intervention by left and amil media still refers to the Maoists who led n the dictator as terrorists, while avoiding the to the LTTE or any other armed Tamil group. nt in the tendency among Tamil nationalists to India against Pakistan or China as well as to an state against oppressed nationalities or to ars to be related to an affinity for India, based cultural identities.

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Politically, illusions about India had been sha the Indian armed forces in the North East betw links between the Sri Lankan Tamil Hindu counterparts and patrons persist and play conditioning Tamil attitude towards India.
Ties with the Arab world were not strong amo religious sentiments and the importance of Pasha, exiled by the British from Egypt to this century, played an important role in Muslim re interest and pride in Arab world as well as to a assertion of a Muslim identity distinct from that political than religious, although religion ser distinction. Insensitivity of Tamil nationalism regarding their separate identity and delicate scattered across the island has, besides oppo affinity between the Tamil and Muslim nationalit
Although sections of the Muslim leaders sentiments of international Islamic brotherhoo other countries are conditioned by considera identity. Solidarity with Pakistan in conflicts w disagreement on the way Pakistan is ruled. strong among Muslims about Palestine, and Afg their invasion by the armed forces of a US-l leadership has failed to give expression to sentiments and resentment about the condu regimes propped up by US imperialism. The tie and personalities have with various Arab gove will and vision.
Support of successive Sri Lankan governm imperialism as well as their close ties with Isr war have not prevented Muslim leaders f government. It is only when public anger among specific event that Muslim leaders issue state oppressor or participate in mass demonstratio been exerted on the government by Muslim lea imperialist stand taken by successive gov Palestinians and other Arab people.

ut India had been shattered by the conduct of in the North East between 1987 and 1989. But Lankan Tamil Hindu elite and their Indian ns persist and play an important role in e towards India.
ld were not strong among the Muslims, despite the importance of Arabic to Islam. Orabi tish from Egypt to this country in the late 19th rtant role in Muslim revivalism and to greater world as well as to anti-colonial thinking. The ntity distinct from that of the Tamils was more although religion served to emphasise the of Tamil nationalism to Muslim sentiments identity and delicate position as a nationality nd has, besides opportunist politics, hurt the l and Muslim nationalities.
the Muslim leadership frequently express al Islamic brotherhood, ties with Muslims in ditioned by considerations besides religious akistan in conflicts with India exists despite ay Pakistan is ruled. Although feelings are out Palestine, and Afghanistan and Iraq since ed forces of a US-led alliance, the Muslim o give expression to these anti-imperialist ent about the conduct of the corrupt Arab S imperialism. The ties that Muslim politicians ith various Arab governments lack in political
Sri Lankan governments since 1977 for US eir close ties with Israel in the pretext of the d Muslim leaders form being partners in en public anger among Muslims is strong on a im leaders issue statements denouncing the in mass demonstrations. Little pressure has ernment by Muslim leaders to correct the pro- by successive governments against the ab people.

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Islamic fundamentalism, although inspired and in some instances benefits from support fr owes its acceptance among a small but s population to the failure of the Muslim lead significant political force, it has helped to cultiva once active involvement of Muslims in Marxist political activity could be readily denounced as hostile to the community.
Although the Roman Catholic and Protest C have a long history of anti-left politics, active r has diminished since the 1960s; while holding le for individuals, questioning certain items of faith the religious establishment nominally distances church leaders intervene when the interests important sections of the religious com Commendably, church leaders have been ou human and fundamental rights; but have, h denouncing the political thought or political or for the act.
The escalation of the national question in tragedy resulting from it have affected religious as sections of the clergy and there is a general of the conflict. There are nevertheless seri perception of the national question and the wa among religious leaders has failed to achieve prayers for peace and appeals to the war hostilities.
If one recognises the class interests behind r would realise that while dialogue between relig in maintaining a voice of sanity, despite the Hin priests but no religious leaders, religion or cannot deal with mischief in the name of religion

m, although inspired by international events enefits from support from wealthy Arab states, mong a small but sizeable section of the of the Muslim leadership. Although not a it has helped to cultivate a climate in which the of Muslims in Marxist political discussion and readily denounced as Anti-Islamic and hence
atholic and Protest Christian establishments nti-left politics, active resistance to left politics 1960s; while holding left views are permissible g certain items of faith is sneered upon. While nt nominally distances itself from party politics, when the interests of the establishment or the religious community are affected. eaders have been outspoken on violation of l rights; but have, however, refrained from thought or political organisations, responsible
national question into war and the human have affected religious establishments as well and there is a general desire for the resolution re nevertheless serious differences in the l question and the war; as a result, dialogue has failed to achieve much more than joint appeals to the warring factions to cease
lass interests behind religious fanaticism, one dialogue between religious leaders could help sanity, despite the Hindus only having temple leaders, religion or religious leaders alone in the name of religion.

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While all religious leaders and personalities concern about the deterioration of moral and they also seem almost unanimous in their silen for such deterioration. They protest about effe the cause, and prefer to blame the failure of s the practice of religion.
Sections of the clergy, especially the Bu vociferous in denouncing many of the social values that have become a serious threat stability in their respective religious communit that the open economic policy introduced in many of the problems. They cannot be u imperialist domination and rivalry for regional d economy and propelling the country further interests of the religious establishments and re them from taking a stand against foreign domina
4. The case for secularism
Secularism is not an end in itself; and the based on social justice. Arguments based o rulers guided by moral and social values based a modern society based on rule of law and equa the law. Although laws based on religion have discriminatory, and adapting religious laws to single religion has itself been problematic, societies they could run counter to certain religio
Religion is a matter of personal faith and co conduct in ones private life and in interaction However, in matters that concern the rights an individual as a member of a society, to be fa society where people do not share a common cannot be based on religious principles.
Religious leaders and members of the clerg law and, when they participate in non-religiou cannot be allowed special privileges under the at an advantage over other participants.

ers and personalities are unanimous in their ioration of moral and social values in society, animous in their silence about the main cause hey protest about effects without considering blame the failure of society on the decline in
y, especially the Buddhist clergy, who are g many of the social evils and wrong social e a serious threat to social harmony and e religious communities, cannot be unaware policy introduced in 1978 is responsible for They cannot be unaware of the role of d rivalry for regional domination in ruining the the country further into war. But the class establishments and religious leaders prevent against foreign domination.
larism
end in itself; and the case for secularism is Arguments based on feudal societies with d social values based on a religion will not suit n rule of law and equality of all citizens before ased on religion have existed, they have been ting religious laws to modern societies with a lf been problematic, and in multi-religious ounter to certain religious beliefs.
personal faith and could be a guide to one’s life and in interactions with other individuals. concern the rights and responsibilities of the of a society, to be fair by all members of a not share a common faith, rights and wrongs ous principles.
members of the clergy cannot be above the ticipate in non-religious social activities, they l privileges under the law that will place them er participants.

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Thus there is a need to separate the laws o belief, and where there is incompatibility betw social laws and where religious belief is in con religion has to give way to the law. In multi-cul system takes into consideration traditional prac and personal laws specific to a particular com matters that concern only that community. But s and are subject to change with changes in the community.
Modern society, whether capitalist or socia need to separate religion from the affairs of th does not deny religion its place in society, bu right of the individual to believe and practice have no religious faith. The right to religious f the right of a member who belongs to that faith of fear of persecution and ostracism. Thus t religious community to religious beliefs and pra society, subject to respecting the right to choice
Religious interference in the affairs of the treatment of one religion over another have o detrimental to social harmony and needs to be eliminated. And there are a number of domains religion should be excluded, even in societi religious community.
Discrimination against individuals or com grounds either by the state or by public institu leads to communal tension. Positive discrimina injustices suffered by underprivileged comm healthy practice and may be applicable to religi the faith and the system of worship of the Attho defending the identity of a community to protec a dominant religion by religious conversi practices.
Secularism also implies action to protect so religion. Protecting society from questionab superstition and myth, which are often justified

to separate the laws of the land with religious is incompatibility between religious laws and ligious belief is in conflict with natural justice, to the law. In multi-cultural societies, the legal eration traditional practices within communities fic to a particular community are applicable to that community. But such laws are not eternal e with changes in the living conditions of the
er capitalist or socialist, has recognised the from the affairs of the state. A secular state s place in society, but in fact recognises the believe and practice a religion as well as to he right to religious faith should also include o belongs to that faith to question the faith free nd ostracism. Thus the collective right of a ligious beliefs and practices exists in a secular ting the right to choice of the individual.
in the affairs of the state and preferential over another have over the centuries been ony and needs to be averted and, if present a number of domains of social life from which ded, even in societies comprising a single
t individuals or communities on religious ate or by public institutions and organisations on. Positive discrimination to rectify historical nderprivileged communities is, however, a be applicable to religious groups, for example of worship of the Attho community, as a way of a community to protect against assimilation to y religious conversion and discriminatory
s action to protect society from the abuse of iety from questionable practices based on hich are often justified in the name of religion.

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Hence social taboos such as untouchabilty a form social functions on various sexist grounds and eliminated. Also, the practitioners of astrolo such practices should be made answerable to way a practitioner of medicine, law or any other
5. The struggle to secularise politics
Legislation helps to counter discriminatory pr by no means adequate. Many socially harmf survive legislation in the name of culture a struggle for secularism needs to be on several f
Confrontation of religion in a way that appea individual or community to believe and prac counterproductive. However, socially harmful challenged in the open. Some success h rationalists in India, the former state of Madras as in Sri Lanka in combating superstition, astro struggle is being carried forward in India by ca thinking with some success against local charla malpractices by well-entrenched, self-proclaime despite exposés, because of political influenc ruling elite and the media. In Sri Lanka, rationa result of religion tightening its grip on society.
A state of hopelessness is a common cause and false hope in religion, astrology, and witchc The uncertainty faced by individuals as a co events of the past three decades, and th progressive politics have damaged community self as an individual as well as a member of problems. Desperation is driving many to supernatural.
The opportunistic surrender of the old left in t a negative impact on secular politics and a fur by the JVP which, only ten years after its bom Maligawa (the Temple of the Tooth), unasham

h as untouchabilty and exclusion of women various sexist grounds need to be challenged practitioners of astrology, witchcraft and other made answerable to the public, in the same icine, law or any other profession is.
cularise politics
unter discriminatory practices in society, but is Many socially harmful beliefs and practices e name of culture and tradition. Thus the
eds to be on several fronts.
n in a way that appears to deny the right of an to believe and practice its faith has been ver, socially harmful practices need to be n. Some success has been achieved by rmer state of Madras under the British, as well ting superstition, astrology and witchcraft. The forward in India by campaigners for scientific ss against local charlatans but institutionalised enched, self-proclaimed god-men still thrives, e of political influence and backing from the . In Sri Lanka, rationalism has weakened as a g its grip on society.
s is a common cause for people to find solace , astrology, and witchcraft in its various forms. y individuals as a consequence of the brutal ree decades, and the decline of left and damaged community spirit and faith in one’s well as a member of society in dealing with is driving many to seek support from the
nder of the old left in the 1970s to religion had ular politics and a further blow was delivered en years after its bomb attack on the Dalada f the Tooth), unashamedly embraced Sinhala

Page 34
Buddhist chauvinism and capped it by seekin Mahanayakes for its political programme.
Invariably, leaders of all political parties, oth consult astrologers to plan their political move lives. Many regularly visit prominent god-men although mildly ridiculed on occasion by a secti denounced as serious flaws amounting to politic
The campaign for secular politics is handicap of political leaders in compromising with the m of religion and encouraging religious rituals to in life with a long secular tradition.
To secularise politics and public life is just religion from the lives of people, or to deny religious faith or to practice it. Secularism ne such rights but also protect them. Secularism s from abuse by the exploiting classes and o further their interests.
Secularism requires individuals and organisa to society as a whole and to be answerable for them the opportunity to use religion as a shi charge that may be directed against them. It re be conducted in a way that all sections of the s not discriminated against.
It is hard to undo the damage done by eth but there is no other way forward for society bu in all its forms. An important first step could be that the state defend the rights of people to be religion of their voluntary choice and to place equal footing.
Questioning archaic beliefs, malpractices an name of tradition and religion within commu needs to be done without offending sensibi practice for a non-member of a community to practices within that community; but it is not wro

d capped it by seeking the blessings of the ical programme.
ll political parties, other than the genuine left, n their political moves, let alone their private t prominent god-men of India. Such practices on occasion by a section of the media, are not ws amounting to political irresponsibility.
lar politics is handicapped by the opportunism promising with the most reactionary aspects ng religious rituals to infiltrate aspects of public
dition.
and public life is just the opposite of ridding f people, or to deny people the right to a tice it. Secularism needs not only to respect ect them. Secularism seeks to protect religion loiting classes and other social parasites to
dividuals and organisations to be responsible to be answerable for their actions, and denies use religion as a shield against any serious ted against them. It requires that public affairs at all sections of the society feel included and .
damage done by ethno-religious chauvinism; forward for society but to confront chauvinism ant first step could be a campaign demanding rights of people to believe or not believe in a choice and to place all religious faiths on an
eliefs, malpractices and social injustice in the eligion within communities is necessary but out offending sensibilities. It is not a good er of a community to denounce beliefs and munity; but it is not wrong to make healthy and

Page 35
positive criticism of ideas and actions in the pub public interests.
Secular tolerance of beliefs and prac communities is by no means an endorseme practices. Campaigns against superstitious as harmful beliefs and practices should be in communities concerned. Equally, the campaign effective when it comes from the commu discriminatory practices are justified.
Rationalists and social reformers have done the secular cause in the early and middle parts they could not achieve their goals; and some have now been reversed. We need to learn fr failures.
They have important lessons for those who reform free of politics. One reason why many ra kept a distance from political work was that they parliamentary politics and the opportunism of p Revolutionary politics succeeded in transform parliamentary politics and social reform have reversals.
The task before the Marxist Leninists is t aspects of past struggles for secularism with justice and make it part of a broad-based democracy and social justice.
*****

and actions in the public domain that concern
f beliefs and practices within religious eans an endorsement of such beliefs and ainst superstitious as well as other socially ctices should be initiated from within the Equally, the campaign for secularism is most s from the communities in whose name re justified.
l reformers have done commendable work for early and middle parts of the last century. But their goals; and some of their achievements . We need to learn from their successes and
essons for those who seek to achieve social e reason why many rationalists and reformers ical work was that they were disappointed with d the opportunism of parliamentary politicians. cceeded in transforming society where both d social reform have failed, but it too had its
Marxist Leninists is to combine the positive s for secularism with the demands for social t of a broad-based political programme for tice.
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Page 36
The Liberation Struggle
Political Killings Mohan
All forms of social oppression are based violence is not used on all occasions. People ways so that fear of violence is deeply impri minds of the oppressed. Violence and fear o organised to function at various levels.
In slave and feudal societies the ruling cl directly denying the rights of people, restrict th people when they defy authority. Equality of al an accepted social rule only after the arriv Whether it is the actual practice is another m capitalist countries, there is the rule of law, at law is openly breached objections could be society. When law breached in secrecy is expo for crisis for those in power. Nevertheless, the a justice defend and protect private property, priv of production, and unequal partnership in pro fundamental causes for social inequality. The v oppression is implemented behind façades s and order, prevention of subversion of the stat interests, and national defence.
The state is the highest form of institution dominant ruling class resorts to oppression in o its position, safeguards its class interests and working classes. Its oppression extends beyon other toiling masses in its territory to other natio have witnessed repeatedly in recent time resistance and rebellion against such oppr minority groups, and marginalised sections of use of violence legitimised by law as well as b law. That is how violence becomes inevitable oppression.

Liberation Struggle and
Political Killings Mohan
ppression are based on violence. However, all occasions. People are trained in various lence is deeply imprinted at all times in the . Violence and fear of violence function are arious levels.
ocieties the ruling classes were capable of s of people, restrict their freedom, and punish uthority. Equality of all before the law became only after the arrival of capitalist society. practice is another matter. Yet, in advanced is the rule of law, at least in form. When the objections could be voiced from within the ed in secrecy is exposed, it could be a cause er. Nevertheless, the administration of law and t private property, private control over means ual partnership in production, which are the ocial inequality. The violence underlying social ted behind façades such as maintaining law subversion of the state, safeguarding national fence.
est form of institutionalised oppression. The orts to oppression in order that it could secure its class interests and continue to exploit the ession extends beyond the working class and territory to other nations and nationalities. We edly in recent times the suppression of n against such oppression of nationalities, rginalised sections of the population, by the d by law as well as by means that transcend e becomes inevitable in the struggle against

Page 37
Marxism has from the outset emphasised th Zedong have repeatedly emphasised the inevi fundamental transformation of a society. But th is created by the state which is an instrument other means of oppression of the ruling classes
Marxists do not prescribe that everything co violence nor do they claim that violence is the contradictions. If anyone makes such claims in that would be childish and diametrically oppos unwavering position was that individual viol enemy too is futile and harmful to the struggle fo
Mao’s study of contradictions puts for contradictions among the people and expands it is only the contradiction with the enemy that violent means. In referring to the enemy, i everyone taking the side of the enemy is foreve needs to be eliminated through violent mean study emphasises uniting with all those with w order to isolate the enemy and goes to the exte on the side of the enemy to the side of the pe enemy forces is not a matter of killing off everyo The Marxist Leninist position requires that eve used to win over those who joined the circumstances.
If on this basis we look at the armed str between 12 000–13 000 people killed during around 2000 had been killed by the Maoists. killed by the armed forces of the Nepali state.
In Sri Lanka, with a fierce war raging in the of killed since the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA several thousands. It will be useful to compare in Nepal, several times more populous than Maoists had brought under their control 90% situation in Sri Lanka.
The war in the North-East has claimed the Many times more have been made desolate a leave the country. During 1988–89, close t

outset emphasised this point. Lenin and Mao emphasised the inevitability of violence in the on of a society. But the need for the violence hich is an instrument of class oppression and n of the ruling classes.
ibe that everything could be resolved through m that violence is the only means of resolving makes such claims in the name of Marxism, nd diametrically opposed to Marxism. Lenin’s s that individual violence against the class
rmful to the struggle for social justice.
tradictions puts forward the concept of people and expands on it. It makes clear that with the enemy that needs to be resolved by ring to the enemy, it is nowhere said that of the enemy is forever an eternal enemy and through violent means. On the contrary, the with all those with whom unity is possible in y and goes to the extent of winning over those to the side of the people. Annihilation of the tter of killing off everyone on the enemy’s side. ition requires that every opportunity should be se who joined the enemy by force of
ook at the armed struggle in Nepal, of the people killed during the past decade, only killed by the Maoists. The vast majority was
of the Nepali state.
rce war raging in the North-East, the number efire Agreement (CFA) alone has exceeded be useful to compare the number of lives lost more populous than Sri Lanka, where the der their control 90% of the country with the
East has claimed the lives of over 100 000. een made desolate and have been forced to ing 1988–89, close to 100 000 have been

Page 38
destroyed by the armed forces of the state a people did not benefit from it in any way.
Although it is now five years since the CFA nominally in place, people are being killed government is killing people by aerial bombing images provided by the US and by attack Deserving to be equally denounced are, inciden the bomb attacks on three buses in which inno have been travelling. The government uses su to intensify its various activities carried out in t national security and combating terrorism suc people by the armed forces, and the troubling a the North-East it is justifying ands intensifying it
Besides, the Tamils are also subject to tro groups and criminal gangs involved in protection money and ransom, threats, and carried out by Sinhala chauvinists or Sinhala armed forces of the state or the police. Althoug these cruel acts are carried out with the conniv state, the cruelty is perpetrated by armed T clashes between the LTTE and pro-governme as rivals comprising former liberation movemen as killing and kidnapping of members of the affect anyone who could be suspected of symp an organisation as well as members of their fam
If those concerned would only give a tho events are ruining Tamil society, they would a occurring outside direct armed confrontation s acts of crime. It is not permissible for ordinary the community to which they belong, to be hurt
Individual killings do not help liberation o oppression in ant way. On the contrary, they lea confusion and to further state oppression. Th cares for the society and has an interest in the should come forward to bring to an end the act within the Tamil community.

forces of the state and by the JVP. But the m it in any way.
years since the CFA came into effect and is ple are being killed in various ways. The ple by aerial bombing with the help of satellite e US and by attacks from land and sea. enounced are, incidents in the South such as e buses in which innocent Sinhalese civilians government uses such events as the pretext tivities carried out in the South in the name of mbating terrorism such as the harassment of es, and the troubling and torturing of Tamils. In ing ands intensifying its brutal attacks.
re also subject to trouble by various armed angs involved in kidnapping, demanding ansom, threats, and murder. These are not hauvinists or Sinhala criminal gangs or the or the police. Although it is often claimed that ed out with the connivance and consent of the petrated by armed Tamil gangs. Continuing TE and pro-government Tamil militias as well er liberation movements do not only manifest g of members of the organisations but also be suspected of sympathy or support for such s members of their families.
ould only give a thought about how these society, they would act differently. All killings armed confrontation should be considered as ermissible for ordinary citizens, irrespective of hey belong, to be hurt or killed.
not help liberation or the struggle against n the contrary, they lead to a climate of greater state oppression. Therefore, everyone who has an interest in the liberation of the Tamils ring to an end the acts of cruelty taking place ity.

Page 39
A considerable section of the Tamil commun disappointed and frustrated in its expectations o Outside the North-East many have becom community to the extent that they care for noth safety and security. Especially among the midd leave the country is strong. While oppression a chauvinist state are important reasons, what i people from uniting in struggle for their rights?
At this point, it is useful to take a look at the movements. The Tamil liberation movements r mass line, mass politics and mass struggle to a a super-heroic armed force will would win fighters expected an early victory. They placed support. Anticipation of foreign intervention di self confidence and militancy of the Tamil comm mainly on arms led to an underestimation of po of the people by the movements. As a result, point of view of the Tamil people they acted fr dominance of each group. The pathetic situa which Tamil militant groups join hands with t state is its direct consequence.
The task before us has been made very diffic Making the liberation struggle of the Tamil peo and enabling democratic mass participation in lead to robust unity among the oppressed Ta make way to strengthen the liberation str unnecessary loss of life.
[Translation of article in Tamil from Puth
*****

of the Tamil community is tired of war and is ed in its expectations of the liberation struggle. many have become alienated from their that they care for nothing other than their own cially among the middle classes the desire to g. While oppression and discrimination by the rtant reasons, what is it that stops the Tamil uggle for their rights?
l to take a look at the history of the liberation iberation movements rejected the concepts of nd mass struggle to adopt an approach where orce will would win liberation. Many young ly victory. They placed great hopes on foreign foreign intervention did much damage to the ncy of the Tamil community. Placing their faith underestimation of political work and the role vements. As a result, rather than act from the il people they acted from the point of view of p. The pathetic situation that we witness in ups join hands with the armed forces of the
ence.
been made very difficult. But it is not too late. uggle of the Tamil people a people’s struggle mass participation in the struggle in it would ng the oppressed Tamil people and thereby en the liberation struggle and to prevent
rticle in Tamil from Puthiya Poomi, February 2007.]
*****

Page 40
ND
May Day Statement of the NDP 30th April 2007
Comrade SK Senthivel issued the following behalf of the Central Committee of the New Dem
Chauvinistic war efforts that have been m make the national question more complex and are being implemented on the basis of the ac globalisation are leading the country to doom. T of suffering caused by war and economic crisis limit of endurance by the workers, peasants a Meantime, the working people are distracted by race, religion and language so that they do not wage-labour bondage and deception under ca class and other toiling masses do not pol situation and mobilise to struggle against the ruling class, it will not be possible to recove today’s tragic situation. This year’s May Day Democratic Party emphasises this point.
Nearly three hundred thousand people have war efforts in the North-East and are experienc have been made destitute with blood and tears Amid this, people are stunned by fear due t kidnappings and disappearing. Human rights a winds. The people of the North-East live a life side they live in fear of military action and on th their hands for their daily meals. It is the work toiling masses who are most affected by this s down to the bottom of the pile.
At the same time plans carried out under the g organisations such as the World Bank and the economic crises. Multinational companies a

NDP Diary
ent of the NDP
l issued the following May Day Statement on mittee of the New Democratic Party.
ts that have been made in a way that they on more complex and capitalist measures that on the basis of the acceptance of imperialist the country to doom. The consequent burdens ar and economic crisis are being borne to the workers, peasants and other toiling masses. ople are distracted by means of differences of ge so that they do not recognise the chains of d deception under capitalism, If the working masses do not politically understand this struggle against the forces of the capitalist e possible to recover or find salvation from This year’s May Day message of the New sises this point.
thousand people have been displaced by the ast and are experiencing untold suffering and e with blood and tears marking their daily life. tunned by fear due to the spate of killings, aring. Human rights are being thrown to the North-East live a life of misery where on one ilitary action and on the other they stretch out meals. It is the workers, peasants and other ost affected by this situation and are pushed pile.
arried out under the guidance and direction of e World Bank and the IMF has led to worse ational companies and foreign capital are

Page 41
robbing the countries resources. The daily inc rise in cost of living are a net result of these. Th monthly occurrence. Transport and service c raised. Trade unions that seek to question thes and distracted in the name of war.
Hence the party emphasises that the worke toiling masses should resolve on this May themselves to struggle against the gigantic prob
SK Senthivel General Secretary, New Democratic Party.
NDP Statement to the Media SLFP Proposals Encourage War Effo 02-05-2007
Comrade SK Senthivel issued the following s proposals put forward by the Sri Lanka Freedo national question on behalf of the Politburo the
The proposals put forward by the Sri Lanka Fr to the national question appear to be an ap scheme to carry forward the war. These pro forces of Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism and do the issues of the fundamental rights of the T aspirations for autonomy. Thus it is a waste o proposals.
The proposals put forward by the SLFP are we had been put forward unsuccessfully in the pas positive aspects of earlier proposals. These p expression to extreme Sinhala chauvinist tende print that do not deserve examination. They ridicule and reject the forces that oppose war a the rights of the Tamil, Muslim and Hill Country
The proposals appear to endorse tendency to into destruction by war, by failing to underst

ources. The daily increase in prices and the net result of these. The rise in fuel prices is a nsport and service charges continue to be seek to question these matters are threatened e of war.
sises that the workers, peasants and other resolve on this May Day to unite among
ainst the gigantic problems facing them.
Democratic Party.
e Media Encourage War Efforts.
issued the following statement regarding the the Sri Lanka Freedom Party for solving the lf of the Politburo the New Democratic Party.
d by the Sri Lanka Freedom Party for solving appear to be an appendix to reinforce the the war. These proposals please only the st chauvinism and do not in any way address ental rights of the Tamil people or their fair . Thus it is a waste of time to examine these
d by the SLFP are weaker than proposals that successfully in the past, and fail to draw on the er proposals. These proposals that only give nhala chauvinist tendencies are mere words in e examination. They seem to be aimed to ces that oppose war and emphasise unity and uslim and Hill Country Tamils.
endorse tendency to push the country further by failing to understand the political reality

Page 42
facing us. The NDP wishes to point out that the come out of these proposals.
SK Senthivel General Secretary, New Democratic Party.
NDP Statement to the Media NDP Denounces Expulsion of Tamils 08-06-2007 Comrade SK Senthivel issued the following s proposals put forward by the Sri Lanka Freedo national question on behalf of the Politburo the
The act of forcibly expelling Tamils occupants and herding them like cattle into buses and dro like Vavuniya and Batticaloa exposes the crue No one who respects humanity and human rig uncivilized act. The tragedy that befell the Tam today could befall Tamil occupants of houses violence carried out with chauvinistic arroganc on the basis of ethnic and linguistic distinction genocide and ethnic cleansing. It is part of the war, and the NDP denounces this act of ch emphatically demands that the President and prevent the next past of this act.
It is claimed in speech and in writing tha democratic and human rights such as the righ travel, the right of abode in a place of one’s ch and writing and the right of congregation. But th deportation that took place day-before-yesterd not enjoy those rights. There is no further ev denial of democracy and violation of human righ
SK Senthivel General Secretary, New Democratic Party

es to point out that there no benefit is likely to als.
Democratic Party.
e Media Expulsion of Tamils from Colombo
issued the following statement regarding the the Sri Lanka Freedom Party for solving the lf of the Politburo the New Democratic Party.
ing Tamils occupants from lodges in Colombo ttle into buses and dropping them in locations loa exposes the cruelty of nation oppression. manity and human rights will approve of this dy that befell the Tamil occupants of lodges l occupants of houses tomorrow. This act of chauvinistic arrogance by the security forces d linguistic distinction is an aspect of acts of nsing. It is part of the program to prolong the unces this act of chauvinistic perversion. It at the President and the government act to his act.
h and in writing that this country protects ights such as the right to survive, the right to in a place of one’s choice, the right of speech of congregation. But the forceful expulsion and ce day-before-yesterday show that Tamils do There is no further evidence needed for the
violation of human rights.
Democratic Party

Page 43
Lawyers Meet Detained Party Mem
On 28th May, lawyers Mahinda Jayaward Thevarajah and Tilak Wijesinghe met NDP Com Jeyaseelan, S Sugeshanan, S Mohanraj and N as seven other detainees including Comrade S of the Railway Workers Union at the Boosa D they have been held for the past four months f from the Terrorist Investigation Department (TID they were permitted to meet the detainees only personnel, and that meeting was not a free mee
The detainees informed the lawyers that the T secure confessions from 28 detainees includin know the legal position regarding confession advised them that if a confession of crime is against them as evidence against them in a cou
Those arrested under the prevailing Emerge Terrorist) are refused permission to meet or d relatives or lawyers. Members of the family co only on submission of documents authenti Niladhaari (Village Officer) and that too for only encircled by TID personnel so that free convers
Although the above named lawyers had ap Ministry of Defence and to the TID several mo meet was granted in writing only towards the e for the meeting was in late May.
The detainees whom the lawyers met had been at the TID, Colombo and then transferred to the close to Galle. It should be noted that they hav any court of law to date. Detainees at the Boo also taken to Colombo or other places for inquir
Under the prevailing Emergency Regulations, anyone at a detention camp or a police station presenting at a court of law. Under the provisio Terrorism Act one could be detained for as long
Emergency Regulations specify that if a statem obtained in the presence of a police officer of r

t Detained Party Members
Mahinda Jayawardane, E Thambiah, S esinghe met NDP Comrades V Mahendran, R an, S Mohanraj and N Krishnapriyan as well s including Comrade Sarathkumara Fernando Union at the Boosa Detention Camp, where the past four months following arrest by police ation Department (TID). The lawyers said that eet the detainees only in the presence of TID ing was not a free meeting.
the lawyers that the TID police were trying to 28 detainees including them, and wanted to regarding confession of crime. The lawyers onfession of crime is made it could be used
against them in a court of law.
he prevailing Emergency Regulations (Anti- rmission to meet or discuss freely with their bers of the family could meet the detainees documents authenticated by the Graama r) and that too for only a few minutes. They are el so that free conversation is not possible.
med lawyers had applied to the Secretary, to the TID several months ago, permission to ing only towards the end of April, and the date e May.
lawyers met had been detained for a few days then transferred to the Boosa Detention Camp e noted that they have not been presented at Detainees at the Boosa Detention Camp are other places for inquiry.
ergency Regulations, it is possible to detain mp or a police station for up to a year without law. Under the provisions of the Prevention of
e detained for as long as 18 months.
specify that if a statement of confession was of a police officer of rank not below Assistant

Page 44
Superintendent of Police, that statement co confession.
Complaints have been made on behalf of some Sri Lanka Human Rights Commission (SLHRC the complaints that their fundamental right because their arrest and detention are illegal.
Although the TID has, after considerable de SLHRC, the responses lack detail.
Also, three dates had been fixed for inquiring no one from the TID was present for the inquiry by the SLHRC had stated that failure to reply to to be present at its inquiries amount to contemp
It is significant that the TID has failed to re questions asked by the SLHRC and also failed SLHRC on the three dates of inquiry.
[A footnote: The NDP Secretariat has been NDP detainees have now been transferred Welikada, Colombo. This merans that they ar before a magistrate soon. ]

e, that statement could be accepted as a
ade on behalf of some of the detainees to the Commission (SLHRC). It has been stated in eir fundamental rights have been violated detention are illegal.
after considerable delay, responded to the ck detail.
en fixed for inquiring into the complaints and present for the inquiry. The summons sent out d that failure to reply to the SLHRC and failure ies amount to contempt of court.
TID has failed to respond in detail to the LHRC and also failed to be present before the s of inquiry.
ecretariat has been iadiised that four of the ow been transferred to remand prison in s merans that they are likely to be produced . ]

Page 45
Sri Lankan
Muthur East
–
Sampur: Convergin
The Government by extraordinary gazette not 2007 declared that a vast area covering F Uppural, Thoppur, Kattaiparichchan and Mut District a High Security Zone implying that tens who fled the region in 2006 would not be allow according to the gazette notification "No pers comprising Muthur East/Sampur High Securit vessel or in any other manner, or having enter any boat or vessel within the Muthur East/Sam except under the written authority of the Com Tamils who now live as refugees in Battica allowed to return to their ancestral lands and rally on Wednesday June 20, 2007, the Internat
In addition there are plans to set up a Special E the region Sampur to attract local and foreig implications for planned colonization by Sinhale The net result will be that the land from which effectively expelled will be settled with Sinhales
The most important project in the region at p 300 MW coal-fired power plant to be set up w Sampur. This project is of importance to India hegemony.
The gazette notification has to be seen in this context of the theatre of India’s warning to Sr obtaining arms for defence from China and P chauvinists and Tamil nationalists were easily which is now clearly seen to be yet another attention from the deals going on behind chauvinistic government to ensure Indian hegem

Sri Lankan Events
Sampur: Converging Interests
aordinary gazette notification dated 30th May vast area covering Foul Point, Illankanthai, iparichchan and Muthur in the Trincomalee one implying that tens of thousands of Tamils 06 would not be allowed to return home. But notification "No person shall enter the area /Sampur High Security Zone in any boat or anner, or having entered, remain within or ply the Muthur East/Sampur High Security Zone authority of the Competent Authority." The s refugees in Batticaloa insist that they be r ancestral lands and held a peaceful protest
20, 2007, the International Refugees Day.
s to set up a Special Economic Zone (SEZ) in ttract local and foreign investments, and its olonization by Sinhalese need no elaboration. at the land from which the Tamils have been
settled with Sinhalese.
ect in the region at present is the proposed r plant to be set up with Indian assistance in f importance to India for purposes of regional
as to be seen in this context and read in the India’s warning to Sri Lanka in May against ce from China and Pakistan. Many Sinhala ationalists were easily misled by the warning, en to be yet another Indian trick to distract ls going on behind the scenes with the to ensure Indian hegemony in Sri Lanka.

Page 46
Expulsions and Explanations
The eviction of Tamils from lodges in Colomb short-term occupation, and the subsequent hundred of them from Colombo in early June w all but the most rabid Sinhala chauvinist elemen
Interestingly the US promptly criticised the m while India, strangely, failed to comment. Equa of organised mass protests in the streets of Tam
Minister Keheliya Rambukwella claimed tha expelled were terrorist suspects, and the police that no one was sent out of Colombo again transport was provided to those who voluntee Statements by those who were dropped in V gave a different account. The Prime Minister gesture towards the Tamils, apologised for implication criticised the police and the defence apology was tarnished by utterances by his ca Fernandopulle who declared that there was expulsion. The President declared that there w incident.
What was a most positive and significant o response to the expulsion. Public protests incl Sinhalese and Muslims who unreservedly den Remarkably, the Centre for Policy Alternative Supreme Court injunction against expulsion of T
Kidnapping Crosses Ethnic Bound
The spree of killings, kidnappings and disappea country with one significant difference. The pe are now targeting hitherto untapped resources.
Sinhalese businessmen were kidnapped in May May and June. The police have as on earlier o While the government pleaded ignorance and M frivolous remarks by some spokespersons. I government Muslim political leaders thought i

nd Explanations
rom lodges in Colombo, where they were in and the subsequent expulsion of several lombo in early June was denounced by nearly hala chauvinist elements.
mptly criticised the move by the government iled to comment. Equally strange was the lack ts in the streets of Tamilnadu.
bukwella claimed that all those who were spects, and the police spokesperson claimed ut of Colombo against his wishes and that to those who volunteered to leave Colombo. o were dropped in Vavuniya and Batticaloa t. The Prime Minister, in a rare conciliatory mils, apologised for the expulsions and by police and the defence establishment. But the y utterances by his cabinet colleague Jeyaraj lared that there was nothing wrong in the declared that there will be an inquiry into the
tive and significant outcome was the public n. Public protests included a large number of who unreservedly denounced the expulsions. for Policy Alternatives was able to obtain a against expulsion of Tamils from Colombo.
rosses Ethnic Boundaries
nappings and disappearances continues in the ant difference. The perpetrators of the crimes
untapped resources.
ere kidnapped in May and several Muslims in e have as on earlier occasions unable to help. aded ignorance and Muslims were irritated by me spokespersons. Interestingly, some pro- tical leaders thought it fit to claim that there

Page 47
were no kidnappings, but the claim was stro Muslim leaders.
The Party is Over
Attempts by veteran SLFP trade unionist and m patch-up the relationship between the dismi Samaraweera and the President ended in granting of bail to former minister Sripathi detention on what once seemed an unbailable o state vehicle, and his release from detention the have declared war against the government. The party SLFP(P), P for people, which they annou founder of the SLFP in Horagolla. They claime SLFP MPs who they said will quit the governm right time, and invited former president Chandr them in the struggle to salvage the SLFP brothers.
The SLFP parliamentary leadership declared th two defectors of their parliamentary seats but would be dissolved in the event of an attempt to The UNP solicited the cooperation of the ideological inclinations would normally have bee to the JVP than the UNP. Whether a new allia and a UNP rid of its deserters is in the making r
Media under Threat
It has been the Tamil newspapers that had b repression of freedom of expression. Colombo sister paper Uthayan from Jaffna as well as Jaffna edition have been regular targets and ev Sudaroli has been subject to harassment.
With the exception of newspapers like the Sun been strongly critical of the government as w matter of policy, harassment of Sinhala and E personnel has been less common than for th

ut the claim was strongly rebutted by other
r
P trade unionist and minister Alawi Maulana to p between the dismissed minister Mangala President ended in failure. Following the er minister Sripathi Sooriyarachchi, held in eemed an unbailable offence of the abuse of a ase from detention the pair of former ministers st the government. They formed a new political ple, which they announced at the tomb of the oragolla. They claimed the support of several d will quit the government to join them at the mer president Chandrika Kumaratunga to join o salvage the SLFP from the Rajapaksha
leadership declared that it will not deprive the rliamentary seats but warned that parliament event of an attempt to topple the government. cooperation of the two defectors, whose uld normally have been expected to be closer . Whether a new alliance of SLFP deserters rters is in the making remains to be seen.
Threat
ewspapers that had been the target of state expression. Colombo-based Sudaroli and its m Jaffna as well as the Thinakkural and its regular targets and even recently the editor of t to harassment.
wspapers like the Sunday Leader which have the government as well as of the JVP, as a ent of Sinhala and English media and media common than for their Tamil counterparts.

Page 48
Tamil media personnel have been attacked by J occasions.
Since early this year attacks on newspapers cr and government policy has been on the rise. journalist attached to the Maubima newspaper account (held in the name of an individual) w come. Following the media publicity for the alle of Daily Mirror in mid-April regarding its publica the human rights situation in the North-East, th cautious about publishing reports critical of the g
The arrest of the proprietor of Maubima in hos of giving money to the LTTE, against a ba allegation by former minister Sripathi Sooriyara bribed by persons close to the President to boycott the presidential polls, seems to have op is now claimed that the proprietor of Maubim arranged the deal, and having secured relea threatening to come out with the details. The D mid-May been bolder in its criticism of the g cartoons and even damning stories.
What surprised many was the blocking since t the fairly popular pro-LTTE website by Internet Lanka, who claim that they acted on gover government, when confronted with the ques instruction. If that be the case, one wonders w been unblocked yet. Interestingly scores of stau LTTE websites are still accessible.
*****

ave been attacked by JVP goons too on earlier
cks on newspapers critical of the government has been on the rise. The arrest of a Tamil Maubima newspaper and freezing of its bank me of an individual) were signs of things to ia publicity for the alleged threat to the Editor ril regarding its publication of news relating to n in the North-East, the newspaper has been
reports critical of the government.
tor of Maubima in hospital in June on charges LTTE, against a background of an earlier ster Sripathi Sooriyarachchi that the LTTE was to the President to persuade the Tamils to olls, seems to have opened a can of worms. It proprietor of Maubima was the person who having secured release on bail, he is now with the details. The Daily Mirror too has since its criticism of the government with hostile ing stories.
s the blocking since the first week of June of E website by Internet service providers in Sri they acted on government instruction. The ronted with the question, denied any such case, one wonders why the Tamilnet has not restingly scores of staunchly propagandist pro-
cessible.
*****

Page 49
Internationa
Bangladesh
In response opposition parties’ protests last power by the government and its plans to m elections, Prime Minister Khalida Zia made a gesture by proposing 'Blue Print Election' (BP January. The opposition rejected the BPE a manipulate from behind, and the governmen Caretaker Government (CTG) led by Fakhrudd on 12th January.
The caretaker government in the pretext of crac made several political arrests, initially of Bangladesh National Party, the former ruling p this was not recognised by the opposition until started to crack down on the Awami League, th and a former ruling party. The matter came Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was blocked from from London in April and was threatened with a paid dividends and she was allowed to return.
People of Bangladesh are tired of corruption in of power by the government, and moves by th as long as they addressed those matters. Th authoritarian and its intentions suspect, while the imperialist powers since it will continue w policy and structural reform as dictated by the W the two rival bourgeois parties pursued while should be pleased with a ‘stable’ dictatorial go abides by their wishes.
The CTG while concentrating on its political ag issues like the cost of living and essential nee

International Events
parties’ protests last year against abuse of t and its plans to manipulate parliamentary r Khalida Zia made a seemingly conciliatory lue Print Election' (BPE) scheduled for 22nd rejected the BPE as yet another move to , and the government stepped down and a CTG) led by Fakhruddin Ahmed was sworn in
t in the pretext of cracking down on corruption arrests, initially of leading figures in the ty, the former ruling party. The motive behind y the opposition until the military-backed CTG the Awami League, the main opposition party y. The matter came to a head when former sina was blocked from boarding a flight home was threatened with arrest. Hasina’s defiance as allowed to return.
e tired of corruption in high places and abuse ent, and moves by the CTG received support ed those matters. The CTG’s style is highly ntions suspect, while it enjoys the support of ince it will continue with the open economic rm as dictated by the World Bank and IMF like parties pursued while in power. Imperialists ‘stable’ dictatorial government as long as it
ating on its political agenda does not address ing and essential needs of the people. In the

Page 50
pretext of uprooting illegal occupiers, the CTG and street-dwellers and even occupants of sm the High Court ruling requiring rehabilitation throwing millions of poor out of homes and jo freed of illegal occupation will finally go is c recovered forest, plain land, hills and marsh grabbers in the past.
While the case for election reform and politic military-backed government is more concerned Fears for democracy are strong since the milita years since it overthrew by a coup in 1975 the Rahman, who had by then lost popularity, and a
The task for democratic and progressive forces overthrow the undemocratic CTG. In the long t to be rid of the farcical theatre of what is parliament and one-class rule, and move democracy, for the country and its people to pro
Pakistan
The pro-US dictatorship of General Pervez Mus struggle to hold on to power. Its policy of su against Afghanistan had resulted in deepe increased defiance by not only political oppo judiciary and the legal profession.
Musharraf in his desire to secure another controversial political manoeuvre sought to thereby have his way. The defiance of Chief Ju Chaudhry in the face of attempts by Musharr office has emboldened the opposition further a campaign for a genuinely independent judicia and activists against the Musharraf’s suspens mass support. The parliamentary political partie their opportunity in these developments and Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Shariff have in returning home.

l occupiers, the CTG continues to evict slum- even occupants of small rural shops, ignoring equiring rehabilitation prior to eviction, thus out of homes and jobs. To whom the land n will finally go is cause for concern since land, hills and marshland went to big land
ion reform and political reform is strong, the nt is more concerned with its political battles. strong since the military ran the country for 15 by a coup in 1975 the government of Mujibur n lost popularity, and assassinated him.
nd progressive forces is to unite the people to tic CTG. In the long term, Bangladesh needs l theatre of what is effectively a two-party ss rule, and move towards a people’s ry and its people to prosper.
f General Pervez Musharraf is desperate in its ower. Its policy of supporting US aggression d resulted in deepening unpopularity and ot only political opponents but also by the fession.
to secure another five-year term with a anoeuvre sought to cow the judiciary and e defiance of Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad attempts by Musharraf to remove him from e opposition further and has strengthened the ly independent judiciary. Protests by lawyers Musharraf’s suspension of Chaudhry enjoy mentary political parties too have begun to see e developments and former prime ministers waz Shariff have indicated an interest in

Page 51
Even Musharraf’s allies who helped him to form after his dismissal of the government of Naw that Musharraf should reconsider his plans parties and takes steps towards holding free a than get himself re-elected as President by th provincial assemblies.
While the stage is being set for various shady p the spoils of state power, the Musharraf gover on the Pro-Democracy Movement. Thousands been arrested in a pre-emptive sweep by th General Secretary of the Pakistan Labour Par May and released on bail was re-arrested in le June and is now detained for 3 months. His a direct result of his proactive role in the lawyer’s Chief Justice Chaudhry and his role in th freedom.
Whoever fails Musharraf, who escaped several he has loyal supporters: the Bush administra supporting the general, and of course the Indian Musharraf has made various concessions.
As for the people of Pakistan the cycle o governments – military coups – repressive regime – popular protests – corrupt parliament be allowed to go on for ever. The way o fundamentalists who have proved to be div society, but the re-emergence of a genuine left society outside the confines of bourgeois parliam
Nepal: Lessons in Bourgeois Democr
Transition from an autocratic monarchy to a republic was not going to be easy for Nepal places in India and the US would do their utm Maoists had to struggle all the way to become struggle even harder to implement their pro-peo
The initial faith that the Maoists had in the sinc Alliance (SPA) has now given way to a more ca

ho helped him to form a government in 1999 government of Nawaz Shariff now demand econsider his plans and talk to all political towards holding free and fair elections rather ed as President by the outgoing national and
set for various shady political deals for sharing , the Musharraf government is cracking down ovement. Thousands of political activists had emptive sweep by the police. Farooq Tariq, Pakistan Labour Party who was arrested in il was re-arrested in less than a month on 5th d for 3 months. His arrest appears to be as ive role in the lawyer’s movement in support of and his role in the campaign for media
who escaped several assassination attempts, : the Bush administration with no choice but nd of course the Indian establishment to which ous concessions.
akistan the cycle of corrupt parliamentary coups – repressive and unpopular military s – corrupt parliamentary governments cannot for ever. The way out is not with Islamic ve proved to be divisive force in Pakistani ence of a genuine left that seeks a democratic es of bourgeois parliamentarism.
in Bourgeois Democracy
cratic monarchy to a bourgeois democratic to be easy for Nepal, and meddlers in high US would do their utmost to ensure that the all the way to become partners in power; and
plement their pro-people reforms.
aoists had in the sincerity of the Seven Party iven way to a more cautious approach. Interim

Page 52
Prime Minister Koirala, a veteran in parliamen and very much under Indian influence, did not on his more progressive partners. The appoin without prior consultation earlier in the year ran Maoists did not hesitate to protest and warn wreck the entire deal.
Arrangements for the elections to the Cons originally scheduled for June 2007 were deliber reactionary parties in the SPA could buy time to support for the Maoists. Reactionary elements among the Mahadesi minority nationality, wh prolonged civil strife but averted by timely and p more progressive elements and the Maoists.
The Maoists warned the interim government a SPA against dragging their feet about elections now been fixed for November 2007. The Mao the state took over the properties of the mon head of state had been removed. Undue de prompted the Maoists to encourage the peopl land belonging to the King. It was popular pr that persuaded the Nepali parliament to agr ridding Nepal of the monarchy.
It is against this background of reactionary co gains of a decade long mass struggle that the M said that his party would take to the stree conspired against the people's desire of establi and called on party cadres to be ready for a major leader Baburam Bhattarai asked party c about safeguarding national interests and nat were under threat of interference by imperialistic In an interview in May, Prachanda endorsed that “without a people’s army, people have not stop without a people's army. Today the Peo women's liberation, a partial dissolution of th breakdown for the class society in the liberated a result of the People's Army and without the would not have been possible. Mao's basis for and scientific analysis of the fight ordinary peop

veteran in parliamentary opportunist politics ian influence, did not miss a chance to cheat partners. The appointment of new diplomats earlier in the year rang an alarm bell and the to protest and warn that such moves could
lections to the Constituent Assembly (CA), une 2007 were deliberately delayed so that the SPA could buy time to undermine the popular Reactionary elements also stirred up trouble inority nationality, which could have led to verted by timely and positive response by the ts and the Maoists.
interim government and the sections of the eir feet about elections to the CA, which have mber 2007. The Maoists also demanded that properties of the monarch, whose powers as removed. Undue delay by the state to act encourage the people to take control of the ng. It was popular pressure in various forms ali parliament to agree on the prospect of archy.
und of reactionary conspiracy to reverse the ass struggle that the Maoist leader Prachanda ld take to the streets if reactionary forces ople's desire of establishing a republican order res to be ready for any eventuality. Another hattarai asked party cadres to be on the alert nal interests and national sovereignty which ference by imperialistic forces Prachanda endorsed Mao Zedong’s position rmy, people have nothing: “The liberation will army. Today the People's Army has caused artial dissolution of the caste system and a society in the liberated areas. This liberation is Army and without the people's own army this ssible. Mao's basis for saying this was a total the fight ordinary people have to take with the

Page 53
bourgeoisie. We have showed in practice that
India: CPI(M) Reveals its Class Loyal
Recent actions of West Bengal’s United Prog government have again demonstrated clearly w of and the Left Front led by the CPI(M) lie.
The state government in its eagerness to se Zones (SEZ) went so far as to enable Salim crony capitalist beneficiary of the fascist Suha chemical hub in Nandigram by taking land away the people resisted, not only the state police, bu goons turned on the protesters. On 14th Ma Nandigram were killed (the official figure is government claim that it is much higher), hu women raped by the attackers, and houses publicity rather than people’s protest forced Ch Bhattacharya to beat a temporary retreat on Na
Inspired by the spirited defiance of the peo ongoing mass protest in Singur against the ac acres of land for the proposed Tata-Fiat p momentum. The claim of the state gov spokespersons that the owners of 90% of consented to part with their land was soon pr battered but yet unbeaten Chief Minister Bhatta Singur, since a second retreat would be absolu mark the end of the road for his plans for SE deals in W Bengal. Dissent is, however, brewin the state and within the CPI(M) across the coun
The right wing opposition in West Bengal led b India Trinamool Congress which seeks to mak even the slightest public resentment against th not miss out on Singur, and Mamata even wen strike to attract media attention. While the m behind her, she has become the best availab whose defenders claim that attacks on the CP only bring the right wing to power. This line of

owed in practice that his theory was correct “.
veals its Class Loyalties
Bengal’s United Progressive Alliance (UPA) demonstrated clearly where the class loyalties
y the CPI(M) lie.
n its eagerness to set up Special Economic r as to enable Salim Group of Indonesia (a ry of the fascist Suharto regime) to set up a m by taking land away from the people. When nly the state police, but also hordes of CPI(M) rotesters. On 14th March, several people of (the official figure is 14 but critics of the t is much higher), hundreds injured, several ttackers, and houses burnt down. The bad ple’s protest forced Chief Minister Buddhadeb mporary retreat on Nandigram.
defiance of the people in Nandigram, the Singur against the acquisition of nearly 1000 proposed Tata-Fiat project gathered further of the state government and CPI(M) owners of 90% of the land had already heir land was soon proven to be bogus. The Chief Minister Bhattacharya is still defiant on treat would be absolute humiliation to him and d for his plans for SEZs and other corporate nt is, however, brewing within the Left Front in PI(M) across the country.
in West Bengal led by Mamata Banerjee’s All s which seeks to make a campaign issue of resentment against the state government did nd Mamata even went on a prolonged hunger attention. While the masses are not rallying ome the best available shield for the CPI(M) hat attacks on the CPI(M)-led government will to power. This line of attack is in conflict with

Page 54
the line plugged by W Bengal’s CPI(M) lead Nandigram was the making of Naxalites and oth
The return of the reactionary right to power in merely on preserving a pseudo-left majority in implement the wishes of India’s capitalists a other hand, it requires the mobilization of the Bengal to identify their enemy and fight for their
The sore episode of Nandigram has thoroughly the CPI(M) and their allies in the media as w intellectuals who have been sympathetic toward pathetic record in recent past. The silence of regular writers on a whole range of issues, on N hearted excuses that some of them have come state government serve as a measure of their takes more than to be embarrassment to save that honest left intellectuals took a firm and underlying issues and question the conduct o parliamentary left parties on their stand globalization.
France: Swing to the Right
Nicolas Sarkozy's convincing victory in France' May 2007 seemingly marked a sharp swing to t parliament in June painted a different picture to are not as strongly as earlier imagined in favo Despite various excuses and explanations for th French ‘left’ the fact is that the French left, be French Communist Party, is part of the establi difference to the French imperialist agenda, alth for social welfare and other local issues. This ‘ pressure on issues concerning immigrants a merely to ensure electoral victory.
Sarkozy’s pledges to cut taxes, control trade u welfare, and be tough on the unemployed, you immigrants; his pro-US and pro-Israel views; an sound Thatcherite. Notably, not long ago, in 20

Bengal’s CPI(M) leaders that the trouble in ng of Naxalites and other terrorists.
nary right to power in the state does not rely pseudo-left majority in the state assembly to f India’s capitalists and imperialism. On the he mobilization of the working masses of W
emy and fight for their rights.
digram has thoroughly exposed the leaders of es in the media as well as embarrassed left en sympathetic towards the CPI(M) despite its t past. The silence of many of them, usually e range of issues, on Nandigram and the half- e of them have come out with on behalf of the as a measure of their embarrassment. But it barrassment to save one’s integrity. It is time als took a firm and principled stand on the uestion the conduct of the CPI(M) and other ties on their stand vis-à-vis imperialist
the Right
cing victory in France's presidential election in ked a sharp swing to the right. But elections to d a different picture to suggest that the people arlier imagined in favour of a rightist agenda. and explanations for the electoral failure of the at the French left, be it the ‘socialists’ or the , is part of the establishment that makes little imperialist agenda, although it has implications er local issues. This ‘left’ has yielded to racist cerning immigrants and the underprivileged, l victory.
taxes, control trade unions, dismantle social the unemployed, young offenders, and illegal nd pro-Israel views; and his authoritarian style ly, not long ago, in 2005, Sarkozy referred to

Page 55
youth of the rundown housing estates fringing th and vowed to mop up the areas.
The French left now has the option of fighting taking a genuinely pro-people stand or beat th more Thatcherite than them, as the now shame
Venezuela: Gathering Momentum
The Venezuelan government continued in it imperialism with its buyout of the country's company and of its biggest privately owned pow by U.S. firms and took control of its oil refineries
President Chavez also announced in May that for the World Bank or the International Mo Venezuela will pull out of the IMF. There have in the country for some time and hence the pu be a mere formality.
While nationalisation of major industrial ventur will not lead to socialism, it is an essential step imperialist domination. Since the take over was is no question of the legality of the steps taken that does not mean that the imperialists will ta moves.
Imperialism saw its opportunity when in M television channel RCTV lost its legal battle government decision not to renew its licence. T for its campaign for the unlawful overthrow of th and its role in distorting news to serve its aim. for example in Sri Lanka where nationalised mouthpieces of the government in power, is t new public TV station, Venezuelan Social Tele purchase programs made by independen government will have no say over t broadcast. Meantime RCTV will be allowed to o is a far cry from the kind of control the US gov the mainstream US electronic media on sensitiv

sing estates fringing the large cities as "scum" areas.
the option of fighting French Tahtcherism by eople stand or beat the Thatcherites by being
m, as the now shamed Blair did in the UK.
ering Momentum
ment continued in its spirit of defiance of out of the country's top telecommunications st privately owned power company, controlled ntrol of its oil refineries in May.
nnounced in May that Venezuela has no need the International Monetary Fund and that the IMF. There have been no IMF operations ime and hence the pull out in due course will
ajor industrial ventures under foreign control it is an essential step in ridding the country of nce the take over was done as a buy-out there lity of the steps taken by the government. But the imperialists will take kindly towards these
portunity when in May the pro-US private lost its legal battle to reverse an earlier to renew its licence. The RCTV was notorious nlawful overthrow of the government by a coup ews to serve its aim. The government, unlike a where nationalised media are reduced to rnment in power, is to use the channel for a enezuelan Social Television (TVs), which will ade by independent producers and the no say over the contents of the TV will be allowed to operate via satellite. This of control the US government exercises over onic media on sensitive issues.

Page 56
The Venezuelan government overcame the sh with counter-demonstrations in support of the discussion on the subject, it encouraged publi This approach paid dividends and with growin has silenced some of the South American critic to denounce the action of the Venezuelan gove
US: Heading towards Economic Cras
Economic writers Steven Pearlstein and Robe the Washington Post in mid-June 2007 h impending US economic bust. Pearlstein’s extraordinary amount of debt compared t companies currently subject to leveraged buy when it is realised that the prices paid for the debt accumulated to support the acquisitions consequences will be disastrous. Samuelson w rising interest rates and the consequent weak the economy.
It will be useful to consider these fears in the c warning in its mid-year update that the US deb trillion, could trigger the collapse of the dollar. the slowing down of the US economy from 3.3 per cent in 2007, and that the persistent curre US could leas to higher benchmark interest rate
A failing economy has not necessarily meant a policy of global aggression. It could on the othe and more economic disaster until lessons are le
*****

ent overcame the show of support for RCTV ons in support of the move. Rather than stifle t, it encouraged public debate of the subject. ends and with growing international support, South American critics who sided with the US f the Venezuelan government.
ards Economic Crash?
Pearlstein and Robert Samuelson writing in n mid-June 2007 have warned about an ic bust. Pearlstein’s article concerned the f debt compared to operating profits of ject to leveraged buyouts and warned that, he prices paid for these companies and the pport the acquisitions are unsustainable, the astrous. Samuelson warns of the prospect of the consequent weakening of borrowing and
er these fears in the context of the recent UN pdate that the US debt, now at well over $3 collapse of the dollar. It also drew attention to US economy from 3.3 per cent in 2006 to 2.1 at the persistent current account deficit in the enchmark interest rates.
ot necessarily meant an end to the imperialist n. It could on the other hand mean more war ter until lessons are learnt.
*****

Page 57
Bo
Problems of Defining a Nationality
Sri Lankan Muslims: Ethnic Identity with MA Nuhman, International Centre for Ethnic 2007, pp. 234 +xi, (price not stated).
The book satisfies a long felt demand for c to the evolution of Sri Lankan Muslims as a n author prefers to stop short at identity as an eth dealing with the emergence of Muslim awarene group identities and the impact of the politica the start of the 19th Century in shaping that id accordingly are well researched and lucidly pres
The author correctly points out that the attitu Ponnambalam Ramanathan not only helped t identity as distinct from a Tamil identity and, a suspicion and distrust of Tamil political inten draws attention to how the Federal Party, al denied a separate Muslim identity by design identity, namely ”the Tamil Speaking People” a forced inclusion of the Muslims in the incre national identity led to the worsening of relatio and the Muslims.
The author also draws attention to a shift medium of instruction in schools in the South a external factors like the lack of good Tamil me not go into that aspect in detail. He also implications for a common ethnic identity for t the warning by AMA Azeez in the 1950s, in his retain Tamil as their language.
The sections on the process of Islamisati women in Muslim society are particularly instr

Book Reviews
Defining a Nationality
Ethnic Identity within Cultural Diversity, nal Centre for Ethnic Studies, Colombo 8,
not stated).
long felt demand for clarifying matters relating ankan Muslims as a nationality, although the ort at identity as an ethnic group. The sections ce of Muslim awareness from among different impact of the political changes since around tury in shaping that identity and redefining it arched and lucidly presented.
oints out that the attitude of Tamil leaders like an not only helped to consolidate a Muslim a Tamil identity and, at least in the South, to f Tamil political intentions. The author also the Federal Party, although not maliciously, lim identity by designing a language based il Speaking People” and illustrating how this Muslims in the increasingly assertive Tamil e worsening of relations between the Tamils
s attention to a shift towards Sinhala as the schools in the South and briefly comments on lack of good Tamil medium schools, but does t in detail. He also draws attention to its n ethnic identity for the Muslims in terms of ez in the 1950s, in his plea to the Muslims to uage.
process of Islamisation and the position of y are particularly instructive for non-Muslims,

Page 58
and will help in shedding some of the biased v are being systematically propagated.
The rest of this review draws attention to a f in the book, which while not negating the usefu undervalue its worth and deserve to be address a sequel to the book.
Given the fact that the emergence of a Mu Muslim ethnic awareness are inseparable from since early 19th Century, little is discussed in political events and issues, except the language
An important aspect of the politics of involvement in the left movement, the Commu Notably when the party split in 1964, the ed weeklies of the two factions were Muslims. E Central Committee of the Left Communist Par members. Interestingly, during the 1960s, whe being hunted by the police in Jaffna, Muslims cadres in their homes. The relationship of prog Tamils with Muslims was so warm that in the were able to elect Abusally, a Muslim Mayor of
There has been a long tradition of respect f the Muslims and warmth towards them dating reactionary Ponnambalam Ramanathan who ha the Muslims, but also for all Tamils other than elite, based on caste, region and origin (in th Tamils). His own brother Ponnambalam Arun enlightened than Ramanathan. The emphasis neglect of movements like the Jaffna Youth tradition among Tamils, although traceable to sources of information, is damaging to goo nationalities.
The rise of nationalism has hurt the left nationality. Among the Sinhalese the old compromising with the chauvinistic national among the Tamils owing to the old left being s chauvinist oppression, but the genuine left is r and Hill Country Tamils. Among Muslims the re

some of the biased views against Islam that ropagated.
draws attention to a few serious weaknesses not negating the usefulness of the book, could deserve to be addressed in a future edition or
e emergence of a Muslim ethnic identity and s are inseparable from political developments , little is discussed in detail about important s, except the language issue.
t of the politics of the Muslims was their ovement, the Communist Party in particular. split in 1964, the editors of the rival Tamil ions were Muslims. Even into the 1970s the e Left Communist Party had several Muslims uring the 1960s, when the communists were lice in Jaffna, Muslims protected many party he relationship of progressive sections of the so warm that in the 1950s the communists ly, a Muslim Mayor of Jaffna.
g tradition of respect for the distinct identity of towards them dating back to the days of the Ramanathan who had contempt not only for all Tamils other than the Jaffna Saiva Vellala gion and origin (in the case of Hill Country r Ponnambalam Arunachalam was far more athan. The emphasis on Ramanathan to the ike the Jaffna Youth Congress and the left although traceable to the limitations of the is damaging to goodwill between the two
sm has hurt the left movement within every Sinhalese the old left lost credibility by chauvinistic national bourgeois SLFP, and to the old left being seen as party to Sinhala t the genuine left is rebuilding among Tamils Among Muslims the religious label is a serious

Page 59
obstacle to left politics, and is an issue that ne progressive Muslims.
Since nationalism as well as other forms o distinct class identity, an analysis of the emer and with it nationalism cannot be complete w interests within and outside the community con tendency to emphasise the role of individuals and also runs the risk of over-estimating the imp
Some of the statements about individuals li are from dubious hagiographic accounts. What the Muslim petit bourgeoisie are commend examining the harm it has done to inter-commu
There are a few matters in which the pub responsibly. Copy editing, proofreading and c should not be the burden of the authors alone.
Sensational not Sensible
The Queen of Deceit, Victor Ivan, Maharagama, 2007, pp. 189, Rs 500.00
Sri Lankan parliamentary politics has nev Corruption in high places has been steadily on and has escalated following the opening up o Criminalisation of politics has accompanied cor more to worsen the political climate and the co range of democratic freedoms and human rights
The existence of newspapers and other threats posed by the state has helped sign dictatorial UNP regime to an end in 1994. Rav Ivan have played a useful role in that context played by most of the media, including Ravay role of democratising the society. Theirs was a the pillow to cure the headache. They persuad the pillow but the headache persisted even aft curse the pillow.

nd is an issue that needs to be addressed by
well as other forms of ethnic politics have a analysis of the emergence of ethnic identity annot be complete without considering class de the community concerned. The book has a he role of individuals over social phenomena
ver-estimating the importance of individuals.
nts about individuals like Baddiuddin Mahmud raphic accounts. What seem to be benefits to eoisie are commended uncritically without s done to inter-community relations.
ters in which the publishers should act more g, proofreading and compilation of the index
of the authors alone.
SJS-
not Sensible
eit, Victor Ivan, Ravaya Publication, 189, Rs 500.00
ntary politics has never been a clean affair. has been steadily on the rise since early days ing the opening up of the economy in 1978. has accompanied corruption but it took much cal climate and the continuing denial of a wide
oms and human rights.
wspapers and other media that stand up to tate has helped significantly to bringing the an end in 1994. Ravaya and its editor Victor ul role in that context. Nevertheless, the role edia, including Ravaya, was not a conscious society. Theirs was an exercise in changing dache. They persuaded the people to change he persisted even after the change, and they

Page 60
The allegations that the author of the boo former president Chandrika Kumaratunga a democracy worth its salt it would have led to an the stripping of political rights and a prison cannot happen in Sri Lanka, except as acts o the political landscape has altered beyond reco to speak about one politician today is to spea class and to denounce President Kumaratun executive presidential system as a whole.
The book does not, however, follow that line Kumaratunga and tends to convey the impre blackest of all the black sheep. There is absolu the role of chauvinistic politics or about the bringing the country to its present sorry state. T to class interests and class politics. Thus the between a personal vendetta by the author aga somewhat subjective exposé of a corrupt head
Some of the charges seem fairly well subs wonder why the police are not probing into the the claim that Kumaratunga orchestrated the bo the election campaign in 1999 which remind theories that float around, and built on flimsy ev remain unanswered about the murder of However, to suggest that a message with a President’s office comprises incriminating evid much of an intelligent reader.
If Sri Lanka is, as the author suggests in Sinhala version, not a particularly civilised co immoral country, I wonder what purpose is se nature which only tells us what to expect or already known.
Had the author gone deeper into what unde he may have come out with some valuable ins seem to be the aim of the writing.
*****

the author of the book is making about the rika Kumaratunga are serious and in any it would have led to an impeachment and even rights and a prison sentence. Such things nka, except as acts of victimisation, because s altered beyond recognition since 1977. Thus ician today is to speak about politicians as a President Kumaratunga is to denounce the tem as a whole.
owever, follow that line of thinking. It picks out to convey the impression that she was the sheep. There is absolutely no consideration of politics or about the role of imperialism in present sorry state. There is no thought given lass politics. Thus the book lies somewhere etta by the author against Kumaratunga and a osé of a corrupt head of state.
seem fairly well substantiated and make one re not probing into them. There are others like ga orchestrated the bomb attack on her during 1999 which remind me of many conspiracy , and built on flimsy evidence. Many questions out the murder of Kumar Ponnambalam. at a message with a wrong date from the ises incriminating evidence is demanding too der.
e author suggests in his introduction to the articularly civilised country and a particularly er what purpose is served by a book of this us what to expect or what we should have
deeper into what underlies the ills that we see, ith some valuable insights. But that does not writing.
-SJS- *****

Page 61
Assassination of the Bud
MA Nuhman
Last night in my dream the Lord Buddha was shot dead Police in civilian clothes had killed him. Besides the steps to the Jaffna lay his corpse in a pool of blood The ministers arrived in the darkness of night. “Why did you hill him– when his name is not on our lis they fumed.
“No sir” they said “No wrong was done. We could not hurt even a fly without shooting him. That was why ....” “Very well then, conceal the corpse” And the ministers left.
The men in civilian clothes dragged in the corpse, covered the body of the Buddha with ninety thousand volumes and set alight the Sikhalokavad The body of the Buddha turned as did the Dhammapada.

assination of the Buddha
MA Nuhman
t in my dream Buddha was shot dead. civilian clothes d him.
the steps to the Jaffna Library orpse in a pool of blood. isters arrived
rkness of night.
you hill him– name is not on our list?” ed.
they said
g was done. d not hurt even a fly
hooting him. s why ....”
ll then, the corpse” ministers left.
in civilian clothes in the corpse, the body of the Buddha ty thousand volumes alight the Sikhalokavada Suthra. y of the Buddha turned to ashes e Dhammapada.
(1981)

Page 62
Only the doves keep flying
Ashroff Shihaabdeen
During national festivities all the national leaders let fly doves alone.
At any time in any nation a corner is on fire.
All burning problems are discussed in air-conditioned space.
Problems remain problems while doves keep flying
Blind to History MA Nuhman
Push, push. Push some more. The pressure will rise! There will be an explosion!
Shoot, shoot. Let a hundred men fall. Swing around your gun and shoo Let them fall by the thousands. O will they mobilise by the millions for the guns to crumble away.
Do you know not the orphan of the peacock throne You are blind, blind at birth. You never recognise history.

the doves keep flying
Ashroff Shihaabdeen
ional festivities onal leaders
s alone.
e on
on fire.
problems sed itioned space.
remain problems
s keep flying
(circa 1998)
Blind to History MA Nuhman
h. Push some more. ure will rise! be an explosion!
ot. red men fall. und your gun and shoot– all by the thousands. Only then obilise by the millions s to crumble away.
ow not
of the peacock throne? ind, blind at birth.
recognise history.
(1980)

Page 63
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Page 64
The Renegade
David Diop (Senegal, 1927-1960)
My brother you flash your teeth in resp to e
My brother with gold-rimmed glasses You give your master a blue-eyed faith
My poor brother in immaculate evening Screaming and whispering in the parlo of c We pity you
Your country’s burning sun is nothing b On your serene ‘civilised’ brow
And the thought of your grandmother’s Brings blushes to your face that is blea
By years of humiliation and bad consc And while you trample on the bitter red
Let these words of anguish keep tome with your r
Oh I am so lonely so lonely here

Page 65
________ (Courtesy: Penguin Book of Mod
Published by E Thambiah of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM C Phone: 011 2435117; Fax: 011 2473757; E-mail: newdem
Website: www.ndpsl.org Printed at the Gowri Printers, Colom

The Renegade
David Diop Senegal, 1927-1960)
flash your teeth in response
to every hypocrisy
gold-rimmed glasses aster a blue-eyed faithful look
r in immaculate evening dress
whispering in the parlours
of condescension
urning sun is nothing but a shadow ‘civilised’ brow
t of your grandmother’s hut to your face that is bleached
iliation and bad conscience rample on the bitter red soil of Africa
of anguish keep tome
with your restless step –
ly so lonely here
: 

Page 66
______ Penguin Book of Modern African Poetry)
iah of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM Complex, Colombo 11 11 2473757; E-mail: newdemocraticparty@hotmail.com
Website: www.ndpsl.org at the Gowri Printers, Colombo 13