கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: New Democracy 2007.12

Page 1
December 2007
PPeeddddlliinngg GGlloobbaalliissaattiioonn
D Garment Industry & Export o Labour: Plight of Women CCllaasshh ooff NNaattiioonnaalliittiieess Human Rights Illusions PPooeettrryy::
Faiz Ahmed Faiz, Kin Roque Dalto
Editorial ? NDP Diary ? Sri Lankan Events ? Intern

ber 2007
iinngg GGlloobbaalliissaattiioonn
Deshabakthan ent Industry & Export of
r: Plight of Women
Sri ooff NNaattiioonnaalliittiieess
Shanmugam n Rights Illusions y::
Faiz Ahmed Faiz, Kingsley Gomez, Roque Dalton, Oumar Ba
Sri Lankan Events ? International ? Book Review

Page 2
When Autumn Came
Faiz Ahmed Faiz
This is the way that autumn came to it stripped them down to the skin, left their ebony bodies naked. It shook out their hearts, the yellow scattered them over the ground. Anyone could trample them out of sh undisturbed by a single moan of pro
The birds that herald dreams were exiled from their song, each voice torn out of its throat. They dropped into the dust even before the hunter strung his bow
Oh, God of May have mercy. Bless these withered bodies with the passion of your resurrection make their dead veins flow with bloo Give some tree the gift of green aga Let one bird sing.

When Autumn Came
Faiz Ahmed Faiz
ay that autumn came to the trees: hem down to the skin, ony bodies naked.
their hearts, the yellow leaves, em over the ground. ld trample them out of shape by a single moan of protest.
at herald dreams from their song, torn out of its throat. ed into the dust
the hunter strung his bow.
May have mercy. withered bodies sion of your resurrection; dead veins flow with blood again.
ree the gift of green again.
sing.

Page 3
From the Edito
The 2007-2007 budget has been notorious f mainly its nearly 63 billion rupee deficit and defence allocation, surpassing last year’s by 1 way that both the government and the oppo budget vote.
The New Democratic Party denounced the and its Tamil monthly, Puthiya Poomi, Nov pointed out that defence expenditure is not limi as further sums may be allocated by parliame military purchases, as has been the practice for
The people hoped for control of the pric including a reduction in the sharply increased wheat flour and fuel, and wage increases to com of living, but neither was forthcoming. Price in been blamed on the war and the world marke fault for either. The ruling classes are res economic growth and the decline of the rupee cause for the economic crisis, corruption, frau and position cannot be ignored. But the g parliamentary debate on corrupt and fraudu brought to light by parliamentary select committ
The JVP said that it would vote against the people, and did so at the second reading but, eve of the third reading to vote against, it ab passage of the budget. This was not unexpec budget could have meant a general election a parliamentary strength for the JVP.
The UNP opposition to the budget was for p was not far from the JVP when it came to the d

From the Editor’s Desk
t has been notorious for its negative features, lion rupee deficit and the 166 billion rupee ssing last year’s by 19%, as well as for the rnment and the opposition handled with the
Party denounced the budget as anti-people Puthiya Poomi, November 2007 editorially expenditure is not limited to budget allocations allocated by parliament when necessary for s been the practice for the past 25 years.
or control of the prices of essential goods the sharply increased prices of items such as wage increases to compensate the rising cost forthcoming. Price increases have routinely and the world market. The people are not at ling classes are responsible for the poor e decline of the rupee. While war is the main crisis, corruption, fraud, and abuse of power ignored. But the government has stifled n corrupt and fraudulent acts by ministers,
entary select committees.
ould vote against the budget as it hurts the second reading but, despite pledging on the to vote against, it abstained to enable safe his was not unexpected as the defeat of the t a general election and a drastically reduced r the JVP.
o the budget was for political advantage, but it when it came to the defence budget: the JVP

Page 4
supports an increase in defence expenditure oppose it. The UNP was counting on the JVP Alliance MPs voting against the budget and government by the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress CWC (which predictably did not) to defeat the were dashed by the abstention of the JVP.
Parliamentary horse-trading apart, pressure TNA MPs from the east by ‘unknown elem relatives with the threat that they will be killed the budget. As a result, the three refrained fro removed as MP on the day of the vote for abse over three months, although he was allowed three occasions in the week before the crucial v
It has been said that there was a deal betwe JVP to scrap the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) an cabinet ministers to thirty in return for the JVP’s is irrelevant as the CFA is in place only on pa size of the cabinet could be evidence of a de posts are merely decorative with very little financial resources compared to earlier years control over the bulk of the budget allocation. MPs, especially those who crossed over from th the government has perhaps more to do cupboards than the attraction of a cabinet po prospect of facing another parliamentary electio
The government is seen by the public as a except on the war front, and it seeks to survive of insecurity among the people by whipping attacks. Harassment of Tamils in Colombo is n the campaign against security threats. It seem has no sense of direction except to plunge the c
What is certain is that the parliamentary sys the deepening economic crisis or the war which The two main issues to be resolved are the nati the principle of self-determination, and freeing t colonial control and its agenda for globalisation.
*****

defence expenditure while the UNP will not counting on the JVP and the Tamil National inst the budget and the abandoning of the nka Muslim Congress (which actually did), the did not) to defeat the government. Its hopes ntion of the JVP.
rading apart, pressure was brought on three st by ‘unknown elements’ kidnapping their hat they will be killed if the MPs voted against the three refrained from voting. A fourth was ay of the vote for absence from parliament for ugh he was allowed to attend parliament on ek before the crucial vote.
ere was a deal between the president and the re Agreement (CFA) and reduce the number of in return for the JVP’s abstention. The former is in place only on paper. A reduction in the be evidence of a deal, but most ministerial rative with very little power and even less ared to earlier years, while a handful wield the budget allocation. The reason why many o crossed over from the UNP, are staying with rhaps more to do with skeletons in their action of a cabinet post and, of course, the
r parliamentary election.
en by the public as a failure on every front, nd it seeks to survive by escalating the sense people by whipping up fear about terrorist amils in Colombo is now presented as part of curity threats. It seems that the government except to plunge the country into total war.
the parliamentary system has no answers for crisis or the war which is its immediate cause. e resolved are the national question, based on ination, and freeing the country from the neo- enda for globalisation.
*****

Page 5
Peddling Globalisation
Deshabakthan
Globalisation has had its advocates from organisations besides the imperialists, their dec Globalisation is the fruit of the neo-colonial gl which the imperialists led by US imperialism since the latter part of the 1970. The term glob by economists in the 1980s, and the name middle of the 1990s.
The collapse of the Soviet Union and governments in Eastern Europe and the states the Soviet Union disheartened the section of th peaceful, and hopefully parliamentary, socia acceleration of the capitalist transformation o foundation was laid in 1978, and the accompa Chinese economy by foreign capital further con desperation of this section of the left.
Besides, the national bourgeois leadership o Asia and Africa had by the 1980s lost much of momentum it had up to the 1970s when the a Africa blew off the remaining bastions of old-s few exceptions, mainly South Africa and Namib US imperialism suffered a humiliating defe between the opportunist left and the national hand hurt the credibility of the left movement other dissuaded the national bourgeoisie from

eddling Globalisation
Deshabakthan
d its advocates from among individuals and imperialists, their declared agents and allies. of the neo-colonial global economic strategy d by US imperialism have been working on e 1970. The term globalisation has been used 980s, and the name gained currency in the
Soviet Union and the fall of ‘socialist’ Europe and the states which once comprised tened the section of the left which relied on a parliamentary, socialist transformation. The talist transformation of China, for which the 78, and the accompanying penetration of the eign capital further contributed to the mood of n of the left.
bourgeois leadership of the former colonies of e 1980s lost much of whatever anti-imperialist the 1970s when the anti-colonial struggles in ining bastions of old-style colonial rule, with a outh Africa and Namibia (then SW Africa), and a humiliating defeat in Indochina. Deals left and the national bourgeoisie on the one of the left movement as a whole and on the ional bourgeoisie from pursuing a vigorously

Page 6
anti-imperialist economic and political agenda working classes and other progressive forces. T the Third World by the Soviet Union, especially to rivalry with US for global dominance also internationally and contributed to the fall of the S
Against such a background, the national b World, while paying lip service to anti-imperialis economic domination which evolved into neo- present form is more vicious than old-style col with the exception of Cuba, came under domination, and the imperialist agenda implemented with vigour in several Latin Am disastrous consequences.
In East and Southeast Asia some coun economic growth through the 1980s to the midd economic liberalisation and opening up to f trapped by their dependence on foreign international credit, they became unsuspectin speculators in not only their stock markets bu currencies. When the bubble of the ‘Asian mi result was economic chaos and disaster. M spared the misery by the timely interventio speculation, in defiance of the imperialists an finance. Other exceptions included China, and including India, with some degree of state pro and where globalisation had not penetrated s economies vulnerable to the crises of ‘global’ ca
The Asian crisis was accompanied by deepe the US and Europe, from which recovery is at the adverse effects of practices related to impe Third World opened the eyes of several Th globalisation to the reality. However, much of th to aspects of globalisation that failed to d prosperity and economic advancement. Th globalisation was an imperialist scheme design economies of the Third World to control by glob
Shift towards an export-oriented economy u in food and other essentials. Outsourcing of m

and political agenda in collaboration with the r progressive forces. The bid for domination of oviet Union, especially since the 1960s, owing obal dominance also hurt the left movement
uted to the fall of the Soviet Union.
round, the national bourgeoisie of the Third rvice to anti-imperialism, yielded to imperialist ich evolved into neo-colonialism, which in its ious than old-style colonialism. Latin America, Cuba, came under total US control and imperialist agenda for globalisation was r in several Latin American countries, with .
ast Asia some countries showed a rapid the 1980s to the middle of the 1990s owing to and opening up to foreign investors. Once ndence on foreign direct investment and became unsuspecting prey to international heir stock markets but also their free-floating bble of the ‘Asian miracle’ burst in 1998 the aos and disaster. Malaysia, however, was the timely intervention of the state against of the imperialists and institutions of global s included China, and South Asian countries e degree of state protectionism still in place had not penetrated sufficiently to render the the crises of ‘global’ capital.
ccompanied by deepening economic crises in which recovery is at best partial. These and ctices related to imperialist globalisation in the eyes of several Third World advocates of . However, much of the criticism was confined tion that failed to deliver on promises of ic advancement. They failed to see that erialist scheme designed to further subject the
orld to control by global capital.
rt-oriented economy undermined self reliance ials. Outsourcing of manufacture and services

Page 7
brought short-term economic benefits to so suffering under unequal terms of internationa increasingly dependent on and vulnerable to imperialist countries.
Migration of labour during the past two d skilled personnel from the Third World moved better wages, thus depriving the countrie resources for economic development. The hig direct investments were aimed at exploiting c importantly natural resources. The investors, g goals, were not interested in the development the host country and went on to extract more t fast as possible by exploiting host governme holidays, and the waiving of labour laws and tra
Many, including intellectuals, have been persuaded that globalisation is something aim together through technological advances, esp information technology and communications, advances are not ends in themselves but me imperialist project of globalisation. It is true protesters have taken advantage of modern in plan and execute their campaigns. But one can term dangers of the flooding of the internet w selective streamlining of information in ways th purposes. Like the working class struggles of th of every technological advance in confronting th opposing imperialism should use modern te constantly alert to the attendant dangers.
There are some who think that information revolutionary tool. While it is true that the force a powerful tool to which they have access, they can be denied access at any time. Also, tota technology makes them vulnerable to subversio control over the electronic media and the inter frustration of attempts by the state to collect inf with links to the ‘enemy’; and policing of all national security is not something that can be re

omic benefits to some economies already terms of international trade, but made them on and vulnerable to economic crises in the
uring the past two decades has meant that e Third World moved out of their countries for priving the countries of essential human development. The highly sought after foreign aimed at exploiting cheap labour and more rces. The investors, generally with short term d in the development of an industrial base in t on to extract more than their investment as loiting host government concessions like tax
of labour laws and trade union rights.
llectuals, have been naïve enough to be tion is something aimed at bringing mankind logical advances, especially in the fields of nd communications, not realising that such in themselves but means that facilitated the obalisation. It is true that anti-globalisation vantage of modern information technology to mpaigns. But one cannot be blind to the long ding of the internet with information and the information in ways that will serve imperialist g class struggles of the past taking advantage vance in confronting the capitalist class, forces hould use modern technology, while being
ndant dangers.
think that information technology is in itself a it is true that the forces of revolution have in it hey have access, they are not its owners and t any time. Also, total dependence on such ulnerable to subversion by the masters. State ic media and the internet persists despite the the state to collect information against people ’; and policing of all media in the name of mething that can be readily ruled out.

Page 8
Several illusions relating to globalisation revolution are not easy to dispel. The change o of Sri Lanka since 1978, seen in isolation national oppression by the UNP regime that cam the systematic denial of hard won trade union ri as well as illegal acts of repression against the innocent against a background of shortage of a under the earlier government. Liberalisation of t state sector of the economy, and the opening foreign investors by settling up free trade zone agenda, which the defeated parliamentary le were aware of. But much of the damage done UNP misrule was hard to undo; the PA gove alliance of the SLFP with an assortment o opportunist left parties, which assumed powe arrest the trend, surpassed the UNP regime in p and in pursuing the war of national oppression w
This has come to be the tragic legacy comprising the main Trotskyite party of the cou calling themselves the Communist Party of Sri L
Confronting rightist advocates of globalisatio easy. Their imperialist loyalties and class inte those of reaction and chauvinism are transpar mobilise the masses against the imperialist age Exposing the compromises by the national bou not hard either. Their bankruptcy was transpar from the unprincipled positions taken by the SL to return to power. Since assuming power in 1 left no doubt about its position vis-à-vis imper despite mouthing the occasional anti-imperialist
The Tamil nationalists, including militants parliamentary leadership, have yet to disp imperialists. A small but sizeable section of the briefly anti-imperialist in the early part of the s oppression. But that ceased to be when the ma under the influence of Indian hegemony which question for its own purposes. Although the paid dearly for their failure to tell the Tamil mas

ating to globalisation and the information dispel. The change of course of the economy 8, seen in isolation from the escalation of e UNP regime that came to power in 1977 and ard won trade union rights along with the legal epression against the opposition, could appear round of shortage of a variety of foreign goods ent. Liberalisation of trade, privatisation of the omy, and the opening up of the economy to ing up free trade zones were part of a sinister ated parliamentary left and its SLFP patron h of the damage done by the seventeen-year to undo; the PA government, comprising an ith an assortment of chauvinists and the which assumed power in 1994, rather than d the UNP regime in privatising state ventures f national oppression with even greater vigour.
e the tragic legacy of the opportunist left skyite party of the country and the revisionists
mmunist Party of Sri Lanka.
vocates of globalisation at a theoretical level is yalties and class interests that coincide with auvinism are transparent; the challenge is to inst the imperialist agenda advocated by them. es by the national bourgeoisie of Sri Lanka is kruptcy was transparent since the mid-1980s itions taken by the SLFP in its desperate bids assuming power in 1994, it has, in practice, sition vis-à-vis imperialism and globalisation, asional anti-imperialist slogan.
ts, including militants, ex-militants and the , have yet to dispel illusions about the sizeable section of the Tamil nationalists was the early part of the struggle against national sed to be when the main militant groups came dian hegemony which used the Tamil national poses. Although the Tamil nationalists have e to tell the Tamil masses who the friends are

Page 9
and who the enemies are of the Tamil people a rights. Yet, they hesitate to denounce impe Besides their reluctance to reject globalisation including the LTTE seem amenable to a liberalis
Such pretence cannot last forever and soon before the Tamil nationalists will be limited to on their cause at the altar of imperialism and chan struggle to join hands with the forces of anti-im and where necessary elsewhere. However, the nationalists about imperialism has been the con a stand based on the class interests of the to been the main source of strength for the stru decades. As illusions about imperialism beg nationalists will be forced to take a stand that w the course of the struggle.
It is long since the opportunist left lost its wa of the left movement. Nevertheless they m imperialist utterances, which they fail to match w the revisionist DEW Gunasekera who is also went out of his way to defend the decision of th enormous sums of money from a consortium issue of bonds repayable over a short period, a rate than from imperialist governments or revisionists and the Trotskyites in governme decision of the government for fear of forfe political legitimacy.
A pompous proposal endorsing globalisation by a Trotskyite clan at a seminar to felicitate reputed for his defence of the oppressed in sections of the Roman Catholic Church of Sri L contained in papers relating to the seminar them Minimum Programme’. The participants were p of some description, and the political identity of left liberals and revisionists to Marxist Leninists.
Following a discussion of the ills of the Sr polity, prescriptions were doled out to cure all i for the failure of the Sri Lankan state and touched upon, and the terms ‘class’ and ‘class

of the Tamil people and the struggle for their te to denounce imperialism as an enemy. to reject globalisation, the Tamil nationalists amenable to a liberalised economic policy.
last forever and sooner than later the choice ists will be limited to one between surrendering f imperialism and changing the course of their ith the forces of anti-imperialism, in Sri Lanka ewhere. However, the ambiguity of the Tamil lism has been the consequence of the lack of ass interests of the toiling masses who have f strength for the struggle over the past two bout imperialism begin to fade, the Tamil to take a stand that will decide their role and .
ortunist left lost its way and ceased to be part Nevertheless they make vehemently anti- ich they fail to match with deeds. For example nasekera who is also a government minister fend the decision of the government to borrow y from a consortium of private banks by the over a short period, at a much higher interest list governments or the World Bank. The otskyites in government dare not defy any ent for fear of forfeiting their pretence to
ndorsing globalisation was made not long ago a seminar to felicitate Father Paul Caspersz, of the oppressed in defiance of reactionary atholic Church of Sri Lanka. The proposal was ing to the seminar theme ‘Towards a Common he participants were predominantly Trotskyites the political identity of the others ranged from ts to Marxist Leninists.
n of the ills of the Sri Lankan economy and doled out to cure all ills. The political reasons ri Lankan state and the economy were not rms ‘class’ and ‘class struggle’ hardly received

Page 10
a mention. The need for struggle against imp considered. The prescriptions seemed to be de by the government and the ruling classes and the game of globalisation or perish’.
I cannot help being reminded of JR Jayaw that he will transform Sri Lanka into another Si for the liberalised and open economic system w masses as well as the minority nationalities, all to seventeen years of state terror. The country to recover from the consequent disaster or to ch
The proposals put forward at the seminar w several participants and could not be pursued adopted in a severely amended form. Many o that it was the last they would hear of the prop seem to be the case. One of the authors has even more stubbornly in his columns in local ne opened with the arrogant remark: “Many lefties to read and think, the majority NGO-types, and to outdated views about the global economy, in the past decade”. Drawing attention to the d might of the US and the weakening US dollar, forward that the developing multi-polarity of th and financial power bases creates opportunitie context, comments by Professor William Robin California at Santa Barbara in a recent interview newspaper “Eleftherotypia” (reproduced by the particular relevance.
“... (T)here is a new type of class fractionat national fractions of capital, on the one ha fractions on the other. Transnational capital fraction of capital on a world scale. Tr capitalist groups and elites are present now the world, including in the state. These bureaucratic allies, exercise considerable in control within most of the state apparatus They often dictate policy.

r struggle against imperialism was not even tions seemed to be designed for consumption the ruling classes and its essence was: ‘Play
or perish’.
eminded of JR Jayawardane’s claim in 1977 Lanka into another Singapore. The price paid en economic system was heavy for the toiling nority nationalities, all of whom were subjected ate terror. The country has since been unable
quent disaster or to change course.
ward at the seminar were rejected outright by could not be pursued any further even to be ended form. Many of those present thought ould hear of the proposals, but that does not ne of the authors has sought to revive them his columns in local newspapers. One column remark: “Many lefties who have grown too old jority NGO-types, and some radical folk, cling the global economy, insensitive to changes in ing attention to the decline in the economic weakening US dollar, a new argument is put ing multi-polarity of the international political s creates opportunities for everybody. In this rofessor William Robinson of the University of ra in a recent interview published in the Greek ia” (reproduced by the “Z-net” web-site) are of
ype of class fractionation between local and apital, on the one hand, and transnational Transnational capital is now the hegemonic n a world scale. Transnationally-oriented lites are present now in all countries around in the state. These fractions, or their ercise considerable influence if not outright f the state apparatuses around the world. cy.

Page 11
“We need to see how capitalism has been re network structure, so that the system interconnected webs that stretch across the
“.... (T)here still may be local and national ca compete with transnationally mobile capital. competitive, if they want to continue playing link up with transnational capital, and they m in a way that subordinates them to transnatio
There are some among the broad left who the US alone. But the case against globalisa domination per se but against the imperialis domination of capital. Replacement of the economic powers in whatever form that globali change things for the Third World, and espec impoverished masses. To quote Robinson again
“Recent U.S. policies such as the impo structural adjustment programs and spons agreements have served to further pry open around world to global capitalism, to transnat and other transnational state agencies have instruments of “U.S.” imperialism....
“... (I)nterventionism and militarized glob campaign for U.S. hegemony than a contrad crisis of global capitalism – to economic sta problems, and rise of counter-hegemonic for
Today, not merely the left, but progressive few illusions about globalisation. South Ameri testing ground for globalisation, is today the globalisation; and the election of left and left-o the region during the past decade is the resp their suffering under globalisation. Today, denounced by not just the revolutionary left an but also by many disillusioned scholars, inclu Joseph Stiglitz, who were once advocates of glo
There are, however, recommendations yesteryear that Sri Lanka should strengthen countries, India in particular. Some even go to

capitalism has been reorganised into a new o that the system functions through hat stretch across the globe...
e local and national capitals but they cannot ionally mobile capital. If they want to remain nt to continue playing the game, they must nal capital, and they must do so, structurally, ates them to transnational capital”.
g the broad left who identify imperialism with case against globalisation is not against US against the imperialist project of globalised eplacement of the US by one or several tever form that globalisation may take will not ird World, and especially for its increasingly quote Robinson again:
s such as the imposition of neo-liberal programs and sponsorship of free trade ed to further pry open regions and sectors capitalism, to transnational capital. The IMF al state agencies have not acted as simple
perialism....
and militarized globalization are less a emony than a contradictory response to the sm – to economic stagnation, legitimisation
ounter-hegemonic forces”.
left, but progressive opinion in general has alisation. South America, which was the first lisation, is today the most disillusioned with ction of left and left-of-centre governments in st decade is the response of the masses to lobalisation. Today, globalisation is being e revolutionary left and other anti-imperialists sioned scholars, including the US economist
once advocates of globalisation.
r, recommendations from some ‘leftists’ ka should strengthen its ties with SAARC lar. Some even go to the extent of prescribing

Page 12
a common currency for South Asia to free itself US dollar. The Sri Lankan experience in trade tell us differently and, given the prospect of th dollar, a common currency will simply mean tha of the region will come under total domination state, economically, militarily and politically.
There are people who believe that economic insular economy. Nothing could be further from includes cooperation and collaboration betwee exchange of goods, services, skills and kn important is that partnership and exchange sho and on an equal basis. Despite solemn declara of capital and unrestricted trade, the more pow along conspired to manipulate the exchange world market in ways that are increasingly disad World and, besides, continue to practice pr reliance requires that a country plans its produ not be a victim of world market trends that interests of imperialist hegemony.
The choice before most of the Third Wo masses has now narrowed to one between a dominated globalised economy and opting out safer option until the emergence of an acceptab Third World cannot sign itself into eternal bonda
The anti-imperialist movement and the left conscious of the fact that inequalities have proportions and are worsening, and that ineq across the ‘North-South divide’. Middle cla comprising a sizeable section of the population China and several other Third World countries majority sinking into destitution. Thus polarisa has begun to cut across national boundaries South divide’ remaining very much intact in te and political strength. The following points mad serious consideration by the genuine left and an
“Social justice requires a measure of governance over this global production and necessary first step in a radical redistributio

outh Asia to free itself of the domination by the n experience in trade agreements with India ven the prospect of the weakening of the US y will simply mean that the weaker economies under total domination by the most powerful rily and politically.
believe that economic self-reliance implies an could be further from the truth. Self-reliance collaboration between countries as well as rvices, skills and knowledge. But what is hip and exchange should be of mutual benefit espite solemn declarations about the free flow d trade, the more powerful economies have all ipulate the exchange of commodities in the t are increasingly disadvantageous to the Third ntinue to practice protectionism. Thus self- ountry plans its production in a way that it will d market trends that are manipulated in the gemony.
ost of the Third World and its oppressed ed to one between accepting an imperialist- onomy and opting out. Opting out will be the rgence of an acceptable alternative, since the tself into eternal bondage to imperialism.
ovement and the left in particular should be at inequalities have reached unprecedented sening, and that inequalities are not merely divide’. Middle class consumer societies ction of the population have emerged in India, Third World countries at the expense of a vast titution. Thus polarisation under globalisation s national boundaries, even with the ‘North- very much intact in terms of overall economic e following points made by Robinson deserve the genuine left and anti-imperialist forces.
ires a measure of transnational social global production and financial system as a a radical redistribution of wealth and power

Page 13
to poor majorities.... (I)t would require a r policies at the nation-state level. But redistr It must be linked to the transformation o relations. Local class and property re implications. Webs of interdependence link
....
“.... Struggles at nation-state level are far fro central to the prospects for social justice a change. But any such struggles must expansive transnational counter-hegemo program to rein in on the global market an capital. An alternative to global capitalism m project, involving transnational trade un social movements, transnational political o on”.
It is important for us to take into account th the global context. The economy has been dis war which has led to the death of over 10 displaced half a million, and sent into exile a increasing dependence on migrant labour, num population of 20 million, representing over a t adult population. It has also been distorted by Trade Zone and its reliance on the export-or facing an impending crisis.
The war is the main obstacle to economic political and economic instability of the coun without addressing the national question. Whi national question is as essential condition for recovery, it is not a sufficient condition. The ec unless the country frees itself of the economic p external forces and takes full control of its econo
Let us examine which external and internal of resolving the national question and bringing a also examine which external and internal forc freeing the economy from the clutches of impe see that the ‘international community’ compris and Japan, despite its solemn declaration that

(I)t would require a reversal of neo-liberal state level. But redistribution is not enough. the transformation of class and property ss and property relations have global interdependence link the local to the global.
n-state level are far from futile. They remain cts for social justice and progressive social uch struggles must be part of a more onal counter-hegemonic project and a the global market and the power of global to global capitalism must be a transnational ansnational trade unionism, transnational ansnational political organizations, and so
o take into account the reality of Sri Lanka in conomy has been distorted not merely by the he death of over 100,000 so far, internally and sent into exile a million, but also by its n migrant labour, numbering over a million in a representing over a tenth of the able-bodied lso been distorted by the creation of the Free nce on the export-oriented garment industry s.
obstacle to economic development, and the nstability of the country cannot be resolved ational question. While the resolution of the essential condition for any form of economic cient condition. The economy cannot progress itself of the economic policies imposed on it by
full control of its economy.
external and internal forces stand in the way uestion and bringing an end to the war. Let us rnal and internal forces stand in the way of the clutches of imperialist predators. We can l community’ comprising the imperialist West lemn declaration that it wants a peaceful and

Page 14
lasting solution to the national question that will and statements of concern about human rights and law and order, is continuing to protect the o it under various pretexts. To say the least, the even more cynical.
Against this background, it will be usef prescription by the Trotskyite advocates of glob LTTE, which in their opinion is badly cornered pinch of restrictions placed on its finance community. The recommendation seems to redeem itself, should become a willing par globalisation. The Marxist Leninists have on th asserted the need for the LTTE to transform th mass struggle with clear anti-imperialist goals.
However, Anton Balasingam, the main LTT peace talks with the government, said at the t LTTE had no objections to the ‘open economic government. In fact, the LTTE has consistently US imperialism for its invasion of various coun seem to have made any difference to the international community towards the LTTE.
The lesson for all nationalities and the explo to learn is that imperialism knows no loyaltie predatory instinct. Imperialism has since the de been manipulating the prices and terms of trad poor nations poorer. Nothing has happened bloomed imperialist globalisation to change that
Advocates of assimilation of Sri Lanka to t globalisation have no strategy for Sri Lankan merely rephrase the imperialist prescription tha its future in the gambling house of globalised c that it will benefit a greedy handful but not t masses.
*****

ional question that will bring the war to an end rn about human rights, freedom of the media, tinuing to protect the oppressive state and arm . To say the least, the role of India has been
und, it will be useful to look at another yite advocates of globalisation, this time to the ion is badly cornered militarily and feeling the aced on its finances by the international mendation seems to be that the LTTE, to ecome a willing partner in the process of t Leninists have on the other hand constantly LTTE to transform the armed struggle into a anti-imperialist goals.
singam, the main LTTE spokesperson at the ernment, said at the time of the CFA that the o the ‘open economic policy’ of the Sri Lankan LTTE has consistently refrained from criticising vasion of various countries. But that does not ny difference to the attitude of the US-led owards the LTTE.
nalities and the exploited classes of Sri Lanka ism knows no loyalties and is driven by its alism has since the demise of the colonial rule ices and terms of trade in ways that made the othing has happened in the decade of full
lisation to change that pattern.
tion of Sri Lanka to the system of imperialist rategy for Sri Lankan economic recovery but rialist prescription that Sri Lanka should stake house of globalised capital. There is no doubt edy handful but not the country or its broad
*****

Page 15
The Garment Industry a
Export of Labour: the Sad Plight of Wome
Sri
The export sector plays an important part Lanka. In terms of volume as well as value, ma remain two important exports. In 2006, the valu 320, 83 million rupees. This comprises 13% product (GNP). Remittance by Sri Lankans l million rupees and comprises 10 % of the GNP may be seen to be from the garment industry an
The remittance referred to above is the sum through the state-approved banking system. through irregular money transfer channels re substantial.
Since the above two sectors make up a ma foreign exchange earnings, they are major con economy. However, while these two sectors h the economy, there are a variety of views ab families involved.
It is significant that in both sectors women c force, comprising 80% of that in the garment third of labour export.

Garment Industry and Export of Labour: e Sad Plight of Women
Sri
ys an important part in the economy of Sri e as well as value, made garments and labour orts. In 2006, the value of garment export was This comprises 13% of the gross national ce by Sri Lankans living abroad is 223, 45 rises 10 % of the GNP. Thus 23% of the GNP he garment industry and the export of labour.
d to above is the sum that is sent to Sri Lanka ved banking system. The amount remitted transfer channels remains unknown, but is
sectors make up a major part of the country’s s, they are major contributors to the country’s ile these two sectors have a major impact on a variety of views about their impact on the
both sectors women constitute the main work f that in the garment sector and around two

Page 16
Nearly one and a half million Sri Lankans w work as housemaids in the Middle East. It sho of around a million women work in the Middle industry. This comprises 10% of the female pop should be noted that most of them are from ru backward sections of the population.
The above facts demonstrate beyond doubt of labour is closely tied up with gender and po Lanka is that long working hours, adverse wor wages point to a severe exploitation of ho factory workers.
One can see the ruin of families as a r problems of social degeneration and dome sectors. Besides, since the women leave beh children, there is the risk of the children going a women in garment factories are subject to s abuse by men. Women working in the garme abroad as house maids are victims to twin exp labour and sexual exploitation.
Annually a hundred thousand women go housemaids. There are no proper statistics or e of women who have been emotional or phys families and children affected. Those in powe such matters. It should be noted that, in this m women even before joining work are subject oppression at their homes and in society.
It may seem that the severity of work is les than elsewhere and that the employees are rel only when their wages, accommodation, and villages are taken into account that the gravity be appreciated.
A parliamentary select committee has been a related and other problems faced by Sri Lanka should be noted that one member of the sele minister, Keheliya Rambukwella, whose job employment. His inclusion in the select comm criticism since there was a conflict of interests

f million Sri Lankans work abroad. A majority he Middle East. It should be noted that a total n work in the Middle East and in the garment 10% of the female population of the country. It st of them are from rural areas and belong to population.
nstrate beyond doubt that in Sri Lanka export up with gender and poverty. The reality of Sri g hours, adverse working conditions and low re exploitation of housemaids and garment
in of families as a result of women facing eneration and domestic problems in both the women leave behind their husbands and of the children going astray. Unmarried young ries are subject to sexual harassment and working in the garment industry and working are victims to twin exploitation: exploitation of ation.
thousand women go to the Middle East as o proper statistics or estimates for the number en emotional or physically injured or of the ected. Those in power are not interested in e noted that, in this male chauvinistic society, ing work are subjected to various forms of s and in society.
severity of work is less in the garment sector the employees are relatively comfortable. It is accommodation, and their origins in remote count that the gravity of their problems could
committee has been appointed to study work- ms faced by Sri Lankans employed abroad. It e member of the select committee is cabinet ukwella, whose job is to promote overseas n in the select committee came under strong a conflict of interests. His interest is to send

Page 17
people abroad by any means. It should be n person who is not in the least interested abo welfare and rights of the people employed abro
At this juncture, a new piece of information learnt that employers are imposing a conditio abroad seeking employment as housemaids s during their period of employment and employ forcing the women selected for employment to b with contraceptives.
Women make half the population of the cou the garment factories and employees in the Sinhala, Tamil, Muslim and Hill Country Tamil subject to exploitation based on class and ge transcending differences of race, language and position of women as second class citizens.
From the President down to the ministers an to provide them with any form of relief or salva they belong to families of workers, peasants masses. The rulers, in the meantime, are from w
Women who have been treated as dome globalisation become slaves in the form of dom minister and a ministry to encourage and advan wage slavery is implemented under the attract Lanka Bureau of Foreign Employment”. This despite the means and resources available in t appropriate plans to put them to good use.
[Translation of article in Tamil from Puth
*****

eans. It should be noted that he remains a e least interested about the wages, facilities,
eople employed abroad.
piece of information has come to light. It is e imposing a condition that women who go ent as housemaids should not get pregnant ployment and employment agencies here are ed for employment to be compulsively injected
population of the country. Women workers in nd employees in the Middle East comprise nd Hill Country Tamil women. All of them are ased on class and gender. This exploitation of race, language and religion is based on the ond class citizens.
wn to the ministers and officials no one is able form of relief or salvation. The reason is that of workers, peasants and other rural toiling e meantime, are from wealthy classes.
een treated as domestic slaves have under ves in the form of domestic workers. There is a encourage and advance this. This disgraceful nted under the attractively named title of “Sri n Employment”. This tragedy continues since sources available in this country, there are no hem to good use.
ticle in Tamil from Puthiya Poomi, December 2007]
*****

Page 18
Clash of Nationalities – Disaster for Toiling Mass
Shanmugam
There are in Sri Lanka, besides the four n Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims and Hill Country Ta such as Burghers, Malays and the Attho (the hunters). Thus this country has historically bee Although this reality is rejected by the Sinhal history has this fact on record.
The British colonialists practiced their div and members of the Sinhala, Tamil and M loyalists. They considered it prestigious and slavish service to the white masters, and in re great wealth and riches. Meantime, they subd own race, language and religion and exercised by dividing the people and ensuring that they other that they were able to safeguard their wea
Meantime, by pleading with the British co that they well be eternally loyal to the Empire called “independence”. It is 60 years since gained. To this day the original pledge has be Tamil and Muslim upper class elite leaders support and loyalty towards imperialism.
At the same time, the Sinhala upper class in the footsteps of the British masters in us conspiracy to keep apart the nationalities and p stand. In the period following independence, na

lash of Nationalities – aster for Toiling Masses
Shanmugam
ka, besides the four nationalities, namely the s and Hill Country Tamils, national minorities s and the Attho (the aboriginal community of ry has historically been a multi-ethnic country. ejected by the Sinhala Buddhist chauvinists, cord.
sts practiced their divide-and-rule conspiracy, inhala, Tamil and Muslim elite were their ed it prestigious and a privilege to render ite masters, and in return were rewarded with Meantime, they subdued the people of their religion and exercised power over them. It was nd ensuring that they did not unite with each
to safeguard their wealth and well being.
ing with the British colonialists and pledging ly loyal to the Empire they secured what was It is 60 years since that independence was original pledge has been kept by the Sinhala, r class elite leaders who persevere in their ds imperialism.
e Sinhala upper class elite rulers are following British masters in using the divide-and-rule the nationalities and persist in their chauvinist ing independence, nationalism has developed

Page 19
at every stage, under circumstances where cha launched. Chauvinism has been advanced wit by the forces of Sinhala ruling classes. The T put forward any common programme comprisin outlook and farsighted anti-imperialist activities in unity with all the oppressed people of chauvinism. Since the Tamil leadership compr upper class leaders, it upheld a narrow natio upholding a narrow nationalist outlook ethnicall was supportive of capitalism and imperialism. class compromise persisted even while bargain political level, while carrying forward satya subsequently, when the youth rose up in arme loyalty towards and expectations of imperialism be the case with the leadership of the other nati
Chauvinism has been carried forward am arrogance and fanaticism; and hostility towards was cultivated in a weird fashion. It emerged which from time to time launched violent and Tamils, Muslims and Hill Country Tamils. As a r by which the Tamils, Muslims and Hill Country towards the ordinary Sinhalese people. Me Tamils are seeking to divide the country and int currency among the Sinhalese.
Likewise, the idea that the Hill Country Ta should not be allowed to settle permanently been propagated among the Sinhalese. The t leaders of the Hill Country Tamils have not put to rid the Sinhalese of such thoughts or to unite with the Sinhala working class on a class ba they express slavish loyalty to the leaders of th to secure ministerial posts and to accumulate make narrow nationalistic utterances from time the Sinhalese suspicious and fearful of the Hill C
In the same way, hatred towards the Mu among the Sinhalese. Owing to business Sinhalese campaigns have been propagated am upper class Muslim leaders join hands with

umstances where chauvinistic oppression was as been advanced with arrogance and power ruling classes. The Tamil leadership failed to programme comprising a progressive political ti-imperialist activities that could be carried out ppressed people of the country to oppose amil leadership comprised elitist, upper caste, pheld a narrow nationalist outlook. Although nalist outlook ethnically, their stand as a class lism and imperialism. Narrow nationalism and ted even while bargaining at the parliamentary rrying forward satyagraha campaigns and, youth rose up in armed struggle. To this day, ctations of imperialism remain. That seems to ership of the other nationalities as well.
n carried forward among the Sinhalese with ; and hostility towards the Tamils and Muslims d fashion. It emerged as a chauvinistic rage launched violent and racist attacks against Country Tamils. As a result, a trend developed slims and Hill Country Tamils became hateful inhalese people. Meantime the notion that ide the country and integrate with India gained alese.
at the Hill Country Tamils are immigrants and o settle permanently in the Hill Country has the Sinhalese. The trade union and political y Tamils have not put forward any programme ch thoughts or to unite the Hill Country Tamils class on a class basis. On the other hand, lty to the leaders of the Sinhala ruling classes ts and to accumulate wealth. Meantime, they utterances from time to time that would make and fearful of the Hill Country Tamils.
atred towards the Muslims has been spread Owing to business rivalries as well, anti- ve been propagated among the Muslims, while ders join hands with the chauvinistic ruling

Page 20
factions to secure posts and to accumulate we advance their religious nationalism as a form of
The Tamil leadership has adopted an at wards the Muslims that considers them as infe from the time of Ponnambalam Ramanathan to that the caste-based thinking of the Tamil elite Muslims as well. The Tamil conservative attitu subject to their control and domination contin Muslim nationalists term Tamil chauvinism and rally against. They cite as contemporary exa Muslims from the North and attacks on the M validity of the examples is not disputed. But t Muslim narrow-nationalism.
Thus, nationalism in Sri Lanka has spr nationalities to confine them to narrow bounda that the reality that they are the folk of Lanka, th and beyond that working people who are expl forces bearing their own racial and religious id so that that they will be guided by the viciou Consequently, ordinary Sinhala, Tamil, Muslim people act as if they are mutual enemies. Wh and brought it to the fore is nationalism.
The ruling capitalist class has profited fro forces which have been subject to exploitation a and are facing political oppression, transcend religion, language and region, have been divi with each other. This is manifesting itself as the It was the same weapon of nationalism that wa Soviet Union and other socialist states.
Imperialism has used nationalism as a to World countries and make them dependent revolutionary struggle embracing class strugg socialism has been obstructed and in its plac whipped up among the nationalities in each cou have been pushed forward with extremist sloga arms. The role of imperialism here is one of hunting with the hound. Forces of imperialism have played a major role in escalating the na

and to accumulate wealth. Nevertheless, they
tionalism as a form of narrow nationalism.
ip has adopted an attitude and approach to onsiders them as inferior. That has persisted balam Ramanathan to this day. It is no secret king of the Tamil elite is being applied to the mil conservative attitude that the Muslims are and domination continues. It is this that the Tamil chauvinism and call upon the Muslims to as contemporary examples the expulsion of and attacks on the Muslims in the East. The is not disputed. But the response cannot be m.
n Sri Lanka has spread rapidly among all em to narrow boundaries. The danger exists re the folk of Lanka, the people of this country, people who are exploited and oppressed by racial and religious identity will be concealed guided by the vicious hands of nationalism. inhala, Tamil, Muslim and Hill Country Tamil mutual enemies. What has encouraged this is nationalism.
class has profited from it. The working class ubject to exploitation and social differentiation, oppression, transcending boundaries of race, egion, have been divided and made to clash anifesting itself as the conflict of nationalities. of nationalism that was used to bring down the
cialist states.
d nationalism as a tool to weaken the Third ake them dependent on it. The road for a mbracing class struggle, social change and ructed and in its place nationalism has been ationalities in each country. Youth movements rd with extremist slogans and enabled to carry ialism here is one of running with hare and Forces of imperialism and regional hegemony e in escalating the national conflict from the

Page 21
parliamentary arena to one of armed conflict Lanka continues to suffer the consequences of
Sri Lanka has been enfeebled by these na identity and is bowing down to imperialism and economic, political and military fronts. Amid the foreigners are on the one hand plundering the and on the other boosting their sales of weapo give support and solace to chauvinistic military the forces that are struggling against it to pe result, the ruling side and the resisting side situation where both look up to imperialism a that they be helped.
The side comprising the ruling classes should give it unconditional support to exterm terrorism. The Tamil leadership pleads th autonomous powers for the Tamils. Imperialis shows the head to the fish and tail to the nationalism is transparent here.
The war and the struggles in this country chauvinism boasting of being the guardians years, Tamil nationalism boastfully claiming a Muslim nationalists speaking emotionally and f a religion that is practiced worldwide. The clash make the rivers of blood and tears of the peop history has taught us is that until the veno nationalism are realised, there can be no salva people, and only destruction will be on the positions will never help to secure self-det democracy. This is a truth borne out by worldly
[Translation of article in Tamil from Pu

ne of armed conflict and eventually war. Sri the consequences of these conflicts.
enfeebled by these nationalist conflicts, lost its wn to imperialism and regional hegemony on ilitary fronts. Amid the conflict of nationalities, e hand plundering the wealth of the country, g their sales of weapons. The very hands that to chauvinistic military oppression encourage gling against it to persevere in battle. As a nd the resisting side have brought about a k up to imperialism and plead in submission
g the ruling classes pleads that imperialism nal support to exterminate secessionism and eadership pleads that imperialism obtains the Tamils. Imperialism, like an eel, smugly fish and tail to the serpent. The misery of t here.
uggles in this country are a result of Sinhala being the guardians of Buddhism for 2500 boastfully claiming a timeless ancestry, and king emotionally and forcefully about following d worldwide. The clashes of such nationalisms and tears of the people. Thus, the lesson that s that until the venomous characteristics of there can be no salvation to the country or its ction will be on the rise. Such nationalistic lp to secure self-determination, equality or
borne out by worldly experience.
article in Tamil from Puthiya Poomi, October 2007]

Page 22
Human Rights Violatio
and International Illusions
[Translation of unsigned article from
November 2007]
Kidnappings, arrests and killings are rampan intensified during the past two years. Police inq about them have not been fruitful. The has be killing of seventeen employees of a foreign NG killing of five students in Trincomalee. Two me from the Eastern Province were kidnapped and in Ratnapura. Although it was reported that defence forces was arrested in that connection, about the outcome of the inquiries. None of the and the judiciary is unable to do anything a statements to the effect that inquiries will be co of inquiry and that foreign legal experts will be The experts have observed that the inquiries standards for normal inquiries. The views ex Bhagavati, former Chief Justice of India and a right for social litigation, on the lack of standar partiality of the inquiries cannot be ignored.
The response of the Attorney General of Sr the observations of Justice Bhagavati was stro keeping with the responsibility of his office. He General’s Department has the duty to con

uman Rights Violations
and International Illusions
unsigned article from Puthiya Poomi,
November 2007]
nd killings are rampant in Sri Lanka, and have t two years. Police inquiries and investigations en fruitful. The has been no progress on the oyees of a foreign NGO in Muthur or about the Trincomalee. Two members of the Red Cross e were kidnapped and their dead bodies found it was reported that a former officer of the ted in that connection, nobody knows anything inquiries. None of the inquiries is transparent; ble to do anything about. There have been hat inquiries will be conducted by commissions legal experts will be invited to oversee them. ved that the inquiries did not meet even the quiries. The views expressed by Justice PN Justice of India and a reputed upholder of the on the lack of standards, the deficiencies and annot be ignored.
ttorney General of Sri Lanka, CR de Silva to ce Bhagavati was strongly worded, but not in ibility of his office. He stated that the Attorney as the duty to conduct inquiries. On the

Page 23
contrary, the Department goes into the inquirie Commissions of inquiry. Thus it is able to ma possible through normal inquiry. This is in a Further the Attorney General’s Department investigating officers.
Under these conditions, local and foreign gave publicity to the inadequacies of law and judicial establishments, and inquiries by special to human rights in Sri Lanka. These were broug United Nations Human Rights Commission ( officials of the Commission visited Sri Lanka. Th secretariat of the UNHRC be set up to observe in Sri Lanka.
Lat month, the UN High Commissioner fo Arbor visited Sri Lanka. Although she was perm she was not allowed to meet the affected indivi go to the Eastern Province; and she was refuse Kilinochchi. Political prisoners who have been Colombo for several years went on a hunger str should be allowed to meet Arbor. Arrangements meet five of them at a location outside the priso
At the end of her visit, Arbor criticised huma Lanka and recommended that the Sri Lankan g the setting up of a UNHRC office in Sri Lanka Mahinda Samarasinghe, the minister responsib Lanka. Following this, four members of an a function under his ministry resigned their po leftists and liberals. They too stressed that an set up in Sri Lanka. These advisors also cr representatives for not providing responsible an rights violations in Sri Lanka at the UN General
President Mahinda Rajapaksha, addressing October declared that there are no serious hu Sri Lanka and that Sri Lanka was at the forefr He appealed hat the international community s carry forward its steps to combat terrorism. continues to say that attention will be paid question only after the eradication of terrorism.

goes into the inquiries and events relating to Thus it is able to make findings that are not l inquiry. This is in a way an investigation. eneral’s Department is obliged to assist
ns, local and foreign human rights activists dequacies of law and order establishments, nd inquiries by special commissions in relation ka. These were brought to the attention of the Rights Commission (UNHRC). Subsequently n visited Sri Lanka. They recommended that a be set up to observe human rights violations
igh Commissioner for Human Rights, Louis lthough she was permitted to travel to Jaffna, eet the affected individuals freely. She did not e; and she was refused permission to travel to oners who have been detained in prisons in s went on a hunger strike demanding that they t Arbor. Arrangements were made for Arbor to ation outside the prisons.
, Arbor criticised human rights violations in Sri that the Sri Lankan government should allow RC office in Sri Lanka. That was rejected by the minister responsible for human rights in Sri our members of an advisory committee that stry resigned their posts. The four included too stressed that an office of the UNHRC be ese advisors also criticised the Sri Lankan oviding responsible answers regarding human ka at the UN General Assembly in October.
ajapaksha, addressing the sessions of UN in ere are no serious human rights violations in anka was at the forefront of fighting terrorism. rnational community should help Sri Lanka to to combat terrorism. President Rajapaksha ttention will be paid to solving the national adication of terrorism. Kidnappings and killings

Page 24
took place in the country even during Arbor reported almost daily that suspects were killed course of an attempt to arrest the suspect.
Such a climate existed during 1971 and 1 situation is worse than any before.
From the time that the Soviet Union was st cannot be said that the UN functioned entirely US. There was some form of power balanc functions as the American tool for imperia European Union too wields significant influence for the veto power of China and Russia, the UN the US.
It is against this background that some belie brought upon the chauvinist government of S Rights Commission of the UN. Tamil nationalis faith in this approach.
The international forces that dominate the their “impartiality” and “integrity” within the con hegemonic interests. There is no mechanism in rights violations and anti-democratic acts of mass political activity to oppose them is week voluntary organisations and political partiers te and hegemonic pressures. Some parliame unionists and NGO activists who are under pre human rights violations, owing to their helpl belief that it is possible to seek justice from th portray their complaining to the “internation highest form of action.
Meantime the ‘international community’, for r given by the Sri Lankan government, is doin independence and sovereignty of Sri Lanka. E Lankan government merely issues statements office of the UN Human Rights Commission w Lanka, it will only report the violation of human expect it to do anything more. The reports could pressure on the government from time to time. such pressure will lead to a reduction in the vio

ry even during Arbor’s presence. Now, it is t suspects were killed by police shooting in the rrest the suspect.
d during 1971 and 1987-89. But the current y before.
Soviet Union was strong until its collapse, it N functioned entirely as an instrument of the form of power balance there. Now the UN ican tool for imperialist globalisation. The ds significant influence, as does Japan. Except ina and Russia, the UN is under the control of
round that some believe that pressure can be inist government of Sri Lanka by the Human e UN. Tamil nationalist forces have excessive
es that dominate the UN have incarcerated tegrity” within the confines of their imperialist ere is no mechanism in place to control human ti-democratic acts of the nation states when oppose them is week or absent. As a result, nd political partiers tend to rely on imperialist res. Some parliamentary politicians, trade ists who are under pressure to protest against owing to their helplessness, contribute the o seek justice from the oppressive state, and g to the “international community” as their
tional community’, for reasons other than those government, is doing things that affect the reignty of Sri Lanka. Entrapped by it, the Sri ely issues statements in protest. Even if an Rights Commission were to be set up in Sri he violation of human rights; and it is wrong to ore. The reports could, however, increase the ent from time to time. But one cannot say that a reduction in the violation of human rights. If

Page 25
the ‘international community’ is ‘sincere’, it meaningful forms of pressure than to open an more attention to interfering activities such as is its interest.
Struggles in the country carried out against could also have international impact. But ‘international community’ struggles that should soil will be an expression of helplessness a hopes in vain. All activities handed over to the ‘ lead to greater losses for the people and countr
The parliamentary opposition talks about the that take place here. Members of parliament f participate in protests. There is nothing constru left forces; and NGOs are immersed in their pla
Under these conditions, the campaign by th winning the war against terrorism has a str Sinhalese. They are made to believe that hum taking place as a part of anti-terrorist activities.
It is this impact that is going to be the sovereignty and independence of Sri Lanka. U and a there is some degree of democratisation itself from its present impasse. The condition which the Sinhalese realise that the war endangering of the sovereignty and independ they are intoxicated by chauvinism and c deceived by forces of ruling class power, a situ the loss of sovereignty and independence inevitable. Under such conditions the entire prices than they pay today.
*****

unity’ is ‘sincere’, it can bring about other ssure than to open an office. But it is paying ing activities such as opening an office. Such
try carried out against human rights violations ational impact. But to hand over to the ’ struggles that should be carried out on this on of helplessness and a move to cultivate s handed over to the ‘international community’ the people and countries.
osition talks about the human rights violations mbers of parliament from some organisations here is nothing constructive coming out of the
immersed in their plans.
s, the campaign by the government that it is t terrorism has a strong impact among the de to believe that human rights violations are
nti-terrorist activities.
t is going to be the basis for the loss of dence of Sri Lanka. Unless the war is ended ee of democratisation, the country cannot free passe. The condition should come about in ealise that the war is the cause for the ereignty and independence of the country. If y chauvinism and continue to be willingly ing class power, a situation will arise in which and independence of the country will be onditions the entire people will pay heavier y.
*****

Page 26
ND
NDP Statement to the Media Budget 2007-2008
12th November 2007
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary o Party, issued the following statement regarding behalf of the Politburo of the Party.
The present budget is only paving the way to increase the cost of living, and push the peo people are being deceived by pointing to the wa The people of the South have been distracted war to eliminate terrorism is more important than asked through this budget that they should not or a reduction in the cost of living. As a result, working people are being compelled to tighten unfulfilled life of hunger and starvation. At the s companies, big capitalists and the well-to-do eli at their levels. Besides, the President and mini in state administration continue to enjoy com salaries, perks and privileges.
Thus the budget, when viewed on the basis o clearly indicates that the next year will be a d the entire people will experience severe c economic burdens.
A sum of 166 447 million rupees has been expenditure. This money is to be spent to fee push forward the war towards the North. While destroyed as a result of it, the people of the

NDP Diary
e Media -2008
General Secretary of the New Democratic g statement regarding the present budget on the Party.
nly paving the way to carry forward the war, g, and push the people into starvation. The d by pointing to the war and the world market. have been distracted by telling them that the is more important than all else and have been t that they should not demand wage increases t of living. As a result, the vast majority of the g compelled to tighten their belts and live an nd starvation. At the same time, multi-national s and the well-to-do elite are making big profits he President and ministers and higher officials ontinue to enjoy comforts in life with high ges.
viewed on the basis of class and nationality, next year will be a dangerous year in which experience severe crises due to war and
ion rupees has been allocated for defence is to be spent to feed the cannons that will ards the North. While the Tamil people will be it, the people of the South will be subject to

Page 27
worsening economic crises and burdens of in There is a sop thrown at government servants t increase of 375 rupees in the first six months next six months. Meantime, there is no wage i for the 650 000 private sector employees in t wage increase of 30 rupees given to the plant the collective agreement is in no way adequate cost of living. Likewise, the several hundred th finding it a struggle to survive with their pension the President spoke on glorious terms about lo boosting local production. But the truth th craftsmen have already lost everything and result of liberalization and privatization has been
Hence the reality is that this budget fully features.
General Secretary
NDP Statement to the Media Attack on Sunday Leader Press
23rd November 2007
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary o Party, issued the following statement on behal Party denouncing the arson attack on the printi Leader, Morning Leader and Irudina.
The ferocious attack in the morning of 21-11-20 of the Sunday Leader, Morning Leader and Irud on the freedom of the media. This cowardly atta of Sunday Leader is an effort to intimidate the

es and burdens of increasing cost of living. government servants that there will be a wage n the first six months and 750 rupees for the e, there is no wage increase or concessions sector employees in this budget. Already the ees given to the plantation workers by way of is in no way adequate to offset the increase in the several hundred thousand pensioners are rvive with their pensions. In his budget speech, lorious terms about local resources and about on. But the truth that the peasantry and lost everything and become bankrupt as a privatization has been hidden.
at this budget fully comprises anti-people
SK Senthivel General Secretary, New Democratic Party
e Media nday Leader Press
General Secretary of the New Democratic g statement on behalf of the Politburo of the on attack on the printing house of the Sunday
nd Irudina.
e morning of 21-11-2007 on the printing house orning Leader and Irudina is yet another attack dia. This cowardly attack on the printing press effort to intimidate the media to block the free

Page 28
expression of views and criticism, informing t and fraud, and exposing acts of high-handedn uncivilised but also a warning to the entire medi
The New Democratic Party very strongly denou
Any newspaper has the full freedom to ho criticisms according to its stand. It is the cult media to confront ideas with ideas and criticism to high- handed action and armed threat is unci
The attacks on media offices and printing hou disappearing of media personnel in the North cannot in any way be accepted or justified.
There is a clear identity behind every act of people can see it. The continuing attacks on th seen as a forewarning of a rule of darkness. T the President and the Government take the nec
General Secretary
NDP Statement to the Media Mass Arrests and Detention of Tam
3rd December 2007
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary o Party, issued the following statement on behal Party denouncing the mass arrests and detentio
Arbitrary and uncontrolled mass arrests and Colombo and its suburbs and subjecting them should be stopped immediately. The Mahinda while declaring that it is not indulging in hum

criticism, informing the people of corruption acts of high-handedness. This act is not only ning to the entire media.
ty very strongly denounces this attack.
e full freedom to hold views and to make s stand. It is the culture and conduct of the with ideas and criticism in response. To resort
d armed threat is uncivilised.
ffices and printing houses and the killing and ersonnel in the North East and in the South epted or justified.
behind every act of high-handedness. The ntinuing attacks on the media have thus to be f a rule of darkness. The Party demands that vernment take the necessary steps.
SK Senthivel General Secretary, New Democratic Party
e Media and Detention of Tamils
General Secretary of the New Democratic g statement on behalf of the Politburo of the ss arrests and detention of Tamils in Colombo.
ed mass arrests and detention of Tamils in s and subjecting them to torture in detention diately. The Mahinda Chinthana government not indulging in human rights violations is

Page 29
carrying out mass arrests and detention of Ta double-facedness of the government.
During the past two days, over three thous arrested in Colombo and its suburbs and othe police stations and other public places. Up to fiv sent to Boosa and Kalutura for further de suspicion is that they are Tamils. All of them b the Hill Country, Colombo and Puttalam regio residences or have taken up residence for the education or other essential purposes.
Although they were in possession of adeq identify themselves, these Tamils have been ar This is an act of racialism in its extreme and Such activities will only create a sense of fe among the Tamils and pave the way to ethnic bring the government any benefits. The action armed forces bears out the attitude and appro second class citizens.
The full responsibility for this lies with th government. Hence the New Democratic Party that the government should act to stop forthw arrests and imprisonment that plunge the Tam agony and subject them to second rate treatme
General Secretary
*****

ts and detention of Tamils. This exposed the government.
ys, over three thousand Tamils have been its suburbs and other areas and detained in public places. Up to five hundred of them were lutura for further detention. The basis for Tamils. All of them belong to the North East, o and Puttalam regions, and had permanent up residence for the purpose of employment, tial purposes.
possession of adequate documentation to e Tamils have been arrested in large numbers. m in its extreme and of racial discrimination. create a sense of fear, hatred and disgust ave the way to ethnic alienation and will not y benefits. The actions of the police and the the attitude and approach that the Tamils are
for this lies with the Mahinda Chinthana New Democratic Party emphatically demands uld act to stop forthwith racist steps such as t that plunge the Tamils into frustration and o second rate treatment. .
SK Senthivel General Secretary, New Democratic Party
*****

Page 30
Appeal for Support
The New Democratic Party publishes the Tamil m Poomi and the English quarterly New Democracy role in upholding democratic values and defendin oppressed sections of the population independently any other such identity.
Puthiya Poomi and New Democracy are unique am Lanka by way of their high journalistic standards, coverage of issues that remain unaddressed by t and publications of political parties representing exploiting classes.
Besides the increase in the cost of printing, the pos been increased drastically. For the publication of relies on financial support from some of its suppor who are themselves struggling against the rising co neither uses NGO funding, nor has rich patrons. necessary for the party to seek a broader base for f
The Party appeals to readers and well wishers Publications Fund of the Party by adding to the a making a donation, or by sponsoring the publication issue of either journal.
Payments may be made to:
S Thevarajah, account number 452868 Bank of Ceylon, Supermarket Branch Colombo 11, Sri Lanka
Please mention ‘Publications Fund’ in the covering payment. Address for correspondence:
47, 3rd Floor, CCSM Complex, Colombo

Appeal for Support
arty publishes the Tamil monthly journal Puthiya quarterly New Democracy which play a valuable cratic values and defending the interests of the he population independently of ethnic, religious or
Democracy are unique among publications in Sri igh journalistic standards, quality of content and t remain unaddressed by the mainstream media litical parties representing the interests of the
the cost of printing, the postal rates have recently lly. For the publication of the journals the party ort from some of its supporters and well wishers, uggling against the rising cost of living. The Party ing, nor has rich patrons. Thus, it has become to seek a broader base for financial support.
readers and well wishers to contribute to the e Party by adding to the annual subscription, by y sponsoring the publication of part or whole of an
to: , account number 452868 n, Supermarket Branch Sri Lanka
tions Fund’ in the covering note attached to the rrespondence: CCSM Complex, Colombo 11, Sri Lanka.

Page 31
Leaders
Kingsley A Gomez
I made a tube of gold and tried stuffing it, again and aga but the tail of the dog would not st This lot too is likewise.
Our folk, paying subscriptions, setting up and working for unions, voting for them, bowing and shrinking until the back hunched, only to be fooled.
Thought has dried up through elevating the wicked, living an insular life within a tortoise shell, Thought has lost its mislaid address through aimless blabber with no idea of rights or development.
We made a tube of gold and tried stuffing it, again and aga but the tail of the dog would not st
The dogs, however, stay on polluting the thrones forever.
(Translated from Puth

Leaders
Kingsley A Gomez
be of gold uffing it, again and again of the dog would not straighten.
is likewise.
ying subscriptions, nd working for unions, em, shrinking ck hunched, ooled.
s dried up vating the wicked,
ular life toise shell,
s lost its ress
less blabber
of rights ent.
tube of gold uffing it, again and again of the dog would not straighten.
owever,
thrones
(Translated from Puthiya Poomi 2006 November)

Page 32
B
An Effort to Understand the Left o National Question
Theorizing the National Crisis: Sanmugath the Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka, Ravi Vaith Scientists’ Association, Colombo 05, Sep pp. 78+xvii, (price not stated).
The book comprises two articles, one on the national question in Sri Lanka, first published Democracy in 2006, and another hitherto unpu N Sanmugathasan with emphasis on the foreword to the book is by N Shanmugaratnam.
The book is of particular value since the ris and the consequent surge in Tamil nationalism movement and led to the obliteration of the po left in the national question, which is the m country. Vaitheespara’s study of the role of Sa the national question is the most extensive so of the role of the left in the national question b between the position of the Marxist Leninist tra Party from those of the revisionists and the Tro LSSP.
The first article "The wisdom of hindsight: S and the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka” is well re explain the development of Shan’s position on The interpretation is, understandably, more assessment of Shan’s role by erstwhile acknowledging his contribution to the left m

Book Review
nderstand the Left on the stion
nal Crisis: Sanmugathasan, the Left and
Sri Lanka, Ravi Vaitheespara, Social on, Colombo 05, September 2007,
t stated).
wo articles, one on the left movement and the Lanka, first published and discussed in New another hitherto unpublished on the politics of emphasis on the national question. The y N Shanmugaratnam.
lar value since the rise of Sinhala chauvinism e in Tamil nationalism have badly hurt the left obliteration of the positive role played by the tion, which is the main problem facing the tudy of the role of Sanmugathasan (Shan) in he most extensive so far, and his examination he national question brings out the distinction he Marxist Leninist tradition of the Communist visionists and the Trotskyites belonging to the
wisdom of hindsight: Sanmugathasan, the left Sri Lanka” is well researched and seeks to of Shan’s position on the national question. nderstandably, more sympathetic than the role by erstwhile comrades who, while ribution to the left movement and Marxism

Page 33
Leninism, are critical of what they consider his s including his position on the national question.
Sinhala chauvinism has been on the rise sinc politics, and particularly since the language iss has been the narrow nationalism of the Tamils adherence to left ideology did not necessari nationalist prejudices. Nevertheless, ideologica free of such thinking, until they went into oppo SLFP. The author seems to have either been has misread it in arguing that the faction of th split from the revisionists was “not a result of but an attempt of a segment ... to free itse communalism within the party itself” (p. 9). revisionists resorted to communal attacks on that he took with him not only a sizeable sectio also the bulk of the membership of the trade party. That such conduct was plain opportunis that Pieter Keuneman, a Burgher by nationality attacks while SA Wickramasinghe, a Sinhales conduct.
The author seems to give Rohana Wijewee for joining the faction led by Shan because it militant (p. 3). Wijeweera exposed himself as a when he joined the communal protest by the S and the LSSP against special provisions for the suspected that he was a ‘plant’ by the Soviet U Shan. It was too late when Wijeweera’a politics had already cultivated a following by inducing c youth wing of the party of which he was put in c correlate Shan’s accurate analysis of the clas with his being partly blamed for the emergence
The writing tends to speculate that if Shan a had been supportive of Tamil nationalism th different. This does not tally with the reality in p has been on the rise. In East Pakistan( now Ba the Marxist Leninists were supportive of the lib its sponsorship by a neighbour. They did not

hat they consider his serious errors, in matters he national question.
s been on the rise since the arrival of electoral ince the language issue came to the fore, as ionalism of the Tamils in response to it. Thus, gy did not necessarily mean immunity from vertheless, ideologically, the left parties were il they went into opportunist alliances with the to have either been misled by his source or that the faction of the Communist Party that was “not a result of the international context gment ... to free itself of the rising tide of e party itself” (p. 9). It is true that some ommunal attacks on Shan out of frustration only a sizeable section of the membership but mbership of the trade unions affiliated to the t was plain opportunism is clear from the fact Burgher by nationality, resorted to communal masinghe, a Sinhalese, refrained from such
give Rohana Wijeweera more credit than due d by Shan because it was more radical and exposed himself as a chauvinist in early 1966 unal protest by the SLFP, the revisionist CP ecial provisions for the Tamil language. It was ‘plant’ by the Soviet Union in the party led by en Wijeweera’a politics was exposed since he following by inducing chauvinist thinking in the which he was put in charge. It seems unfair to e analysis of the class nature of JVP politics ed for the emergence of the JVP (p. 16).
peculate that if Shan and the party that he led Tamil nationalism things could have been lly with the reality in places where nationalism East Pakistan( now Bangladesh), for example, e supportive of the liberation struggle, but not hbour. They did not only fail to win over the

Page 34
people but also were victimised by the alliance ‘liberators’ from across the border.
Errors of interpretation such as those abo seem to arise mainly from the subjective wish by Shan could have found common cause Otherwise, the portrayal of the politics of Sha struggle against opportunism, is highly commen
The second article titled “Towards a (Tamil ethnic crisis in Sri Lanka” raises searching q changing position of the ‘left’ on the nationa although incisively critical of the opportunism of its changing attitude towards the Tamil natio question, does acknowledge the commendable until the opportunism of parliamentary politics go
The article, although visibly sympathetic t cause, in its effort to understand the behaviour historical perspective, is a world apart from a nationalist interpretations made up of none bu invective against the left as a whole, based discredited opportunist left,.
The author has correctly distinguished betw the different left political parties and how some how others, especially that of the Marxist Lenin address the national question in an objective fa would be comprehensive if the evolution of t various factions of the Tamil nationalists are com genuine and bogus left. This is very impo nationalist perception of the political identity of undergone many changes over the past cent Tami nationalists find it had to digest the reality distinct Tamil-speaking nationalities in the island
There are a few factual errors in the book attention, since books of this nature are rare a and political importance of the work.
A serious error concerns the use of the term faction led by Shan in 1964 (Introduction pp. iv, but not the second). The claim to the name Co

timised by the alliance of nationalists and the e border.
n such as those above, although not many, the subjective wish that the genuine left led ound common cause with the nationalists. of the politics of Shan, including his valiant ism, is highly commendable.
ed “Towards a (Tamil) left perspective on the a” raises searching questions regarding the ‘left’ on the national question. The author, l of the opportunism of the parliamentary left in ards the Tamil nationality and the national dge the commendable stand taken by the left arliamentary politics got the better of them.
visibly sympathetic to the Tamil nationalist erstand the behaviour of the left and place it in a world apart from a whole range of Tamil made up of none but intellectually dishonest ft as a whole, based on the conduct of a ft,.
tly distinguished between the stands taken by parties and how some have degenerated and at of the Marxist Leninists, have developed to stion in an objective fashion; and the analysis e if the evolution of the perspectives of the
mil nationalists are compared with those of the ft. This is very important since the Tamil the political identity of the nationality has itself s over the past century. Even today, many ad to digest the reality of the existence of three ationalities in the island.
al errors in the book to which I like to draw this nature are rare and in view of the value f the work.
rns the use of the term “Maoist” to refer to the 64 (Introduction pp. iv, x, and in the first article claim to the name Communist Party has been

Page 35
a contentious issue internationally since the spl revisionists were convincingly defeated, as fo and the Philippines, the Marxist Leninists use Party. Elsewhere, they added the label “Marxis themselves from the revisionists. In Sri Lanka b and the revisionists claimed the support of a claim to the name “Communist Party of Ceylon them as “Peking Wing” and “Moscow Wing”. T to Communist Party of Sri Lanka following the but Shan’s faction stuck to the old name. The t currency until the Chinese Cultural Revolution duration the term “Maoist” was one of abuse to Leninism. It was much after that some Marxist themselves Marxist Leninist Maoist or simply the rump of his party as Communist Party (Mao
It is claimed in the Introduction by Shanmu from Shan were due to his “not going further theoretical premises of the Sri Lankan revo experiences of the Chinese revolution” (p. xi). relating to JVP, which he notes elsewhere in communal outfit right from the start, and the ot Sulanga”. It is hard to see how the latter whi style ‘long march’ in 1968 could have split on th
V Ponnambalam was not fielded the 1975 victory. The aim was to express opposition to C by then moved close to a secessionist agenda of Ponnambalam was not because of a hal suggested in the Introduction, but because of the revisionists. The Marxist Leninists, who ha the electorate, had asked the people to boyco the choice was between a reactionary natio supporter of a chauvinistic government.
Footnote 5 to the Introduction about deserte Shan is factually flawed. Karawita was not a pr party to lead the split in 1974, which was mis several members of the Central Committee who absentia than debate the issues in his prese called itself Communist Party (Marxist Leninist)

ationally since the split of 1963. Wherever the cingly defeated, as for example in Indonesia Marxist Leninists used the name Communist dded the label “Marxist Leninist” to distinguish ionists. In Sri Lanka both the Marxist Leninists ed the support of a majority, and each laid munist Party of Ceylon”; the media referred to nd “Moscow Wing”. The revisionists switched ri Lanka following the renaming of the country, to the old name. The term “Maoist”, was not in se Cultural Revolution of 1966-74; and for its ” was one of abuse to the enemies of Marxism fter that some Marxist Leninists parties called nist Maoist or simply Maoist. Shan renamed
ommunist Party (Maoist) in the 1980s.
troduction by Shanmugaratnam that the splits his “not going further than stating the general the Sri Lankan revolution derived from the se revolution” (p. xi). He cites two splits, one e notes elsewhere in the Introduction was a the start, and the other relating to "Peradiga ee how the latter which launched a Chinese
could have split on the above account.
not fielded the 1975 by-election to secure xpress opposition to Chelvanayakam, who had a secessionist agenda. The poor performance ot because of a half-hearted challenge, as ction, but because of the loss of credibility of rxist Leninists, who had a strong presence in d the people to boycott the by-election since n a reactionary nationalist and a revisionist c government.
oduction about deserters of the faction led by Karawita was not a prominent member of the 1974, which was misguidedly engineered by entral Committee who opted to expel Shan in e issues in his presence. This group briefly arty (Marxist Leninist), then adopted the name

Page 36
Working People’s Party, and was defunct Democratic Party, founded as the Communist in 1978 following a thorough debate with Shan this group. Also it was the founders of the ND erroneous positions held by Shan on the natio split, and the NDP did not take the cue from S footnote.
A major omission in the book concerns Leninists in the mass movement against cas politicising of the plantation workers, to both of in passing in the Introduction. The significance youth militancy cannot be ignored; and these important since Tamil nationalism has always caste contradiction and consistently failed to ad to the Hill Country Tamils and the Muslims, represent, with or without their consent.
In the above context, It is strange that Shan (p. xi) of “not go(ing) much further than stating premises of a Sri Lankan revolution derived from Chinese revolution”. Before passing judgment o the party that he led, one should take into acco parliamentary left, the rise of Sinhala chau undermine Shan’s position nationally as we especially by Wijeweera. Shan made serious tactics and has had his personal failings, but collectively answerable for the consequences. Shan and his party alone cannot explain the country over the past four decades.
Despite the few shortcomings, the articles as are lucidly written, and make interesting and summary, I would say that the book is a welco on the national question and the history of recommend it strongly to researchers and stude
*****

y, and was defunct by 1980. The New ed as the Communist Party of Sri Lanka (Left) ugh debate with Shan, was not a splinter from he founders of the NDP who rectified certain by Shan on the national question before the t take the cue from Shan as suggested in the
the book concerns the role of the Marxist ovement against caste oppression and the on workers, to both of which reference is made ction. The significance of the former to Tamil e ignored; and these matters are particularly tionalism has always tried to paper over the onsistently failed to address problems specific ils and the Muslims, whom they claimed to their consent.
It is strange that Shan is accused introductorily ch further than stating the general theoretical revolution derived from the experiences of the re passing judgment on the roles of Shan and should take into account the treachery of the rise of Sinhala chauvinism, and its use to tion nationally as well as within his party, . Shan made serious errors of judgment and personal failings, but his party as a whole is or the consequences. However, the failings of e cannot explain the course of events in the r decades.
omings, the articles as well as the introduction make interesting and illuminating reading. In at the book is a welcome addition to literature and the history of the left movement, and researchers and students of social sciences.
*****

Page 37
Sri Lankan
Balancing the Budget Vote
The saga of the budget 2007-2008 surpasse movie, with its unexpected turn of events and and conspiracies.
MPs are tradable commodities and the one each and can offer it wins. The UNP played 2001 when it bought over SLFP ministers; Pre improved tremendously on the game.
Although it was known that the JVP will get c the crunch, no chances were taken. The kidna three Tamil National Alliance (nominally Feder east, was a clear illustration of the kind of cru parliamentary politics has become. If the U exposing the government as anti-democratic, the boycott of the budget vote unless all MPs co of outside threats and any form of harassment as the UNP has no serious interest in the matt done it to drive home a point since they had n failed to, perhaps because their inherent loyal the better of their political sense.
Whether the UNP leadership seriously e government and thereby march on to a snap po is anybody’s guess. But if the UNP seriously e them to topple the government or for that matte make them face the polls, the UNP deser opposition.
The fact remains that an anti-people budget to the people except greater war spending conduct of the political parties has shown that t and that one is as bad as the other in its care people.

Sri Lankan Events
e Budget Vote
et 2007-2008 surpassed many a thriller fiction d turn of events and its quota of kidnappings
modities and the one who knows the price of ns. The UNP played the game as late as in r SLFP ministers; President Rajapaksha has n the game.
that the JVP will get cold feet when it came to were taken. The kidnapping of the relatives of ance (nominally Federal Party) MPs from the tion of the kind of crude and cruel farce that as become. If the UNP was serious about t as anti-democratic, it could have called for vote unless all MPs could cast their votes free y form of harassment. But that was not to be, us interest in the matter. The TNA could have point since they had nothing to lose. But they se their inherent loyalty towards the UNP got l sense.
adership seriously expected to defeat the march on to a snap poll that they hoped to win if the UNP seriously expected the JVP to help ment or for that matter to do anything that will olls, the UNP deserves to be eternally in
an anti-people budget that has nothing to offer reater war spending has been passed. The rties has shown that they are lacking in vision s the other in its care for the interests of the

Page 38
The Crime of being a Tamil
Earlier in the year there was an attempt by numbers of Tamils from Colombo. That was t Court ruling. But the harassment of the Tamils government in the course of justifying its pursui the national question is seeking to portray eve terrorist.
Following a bomb blast in a store in the Colombo, up to three thousand Tamils were ro police stations and other detention centres, de necessary identification. Of them an estimated remanded, and it was again a petition to the CWC that made it possible for those remanded
The arrests and detentions were not based what is worrying is that the incident seems to b someone’s agenda to cleanse Colombo of prospect of such incidents recurring in the near
Moragoda and the Media Maharaja
The Committee of Public Enterprises (COP Moragoda in its report for serious financial irre sums. This was followed by a call for a parlia matter.
Besides attempts by the government to sta Sirasa-Shakthi electronic media empire took i such a debate and for nearly a whole month in news bulletins took up the cause of Morago reading out of character references by various p assassination of his opponents.
Charges against Moragoda are still not in what was at stake was the prospect of a parlia strange that the private tri-lingual electroni challenging leaders of the JVP for various ind great lengths to stifle debate on a matter of nati

being a Tamil
re was an attempt by the police to expel large Colombo. That was thwarted by a Supreme ssment of the Tamils in the city persists. The of justifying its pursuit of a military solution to seeking to portray every Tamil as a potential
last in a store in the Nugegoda suburb of usand Tamils were rounded up and taken to detention centres, despite possession of the Of them an estimated five hundred had been gain a petition to the Supreme Court by the le for those remanded to be released on bail.
ntions were not based on any evidence and e incident seems to be yet another episode in leanse Colombo of Tamils as well as the s recurring in the near future.
d the Media Maharaja
blic Enterprises (COPE) had named Milinda r serious financial irregularities involving large by a call for a parliamentary debate on the
the government to stall the debate, the MTV- media empire took it upon itself to prevent arly a whole month in September-October the the cause of Moragoda. News included the eferences by various politicians and character nents.
goda are still not in the public domain, and he prospect of a parliamentary debate. It was e tri-lingual electronic medium reputed for e JVP for various indiscretions should go to ate on a matter of national interest.

Page 39
Parting Shot?
British High Commissioner Dominick C ceremony commemorating Dudley Senana appearance before completing his term in Sri government to improve its rights record and w mistake to view something as sensitive as hu internal matter.
He argued against demonising human right agencies. He also cautioned that the principle o internal affairs of a country need not be uphe intervention, ranging from arguing and persu political sanctions, is possible.
His statements provoked angry reaction fro Sri Lankan government took particular except am not saying that the political aspiration for What is crucial, however, is what methods are methods are simply unacceptable." But his gove
Although several Tamil nationalists were gl and particularly about the above statement, the Lankan government has continued to be tre “international community” including Britain, at le of the war is concerned. Also, notably, the President Rajapaksha as a guest of honour at for naval officers, to witness his son’s graduatio
It is one thing to find solace in the words of suit one’s beliefs, but quite another to hope tha western government will interfere on behalf of a
*****

t?
issioner Dominick Chilcott, addressing a ing Dudley Senanayake, his last public leting his term in Sri Lanka, called upon the ts rights record and warned that it would be a ing as sensitive as human rights as a purely
monising human rights campaigners and UN ed that the principle of non-interference in the try need not be upheld and that non-military m arguing and persuading to economic and sible.
ed angry reaction from the government. The took particular exception to the statement: "I political aspiration for Eelam is illegitimate.... , is what methods are used.... And the LTTE’s ceptable." But his government stood by him.
il nationalists were gleeful about the speech above statement, the fact remains that the Sri continued to be treated fairly well by the including Britain, at least as far as its pursuit . Also, notably, the British government had a guest of honour at the passing out parade ss his son’s graduation.
olace in the words of people like Chilcott that te another to hope that the British or any other interfere on behalf of an oppressed minority.
*****

Page 40
Internationa
Venezuela: Lessons for the Left
Until barely a few weeks before the Ven constitutional reforms, euphoric enthusiasts of t of Chavez, readily denounced as Stalinism constructive criticism or words of caution. The although narrow and amid the abstention of show that the warnings made sense. It by no m the Chavez government with an 80% majority i make Chavez unpopular. But the Bolivarian p challenge from the reactionaries and the explo lost political control but wield control over s economy as well as the media. The defeat h their efforts to derail the socio-economic reform him to compromise with the old elite if not oust h James Petras in his essay of 5th December in journal) rightly attributes the defeat to the mo reaction and its middle-class followers with sup agencies operating within the country, includ major business associations of Venezuela, the media, and the Catholic Church hierarchy. The buy-out of some of the supporters of Ch interpreted political reforms including the lifting election of the President as moves to impose a
Petras also draws attention to the negative r academics who persuaded left and progressiv and to how “Trotskyists split up sectors of the pseudo-Marxist chatter about ‘Chavez the ‘capitalist’ and ‘imperialist’ proclivities, incited U shared the ‘NO’ platform with CIA funded CTV t

International Events
ons for the Left
eeks before the Venezuelan referendum on phoric enthusiasts of the Bolivarian Revolution ounced as Stalinism, dogmatism etc. any ords of caution. The defeat of the proposals, id the abstention of 45% of the electorate, ade sense. It by no means signals the fall of with an 80% majority in parliament; nor does it . But the Bolivarian project is facing a fresh ionaries and the exploiting classes who have wield control over sizeable sections of the media. The defeat has encouraged them in ocio-economic reforms of Chavez and compel he old elite if not oust his government.
say of 5th December in Radical Notes (internet the defeat to the mobilisation of right wing ass followers with support from the various US in the country, including political NGOs, the ons of Venezuela, the bulk of the private mass Church hierarchy. There was also the political e supporters of Chavez. Their opposition s including the lifting of the restriction on re- as moves to impose a dictatorial government.
ntion to the negative role of social democratic ed left and progressive students to vote ‘NO’, split up sectors of the trade unions with their about ‘Chavez the Bonapartist’ with his t’ proclivities, incited US trained students and with CIA funded CTV trade union bosses”.

Page 41
The campaign for the amendments had its of the poor abstained for genuine unaddressed economic sabotage by producers and retail government to address such issues adequately with US backing, especially in the big bu advantage of popular discontent to derail consti
The defeat could be transformed into a good rest illusions of a smooth transition to socialis government. The main lesson of the defeat is t give up easily. The situation in Venezuela is far three decades ago, but there can be no compro especially the landowner-capitalist alliance essential lesson is that the oppressed and ex want social justice need to be politicised, mobi take the initiative the struggle against imperialis
Whether the Chavez government will be survival to accommodate economic liberalism Bolivarian project or learn from the defeat persevere in struggle for social justice and eco the country depends on the how well the prog forces is organised, mobilised and conducts itse
Anti-imperialism, is strong among the people whole and in Venezuela in particular. It shou taken advantage of. But it is wrong to assume t between the exploiters and the exploited will be prevail over the other, and what is needed is n exploiting classes but confronting reaction and society by mobilising and arming the broad mas the working class.
It is correct for Marxist Leninists and other p constructively critical of the Chavez governmen call for its defeat is wrong since it is a po imperialist struggle in the region and shou continued defiance of imperialism.

amendments had its shortcomings. A section genuine unaddressed grievances. There was producers and retailers. The failure of the uch issues adequately enabled its opponents cially in the big business sector, to take
ontent to derail constitutional reforms.
ansformed into a good thing since it has put to h transition to socialism, even with a popular sson of the defeat is that reactionaries do not ion in Venezuela is far better than that in Chile ere can be no compromise with reactionaries, r-capitalist alliance in Latin America. The he oppressed and exploited class forces that to be politicised, mobilised and encouraged to ggle against imperialism and local reaction.
government will be forced by a need for economic liberalism and eventually fail in its arn from the defeat and rectify errors to social justice and economic independence of the how well the progressive alliance of class lised and conducts itself.
ong among the people in South America as a in particular. It should be encouraged and t is wrong to assume that the balance of forces d the exploited will be stable for long. One will d what is needed is not compromise with the nfronting reaction and imperialism to transform arming the broad masses with the ideology of
t Leninists and other progressive forces to be e Chavez government. But to denounce it and rong since it is a powerful bastion of anti- he region and should be supported in its erialism.

Page 42
Pakistan: Drifting towards Disaster
Benazir Bhutto knew what she was do Musharraf to get elected President. His subs state of emergency and the use of emergency Chief Justice again and several other judg politicians including Imran Khan, arrest lawyer to his dictatorial style and other protesters did state of emergency was formally denounced by Musharraf continued. Expulsion of Pakistan fr was eyewash, and could be reversed now sin been lifted after Musharraf had consolidated his
That the return of Pakistan to democracy w clear from various events including the differen and Nawaz Shariff, both found guilty of seriou tenure as prime ministers. It is no secret that B pocket of the US as Musharraf is and that ther pair. The current protests by Bhutto and her pa power by Musharraf are essential theatre fo credibility in the forthcoming elections to be h Musharraf is very unpopular.
Pakistan has no parliamentary political leade to defy the armed forces and US imperialism w influence through the armed forces and corru left is weak, but not ineffective. The democrati mass support but needs to see through the democracy in the context of a state dominate and to organise accordingly. Boycotting the ele But the parliamentary ‘opposition’ to Musharraf
The emergence of Islamic fundamentalism opposition to the Musharraf regime or its succe Pakistan. Thus Pakistan faces a serious polit seeking to dominate it and India seeking to un against ‘Islamic terror’ in the region is increasin burden. It is only the emergence of an e democratic resistance that could arrest the d disaster.

g towards Disaster
what she was doing when she helped President. His subsequent declaration of a the use of emergency powers to dismiss the d several other judges, detain and arrest n Khan, arrest lawyers leading the opposition d other protesters did not surprise any. The formally denounced by the US but support for pulsion of Pakistan from the Commonwealth be reversed now since the emergency has f had consolidated his power.
kistan to democracy will be a farce is amply s including the differential treatment of Bhutto found guilty of serious corruption during their . It is no secret that Bhutto is as much in the harraf is and that there is a deal between the by Bhutto and her party against the abuse of e essential theatre for her to establish her ing elections to be held in a climate where lar.
mentary political leadership that can be trusted and US imperialism which wields considerable med forces and corrupt political leaders. The fective. The democratic movement has strong to see through the fallacy of parliamentary t of a state dominated by the armed forces, gly. Boycotting the elections is the best option. position’ to Musharraf will not like it.
lamic fundamentalism as a strong force in raf regime or its successors will further divide faces a serious political crisis, with the US d India seeking to undermine it. The US war the region is increasingly becoming Pakistan’s emergence of an effective anti-imperialist at could arrest the drift of Pakistan towards

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India: Nandigram and the Naxilite ‘Th The ‘Marxist’ CPI(M)-led government of We isolated from the masses as well as its one time
Having been humiliated by mass resistance grab in Nandigram in the East Midinapur Distric goons once more in November to ‘retake’ the ‘prestige’. The goons drove away the people to terror, and blocked the media and journalists fr for four days since their operation began. A activists, writers, intellectuals and artists led b Nandigram on a fact-finding mission and to ex residents evicted from their hearths and home CPI(M) goons. The ‘success’ of the CPI(M) furth
The respected former judge VR Krishna Iye of the CP(M) for long has called into question it in his letter to the Governor on Nandigram publi XLV No 47 of 14 Nov 07. Gopalakrishna Gan CPI(M) bosses to be the state governor, also d of the state government. Ninety-three intelle credentials denounced the shameful events inc team led bay Medha Patkar. Partners of the C have further distanced themselves from Ch Bhattacharya on the issue.
As the a call for the dismissal of the state go wing opposition got louder, the CPI(M) has bee deal with the central government whose nucl vehemently resisted only weeks earlier. Wha made on the unpopular nuclear deal is yet to be Interestingly, the pro-CPI(M) fortnightly, Fro Hindu media establishment, went into hiberna months, possibly because its reputed columnist conduct of the state government and the party out strongly in support of the CPI(M) thugs, de peace after 11 months of turmoil, amid co columnists. Its distortion of facts is a good a ma on matters relating to the Sri Lankan national qu

and the Naxilite ‘Threat’
ed government of West Bengal is now further
as well as its one time allies. ed by mass resistance to the attempted land East Midinapur District, the CPI(M) sent out its vember to ‘retake’ the village and restore its ve away the people to establish their reign of edia and journalists from entering Nandigram operation began. A group of reputed social tuals and artists led by Medha Patkar visiting ing mission and to express solidarity with the eir hearths and homes were attacked by the ess’ of the CPI(M) further undid its credibility.
judge VR Krishna Iyer who has been a friend called into question its notion of development or on Nandigram published in Mainstream, Vol 7. Gopalakrishna Gandhi, handpicked by the state governor, also denounced the excesses t. Ninety-three intellectuals with progressive e shameful events including the attack on the kar. Partners of the CPI(M) in government too themselves from Chief Minister Buddhadeb e. smissal of the state government from the right r, the CPI(M) has been compelled to make a vernment whose nuclear deal with the US it y weeks earlier. What compromises will be uclear deal is yet to be seen.
PI(M) fortnightly, Frontline, published by the ent, went into hibernation on the subject for e its reputed columnists were disgusted by the rnment and the party goons. It has now come the CPI(M) thugs, declaring that there is now of turmoil, amid continuing silence of the of facts is a good a match to that of the Hindu
Sri Lankan national question.

Page 44
The CPI(M), the state government of W B defenders of the conduct of both in Nandigram blame on the right wing opposition for the deba true that Mamta Bannerjee, leader of the Trina gain political mileage out of Nandigram. But th even among the ‘left’ allies let alone the centr CPI(M) leadership has found a better selling threat, to find common cause with the cent denounce all and sundry for criticism of the CPI There is no doubt that the oppressed mas support to defend themselves and will be s Leninists and genuine progressives. But the C direction of the Naxalites in the hope that it w support of the central government which has d Naxalites who continue to gain support across t A spate of arrests has begun, including that the journal ‘People’s March’. These are signs cannot help being reminded of the notorious E Gandhi a little over thirty years ago and the sha
Myanmar: Democracy and Liberation
The campaign for democracy in Myanmar and the campaigners have retreated in the face Negotiations between the ruling SLORC, rena Development Council (SPDC) in 1997, and th campaigner Aung San Suu Kyi, with or withou mediators, are not likely to lead to progre democracy. The concern of the West, as elsew or fundamental rights.
Myanmar (then Burma), rich in its natural res economy, and assumption of power by the arm in 1962 drove the country into further isolation and educationally backward population. The f 1988 changed little but to create a class o collaborating with the top SPDC generals.

e government of W Bengal, and the amoral t of both in Nandigram had initially pinned the pposition for the debacle in Nandigram. It was ee, leader of the Trinamul Congress sought to t of Nandigram. But that story had few buyers es let alone the central government. Now the found a better selling product, the Naxalite cause with the centre, while continuing to for criticism of the CPI(M) atrocities. t the oppressed masses of Nandigram need selves and will be supported by all Marxist ogressives. But the CPI(M) now points in the in the hope that it will help it to secure the vernment which has declared war against the
gain support across the country. begun, including that in Kerala of the editor of rch’. These are signs of the times, and one ed of the notorious Emergency Rule of Indira years ago and the shameful role of the CPI.
cracy and Liberation Struggles
mocracy in Myanmar has suffered a setback e retreated in the face of ruthless oppression. e ruling SLORC, renamed State Peace and PDC) in 1997, and the detained democracy uu Kyi, with or without the involvement of UN ly to lead to progress in the direction of of the West, as elsewhere, is not democracy
), rich in its natural resources had a backward n of power by the armed forces led by Ne Win y into further isolation, with a largely unskilled ard population. The free-market policy since to create a class of comprador capitalists SPDC generals.

Page 45
Chinese policy towards Myanmar has all a interference in internal affairs; the party-to existed between the two communist party factio Communist Party of China ceased after C Western pressure on China to persuade the S rights is based on the desire to gain acces resources and to bring Burma into the ring of en
It is unlikely that neither India nor China or countries will do much to change things in Mya for the democracy campaigners to organise broadest possible united front of oppressed mas
What global enthusiasts for democratic chan Karen, Kachin, Shan, Mon, Arakan, Chin and ethnic groups have since Burmese independen struggles to assert their right to self determina and ceasefires signed from time to time faile autonomy and federalism. Also the Burmese C was active against the British and Japanese o rebellion against the government in 1948 that la rural areas of the north along the Chinese bo powerful urban movements, workers’ mov leadership, peasant uprisings, pro-democracy rebellions with no sympathy or support community’,
What the struggle for democracy needs to forces for democracy with the struggles fo liberation based on the principle of self-d opposition to any form of foreign domination. T when the democracy movement and activists influence of the ‘international community’.
Palestine: The Struggle and the Sello
The situation in Palestine continues to deter blockade of Gaza and the ongoing illegal colle residents by Israel have led to soaring food pri unavailability of many foodstuffs, medicines an

s Myanmar has all along been one of non- affairs; the party-to-party relationship that communist party factions of Myanmar and the hina ceased after China’s regime change. ina to persuade the SPDC to yield on human desire to gain access to Myanmar’s natural
rma into the ring of encirclement of China.
er India nor China or for that matter ASEAN change things in Myanmar, and it is a matter paigners to organise better based on the front of oppressed masses.
ts for democratic change fail to note is that the on, Arakan, Chin and other nationalities and Burmese independence in 1948 fought armed right to self determination. Peace agreements rom time to time failed to resolve issues of . Also the Burmese Communist Party, which ritish and Japanese occupations, launched a ernment in 1948 that lasted for 40 years in the along the Chinese border. There have been ents, workers’ movements with socialist isings, pro-democracy protests and popular pathy or support from the ‘international
democracy needs today is the unity of the with the struggles for national and ethnic e principle of self-determination and firm foreign domination. This will be achieved only vement and activists free themselves of the nal community’.
truggle and the Sellout
tine continues to deteriorate. The international e ongoing illegal collective punishment of its led to soaring food prices and shortages if not odstuffs, medicines and other goods including

Page 46
building materials. Fuel is becoming increasingl Unemployment is soaring and often those with for months. Palestinians in urgent need of med for lack of access to hospitals outside Gaza border crossings.
As the forces of Israeli occupation contin indiscriminately, Hamas is making a strong blockade and political isolation are taking the deteriorates Hamas could be pushed to a hard President of the Palestinian Authority, Abb Fayyad suffer the illusion that they can win co they succeed in disarming the Palestinian resi from the not very auspicious start of the much h on 12th December 2007 is that they may be e and “reasonable”, but cannot extract any territorial or political, from Israel. Nor will the Israel to do so.
Sadly several factions, including the so-calle opportunistically aligned with the Fatah, in Hamas. In the wake of this failure by the P ongoing brutal Israeli occupation of Palestine, t will be crucial for the Palestinian liberation st Abbas and his regime will be able to continue a If Hamas can maintain control of its forces in blockade for some time, they will place thems good position; and Abbas cannot continue to forced to the negotiating table. Even if Abbas a their efforts to disarm the resistance, it could closer to Hamas, and isolate Abbas and Fayy loses control and fails to stave off defeat in G their former hard line positions rather than c quisling of the US.
In any event, if a united Palestinian libera forged, the biggest loser will be the Palestinian
*****

becoming increasingly scarce and expensive. and often those with jobs work without pay in urgent need of medical treatment are dying spitals outside Gaza owing to the closure of
aeli occupation continue to kill Palestinians is making a strong counter-attack. But the olation are taking their toll. As the situation be pushed to a hard line position. Meantime, tinian Authority, Abbas and Prime Minister that they can win concessions from Israel if g the Palestinian resistance. What is evident ous start of the much hyped talks at Annapolis is that they may be endorsed as ‘moderate” cannot extract any meaningful concession, m Israel. Nor will the US exert pressure on
, including the so-called Palestinian Left, have with the Fatah, in their desire to sideline this failure by the Palestinian left and the upation of Palestine, the weeks after the talks alestinian liberation struggle. Whether or not ll be able to continue as they have is in doubt. ontrol of its forces in Gaza and withstand the they will place themselves in a strategically s cannot continue to ignore them and will be table. Even if Abbas and Fayyad persevere in e resistance, it could push friendly factions olate Abbas and Fayyad. However, if Hamas stave off defeat in Gaza, they will revert to ositions rather than capitulate to Abbas, the
ited Palestinian liberation struggle is not re- will be the Palestinian people.
*****

Page 47
A poem by Roque Dalto
After four hours of torture, the and the other two cops threw a water at the prisoner to wake him said: "The Colonel has ordered you you're to be given a chance your skin. If you guess which of glass eye, you'll be spared tortu passing his gaze over the fac executioners, the prisoner pointe of them: "His. His right eye is glas
And the astonished cops said saved! But how did you guess? buddies missed because the American, that is, perfect." "Very simple," said the prisone he was going to faint again, "it only eye that looked at me hatred."
Of course they continued torturin
* Eminent Salvadoran poet and revolutionary a

oem by Roque Dalton*
hours of torture, the Apache her two cops threw a bucket of e prisoner to wake him up and Colonel has ordered us to tell to be given a chance to save If you guess which of us has a you'll be spared torture." After is gaze over the faces of his rs, the prisoner pointed to one is. His right eye is glass."
astonished cops said, "You're t how did you guess? All your issed because the eye is that is, perfect." ple," said the prisoner, feeling ing to faint again, "it was the that looked at me without
they continued torturing him.
ran poet and revolutionary activist, 1932-1974

Page 48
Three Poems by Oumer B
Justice is done
Beaten up Robbed, Hospitalised? And the witnesses? Many as grains of the sand: Kadiel is one; Ndoulla Ndyan Bele is one; Even the birds can testify ... But you forget that the chief Has his son as judge And his son-in-law as interpreter.
F
You tell me you have And th
They will respond to thei
Nobility
Don’t you know That an ox of seven seasons Can become a soldier And take your place for military service.
[* Oumer Ba, b. 1900, is a reputed


Page 49
________
Courtesy: The Pen
Published by E Thambiah of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM C Phone: 011 2435117; Fax: 011 2473757; E-mail: newdem
Website: www.ndpsl.org Printed at the Gowri Printers, Colom

e Poems by Oumer Ba*
sand:
stify ... e chief
s interpreter.
Familiar Oxen
You tell me you have right on your side? And those oxen that I see In the chief’s herd? If I call them hey will respond to their baptismal names.
seasons
r for military service.
a, b. 1900, is a reputed Mauritanian poet]


Page 50
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Courtesy: The Penguin Book of African Poetry
iah of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM Complex, Colombo 11 11 2473757; E-mail: newdemocraticparty@hotmail.com
Website: www.ndpsl.org at the Gowri Printers, Colombo 13