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February 2008
SSeettbbaacckkss aarree TTeemmppoorraarryy
TTrrii--CCoonnttiinneennttaall MMaarrxxiissmm:: CCaabbrraall’’ss CCoonnttrriibbuuttiioonn
NNeeww PPaatthh ffoorr tthhee LLeefftt
TTrraaddiittiioonnss ooff BBeettrraayyaall
PPooeettrryy::
R Murugaiyan, VT
Ah
Editorial ? NDP Diary ? Sri Lankan Events ? In

ary 2008
ckkss aarree TTeemmppoorraarryy
E Thambiah
onnttiinneennttaall MMaarrxxiissmm:: rraall’’ss CCoonnttrriibbuuttiioonn
Kyle Gibson
aatthh ffoorr tthhee LLeefftt
Daya
tiioonnss ooff BBeettrraayyaall
Mohan
::
R Murugaiyan, VT Elangovan, Ahmed Shamlu
y ? Sri Lankan Events ? International Events

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IN THE NAME OF CULT
R Murugaiyan
We keep on creeping under our burden Twenty centuries old We have packed up everything in a jute sac And heaved the load on our backs. Our baggage is full of rags, Broken pieces, decayed refuse– Rotten, putrid, wasted, worn out– We have collected odds and ends And carry them on our backs Started on a long, long journey Along the jungle path, Our eyeballs protrude under the heavy load We keep on creeping under our burden Twenty centuries old Those without any luggage Stride on empty handed. Others– Clutching powerful tools Strive and struggle To ensure a foe-less prosperity; Before venturing into outer space They insist on creating heavenly splendour On this dingy earth. To enjoy equally the fruits of labour To banish intrigue To establish lasting peace is their firm inten Their gait is smoother, easier, Their luggage light. They have achieved a l And determined to do more.
(continued

E NAME OF CULTURE
R Murugaiyan
ing under our burden old p everything in a jute sack ad on our backs. l of rags, ayed refuse– sted, worn out– odds and ends our backs long journey ath, ude under the heavy load. ing under our burden
ld luggage nded.
l tools
ss prosperity; nto outer space
ting heavenly splendour . he fruits of labour
g peace is their firm intention. ther, easier, t. They have achieved a lot
do more.
(continued on inside back cover)

Page 3
From the Edito
Violation of human rights and the threat to med new heights in the past several months. Killing, and disappearing of people have secured an exist law. The state is only too often implicated in offen overlap between common crime and political crim difference.
The roots of the problem can be traced to the w and the badly neglected national question. Por against terrorism, despite its failure to mobilise t side of the war, has instilled enough fear in th government to silence its critics on not only war b
Trespasses by a government minister and comp Rupavahini Corporation (including the allege Director), on the pretext of objecting to the failur minister, faced unanimous resistance from the em response of the government was to appease th employees for indiscipline. Four weeks after the i of the SLRC suffered a knife-attack by thugs. Th nationally and internationally, an embarrassm Although the minister has announced his depar seems certain that the culprits in the criminal atta and the journalist will go unpunished, and a witc the SLRC.
Unlike earlier occasions, where the targets were c and sections of the media that have been critica journalists associated with them, the victim t medium, which, especially during the past three crass government propaganda. The climate of int against a background of denial of access to a stations, arson attack on a printing press in a lo and the impending threat of tough media legis security and criminalisation of a wide range of def

From the Editor’s Desk
and the threat to media freedom have reached everal months. Killing, kidnapping, threatening e have secured an existence outside the reach of ften implicated in offences affecting Tamils. The crime and political crime makes it hard to tell the
can be traced to the war of national oppression national question. Portrayal of the war as one its failure to mobilise the Sinhala masses on the illed enough fear in their minds to enable the ritics on not only war but also other misdeeds.
ent minister and companions at the Sri Lanka (including the alleged assault on the News f objecting to the failure to telecast a talk by the s resistance from the employees. The immediate ent was to appease the minister and fault the . Four weeks after the incident a news producer ife-attack by thugs. The bad publicity has been, nally, an embarrassment for the government. s announced his departure from parliament, it rits in the criminal attacks on the News Director unpunished, and a witch hunt will take place in
here the targets were certain Tamil newspapers that have been critical of the government, and th them, the victim this time is a state-run y during the past three years, loyally broadcast nda. The climate of intimidation should be seen denial of access to a website, closure of radio a printing press in a locality with tight security, t of tough media legislation to cover national n of a wide range of defamatory material.

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Alleged attacks on civilians by the government in selected military targets in the North and by the L the South have, besides adding to the misery of who oppose the resolution of the national questio government, determined to secure military succe best half-hearted.
There are people who separate the question of w human rights, and democratic and media freed segregation is not possible: the issues are close inextricably linked with the question of soverei territorial integrity of the country. The dangerous and Tamil nationalists to call for foreign meddlin appears to be on the rise. Strangely, opposing pa meddling by the same foreign power.
While the government puts up a show of defian opinion’ on the national question and its pursui continues to receive both military and economic s Let alone the UNP, the JVP too, despite the o slogan and utterances critical of foreign interferen conviction to stand up to imperialism. It will n regional hegemony at the risk of denting its chauv
Strangely, among Tamil nationalists, including fo political beliefs, there is much faith in the abi imperialists, also known as the international com despite being fully aware of the role played by thes way and for its own purpose, to undermine the idly as the country slid towards war and peo thousands and dispossessed by their hundred th enough to believe that the creation of an indepen manipulation is a precedent that will serve to fulfi
The harsh reality facing the country is that, unles end and negotiations to solve the national quest very soon, the country faces the risk of a dicta brutally suppress all nationalities with the backin power, alone or in collaboration with the regional
*****

s by the government in the pretext of bombing the North and by the LTTE on civilian targets in dding to the misery of the people, helped those of the national question, a matter in which the o secure military success against the LTTE, is at
arate the question of war, the national question, cratic and media freedom. Unfortunately such le: the issues are closely interwoven, with each the question of sovereignty, independence, and country. The dangerous tendency for chauvinists call for foreign meddling in one form or another Strangely, opposing parties sometimes plead for ign power.
ts up a show of defiance against ‘international uestion and its pursuit of war, it relies on and military and economic support from imperialism. JVP too, despite the occasional anti-imperialist ical of foreign interference, has not the courage of imperialism. It will not reject imperialism or isk of denting its chauvinist vote bank.
ationalists, including former militants with fickle much faith in the ability and intention of the s the international community, as well as India, f the role played by these entities, each in its own ose, to undermine the peace process and watch towards war and people were killed by their ed by their hundred thousands. Some are naïve creation of an independent Kosovo by American t that will serve to fulfil their dream.
e country is that, unless the war is brought to an olve the national question take place in earnest ces the risk of a dictatorial regime which will nalities with the backing of the main imperialist ation with the regional hegemonic power.
*****

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In Revolution Setbacks are Tempora
Article marking the Cuban Natio Anti-Imperialism Day*, 1st Jan
E Thambiah (Co-ordinator, International People’s
Strong opinion is being cultivated now am opposing imperialism in Sri Lanka means prev from pressurising the Sri Lankan Government t Tamils to resolve the national question. That is p secession, opposition to terrorism and opposition to self-determination.
Consequently, anti-imperialism is presen opposition to their right to self-determination. Th false impression that foreign countries are ready Tamils to self-determination and that it is anti-im in the way.
Thus anti-imperialism is interpreted as the d determination, and self-determination is inte imperialist. The campaigns carried out by forces o Sinhalese and among the Tamils are making this p
Although the forces of the left paid attenti people against British colonialism, the fact that th to Sinhala chauvinist domination had led to resen example, when the Jaffna Youth Congress organis

In Revolution backs are Temporary
ng the Cuban National Day and
alism Day*, 1st January 2008
E Thambiah rnational People’s Solidarity Forum)
ing cultivated now among the Sinhalese that Sri Lanka means preventing foreign countries Lankan Government to grant the rights of the nal question. That is presented as opposition to rrorism and opposition to the right of the Tamils
mperialism is presented to the Tamils as o self-determination. This appears to convey the gn countries are ready to secure the right of the on and that it is anti-imperialism that is standing
is interpreted as the denial of the right to self- determination is interpreted as being pro- s carried out by forces of nationalism among the
amils are making this possible.
of the left paid attention to uniting the entire nialism, the fact that they were at times subject ination had led to resentment among Tamils. For Youth Congress organised a successful boycott of

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the elections to the State Council following the D 1931, leftists who pledged that they support that s elections. Even on the question of the Soulbur pressure was not mounted to guarantee the rights
The fact that the English-educated Tamil elit under British rule has been portrayed as the Brit the Tamils. But it needs to be noted that the ma comprised Christians who had converted to C colonial rule. Meanwhile, the anti-imperialism Dharmapala was based on Sinhala Buddhist dom stance of the Tamil elite, even after the British ga in 1948, further favoured the development of Sr Sinhala nationalism.
The constitution of 1972 was born of this cou continuation of it. The Sinhala nationalist positio the British was cultivated as one of taking aw concessions that the Tamils enjoyed under B rejection of all nationalities other than the Sinhale
The constitution introduced in 1978 becam nationalism denied a place for other nationalit affirming its pro-imperialist position. The var unleashed against the Tamils were based on tha the Tamil nationalist leadership sought to do nationalist counterpart in pleasing imperialism, its position.
It is in order that the Sinhalese and the Tam importance of the right to self-determination of united Sri Lanka and of a Sri Lanka that stands i hegemony that the people are being fed with illusi the ruling classes. Thus they hope to retain the imperialism. This applied equally to positions Tamils with a ruling class outlook.
By the programme of globalisation, peop positions where they are forced to accept imperialists. This is concealed by the pretexts of the global economy.
The national bourgeois forces which took colonial domination are today kowtowing before leftists who should work on the basis of the cont

Council following the Donoughmore Reforms in that they support that stand chose to contest the uestion of the Soulbury constitution, adequate
to guarantee the rights of the Tamils.
lish-educated Tamil elite occupied high positions n portrayed as the British colonialists favouring o be noted that the majority of that Tamil elite o had converted to Christianity under British the anti-imperialism of people like Anagarika n Sinhala Buddhist domination. The pro-British ven after the British gave up direct colonial rule the development of Sri Lankan nationalism as
72 was born of this course of development and a hala nationalist position of total distancing from as one of taking away from the Tamils “the ils enjoyed under British rule” and of total s other than the Sinhalese.
oduced in 1978 became one in which Sinhala ce for other nationalities of the country while list position. The various acts of oppression ils were based on that position. Consequently, dership sought to do better than its Sinhala pleasing imperialism, and sought to rationalise
Sinhalese and the Tamils do not recognise the self-determination of the nationalities within a Sri Lanka that stands in defiance of any form of are being fed with illusions about imperialism by hey hope to retain the Sri Lankan as a client of d equally to positions taken by forces among outlook.
of globalisation, people have been pushed to re forced to accept decisions made by the aled by the pretexts of war and the problems of
ois forces which took a stand opposing British day kowtowing before international capital. The n the basis of the contradiction between the Sri

Page 7
Lankan people and imperialism have become people are facing much sorrow and suffering in th living and the cruelty of war.
It is against such a background that the even Cultural Evening’ is to be held at the Sangarap Colombo Tamil Sangam to celebrate today the A Cuban Liberation Day. This is the fifth occasion Organisations for International Solidarity has orga
The experiences of the Cuban national strug socialist construction in Cuba are distinct from Similarly, the current state of awareness amo America too has its distinctive features. The peop of José Marti, have truly patriotically developed th slogan ‘Nation or death’. Their leaders too have their people and feel answerable to them.
Historically the Cuban people have been ble leaders including Fidel Castro and Ché Gueva incapacitation by illness of Fidel, his brother and accepted the responsibilities of acting for the hea Cuban masses amid a variety of challenges.
Many bourgeois analysts predicted that so economically dependent on the Soviet Union will of the Soviet Union. On the contrary, Cuba, b standing firm against big powers. Cuba is de developing countries and, while providing the receiving their cooperation.
There are no people in Cuba who have not re free health care offered by the state. There is opportunity. Cuban standards in fields such as research are on par with advanced European coun
It is important the developing countries em Cuba. Forces that are struggling for liberation sho revolutionary tradition.
It is because Cuba could become an exam source to other countries and their people that the ceaselessly conspiring to topple the Cuban g reported that the CIA has made numerous attemp

erialism have become defunct. Meantime, the row and suffering in the face of the rising cost of r.
ckground that the event ‘People’s Liberation and e held at the Sangarappillai Auditorium of the o celebrate today the Anti-Imperialism Day and his is the fifth occasion on which the People’s ional Solidarity has organised the event.
e Cuban national struggle and the experience of uba are distinct from those of other countries. ate of awareness among the people of Latin tive features. The people of Cuba, from the time atriotically developed their culture guided by the heir leaders too have been ones who truly love erable to them.
n people have been blessed to have many great astro and Ché Guevara. Today, following the f Fidel, his brother and comrade Raul Castro has es of acting for the head of state and leading the ety of challenges.
lysts predicted that socialist Cuba which was n the Soviet Union will fail following the collapse the contrary, Cuba, based on self-reliance, is g powers. Cuba is developing close ties with , while providing them with help, it is also .
n Cuba who have not received free education and by the state. There is no lack of employment ards in fields such as medicine and scientific vanced European countries.
eveloping countries emulate the example set by gling for liberation should learn from the Cuban
could become an example and an educational nd their people that the forces of imperialism are topple the Cuban government. It has been ade numerous attempts to kill Fidel Castro.

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Between the times of José Marti and Fidel Ca many national liberation struggles. The nationa with a number of setbacks and defeats until its vi History has demonstrated that none of the setba forever. History did not only free the imprisone Cuba and the Cuban people. Through tireless culture that has accepted struggle as life, the Cu unbowed before any.
Let us wish Cuba an eternal place in world hi for liberation through freeing itself from the st conspiracies and as an example for socialist const
[*Approximate translation of a in Thin
*****
"(T)he transnational monopolies represen synthesis, the more developed expression of in this phase of its general crisis," and the international carriers of all the laws that gover of production in its present imperialistic contradictions, and are the most efficient development and intensification of the proces labour to capital on the world scale."
La Crisis económica y social del mundo (the
Ediciones del Consejo de Estado, La H

José Marti and Fidel Castro, Cuba has witnessed struggles. The national liberation struggle met and defeats until its victory on 1st January 1959. that none of the setbacks and defeats had been nly free the imprisoned Fidel Castro, but also ople. Through tireless struggle and through a struggle as life, the Cuban people today remain
ternal place in world history as a lasting example eing itself from the still continuing imperialist mple for socialist construction.
oximate translation of an article published in Tamil in Thinakkural, 1st January 2008.]
*****
monopolies represent the most perfect veloped expression of monopoly capitalism eneral crisis," and therefore "they are the f all the laws that govern the capitalist mode present imperialistic phase, of all its re the most efficient mechanism for the sification of the process of subordination of world scale."
Fidel Castro Ruz y social del mundo (the Economic and Social Crisis of the World), onsejo de Estado, La Habana, 1983, p. 153.

Page 9
Theory and Praxis: Amilcar Cabral’s Contribut Tricontinental Marxis
Kyle Gibson Graduate Studies Department of History, University of M
Japan’s victory in the Russo-Japanese War o point in, for lack of a better term, first-world – t conflict, for the first time, laid bare the m invincibility, galvanizing a series of tricontinental subsequent years. From the Third International the meetings at Bandung and Havana, the decolonization movements who attended these c treasure trove of theoretical insights and method to future generations engaged in struggles throu region.1 As head of the national liberation movem Cape Verde during the 1950s and 1960s, Amilca the apotheosis of just such a leader. The fo innovative contributions Cabral made to tric analyzing the specific historical context from whic
Unlike the self-interested prescriptions em Union during the interwar period to those e struggles, the success of the Chinese communist watershed for the oppressed masses of the tri event was the first of its kind to manage both revolution.2 Moreover, Mao’s Chinese Commun this on the basis of an unorthodox strategy primacy on the peasant masses rather than the m
1 Robert Young, Postcolonialism: An Historical Intr Blackwell Publishing, 2006), see chapter 10. 2 Anouar Abdel-Malek, Nation and Revolution Volu (Albany: State University of New York, 1981), 89.

Theory and Praxis:
Cabral’s Contributions to icontinental Marxism
Kyle Gibson Graduate Studies tory, University of Manitoba, Canada
Russo-Japanese War of 1905 signalled a turning er term, first-world – third-world relations. This me, laid bare the myth of western military series of tricontinental resistance movements in he Third International and Baku Conference to ng and Havana, the leaders of the myriad s who attended these conferences bequeathed a al insights and methods of political organization aged in struggles throughout the tricontinental tional liberation movement in Guinea-Bissau and 50s and 1960s, Amilcar Cabral is in many ways uch a leader. The following will explore the Cabral made to tricontinental Marxism by rical context from which these insights emerged.
ested prescriptions emanating from the Soviet ar period to those engaged in anti-colonial he Chinese communists in 1949 proved to be a sed masses of the tricontinental. Indeed, this kind to manage both a national and socialist ao’s Chinese Communist Party (CCP) achieved unorthodox strategy of placing revolutionary asses rather than the more traditional focus on
lism: An Historical Introduction (Oxford: , see chapter 10. on and Revolution Volume II of Social Dialectics New York, 1981), 89.

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the proletariat. This was to have an enormous employed by the anti-colonial movements worldw was room to reformulate classical Marxism- specificities of each particular struggle. Very mu Cabral’s entire theoretical outlook is a testament t
One of the most significant revisions Cabral m was his objection to the assertion that class strugg history. For Cabral, accepting the traditional form that colonized nations failed to have a history prio Instead, as he stated in his “Brief Analysis of Guinea,” “[my] opinion is exactly the contrary ... imperialism arrived in Guinea it made us leave hi result, Cabral argued that it was not class strug development, but rather the mode of produc productive forces and the system of ownership – determining factor.4 In his words: “The level of t essential determinant of the content and form of and permanent motive force of history”; for “[m]a will continue to produce and to make history, himself from the burden of his needs, of hand a basis of the development of productive forces.”
This reformulation of classical Marxism led only by seizing complete control of the productiv colonized country experience true liberation. He grant the colonized the “inalienable right of every history” by using the productive forces in a way liberated people [which] necessarily opens up cultural process of the society in question, by retu to create progress.”6
By extension of this line of thinking Cabral progress through three stages, all of which are d the forces of production: a primitive form with
3 Amilcar Cabral, “Brief Analysis of the Social Struc Revolution in Guinea: Selected Texts by Amilcar Ca Review Press, 1970), 56. 4 Amilcar Cabral, “The Weapon of Theory” in Revol Texts by Amilcar Cabral (New York: Monthly Revie 5 Amilcar Cabral, Unity and Struggle (New York: M 125. 6 Ibid. 143.

to have an enormous impact on the strategies nial movements worldwide. In this context, there te classical Marxism-Leninism, stressing the ular struggle. Very much a product of his time, outlook is a testament to this geopolitical shift. icant revisions Cabral made to classical Marxism sertion that class struggle was the driving force of ing the traditional formulation effectively meant ed to have a history prior to western penetration. his “Brief Analysis of the Social Structure in exactly the contrary ... [I] consider that when inea it made us leave history – our history.”3 As a t it was not class struggle that drove historical the mode of production – the level of the system of ownership – of each society that is the s words: “The level of the productive forces, the he content and form of class struggle, is the true ce of history”; for “[m]an will outlive classes and and to make history, since he can never free of his needs, of hand and brain, which are the f productive forces.”5
f classical Marxism led Cabral to proclaim that ontrol of the productive forces could a formerly nce true liberation. He believed that this would alienable right of every people to have their own uctive forces in a way “most appropriate to the necessarily opens up new prospects for the iety in question, by returning to it all its capacity
line of thinking Cabral postulated that societies ages, all of which are determined by the level of a primitive form with a low level of productive
lysis of the Social Structure in Guinea” in ted Texts by Amilcar Cabral (New York: Monthly
on of Theory” in Revolution in Guinea: Selected ew York: Monthly Review Press, 1970), 95.
Struggle (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1979),

Page 11
forces; a more progressive stage characterized by the means of production; and a higher stage in appropriation is eliminated along with classes an and unknown forces appear.7 As a consummate d for contradictions everywhere as he examined religions, and social classes of society. Classes and the development of the productive forces o accumulation is attained, so, in Cabral’s view, it w Marx had described, one indicative of the level o nineteenth century Europe.8
It is from these core revisions that the r unfolds. For example, consider his views on imp Lenin, Cabral recognized that western imperiali rhetoric of the imperial powers, not an act of b solution to the inherent contradictions of capi example, an over accumulation crisis. Imperiali sign of strength, but rather of weakness. Alth focused upon altering the cultural elements of forms such as religion and language, imperial preoccupied with the task of subordinating the underdeveloped countries to the wishes of countries.9 Cabral was very much aware, however cultural practices of a colonized people were but resistance to foreign economic control.
This emphasis on controlling the product discern between two different forms of imperial co domination) and neocolonialism (economic depe distinction, Cabral reformulated the traditional m national liberation, stating that true liberation req of struggle. The first, which many other Afric attained a decade prior to Guinea-Bissau, was a n is, political independence. Cabral had learned previously “successful” revolutions across the political independence, which was supposed to all its own economic affairs, was virtually meaning
7 Cabral, “The Weapon of Theory,” 96-97. 8 Ronald H. Chilcote, Amilcar Cabral’s Revolutiona Critical Guide (London: Lynne Rienner Publishers I 9 Nzongola-Ntalaja, “Amilcar Cabral and the Theory Struggle,” in Latin American Perspectives 41 (Sprin

stage characterized by private appropriation of and a higher stage in which private means of d along with classes and class struggle, and new ar. As a consummate dialectician, Cabral looked here as he examined the ethnic groups, races, s of society. Classes and class struggle arise with productive forces once a certain level of so, in Cabral’s view, it was the second stage that ndicative of the level of the productive forces in .
e revisions that the rest of Cabral’s thinking sider his views on imperialism. Borrowing from that western imperialism was, contrary to the owers, not an act of benevolence but clearly a contradictions of capitalist development – for lation crisis. Imperialism was, therefore, not a ther of weakness. Although often violent and cultural elements of the colonized peoples in d language, imperial powers were, at bottom, of subordinating the productive forces of the s to the wishes of the developed capitalist y much aware, however, that attempts to alter the nized people were but a tactic for undermining mic control.
ntrolling the productive forces led Cabral to ent forms of imperial control: colonialism (direct ialism (economic dependency). In light of this ulated the traditional meaning and strategies of that true liberation required two separate stages hich many other African nations had already Guinea-Bissau, was a national revolution – that . Cabral had learned vicariously through the volutions across the continent that achieving ich was supposed to allow each nation to control was virtually meaningless without also seizing
eory,” 96-97. r Cabral’s Revolutionary Theory and Practice: A ne Rienner Publishers Inc., 1991), 19. r Cabral and the Theory of the National Liberation
Perspectives 41 (Spring 1984), 44.

Page 12
control over the productive forces. Cabral recog imperialists who decide to decolonize, choosing to terms or on terms coinciding with their long-ter interests.10 Cabral strongly believed, then, that if to stop struggling after the first stage it would than a “half revolution,” a political revolution whi the pillars of the building standing.”11 For this r the crucial struggle was for a socialist revolutio where the capitalist structure implanted there b dismantled in favour of socialism.
Although the second stage of the revolution was to be achieved, Cabral noted that gaining po first stage, not only relieved the colonized of a di the country but also precipitated a shift in the s nation to the, pace Lenin, progressive neocolon More precisely, in the first stage of the liber restructuring the state and economy are oversh terminate direct colonial rule. Once this is achie unity that had banded people together into a “n alliance of all nationalist forces who oppose the c phase gives way to class struggles.12 This oc heightened expectations of the population, as benefit from the fruits of independence reveal th the comprador elites who are working on behalf o traitors to the revolution and thus need to be over
There was nothing terribly original about Cab neocolonial bourgeoisie. The way in which he pro feat, however, was indeed innovative. Thanks agronomist in Portugal, Cabral was able to apply of the particular social makeup in Guinea-Bissau of conducting an extensive agricultural survey for in the early 1950s. This experience demonstrat rigid Bolshevik model of revolution prescribed b
1 0 Ibid. 49. 1 1 Marx as quoted in Chilcote, Amilcar Cabral’s Rev Practice, 49. 1 2 Patrick Chabal, “The Social and Political Thought Reassessment,” The Journal of Modern African Stu 1981), 38. 1 3 Nzongola-Ntalaja, 47.

ve forces. Cabral recognized that it is often the decolonize, choosing to do so either on their own ing with their long-term strategic and economic y believed, then, that if colonized countries were e first stage it would amount to nothing more political revolution which, as Marx put it, “leaves standing.”11 For this reason Cabral argued that for a socialist revolution – the second stage – ture implanted there by the imperial power is cialism.
stage of the revolution was where true liberation l noted that gaining political independence, the ed the colonized of a direct imperial presence in ipitated a shift in the social relations within the , progressive neocolonial form of imperialism. irst stage of the liberation struggle issues of d economy are overshadowed by the desire to rule. Once this is achieved, however, the moral ople together into a “nation class” – the broad orces who oppose the colonial state – in the first s struggles.12 This occurs as a result of the of the population, as individuals’ demands to independence reveal that the petty bourgeoisie – are working on behalf of the imperial power – are nd thus need to be overthrown.13
ribly original about Cabral’s call to overthrow the he way in which he proposed to accomplish this ed innovative. Thanks to his training as an abral was able to apply his thorough knowledge keup in Guinea-Bissau that he gained as a result agricultural survey for the Forestry Department experience demonstrated how inapplicable the evolution prescribed by the Soviet Union really
e, Amilcar Cabral’s Revolutionary Theory and
al and Political Thought of Amilcar Cabral: A
of Modern African Studies Vol. 19, No. 1. (Mar.,

Page 13
was, especially in light of the peasant-based comm 1949. To be sure, it became clear to Cabral th context that had given birth to Marx’s empha quality of the proletariat was by no means revolution. Cabral knew well that due to the bac Bissau’s colonial oppressor, Portugal, there had industrial capitalism in the country and ther proletariat had formed. Consequently, Cabral use of the social composition of the Guinean pop societal class in terms of its revolutionary poten Cabral’s views on the other segments of society, it with the views of another great postcolonial thinke
With respect to the peasantry, both Fanon an this class was by far the largest force numerically although they both considered the peasantry to b least organized, and most reactionary segment o unlike Cabral, felt that due to their “bloodthirsty in were particularly susceptible to spontaneous rev had “nothing to lose and everything to gain.”1 By that the peasantry, despite their numerical major rather than a “revolutionary force” due to consciousness – that is, they were often unaware, that they were being exploited.15
Cabral also disagreed with Fanon’s view of th of the lumpen proletariat. Fanon had no use proletariat in regards to its revolutionary poten station in the colonial context to be similar to the nations: a privileged class. Cabral, however, was n segments of this class; that is to say, he differentia as two types of déclassés lumpen proletariat Fanon’s assessment of the traditional déclassés – beggars, pimps – from whom he expected no segment of the déclassés – for instance, recent who had not found work – who possessed the p
14 Blackley, Robert. “Fanon and Cabral: A Contrast for Africa,” in The Journal of Modern African Studi 1974): 197. 1 5 Ibid. 198.

he peasant-based communist victory in China in me clear to Cabral that the specific historical irth to Marx’s emphasis on the revolutionary t was by no means a universal formula for ell that due to the backward nature of Guinea- r, Portugal, there had been little in the way of the country and therefore only a miniscule nsequently, Cabral used his detailed knowledge of the Guinean population to reassess each its revolutionary potential. In order to illustrate r segments of society, it is useful to contrast them
reat postcolonial thinker: Frantz Fanon.
asantry, both Fanon and Cabral appreciated that rgest force numerically in African societies. And ered the peasantry to be the most conservative, reactionary segment of the population, Fanon, to their “bloodthirsty instincts” for violence they ble to spontaneous revolutionary action as they verything to gain.”14 By contrast, Cabral believed their numerical majority, was a “physical force” onary force” due to their lack of political ey were often unaware, and difficult to convince, ited.15
with Fanon’s view of the revolutionary potential t. Fanon had no use for any segment of the its revolutionary potential, as he viewed their text to be similar to the bourgeoisie in industrial Cabral, however, was not so quick to write off all t is to say, he differentiated between what he saw s lumpen proletariat. Cabral concurred with traditional déclassés – i.e. prostitutes, criminals, whom he expected nothing. It was the other – for instance, recent arrivals from rural areas – who possessed the potential for revolutionary
and Cabral: A Contrast in Theories of Revolution f Modern African Studies Vol. 12, No.2. (June,

Page 14
consciousness, as they could compare their stand the colonialists.16
Fanon was also contemptuous of the natio viewed as a parasitical class unable to fulfil its re despite the appearance of autonomy, fully unde imperial power and therefore was not advan conducive to fomenting revolution. In Fanon bourgeoisie is “strung up to defend its immed further than the end of its nose, and reveals i bringing national unity into being, or of building and productive basis.”17 In this way, Fanon viewe in a neocolonial setup as having far too vested an its own class advantages to be open to supporting
Cabral did share many of Fanon’s concerns bourgeoisie; however, he believed that a more p achieved. In its role as mediator between the masses – a post conferred upon them due to the close association with the colonial regime – the an ambivalent position. On the one hand, they imperial power in allowing exploitation to cont accorded special privileges. On the other hand increasingly associated with the imperial power w Cabral explains, “They are prisoners of t contradictions of their lives. They cannot escape class.”18 Cabral believed that as the petty-bourgeo aware of the limits of its privileged position the aligning itself with the revolution increases. It is h weakness in the colonial system; for, paradoxicall in the very people that the colonial power had co insistence that assimilation was impossible.19 It is members of the petty-bourgeoisie must resist th become more bourgeois; instead, it must ret completely identify with them.
16 Ibid. 199. 1 7 Fanon from The Wretched of the Earth as quoted 1 8 Cabral from “Identity and Dignity” as quoted in B 19 Chabal, “The Social and Political Thought of Ami Reassessment,” 40.

ld compare their standard of living with that of
emptuous of the national bourgeoisie, who he ss unable to fulfil its revolutionary role as it was, f autonomy, fully under the supervision of the refore was not advancing industry in a way revolution. In Fanon’s words, the national to defend its immediate interests, ... sees no its nose, and reveals itself incapable of simply to being, or of building up the nation on a stable n this way, Fanon viewed the pseudo-bourgeoisie having far too vested an interest in perpetuating
be open to supporting the revolution. ny of Fanon’s concerns regarding the domestic believed that a more positive outcome could be mediator between the imperial power and the upon them due to their western education and colonial regime – the petty-bourgeoisie inhabit n the one hand, they are indispensable to the g exploitation to continue, for which they are s. On the other hand, their goal of becoming th the imperial power would never be granted. As are prisoners of the social and cultural es. They cannot escape their role as a marginal at as the petty-bourgeoisie becomes increasingly privileged position the likelihood of this group olution increases. It is here that Cabral spots the ystem; for, paradoxically, nationalism is instilled colonial power had collaborated with due to its n was impossible.19 It is upon this realization that urgeoisie must resist the obvious temptation to instead, it must return to the masses and em.
of the Earth as quoted in Blackley, 200. Dignity” as quoted in Blackley, 201. olitical Thought of Amilcar Cabral: A

Page 15
It is on this point that Cabral departs most Marxist theory. For he offers a rather original solu question of how a country is to overcome neocol bourgeoisie has a vested interest in maintaini Cabral argues that in order to overcome the oppor petty-bourgeoisie it is crucial for the members of their revolutionary consciousness”; as Cabral put suicide as a class in order to be reborn as revolut was aware that this process is slow and uneven, b or failure to be the determining factor in the revo Cabral’s notion of class suicide as overly hope important to note, however, that Cabral viewed t to occur not out of some grand gesture of benevol because it eventually becomes clear to the petty-b limits to their advantageous position vis-à-vis th realization, according to Cabral, is what render suicide to be much greater.
Cabral’s views on class had a direct bearing o culture was and what role it plays in society an struggle. By extension of his assertion that the m driving force of history, Cabral believed that cult the superstructure as it is in classical Marxis culture’s reciprocal relation with history and the e In his words:
In effect, culture is at all times the more or le of economic and political activities, the m expression of prevailing social relations in soc between man (individually and collectively) a other among individuals, social strata or culture, whatever its ideological or idealis essential element of a people’s history. ... Lik because it is history – culture has a materia the forces of production and of the mode of p in the milieu’s material reality where it deve organic nature of society.21
2 0 Cabral, “The Weapon of Theory,” 110. 2 1 Cabral as quoted in Chabal, “The Social and Polit Cabral: A Reassessment,” The Journal of Modern A 1. (Mar., 1981), 52.

at Cabral departs most decisively with classical rs a rather original solution to the often-avoided is to overcome neocolonialism when the petty- interest in maintaining its class advantages. r to overcome the opportunistic tendencies of the cial for the members of this class to “strengthen ousness”; as Cabral put it, it needed to “commit to be reborn as revolutionary workers.”20 Cabral ss is slow and uneven, but considered its success ining factor in the revolution. Many have viewed suicide as overly hopeful and unrealistic. It is r, that Cabral viewed this development as likely and gesture of benevolence and self-sacrifice but mes clear to the petty-bourgeoisie that there are us position vis-à-vis the imperial power(s). This Cabral, is what renders the likelihood of class .
s had a direct bearing on his assessment of what e it plays in society and the national liberation his assertion that the mode of production is the abral believed that culture was not relegated to is in classical Marxism. Instead, he stressed n with history and the economic life of a society.
all times the more or less conscious resultant litical activities, the more or less dynamic ng social relations in society, on the one hand ually and collectively) and nature, and on the uals, social strata or classes. ... Therefore ideological or idealist expressions, is an people’s history. ... Like history – or rather culture has a material basis at the level of n and of the mode of production. It is rooted ial reality where it develops and reflects the ety. 1
heory,” 110. l, “The Social and Political Thought of Amilcar e Journal of Modern African Studies Vol. 19, No.

Page 16
This reciprocity between culture and the means that because culture is the product of a p liberation “is necessarily an act of culture” and “the organized political expression of the cultu undertaking the struggle.”22 Therefore, rather tha of culture, a liberation struggle is perforce a deter the significance of culture, Cabral viewed it as n colonial rulers should seek to annihilate the cultu population. He offers the colonial ideology of associated with the French, as proof of this pheno
As a result of his materialist view of culture claims of those associated with Pan-African movement, which considered African culture superior to others, namely the West. Indeed, Cabr views with suspicion, as there were many areas customs and culture were retrogressive. Cabral ex
It was not a coincidence that theories such Africanism were conceived inside cultural Africa.... But this “return to the source’ is n struggle against foreign domination, and mean a return to traditions. It is not therefo but rather the only viable response to the co necessity which is determined by the irreco which opposes the colonized society to the co
It follows, then, that Cabral considered a mind” as only necessary for the petty-bourgeo strayed furthest from their true culture as a resu the colonial power. This idea is an interesting paternalistic views of the comprador class, w culturally superior to the “lower” classes. Distan Cabral believed firmly that the identity possess could never be entirely lost, making national lib create a new identity but asserting that it has alwa upon a dignity that the colonizers could never full
The purpose of this discussion was to innovative and pragmatic approach to revolutio
22 Cabral as quoted in Young, 289. 23 Cabral as quoted in Chabal, “The Social and Polit Cabral: A Reassessment,” 53-54.

een culture and the economic life of society re is the product of a people’s history, national an act of culture” and the liberation movement xpression of the culture of a people who are Therefore, rather than being simply a product ggle is perforce a determinant of culture. Due to , Cabral viewed it as natural that imperial and to annihilate the cultural identity of a colonized colonial ideology of assimilation, most often , as proof of this phenomenon.
terialist view of culture, Cabral also rejected the ted with Pan-Africanism or the Negritude dered African culture unique and somehow the West. Indeed, Cabral viewed these uncritical there were many areas that he thought African retrogressive. Cabral explains:
nce that theories such as Negritude or Pan- ceived inside cultural centres outside black turn to the source’ is not in itself an act of ign domination, and does not necessarily itions. It is not therefore a voluntary action, iable response to the concrete and historical termined by the irreconcilable contradiction onized society to the colonial power.23
Cabral considered a “re-Africanization of the for the petty-bourgeoisie, the group that had ir true culture as a result of their collusion with idea is an interesting reversal of the usually e comprador class, who view themselves as “lower” classes. Distancing himself from Fanon, at the identity possessed by colonized peoples st, making national liberation not the quest to sserting that it has always existed and is founded onizers could never fully extinguish.
his discussion was to highlight how Cabral’s approach to revolution contributed greatly to
g, 289.
l, “The Social and Political Thought of Amilcar -54.

Page 17
tricontinental Marxism. Cabral’s contributions having provided the following: a concept of distinguished by direct political domination (co dependency (neocolonialism); an emphasis on th key to the effective transformation of the relatio political conduct of the African revolution; and liberation struggle in a cultural context.24 Mor what all of this represents. As Cabral made clear Tricontinental Conference in Havana,
Our own reality – however fine and attractiv may be – can only be transformed by detaile our own efforts, by our own sacrifices ... similarity between our various cases and h enemies, national liberation and social exportable commodities.25
This quotation encapsulates Cabral’s p tricontinental Marxism: a departure from the theorized by Marx and dogmatically prescribed b as Stalin during the interwar period. Cabral’s rigo structure in Guinea-Bissau precipitated the refor of Marxism-Leninism, as they clearly did not co West Africa. He adopted Marxism not as an ide allowing him to assess properly the conditions 1950s and 1960s, just as Marx had keenly obser relations in nineteenth-century Western Euro however, is in no way a theoretical panacea. In th is more of a methodology – a strategy that judges specificities – than a rigid model for successful The ever-pragmatic Cabral achieved his insigh unity between action and reflection,” based o exogenous considerations.26 Those in the field o involved in tricontinental struggles would be wis care.
24 Chilcote, Amilcar Cabral’s Revolutionary Theory Guide (London: Lynne Rienner Publishers Inc., 199 25 Cabral, “The Weapon of Theory,” 92. Emphasis a 26 Paulo Freire as quoted in Chilcote, Amilcar Cabr and Practice, 14-15.

Cabral’s contributions can be summarized as lowing: a concept of imperialist domination, olitical domination (colonialism) and economic m); an emphasis on the petty bourgeoisie as the ormation of the relations of production and the African revolution; and, a concept of national ultural context.24 More important, however, is . As Cabral made clear in his 1966 address to the in Havana,
ever fine and attractive the reality of others transformed by detailed knowledge of it, by our own sacrifices ... However great the ur various cases and however identical our iberation and social revolution are not ies. 5
apsulates Cabral’s primary contribution to departure from the revolutionary framework gmatically prescribed by orthodox Marxists such ar period. Cabral’s rigorous analysis of the social u precipitated the reformulation of many tenets they clearly did not comply with the realities in Marxism not as an ideology but as a tool, thus roperly the conditions of Guinea-Bissau in the Marx had keenly observed the particular social entury Western Europe. Cabral’s worldview, eoretical panacea. In the end, what Cabral offers a strategy that judges each case by its particular model for successful tricontinental revolution. al achieved his insights through a “dialectical d reflection,” based on both endogenous and . Those in the field of postcolonial studies or struggles would be wise to read him with great
s Revolutionary Theory and Practice: A Critical ner Publishers Inc., 1991), 35. heory,” 92. Emphasis added. Chilcote, Amilcar Cabral’s Revolutionary Theory

Page 18
Bibliography
Abdel-Malek, Anouar, Social Dialectics, 2 vols. Alba York, 1981.
Benot, Yves. “Amilcar Cabral and the International Latin American Perspectives 41 (Spring 1984): 81-9
Bienen, Henry. “State and Revolution: The Work of Journal of Modern African Studies Vol. 15, No. 4. (D Blackley, Robert. “Fanon and Cabral: A Contrast in Africa,” The Journal of Modern African Studies Vol 191-209.
Cabral, Amilcar. Return to the Source: Selected Spe New York: Monthly Review Press, 1973.
---------Revolution in Guinea: Selected Texts by Am Monthly Review Press, 1970.
---------Unity and Struggle. New York: Monthly Rev
Chabal, Patrick. Amilcar Cabral: Revolutionary Le London: Cambridge University Press, 1983.
---------“The Social and Political Thought of Amilcar The Journal of Modern African Studies Vol. 19, No.
Chilcote, Ronald H. Amilcar Cabral’s Revolutionar Critical Guide. London: Lynne Rienner Publishers I
---------“The Theory and Practice of Amilcar Cabral: Implications for the Third World,” Latin American 1984): 3-14.
Davidson, Basil. “On Revolutionary Nationalism: Th American Perspectives 41 (Spring 1984): 15-42.
Duarte, Dulce Amada. “The Cultural Dimension in t Liberation: The Cultural Bases of the Unification Be Guinea-Bissau,” Latin American Perspectives 41 (S
Fanon, Frantz. The Wretched of the Earth. New Yor
Nzongola-Ntalaja. “Amilcar Cabral and the Theory o Struggle,” Latin American Perspectives 41 (Spring 1
Young, Robert J.C. Postcolonialism: An Historical I Blackwell Publishing, 2006.

l Dialectics, 2 vols. Albany: State University of New
l and the International Working Class Movement,” s 41 (Spring 1984): 81-96.
evolution: The Work of Amilcar Cabral,” The Studies Vol. 15, No. 4. (Dec., 1977): 555-568. d Cabral: A Contrast in Theories of Revolution for ern African Studies Vol. 12, No.2. (June, 1974):
e Source: Selected Speeches by Amilcar Cabral. Press, 1973.
: Selected Texts by Amilcar Cabral. New York: .
New York: Monthly Review Press, 1979.
bral: Revolutionary Leadership and People’s War. ity Press, 1983.
ical Thought of Amilcar Cabral: A Reassessment,” can Studies Vol. 19, No. 1. (Mar., 1981):31-56.
Cabral’s Revolutionary Theory and Practice: A ne Rienner Publishers Inc., 1991.
ctice of Amilcar Cabral: Revolutionary
orld,” Latin American Perspectives 41 (Spring
tionary Nationalism: The Legacy of Cabral,” Latin pring 1984): 15-42.
Cultural Dimension in the Strategy for National
es of the Unification Between Cape Verde and ican Perspectives 41 (Spring 1984): 55-66.
d of the Earth. New York: Grove Press, 1968.
Cabral and the Theory of the National Liberation erspectives 41 (Spring 1984): 43-54.
nialism: An Historical Introduction. Oxford:

Page 19
The Left Movement Need
Traverse a New Path
Daya
There was a time when the left played a subs of Sri Lanka. The media still refers to the Lanka S Communist Party of Sri Lanka as left parties. The of parliament and hold ministerial positions Freedom Alliance government. Although they d chauvinistic utterances, they act in accorda chauvinistic standpoint. They act to carry out un of President Mahinda Rajapaksha’s government.
Meantime, the Nava Sama Samaja Party and are active outside parliament, in the hope of entering parliament. These two parties pay particu Tamil MP on their platforms. Besides, the Democ without representation in parliament, is colla Mahinda Rajapaksha’s government.
These so-called ‘left parties’ inside and o Trotskyism and revisionism as their basic ideol agenda, programme of action or an anti-impe continue with parliamentary politics as a career to of benefit to themselves.

eft Movement Needs to raverse a New Path
Daya
n the left played a substantial role in the politics ill refers to the Lanka Samasamaja Party and the nka as left parties. They have each two members ministerial positions in the United Peoples ent. Although they do not directly indulge in they act in accordance with the Sinhala hey act to carry out unconditionally the policies paksha’s government.
ama Samaja Party and the United Socialist Party ent, in the hope of fulfilling their dream of two parties pay particular attention to placing a s. Besides, the Democratic Left Front, although n parliament, is collaborating with President
ernment.
parties’ inside and outside parliament have m as their basic ideologies. Lacking in a basic ction or an anti-imperialist programme, they ry politics as a career to advance matters that are

Page 20
Anti-UNP Politics?
In the 1960s and 1970s the LSSP and the opposing the UNP to join the SLFP government. I the party of the big capitalists that openly endor the SLFP, with its national bourgeois characteris that mean that the ‘leftists’ had accept its leaders was because they did it that they totally lost their they earned the bad name that they were party to the SLFP.
After 1994, the differences between the SL economic policy, foreign policy, and the war ag narrow. Even under these conditions, the LSSP cling on to their parliamentary representation, co long outdated political line of opposing the UNP.
Minister Tissa Vitharana from the LSSP, w Representative Committee (APRC) convened to se the national question and DEW Gunasekera from of Constitutional Affairs & National Integration, devolution of power, cannot exceed the limits set Rajapaksha. They stood idly by as the Mahinda persevered with its war efforts during the past ‘leftists’ expect the Tamil people also to bow and in the same way that they do.
NGO Politics?
Some ‘leftists’, who have been unable to strength of their parliamentary politics, rely on h certain individuals for their survival and conduc and seminars in keeping with programmes subm securing funding. Those in the Nava Sama Sama Socialist Party could be included in this category.
Vickramabahu Karunaratne, who waxes eloq programme, decorates the stage for his program Alliance MPs. This is a manifestation of his 25 yea of ‘supporting the struggle of the Tamils’. Sho supporter of the Tamils while being not pr

70s the LSSP and the CP used the pretext of he SLFP government. It is true that the UNP was lists that openly endorsed imperialism and that l bourgeois characteristics differed from it. Did ’ had accept its leadership and work under it? It at they totally lost their left characteristics. Thus that they were party to the anti-people actions of
rences between the SLFP and the UNP on the policy, and the war against the Tamils became e conditions, the LSSP and the CP, in order to tary representation, continue to put forward the of opposing the UNP.
rana from the LSSP, who chairs the All Party (APRC) convened to seek a political solution for DEW Gunasekera from the CP, who is Minister National Integration, despite much talk about ot exceed the limits set out by President Mahinda dly by as the Mahinda Rajapaksha government fforts during the past year. It seems that these eople also to bow and scrape before chauvinism do.
have been unable to enter parliament on the ntary politics, rely on handouts from NGOs and ir survival and conduct protest demonstrations with programmes submitted for the purpose of n the Nava Sama Samaja Party and the United
luded in this category.
aratne, who waxes eloquent about a left political stage for his programmes with Tamil National nifestation of his 25 years’ long spectator politics le of the Tamils’. Showing himself as a mere while being not prepared for any struggle

Page 21
concerning the problems of the Sinhalese is a dem disability.
This is a tactic of portraying himself as a bra using their patronage to ensure his political survi plight to one of receiving assistance from NGOs a to NGO programmes for financial considerations out protests to match the NGO programmes and t
In particular, intervention by the NSSP le providing legal assistance to those kept under det and providing assistance to the families of the det problems and complications for the detainees; an question the integrity of the party.
The insincere and competitive activities of that they have got involved in this matter for th misguiding the detainees and the members of judicial process. They are creating confusion by through their false utterances and make political g
Such disgraceful conduct resulting from enti also a tactic to keep the detainees and their famil is also understood that they are involved in fund- and abroad ‘to provide financial aid to the familie meet the fees for the lawyers appearing for the det
They are overly preoccupied with their comp to the legal aspects of the ‘Sinhala Tigers’ far ex themselves in political activities concerning the untold burdens upon the people. Why are they un single political activity demanding the release of p
On another front, the trade union organisat have been weakened because the NGO activity of have been abducted and gone missing has take union work.
Siritunga Jayasuriya, the leader of the Unite preoccupied with the NGO called the Civil Moni for searching missing persons. An important pe Mano Ganeshan, MP from Colombo District, e Siritunga participates along with the latter in me politicians.

f the Sinhalese is a demonstration of his political
raying himself as a brave man to the Tamils and nsure his political survival. This has reduced his ssistance from NGOs and confining his activities financial considerations. He occasionally carries
GO programmes and the funding provided.
ntion by the NSSP leaders, in the pretext of to those kept under detention as ‘Sinhala Tigers’ o the families of the detainees, has led to serious ns for the detainees; and has severely called into e party.
mpetitive activities of the NSSP leaders reveal ed in this matter for their own gains. They are and the members of their families about the creating confusion by contradicting the reality ces and make political gain out of the confusion.
uct resulting from enticement by NGO funds is tainees and their families under their control. It ey are involved in fund-raising activities at home ancial aid to the families of the detainees and to rs appearing for the detainees’.
cupied with their competitive activities relating ‘Sinhala Tigers’ far exceed rather than involve tivities concerning the budget that has heaped eople. Why are they unwilling to carry out even a
anding the release of political detainees?
trade union organisations under NSSP control se the NGO activity of searching for people who gone missing has taken precedence over trade
the leader of the United Socialist Party is fully called the Civil Monitoring Committee (CMC) sons. An important personality in that NGO is m Colombo District, elected on the UNP list. g with the latter in meetings addressed by UNP

Page 22
Siritunga is also indulging in politics aimed a it through NGO activities, whereas Mano Ganesha political survival.
The ‘anti-war movement’ has now becom Rupasinghe, a major NGO personality. The ‘le register their opposition to the war according agenda. He too decorates his stage with Tamil MP
The NGO programmes are conducted in acc and guidance of those providing the funds. Leadin for the NGOs receive millions as monthly wages receive wages well in excess of those of Participants in their programmes are offe accommodation and comfortable transport as participation.
Meanwhile, the left trade union movement t basis of voluntary participation of the people is in abroad has blunted the social concern, left i sacrifice of the people. A situation in which healthily by relying on membership subscriptions has been transformed into one where they are dep foreign NGOs.
The Socialist Equality Party which preache with a ‘holier than thou’ attitude while denouncin using funds provided by its international head ‘Internet revolution’.
Thus all ‘left’ organisations based on Trotsk dependent on foreign NGO handouts for the situation not only at the political party level, bu level. The left trade union organisations are in cannot unite under or work together with ev programme.
There are, nevertheless, several left organisat that are unlike the organisations referred to abo small groups, and are without a mass base or mas

lging in politics aimed at the parliament and does whereas Mano Ganeshan is doing it to ensure his
ment’ has now become a captive of Kumar O personality. The ‘leftists’ referred to above to the war according to Kumar Rupasinghe’s is stage with Tamil MPs and ‘left’ leaders.
es are conducted in accordance with the wishes viding the funds. Leading personalities who work ions as monthly wages and those at lower levels excess of those of government employees. programmes are offered luxury food and fortable transport as well as honoraria for
ade union movement that was developed on the ation of the people is in ruins. NGO funding from social concern, left ideology, dedication and A situation in which trade unions functioned mbership subscriptions and public contributions one where they are dependent on handouts from
y Party which preaches loudly about revolution titude while denouncing all others is functioning its international headquarters to carry out its
ations based on Trotskyite ideology seem to be GO handouts for their activities. This is the political party level, but also at the trade union organisations are in a state today where they ork together with even a normal democratic
ss, several left organisations among the Sinhalese isations referred to above. But they function as
out a mass base or mass activities.

Page 23
Alternative Politics
War damage is on the rise. The cost of liv people. The ‘leftists’ are not interested even in minimum democratic programme and an alternat this situation.
It is only the New Democratic Party that ha the above criticisms. It has avoided parliamentar dependence on NGOs and refused to surrender forces of capitalism to carry forward mass politic amid serious challenges.
The New Democratic Party has always emph the left and democratic forces working together to broad basis against the present fascist war-mon need for discussion of that purpose. To achieve t free themselves from the clutches of the NGO impossible for them to carry forward mass politics
The New Democratic Party has always em forward alternative politics opposed to dominatio capitalist parties and against chauvinism that is e is essential to have a properly formulated commo action on the part of the left and democratic force
*****
[Translation of article in Tamil from Puthi

e rise. The cost of living is unbearable to the not interested even in a dialogue to develop a ramme and an alternative political line based on
mocratic Party that has remained unscathed by s avoided parliamentarism, trade unionism and d refused to surrender to chauvinism and the ry forward mass politics on a revolutionary basis
Party has always emphasised the importance of ces working together to mobilise the people on a resent fascist war-mongering regime. There is a t purpose. To achieve that, the ‘leftists’ need to clutches of the NGOs. Otherwise, it will be ry forward mass politics.
c Party has always emphasised that, to carry s opposed to domination by the two chauvinistic st chauvinism that is eating away the country, it erly formulated common programme and united ft and democratic forces.
*****
cle in Tamil from Puthiya Poomi, December 2007]

Page 24
Traditions of Class Betr
Mohan
Sri Lanka holds the unique record for the o movement in the world. It was made possible by circumstances in which the country found itsel many colonies and semi-colonies, where capitalis the emergent working class movement soon i revolutionary left and became a major force in independence or freedom. The working class led b changes in the national and international situat major player in the politics of the post-colonial era
In Sri Lanka, the trade union movement pre by several decades and its leaders included democrats who later became narrow nationalists LSSP founded in 1935, with justifiable claims political party, was manipulated by elitist ind leanings who formed a secret faction called th group. In 1940, they passed a resolution denou Communist International, led by the Communist and expelled leading members who were suppor Soviet Union.
The true political nature of this elitist grou entry of the Soviet Union into the Second W vindictively anti-Soviet position as prescribed by in the Fourth International, which not long disruptive petit-bourgeois factions.

itions of Class Betrayal
Mohan
nique record for the only successful Trotskyite t was made possible by a unique combination of he country found itself under colonial rule. In olonies, where capitalism was a colonial implant, lass movement soon identified itself with the ame a major force in the struggle for national The working class led by the left adapted itself to nd international situations and to emerge as a s of the post-colonial era.
e union movement preceded the left movement its leaders included nationalists and social me narrow nationalists or even chauvinists. The with justifiable claims to being the first mass ipulated by elitist individuals with Trotskyite ecret faction called the “T” (meaning Trotsky) ed a resolution denouncing the Comintern (the led by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union) bers who were supportive of the CPSU and the
ture of this elitist group came to light with the n into the Second World War. They took a sition as prescribed by Trotsky and his followers onal, which not long after fragmented into factions.

Page 25
With the attitude of the LSSP leadership bein it was not surprising that its trade union followin of white-collar workers from the state and merca noted that, in 1964, following the first split bas differences, the ‘revolutionary’ faction, LSSP(R) c Mercantile Union, a private sector white collar un 1977, again on ideological grounds, the ‘militant the Government Clerical Service Union.
The Communist Party, the product of the ex members from the LSSP, was late to make hea movement. But it overcame the handicap to attra manufacturing and plantation sectors, and had th Colombo as a major power base.
The splits in both parties in 1964 were base road to socialism. The period of the debates coinc duration of the United Left Front, the first suc where even an electoral alliance involving all the l More importantly, for the first time in the island working class comprising urban and plantatio campaign for 21 demands, economic and politica delegates, representing a million workers.
This challenge shook the SLFP government the wane at the time, and the government sought a section of the left that would simultaneously sp gathering momentum of the worker’s campa delivering a death blow to the unity of the left and
The split in the LSSP which gave birth to LS the decision of the leadership to join the gov bourgeois SLFP. The debate concerned ‘class colla parliamentary road to socialism. The LSSP, wh category called ‘national bourgeoisie’, got rou conference in 1964 by endorsing the categoris Hector Abhayavardhana that the SLFP was ‘p opening the door to a united front, enabling its lea to become Minister of Finance.
The debate in the CP was also a part of an in question of ‘peaceful’ transition (i.e. the parliame which had commenced even before the formatio formal split between the Marxist Leninists and the

e LSSP leadership being, at best, petit-bourgeois its trade union following had a large proportion m the state and mercantile sectors. It should be wing the first split based on serious ideological ary’ faction, LSSP(R) carried with it the Ceylon e sector white collar union, and after the split in grounds, the ‘militant’ NSSP walked away with ervice Union.
, the product of the expulsion of several leading was late to make headway in the trade union e the handicap to attract manual workers in the tion sectors, and had the urban working class in
base.
rties in 1964 were based on the question of the od of the debates coincided with the, albeit brief, eft Front, the first such alliance in the island, liance involving all the left parties was unknown. first time in the island’s history, the bulk of the g urban and plantation workers united in a , economic and political, ratified by nearly 800
illion workers.
the SLFP government whose popularity was on he government sought to deflect it by a deal with ould simultaneously split the ULF and arrest the the worker’s campaign. The LSSP obliged, the unity of the left and of the working class.
which gave birth to LSSP(R) in 1964 was due to rship to join the government of the national te concerned ‘class collaboration’ rather than the ialism. The LSSP, which previously rejected a bourgeoisie’, got round the difficulty at its ndorsing the categorisation by its theoretician that the SLFP was ‘petit bourgeois’, thereby ed front, enabling its leader NM Perera to walk in
nce.
was also a part of an international debate on the sition (i.e. the parliamentary road) to socialism, en before the formation of the ULF. It led to a arxist Leninists and the revisionists in 1964.

Page 26
Significantly, the Sri Lankan communists we debate of the issues relating to socialism and revo lasting impact on the participants as well as the political work and dedicated trade union activity the Ceylon Trade Union Federation helped the M half the rank and file membership of the CP and t membership affiliated to the CTUF when they spl by Keuneman and Mendis.
The all too well known Trotskyite contempt f not stop leading members of the Sri Lankan Tro the bourgeoisie to become partners in governme the ‘father of Trotskyism’ did it in 1956 when h alliance (named the MEP) with the national bour 1965 when he led his party (renamed the MEP) comprador bourgeois UNP. The LSSP did it preceding the general election of 1970, when i alliance as the United Front, which included the re
One should remember that the LSSP and principled stands on issues that affected th nationalities, especially the citizenship acts of 1 language act of 1956; and this approach survived subsequent degradation of the LSSP and the revis 1964, was, however, inevitable.
Alliance with the chauvinistic SLFP, with a the LSSP and CP put together, also meant the eve union as well as the mass political base of the revisionist CP were also conspicuous by their s governments of India and Sri Lanka enacted whereby the plight of the more than one mil Country Tamils was determined without con concerned.
The tendency for local leaders and leading level to defect to the SLFP for political or pers weakening of the parties as political forces. A Moonesinghe, GEH Perera, Cholomondely Goone prominent LSSP personalities, sought to mend view of the tragic consequences that the rupt parliamentary left. They split to form the Sri La campaigned for the SLFP candidate Hector Kobb

ankan communists were part of a thoroughgoing g to socialism and revolution. The debate had a ticipants as well as their successors. Committed ted trade union activity by N Sanmugathasan in ederation helped the Marxist-Leninists to secure bership of the CP and the bulk of the trade union he CTUF when they split with the revisionists led .
n Trotskyite contempt for ‘class collaboration’ did s of the Sri Lankan Trotskyite clan from wooing e partners in government. Philip Gunawardena, ’ did it in 1956 when he led the VLSSP into an ) with the national bourgeois SLFP, and again in ty (renamed the MEP) into an alliance with the P. The LSSP did it in 1964 and once again ction of 1970, when it consolidated its earlier t, which included the revisionist CP.
er that the LSSP and the CP took bold and sues that affected the interests of minority e citizenship acts of 1948, ‘49 and the official this approach survived into the early 1960s. The f the LSSP and the revisionist CP, especially since able.
uvinistic SLFP, with a bigger electoral base than ther, also meant the eventual erosion of the trade s political base of the two. The LSSP and the conspicuous by their silence in 1964 when the
d Sri Lanka enacted the Sirima-Shastri Pact, e more than one million disenfranchised Hill termined without consultation of the people
al leaders and leading members at the national P for political or personal gain grew with the as political forces. As late as in 1982, Anil a, Cholomondely Goonewardena and a few other ities, sought to mend fences with the SLFP, in quences that the rupture in 1975 had for the plit to form the Sri Lanka Sama Samaja Party; candidate Hector Kobbekaduwa rather than the

Page 27
LSSP candidate, Colvin R de Silva in the presiden in 1983 merged the SLSSP with the SLFP.
The LSSP and the CP, which left the SLFP-led formed an alliance, the Socialist United Front (SU SLFP (regrouped as the People's Democratic P Ellawela) to contest the elections of 1977. The sp considered move by the LSSP, CP and the grou SLFP to face the polls as the SUF in 1977 led to whole country: the UNP won a historic 5/6 major used to bulldoze legislation that would deliver the imperialism while pushing the country into a war
The LSSP remained biter towards the SLFP electoral politics reduced to a farce, crowned extended the life of parliament by a further six y electoral alliance was weak until in 1989, when a from political desperation, led to fresh electoral un SLFP and the United Socialist Alliance (compr allies). Since 1994, the LSSP and the CP have beco the SLFP, to lose even the semblance of independ in earlier years. Now they dare not defy the S morally indefensible positions.
The parliamentary left (especially the LSSP) the Tamil nationality for its rejection of their cand as about the decision of the main Tamil political p help the UNP to form a coalition government in Tamil bourgeois party and its affinity for the UNP the attitude of the parliamentary left towards t failed to endear it to a large section of the Tamil n left as an ally of the SLFP, which was in turn seen a bigger enemy than the UNP by the Tamil nation
Rather than address the issues that alienate parliamentary left became increasingly indignan even vindictive on occasion. Not only did th demonstration in 1966 opposing legislation that w language rights of the Tamils, they also went a sloganeering that took place. This attitude p overwhelming electoral success of the SLFP-led U and CP as junior partners.

de Silva in the presidential election of 1982; and
with the SLFP.
which left the SLFP-led UF government in 1976, cialist United Front (SUF) with ‘leftists’ from the People's Democratic Party and led by Nanda ections of 1977. The split of the UF and the ill- SSP, CP and the group of dissenters from the the SUF in 1977 led to a major tragedy for the on a historic 5/6 majority in parliament which it that would deliver the country into the hands of the country into a war of national oppression.
iter towards the SLFP well into the 1980s. With to a farce, crowned by a manipulation that ment by a further six years, the prospects for an k until in 1989, when a thaw in attitude, arising , led to fresh electoral understanding between the cialist Alliance (comprising the LSSP, CP and P and the CP have become virtual appendages of semblance of independence that they displayed y dare not defy the SLFP even when it takes ions.
ft (especially the LSSP) had been bitter towards s rejection of their candidates at the polls as well e main Tamil political party, the Federal Party, to oalition government in 1965 June. The FP was a its affinity for the UNP was not surprising. But mentary left towards the minority nationalities e section of the Tamil nationality, which saw the which was in turn seen, although incorrectly, as NP by the Tamil nationality.
the issues that alienated it from the Tamils, the increasingly indignant towards the Tamils and ion. Not only did the two parties join in a posing legislation that would restore some of the mils, they also went along with the anti-Tamil place. This attitude persisted even after the ccess of the SLFP-led UF in 1970, with the LSSP

Page 28
The parliamentary left was at best a silent w Tamils by the UF government including the discri of university admissions in 1970, which contrib youth militancy as a political force. The constitution of 1972, authored by the LSSP stalw well as the arrogant attitude of the government pr FP, which was by then politically bankrupt, to re United Liberation Front in 1976 and contest the e platform.
The old parliamentary left had lost politica 1964. Although not ideologically chauvinist (unli Peramuna, with a clearly chauvinist agenda fro precedence over whatever left pretences it had) take a firm stand against national oppression esp by its partner in power. It has also failed t privatization of state businesses, liberalization signing of military and logistical agreements wit cover under “LTTE terrorism” to justify its silence and violation of a wide range of human and fund those of a number of Sinhalese.
It should be emphasised that the record of th around 1963 is firstly one of treachery to the cla stand for, then to the minority nationalities whos now to the whole country by being party to the imperialism and the regional hegemonic power, b collaboration with a reactionary, chauvinist gover
The decline of the left movement as a whole attributed to the opportunism of the parliamen chauvinism and Tamil nationalism. One cannot i of the genuine left, especially in matters of an or nature. But what matters is that the section of th parliamentary political arena and used electoral p able to take a principled stand on many issues.
Although the sections of the left that pa parliamentary opportunists took a principled s Trotskyite dissenters who formed the LSSP(R expectations. One reason could be that the LSSP base after the split, and the trade union that the collar private sector union, the Ceylon Mercantile bourgeois attitudes. Bitterness towards the L

ft was at best a silent witness to injustices to the ent including the discriminatory standardization in 1970, which contributed to the rise of Tamil political force. The explicitly discriminatory ored by the LSSP stalwart Colvin R de Silva, as e of the government provided the pretext for the litically bankrupt, to revitalise itself as the Tamil 1976 and contest the elections on a secessionist
ry left had lost political direction since around gically chauvinist (unlike the Janatha Vimukthi chauvinist agenda from the outset, that took left pretences it had), it consistently failed to national oppression especially when carried out . It has also failed to resist moves such as sinesses, liberalization of trade and even the gistical agreements with the US. Today it takes sm” to justify its silence in the face of state terror nge of human and fundamental rights, including
lese.
ed that the record of the parliamentary left since of treachery to the class that it once claimed to ority nationalities whose support it solicited, and by being party to the betrayal of the country to nal hegemonic power, by active as well as passive onary, chauvinist government.
t movement as a whole since the 1960s could be nism of the parliamentary left and the rise of ionalism. One cannot ignore failures on the part ally in matters of an organizational and tactical is that the section of the left that was outside the na and used electoral politics only tactically was and on many issues.
ns of the left that parted company with the ts took a principled stand on key issues, the o formed the LSSP(R) failed to live up to could be that the LSSP(R) lost its working class he trade union that they controlled was a white , the Ceylon Mercantile Union, with strong petit- erness towards the LSSP too conditioned its

Page 29
behaviour: the two LSSP(R) MPs thoughtlessly LSSP government in 1964 on a resolution propos the UNP to come to power in 1965.
The LSSP(R) later became the Revolution underwent splits. The faction in control of the Revolutionary Marxist Party, and recognized by found itself in strange political beds including se and an open endorsement of the chauvinistic J recognition by its parent Fourth International. LSSP(R) have been reduced to organisations o ‘sacredly pure’ versions of Trotskyism and operati by foreign patrons, while denouncing all and s fragment of this tradition is the ‘Healyite’ Sociali significant popular base.
The LSSP underwent a further split at the e humiliation at the polls in 1977. Although a dis LSSP following the electoral success of the Unite CP coalition) in 1970 and there had been a numb LSSP since 1972, the group, calling itself the ‘Va LSSP in December 1977 to found the Nava S continued to split ever after. Loyalties to internat were decisive in the split of 1982 and the formatio group; and in the one in 1989 and the formatio Party. Further splits were for a variety of reason and occasionally policy.
Several founder leaders of the NSSP have s some to become advocates of globalisation, a Buddhist ideologist. The NSSP parliamentarian following ‘expulsion’ from the NSSP realigned h and the ‘left’ of the SLFP, while retaining his ide Front. The NSSP tradition, like that of the LSSP, desire to secure for the leaders a place in th system; and the more isolated the leaders are fr obsessed they seem to be with electoral politics.
The UNP government deliberately provoked Department in 1980, which developed into a prem the government used it as pretext to crack do movement. The strike was crushed, nearly 40,0 and the LSSP trade union base was smashed. Th be noted was launched at a time when the left w

(R) MPs thoughtlessly voted against the SLFP- on a resolution proposed by the UNP, enabling in 1965.
ecame the Revolutionary Workers’ Party, and ction in control of the CMU, calling itself the rty, and recognized by a Fourth International, litical beds including secret deals with the UNP t of the chauvinistic JVP for which it secured Fourth International. Other fragments of the ced to organisations only in name, preaching Trotskyism and operating on platforms provided denouncing all and sundry. The best known is the ‘Healyite’ Socialist Equality Party with no
a further split at the end of 1977, following its n 1977. Although a dissent group existed in the al success of the United Front (the SLFP-LSSP- there had been a number of expulsions from the p, calling itself the ‘Vama Samasamaja, left the to found the Nava Samasamaja Party which er. Loyalties to international Trotskyite sponsors f 1982 and the formation of the Socialist Worker 1989 and the formation of the United Socialist for a variety of reasons including personalities,
rs of the NSSP have since abandoned politics, tes of globalisation, and one to be a Sinhala NSSP parliamentarian Vasudeva Nanayakkara, the NSSP realigned himself closer to the LSSP , while retaining his identity as Democratic Left , like that of the LSSP, appears to be driven by a leaders a place in the parliamentary political lated the leaders are from the masses the more
ith electoral politics.
t deliberately provoked a strike in the Railway h developed into a premature general strike, and as pretext to crack down on the trade union s crushed, nearly 40,000 workers were sacked, base was smashed. The general strike, it should a time when the left was in disarray, the trade

Page 30
union movement lacked will and class solida demoralized. Matters of alliances against a stron and tactics of struggles continue to dog the Trotsk
The Sri Lankan Trotskyite approach to uni between abject surrender and opportunist manip with the revisionist CP) amply demonstrated th 1964, with the exceptional spurt of protest in 19 and later bonded them even more closely with the
The approach of the NSSP has consistently b rejection of the JVP as chauvinist and being at violence in 1988-89 did not prevent it from curryi secure a parliamentary seat. Despite being let dow early 1990s, the leader of the NSSP allowed him 1999 by the JVP (whose presidential candidate hailing the JVP as a left party).
The JVP used him to destroy the New Left F breathed in fresh hope for left unity which h disappointments since 1963, since the NLF w challenge to JVP’s claim to being the main, al Having achieved its purpose, the JVP treated the that it deserved.
Subsequent efforts by the NSSP, USP, DLF, L then out of power briefly) to form an allianc parliamentary elections were announced. This sh parliamentary politics dominates left thought in th
The NSSP and the USP have since degenerat depend on handouts from INGOs, and tailor their the programmes approved by their sponsors. This are out of touch with the political reality of the c issues that are of personal and monetary benefit.
Despite seemingly principled pronounceme determination of the Tamil nationality, these an fail to appreciate the complexity of the nationa interest to address the concerns of other oppress and national minorities. This could be a problem since the Trotskyites, even when they were opponents of the Citizenship and Official Langu good grasp of the national question.

will and class solidarity, and the SLFP was lliances against a strong enemy and the timing
tinue to dog the Trotskyites.
skyite approach to united fronts has fluctuated and opportunist manipulation. The LSSP (along amply demonstrated the former tendency since l spurt of protest in 1975 that blew in their face n more closely with the SLFP.
SSP has consistently been manipulative. NSSP’s auvinist and being at the receiving end of JVP t prevent it from currying favour with the JVP to t. Despite being let down by the JVP once in the the NSSP allowed himself to be fooled again in presidential candidate he supported that year, rty).
destroy the New Left Front, formed in 1998, that for left unity which had suffered a series of 963, since the NLF was a potentially strong to being the main, although bogus, left party. se, the JVP treated the NSSP with the contempt
the NSSP, USP, DLF, LSSP and CP (the last two ly) to form an alliance fell apart as soon as ere announced. This shows the extent to which
inates left thought in this country.
P have since degenerated into organizations that INGOs, and tailor their political activities to suit by their sponsors. This has also meant that they political reality of the country and address only and monetary benefit.
incipled pronouncements on the right to self- il nationality, these and other Trotskyite groups plexity of the national question and lack the ncerns of other oppressed minority nationalities his could be a problem inherent to Trotskyism, en when they were principled and stubborn hip and Official Language Acts, did not show a question.

Page 31
The approach of the Marxist Leninists, in co realistic, multi-faceted, comprehensive and keepin in sight, locally as well as internationally, while ad contradictions without being blinded by the domin
Left movements across the world have suffe moments in history, and the Sri Lankan Marxis since 1964. Left deviationism and right opportuni in the course of revolutionary struggle. But what Leninists from Trotskyites is their ability to e politically intact from the crises and splits, and c based alliances to combat the main enemy at ev issues, without compromising their fundamental p
The failure of the Trotskyites in Sri Lanka ha of its ‘hybrid nature’ by Mandel, leader of a Tro points to the political backwardness of the vast m to its conduct more akin to a social-democratic p the LSSP failed because it was not truly Trotskyit wonder if it was the elite class background of the the LSSP to Trotskyism.
Some of the ideological problems that the derive from inadequate attention to the national recognized the Tamils as a nationality, whereas Today the NSSP accepts the Tamils as a nationali national question beyond the Sinhala-Tamil co contrast with the position taken by the Marxi Democratic Party and other smaller organizations
Obsession with Stalin has been another probl world using Trotskyism, let alone develop a visio nearly universal tendency to jump any bandwago to be ‘Stalinist’. The loyalty lasts as long as the cau when confronted with likely failure ready-made t the failure to be the result of failing to follow th course to denounce the now loser. Parallels with and at times the Paris commune are a fetish; a name-calling based on those experiences.
Khrushchev was a great hero until his dow three decades later: their condemnation of Stalin what they did to the Soviet Union, the intern liberation struggles became irrelevant. At one

arxist Leninists, in contrast, has been far more prehensive and keeping class and class struggle nternationally, while addressing a range of other ng blinded by the dominant contradiction.
ss the world have suffered splits during critical the Sri Lankan Marxist Leninists too had split sm and right opportunism do not go away except ary struggle. But what distinguishes the Marxist s is their ability to emerge ideologically and crises and splits, and capable of forming broad- the main enemy at every turn and on specific ing their fundamental position.
tskyites in Sri Lanka has been explained in terms andel, leader of a Trotskyite international. He wardness of the vast majority of the cadres and to a social-democratic party. It would seem that was not truly Trotskyite. But one now begins to lass background of the leadership that attracted
cal problems that the LSSP and its successors tention to the national question: the LSSP never a nationality, whereas the CP did at the outset. e Tamils as a nationality but hardly extends the the Sinhala-Tamil conflict. This is in sharp n taken by the Marxist Leninists of the New r smaller organizations.
has been another problem. Unable to explain the et alone develop a vision to change it, there is a to jump any bandwagon, as long as it is not seen y lasts as long as the cause appears to be winning; ly failure ready-made theories pop up to explain lt of failing to follow the Trotskyite line, and of ow loser. Parallels with the Bolshevik revolution mmune are a fetish; and at times go as far as se experiences.
eat hero until his downfall as was Gorbachev condemnation of Stalin was so meritorious that viet Union, the international left and national e irrelevant. At one time several Trotskyites

Page 32
hailed China’s Cultural Revolution by invoking a l ceaseless revolutionary struggle and ‘permanent attributed to Trotsky. Fidel Castro too was a he loyalty the Soviet Union was too strong to stoma another abandoned hero after overthrow by Pin Hugo Chavez, the Bolivarian Revolution and Soci to be adored.
Even the most thorough study of Marxism thought is no guarantee for a correct understan and finding valid solutions for them. It is through position is arrived at. In revolution, learning mea present revolutionary practice and, above all, fr lessons of history is not learning from history biggest obstacle to learning.
The story of Trotskyism in Sri Lanka ha swinging between the extremes of ultra-left dog pragmatism. The net result has been losing sight finally, betrayal of the declared cause.
Individuals do not join a left party after they ga of Marxism; one’s understanding of left politics through practice, discussion and debate. Op different forms as we have seen in Sri Lanka has thoroughgoing debates concerning the correct p revisionist politics. Alienation from the masses politics are other important factors.
Even the most dedicated Marxist Leninist part opportunist or left extremist errors when it loses t fails to take the masses into their confidence. Big seemingly minor lapses, and there is a need f erroneous tendencies. Thus the ideological strugg the correct line are not things that are carrie Leninist party but also within it, as a way of remains true to its revolutionary cause and to the
*****

volution by invoking a link between the notion of ruggle and ‘permanent revolution’, a misnomer el Castro too was a hero for a while, until his as too strong to stomach. Salvador Allende was after overthrow by Pinochet. Now it is time for an Revolution and Socialism for the 21st Century
ugh study of Marxism Leninism Mao Zedong or a correct understanding of specific problems s for them. It is through practice that any correct volution, learning means learning from past and ctice and, above all, from the people. Parroting learning from history, and dogmatism is the g.
ism in Sri Lanka has been one of ceaseless remes of ultra-left dogmatism and unprincipled lt has been losing sight of reality, frustration and, lared cause.
a left party after they gain a thorough knowledge standing of left politics and Marxism develops sion and debate. Opportunist politics in its seen in Sri Lanka has several sources. A lack of ncerning the correct political line characterises ation from the masses and aversion for mass
t factors.
d Marxist Leninist party could fall victim to right ist errors when it loses touch with the masses and to their confidence. Big prices have been paid for and there is a need for constant vigil against s the ideological struggle and the struggle about things that are carried out outside a Marxist ithin it, as a way of ensuring that the party ionary cause and to the masses.
*****

Page 33
ND
NDP Statement to the Media On Reviving the 13th Amendmen to Solve the National Question
28th January 2008
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary of the issued the following statement on behalf of the C Party regarding the President and the Governmen adopt suitable aspects of the 13th Amendment to f the national question.
The contents of the 13th Amendment to the Con being in 1987 as a consequence of the Indo-Sri L out-dated, and rejected by the passage of time. twenty years have shown that the national transformed into war cannot be resolved using t the President and the Government to claim that amendment that are suitable to them will be a fir solution is as meaningless as pouring water to fil bottom, and constitutes a fraud.
The New Democratic Party emphasizes that rath attempts effort should be made to find an accep the demands of the national question in the con reality.
The truth and reality that emerge from the thirt Tamils and the war imposed on them is that a jus be found for the national question. But no sincere in that direction. None of the chauvinistic capita leaders has come forward to do that. What have g deception and pretence. The President’s decisio the 13th Amendment is only a continuation of tha

NDP Diary
the Media the 13th Amendment National Question
eneral Secretary of the New Democratic Party, ent on behalf of the Central Committee of the ent and the Government of Sri Lanka seeking to he 13th Amendment to find a political solution to
Amendment to the Constitution that came into uence of the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord of 1987 are y the passage of time. Experiences of the past n that the national question that has been not be resolved using the 13th Amendment. For ernment to claim that adopting aspects of that ble to them will be a first step towards a political as pouring water to fill a pot with a hole at the fraud.
ty emphasizes that rather than make such vain made to find an acceptable solution that befits al question in the context of objective political
emerge from the thirty years of struggle by the ed on them is that a just political solution should uestion. But no sincere initiative has been taken the chauvinistic capitalist governments or their to do that. What have gone on are merely acts of he President’s decision claiming to implement ly a continuation of that pattern. It appears that

Page 34
even that decision is not meant to be implemente but only to achieve what suits the chauvinistic ulte
It is an alternative to deny and reject the aspiratio and Muslim people in the North-East, com homeland. The New Democratic Party does not in truth is that the President and the Government the extreme chauvinist forces of the South and seeking regional dominance and to implement no 13th Amendment with the intention of escalating t
General Secretar
Puthiya Poomi Statement Demand the Release of Comrade Govindan Kutti
January 2008
The Editorial Board of Puthiya Poomi issued the f January-February issue of Puthiya Poomi, the T the New Democratic Party.
Comrade Govindan Kutti (age 65 years), E monthly published from Eranakulam, Kerala December 2007 and is being held in detention. Co a Marxist Leninist who pointed an accusing structure comprising inequality, exploitation and Indian ruling classes that safeguard it.
The People’s March journal edited by him education to the people. It directed them to mob oppression. It exposed the oppression of the m toiling Indian masses by the imperialists togeth classes, and called upon the masses to struggle ag
It is in fear of this that the Indian ruling Govindan Kutti into prison. The Indian ‘dem eloquent about democracy, freedom of express media have imprisoned the editor of a journal tha and are treating him cruelly.

eant to be implemented fully or wholeheartedly, its the chauvinistic ulterior motives.
and reject the aspirations and rights of the Tamil the North-East, comprising their traditional ocratic Party does not in any way endorse it. The t and the Government are intent upon pleasing rces of the South and Indian hegemonic forces ce and to implement nominally and partially the intention of escalating the war with their support.
SK Senthivel General Secretary, New Democratic Party.
tement Release of vindan Kutti
hiya Poomi issued the following statement in the f Puthiya Poomi, the Tamil monthly journal of .
utti (age 65 years), Editor of People’s March Eranakulam, Kerala was arrested on 16th ng held in detention. Comrade Govindan Kutti is pointed an accusing finger at the old social uality, exploitation and cruel repression, and the
afeguard it.
journal edited by him provided revolutionary t directed them to mobile against injustice and e oppression of the millions upon millions of the imperialists together with the Indian ruling e masses to struggle against them.
hat the Indian ruling classes threw Comrade son. The Indian ‘democratic’ rulers who wax y, freedom of expression and freedom of the e editor of a journal that speaks up for the people ly.

Page 35
When Comrade Govindan Kutti went on hung arrest, prison officials tied up his limbs in an a When he defied them to continue with his hunger to hospital. Since then he is held prisoner in th Kerala. The bail application submitted on his beh the High Court.
Human rights organisations and journalists’ or condemned his arrest, which is also receiving inter
Puthiya Poomi and its Editorial Board strongly detention of Comrade Govindan Kutti, and dem unconditionally.
International Solidarity People’s Foru Cuba National Day and Anti-Imperialism Day
1st January 2008
The International People’s Solidarity Forum Cultural Evening and Getting Together on 1st Janu 49th Cuba National Day and Anti-Imperialism Day The events of the cultural evening were revolu to cultural degeneration caused by imperialist glob
Comrade S Panneerselvam, Member of the W and Hill Country Regional Secretary of the New D the event. Special addresses were delivered Nanayakara, leader of the Democratic Left Fron Opposition of the Colombo Municipal Counc Thambiah, Central Coordinator of the Internat Forum. (See related article in this issue).
“Friends of the Future” organisation staged th Comradeship” in Sinhala and sang revolutionary the poem ‘Socialism is the Alternative’ and song c Tamil. T Prithvi sang the song ‘In Revolution, Se Tamil. T Pradeesh sang the Anthem of Internatio titled “Why for us?” was held under the chai Panneerselvam.

an Kutti went on hunger strike in protest of his d up his limbs in an attempt to force fed him. ntinue with his hunger strike they admitted him is held prisoner in the Veyyur Central Jail of n submitted on his behalf has been rejected by
tions and journalists’ organisations have strongly ch is also receiving international condemnation.
Editorial Board strongly denounce the arrest and vindan Kutti, and demand that he be released
arity People’s Forum al Day perialism Day
ple’s Solidarity Forum organised a Liberation ing Together on 1st January 2008 to celebrate the d Anti-Imperialism Day. ral evening were revolutionary and in opposition
used by imperialist globalisation.
am, Member of the Walapane Regional Council l Secretary of the New Democratic Party, chaired esses were delivered by Comrade Vasudeva Democratic Left Front and the Leader of the bo Municipal Council and by Comrade E inator of the International People’s Solidarity in this issue). ” organisation staged the programme “Circle of nd sang revolutionary songs. T Mruthula recited Alternative’ and song criticising globalisation, in song ‘In Revolution, Setbacks are Temporary’ in e Anthem of International Peace. A poetry forum held under the chairmanship of Comrade S

Page 36
Persons identified for important contribution cause were honoured with a red shawl and Comrade Vasudeva Nanayakara was honoured fo imperialist politics and Comrade Siva Sooriyana with the red shawl. Comrade Sunanda Pushpakum contribution to anti-imperialist art and Comrade with the red shawl. Comrade GS Manoharan contribution to anti-imperialist media wri Panneerselvam draped him with the red shawl.
Travelling artists led by Comrade Sunanda Pu from their programmes. The programme was co Thiruchelvam and Kanthi Manamendra. Comrad the vote of thanks; and the programme concluded
Memorial Meeting Commemoration of Comrade KA Subramaniam
15th December 2007
The 18th in the series of Comrade KA Subramania held at the Ramakrishna Mission Lecture Hall o honour the memory of Comrade KA Subram Secretary of the New Democratic Party.
The meeting organised by the Comrade KA Committee was chaired by Comrade S Theva address from the chair, which was followed b Comrade N Raveendran.
The memorial lecture titled “Two Sides of Globalis Cruelty of Poverty” was delivered by Comrade Organiser of the New Democratic Party. (The Puthiya Poomi Jan-Feb. 2008 is to be reprodu forthcoming issue of New Democracy).
*****

important contributions to the anti-imperialist ith a red shawl and anti-imperialist honours. akara was honoured for his contribution to anti- omrade Siva Sooriyanarayanasamy draped him de Sunanda Pushpakumara was honoured for his ialist art and Comrade S Thevarajah draped him mrade GS Manoharan was honoured for his perialist media writing and Comrade S
with the red shawl.
y Comrade Sunanda Pushpakumara sang songs The programme was compéred by Comrades K Manamendra. Comrade I Loganathan delivered programme concluded with a tea party.
ation of
Subramaniam
mrade KA Subramaniam Memorial Lectures was Mission Lecture Hall on 15th December 2007 to Comrade KA Subramaniam, founder General ocratic Party.
by the Comrade KA Subramaniam Memorial by Comrade S Thevarajah who delivered the which was followed by a welcome address by
d “Two Sides of Globalisation: Horror of War and delivered by Comrade E Thambiah, National emocratic Party. (The talk published in full in 2008 is to be reproduced in translation in the Democracy).
*****

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Appeal for Support
The New Democratic Party publishes the Tamil m Poomi and the English quarterly New Democracy role in upholding democratic values and defendin oppressed sections of the population independently any other such identity.
Puthiya Poomi and New Democracy are unique am Lanka by way of their high journalistic standards, coverage of issues that remain unaddressed by th and publications of political parties representing exploiting classes.
Besides the increase in the cost of printing, the pos been increased drastically. For the publication of relies on financial support from some of its suppor who are themselves struggling against the rising co neither uses NGO funding, nor has rich patrons. necessary for the party to seek a broader base for fi
The Party appeals to readers and well wishers Publications Fund of the Party by adding to the a making a donation, or by sponsoring the publication issue of either journal.
Payments may be made to:
S Thevarajah, account number 452868 Bank of Ceylon, Supermarket Branch Colombo 11, Sri Lanka
Please mention ‘Publications Fund’ in the covering payment. Address for correspondence:
47, 3rd Floor, CCSM Complex, Colombo

Appeal for Support
arty publishes the Tamil monthly journal Puthiya quarterly New Democracy which play a valuable cratic values and defending the interests of the e population independently of ethnic, religious or
Democracy are unique among publications in Sri igh journalistic standards, quality of content and t remain unaddressed by the mainstream media litical parties representing the interests of the
the cost of printing, the postal rates have recently lly. For the publication of the journals the party ort from some of its supporters and well wishers, uggling against the rising cost of living. The Party ing, nor has rich patrons. Thus, it has become o seek a broader base for financial support.
readers and well wishers to contribute to the e Party by adding to the annual subscription, by y sponsoring the publication of part or whole of an
to: , account number 452868 n, Supermarket Branch Sri Lanka
tions Fund’ in the covering note attached to the rrespondence: CCSM Complex, Colombo 11, Sri Lanka.

Page 38
Sri Lankan
The road to the burial of the CF
On 16th January 2008, the war that began to unfol its tattered mask called the Ceasefire Agreem believed that the move to formally ditch the CFA the JVP whose support the government needed budget. Although the government narrowly won first reading and there was speculation about som power as well as its own MPs crossing over, the r second reading was low. The government knew t against the budget at the first reading and threat the second reading, will not like to defeat the bud polls and risking its thirty-nine seats (less one def
The government, nevertheless, took its precau Kanagendiran’s forfeiture of his seat owing to announced just before the second reading. A Batticaloa District held to ransom relatives of thre with a death threat in the event of the MPs takin Despite the crossing over of the four remaining M one from the SLFP in protest against corruption, vote comfortably, thanks to abstention by the JVP
Pompous prediction by the UNP’s about defeatin the polls proved to be empty talk. The JVP, howe eyes of the public for abstaining after declaring people. Strangely, neither the UNP nor the JV massive increase in defence expenditure, whic heaping economic burdens on the people. The FP, rather than register its protest about the keep out three of its MPs, by refusing to take pa other political parties to do the same, unless all M of threat, chose to take part in the voting. Had

Sri Lankan Events
the burial of the CFA
war that began to unfold in early 2006 cast aside the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA). It is widely formally ditch the CFA was due to pressure from e government needed for the safe passage of its ernment narrowly won the budget vote after its s speculation about some of its recent partners in Ps crossing over, the risk of defeat at the crucial he government knew that the JVP, which voted first reading and threatened to vote against it at ot like to defeat the budget if it meant facing the nine seats (less one defection) in parliament.
eless, took its precautions. Federal Party MP of his seat owing to prolonged absence was the second reading. An armed group in the ransom relatives of three MPs of the same party, event of the MPs taking part in the budget vote. of the four remaining Muslim Congress MPs, and test against corruption, the government won the o abstention by the JVP MPs.
e UNP’s about defeating the budget and going to pty talk. The JVP, however, lost credibility in the taining after declaring that the budget was anti- r the UNP nor the JVP protested against the nce expenditure, which is the main cause for s on the people. er its protest about the unethical means used to , by refusing to take part in the vote and asking o the same, unless all MPs were able to vote free art in the voting. Had the FP stood firm in its

Page 39
protest that would have been a test of the wil political parties to uphold democratic principles.
The JVP is said to have demanded from the Presid that the CFA be scrapped and the size of the c seems to have been done promptly, since the material difference to the pursuit of war; but the c of a face-saving formula for the far too many mini
Personal security for parliamen
The blame for the reduction of Sri Lankan par horse trading of the lowest form should be sh governments. What happened in the past tw consequence of a process that began in the late 1 political parties switch loyalties with greater eas between fish and snake. Explanations given by l CWC, Hill Country People’s Front and the Mu somersaults would insult the intelligence of even a The system today thrives on the greed of pol possible to tempt them with positions that bring m corruption, which makes them vulnerable to blac their lives, which makes them vulnerable to threa regime of governments, withdrawal of personal s stick for the government to get politicians into where withdrawal of security is tantamount to dea
When elected members of parliament cannot for to their political conviction, parliamentary democ shred of fabric that covers the nakedness of its ban
Killings and sufferings
The warring sides claim that their targets are thei the real victims are the ordinary people. The Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims in the quarter ce that of combatants. If displacement, loss of prope let alone injury and disablement by war, are ad ordinary people will far exceed the losses suffered

been a test of the will of the UNP and other democratic principles.
manded from the President, as its pound of flesh, and the size of the cabinet reduced. The first e promptly, since the CFA did not make any ursuit of war; but the cabinet reshuffle, for want r the far too many ministers, may take time.
curity for parliamentarians
ion of Sri Lankan parliamentary democracy to est form should be shared by a succession of pened in the past two years was a logical that began in the late 1970s. Senior members of alties with greater ease than the proverbial eel xplanations given by leaders of parties like the le’s Front and the Muslim Congress for their he intelligence of even a halfwit. s on the greed of politicians, which makes it h positions that bring money and influence, their them vulnerable to blackmail, and their fear for em vulnerable to threats. In the carrot and stick ithdrawal of personal security is a most effective to get politicians into line, in a climate of fear ity is tantamount to death threat.
parliament cannot for any reason act according , parliamentary democracy is stripped of the last the nakedness of its bankruptcy
sufferings
at their targets are their respective enemies. But ordinary people. The loss of life of ordinary slims in the quarter century of war far exceeds lacement, loss of property and loss of livelihood, lement by war, are added, the suffering of the ceed the losses suffered by combatants.

Page 40
The war in its present phase is even wicked than use of deadlier bombs, missiles and anti-person government nor the LTTE could claim that the attacks on civilians, intentionally or otherwise. punishing civilians to avenge military defeats, an has not been a matter of priority.
The country is losing in every way; and the workin carrying the burden of war. Yet the govern presenting the war as one against terrorism, solution to the national question and in fact persuading the Sinhala public that a military victo implication that a military solution to the natio The LTTE, given its authoritarian style of work, h mass struggle and continues to rely more on arms
The risk of foreign meddling is growing and we imposed by foreign interests. It is time for t democratic forces among the Sinhalese to take t peace movement that once brought temporary san
Media-based NGO mass movem
Some multi-national corporations have bigger b countries and manpower greater than that of home, we have an NGO magnate trying to build a Prayathna by regular media advertisement. T movement” seems to have far bigger financial res mass movement in this country ever. Recently, se half-page ads wishing the NGO magnate a happy b
Is this the kind of activity for which INGO fundin enable local agents of the INGOs to buy people, discredited left leaders whose bankruptcy has ma dependent on NGO handouts. Meantime, a few increasingly involved in politics, promoting the a interests, and seeking to sponsor candidates at ele
Knowing the role of NGOs in undermining social light in many Third World countries and some of it is important that the people are warned about d
*****

se is even wicked than in earlier phases, with the issiles and anti-personnel devices. Neither the E could claim that they are not responsible for tionally or otherwise. Both sides are guilty of ge military defeats, and the safety of the people riority.
ery way; and the working people and the poor are war. Yet the government has succeeded in ne against terrorism, sidelining a meaningful question and in fact aggravating it, and in blic that a military victory over the LTTE, and by y solution to the national question, is possible. ritarian style of work, has not adopted the line of es to rely more on arms.
ling is growing and we know the price of peace rests. It is time for the left, progressive and the Sinhalese to take the initiative to revive the
brought temporary sanity to this country.
d NGO mass movement?
orations have bigger budgets than medium-size greater than that of many a government. At agnate trying to build a “mass movement” called edia advertisement. This media-based “mass far bigger financial resources than any genuine untry ever. Recently, several newspapers carried NGO magnate a happy birthday.
for which INGO funding is intended? Such funds INGOs to buy people, including some yet to be ose bankruptcy has made them political orphans uts. Meantime, a few other local NGOs too are olitics, promoting the agenda of foreign political
onsor candidates at elections.
in undermining social stability that has come to countries and some of the former Soviet Union, ple are warned about dubious NGO activities.
*****

Page 41
Water for Thirst
VT Elangovan
The noon’s sun is blazing bright Some muted hearts are burning ho There is water aplenty within the w But hands itch, unable to fetch
The village has but just a few wells Water to drink lies therein They prevent folks from drawing i See, who are the miserable ones
It is enough of a life of moan and g It is enough of a life of hiding away Unite in strength like a rope well s Join in battle to win salvation
Strike to destroy the system of cas Swear to secure equality for all People unite to end this folly Of men denying the rights of men
Translated from Karumpanaikal, an

Water for Thirst
VT Elangovan
sun is blazing bright d hearts are burning hot ter aplenty within the well tch, unable to fetch
has but just a few wells ink lies therein nt folks from drawing it e the miserable ones
of a life of moan and groan of a life of hiding away ength like a rope well spun le to win salvation
stroy the system of caste cure equality for all e to end this folly ying the rights of men
[Written in 1978; m Karumpanaikal, anthology of VT Elangovan]

Page 42
International
Indonesia: Death of a Mass Murde
The notorious Indonesian dictator Suharto, who coup in 1966 that massacred at least 500,000 political dissidents, and arrested, tortured and d decades hundreds of thousand others, died on responsible for the invading and annexing East Ti East Timorese to die in civil war and famine. Hi by severe repression, systematic violation of hu corruption and loot was ended in 1998 by a studen From his ascent to power to his overthrow, and e imperialist favourite. Like Pinochet of Chile, he ple his last years in comfort. The US hails him as a h country to remarkable economic development, and that although he made ‘mistakes’ his service to Indo
There is no doubt that Suharto served imperialis submitting to the IMF and World Bank and enab billionaires by annihilating communists and looting is sorry for the passing away of a role model ruler that he escaped punishment for his horrendous crim
Confronting US Imperialism in So
UN reports say that the worst catastrophe in Afri Darfur but that in Somalia. Fifteen years since which ended in a humiliating defeat for the US refugees than any other country. Unlike in 1993 not hover over Mogadishu and US tanks do not US is back in Somalia. The US forces carry out a CIA agents operate in Mogadishu while unmanne gather intelligence; Somalis at home and in interrogated by US officials. The US and t occupation, expectably, have warlords with crimin

International Events
th of a Mass Murderer
dictator Suharto, who seized power in a military cred at least 500,000 communists and other rrested, tortured and detained without trial for sand others, died on 26 January. He was also g and annexing East Timor and forcing 200,000 vil war and famine. His 32-year regime, marked ematic violation of human rights, and massive ded in 1998 by a students’ and people’s movement. to his overthrow, and even after, Suharto was an Pinochet of Chile, he pleaded age and illness to live he US hails him as a historic leader who led the omic development, and President Yudhuyono says takes’ his service to Indonesia was exemplary.
harto served imperialism and its agents well by World Bank and enabling his cronies to become communists and looting the country. Imperialism ay of a role model ruler, and the rest of the world
t for his horrendous crimes against humanity.
Imperialism in Somalia
orst catastrophe in Africa is not that in Kenya or ia. Fifteen years since the US invasion of 1993, ting defeat for the US forces, Somalia has more ountry. Unlike in 1993, US Army helicopters do and US tanks do not patrol the streets; but the e US forces carry out attacks inside the country; adishu while unmanned aircraft circle the city to alis at home and in neighbouring Kenya are cials. The US and the Ethiopian forces of ve warlords with criminal records as allies.

Page 43
To the US, control over Somalia is access to mass and uranium deposits, control over a strategic lo Ocean, the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea converge passing through the Suez Canal, and advantage o East and Sudan to launch military strikes ag targets. Plans already exist to make the strategic c the newly launched Africom (Africa Command) context that the illegal Christmas 2006 invasion forces with the direct support of American air po part of US militarist agenda to complete unfinishe
The people of Somalia have a proud history of 1960, they defeated European colonizers to win However, in the early 1980s the US gained footho up militarily and financially the dictator Mohamm it to destabilize the region. The overthrow of Ba was followed by anarchy, with the country torn Order returned with the Union of Islamic Courts brief period in power it restored peace and secu Somalia. The Somali people rallied to defeat US resisted US-backed efforts up to 2006 using wa regime. It was then that the Ethiopians were sum a puppet war-lord regime. Somali resistanc occupation will not stop short of stamping out t imperialism. The Somali Diaspora too is stepp imperialism, through peace rallies in the US and C
Ethiopia, which waged a proxy war for the US, forces to control the occupied land. But the Eth October 2007 failed to deliver. Meantime, the insu grown and keeps growing, and trouble is brewin backed “Christian” regime presiding over a Muslim the war in Somalia does not end soon, with Ethio implications for Ethiopia could be civil war as which is supportive of the liberation struggle of th
India: The Continuing Shame of Gu
Despite factional splits in the ranks of the B indictment of Narendra Modi, on the eve of the p in the Gujarat genocide and custodial killings, M third term as Chief Minister. The defeat of the Co

malia is access to massive untapped oil reserves ntrol over a strategic location where the Indian d the Red Sea converge, ability to monitor ships Canal, and advantage of proximity to the Middle ch military strikes against perceived Islamist t to make the strategic city of Berbera the base of om (Africa Command) of the US. It is in this ristmas 2006 invasion of Somalia by Ethiopian port of American air power should be seen. It is
a to complete unfinished business from 1993.
ve a proud history of resisting imperialism. In pean colonizers to win national independence. s the US gained foothold in Somalia by propping ly the dictator Mohammed Said Barre, and used . The overthrow of Barre by the Somali people with the country torn apart between warlords. nion of Islamic Courts gaining power. During its stored peace and security in much of southern le rallied to defeat US imperialism in 1993, and s up to 2006 using warlords to topple the UIC e Ethiopians were summoned, to place in power ime. Somali resistance against the ongoing short of stamping out the remaining vestiges of Diaspora too is stepping up resistance to US e rallies in the US and Canada.
proxy war for the US, has had to commit more pied land. But the Ethiopian "surge" begun in iver. Meantime, the insurgency in Mogadishu has , and trouble is brewing in Ethiopia for the US- presiding over a Muslim-Christian population. If ot end soon, with Ethiopia pulling out gracefully, could be civil war as well as war with Eritrea, liberation struggle of the Somali people.
tinuing Shame of Gujarat
n the ranks of the BJP in Gujarat and the odi, on the eve of the polls, for his regime’s role nd custodial killings, Modi comfortably won his er. The defeat of the Congress is the result of the

Page 44
failure of the United Progressive Alliance governm with the politics of communal hatred and neo-lib rural and urban poor, the tribal people and Mus the left was poor. The CPI(M) and the CPI fa although, encouragingly, the CPI (ML) Liberation only three years ago, made headway in regions wh the tribal poor against dispossession of land and r
The victory of the Hindutva fascist BJP, seen growing communal violence across India, thre Gujarat but the whole country. During 2007, ant death or serious injury of Muslims, sometimes cities in Rajastan, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar P Maharashtra, Karnataka and Tamilnadu invol organizations. The violence, although based insignificant compared to the organized violenc Bombay and Gujarat, cannot be ignored. Oriss notorious for anti-Christian violence, again invo communal intolerance. Now, anti-northerner hatr Sena and its breakaway rival Maharashtra Navnir Maharashtra’s reputation for ethnic and religious
While communal forces aggressively exploit re political ends, most political parties through their their continuation. If such dangerous trends are mass politics, they will further divide India for th classes and the vultures of imperialist globalisatio
The dismal failure of the Congress to combat com BJP should be interpreted as a call for a credibl confront the communal forces by mobilising the p That task should transcend electoral political cons
Nepal: Constitutional Assembly El
Events running up to the Constituent Assembly for 10th April, have altered the political line-u Committee of the CPN-Maoist, confident of over elections, announced the initiation of the proces CPN-United, decision to seek unification with th possibility of an electoral alliance with other part alliance.

ressive Alliance government at the centre to deal unal hatred and neo-liberal dispossession of the tribal people and Muslims. The performance of PI(M) and the CPI failed to make an impact he CPI (ML) Liberation, which entered the scene headway in regions where it led the struggles of ossession of land and resources.
tva fascist BJP, seen against a background of nce across India, threatens peace in not just ntry. During 2007, anti-Muslim riots that led to f Muslims, sometimes on several occasions, in ya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Kashmir, and Tamilnadu involved the BJP and allied nce, although based on trivial issues and the organized violence of several years ago in not be ignored. Orissa meantime has become an violence, again involving the same forces of w, anti-northerner hatred, sponsored by the Shiv val Maharashtra Navnirman Sena, has revived of for ethnic and religious intolerance.
aggressively exploit religion and ethnicity for al parties through their silence are consenting to h dangerous trends are not challenged through ther divide India for the benefit of the exploiting imperialist globalisation.
ongress to combat communal fascism led by the as a call for a credible left movement that can rces by mobilising the poor and the dispossessed. d electoral political considerations.
tional Assembly Elections
Constituent Assembly (CA) election, scheduled ed the political line-up in Nepal. The Central aoist, confident of overwhelming success at the initiation of the process to unify the party with seek unification with the CPN-Marxist, and the alliance with other parties to make a seven-party

Page 45
The Nepali Congress, led by Koirala and known powers in New Delhi, is vacillating on the ques royalty, at the risk of being isolated at the electio disgraced King Gyanendra, speaking to Jap displeasure over the decision of the parliament claiming that it was not the majority view of the Nepali people had the right to decide the fate of th
Dr Baburam Bhattarai, senior leader of the C royalists and foreign forces are being hurdles to warned that if the election is postponed, that c emergence of a dictator, and called for unity amon and patriots to save the country from dis interference, as witnessed in the Terai region in t where ethnic conflict was stirred between oppress
Pakistan: Killing Democracy
Benazir Bhutto’s assassination plunged Pakistan simmered with rage, the Musharraf regime false accident. Bush, not missing his chance to justify h to declare that the assassination was by ‘extremist echoed it with the claim of evidence of an al-Qaed
The global media has anointed Benazir as a ‘mar the cowardly and condemnable killing united denouncing her death. But let that not fool us in heroic sacrifice for the cause of democracy. Her re of a US-brokered deal. In return for reprieve from with a democratic Prime Ministerial façade, was regime besieged by a growing pro-democracy m that ‘evil Islamic terrorists’ targeted her because s of the enlightened West will not find buyers insi Instead it is becoming clear that it was her part in put her life on the line, and many in Pakistan intelligence establishment of Pakistan was behind
Benazir was no icon of democracy. Her role approved dictatorship for Pakistan. The demo Pakistan Peoples Party practiced had feudal characteristic of many South Asian political

by Koirala and known to be controlled by the vacillating on the question of the future of the g isolated at the elections. On 4th February, the ra, speaking to Japanese media, expressed ion of the parliament to abolish the monarchy, e majority view of the people and that only the t to decide the fate of the monarchy.
enior leader of the CPN-Maoist, charged that s are being hurdles to a smooth election, and n is postponed, that could lay the ground for d called for unity among nationalists, democrats he country from disintegration and foreign in the Terai region in the early months of 2007, tirred between oppressed nationalities.
g Democracy
tion plunged Pakistan into crisis. While people Musharraf regime falsely claimed that it was an g his chance to justify his ‘war on terror’, rushed ation was by ‘extremists’. The Musharraf regime evidence of an al-Qaeda plot to kill Benazir.
inted Benazir as a ‘martyr for democracy’, while mnable killing united her sharpest critics in t let that not fool us into seeing in her death a se of democracy. Her return to Pakistan was part return for reprieve from corruption charges, she, inisterial façade, was to bail out the Musharraf ing pro-democracy movement. Bush’s fairytale ’ targeted her because she represented the values ill not find buyers inside Pakistan or elsewhere. r that it was her part in a US-scripted drama that nd many in Pakistan believe that the military- of Pakistan was behind the assassination.
democracy. Her role was to legitimise a US- r Pakistan. The democracy that she and the practiced had feudal and dynastic features South Asian political parties. The tradition

Page 46
continues and her young son has inherited the p husband remains executor of the estate .
The assassination was, no doubt, a blow to the ori will capitalise on the situation following th Musharraf, which can make him a liability. The U troops into the Pashtun territories claiming that the al-Qaeda will go ahead, with covert or overt su ally, irrespectively of whoever is president or pr And the outcome of the US elections will make no the US plans to use Pakistan as a base for its ‘war
The democracy that the people of Pakistan are more meaningful and enduring, and can be ach leaves Pakistan to itself and its stooges in the arm
Palestine: All Glory to the People o
Although Israel and its imperialist backers claim blew up parts of the fence, part steel sheet and Egypt from the Gaza Strip on 23rd January to end since last summer, what is ignored is the mass pa The people played an active role in bringing do act of mass defiance of Israel, which wants Gaz which sealed the border to keep them out. Havin officials from the two countries consoled themse was not all bad. The forced opening is a political embarrassment for Palestinian President Abbas with Israel and the United States who was complic
Abbas, having failed the Palestinians of Gaza, by n blockade and not acting to bring in relief wh desperate to wrest control of Gaza from Hamas, victory of the masses in Gaza is already underm West Bank. What the future holds for Palestine de and patriotic sections of the PLO who resent the PLO leadership and the unholy US-Israel-E progressive political forces could unite the masses Israeli oppressors and the imperialist master behi
*****

son has inherited the party leadership, while her
of the estate .
doubt, a blow to the original US plan. But the US ituation following the humiliating defeat of e him a liability. The US strategic design to send rritories claiming that they are a ‘safe haven’ for , with covert or overt support from India, its new ever is president or prime minister of Pakistan. S elections will make no essential difference to stan as a base for its ‘war on terror’.
eople of Pakistan are striving for is something during, and can be achieved only when the US d its stooges in the armed forces step aside.
lory to the People of Gaza
imperialist backers claim that Hamas militants ce, part steel sheet and part concrete, dividing ip on 23rd January to end the sealing off of Gaza is ignored is the mass participation in the event. ctive role in bringing down the fence and in an srael, which wants Gaza isolated, and of Egypt, o keep them out. Having failed in their mission, ntries consoled themselves that what happened d opening is a political victory for Hamas and an inian President Abbas, now seen as a partner States who was complicit in the closing of Gaza.
alestinians of Gaza, by not being firm against the to bring in relief when it mattered, is now l of Gaza from Hamas, hardly realising that the aza is already undermining his position in the e holds for Palestine depends on whether Hamas he PLO who resent the shady deals between the e unholy US-Israel-Egypt trinity, and other could unite the masses of Palestine against their imperialist master behind Israel.
*****

Page 47
(con But we, Have no mind to pause, Put down the load Relax Refresh ourselves And then proceed. Nor are we wise enough To unpack the sack Throw out the trash, All the unwanted stuff, Pick up only precious pearls and gems For the rest of the way. Bored, dejected We creep along. While other citizens of the world Compress their luggage into minipacks, Work wonders with their bare hands, Reap success after success, Exercise critical acumen, Craftsmanship, technical excellence, We, poor lot, A god-forsaken people Keep on creeping– Never stop. We are not smart enough
To throw out the unwanted, Preserve our pearls and gems Our heavy burden Is twenty centuries old!
In the name of culture we carry A burden twenty centuries old
(Translation by author of Tami

(continued from inside front cover)
ause,
ough k h,
tuff, ous pearls and gems way.
s of the world gage into minipacks, h their bare hands, success, umen, hnical excellence,
ople
nough e unwanted, s and gems
old!
ture we carry enturies old
lation by author of Tamil original circa 1960)

Page 48
In this Cul-de-Sac Ahmad Shamlu To make sure You have not said: "I love you," They smell your breath.
They even smell your heart Trying times are these, my darling
They flog love Tied to the post of the cul-de-sac We must hide love in the closet.
In this serpentine maze This crooked cold corner They feed the fire With poems and songs
Thinking, too, is risky. Those who, late at night, knock o Are there to kill the lamp. We must hide the light in the clos
Then there are the butchers Stationed at all cross-roads, Armed with a block and a bloody Trying times these are, my darling
Surgically, They plant smiles on lips, And songs in the mouths. We must hide joy in the closet.
On lilies and lilacs, They roast the canaries. Trying times these are, my darling
Drunk with victory, the Devil, Celebrates our wake. We must hide God in the closet.

Page 49
________
This poem by the well known Iranian poet w
Published by E Thambiah of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM C Phone: 011 2435117; Fax: 011 2473757; E-mail: newdem
Website: www.ndpsl.org Printed at the Gowri Printers, Colom

In this Cul-de-Sac Ahmad Shamlu e t said:
our breath.
mell your heart
are these, my darling.
ve
ost of the cul-de-sac e love in the closet.
ntine maze d cold corner
e fire and songs
o, is risky. late at night, knock on the door, kill the lamp. e the light in the closet.
re the butchers all cross-roads, a block and a bloody cleaver.
these are, my darling.
miles on lips, n the mouths.
e joy in the closet.
lilacs, he canaries.
these are, my darling.
ictory, the Devil, ur wake. e God in the closet.

Page 50
_______ e well known Iranian poet was translated by Iraj Bashiri
iah of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM Complex, Colombo 11 11 2473757; E-mail: newdemocraticparty@hotmail.com
Website: www.ndpsl.org at the Gowri Printers, Colombo 13