Page 1
Media Monitor
2006 May - June

Media Monitor
2006 May - June
Media Monitor 1

Page 2
A Word
Looking at Ourselves
Eighty seven per cent (87%) of Sri Lankan journalists believe that the Sri Lank and fair information. Eighty per cent (80%) of Sri Lankan journalists believe tha another. More than 50% of stories in Sri Lanka are based only on one source. Sinhala and Tamil newspapers use only selected sources for information. The Sinhala and Tamil press is selective in sources used. And 80% of journalists think their sources are not accurate or reliable. Only hal of Ethics. Only 11% of them have a copy of the Code of Ethics. Less than half These figures and information are from a survey we conducted last year. We results were again similar. In this survey we asked the journalists, what they thought were the common the order of most published news category, they are accidents, crime, public n When asked, if they were to decide the order of news categories and how it w then the peace initiative/process, with corruption and fraud coming thereaf When asked why there was a dearth of public service news reports, the ans state- and private-sector ownership issues, and then editorial decisions. We did such a survey with editors too. According to them, the present new down as public needs, crime, corruption and fraud, accidents and others. If the editors themselves were to decide the order of news categories, their o peace process, corruption and fraud and then accidents, they said. They also said their editorial independence was restricted by institutional pr and political pressure. According to them, the reason for the decline i commercialization and state- and private-sector ownership issues. In short, our reflection is as follows.
• We are not very much interested in our own professional standards.
• Within our media, there is no interest in public-service reporting that prov and search for solutions.
• We do not have editorial independence. If there is editorial independen given importance.
• Reasons for the above are seen as political and business interests and also
• But, it was accepted that this situation should change. It was also accep public service media. Challenges and targets we face are clear. The next step is to collectiv achieving the targets.
Towards Public Serv
2 Media Monitor

s
elieve that the Sri Lankan media is failing to provide accurate, balanced n journalists believe that the media is biased toward one ethnic group or
one source. ces for information. . ate or reliable. Only half of Sri Lanka’s journalists are aware of the Code f Ethics. Less than half of them have received training in ethics. onducted last year. We conducted a similar survey this year too. The
ught were the commonest of all news that is published. They said, in cidents, crime, public needs and what is said by political personalities. ategories and how it would be, their order was, public needs first and d fraud coming thereafter.
news reports, the answer was political pressure, business interests, ditorial decisions. o them, the present news agenda starts from public needs and runs ccidents and others. ews categories, their order of importance would be public needs, the ts, they said. cted by institutional procedures, lack of resources, business interests ason for the decline in public-service news was political needs, ership issues.
ssional standards. vice reporting that provides a voice to the voiceless, for diverse views
s editorial independence, public-service interest reporting would be
iness interests and also institutional limitations. nge. It was also accepted that the state media should first change to
ext step is to collectively draft a path in facing the challenges and
Towards Public Service Media

Page 3
CONTEN
Editorial Team
Sunanda Deshapriya sunanda@cpalanka.org
Uvindu Kurukulasuriya uvindu@journalist.com
Layout
Suganthi Manimaran
Centre for Policy Alternatives Media Unit 24/2, 28th Lane, Off Flower Road, Co - 07 Tele: 2565304/6 Website : www.cpalanka.org
Cover Photo
By - Manjula Wediwardane
Published by VOR
Centre for Policy Alternatives
Website : www.voicesofpeace.lk
4 Promoting Gen-
der Equality in the News Room - some challange Jacqueline Park
6 Killing of
Students in Trincomalee and Our News Asoka Jayawardane
8 How a Sinhala Daily Covered the Killings of Trinco Students Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon
11 Training Needed- for Ethical Reporting Upali Tennakoon
12 There’s No
Media without Ethics Ariyananda Dombagahawatte
13 Do You Want
Credibility as a Journalist? Johan Romare
14 Sivaram
personal notes from the fatel day

ng Gen- ality in
s Room - allange ark
f s in
alee News
ardane
inhala vered ngs of tudents
thi
al g
koon
No
ithout
watte
Want ity as a st?
re
l notes fatel
CONTENTS
16 National
Languages, News Media and Peace Sunanda Deshapriya
18 What Should
Journalists Do? Christopher Warren
20 Unethical
Commercial Ads That Promote Racketeers Jayantha Gamage
21 Sri Lankan
Women Journalists Call for Gender Equity in Media Laxmi Murthy
23 Change Begins with You Mike Dobbie
26 Government
Radio and the Tamil People K. Sivathambi
10, 29, 30 Other Side Asoka Jayawardane
Media Monitor 3

Page 4
4 Media Monitor
Promoting Gender Equality in the News Room - some challanges
Jacqueline Park
N
ot so long ago, journalism almost exclusively profession. Female jou were the exception and wome discouraged to enter journalism Today more and more wom employed as journalists. In countries, women make up the m of working journalists.
Despite the increasing num women in the profession, there i battle ahead for women befo values and voices are e represented in the media.
Around the world, there co to be a disproportionate nu men in decision-making within news organizations.
There have been improvements achieved by women in journalism, bu problems remain as yet.
Women journalists con to cover some areas, traditionally male topi defence.
Journalists’ unions at n regional and global levels responsibility to addres
inequities.
Women journalists ar that because their movem been successful in many are is the danger that journalists may feel that enough has be to ensure equality in med though inequities still rema journalists’ organizatio improve the conditions for journalists, they often reform their structure
e n s
representation in the union’s policy- making and governing bodies.
Some have adopted equa policies aimed at improving th of women in the profession an union.
The International Federa Journalists’ (IFJ’s) gender

N
Women journalists continue to be denied opportunities to cover some areas, particularly what are seen as traditionally male topic areas like sports, politics and defence.
t so long ago, journalism was an
Working Party, which was first lmost exclusively male
established in 1992, decided that in rofession. Female journalists
order for the IFJ to adopt a realistic and e exception and women were
effective equality working programme ged to enter journalism.
a survey of the current conditions of y more and more women are
women journalists was needed. ed as journalists. In some
Powerpoint – slides on women in s, women make up the majority
Journalism and in the unions ng journalists.
A questionnaire was sent to IFJ ite the increasing number of
member unions, which addressed three in the profession, there is a long
key areas: ead for women before their
1) Statistics: Women in journalism and and voices are equally
women in the union. ted in the media.
2) Equal Pay: Law and practice. nd the world, there continues
3) Portrayal of Women: An issue for the a disproportionate number of
union. in decision-making roles
Answers were received from 39 in news organizations.
countries representing almost 70% of IFJ here have been many
members and 37% of the countries ovements achieved by and for
represented in the IFJ at that time. en in journalism, but many
Even though the sample is limited, lems remain as yet.
the responses came from all regions and
urnalists’ unions at national,
this fact gives an indication of the status ional and global levels have a
of women journalists the world over. ponsibility to address these
The consequence of this imbalance equities.
at the senior professional level is that Women journalists are aware
women’s values continue to be under- t because their movement has
represented. Women’s voices are successful in many areas there
limited. danger that journalists’ unions
On the other hand, an increase in the feel that enough has been done
presence of women in newsrooms, and sure equality in media even
even in decision-making positions, does gh inequities still remain. For
not guarantee that women will have nalists’ organizations to
more visibility in reports, that rove the conditions for women
representation of women will be less journalists, they often have to
stereotyped or, less still, that reports reform their own
will promote gender equality. structures — to
The media cannot hope to present e n s u r e
the truth to readers, viewers and female
listeners if women are sidelined as contributors. This is not only with ntation
regard to journalists, but also to the ion’s policy-
opinions that fill our newspapers. and governing
Male professionals are referred to in media reports far e have adopted equality
more frequently than female aimed at improving the status
professionals. en in the profession and in the
Women need to provide valuable, educated contributions to the debates International Federation of
in their society. We all need to seriously ists’ (IFJ’s) gender equity
think about how to achieve this.

Page 5
Introducing transparent interview and selection procedures would ensure a fair promotions system.
Ensuring that both genders are present on selection panels ensures that the there is more diverse perspectives on what are desirable skills and attributes when selecting candidates. Remember, like selects like. And if men keep selecting men to replace other
Women journalists continue to be denied opportunities to cover some areas, particularly what are seen as traditionally male topic areas like sports, politics and defence. This means that often women’s perspectives in this area are missed.
Female journalists are more often likely to be ghettoised in traditional women’s beats.
We need to find ways to overcome the entrenched male value system that dominates the profession.
Equal access to promotion, employment and assignments and reporting areas is the hot-button issue for women journalists the world over.
Promotions should not be based on gender, but on experience, productivity, capability and working achievement.
Advertising all available positions, rather than relying on word-of-mouth information, ensures that women will have access to promotions that are often publicised only in male circles and often informally.
They are leaving not only because of lack of promotion but also because workplace policies don’t accommodate family commitments and responsibilities.
Jacqueline Park, Asia-Pacific Regional Director, the International Federation of Journalists and Editor of the Walkley Magazine.
communications medium or le industry for good.
They are leaving not only b of lack of promotion but also b workplace policies don’t accom family commitments responsibilities.
We need our workpla understand our needs and responsibilities, and to assist impede us.
men, we will never break into th club.
We also need to look at k women in the media as it see many are leaving the prof disappointed. Virtually every women are leaving news organ because they feel the road to th blocked by male establishmen outdated ideas about the new make it and how it should be pre Women are also leaving bec salary differences, sexual hara sexist and stereotyped attitud fewer opportunities for prom According to a study conducted union in Australia, Entertainment and Arts Alliance twenty-three per cent of w journalists interviewed stated th had left their jobs due to discrim Nearly forty-five per ce women journalists interviewed the American Press Institute and the Pew Center for Civic Journalism (2002) expected to be offered a job in another

cause of lack se workplace date family
ilities.
Indeed, our unions have a responsibility to address gender issues and take action to promote women’s rights in the media workplace.
And we, as women, need to be active in the union collectives. We need to be there when the decisions are made; we need to make sure our agenda for gender equality is a central part of the union agenda. We need to be sure that when our union negotiators sit down with management that they are going to push for the things we care about.
Our unions need to be open to women – and to do this they must also consider their internal policies. If unions can establish gender equality internally, within the organization, it is far more
will never break into the boys’
lso need to look at keeping in the media as it seems too re leaving the profession inted. Virtually everywhere, are leaving news organizations they feel the road to the top is by male establishments, with d ideas about the news, who nd how it should be presented. en are also leaving because of ifferences, sexual harassment, d stereotyped attitudes and pportunities for promotion. ng to a study conducted by my in Australia, Media nment and Arts Alliance (1996), -three per cent of women ts interviewed stated that they heir jobs due to discrimination. ly forty-five per cent of journalists interviewed by rican Press Institute and
Center for Civic sm (2002) expected to ed a job in another
ications medium or leave the for good. are leaving not only because f promotion but also because ce policies don’t accommodate commitments and bilities. need our workplaces to and our needs and family ibilities, and to assist us, not us.
nalists and
We need access to child-care, flexible hours or part-time work, so we can better manage the competing demands of career and family.
Our choice to have children should not be an obstacle in the media workforce. Maternity and paternity leave, of an appropriate duration, is essential for job security regardless of family choices.
So where do we go for change? To really improve gender equality we need the support of our unions to advocate such change. We need the support of all our colleagues at work, men and women, to campaign for change.
Unions and journalists’ collectives are a valuable mechanism for change.
See Page 22
Media Monitor 5

Page 6
There were reports to say five youth were killed by an
explosion in the city of Trincomalee, on 02
nd
January,
2006 around 07.50 in the night, near the Gandhi
roundabout in close to the beach. A few more youth were
seriously injured too.
All of them were Tamil youth and on the same day it
was known they were students. On the following day, it
was revealed at the medical inquest that they had died of
gunshot injuries to their heads.
Colombo-based Tamil newspapers carried headlines
the following morning to say the students had been killed
by shooting in their heads. But the Colombo Sinhala and
English media quoted security sources to report that the
students died of a grenade explosion, and that they were
carrying it when it exploded.
Sinhala media showed that when reporting these
incidents, ethnic bias takes priority instead of media
professionalism and media ethics. A short account on how
all media in Colombo reported this incident is given
separately.
Killing of Students in Trincomalee and Our News
6 Media Monitor
A brief revie
by Asoka Ja
3
rd
This January.
is how
Divaina – the way to at Lankadee to plant a bom
Lakbima to attack the
Dinamina in Trincomal
Divaina a “tigers”. Div bomb the you Except for the reported the carried.
The Engli carried the sa Dinamina was carried b should have media has to
The Tamil Veerakes shooting. The youth. First, thrown a bom
The gover story to say f reason was g gain more tha Neither D newspaper o Lakbima hid must ask our How sava had died due in the South, h
All Sinhal the Police and gather more i
Can a new “the most cor have credibil The follo conducted th shooting. Tha previous day If there w would have p day and rectif the media is information.

ts in
,
i
e
t
t
f
s
e
e
e
a
A brief review by Asoka Jayawardane
3
rd
This January.
is how that news was reported in the Sinhala print media on
Divaina – lead story; Six tigers die from a bomb explosion while on the way to attack the army
Lankadeepa – lead story; Five students in Trincomalee who tried to plant a bomb die from an explosion
Lakbima – lead story; Five tigers die when the bomb they brought to attack the army exploded
Dinamina – front page, single column news; Five die of an explosion in Trincomalee
Divaina and Lakbima had no hesitation in making the youth “tigers”. Divaina, Lakbima and Lankadeepa reported the story of the bomb the youth were supposed to have carried, in three different ways. Except for the government-controlled Dinamina, all other newspapers reported the youth died due to the explosion from the bomb they carried.
The English newspapers of the Wijeya and Upali Groups, also carried the same news interpretations, with their own styles.
Dinamina said it was not revealed whether the bomb that exploded was carried by them or was thrown at them. It was this news that should have been published by any news editor, who believed the media has to carry the truth and nothing else.
The Tamil newspapers reported the news as follows. Veerakesari and Sudar Oli reported the deaths were due to shooting. They also used witnesses to report the Army had shot at the youth. First, a group in a three-wheeler that passed that way had thrown a bomb and then the Army had fired, the reports said.
The government-controlled Thinakaran provided a 02 inch news story to say five people had died of a bomb blast in Trincomalee. No reason was given. These deaths had no value for this newspaper to gain more than 02 inches.
Neither Divaina nor Lakbima reported they were students. All newspaper offices knew they were students by then. Divaina and Lakbima hid that news from the public. Why? That is a question we must ask ourselves.
How savage is it to report that the students who were shot dead had died due to a bomb they carried exploding? If that had happened in the South, how would these newspapers have reported the incident? All Sinhala newspapers restricted their source of information to the Police and the Army. None of them had approached the people to gather more information.
Can a news report based on information provided by the Police, “the most corrupt institute” in Sri Lanka as perceived by the people, have credibility?
The following day, the Judicial Medical Officer (JMO) who conducted the medical inquest, decided the deaths were due to shooting. That confirmed the information provided by the people, the previous day.
If there was any editor who respected his own profession, s/he would have published the JMO’s verdict in his (her) report the next day and rectified the mistake done on the previous day. That is because the media is bound to provide the people with true and correct information. That is the duty of the media.

Page 7
But, Divaina and Lakbima totally ignored the JMO’s report. This behaviour of those editors was in fact a violation of their own code of ethics following on truth. day, 04
These th
January. newspapers Most unfortunately, carried the same their bomb story the readership may be still living in the dark with that distorted information.
Lankadeepa was the only newspaper that gave due prominence to the JMO’s report. That way the newspaper retained its credibility. Also the newspaper gave due prominence to the news item that the President had ordered a special inquiry into the incident.
It was only the Morning Leader, a Leader publication that had the courage to say the deaths of the 05 students were killings.
On the other hand, the Tamil newspapers switched to very emotional reporting, the next day. They had exaggerated explanations to make the news very emotional. Sudar Oli in its front page carried coloured photos of the 05 bleeding heads of the students. It was argued the photos were carried to prove the students were shot in the heads. If that was the necessity they could have been carried inside in a smaller size.
Can a news report based on information provided by the Police, “the most corrupt institute” in Sri Lanka as perceived by the people, have credibility?
This media behaviour that makes every Tamil a tiger is not only unfortunate, but a crime too. When the police attack in the South, they are thugs. But in the North, they are heroes. In the South when killed, they are innocent people. But in the North, they are tigers.
Tamilnet web news service that covered the whole incident from the beginning, carried photos that showed the bodies dressed in white. That was a very exemplary way of publishing photos. Except for the newspapers carried Morning any photos Leader, till the none 04
th
of .
the Sinhala or English
Even the news that the President had ordered a special inquiry was carried in most newspapers as one that had no value.
This media behaviour that makes every Tamil a tiger is not only unfortunate, but a crime too. When the police attack in the South, they are thugs. But in the North, they are heroes. In the South when killed, they are innocent people. But in the North, they are tigers.
PS. In the South, there was a report that 03 in the same family had drowned to death in a car accident. The Daily Mirror carried it as the lead news with photos. Dinamina published a colour photo of the family on the front page. Other newspapers too gave much prominence to this news story, with photos. But none of them published a photo of the students killed.

report. This own code of b story the dership may . ominence to dibility. Also em that the .
that had the s.
ed to very explanations page carried t was argued in the heads. e in a smaller
ormation st corrupt ed by the
ery Tamil crime too. , they are oes. In the nt people.
cident from sed in white.
a or English
cial inquiry e. r is not only e South, they when killed, s.
family had ried it as the photo of the prominence hed a photo
Media Monitor 7

Page 8
rd Lakbima – 3
January, 2005 Filed by Tissa Raveendra Perera/Mangalanath Liyanarachchi Headline – Five tigers die when the bomb they brought to attack the army exploded. Two critically injured, in hospital The contents of the report:
• Two were injured and five tigers killed, when a bomb they brought to attack a bus that carried navy personnel returning to the camp after duties, exploded
• Police have found another hand bomb
• When the police arrived, 07 were fallen at the place of the incident. They had been immediately hospitalized
• The bus carrying navy personnel was scheduled to pass that place at 08.00 p.m.
• The bomb that exploded was a hand bomb or one that had been improvised as a high explosive bomb Source – SP Trincomalee, Kapila Jayasekera
Lakbima – 4
th
January, 2005 Headline – Tigers launch hartal in Trincomalee. Civil life curtailed. Tamil shops and schools closed. Tensed atmosphere in town. The contents of the report:
• LTTE has declared a hartal in the name of the five dead tigers
• Normal life has come to a standstill
• Hartal was launched accusing the security forces of killing the five tigers
• Tamil shops and Tamil schools were closed
• With a tensed atmosphere, Sinhala parents had come to schools and taken away their children
• Although no rioting was reported, riot squads were positioned to strengthen security
• A navy bunker was attacked and set on fire. Two other abandoned bunkers were also set on fire
• Names of those who died and injured given
• Three of the dead were university students and security sources say they would have been trained to attack the security forces. Military spokesperson Brigadier Prasad Samarasinghe says although the LTTE is trying to pass the responsibility to the security forces, the security forces don’t indulge in such low tactics
• The bodies were in the hospital and Tamil people were seen in a boisterous mood. Among them were relations of the dead and tiger activists Source – SP Trincomalee, Kapila Jayasekera, Military spokesperson and “security sources”.
8 Media Monitor
How a Sinhala Daily Covered the Killings of Trinco Students
Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon
Specialitie features o
Lakbima (
• (Target cadres” bus sch explod explosi qualific
• The sta pass th spokesp source.
• As ther 05 pers heavy e
• Althou had bee
• The dea base.
• While o quoted
Lakbima (
• “Tiger belongi away ch would “Bomb crowd all slap
• Nowhe Medica in the h
• The wo too in trained of infor
• The rep closed Sinhala open. T
• The rep their ch include schools
• In an at of shoo Kapila explosi
A compar incident a
• From a the inc unqual informa

Daily
Trinco
galanath
rought to n hospital
n a bomb personnel
lace of the zed ed to pass
r one that
Civil life . Tensed
five dead
s of killing
d come to
ads were
wo other
d security attack the er Prasad g to pass rity forces
ople were relations
Military
Specialities, shortcomings, violations of ethics and positive features of Lakbima coverage.
Lakbima (Jan 03
rd
)
• (Target) “Bus carrying navy personnel after duty” – “tiger cadres” – “another bomb with the dead youth” – “A navy bus scheduled to pass this place” – “the hand bomb that exploded being one that was improvised as a heavy explosive bomb” are all comments without any basic qualifications.
• The statement that there was a navy bus scheduled to pass the place, which was denied by the Military spokesperson, Clearly, the statement did not mention a source.
• As there is very little probability of a hand bomb killing 05 persons immediately, the phrase “improvised as a heavy explosive bomb” is just an addition.
• Although it was known the youth were students, that fact had been deliberately dropped from the news item.
• The dead youth had been termed as “tigers” without any base.
• While only one party to the conflict, the police, had been quoted, other sources were fictitious.
Lakbima (Jan 04
th
)
• “Tiger cadres who died” – “Shops and institutes belonging to Tamil people” – “Parents came and took away children who came to the Sinhala schools” – “LTTE would have trained them to attack security forces” – “Bomb they carried had exploded” – “among the restless crowd were relations of victims and tiger activists” were all slapped in without any proof or evidence
• Nowhere in the report is mentioned that according to the Medical Inquest, students had died from gunshot injuries in the head.
• The word “students” is only used once in the report. That too in the part where the report says they have been trained by the Tigers. All such inclusions have no source of information and are very sensationally written.
• The report says, “Tamil shops and institutes have been closed due to the hartal”. The implied message is that Sinhala and Muslim schools and shops had remained open. This is a false assumption.
• The report then says, Sinhala parents came and took away their children as the situation was unruly. This had been included to substantiate the earlier claim that only Tamil schools were closed which claim itself is false.
• In an attempt to cover the fact that the students had died of shooting in the head, the news report repeated SP Kapila Jayasekera’s quote that the deaths were due to the explosion of the bomb which they carried.
A comparison of the Lakbima coverage in relation to the incident as a whole
• From among all Sinhala, Tamil and English reports on the incident, Lakbima carries the most number of unqualified news snippets, with no proper sources of information.

Page 9
• The Editor/reporter ignores the fact that even the Army spokesperson denies a navy bus was to pass the place of the incident at that time. The inclusion of the news about the “navy bus” without any news source confirming it could therefore be a myth.
• The news reports do not provide any insight as to how the 05 youth who died were identified as “tiger members”. But the “tiger” label had been securely fixed on them.
• While all other newspapers identified the explosion as due to a hand bomb or grenade, Lakbima alone mentioned about an “improvised high explosive bomb”. The phrase “improvised high explosive bomb” is rarely used in defence reporting and this perhaps could be the first time it was used. The most probable assumption is that the Lakbima editorial coined such a phrase to substantiate the news, as it would never be believed a hand bomb could kill 05 persons, injuring 02 others.
• The restless, tensed situation that prevailed in the Trincomalee town on the following day, was reported as a “hartal declared by the LTTE for tiger youth who died”.
• The report implies that it was only Tamil people who joined the hartal and the Sinhala and Muslim people were thereby inconvenienced.
• Lakbima is the only newspaper that did not acknowledge the fact that the youth who died were students.
• Lakbima is the only newspaper that says 02 university students were trained by the LTTE. It is included more as a comment by the editorial.
• News on the situation that prevailed at the time of the inquest is reported with the statement “the behaviour of the relations of victims and LTTE activists was unruly” to justify the claims made in the Lakbima coverage of the incident.
rd Lakbima – 3
January, 2005
Five tigers die when the bomb they brought to attack the army exploded. Two critically injured, in hospital
Lakbima
Tigers lau and schoo
• Lakbim the dea to kno imposs to info where no acce It only pro important readers.

e o e ” d
s s n
losion as entioned he phrase y used in first time s that the bstantiate nd bomb
ed in the ported as ho died”. ople who ople were
nowledge
. niversity d more as
me of the aviour of s unruly” age of the
th Lakbima – 4
January, 2005:
Tigers launch hartal in Trincomalee. Civil life curtailed. Tamil shops and schools closed. Tensed atmosphere in town.
• Lakbima avoided any mention of the medical inquest into the deaths. This is a clear violation of the right of the reader to know the truth and details of information. It is impossible to assume that a newspaper, which had access to information regarding the atmosphere at the place where the medical inquest on the deaths was held, had no access to the verdict of the inquest. It only proves the newspaper had intentionally withheld all important information relevant to the incident from the readers.
Media Monitor 9

Page 10
Death of Thamil Selvam and Defence News Sources
Asoka Jayawardane
H
ow should journalists report a war? Should it depend on a single source? Should it be only one contending party? Or should both parties be used? Should independent sources be used too? In fact, good journalism uses all such sources for its coverage of war.
In a situation where such sources are not available, what could journalists do? Should they restrict themselves to information from government sources or the LTTE and present sketchy Let us study information this news. On as 21
truth, st
morning, unearthed a heavy by them?
blast was heard from a place in Mannar under LTTE control. The government security sources said it was from a bomb laid for a convoy of vehicles that was carrying a leader. They also said, it is suspected LTTE political section head Thamil
The state-owned Dinamina carried an essay on Tham page. This too implied that Thamil Selvam was dead the state carried the death of Thamil Selvam as their m
Selvam was in the convoy. The security sources informed those journalists who keep contact with them that the bomb was to target Thamil Selvam.
No newspaper queried as to how the security sources came to know the details.
The news that Thamil Selvam had died from the explosion, spread like wild fire, based on this information that had speculative. no Most witnesses, Sunday was (22
nd
not ) newspapers confirmed could and was only not carry this news. Therefore, the newspapers had one whole day to clarify the information and carry it on Monday. On the same day, the LTTE had denied the news.
In any war, the warring factions organize misinformation flows. In trying to get news across as soon as possible, journalists should be careful not to get caught in such misinformation. One step is to cross - check with the opposing party. And still, if the news has to be carried, it could be limited to confirmed facts.
10 Media Monitor
Other Side
While c created a h Selvam as along with Lakbim that accor leaders ha heavy exp
Divayin bomb blas died in the of Thamil incident, w showed T
Balasingh maintain t The sta Selvam’s p Thamil Se state carrie story.
Just lik media in t Selvam too Wouldn sorry abou readers wh

il Selvam
Sources
ried an essay on Thamil Selvam’s profile in its front amil Selvam was dead. Both TV channels owned by hamil Selvam as their main news story.
informed the bomb
y sources
from the formation was only not carry ole day to the same
formation possible, t in such opposing could be
Should it only one be used? act, good f war. ble, what selves to TTE and y them? avy blast ntrol. The omb laid der. They d Thamil
While covering this news the Lankadeepa newspaper created a headline story that suggested the death of Thamil Selvam as confirmed. This news story said 18 LTTE cadres along with 02 leaders had been confirmed dead.
Lakbima said an LTTE convoy was attacked, and added that according to information available 27 including tiger leaders had died. Accordingly, there had been not only a heavy explosion, but also an attack.
Divayina said – 17 Wanni Tigers had died from a heavy bomb blast. Unofficial reports indicate Thamil Selvam had died in the blast, it said. The implied news is that, the death of Thamil Selvam is certain. On the day following the incident, which is the day prior to the report, TV news showed Thamil Selvam walking along with Anton
Balasingham. Yet the Divayina defence writer opted to maintain that Thamil Selvam had died.
The state-owned Dinamina carried an essay on Thamil Selvam’s profile on its front page. This too implied that Thamil Selvam was dead. Both TV channels owned by the state carried the death of Thamil Selvam as their main news story.
Just like Prabhakaran who walked back to life after the media in the South killed him with the Tsunami, Thamil Selvam too walked back to life.
Wouldn’t the editors who fabricate such news stories feel sorry about themselves, even if they don’t feel sorry about readers who get fooled by their stories?

Page 11
Training Needed for Ethical Reporting
Upali Tennakoon
Are you satisfied with the way the media Code of Ethics, introduced by the Editors’ Guild, is being practised within media institutes?
This Code of Ethics was introduced by both the Editors’ Guild and the Press Complaints Commission. The Press Complaints Commission follows violations of this Code of Ethics in its workings. Most Editors are familiar with this Code of Ethics. Also, copies of this have been given to all media institutes. At the Editors’ Guild, no follow-up has been done to find out how journalists have been influenced by this. Publicity given to the Code of Ethics by other media institutes has generated an interest in the Code of Ethics among journalists.
There is a suggestion that the Editors’ Guild should amend the Code of Ethics every year. The Editors’ Guild is planning to appoint a Committee to study what needs to be included anew in the Code of Ethics and then take them for discussion.
All in all, there are journalists who are interested in and work according to this Code. There are also those who think a Code of Ethics is not necessary. All of them need attention. Its within that context that one could be satisfied with the practice of the Code of Ethics.
Do you think the media does not necessarily need a Code of Ethics?
How a Code of Ethics for the media is practised depends on the interest paid by journalists. Yet, any profession should have a Code of Ethics especially the media. Our media works for the country, for the people. For such work, a Code of Ethics is absolutely necessary.
Now with this national issue in our country, there is also a terrorist problem. There are people’s aspirations. Peace has to be promoted. So, journalists have to work very carefully.
Upali Tennakoon, the President of the Editors’ Guild and the Editor of Rivira newspaper, interviewed by Athula Vithange.
Govern go. Journa have to be and peopl Code of Et Provin times by should be Editors’ G
Provinc There are p Code of Et just write a
Governments, politicians and political parties come an behind them as stooges. They have to be very careful in and people’s safety. For all that, the media should hav
Competitio at the ma provincial according according the reader would de important. During Complain noted that Is this true That sit published is about pu of carrying Commissi decisions p negotiatio Isn’t th their own Attent journalists programm Institute. T hinder wo provide jo about, the

ed orting
of Ethics, ed within
e Editors’ he Press s Code of with this ven to all p has been enced by er media of Ethics
d should ’ Guild is eeds to be them for
ed in and who think attention. with the
ly need a
depends on should dia works Code of
ere is also Peace has carefully.
the
Governments, politicians and political parties come and go. Journalists should not go behind them as stooges. They have to be very careful in their work about state security and people’s safety. For all that, the media should have a Code of Ethics.
Provincial journalists claim that ethics are violated at times by those in media institutes and therefore they should be given a training. How do you react to this, as the Editors’ Guild?
Provincial journalists have at times told me about that. There are provincial journalists who work according to the Code of Ethics. But most look only for the news value. They just write and send what they have written to the main office.
olitical parties come and go. Journalists should not go ave to be very careful in their work about state security , the media should have a Code of Ethics.
Competition among newspapers is also a factor. The editorial at the main office should also look into the reports of provincial journalists. It is important that they are edited according to the code. Honestly, we have to strive to work according to the code and that needs training. Then not only the readers but also provincial journalists and editorial staff would develop credibility with the newspaper. That is important.
During a discussion between the FMM and the Press Complaint Commission, members of the Commission noted that editors generally don’t like to carry corrections. Is this true?
That situation has arisen at times. But often editors have published Press Complaints Commission decisions. The issue is about publishing a summary with the statement instead of carrying the whole statement. But the Press Complaints Commission should take the responsibility for getting their decisions published. These could actually be settled through negotiations with newspapers and that’s important.
Isn’t there a discussion within the Editors’ Guild, when their own Code of Ethics is being violated?
Attention is being paid to improving the skills of journalists, apart from amending the Code of Ethics. Such a programme is already being carried out through the Press Institute. The Editors’ Guild expects to remove obstacles that hinder work in an independent atmosphere and also to provide journalists with training on, and an understanding about, the Media Code of Ethics.
Media Monitor 11

Page 12
Ariyananda Dombagahawatte, Editor of the Sunday Lankadepa and a Trustee of the Free Media Movement, interviewed by Athula Vithanage
12 Media Monitor
There’s No Media without Ethics
Ariyananda Dombagahawatte
Isn’t there a code of ethics for the media now, formulated by The Editors’ Guild?
It’s true there is a code of ethics formulated by the Editors’ Guild. But as far as I know the journalists have not been made aware of it. We don’t find ethics being practised simply because they are formulated or because they were discussed here or there. It is also very doubtful whether editors themselves practise them in their own newspapers. I therefore feel ethics would have to be discussed broadly with journalists, before formulation. There is no point in giving them wide publicity, if they are not practised in our media. Therefore, a broad dialogue on this should be started within media institutes.
On the other hand, the Code of Ethics formulated by the Editors’ Guild is limited to the print media. This should extend to the electronic media too. There is a need to embrace the media, as a whole.
Is igno by journal
Those w And that is journalists reports on to heighten was a war aware how for their co on conflict Provin distorted how do yo
I don’t be a lie any those wit journalists reporters. a good for institutes c them. We t
But we h responsibi reports.
If there arisen. An reporters. promoted through tr breaching
Isn’t th reports are
There i that the ne it goes on c that is wr wrong and it is not mo because th has arisen We don’t often publ motivation news. This
As an editor, do you think the media should have a code of ethics?
My stand is that the media should have a code of ethics. For any society, there has to be a code of ethics. If there are no codes of ethics, the media will not survive. But that should be to keep the media moving forward and not to turn it round. We know that in the past society was disturbed by the media on many issues, as it did not have a code of ethics. In a war situation, our journalists did not know how to cover ethnic conflicts to restore a peaceful environment. A lot of damage was done due to that. Therefore, to improve the media field, there has to be a code of ethics.
It’s true there is a code of ethics formulated by the E know the journalists have not been made aware of i practised simply because they are formulated or b here or there. It is also very doubtful whether edito in their own newspapers.

dia
ve a code
of ethics. there are at should to turn it turbed by of ethics. to cover t. A lot of prove the
ics formulated by the Editors’ Guild. But as far as I t been made aware of it. We don’t find ethics being ey are formulated or because they were discussed doubtful whether editors themselves practise them
ia now,
e Editors’ een made d simply discussed r editors papers. I adly with in giving ur media. ed within
ted by the is should o embrace
a Trustee iewed by
Is ignorance on ethics, the only reason for their breach by journalists?
Those who enter the media don’t do so after a training. And that is a major reason for the breach of ethics. Also, some journalists do it quite unconsciously. It is quite evident when reports on the ethnic conflict are perused. Some reports tend to heighten ethnic divisions. During the immediate past, there was a war situation in the country. Our journalists are not aware how a war should be reported. The media is accused for their coverage on rape and child abuse. Lack of training on conflict reporting is another reason for the breach of ethics. Provincial reporters claim their factual reports get distorted after they reach the media office. As an editor, how do you see this?
I don’t accept that, but there are accusations. It couldn’t be a lie anyway. But that’s why I maintain it is better to train those within media institutes than training amateur journalists. That would be an answer to the provincial reporters. On the other hand, provincial reporters too need a good formal training. They also blunder at times. Media institutes cannot go after provincial reporters to supervise them. We too have problems when their reports affect people.
But we have to trust provincial reporters, we have a responsibility towards them and that’s why we publish their reports.
If there had been good training these errors wouldn’t have arisen. And in Sri Lanka, we don’t have full-time provincial reporters. They are mostly part-time reporters. It’s time we promoted them to full-time provincial reporters. It is only through trained people that we could solve the issue of breaching of ethics.
Isn’t there complaints against editors that erroneous reports are not corrected immediately?
There is a school of thought – quite ignorantly though – that the newspaper would lose its credibility and respect, if it goes on correcting news reports regularly. I personally feel that is wrong. We have a responsibility to accept what’s wrong and ask for forgiveness for having wronged. I think it is not morally right to avoid correcting something wrong, because the newspaper may lose its credibility. This situation has arisen due to shortcomings in how news is collected. We don’t have the habit of cross-checking news. News is often published on trust and due to friendship. There is no motivation to ask the other party for their comments on the news. This happens due to lack of awareness in our media.

Page 13
Do You Want Credibility as a Journalist? Stay away from party politics. And don’t do the politicians any favours
Johan Romare
redibility is the epicentre of good journalism as all other aspects of professional journalism spin around it. Even the best interviewer in the world, the most creative storyteller or the most thorough researcher is lost without credibility. If the public has little reason to trust the journalist, it doesn’t matter how good the story is, or how well it is presented. Without credibility journalism is dead.
So what gives credibility? A Sri Lankan journalist trained in the west some decades back remembered one of those catchy formulas that journalism handbooks are so fond of: a+b=c, meaning that accurate and balanced reporting creates credibility. True enough, as there are few things more damaging to journalism than badly checked “facts” and stories that are one- sided.
As a regional news editor some years back, I spent quite a number of hours on the phone with angry readers who had found inaccurate articles in the paper and argued that “if you can’t even get those simple facts correct, how can we trust your paper at all?”. Very often the inaccuracy was on minor fact like the spelling of names, which shows how important it is to check every statement in order to gain credibility. The same argument goes for balanced reporting. There is always more than one side of a story (and often more than two), and to remain credible we have to make sure that we include them.
But the formula a+b=c is not hundred per cent valid. Unfortunately, as it is quite a catchy one itis not enough to get your facts right and the story balanced to stay credible
as a journa well. And A prof public; no the NGOs of a journa accountab the stories that year interest gr being mega what journ But how C
I’ve met jo the board stay indep of the scou be perceiv
The key to be view thing. It is journalist scouting, e
The answer is simple. To be ac party politics is a no-go ar professional journalists. At l you want to stay credible. Cred is about trust, and who would a journalist who is also act politics?
difficult to this is the being a me
The an no-go area to stay cre trust a jou
What is away from have to ke difficult si with them
Some y regional p Swedish E
Johan Romare , Journalist and fojo representative to the Sri Lanka Press Institute.
each and e always op one issue o by as well, to cover th

as a journalist. To be credible you have to be independent as well. And you have to be perceived as independent.
A professional journalist is working on behalf of the public; not the politicians, not the private companies, not the NGOs and not the religious leaders. One of the main roles of a journalist is to make sure that those with power are held accountable to those with less power. And to make sure that the stories of those with less power are told. To be able to do that year after year, we have to be independent from all interest groups in the society. Otherwise, we might end up being megaphones of various interest groups, which is hardly what journalism is about.
But how far do you have to go in order to be independent? I’ve met journalists who are not even accepting a chair on nalism as
the board of their children’s scout associations in order to lism spin
stay independent. The argument goes like this: “If I’m part he world,
of the scout board, how can I write a story on scouting and esearcher
be perceived as independent?” reason to
The key word here is “perceived”. To be independent and e story is,
to be viewed as independent are not necessarily the same rnalism is
thing. It is possible, and highly likely, that a professional journalist can write a balanced and accurate story on ist trained
scouting, even if she is active in the scout movement. It is even possible, but quite unlikely, that the same swer is simple. To be active in politics is a no-go area for
journalist can write a balanced and accurate story on corruption in the scout ional journalists. At least if nt to stay credible. Credibility t trust, and who would trust
movement, and at the same time be part of it.
The question however is how the readers will perceive alist who is also active in ? a
nd don’t
the journalist. Will the readers trust the journalist who is writing on an organization he or she is part of? Hardly. We all know that it’s far more ders who
difficult to be objective of something you are part of. So if gued that
this is the case with the example on scouting what about w can we
being a member of a political party? cy was on
The answer is simple. To be active in party politics is a ows how
no-go area for professional journalists. At least if you want r to gain
to stay credible. Credibility is about trust, and who would reporting.
trust a journalist who is also active in politics? ften more
What is more complicated is that it’s not enough to stay sure that
away from party politics for a journalist. To stay credible we have to keep the politicians at arms length as well, which is ent valid.
difficult since we have to have a professional relationship nough to
with them to do our job. y credible
Some years back, I was the local correspondent for a regional paper, covering a small town on an island off the Swedish East coast. It was a fantastic job, since I reported on each and every aspect of life in town. My office door was
the
always open, and I had a lot of visitors coming by to discuss one issue or another. Of course, the local politicians dropped by as well, to share their latest ideas and try to persuade me to cover them.
Media Monitor 13
See page 22

Page 14
Sivaram
personal notes from the fatal day
I
was at home at Kurunagala after 12 continuous days in Colombo. My wife and I were about to go to bed, having watched a film with the family. It was around 10.45 p.m. when we switched off the TV.
My mobile phone rang. It was not unusual to get a call at that time of the night. The last such call also came from a journalist in Puttalam a day before Sinhala and Tamil New Year. On that occasion, a journalist had been remanded on charges of trespassing because he took photographs of a hotel being built by a powerful politician on the reservation of an important reservoir. The caller wanted the Free Media Movement (FMM) to phone the Inspector at the Head Quarters of the area police and also to release a press statement.
On this occasion, it was Buddhika on the other side of my phone. His voice was trembling, and through it came the fearful message. Sivaram had been abducted some 30 minutes ago. Buddhika is an FMM activist working part-time on monitoring freedom of expression violations. Journalists have known Buddhika as the point person of FMM to be contacted in any emergency.
The news of Sivaram’s abduction came as a huge shock. Sivaram alias Taraki has been known as a prominent voice in the Sri Lanka media landscape for well over a decade. He was one of the best politico-military commentators in the two-decade-old ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka, which began on account of unresolved grievances of the Tamil peoples in Sri Lanka, giving birth to one of the most talked about and ruthless armed struggles in Asia, led by Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).
Sivaram who hailed from a wealthy family in Eastern Sri Lanka dropped out from university to become a full-time cadre of the leftist radical Tamil militant group called PLOTE in the early '80s. He left the movement after some difficult years, got married and settled down in Colombo, and took to journalism. At the time of his death he was the senior member of the editorial board of Tamil Net.
Sivaram was a Tamil nationalist with leftist ideals and pushed limits of press freedom in the South of Sri Lanka by expressing, at times, hard line Tamil nationalism in his columns written for an English daily. Widely read and travelled, having first-hand experience in the political- military struggle for a separate Tamil homeland, Sivaram was intellectually challenging and politically threatening to many exponents of hardline Sinhala-Buddhist groups. He tested, in a way, the tolerance in media discourse by betting his life with the columns he wrote.
14 Media Monitor
Buddh abduction unleashed he took o published and good n taking pre personal s shot of arr Buddh where the two peace abducted h desperate
The ph FMM, Vic looking fo We de internation much as p make a com
FMM e possible an
Kusal P was too te contacted promised could get K
It was phone had parliamen By this that Sivara with incom to find out had been m
A prom to inform h Sivaram w The on complaint there, and to drive up police stat Finally Meanti urgent ale 11.15 p.m

Sivaram
from the fatal day
I
ntinuous
Buddhika himself, who phoned me to tell the story of out to go
abduction, had become the target of a hate campaign family. It
unleashed by extreme nationalist forces over photographs ed off the
he took of an anti-LTTE para - military group camp he published some two months ago. We all knew Siva as a friend et a call at
and good news source and used to ask him whether he was e from a
taking precautionary measures against known threats to his amil New
personal safety whenever we met over a glass of beer or a anded on
shot of arrack. of a hotel
Buddhika was at home, 12 km away from Colombo, tion of an
where the abduction took place. Prasantha and Kusal Perera, ee Media
two peace activists who were with Siva when he was forcibly the Head
abducted had phoned him. Buddhika in turn was making e a press
desperate calls around to see what FMM could do.
The phone rang without respite. The Convener of the er side of
FMM, Victor, also had got into the act, making calls and t came the
looking for any help. some 30
We decided to do two things: Inform local and part-time
international media organizations about the abduction as ournalists
much as possible, and inform his wife to see how we could M to be
make a complaint to the police.
FMM entrusted Buddhika to inform as many people as ge shock.
possible and to contact Sivaram’s house immediately. ent voice
Kusal Perera, who was with Siva at the time of abduction, ecade. He
was too terrified to come out of his hideout that night. We ors in the
contacted a Tamil parliamentarian and asked for help. He began on
promised to get a lawyer to go to Bambalapitiya police if we ples in Sri
could get Kusal Perera to give him an eye-witness account. bout and
It was a near impossibility, given that Kusal Perera’s Tigers of
phone had gone dead by that time. And to our dismay, the parliamentarian’s phone too went dead after midnight. astern Sri
By this time, the Colombo civil society had come to know full-time
that Sivaram had been abducted and our phones got jammed d PLOTE
with incoming calls. People who called Bambalapitiya police e difficult
to find out what had happened were told that no complaint and took
had been made to that effect. he senior
A prominent journalist who phoned the army commander to inform him about the incident had to explain to him who deals and
Sivaram was. Lanka by
The only option left was to get his wife to make a sm in his
complaint. Again it became difficult to get someone to go read and
there, and it was left to Buddhika and two fellow journalists political-
to drive up to Sivaram’s house by 12.30 to bring her to the , Sivaram
police station. atening to
Finally a complaint was made. oups. He
Meantime, I was at home sitting at my laptop sending an by betting
urgent alert to press freedom organizations worldwide. At 11.15 p.m there was an explosion, probably a transformer

Page 15
nearby going off and power went off. Working with candle light the first alert went out at 11.57 p.m. Batteries in my laptop and mobile were new, so I could work through the night.
For the next two hours my computer registered dozens of outgoing alerts to almost all international press freedom organizations. And they started to call back. The Committee to Protect Journalists, Reporters without Boarders, BBC Sinhala service, Article 19 were among them. Some of them knew Siva personally.
We were hoping that if we could generate enough pressure on whoever had abducted him there might be some chance of saving his life by the morning.
Calls kept coming asking for more information until dawn. As the sleepless night passed away Champika Liyanaarachchi from Daily Mirror called me at home around 7.00 to share in our helplessness in the face of the ongoing political killings. And to talk about Siva.
She called me 30 minutes later to tell me the news that we didn’t want to hear. She had overheard that a journalist doing the police roundup say something like a body had been found in the Talangama police area. She then saw him hang up. She got him to call back Talangama police to get it confirmed and breaking the news to me said “I hope it is not Sivaram”.
Within a few minutes Asanga, a colleague at CPA and Buddhika were at the scene. Then came the confirmation. They had shot him dead. Our second alert, which said that journalist Sivaram was found dead, was out at 8.27 am.
Another round of phone calls ensured, radio and television stations carried the news quoting our release and Talangama police called me at home to find out the source of our press release.
His body was released to the family by the police and funeral arrangements were decided by them.
A number of the most prominent international press freedom organizations issued releases condemning and protesting at his death. We too sent out our third release on Siva in just two days.
We felt that it was all over and decided to meet in Colombo to see how best we could pay our last respects. An
initiative w A poster w from FMM We bur ceremony. killings on the main s Next d Around a the Fort R gathering,
Vigil on world Press Freedom Day : Remem Journalists Killed. Photo by : Lakruwan W
Colomb The rep
of ab wa His dea live in.
We are on the web most soug tribute tha
sd

initiative ith candle
was already underway to organize a joint protest. ies in my
A poster was planned, slogans decided and invitations sent rough the
from FMM too.
We buried Siva in Batti on 2nd May 2005. It was a simple d dozens
ceremony. I spoke in Sinhala and appealed to stop all political freedom
killings on behalf of the Free Media Movement. That was ommittee
the main slogan we decided upon. ers, BBC
Next day was the International Press Freedom day. e of them
Around a thousand people gathered to protest in front of the Fort Railway Station, Colombo. It became an anti-war e enough
gathering, more than a press freedom gathering. Journalists, artists, writers, trade unionists, peace and human rights activists, alternative groups were all there. We displayed our placards, marched peacefully, shouted slogans and held a short meeting. On Sivaram’s name we showed that in order to defend the right to life, peace and democracy, we too could take over the streets, not just extremist groups. That was our tribute to Sivaram.
His killing shows that dark forces are out there lurking for the blood of dissenting voices. Sivaram was not just well known locally. His reputation as a knowledgeable and analytical journalist had spread internationally.
At the same time he was a traitor to some others. So he was killed.
The chronology of Free Media Movement’s Freedom of Expression report (3rd May 2004- 3rd May 2005) starts with this entry:
May 2004: Sri Lanka Police raided the Colombo home of journalist, Mr. Sivaram s Freedom Day : Remembering
Dharmeratnam (“Taraki”), a hoto by : Lakruwan Wanniarachchi
political affairs columnist for English and Tamil papers published from , was out
Colombo and a member of Tamilnet’s editorial board The report ends with this entry: adio and
April 28 2005, veteran Tamil journalist and editor lease and
of the Tamilnet website, D. Sivaram (Taraki) was he source
abducted and killed by unidentified gunmen while he was walking along the Galle Road in Colombo. olice and
His death is a grim reminder of times we journalists live in. nal press
We are back at work and read many articles of Sivaram ning and
on the web, where he has left his footprints. He edited the release on
most sought-after website on Sri Lanka and it is a fitting tribute that his memory lives on online. meet in pects. An
sd
Media Monitor 15

Page 16
Sri Lanka is a multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multi- cultural country. Its total population was 18.73 million at the time of the last census of 2001. Sinhalese are the largest ethnic community which accounts for roughly 75% of the population. Tamils account for 17% and Muslims 8% of the total population. No official statistics for the whole country is available because no census was done in the Northern Province for last twenty years.
Sri Lanka has been a country with conflictual relations within and between its two major ethnic groups for nearly five decades. Language is at the heart of the conflict from the mid 20th century onwards. This root cause contributed to the development of a full - blown war between the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).
Sinhala is the mother-tongue of the Sinhalese community, while Tamil is the lingua franca of the Tamil community as well as of the Muslim community. Sinhala and Tamil are State languages while English is considered a link language. No survey has been done to determine the English literacy rate among the population but it is considered to be around 10%.
After the independence from the British in 1948, Sinhala– Buddhist revivalism took a political form, which was starkly evident in the 1956 election victory of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). The SLFP came to power on the promise of making Sinhala the official language in 24 hours. Tamil as a language was ignored. Although the Sinhala Only Act was born as an ethno-nationalist response to the domination of English in the public service, the resulting alienation of the Tamil language created systematic institutional discrimination against the entire Tamil-speaking population. Only the Leftist parties had the foresight on the ethnic polarization that could be the result of the Sinhala Only Act. During the parliamentary debate on the Act it took the position of “one language – two countries, two languages one country”, which has sadly proved an accurate prediction at the time of the last few decades of Sri Lanka’s bloody history. Tamil grievances developed into a full-fledged Tamil nationalist movement for secession and autonomy, with language-based rights as one of the pillars of the movement. The Jaffna Youth Congress, probably the most forthright anti-colonialist movement in pre-independence Sri Lanka espoused the policy of two national languages, making the Sinhala language compulsory in Tamil-medium schools in the North. Leading figures in Colombo schools like Ananda
16 Media Monitor
National Languages, News Media and Peace
Sunanda Deshapriya
College su medium in in 1956 se multi-cultu
One no introduce on accoun
Thus, a was not a cultural po society wh each other polarized with the T corner in t instance, Parliament and conve since 1977 has had th them we Lamentabl language p
A resea shows that ethnic com and the nu Muslim yo
Language Sri Lan the promi electronic language T or private stations the (one state, the radio s The m Colombo. and three eight week But there a heart of th circulation One da areas of th and a TV p Tamil lang
It is obv lines. Sinh in Tamil. T in Sinhala. as well, wi media, wh Sri Lanka oriented. S project par Sinhala ma

ws ce
nd multi- million at he largest 5% of the 8% of the e country Northern
relations for nearly flict from ributed to een the ion Tigers
mmunity, unity as Tamil are language. h literacy e around
, Sinhala– as starkly Freedom romise of amil as a y Act was ination of ion of the itutional pulation. the ethnic Only Act. took the anguages rediction ’s bloody ged Tamil my, with ovement. forthright Sri Lanka aking the chools in e Ananda
College supported the same policy by introducing the Tamil- medium in their schools. Unfortunately, the Sinhala only Act in 1956 severely mitigated these valuable experiments in multi-culturalism.
One notes the efforts of the Government of Sri Lanka to introduce Tamil as a national language in 1957 which failed on account of the opposition by Sinhala nationalist groups. Thus, as a result of the one-language policy, Sri Lanka was not able to develop a multi-lingual educational and cultural policy that would have resulted in the creation of a society which better understands and communicates with each other. Unfortunately, what we have today are two- polarized and mono-lingual language communities. Along with the Tamil language, English as well was pushed into a corner in the public educational system until recently. For instance, it is almost impossible to find a Member of Parliament from the Sinhala community who can understand and converse in Tamil. Neither a single Executive President since 1977 nor a single Prime Minister since Independence has had the ability to speak the Tamil language, since all of them were from the majority Sinhala community. Lamentably, Sri Lanka never had anything akin to the three- language policy in India.
A research conducted among the youth in Sri Lanka (2001) shows that only 5% of Sinhala youth have friends from other ethnic communities, the number of Tamil youth being 14% and the number of Muslim youth being 22%. Tamil and Muslim youth speak the same language.
Language and mainstream media
Sri Lanka has media in all three languages, Sinhala being the prominent medium especially when it comes to the electronic media. There is no full-time terrestrial Tamil language TV channel from either the state-controlled media or private media, based out of Sri Lanka. Out of eight TV stations there are only two part-time Tamil language channels (one state, one private). The same is to some extent true for the radio stations as well.
The mainstream media is mainly concentrated in Colombo. There are four Sinhala dailies, four Tamil dailies and three English dailies published in Colombo. There are eight weekend Sinhala papers, four English and four Tamil. But there are four Tamil dailies and weeklies in Jaffna, the heart of the Northern Peninsula of Sri Lanka, where the circulation of Colombo-based newspapers is minimal.
One daily newspaper is published by the LTTE in the areas of the Vanni held by them. They have a radio station and a TV production house. The LTTE runs its English and Tamil language Peace Secretariat website from Vanni.
It is obvious that Sri Lankan media is divided on ethnic lines. Sinhala-owned media establishments do not publish in Tamil. Tamil-owned news establishments do not publish in Sinhala. This is also more or less true for electronic media as well, with the exception of one large media group. State media, which constitutes the largest media establishment in Sri Lanka, is neither independent nor public-service - oriented. State media is oftentimes used by politicians to project parochial agendas. As the state power rests with the Sinhala majority in a majoritarian parliamentary system, all

Page 17
powerful state media have been under Sinhala ideological and political domination for the last 30 years.
As the Report of the Committee to Advise on the Laws affecting Media Freedom and Freedom of Expression (1995) notes, there is currently no equitable balance between the three language services of the state media. The report states:
“Disparity in the service provided in the two official languages, is no mere technical denial of the constitutional rights but a serious deficiency in the process of trying to build a just and harmonious society. It is necessary that the law also articulate the principle that the state-run or public-funded media should at every level of its activities recognise and reflect the multi-ethnic, plural nature of our society and the issue of language rights.”
Another disturbing development is that, in the recent past, Tamil-speaking Muslims have started to look for their own media, mainly because of the bias in the mainstream Tamil language media. Within the same language group, political differences between the Tamil and Muslim communities as writ large in the issues of representation at the official peace talks, have started to manifest themselves in the media.
Prime Minister Bandaranaike addressing crowds gathered in support of Sinha
Sri Lan to sets of in colour the Though S separates widening, rest. An a demonstra mistakes. difference meaningfu to the surf
Communi There i the govern to comme society or licenses to radio coul public inte political an

eological
the Laws ion (1995) tween the ort states:
wo official stitutional f trying to essary that tate-run or s activities l nature of
cent past, their own am Tamil , political unities as cial peace
edia.
ed in support of Sinhala only Act, 1956.
Sri Lankan newspapers of the three language media cater to sets of individuals who live in language silos that, in turn, colour their appreciation of national and world events. Though Sri Lanka is geographically small, the gulf that separates these language groups appears to be ever- widening, particularly between the Tamil readership and the rest. An analysis of the reportage of the North-East war demonstrates that these differences are not day-to-day mistakes. They are a reflection of deep ideological differences. For any lasting solution to the ethnic crisis to be meaningful these ideological differences need to be brought to the surface and addressed openly.
Community media
There is no real community radio in Sri Lanka although the government has been very liberal with issuing licenses to commercial establishments. For the last 25 years, civil society organizations/universities have been waiting for licenses to start community radio stations. The community radio could have been a powerful example of serving the public interest of communities cutting across ethnic, cultural, political and religious barriers. For example, with its relative
Media Monitor 17
See Page 28

Page 18
First, we have to adopt a simple principle: Change Begi ourselves. We have to embrace within ourselves the service values of journalism.
Speech by Christopher Warren at Journalists Conference at Tholangamuwa. Warren is the President of the International Federation of Journalists.
18 Media Monitor
What Should Journalists Do?
Christopher Warren
S
ometimes, as journalists, we spend a bit too much time complaining about how we’re treated. What we need to do is less complaining and more action. We all know there is much in our media for us to be concerned at.
Here in Sri Lanka, a recent poll showed that 87 per cent of Sri Lankan journalists believe that the media is failing to provide accurate, balance and fair information. About 80 per cent believe the media is biased to one ethnic group or another.
This demonstrates a profound failure of confidence in ourselves. If we aren’t confident in what we do, how can we expect the communities we serve to have confidence in us? Our challenge is to reclaim the media for the values of journalism, to create a media space that we can work in, that encourages the practice of independent ethical journalism.
That battle to reclaim the media takes place on four fronts.
Change begins with me
First, we have to adopt a simple principle: Change Begins with me. We need to change ourselves. We have to embrace within ourselves the ethical principles, the public service values of journalism.
It’s a truism that within Sri Lanka, society is excessively and unnecessary politicized, both between and within ethic and religious groups. As journalists, we are expected to take sides, to align ourselves with this group or that. And our work is expected to reflect that alignment.
As individuals, of course, we bring our views and opinions to our work. But that doesn’t mean we have to make the transition to biased political partisanship.
We need to place the principles of our craft over politics. Those principles are simple. They can be summed up in one word: Respect — Respect for truth. Respect for the public’s right to know. Respect for the views of others.
We do our communities no favours when we mislead or when we conceal.
That’s why, as journalists, each of us as individuals needs to accept our individual responsibility to: – Commit to democracy, pluralism and tolerance
– Strive f – Be accu By inte journalisti properly f and within Learning a
The sec Journal and educat in dealing need to u educated i serve.
We nee the techno This re commit ti informal. T keeping up

rnalists Do?
uch time t we need e all know
at. 7 per cent failing to out 80 per group or
idence in w can we nce in us? values of rk in, that rnalism. ur fronts.
principle: Change Begins with me. We need to change e within ourselves the ethical principles, the public
ge Begins embrace ic service
cessively ithin ethic ed to take And our
iews and e to make
r politics. ed up in ct for the hers.
islead or
als needs
e
alists is the n of
– Strive for quality – to do the very best we can – Be accurate, balanced and honest – all the time
By internalizing within ourselves the principles of journalistic independence in everything we do, we can properly fight for journalistic autonomy within the media and within society. Learning and growing
The second front is professional development. Journalism is a skilled craft. It requires continued training and education for us to keep up to standard. We need training in dealing with the challenges that society throws at us. We need to understand if we are to inform. We need to be educated if we, in turn, are to educate the communities we serve.
We need training in the skills of journalism, particular as the technological revolution is transforming those skills.
This requires a commitment from us as journalists to commit time and energy to training – both formal and informal. That is, through courses, through reading, through keeping up to date.

Page 19
that It requires a commitment from employers to provide the
we se time and funding for training and development. And it
Asia. requires them to respect the knowledge that we have.
Yet, th And it requires a commitment from society through
intimidatio governments to provide the infrastructure for training.
different p The responsibility of employers
political fo Third, we need respect and autonomy from our
press freed employers – both private and government.
What w This means they need to recognize the independence of
principles journalists to carry out their job. They need to recognize the
“I disagree values of our craft.
for your ri This means that there are times when journalists – either
The pa individually or collectively – will disagree with their
intimidatio employer. There will be times when a journalist’s ethics will
the murde clash with something their employer wants them to do.
taken it to Employers need to accept that this is a necessary price they
Of cour pay for quality journalism.
there is no Although this principle is easy to grasp, it is not one that
words from many employers naturally embrace. It can result in conflict
we should and disagreement when employers fail to accept that
those word journalistic independence also means independence from our
It seem employer.
killing them That’s why the IFJ encourages agreed documents on
The le editorial independence that spell out the rights and the
responsibi obligations of editorial staff – to our principles, our
They need communities and our employers.
We need to place the principles of our craft over poli Those principles are simple. They can be summed in one word: Respect — Respect for truth. Respect the public’s right to know. Respect for the view others.
And it’s why employers need to recognize the rights of
and democ journalists to come together collectively in independent trade
spoils of o unions that can collectively bargain on both professional and
Change be industrial issues.
Just as These challenges are exacerbated when the employer is
begins wit also the government. That’s why in government-owned
Employ media organizations, public service values have to be
political fo incorporated into charters that transform state-run media into
own voliti public service media.
to force ch Governments must recognize that state-owned media are,
That’s a in truth, held in trust for the public, not for the benefit of the
the world. government of the day.
That’s What about political forces?
together to The fourth front of struggle is with the political forces.
of journal A climate of true freedom requires a commitment by all
organizati political forces – both within government and without – to
of Journali the principles of press freedom.
Here in At one level, Sri Lankan journalists are fortunate that they
action amo have never had to endure the sort of absolutist repression

that ovide the
we see in too many countries in Asia, including south t. And it
Asia. ave.
Yet, there has been never-ending harassment and through
intimidation by political forces, including governments of ning.
different political parties. Indeed, over the decades too many political forces have given the impression that they consider rom our
press freedom to be simply the freedom to agree with them. What we need rather is to entrench within society the ndence of
principles of that great French journalist Voltaire who said: gnize the
“I disagree with what you say, but I will fight to the death for your right to say it.” ts – either
The past few months have seen this harassment and ith their
intimidation move to a new level. Indeed, we can say that ethics will
the murder of Sivaram Dharmaretnam earlier this year has m to do.
taken it to a new, vastly more violent level. price they
Of course, words are one thing and deeds another. But there is no doubt that we have heard too many threatening t one that
words from too many political leaders. And in this climate, in conflict
we should not be surprised that some have decided to turn cept that
those words into deeds. from our
It seems too short a step from threatening journalists to killing them. ments on
The leaders of all the political movements have a s and the
responsibility for leading Sri Lanka back from this abyss. ples, our
They need to recognize that entrenching a culture of a free
les of our craft over politics. . They can be summed up pect for truth. Respect for Respect for the views of
rights of
and democratic society is more important that the transitory dent trade
spoils of office. sional and
Change begins with us
Just as change begins with each of us as individuals, it ployer is
begins with us as a collective. nt-owned
Employers, governments controlling state-owned media, ve to be
political forces.....none of them are going to change of their edia into
own volition. They will change because of what we can do to force change. edia are,
That’s as true in Sri Lanka as it is in every country around efit of the
the world.
That’s why journalists in almost every country come together to form independent trade unions and associations l forces.
of journalists and media workers. And that’s why those ent by all
organizations come together in the International Federation thout – to
of Journalists – the global voice of journalists.
Here in Sri Lanka there are strong roots for collective that they
action among journalists. The survival of the Sri Lankan epression
See page 22
Media Monitor 19

Page 20
Unethical Commercial Ads That Promote Racketeers
Jayantha Gamage
Advertisements are a crucia sector that contributes to th continued existence of medi institutions.
money ord the applic
If we se the press authoritat small room of a subur weekend n T
he media’s mission is to expose fraud and corruption. This is a revelation of deeds of some racketeers who manoeuvre media to further their ends.
unsuspect from each million ru abandon t “Sir I am a government pensioner. My daughter who has
For ins passed the A/L Exam applied for a job in response to an
an adverti advertisement that appeared in the “Silumina”. According to
to be tra the advertisement, the job existed in the computer field, and
establishm the applicant was required to send Rs. 750 to get qualified to
centers - sit for a written test. We sent a money order to the value of the
advertisem stipulated amount and waited for a reply. Nearly a month
each appli elapsed without any response from that end.
rupees. Th “Finally, I traced the address to a small room in a back
Welawatte alley of Mahara, Kadawata. It had a light board which read
to be sent “International education consultation’”. When questioned the
the officer occupant of the room about the appointment I was asked to
by a journ wait for another month. So I waited without success. Then I
away with went there again to find the office was gone. Sir, why do you
Rs. 2.8 mi allow such racketeers to use national papers to deceive the
custody. public?
In resp This was a complaint made to the Silumina Editor by a
Programm government pensioner. Extortion of money by racketeers
money ch through placing advertisements in the print and electronic media is a longstanding practice in this country. Of late, this has assumed large proportions. Despite constant exposures by the newspapers they themselves have not rejected the acceptance of such fraudulent advertisements.
Advertisements are a crucial sector that contributes to the continued existence of media institutions. Numerically
collected f increasing newspapers and electronic media channels make
400 millio way for a fierce competition among themselves to receive
None advertisements.
employme However, the absence of a constructive policy in accepting
by the Silu advertisements is a grave misconduct on the part of media
Tech Sri L institutions. Prevailing unemployment in the country provides
affected ch fertile ground for racketeers, who promise young people
protection employment opportunities as teacher trainees, computer
grabbing p assistants and so on.
When When advertising these racketeers take care to give their
inserted in organizations some resemblance of a government institution.
to ascertai “Programme for the institution of local educational and
other plac training canters - 2003 and The foundation for the
Therefore, development of international educational consultation and
Althou management” are two examples.
the countr They insert a half or quarter page advertisements in
vocational newspapers, promising attractive wages and other benefits
interest in for successful applicants. Once a reply is received from a job
the media seeker he is promptly informed by return post to send in a
20 Media Monitor

ercial Ads cketeers
ertisements are a crucial r that contributes to the inued existence of media tutions.
money order to the value of Rs. 500, 1,000, or 1,500 along with the application.
If we set out responding to an advertisement appearing in the press, to trace the office of an institution with an authoritative title attached to it, we would certainly find a small room hidden somewhere in an insignificant back alley of a suburb. An advertisement of this nature appearing the weekend national press could attract thirty to forty thousand, unsuspecting job seekers. If a sum of Rs. 500 were collected rruption.
from each applicant the bogus job provider could easily grab15 eers who
million rupees. Once the money orders are cashed he would abandon the temporarily rented room and disappear. who has
For instance, the Silumina newspaper of 01.06.03, carried nse to an
an advertisements calling applications from youth wishing ording to
to be trained as teachers under the programme for field, and
establishment of local educational research and training alified to
centers - 2003. 28000, persons had responded to the lue of the
advertisement, for which a fee of Rs. 200 was charged from a month
each applicant. Money thus collected amounted to 5.6 million rupees. The transaction had taken place in a small room in in a back
Welawatte, obtained for rent temporarily. Money orders were hich read
to be sent to be cashed at the Wellawatte post office. When ioned the
the officers of the fraud bureau, following an exposure made asked to
by a journalist raided the place, racketeers had already got ss. Then I
away with a large sum of money in the form of cash. A sum of y do you
Rs. 2.8 million collected from applicants, still lies in judicial ceive the
custody.
In response to a recent large-scale advertisement entitled itor by a
Programme for 15000 computer scholarships, the amount of acketeers
money channeled to the Kollupitiya post office stood at Rs.
3.3 million.
An extensive publicity campaign launched through electronic and print media announced that the reputed Tech Sri Lanka Institute had planned to establish 8,000 computer centres to provide 48,000 job opportunities while the Varuna Group and Infortech Institutes would provide 19,500 and 59,450 job opportunities, respectively. Thus the amount of money they erically
collected from the unemployed youth in the country exceeded els make
400 million rupees. o receive
None of these Institutions provided anybody with employment. Even after this large seal racket was exposed accepting
by the Silumina, they still resort to continue this deception. of media
Tech Sri Lanka Institute, in the pretext of helping Tsunami- provides
affected children used fraudulently the name of national child g people
protection authority to camouflage its large-scale money- omputer
grabbing project.
When a customer who brings an advertisement to be give their
inserted in a newspaper is questioned by the media institution stitution.
to ascertain the genuineness of the facts stated therein, he has onal and
other places to go and get his job done without any difficulty. for the
Therefore, no media institution would question a customer. tion and
Although computer training centers in thousands exist in the country, not a single one has got itself registered with the ments in
vocational training authority. Nor does the authority take any r benefits
interest in enforcing legal requirements. The same is true with rom a job
the media institution when accepting advertisements. send in a

Page 21
Sri Lankan Women Journalists Call for Gender Equity in Media
Laxmi Murthy
T
he small coastal town of Beruwala in Sri Lanka witnessed a historic Summit of women journalists on 13th and 14th March. More than 70 women journalists representing the Federation of Media Employees Trade Unions (FMETU), Sri Lanka Working Journalists’ Association (SLWJA), Free Media Movement, Sri Lanka
Participa Tamil Media Alliance (SLTMA) and the Sri Lanka Muslim Media Forum (SLMMF) came together to discuss issues of concern.
The Summit was organized by Sri Lanka’s Centre for Policy Alternatives in conjunction with the Voices of Reconciliation Program with the assistance of Canada’s Institute for Media, Policy and Civil Society (IMPACS) through funding from CIDA and Ausaid, and with the support of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ).
Delivering the opening address, Jacqueline Park, Asia- Pacific Regional Director of the IFJ emphasized that journalists’ unions at national, regional and global level have a responsibility to address gender inequity. Equal access to promotion, to employment and to assignments, is the hot button issue for women journalists the world over, she said. Highlighting the crucial role of the journalist organizations, Park said, “Women journalists are aware that because their movement has been successful in many areas there is the danger that journalists’ unions may feel that enough has been done to ensure equality in media even though inequalities remain,” she said.
Park pointed out that in order for journalists’ organizations to improve the conditions for women journalists, they often have to reform their own structures — to ensure female representation in the union’s policy- making and governing bodies. “Our unions need to be open to women – and to do this they must also consider their internal policies. If unions can establish gender equality internally, within the organization, it is far more likely to have success promoting gender issues externally,” said Park. “Taking simple steps to make it easier for women to be involved are necessary. For example, holding family-friendly union meetings on a Saturday in a park, rather than at night during the week, when many women will be required at home with children,” added Park.
Laxmi Murthy, Journalists and the South Asia Coordinator, IFJ
In “Inv Women in t the IFJ ou representa some sugg that follow and Sri La The int Women i participant Dissanaya sexual ha repeatedly “sexual f privileges or seniority who migh understan excluded w
Laxmi M in Media, aims to p informatio awareness justice with on sexual h Court of I journalists in Sri Lank
Group equity issu of import priorities; that emerg professio harassmen environme access to developm Of Gender

Gender
Sri Lanka ournalists 0 women mployees urnalists’ ri Lanka
Participant of the Female Journalists Conference a Muslim issues of
In “Invisible or Too Visible: The Parodoxical Portrayal of Women in the Media”, Laxmi Murthy, Program Manager with entre for
the IFJ outlined some of the issues with the skewed oices of
representation of women in the mass media, and put forth Canada’s
some suggestions to redress the imbalance. The discussion IMPACS)
that followed revealed many common concerns for Indian with the
and Sri Lankan women journalists. ists (IFJ).
The interactive session “In conversation with Sri Lankan ark, Asia-
Women in Media” saw a lively discussion between ized that
participants and senior women journalists, including Nishani level have
Dissanayake, Hana Ibrahim and Thewa Gowry. Besides l access to
sexual harassment at the workplace, a concern that is the hot
repeatedly cropped up was the issue of what was termed , she said.
“sexual favouritism”, or women employees gaining urnalist
privileges on the basis of sexual favours rather than on merit ware that
or seniority. The discussion moved from condemning women any areas
who might take such a path to upward mobility, to feel that
understanding the power dynamics at workplaces that edia even
excluded women from positions of power.
Laxmi Murthy, also a member of the Network of Women rnalists’
in Media, India, presented the work of the Network, which r women
aims to provide a forum for women in media to share tructures
information and resources, exchange ideas, promote media ’s policy-
awareness and ethics, and work for gender equality and o be open
justice within the media and society. The Vishakha guidelines ider their
on sexual harassment at the workplace issued by the Supreme equality
Court of India in 1997, and its implications for women likely to
journalists were also discussed. The need for such legislation said Park.
in Sri Lanka emerged as a pressing need. en to be
Group discussions on issues such as: The key gender y-friendly
equity issues for journalists in Sri Lanka; priorities in order n at night
of importance; barriers or obstacles to achieving these quired at
priorities; a strategy and action plan to achieve them. Issues that emerged were familiar concerns for all women media professionals: lack of access to promotions, sexual harassment, verbal abuse, rumour-mongering, hostile work environment, lack of security for night shifts and lack of access to professional training and avenues for skill development.The journalists present endorsed the “Charter Of Gender Equality For Media and Journalism in Sri Lanka”.
See Page 22
Media Monitor 21

Page 22
22 Media Monitor
Promoting Gender Equality.... Continued from page 5
likely to have success in promoting gender issues externally. Like the situation of women in the media workplace, increased numbers of women in influential roles within a media union will further encourage the advocacy of women’s rights in the media. Unions should actively pursue women as valuable advocates for change in order to gain as much support as possible.
How can we make our unions more representative of both women and men? Taking simple steps is necessary to make it easier for women to be involved, for example, holding family- friendly union meetings on a Saturday in a park, rather than at night during the week, when many women will be required at home with children.
Some unions establish women’s committees that guarantee time and energy are dedicated to the promotion of gender rights, regardless of other preoccupations within the union.
Similarly, some unions ensure that a minimum number of women are on the board or executive positions of the organization. For example, the rules of my own union in Australia require that one-third of the decision-making positions are filled by women. Similarly, the IFJ requires that one-third of participants to IFJ workshops and trainings are filled by women. (Speech by Jacqueline Park at the Female Journalists Conference at Beruwala at March 2006.)
Do You Want Credibility as a Journalist?... Continued from page13
One day, one of the local politicians burst into my office with an election poster in his hand. “Machan” he said, “this is the first poster printed for the upcoming local elections, isn’t that a good story!”
Obviously he wanted some free publicity for his campaign. And obviously he was asking me for a favour, using a friendly approach. The man was quite influential in town, and was in a position to do me one or two favours if I had asked him. But my answer was no, since I saw no public interest in his poster. It would have been easy for me to publish a picture of the poster with a short caption. It would have kept the politician happy, and it would probably have made it easier for me to cover his campaign later on. (And it would have helped me to ask him for a favour if I had wanted to). But I refused to do him the favour, which made him leave the office a bit annoyed.
While he left the office annoyed, I remained with my credibility. What to publish and what not to publish is an independent editorial decision. If editorial decisions are made as favours to politicians, credibility is lost. And that is the end of journalism.
Sri Lankan Women... Continued from page 21
The charter sets out the minimum standards, principles and actions needed to underpin gender equity in the media in Sri Lanka and outlines a practical program of action to support the achievement of equality in media workplaces, journalists’
What Shou Continued
Working J journalists of Media E all media w ment to de and Musli from mino The str for many jo worked to and journa Yet, we to think h organically
We nee from any o will engag We nee along eth pluralism And w excluded f powerless missing ou But it is pr about how journalisti So, wh This h opportun weaknesse This, in a society th for the pub
So we That’s why focus we c we can cam
More th It provides It makes c makes cle countries’
It’s a b journalists for us.
(Speech Tholangam
organizati please clic The co divides th political li history. Fo to achieve

xternally. orkplace, n a media n’s rights s valuable pport as
e of both o make it g family- er than at quired at
uarantee der rights,
umber of s of the union in positions one-third filled by ournalists
t?...
my office d, “this is ions, isn’t
ampaign. a friendly d was in a him. But is poster. ure of the politician for me to ped me to to do him
oyed. with my lish is an are made is the end
ciples and Sri Lanka port the rnalists’
What Should Journalists Do? ..... Continued from page 18
Working Journalists Association as the largest organization of journalists. The collective trade union action of the Federation of Media Employees Trade Unions in defending the rights of all media workers. The campaigning of the Free Media Move- ment to defend and extend press freedom. The work of the Tamil and Muslim organizations in advancing rights of journalists from minority communities.
The strength of this diversity provides avenues for activity for many journalists. And I know these organizations have often worked together in a true spirit of solidarity for press freedom and journalists’ rights.
Yet, we have to acknowledge that we can do more. We need to think how to strengthen the links both practically and organically.
We need to recognize that too many journalists stand aloof from any of these organizations. We need to think of steps that will engage the entire journalistic community.
We need to admit that too many journalists remain divided along ethnic and religious lines. As a craft committed to pluralism and tolerance, we need to bring journalists together. And we need to acknowledge that too many journalists are excluded from these structures. In fact, it is the poorest and most powerless provincial journalists who are most likely to be missing out. Collectivism enables the strong to help the weak. But it is precisely here that we are failing and we need to think about how to link provincial journalists in the all-island journalistic community.
So, where do we go from here? This historic meeting gives Sri Lankan journalists an opportunity to build on our strengths to address these weaknesses.
This, in turn, provides the means to encourage and promote a society that embraces our core beliefs: respect for truth, respect for the public’s right to know and respect for each other.
So we need to agree on precisely what it is we agree on. That’s why a combined declaration is important. It provides a focus we can build our strength around, a shared set of beliefs we can campaign around.
More than testing journalism, it provides a test for Sri Lanka. It provides a template for a free media in a democratic society. It makes clear what we hold ourselves to as journalists. And it makes clear what we expect from our employers and the countries’ political forces.
It’s a big challenge. But there is one thing we know as journalists: if we don’t do it for ourselves, no-one else will do it for us.
(Speech by Christopher Warren at Journalists Conference at Tholangamuwa on September 2005.)
organizations and the media itself. To view the full charter please click (www. voicesofpeace.lk)
The coming together of women journalists across ethnic divides that for decades have fractured Sri Lanka’s social and political life, was an unprecedented landmark in the island’s history. Forging unity as professionals and working collectively to achieve gender equity were indeed encouraging.

Page 23
Change Begins with You
Mike Dobbie
hy would a newspaper gloat over the death and destruction of the Boxing Day Tsunami? The day after the disaster, one Sri Lankan paper carried a story that boasted the headline “Huge Damage to Tigers - 1200 Sea Tigers Perish”.
The story gleefully reported the impact of the waves on military camps in areas of eastern and northern Sri Lanka controlled by the Liberation Tamil Tigers of Ealam (a February 2002 cease - fire agreement has halted two decades of war).
The story appeared within hours of 31,000 Sri Lankans being killed and 443,000 made homeless. Not only was the
While two political ra on the new security g coverage o Movemen that favou
Bias isn Sri Lanka’s W
stories cite are highly
Sri Lan survey co Federation to Peace, 8 country’s m informatio biased to cent of jou complaini
A lack half of Sri L
A lack of journalist training is part of the problem. Onl are aware of their professional code of ethics; barely 11 and less than five per cent have never received ethics t
story repugnant, it was likely wrong. The Tigers claimed only six of its personnel had been killed in the tsunami. While the truth is not known, and certainly wasn’t sought in the reporting, inflammatory stories like this demonstrate the gulf between partisan propaganda and credible journalism.
As the country tries to rebuild itself from the civil war and the tsunami’s destruction, misleading and sensationalist reporting hampers these efforts. And despite the cease-fire, ethnic, political and religious chauvinism still results in death. On April 29, Sivaram Dharmeratnam, 46, a senior editorial board member of Tamilnet.com was found shot dead in Colombo, hours after unidentified men had abducted him from a restaurant. On August 12, journalist Relangi Selvarajah and her husband were killed by unknown gunmen in a daylight attack. Relangi worked for the government- owned Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation (SLBC). Two weeks later, the security guard at Tamil newspaper Sudaroli’s printing press was killed when grenades were hurled at the door of the building. Journalist Iliya Abdulla, proofreader Kamalanathan and a visitor were injured.
In just one week during the election campaign for a new national president, there were three attacks on journalists.
Mike Dobbie, former managing editor of shares magazine (Fairfax). He recently spent three months in Sri Lanka under the Asia Alliance program, supported by the Myer Foundation.
code of eth less than fi
Slowly change. In including came toge members culture an includes a
The cha rests with for drawin establish regulation currently u journalist.
The me freedom o association complaints single nati editorial in and privat The jou Coinciden in Sri Lank owned me the quality initiated to

ith You
eath and ? The day carried a o Tigers -
waves on Sri Lanka Ealam (a o decades
i Lankans y was the
imed only While the ht in the te the gulf lism. civil war sationalist ease-fire, s in death. r editorial t dead in cted him Relangi n gunmen ernment- BC). Two Sudaroli’s led at the oofreader
for a new urnalists.
While two incidents were assaults on TV crews covering political rallies, a more bizarre act was the alleged assault on the news director of the SLBC by its chairman’s own security guards, following a heated debate over SLBC’s coverage of the campaign. According to the Free Media Movement, SLBC’s news director had ensured a coverage that favoured the ruling party’s presidential candidate.
Bias isn’t confined to election campaigns. Monitoring of Sri Lanka’s media shows that more than half of all newspaper stories cite only one source and both Sinhala and Tamil press are highly selective in the sources they use.
Sri Lanka’s journalists know the score. According to a survey conducted in mid-2004 for the International Federation of Journalist’s (IFJ) research report On the Road to Peace, 87 per cent of Sri Lanka’s journalists believe the country’s media fails to provide accurate, balanced and fair information. Four out of five journalists believe the media is biased to one ethnic group or another. Worse still, 80 per cent of journalists don’t believe what sources tell them, complaining that they are no accurate or reliable.
A lack of journalist training is part of the problem. Only half of Sri Lanka’s journalists are aware of their professional
art of the problem. Only half of Sri Lanka’s journalists ode of ethics; barely 11 per cent have a copy of the code never received ethics training.
code of ethics; barely 11 per cent have a copy of the code and less than five per cent have never received ethics training.
Slowly though, Sri Lankan journalists are working for change. In November, five leading journalist associations, including those representing Tamil and Muslim journalists, came together to sign a media charter committing their members to developing a democratic and pluralist media culture and to protect their professional rights. The charter includes a two-year action timetable.
The charter notes that responsibility for ethical conduct rests with media professionals “who should be responsible for drawing up codes of ethical conduct and who should establish credible and accountable systems of self- regulation”. However, the existing code of conduct is currently under review by a panel that includes only one journalist.
The media charter also demands legal guarantees for freedom of expression, press freedom and freedom of association. It seeks the creation of an independent media complaints commission, freedom of information laws, and a single national body for journalists. The charter also wants editorial independence protected by agreements with state and private media.
The journalist associations’ commitment is not isolated.
azine ths in gram,
Coincidentally, a public campaign for public service values in Sri Lankan media has begun, aimed at uncoupling state- owned media from direct political control and improving the quality of journalism. And a prize program has been initiated to promote journalistic excellence.
See Page 30
Media Monitor 23

Page 24
Under the Endless W
Anuru
1
24 2
Media Monitor

Under the Endless War
Anuruddha Lokuhapuarachchi / REUTERS
01 - Woman crying near the coffin of 16 years old Tamil boy Pukiyarasu Baskaran, at the Kanniya village in Trincomalee, eastern Sri Lanka, April 23, 2006. After the funeral villagers fleeing from village, they believe Baskaran was killed by government soldiers, but the army denies this. His body was recovered near one of the Claymore explosion sites called Mihindupura on Friday night. Sri Lanka’s Tamil Tigers rejected a deal on transport of their commanders on Saturday that could have allowed peace talks with the government to go ahead, as more violence raised fears of renewed civil war.
02 - A Sri Lankan Tamil woman Rani Rajan, crying next body of her nephew Pukiyarasu Baskaran, who was killed by unidentified gunman in Trincomalee, eastern Sri Lanka, April 22, 2006. Ethnic clashes rocked Sri Lanka’s northeast on Friday after mine attacks blamed on the Tamil Tiger rebels killed at least three in a wave of violence that has raised fears of a return to civil war.

Page 25
3
4
04 - Sri Lankan soldiers search as hands tied bodies of 12 ethnic Sinhalese civil construction workers assassinated by suspected Tamil Tiger rebels in village of Omadiamadu on the outskirts of Welikanda, northeastern Sri Lanka, May 30, 2006. Sri Lanka’s Tamil Tiger rebels warned on Tuesday a European Union ban that diplomats say will freeze their assets would shake the island’s teetering peace process, but said they remained committed to a truce.
03 - Dhanushi Nayanika, a nine-year-old ethnic Sinhalese girl, cries next to the coffin of her father, Thilak Dhammika, in Kalyanipura village, outskirts of Walikanda, north-eastern Sri Lanka, May 31, 2006. Nayanika and two other children lost their fathers after the massacre of 12 construction workers by suspected Tamil Tiger rebels on Monday.

e . n
l,
i
3
05 - An elderly Sri Lankan woman grieves in front of war memorial as respect of fallen soldiers during a commemoration ceremony of over 22000 dead soldiers in two decade long civil war with Tamil Tiger rebels in national war memorial in Mailapitiya, outskirt of Kandy, June 7, 2006.
5
Media Monitor 25

Page 26
Prof. K. Sivathamby, Social Scientist, Critic, Activist in the Field of Art and Culture.
26 Media Monitor
Govern
and the Tam
here is an enthusiasm in the present day world about the use of the media. The primary aspect of the activity of the media is the connection between the media and culture. The media are used in relation to the marks in culture. The propagation of the media is lessened if it does not proceed along culture.
Due to this very reason the culture of the people is important to the media. When culture is mentioned language and religion play an important place in it. Religion has been occupying an important position in post-colonial undeveloped countries. In our country too Buddhism has got an important place. The Radio or the TV is relevant to people who cannot go to a temple or religions place.
Although it is true the printed media have achieved some progress in Lanka, the radio as an electronic medium covers the whole country. In the remote areas the radio takes the place of the TV. Due to that very reason the radio takes some position of importance.
I propose to find out what the radio has done to the Tamil people in the last 20-25 years.
Whatever our politicians may say, the sense of a unitary state comes to the citizens on the basis of the share they get in the country. Instead of presenting negative matters, truth must be declared for the purpose of identifying the problem. With this background it is necessary to put forward some particulars between the broadcasting service and the Tamil people. Let us not relate private broadcasting services to these statements.
T There a One of th commercia parts. One commerci national le The Tamil channels i Tamil nati transmissi 8.00 to xx Later, the through th PM and go are two tra Osai” prog from Europ programm when the a 1. Ther medium.
2. Parti 9.20 p.m.
3. No p 4. Not e This is of the Tam evening commenta matches a are suspen the foreno When t considered sections fo women. Th

Government and
Radio
the Tamil People
rld about he activity edia and marks in if it does
people is language has been -colonial hism has elevant to ce. ved some m covers takes the kes some
the Tamil
a unitary e they get ters, truth problem. ard some the Tamil es to these
There are two main transmissions in the Tamil channels. One of them is the national services. The other is the commercial service. The commercial service too is in two parts. One is the “Thendul” service and the other is the commercial services. What should be important at the national level is the national service. What is its position? The Tamil national service has no channel of its own. The channels in the Tamil commercial service are used for the Tamil national service too. The national service morning transmission starts at 5.00 a.m. and ends at 8.00 a.m. From 8.00 to xx there is the transmission of the Muslim service. Later, the Tamil commercial service too is transmitted through the same channel. The national service starts at 6.00 PM and goes on till 11.30 xx again. During this period there are two transmissions of news, the B.B.C. and the “Thamil Osai” programme. At the same time, anti-Tiger transmissions from Europe are broadcast from 7 to 8. From 8 to 9 are Muslim programmes. In this manner many matters are made clear when the allocation of time is examined.
1. There is no educational transmission in the Tamil medium.
2. Particulars about village cultivation are broadcast at 9.20 p.m.
3. No programmes of dramas. 4. Not even one is allocated for Karnatic music. This is not all. If there are cricket matches, transmission of the Tamil national service is suspended from morning till evening and on some days till night, and cricket commentaries are broadcast on that wavelength. When matches are played in Australia the evening programmes are suspended and if they are played in western countries the forenoon programmes are suspended.
When the administration of the Tamil national service is considered, there is one post of a director. There are no sections for programmes like those devoted to drama and women. The selection of discs of Karnatic music is done by a

Page 27
commercia clerk. So far as the announcers are concerned there are a large number of them and it is difficult to find out who are
Media p permanent, part-time or full-time. Some of them have not
Balasubram even heard Karnatic music.
and V.N The national service must be considered before the
Sivabalas commercial service is examined. This service not well heard
broadcasti in the North and the East. This has been the condition that
India. Wel had prevailed even from its inception. Important religious
tried to b festivals were broadcast through the national Tamil service.
national se Important religions occasions like the festival of the carts at
It is tru the Nallur kovil, the carts festival at Munneswaram, the
that arise i Maha Siva Rathri, the Tiruketheesvaram were broadcast live.
media per There is information that a regulation has been imposed that
appointme a sum not less that Rs. 50,000 must be paid at present for
got appoin such broadcasts. But I am not aware of the true details. There
directors. were no live broadcasts in the Tamil national service from
the Sinhala the Kovils like those of Tiruketheeswaram and
in Jaffna is Munneswaram on the last Sivarathri night. Traditions that
service star had lasted for years were terminated last Sunday night.
Is this the There is another important matter. There is no information
expects to available on the journalistic competence of the officers in
Is there charge of these programmes. Even a direct discussion of it is
that shoul in a sad state of affairs. Comparatively how many journalists
the Tamil
This is not all. If there are cricket matches, transmission suspended from morning till evening and on som commentaries are broadcast on that wavelength. When the evening programmes are suspended and if they a the forenoon programmes are suspended.
are there directing the Subharathi programmes in the Sinhala
for the Sri national service, and how many Tamil journalists are there
commerci in the Pavan Tamil programme?. In the political programmes
mostly. Ev of the Tamil service, words used in the JR era are used in
this comm introducing the President and the ministers. (i.e., His
governme Highness the president). A eulogistic language is used in
commerci referring to the president and the ministers. We do not blame
adequate the journalists for it. If they to do so their johs might be in
for the pur danger. There will be petitions against them, some say.
For wh The question that arises from this is: What is the
in the serv communication available to the Tamil people, whether they
for cricket be Christian or Hindu?
This is In the 1960s there was a great gap between the ordinary
and religio Tamil people and the broadcasting service. However, there
the Tamil was no such gap in matters like drama, music and literature.
Tamil peo Could things happen in this manner if the government had
“Suriyan” some feeling about the public acceptance there was among
the obituar the Tamil people for these matters? The present state of affairs
the Lanka can be realized if it is compared with what had prevailed
broadcasti 20-25 years ago. It will also be possible to realize its
There is seriousness, through that.
before the From the 1950s until 1975-1985 when the radio came to
politicians Torrington Square the Tamil national service was on the
pointed ou world Tamil Propaganda plane. Many people today do not
there is no know about the high standard that prevailed in it. Some had
politicians wrong kinds of thought too. The view that the Tamil
own count

are a large who are have not
efore the ell heard ition that religious il service. he carts at aram, the dcast live. osed that resent for ails. There vice from am and tions that night. formation fficers in ion of it is ournalists
he Sinhala are there grammes e used in (i.e., His is used in not blame ight be in e say.
at is the ether they
ordinary ver, there literature. ment had as among e of affairs prevailed ealize its
o came to as on the ay do not Some had he Tamil
commercial service had a recognition in India is not sound. Media persons like Sivapathasundaram, V.N. Balasubramaniam, N. Shanmuganatha, S. Parannilla Raja and V.N. Navasivayam had a high recognition. Sivabalasunderam’s book on the radio “The art of broadcasting” written in Tamil also received a prize from India. Well-known Karnataka musicians who came to Lanka tried to bring out a concert of theirs through the Tamil national service.
It is true to say that this situation started due to problems that arise in politics. There is another fact too. When great media persons retired through the administration, new appointments were not made systematically. Typists have got appointments as programme producers and programme directors. The Tamil medium has no provincial services as the Sinhala service has. The provincial transmission available in Jaffna is available for use by the military. The south-east service started in the East recently. We do not know its effects. Is this the kind of communication link that the government expects to establish with the Tamil people?
Is there no one who thinks about this? There is something that should be recorded about the commercial service. It is the Tamil and Hindi service which earn foreign exchange
t matches, transmission of the Tamil national service is evening and on some days till night, and cricket that wavelength. When matches are played in Australia spended and if they are played in western countries uspended.
for the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation. It is this Tamil commercial service which South Indian people listen to mostly. Even now people of South India listen mostly to this commercial service. It is not necessary for the government to spend for the development of the Tamil commercial service. A part of this profit made will be adequate for the purpose A good management is enough for the purpose. But does that happen?
For what purpose is the commercial service channel used in the serviced called Tandul? Are there no other channels for cricket matches? What politics runs through this?
This is a country which has been interested in languages and religions for a period like 50 years. What does not respect the Tamil people, language and culture? The present-day Tamil people go to private broadcasting channels like “Suriyan” and “Shakthi” for news. Another example is that the obituary notices too, which were generally important in the Lanka Broadcasting Service, are handed over to private broadcasting channels.
There is an English saying that the cart should not be sent before the horse. A matter that I humbly declare to the politicians, who discuss is, can the need for unitarians be pointed out in sectors like language and culture. Otherwise, there is no room at all in the democracy mentioned by these politicians for the idea that one should submit oneself in one’s own country. Are not the founts of separatism clear?
Media Monitor 27

Page 28
National Languages... continue From Page 17
freedom from the state-owned Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation, the Uva community radio station has been a positive development in this regard. However, provincial journalism that cuts across language lines and serves different language communities does not exist in Sri Lanka.
The language of identity and violence
It is said that the link between language, media and violence is symbiotic. That is, the violent actions elicit certain responses from the media, which can in turn, shape the violent actions themselves. State media, alternative media and media of non- state actors are in a continuous struggle to win public support for their actions through the use of language.
Failing to use language accurately, impartially and responsibly may reinforce negative stereotypes. The challenge is therefore to present members of different gender, ethnic, racial, religious and other identity groups fairly and accurately by carefully choosing words, and avoiding clichés and generalizations.
In Sri Lanka, for example, the media is grappling with language to describe aspects of the socio-political context after a ceasefire agreement. Words like community are conflated with ethnicity and minority. False lines between language media create further difficulties for the sensitive use of language. Often, communal tensions become ethnic hatred and minor disputes become ethnic conflagrations when reported in the vernacular press. Definitions of "majority" and "minority" are often twisted to fit a certain argument – minority in the Sinhala press is often used pejoratively to undermine the legitimacy of "other" communities. Conversely, the use of the term "majority" in the Tamil media to represent the Sinhalese community is often unreflective of the diversity of opinions and political ideologies that are interwoven in its fabric.
Colloquialisms also present problems for the media. "Minority" in Sinhala is suluthara but most of the time media and politicians use sulu meaning small. Terms used to describe a member of the Muslim, Tamil or Burgher communities in the Sinhala language are thambiya or marakkalaya; demala and lansiya, respectively. Words like demalun referring to the Tamil community and marakkalayo referring to the Muslim community are derogative. When the word minority itself is problematic, usage of sulu is insensitive and discriminatory. There are no respectable nouns to describe minority communities in the majority community language, Sinhala. In Sri Lanka, not only for minority communities but also for almost all castes other than the so-caled highest caste, govigama, there are derogatory terms. Language reflects and reinforces this social political hierarchy, creating a vicious circle.
Stereotypes and the bedevilling of communities are inevitable results of long-drawn ethnic violence. A Tamil suspected of any crime is automatically labelled a terrorist, while a Sinhalese is given the benefit of the doubt in Sinhala newspapers. Tamil, terrorist, LTTE – words that cannot be used interchangeably - are often conflated in the same news report.
Due to the emotional nature of political violence, including terrorist actions and the responses those actions elicit, the use of language by the media plays a key role in either inflaming or managing violent conflict. Media creates the foundation in societies to understand, address and prevent the emergence of, and regression into, violent conflict. Insensitive and careless use
28 Media Monitor
of languag countries creating a
Using Curtai creative m language prevents available o journalist regarded a after the S of learnt E
In Sri as well. W English la in Sinhala publicatio in English which is c
Lookin To tran requires u framewor
Some u in the Mem Language 4.12, 4.14 a a link lang Sri Lanka. Thoug Amendme have seen Tamil lang must act a Lanka by journalists news accu Howev many scho Institution the past, courses ne keeping w mentioned We can Sinhala O Tamil lang a media c diversity w have seen media itse shared con have been sense.
It is ne of the pre and must Lanka alo We, th Tamil and

dcasting a positive lism that anguage
violence esponses t actions a of non- c support
ally and allenge is ic, racial, rately by hés and
ing with xt after a ated with dia create e. Often, disputes ernacular n twisted s is often f "other" ty" in the is often deologies
e media. edia and escribe a ies in the d lansiya, e Tamil mmunity blematic, re are no es in the not only ther than ry terms. ierarchy,
inevitable ed of any halese is s. Tamil, ngeably -
including the use of aming or ation in gence of, reless use
of language can undermine efforts at conflict resolution and in countries such as Sri Lanka, inadvertently prevent the process of creating a plural and democratic polity and society.
Using English? Curtailing efforts to address these gaps and implementing creative media reform initiatives is the severe lack of English language proficiency amongst journalists in Sri Lanka, which prevents them from using the knowledge resources widely available on the web, internet and through leading international journalist and media organizzations. Learning English was regarded as something contra-nationalistic by the subaltern youth after the Sinhala only culture, resulting in the decreasing number of learnt English even as a means of subversion.
In Sri Lanka, language determines socio-political discourse as well. While the peace discourse takes place mainly in the English language, nationalist discourses are mainly taking place in Sinhala and Tamil. For instance 80% of peace research and publications by Colombo-based research advocacy NGOs remain in English, a recent survey has found. There is no peace discourse which is carried out simultaneously in all three languages.
Looking to the future To transcend the myopia of language policies in Sri Lanka requires us to envision multi-cultural and poly-lingual media frameworks that reflect the aspirations of all communities.
Some urgent steps needed for this transformation are reflected in the Memorandum of Recommendations released by the Official Languages Commission (OLC) in June 2005. Sections 4.1, 4.10, 4.12, 4.14 and 4.20 dealing with language training and English as a link language are of particular importance to media reform in Sri Lanka.
Though Tamil was declared an official language by the 13th Amendment to the Constitution in 1987, the following 19 years have seen little in the form of using the legislation to engender Tamil language rights in Sri Lanka. This must change. The media must act as a harbinger of the societal change necessary in Sri Lanka by adopting multi-lingual policies that encourage journalists to learn Sinhala, Tamil and English in order to frame news accurately, impartially and fairly.
However, English is making a slow comeback. After 1996, many schools have introduced English as a medium of studies. Institutions such as the Sri Lanka Press Institute (SLPI) have, in the past, conducted English courses for journalists, but these courses need to move from an ad hoc basis to those that are in keeping with the recommendations set out by the OLC report mentioned above.
We can only wonder what Sri Lanka might have been if the Sinhala Only Act was not passed in 1956 and both Sinhala and Tamil languages were elevated to be at par with English. Perhaps a media culture more tolerant of difference and celebrated diversity would have emerged. Perhaps all communities would have seen their aspirations and voices in the state media. State media itself may have been more responsive to the unique and shared concerns of all communities in Sri Lanka, which would have been a multi-cultural and multi-lingual country in their real sense.
It is never too late to enact change. While the shortsightedness of the previous decades will take longer to heal, the media can and must nurture the social transformation needed to help Sri Lanka along its tryst with peace.
We, the media, need to speak the language of peace in Sinhala, Tamil and English if we want a future free from violence.

Page 29
Other Side
Wimal, Chandana and Media
“Irudina” newspaper recently published an article, dealing with the lineage of Wimal Weerawansa of the JVP. The article that took the form of an exposure had to say that Mr. Weerawansa belonged to an oppressed caste in the island.
Even the change of his name was considered in the article, a matter that needed questioning. The sentence that mentioned about the caste was the article’s headline printed in large bold letters.
Clearly, the purpose of the article was to defame Mr. Weerawansa.
Mr. Weerawansa is known for his anti-media stand. Also it is true that he directs ethically unacceptable attacks on his political opponents and social activists who do not share his views. Nevertheless, attacks based on one caste and the change of family name run counter to accepted values of journalism.
The media should refrain from leveling attacks o their birth, caste, and religion race, or health prob If we were to effect a change in our media cultur an effective dialogue and a system of self-criticis
Notwithstanding the claims of refraining on moral grounds from mentioning about an alleged illness which Mr. Weerawansa was said to be suffering from, the account of symptoms cited in the article makes diagnosis possible. Furthermore, the article contains some references to Mr. Weerawansa’s mother and sister, without any relevance whatsoever.
Thus, the said newspaper either indulges in self-deception or in deceiving its readers. Because it tries to hide its unethical practice behind the cover of media ethics.
This goes to show that Mr. Weerawansa, like many other leaders in the country, is seeking to get rid of his caste label. Although the JVP does not recognize the existence of a caste oppression in the country Mr. Rohana Wijeweera took care to do away with the caste label attached to his surname. His real name was Don Nandasiri Wijeweera, and not Rohana.
Changing the name to remove the caste label is a right of citizens. There are millions in our country who face social injustice due to the caste label attached to their surnames.
“The Lanka” is a JVP-oriented newspaper. In its October - 2 issue it too carried a similar report regarding Chandana Suriyabandara, once a journalist and the present UNP
organizer person of o name of Su
Thus h he is not e mixed orig culture.
This is a published dissemina ridicules a What is it does no ethical rea Both pape the word “ The me making us problems.
If we w necessary criticism.

nd Media
n article, f the JVP. o say that ste in the
he article, nce that e printed
fame Mr.
and. Also cks on his t share his e and the values of
from leveling attacks on people, making use of ion race, or health problems. ge in our media culture, it is necessary to evoke a system of self-criticism.
on moral which Mr. ccount of possible. es to Mr. relevance
deception unethical
any other aste label. of a caste took care name. His t Rohana.
a right of ace social rnames. s October handana ent UNP
organizer for Senkadagala. The article described him as a person of outlandish dissension with no rightful claim to the name of Suriyabandara.
Thus he is not only accused of assuming a name, which he is not entitled to, but is also called a mull, because of his mixed origin. This is a violation of good traditions of media culture.
This is a misconduct totally unacceptable for a newspaper published in a country with communal diversity. It not only disseminates the myth of a pure Sinhala race but also ridicules a section of the local public.
What is the ethical norm of this paper when stating that it does not reveal the name of the said person’s sister for ethical reasons, while disclosing the identity of the brother. Both papers, The Irudina and The Lanka take refuge behind the word “morality” to deceive their readership.
The media should refrain from leveling attacks on people, making use of their birth, caste, and religion race, or health problems.
If we were to effect a change in our media culture, it is necessary to evoke an effective dialogue and a system of self- criticism.
Media Monitor 29

Page 30
30 Media Monitor
Tiger Hartal and Sinhala Hartal
A
14 hartal th
. Most was Sinhala on in Trincomalee from January 12
th
to newspapers dubbed that “hartal”
newspape The rea as the “Sinhala” hartal. But not all Sinhala people
is justified supported that hartal. The best example for that is, even the
When nam JVP parliamentarians opposed it. Newspapers reported that
it’s differe he was beaten by those who organized the hartal, when he
these news went to distribute a pamphlet against the hartal.
be named (The chauvinist Tamilnet first reported the JVP MP was
of the hart assaulted by Sinhala people when he went to organize the
be “Hartal hartal. On the following day, the Tamilnet carried a correction
against the by the MP)
Nevertheless. most Sinhala newspapers preferred to call it a Sinhala hartal. It is common knowledge that the hartal was organized by a racist Sinhala organization.
When pro-Tamil organizations call a hartal, these Sinhala newspapers call it a “Tiger” hartal. These newspapers have no hesitation in naming the organizers as “Tigers”. It could be correct or wrong. The question therefore is, why these
If it is nece the hartal, a news rep use “word “Tiger” ha hartal are reviews ar that these
Change begins with you.... Continued from page 23
In addition to the public appeal, in-house training programs are underway for Sri Lankan journalists. I spent three months in Sri Lanka as part of the Myer Foundation’s Asia - Alliance program, conducting workshops for journalists. The training uses Australian examples to demonstrate practical solutions to the issues confronting Sri Lankan journalists, including the Media Alliance’s code of ethics and model charter of editorial independence, The Sydney Morning Herald’s rules on sources and accuracy, and the Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s code of practice. Other examples included the 2003 Colombo Declaration on public broadcasting values, The Seattle Times diversity checklist for journalists and editors, and The New York Times corrections policy and handbook of ethical journalism values and practices.
The Ra five month of editoria policy and checklist to
The IF UNESCO’ the Europ project. Th to encou independe communit
The fee positive. “ I had no understan I have to r
First P

th ry 12
to
newspapers don’t call them “Tamil” hartals. t “hartal”
The reason is, when a hartal is named a Sinhala hartal, it la people
is justified without question. It is accepted as “legitimate”. , even the
When named a “Tiger” hartal, it does not happen that way, orted that
it’s different. Then it derives some legitimacy. Does this mean when he
these newspapers are biased ? In real terms, the hartal should be named after its organizers in newsreports. Or the objective MP was
of the hartal should be given as the name. An example could anize the
be “Hartal against the killing of navy personnel” or “Hartal correction
against the killing of students”.
ed to call the hartal
If it is necessary to introduce the names of organizers behind the hartal, then it would have to be a feature writing and not a news report. That is how conflict-sensitive reporting should
e Sinhala pers have . It could y these
use “words”. All incidents should have a common standard. “Tiger” hartal (if not called for by the LTTE) and “Sinhala” hartal are not facts. They are reviews. “Facts are holy and reviews are independent” is a valuable lesson in journalism that these news coverages have vulgarized.
training s. I spent ndation’s hops for mples to onting Sri ’s code of nce, The racy, and f practice. ration on diversity ork Times sm values
The Ravaya independent newspaper has just concluded five months of training that resulted in it adopting a charter of editorial independence, a house code of ethics, corrections policy and guidelines for investigative reporting, and a checklist to ensure diversity of sources, balance and fairness. The IFJ is conducting additional training as part of UNESCO’s campaign to promote public service media and the European Commission’s Towards Public Service Media project. The training introduces public service media values to encourage quality ethical reporting, editorial independence, and to ensure that the media is responsive to community needs.
The feedback on the training has been overwhelmingly positive. “Up until now I thought I was a real journalist. But I had not been exposed to training on ethics or an understanding of the role of the journalist in society. I realize I have to re-learn my profession,” said an SLBC journalist.
First Published - The Walkley Magazine

Page 31
Journalists Lead the Struggle
A year has elapsed, since King Gayendra put his iron boots do democratic rule of Nepal in February 2006. The conspiracy of King also curbed media freedom.
From then onwards, journalists and the media took upon them struggle to re-establish democracy.
In March 2006, in a protest that was held in Kathmandu, 13 journ arrested. This photo which shows the arrest of Kanak Dixit the E South Asian magazine “Himal” by security forces, was taken by phot Rajesh Dunganna.

Inside Back Cover
urnalists ad the Struggle
a put his iron boots down on the The conspiracy of King Gayendra
media took upon themselves the
in Kathmandu, 13 journalists were t of Kanak Dixit the Editor of the rces, was taken by photo journalist
Vincent Jayam - Jaffna Journalist after a Police assault.
Media Monitor 31

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32 Media Monitor