Page 1
REPORT ON THE PERFORMANCE OF
ELECTRONIC MEDIA DURING THE PA
ELECTIONS OF OCTOBER
Preface
This Report on the Performance of the Non- State Parliamentary Elections of October 2000 is the counterp The Publicly Funded Electronic Media. The Reports wer Article 19 and with the generous assistance of NORAD Royal Netherlands Embassy.
The issue of media performance at the time of election for a variety of reasons. Of especial importance is the d state and non-state media and the impact this has on during election time. Issues of agenda setting, partisan surface and in turn confirm that partisan allegiance cha irrespective of type of ownership and management. Con in helping citizens to make informed choices at elections need for greater professionalism in the media reinforced
This Report highlights these issues through an ana concludes with a set of recommendations which h mandatory and the voluntary. CPA believes that the election times is integral to strengthening the institution Sri Lanka and of fundamental importance in enhancing t better governance.
This Report, its conclusions and recommendations are p hope that electronic media reportage at election time can an example of media best practice in Sri Lanka.
CPA wishes to thank Dharshini Seneviratne who compile Tabulation Team of Gnanam Nesan, Shirley Wijeseke Vidya Abhayagunawardena, Arumugam Aran, N.P.K Manickam Jesudhasan, Anoma Dissanayake; Rukshan Haris Omar; Television Recordists: Upul Dinesh Kumar Mohomad Mufaris, D.A. Dayani, M.C.M. Nizam, R.M.M Jayantha Wimalasena, S.M. Gadafi, K.S. Neelakantha Radio Recordists: R.I.B Tilakarathne, Charitha Yatigamm Siyath, Rohana Saman Kumara, Indika Arun Kumara, Ch Jantan Devapriya, R. Ranjith Somathilleka, H.P. Sama Mirjawath, H/I. Samanlatha Menike, D.S.P. Chitra Kumari
The Consultants, especially Dr Arjuna Parakrama of CP Election Violence (CMEV) and Mr Toby Mendel and Ms
Thank you also to Survey Lanka Ltd, Phoenix Advertisin ABC Networks for their co-operation.

PERFORMANCE OF THE NON- STATE DIA DURING THE PARLIAMENTARY TIONS OF OCTOBER 2000
ce of the Non- State Electronic Media During the er 2000 is the counterpart of the Report by INFORM on edia. The Reports were prepared in collaboration with assistance of NORAD, The Asia Foundation and the
at the time of elections is an extremely pertinent one cial importance is the division within Sri Lanka between the impact this has on the performance of the media genda setting, partisan bias and stereotype invariably partisan allegiance characterizes media in Sri Lankan and management. Consequently, the role of the media ed choices at elections is seriously diminished and the in the media reinforced.
ssues through an analysis of election reportage. It mmendations which have been classified into the CPA believes that the issue of media reportage at gthening the institutions of a functioning democracy in portance in enhancing the contribution of civil society to
recommendations are presented in this spirit and in the tage at election time can develop in the near future, into
e in Sri Lanka.
eneviratne who compiled the Report, the Research and esan, Shirley Wijesekera, Prasanna Wickremasekera, rumugam Aran, N.P.K. Nissanka, W.G.S. Saman, Dissanayake; Rukshan Kuru-Uthumpola, M.S.M. Silmy, ts: Upul Dinesh Kumara, Srini Ranga Piyasinghe, A.A. , M.C.M. Nizam, R.M.M. Malshantha, A.S.M. Yaseer, dafi, K.S. Neelakantha, Prasad De Silva, B.M. Jahid. thne, Charitha Yatigammana, A.W.M. Bisrul Haffi, K.M. Indika Arun Kumara, Chandima Jeeva Suranga, P.D.C. omathilleka, H.P. Saman Pathirana, B.M. Jahid, M.M.
e, D.S.P. Chitra Kumari.
rjuna Parakrama of CPA and the Centre for Monitoring r Toby Mendel and Ms Ilana Cravitz of Article 19.
Ltd, Phoenix Advertising and Teleshan, MBC. EAP and tion.
1

Page 2
Executive Summary
Sinhala, Tamil and English programmes on thirteen channels in Sri Lanka were monitored during the Par of October 2000 to determine the extent to which the a disseminator of voter education and information abo campaign period. The television and radio chan affiliation, are as follows:
MBC Network: MTV, Sirasa TV, Sirasa FM, Shakth EAP Network: Swarnawahini television, Shree FM Telshan Network:TNL TV, TNL Radio, Isira FM ABC Network: Gold FM, Sooriyan FM
All non-state media in Sri Lanka are highly commercia
The survey findings, based on both qualitative an revealed how most non-state media sacrificed the disc favour of narrow, partisan political ends. The main po the cost of living, the ethnic conflict, economic and po and other issues of concern were subsumed in per malpractices. Fact was often confused with comment, Telshan network. The political debates most often opposition with the JVP (considered a “third force receiving considerable coverage.
Those television and radio channels that reflected less the MBC and ABC channels, carried minimal discuss prone to partisan as well as majoritarian politics, s extent, Swarnawahini, consisted of more dis programming. Ethnic minority and leftist parties receiv little analysis of their alternative policy standpoints representatives were brought in only on issues of ele politics, and were clearly absent in debates about reform. The Tamil radio channel Sooriyan FM was a substantially more exposure given to ethnic minority p consisted of only news programming.
A qualitative analysis of the two main discussion progr and Rathu Ira (Swarnawahini) for the period unde considerable bias in the opinions aired: only 1% of ethnic conflict in each programme was allocated in fa war stand. Rathu Ira also spent as much as 32% of th the ethnic conflict in invoking racism, rather than dea conflict resolution and political dialogue.
In sharp contrast to the state media, there was dis main opposition party, the United National Party (UNP alone for all non-state channels showing 421 instance UNP statements during the period under survey, as o

Executive Summary
grammes on thirteen non-state television and radio nitored during the Parliamentary Election Campaign he extent to which the non-state media performed as n and information about competing parties during the ion and radio channels surveyed, with network
TV, Sirasa FM, Shakthi FM, Yes FM
i television, Shree FM, Swarna Oli
Radio, Isira FM oriyan FM
are highly commercial ventures.
n both qualitative and quantitative data analysis, edia sacrificed the discussion of substantive issues in ical ends. The main political debates created around nflict, economic and political reform, education policy ere subsumed in personalised attacks and specific nfused with comment, especially in the more partisan l debates most often took the form of a PA-UNP sidered a “third force”), and the Sihala Urumaya e.
nels that reflected less bias and subjectivity, such as arried minimal discussion programmes. Those more majoritarian politics, such as TNL and, to a lesser isted of more discussion and “news show” nd leftist parties received little positive coverage, and ive policy standpoints was provided. Civil society only on issues of election violence and party-based nt in debates about economic, political and social l Sooriyan FM was an exception in this regard with en to ethnic minority parties even though the channel ming.
main discussion programmes Jana Handa (TNL TV) i) for the period under consideration demonstrated ns aired: only 1% of the time spent discussing the me was allocated in favour of an unequivocally anti- as much as 32% of the time allocated for discussing acism, rather than dealing with substantive issues of
ialogue.
media, there was disproportionate coverage of the d National Party (UNP) with data on news coverage showing 421 instances (59%) of direct coverage of iod under survey, as opposed to only 297 for the PA.
2

Page 3
The disparity was even greater in radio programming direct coverage of the UNP contrasting with only 1 imbalance was most pronounced in the Sinhala new channels.
Overall, other than for the TNL radio and television television, very little election-related programming was and television during the election campaign. T Guidelines to all private media that [advertising facilit charge or on payment of a nominal and uniform fe instead, the elections were used for profit maximizat Guidelines, under which campaigning was proh immediately preceding the poll, were often flouted by T
There was no effective regulation of bias and imba coverage of parties and candidates during the election of clear guidelines and laws governing these med authorities to adhere to guidelines that do exist.

r in radio programming, with 216 instances (61%) of ontrasting with only 138 instances for the PA. The ed in the Sinhala news bulletins and Sinhala radio
radio and television channels, and Swarnawahini ated programming was detected over non-state radio lection campaign. The Election Commissioner’s that [advertising facilities] “should be offered free of ominal and uniform fee” were regularly flouted and d for profit maximization. In addition, No-Campaign mpaigning was prohibited during the 48 hours
were often flouted by TNL.
tion of bias and imbalance in the non-state media tes during the election. This was due both to the lack governing these media, and the failure of media es that do exist.
3

Page 4
Section 1
Monitoring Non-State Media Du Parliamentary Election Campaign o
1. Introduction to the Survey
The monitoring of non-state media during the run-up to Elections, October 10th, 2000, was undertaken to det private media performed as an alternative to the state the provision of voter information. Four non-state tele TNL and Swarnawahini were monitored for the per 9th. Eight non-state radio channels were monitored fo October 9
th
. The ninth, Sooriyan FM, was monito October 9th. The Sinhala radio stations monitored wer The Tamil radio channels monitored were Shakthi F The English radio channels monitored were Yes FM, G
2. Methodology
The above channels were monitored for the entire broa twenty-six recorders and 13 tabulators. All elect commercial advertising was closely monitored using b methods. Content was tabulated for the amount of tim opposing political parties and for the nature of covera rallies, press conferences, party statements, public election violence, coverage of President’s and Min opposition speeches, civic education issues, appea coverage of campaign-oriented news items, coverage and coverage of election procedure.
A selection of Jana Handa and Rathu Ira discussion p substantive content for the period September 25 t included constitutional reform, the ethnic conflict, ec environmental issues, political issues, election pro administrative issues, parliamentary procedure, pa issues. Each category was sub-divided into relevant s 3.11). The week immediately leading up to the elec election-related content as a percentage of the entire b
3. Introduction to Non-State Media in Sri Lanka
Television in Sri Lanka was first launched in the no entrepreneurs, including Shan Wickramasinghe, broth Opposition (United National Party - UNP), Ranil W established the Independent Television Network (ITN then in power. Private media, in this sense, has alwa

Section 1
g Non-State Media During the Election Campaign of October 2000
dia during the run-up to the Sri Lankan Parliamentary was undertaken to determine the extent to which the alternative to the state media in civic education and n. Four non-state television channels, MTV, Sirasa, monitored for the period September 13
th
– October els were monitored for the period September 20th to iyan FM, was monitored from September 27
th
to stations monitored were Shree, Isira and Sirasa FM. itored were Shakthi FM, Sooriyan and Swarna Oli.
itored were Yes FM, Gold FM and TNL Radio.
tored for the entire broadcast time of each channel by tabulators. All election-related content including sely monitored using both quantitative and qualitative d for the amount of time allocated for supporting and r the nature of coverage given to parties – including rty statements, public functions, as perpetrators of President’s and Ministers’ speeches, coverage of ucation issues, appeals for free and fair elections, news items, coverage favouring specific candidates ure.
Rathu Ira discussion programmes were tabulated for riod September 25
th
to October 9
th
. The categories the ethnic conflict, economic policy, welfare policy, l issues, election procedure/campaigning, general entary procedure, party procedure, and women’s -divided into relevant sub-categories (see Charts 3.7- leading up to the elections was also monitored for rcentage of the entire broadcast time.
edia in Sri Lanka
rst launched in the non-state sector by two private ickramasinghe, brother of the present Leader of the arty - UNP), Ranil Wickramasinghe. In 1979, they elevision Network (ITN) under the aegis of the UNP, in this sense, has always had its political affiliations.
4

Page 5
Less than two months later, the government took ove Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation (SLRC) Act launch public channel, in 1982.
Until 1992, television remained a state monopoly with only channels in operation. In 1992, the government o allow private television channels under the control a Now, six private channels are in operation, namely T (owned by the brother of the Leader of the Opposition Sirasa, Swarnawahini, Extra Terrestrial Television (E two channels consisting largely of entertainment/fore occasional local content. Comet television provide state television remains a highly commercial vent rebroadcast arrangements with international networks Television.
There is a relatively high rate (regionally) of television o UNESCO Statistical Yearbook of 1999 showing 9.2 rece
Twelve non-state radio stations have been launched its monopoly over radio broadcasting in 1984. They off TNL 90/101.7 FM, Yes FM, Sun FM 99.99, and Gold – Sirasa, Shree FM, Isira FM, Hiru FM 107.9 and Th services Swarna Oli, Shakthi FM and Sooriyan FM. also accessible through the Internet. Radio by fa broadcast medium in the country with the 1999 U showing 20.6 receivers per 100 inhabitants in 1995.
The ownership of monitored television and radio chann
MBC Network: MTV, Sirasa TV, Sirasa FM, Shak EAP Network: Swarnawahini television, Shree FM Telshan Network: TNL TV, TNL Radio, Isira FM ABC Network: Gold FM, Sooriyan
Dynavision and Extra-Terrestrial Television were n largely foreign/entertainment programming content. T EAP network and Hiru, Tharu and Sun FM of the included for these reasons.
3.1 Island-Wide Reception
Most non-state television and radio channels reach a excluding the North, and sometimes certain poc Swarnawahini claims to reach the entire island includ India. MTV is reported to reach Greater Colombo and radio channels generally serve urban and suburban Colombo, Kandy, Galle, Nuwara Eliya and Trincoma

government took over the network. Meanwhile, the ion (SLRC) Act launched its channel Rupavahini, a
a state monopoly with ITN and Rupavahini being the 992, the government opened up the media sector to ls under the control and supervision of the SLRC. in operation, namely Telshan Network Limited (TNL) ader of the Opposition), Maharaja Television (MTV), errestrial Television (ETV) and Dynavision, the last of entertainment/foreign content programming with et television provides cable access. Overall, non- ghly commercial venture. Certain channels have international networks such as BBC, CNN and Sky
gionally) of television ownership in the country with the 1999 showing 9.2 receivers per every 100 inhabitants.
have been launched since the government relaxed sting in 1984. They offer five English services, E-FM, n FM 99.99, and Gold FM 89.8; five Sinhala services Hiru FM 107.9 and Tharu FM 96.7, and three Tamil M and Sooriyan FM. Sirasa FM and TNL Radio are Internet. Radio by far remains the most utilized ntry with the 1999 UNESCO Statistical Yearbook inhabitants in 1995.
vision and radio channels are as follows:
a TV, Sirasa FM, Shakthi FM, Yes FM
ini television, Shree FM, Swarna Oli L Radio, Isira FM ooriyan
rial Television were not monitored because of their ogramming content. The radio channels E-FM of the and Sun FM of the ABC network were also not
radio channels reach about two thirds of the island, metimes certain pockets of the Eastern region. the entire island including the North, and even South Greater Colombo and a few Southern towns. English urban and suburban areas with a concentration on ra Eliya and Trincomalee. The Tamil Sooriyan FM
5

Page 6
channel is islandwide and concentrates on the hill coun 90-95% reach in the region. Regional radio stations are a
3.2 Audience and Advertising Share
Television Audience Share – Sep
Television Channel % o Rupavahini Sirasa TV Swarnawahini ITN Channel Eye TNL MTV/Shakthi Dynavision ETV Comet TV Channel 9
(Courtesy Phoenix advertis Audience share statistics do not constitute a 100% as each res more than one channel.
Audience share research done at Lanka Market Resea election campaign used a sample count of 5420 respo island excluding the North and East. The responden population of 11,680. Audience share figures for televi the highest ratings among non-state channels, with and MTV showing the lowest ratings with 10.68%, pa Sinhala programming. TNL, in spite or its high Sinhala the list next to Sirasa and Swarnawahini out of the audience share data closely reflect the advertising sha
Radio Audience Share – Sept/O
(Monitored channels only
Radio Channel % o Sirasa FM Shree FM Sooriyan FM Shakthi FM Isira FM Yes FM Swarna Oli FM TNL Radio Gold FM
(Courtesy Phoenix Advertis Audience share statistics do not constitute a 100% as each res more than one channel.

ntrates on the hill country plantation sectors with about ional radio stations are also popular among listeners.
Share
Audience Share – Sept/Oct 2000
% of Audience Share 65.25 51.71 44.77 44.58 27.14 19.74 10.68 2.9 2.9 0.08 0.04 rtesy Phoenix advertising) te a 100% as each respondent is allowed to indicate watching
ore than one channel.
at Lanka Market Research Bureau (LMRB) during the le count of 5420 respondents spread in areas of the East. The respondents represented a target group share figures for television show Sirasa TV receiving -state channels, with an audience share of 51.71% atings with 10.68%, particularly due to its low rate of pite or its high Sinhala programming, comes third on arnawahini out of the four channels monitored. The lect the advertising share data (see below).
dience Share – Sept/Oct 2000
onitored channels only)
% of Audience Share 61.07 13.34 6.09 3.44 2.54 1.89 1.7 1.03 0.71 rtesy Phoenix Advertising) te a 100% as each respondent is allowed to indicate watching
ore than one channel.
6

Page 7
Radio audience share again reflects television audien Sirasa FM receiving the highest ratings, even includi FM receives a lower audience share than the two othe Out of the three Tamil channels, Sooriyan FM rece due to its islandwide coverage.
Advertising Share (October 2000)
Television Channel Advertising Revenue
(Millions) Sirasa 52.1 Swarnawahini 40.4 Rupavahini 33.4 Eye 25.2 ITN 14.9 MTV 9.3 ETV 9.2 TNL 8.1 Dynavision 7.0 TOTAL 199.6
(Courtesy Survey Lanka
Advertising share indicates a higher revenue for two n Swarnawahini, over the state television channe advertising share is the lowest among the channels mo
4. Contesting Parties
Altogether, around thirty main parties contested the Elections. The main contestants were Sri Lanka’s ruli (PA), consisting of an alliance of political parties of v opposition party, the United National Party (UNP), th (JVP), with a radical left-wing history and considered politics, and the Sihala Urumaya, a new, Sinhala natio Alliance (NUA), consisting largely of a Muslim m Liberation Front (TULF), and the Ealam People’s D major Tamil parties, also contested. Among other left and the Left and Democratic Alliance (LDF) were re Ceylon Workers’ Congress (CWC) representing Tam country also contested under the PA.
5. General Overview of Election Coverage on Non-
The role of the mass media during the run-up to an disseminating information to the public both on voting platforms of contending parties. Private broadcastin considered an adequate substitute for publicly fund

flects television audience share, company-wise, with st ratings, even including state radio channels. Isira hare than the two other Sinhala channels monitored. ls, Sooriyan FM receives the highest ratings partly
Advertising Share (October 2000)
vertising Revenue
(Millions)
Percentage
52.1 26.10 40.4 20.24 33.4 16.73 25.2 12.63 14.9 7.46 9.3 4.66 9.2 4.61 8.1 4.06 7.0 3.5 199.6 100 ourtesy Survey Lanka)
gher revenue for two non-state channels, Sirasa and te television channel Rupavahini. Again, TNL mong the channels monitored.
parties contested the October 2000 Parliamentary s were Sri Lanka’s ruling party, the People’s Alliance of political parties of various political hues, the main tional Party (UNP), the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna history and considered a “third force” in Sri Lankan a, a new, Sinhala nationalist party. The National Unity rgely of a Muslim membership, the Tamil United the Ealam People’s Democratic Front (EPDP), two sted. Among other leftist parties, the New Left Front Alliance (LDF) were relatively more prominent. The C) representing Tamil plantation workers in the hill e PA.
n Coverage on Non-State Media
ring the run-up to an election is a crucial means of public both on voting procedure and on the political s. Private broadcasting services are not generally titute for publicly funded broadcasting, but they do
7

Page 8
constitute an important forum for public debate and a flow of information. This role is particularly important in co-optation of the publicly funded media by the ruling p
In general, the non-state media provided a wider, yet to the distinctly campaign-oriented pro-governmen electronic media (see companion report on the State election-related news was minimal on most channels and Swarnawahini. All radio channels, for the last we devoted only 1.6% of the entire cumulative broad programming.
During the period monitored, the non-state media refle mudslinging campaigns undertaken by the political pa made little attempt to educate voters on the diversi political parties, with the option of voting for the PA or the crucial decision, irrespective of the similarities of of the two parties in the past. Some of the main o project are:
• TNL and Swarnawahini television for the majoritarian sentiment by often invoking racism an debates on political reform. Media positions were s than positions taken by the mainstream political pa
• Channels such as TNL television, TNL Radio and main opposition party, the UNP, and used specific its behalf.
• The more “balanced” television channels, i Swarnawahini, were characterized by a lack of failure to represent the diversity of viewpoints various contending political parties. Exceptions we parties themselves, some Tamil radio stations, pa dealt with policy issues and dialogue with the LTT 2000, which gave voice to minority party leaders as
• Issues of corruption, election malpractices and ele as party proclivities than systemic forms of political
• Coverage on all channels focused on the UNP-PA the Sihala Urumaya also received reasonable cove
• Parties representing ethnic minorities rarely got and only came into the news/discussion progra negative upheaval in the parties such as in th Alliance’s leadership crisis after the death of its lea whose nominations list was rejected in one District.
• Minority parties also came into the picture in the l ethnic bargaining undertaken by the mainstream pa number of seats to form a government.
• Political reform, particularly pertaining to the ethnic overwhelmingly negative light and used as a mean reform.

or public debate and a vehicle for promoting the free particularly important in Sri Lanka, given the complete
d media by the ruling party.
provided a wider, yet not comprehensive alternative ented pro-government stance taken by the state on report on the State media). However, coverage of al on most channels except for TNL television/radio annels, for the last week leading up to the elections, tire cumulative broadcast time for election-related
e non-state media reflected, rather than critiqued, the ken by the political parties. In addition, these media voters on the diversity of political stands taken by of voting for the PA or the UNP being put forward as e of the similarities of the manifestoes and practices . Some of the main observations of the monitoring
television for the most part inflamed populist ten invoking racism and not providing all sides of the Media positions were sometimes even more extreme
ainstream political parties. ision, TNL Radio and Isira FM were co-opted by the NP, and used specifically for narrow campaigning on
levision channels, including MTV, Sirasa and cterized by a lack of investigative journalism and a versity of viewpoints in the election manifestos of parties. Exceptions were slots reserved for contesting amil radio stations, particularly Sooriyan FM, which dialogue with the LTTE, and MTV/Sirasa’s Platform inority party leaders as well. n malpractices and election violence were seen more
temic forms of political power play. cused on the UNP-PA contest, although the JVP and eived reasonable coverage. minorities rarely got exposure for their manifestos, ews/discussion programmes in the event of some parties such as in the case of the National Unity fter the death of its leader MHM Ashraff or the TULF rejected in one District. nto the picture in the light of the dangers inherent in n by the mainstream parties to procure the necessary
vernment. pertaining to the ethnic conflict, was presented in an ht and used as a means to discredit those promoting
8

Page 9
• Controversial minority politicians contesting with Perumal and the NUA’s Sivagnanam Akileshwar some channels, particularly those of the TNL grou PA.
• Even channels with a vested interest in attacking failed to deal with substantive issues through wh criticized constructively.
• There was neither a critical approach to manifesto election violence and election malpractices.
6. Election-Related Programming Content
The time allocated for commercial advertising was no allocated for election-related material for each chann related material as against the entire broadcast time week leading up to the elections – October 3
rd
to Octo
6.1 Television
Maharaja Television (MTV)
MTV broadcasts English programming and Shakth related content was very poor with only 3.8% or fiv October 3
rd
to 9
th
being reserved for election-related offered election-related news and Campaign 2000 contending parties in both the English and Tamil news a daily segment of the news bulletins, also stressed p though election-related material was minimal on MT diverse news content than on other channels.
Sirasa Television
Most election-related content on this channel was Sinhala. Other than that, occasional programmes suc issues of election violence and civic consciousness. O broadcast or five hours of the entire final week were content. Again, the Sinhala version of Campaign 2000 contestants. Morning discussion programmes also to potential of both MTV and Sirasa to deal with subst relative balance, was lost because of this lack of p Sirasa, like MTV, is highly focussed on entertainment
TNL Television
TNL television broadcasts daily English and Sinha channel’s most popular interactive discussion progr hours twice a week on Mondays and Fridays during t also Jana Handa programmes on a smaller scale wi

icians contesting with the PA, such as Varatharaja ivagnanam Akileshwaran were used excessively by those of the TNL group as a means of attacking the
d interest in attacking the ruling party, such as TNL, tive issues through which the PA could have been
approach to manifestos, nor a balanced reporting of n malpractices.
ing Content
cial advertising was not included in calculating times aterial for each channel. The tabulation of election- entire broadcast time was undertaken for the final – October 3
rd
to October 9
th
(see Figs. 1.1 – 1.3).
ramming and Shakthi (Tamil) Television. Election- with only 3.8% or five hours of the entire week of ed for election-related content. Only news programs and Campaign 2000 offered television space for nglish and Tamil news broadcasts. People’s Verdict, lletins, also stressed party policy. In this sense, even l was minimal on MTV, there was relatively more ther channels.
on this channel was in daily news broadcasts in ional programmes such as Visammuthiya dealt with civic consciousness. Only 3.99% of the final week’s entire final week were allocated for election-related sion of Campaign 2000 offered free television time to n programmes also touched on election issues. The sa to deal with substantive issues because of their ause of this lack of public-conscious programming. ssed on entertainment programming.
ily English and Sinhala news. Jana Handa is the ctive discussion programme lasting for about three s and Fridays during the election period. There were on a smaller scale with no phone-in interviews and
9

Page 10
lasting around 30-45 minutes. Other than that, occ Indrakeelaya and Pasuwadana touched on election propaganda for the UNP was high, and its partisan na general easily matched that of the state-controlled R However, TNL allocated 11 hours and 30 secon programming) for election related material during the elections, more than twice the total on either MTV o starts broadcasting at 4.55 p.m.
Swarnawahini
Swarnawahini replaces the conventional news forma Live at 8 telecast every weekday from 8-9 p.m. U programme reports news as well as engages in con contestants and others. Swarnawahini also teleca programme on the lines of Jana Handa every Tues Deshapaalana Sathiya, an informal, one-hour long ne events of the week, as well as telecasting reports from a week. Swarnawahini showed substantial allocation on the final week leading up to the elections with 9 hou the entire broadcast time for the final week being alloc Even though the total time is similar, the percentage of the fact that Swarnawahini begins broadcasting at
6.2 Sinhala Radio
Sirasa FM
Sirasa FM has 24-hour broadcasting with four new varying durations. The news is generally repeate programme Kathuwaki Matha broadcasts newspape much on the lines of Sirasa television’s morning show programmes devoted to election-related issues. For th elections, only three hours and 66 seconds or 2.17% was allocated for election-related material.
Shree FM
Shree Puwath is a 5-minute news bulletin broadcast on top of the hour over Shree FM. News headlines a every hour. There were no specific election-related pr twenty minutes or 0.8% of the entire broadcast tim elections consisted of election-related material.
Isira Radio
Isira news is broadcast daily at 6.30 am, 12 noon minutes. The news has a clear anti-government bias two Sinhala radio channels monitored, had special di

Other than that, occasional programmes such as a touched on election-related issues. The level of igh, and its partisan nature and inflammatory style in the state-controlled Rupavahini and ITN channels. hours and 30 seconds (or 22.71% of the entire ted material during the final week leading up to the total on either MTV or Sirasa, even though it only
nventional news format with its news show format on kday from 8-9 p.m. Using a chatty approach, the ell as engages in conversations with political party rnawahini also telecasts Rathu Ira, a discussion na Handa every Tuesday and Friday of the week. rmal, one-hour long news show, rounds up the main elecasting reports from regional correspondents once d substantial allocations for election-related material the elections with 9 hours and 44 minutes or 8.79% of final week being allocated for election-related news. imilar, the percentage is lower than for TNL by virtue
egins broadcasting at 8 a.m.
casting with four news bulletins on weekdays with is generally repeated throughout the day. The broadcasts newspaper headlines four days a week vision’s morning shows. There are no daily or weekly n-related issues. For the final week leading up to the 66 seconds or 2.17% of the entire broadcast time d material.
ws bulletin broadcast daily from 6.00 a.m. to 9 p.m. FM. News headlines are also summarized half past cific election-related programmes. Only one hour and e entire broadcast time for the final week before elated material.
at 6.30 am, 12 noon and 5.00 pm for around 10 r anti-government bias. Isira Radio, unlike the other nitored, had special discussion programmes devoted
10

Page 11
to election-related issues. While there was a re-broadc Handa programme on TNL television (see Discus discussion programme Ilakkaya dealt with election-rel clear anti-government bias. The channel broadcasts only. Out of the radio channels, Isira Radio had th allocated for election-related material with 5 hours 19 week leading up to the elections being allocated for the
6.3 Tamil Radio
Sooriyan FM
Sooriyan FM broadcasts news four times a day at 6. and 9.15 p.m. Each news bulletin consists of local, f for 10 minutes each. The station did not give prom completely ignored inflammatory news stories such a the President’s correspondences with the LTTE and upcountry politicians, largely representing the Ceylo received a greater coverage than on other Tamil radi FM allocated only 95 minutes and 63 seconds or 0.95 for the last week before elections for election-related news items. No election-related discussion programme
Swarna Oli
Swarna Oli broadcasts news in brief for a duration o the hour. Most of the news items are repeated on se and on the following day. Though not slanted tow province and the NUA received relatively more c channels. No discussion programmes were aired. A seconds or 0.75% of the entire broadcast time for th elections was allocated for election-related material, items.
Shakthi FM
News bulletins covering local, business and foreig duration of 10 minutes at 7 a.m., 1 p.m., 6.30 p.m. an the sister station of MTV, provided slightly more ele Tamil television stations monitored. The station more o the MTV and Sirasa television channels. No discus Only 112 minutes or 1.11% of the entire broadcast tim material for the final week before elections.

there was a re-broadcast of the previous day’s Jana television (see Discussions section), the phone-in dealt with election-related issues, once more with a e channel broadcasts for twelve hours until 6.00 pm ls, Isira Radio had the highest percentage of time aterial with 5 hours 19 minutes or 6.33% of the final
being allocated for the purpose.
four times a day at 6.45 a.m., 12.30 p.m., 6.30 p.m. etin consists of local, foreign and sports news lasting ion did not give prominence to election rallies and ry news stories such as the Ranil-LTTE agreement, es with the LTTE and so on. Upcountry news and epresenting the Ceylon Worker’s Congress (CWC) an on other Tamil radio channels. Overall, Sooriyan nd 63 seconds or 0.95% of the entire broadcast time ns for election-related coverage, consisting solely of discussion programmes were aired.
brief for a duration of two minutes or less on top of ms are repeated on several bulletins during the day ough not slanted towards any party, the eastern ed relatively more coverage than on other radio ammes were aired. Again, only 75 minutes and 52 broadcast time for the final week leading up to the ction-related material, all of them consisting of news
, business and foreign news are broadcast for a ., 1 p.m., 6.30 p.m. and 8.15 p.m. daily. This station, ided slightly more election news than the other two red. The station more or less reflected the contents of channels. No discussion programmes were aired. he entire broadcast time consisted of election-related e elections.
11

Page 12
6.4 English Radio
TNL Radio
TNL Radio broadcasts its news bulletins daily on top p.m. for approximately 5 minutes. The channel clea were no discussion programmes related to the election monitored, TNL Radio recorded the highest time a material with 53 minutes and 2 seconds or 1% for t being allocated for election-related material.
Gold FM
Gold FM broadcasts news four times a day at 7.30 a. 10.30 p.m. seven days of the week. Only 28 minutes the programming the week prior to polling was election
YES FM
YES FM broadcasts news daily from 5 a.m. to 12 when the final news broadcast is at 8 p.m. Each ne five minutes. There is relatively more balance than minutes or 0.65% of the entire broadcast time was material (see Fig. 1.3).
7. Guidelines, Law and Election Coverage
All non-state television and radio channels, as in the state media report), flouted the Election Commiss specifically to the private media. These stipulate that:
[P]olitical parties and independent groups con permitted to utilize facilities on private chann equity.
The stipulations pertaining to private media are as follo
1) Such facilities should be provided on an equitab 2) If such facilities can be increased, such inc
equitable basis. 3) Such facilities should be offered free of charg
and uniform fee. 4) Parties/candidates should not use any fac allocations, even if offered, because it will con against others.
In spite of these guidelines, parties made optim possibilities of the election campaign. According to

s bulletins daily on top of the hour from 7 a.m. to 10 tes. The channel clearly supported the UNP. There s related to the elections. Out of the English channels ed the highest time allocation for election-related seconds or 1% for the final week before elections ted material.
times a day at 7.30 a.m., 12.30 p.m., 7.30 p.m., and eek. Only 28 minutes and 49 seconds, or 0.45%, of r to polling was election-related.
ly from 5 a.m. to 12 midnight except on Saturdays is at 8 p.m. Each news broadcast lasts for roughly ly more balance than on TNL/ Isira radio. Only 59 e broadcast time was allocated for election-related
n Coverage
io channels, as in the case of the state media (see the Election Commissioner’s Guidelines pertaining . These stipulate that:
dependent groups contesting the elections should be ilities on private channels based on the principle of
ivate media are as follows:
provided on an equitable basis to every party/group.
increased, such increase should also be on an
offered free of charge or on payment of a nominal
ld not use any facilities over and above their ed, because it will constitute an act of discrimination
parties made optimum use of the commercial paign. According to sources at TNL’s Commercial
12

Page 13
Unit, the television channel charged around Rs. 25,0 programme and sent out brochures with rates included
MTV and Sirasa channels also charged commercia with Rs. 7000 being charged for a 15-second radio being charged for a 15-second television advertiseme cost Rs. 8,500 and Rs. 40,000 on television. A 45-s 15,000 on radio and a 60-second advertisement cost R
In this way, political parties with capital backing such Urumaya, were able to make disproportionate use of campaigns in an inequitable manner. Some occasion and interview-format advertisements which were m initiated by the channel itself. Examples of these were campaign piece for Sihala Urumaya’s Champika R interview format featuring the Rev. Bangamuve Na Mahasammatha Bhumiputra Party. In the latter case, th a relatively minor party was clearly noticeable. Simila the People’s Party’s P.C. Abeywardena were able to bu
Swarnawahini refused to provide us with advertisi airtime to participants on Campaign 2000, Swarnawa to be publicized in an interactive manner through Live
The ABC Channel’s Gold FM and Sooriyan FM cha time was allowed for contestants to put forward the second prime time advertisement cost contestants Rs. normal hours. A 30-second prime-time advertisement during normal hours. According to sources at the Ma charged for political advertising was in fact higher than
While the Commissioner’s Guidelines in Sri Lanka allo fee for political advertising during elections, certain cou the equitable distribution of media time to political part entirely disallowed in the Netherlands, Norway, Swede is not permitted during election campaigns in Austria, political advertising is also prohibited in Ireland and S have been made by European Broadcast Law experts political parties, if such advertising exists, during an ele
The Election Commissioner’s guidelines also state tha
All radio and television broadcasters shoul telecasting giving publicity to any programm biased and partisan towards any party to the f
1
Guidelines for Election Broadcasting in Transitional Democra p.19.

arged around Rs. 25,000 to 30,000 for a 15-minute
res with rates included to all political candidates.
o charged commercial rates for political advertising or a 15-second radio advertisement and Rs. 30,000 television advertisements. A 30-second ad on radio on television. A 45-second advertisement cost Rs d advertisement cost Rs.50,000 on radio.
h capital backing such as the UNP, PA, and Sihala isproportionate use of the electronic media for their anner. Some occasionally telecast documentary-style ments which were made to look like productions xamples of these were a documentary-style extended umaya’s Champika Ranawaka and another one in Rev. Bangamuve Nayaka Thero of the Sihalaye rty. In the latter case, the inordinate exposure given to arly noticeable. Similarly, minor contestants, such as ardena were able to buy extended air time on TNL.
vide us with advertising rates. While MTV allowed aign 2000, Swarnawahini allowed policy statements manner through Live at 8 (see Discussions section).
and Sooriyan FM charged special rates and no free nts to put forward their election manifestoes. A 15- t cost contestants Rs. 5000, but only Rs. 3,000 during me-time advertisement cost Rs. 7000 and Rs. 5000 to sources at the Marketing Unit of ABC, the rates was in fact higher than the normal advertising rates.
elines in Sri Lanka allow for the charge of a nominal g elections, certain countries go even further to ensure ia time to political parties. Paid political advertising is lands, Norway, Sweden and the United Kingdom, and campaigns in Austria, France, Israel and Japan. Paid ibited in Ireland and Spain. Strong recommendations roadcast Law experts to suspend paid advertising by g exists, during an election campaign1.
uidelines also state that:
n broadcasters should refrain from broadcasting / licity to any programme likely to be construed as
ards any party to the fray.
Transitional Democracies, Article 19 Publication, 1994/97,
13

Page 14
The rules on balance were most glaringly flouted by Sinhala television news for the entire survey period, 7.05 minutes in support of the PA and an inordinate the ruling party. The same news bulletins spent 28.2 and only 1.46 minutes for the entire month opposing it
The non-state media are not legislated under election
8. The No-Campaign Period
A No-Campaign period was stipulated by the Election October 7th until the actual polling day, i.e. for the 48 voting. This period is meant to be free of political camp parties and contestants will have insufficient time to criticism during the time immediately preceding the ele
The non-state channels that most blatantly flouted the TNL television and Isira of the TNL group, both advertising, and clearly campaign-oriented news items support the UNP. Other television and radio channel Campaign guidelines.

st glaringly flouted by TNL television, with data on entire survey period, for example, showing merely PA and an inordinate 90.46 minutes spent opposing s bulletins spent 28.2 minutes supporting the UNP tire month opposing it.
islated under election media law.
pulated by the Election Commissioner from midnight, ling day, i.e. for the 48 hours immediately preceding e free of political campaigning of any sort as political ve insufficient time to respond to inaccurate/unfair iately preceding the elections.
st blatantly flouted the no-campaign regulations were the TNL group, both of which broadcast political gn-oriented news items (see News Section) meant to ion and radio channels generally abided by the No-
14

Page 15
Section 2
News Reportage
All non-state broadcast media apart from TNL Televis presented almost the entirety of their election-related few occasional discussion programmes were monitore were negligible.
1. Television
Out of the three television channels broadcasting new (English and Tamil news) and Sirasa Television (MTV non-partisan approach to election reportage (see char on those channels were also more investigative with news stories more than was the case on TNL.
1.1 Opposing and Supporting Political Parties
As a whole, Sirasa Sinhala news, and its English showed marked similarities in their approaches to po 2.3). Out of the three main political parties – the PA, t received the most coverage with more than 70 minute MTV English news and Sirasa Sinhala news for the pe had relatively less time allocated for election-related n gave more coverage to the National Unity Allianc Congress (ACTC), as well as to the Ceylon Worker’s parties with manifestoes diverging widely from those o New Left Front, again campaigning on a leftist manif on the MTV English news bulletins than on eithe channels. The Sihala Urumaya received markedly news than on either the Sinhala or English bulletins.
TNL news, like the discussion programmes aired by t pro-UNP campaign tack. Almost 90 minutes was bulletins for opposing the PA. Only 1.46 minutes w Around 28 minutes were spent by the Sinhala news The bias of the TNL English bulletins were more or le Tamil news bulletin on TNL. All minority parties, u received more negative coverage than positive covera
The TNL network in its entirety (see Fig. 2.16) barely than the three main contenders – the PA, UNP an networks gave relatively more coverage to other partie

Section 2
News Reportage
part from TNL Television, Swarnawahini and Isira, f their election-related material in news bulletins. A rammes were monitored for other channels, but they
nels broadcasting news, MTV, Sirasa and TNL, MTV irasa Television (MTV Sinhala news) had a relatively on reportage (see charts 2.1 – 2.3). The programmes more investigative with reporters going “out” to find
case on TNL.
Political Parties
ews, and its English and Tamil versions on MTV their approaches to political parties (see Figs. 2.1 – ical parties – the PA, the UNP and the JVP – the PA h more than 70 minutes spent supporting the party on Sinhala news for the period under survey. Tamil news d for election-related news overall. MTV Tamil news National Unity Alliance and the All Ceylon Tamil o the Ceylon Worker’s Congress (CWC), all minority ng widely from those of the main political parties. The ning on a leftist manifesto, received more coverage lletins than on either the Sinhala or Tamil sister a received markedly less coverage on MTV Tamil
or English bulletins.
programmes aired by the channel, showed a marked ost 90 minutes was spent by TNL Sinhala news Only 1.46 minutes was spent opposing the UNP. t by the Sinhala news bulletins to support the UNP. lletins were more or less on similar lines. There is no All minority parties, unlike the three main parties, e than positive coverage. (see Figs. 2.1 and 2.2)
(see Fig. 2.16) barely gave coverage to parties other rs – the PA, UNP and JVP. The remaining three overage to other parties.
15

Page 16
1.2 Coverage of Rallies, Speeches, Statements and
CHANNEL PA UNP JVP SU NUA SL MTV 46 48 25 15 01 11 SHAKTHI TV 49 41 18 16 04 04 SIRASA TV 55 45 34 13 00 00 TNL-TV ENG 04 16 06 00 00 00 TNL-TV SIN 05 55 29 01 00 00
While Sirasa TV news, and MTV Tamil and English t speeches, statements and public functions more or les main parties were concerned, both TNL Sinhala and the UNP and JVP over any other party. However, th publicity over TNL Sinhala news than over TNL E channel itself takes on a largely Sinhala nationalist ta they gave almost no direct publicity, except for one nationalist party, the Sihala Urumaya.
1.3 Election Violence Committed by Political Partie
CHANNEL PA UNP JVP SU NUA SL MTV 09 07 02 00 00 00 SHAKTHI TV 15 02 02 02 01 00 SIRASA TV 08 05 01 00 00 00 TNL-TV ENG 19 01 00 00 00 00 TNL-TV SIN 50 02 00 00 01 02
A viewer of TNL television’s direct coverage (as oppo CMEV statements etc.) of election violence news wou that only the PA perpetrated violence during the perio that PA contestants and supporters were not victimiz and that the UNP were not perpetrators of election Sinhala news reported as many as 50 acts of violenc UNP, and 2 by the SLMC, a complete distortion of act from the Centre for Monitoring Election Violence (CM the October 2000 elections). The three MTV news balanced approach to the reportage of election viol reporting 9 acts of violence by the PA, 7 acts of viole violence by the JVP. Sirasa TV news reported 8 acts UNP and 1 by the JVP.
1.4 Civic Education and Party Platforms
CHANNEL PA UNP JVP SU NUA SL MTV 01 02 00 00 00 0 SHAKTHI TV 02 00 00 00 00 0

ches, Statements and Public Functions
VP SU NUA SLMC PP NLF LSSP OTHERS 5 15 01 11 18 05 00 23 8 16 04 04 23 03 00 15 4 13 00 00 02 06 01 17 6 00 00 00 00 00 00 15 9 01 00 00 00 00 00 40
V Tamil and English television news covered rallies, ic functions more or less equitably, at least where the both TNL Sinhala and English news gave priority to her party. However, the UNP was given much more ws than over TNL English news. While the TNL ly Sinhala nationalist tack (see Discussions section), blicity, except for one segment, to the main Sinhala maya.
ted by Political Parties
VP SU NUA SLMC PP NLF LSSP OTHERS 2 00 00 00 00 00 00 04 2 02 01 00 00 00 00 06 1 00 00 00 00 00 00 30 0 00 00 00 00 00 00 07 0 00 01 02 00 00 00 03
ect coverage (as opposed to the coverage of police, tion violence news would easily be of the impression olence during the period leading up to the elections, rters were not victimized by election violence at all, rpetrators of election violence, only its victims. TNL y as 50 acts of violence by the PA and only 2 by the mplete distortion of actual violence statistics available Election Violence (CMEV) (see the CMEV report for he three MTV news bulletins however had a more ortage of election violence with MTV English news the PA, 7 acts of violence by the UNP, and 2 acts of news reported 8 acts of violence by the PA, 5 by the
Platforms
VP SU NUA SLMC PP NLF LSSP OTHER 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 25 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 25
16

Page 17
SIRASA TV 01 00 00 00 00 0 TNL-TV ENG 00 00 00 00 00 0 TNL-TV SIN 00 00 00 00 00 0
Civic education and education on party platforms enc to the public on how, when and where to vote, the imp well as imparting information needed for voters to u and issues. Although Sri Lanka’s high literacy rate and means that much of the electorate already knows programmes are still important both to remind everyon and because there remain less empowered communi and voting procedure are unfamiliar.
In general, all channels provided voters with informat including voting by post and early voting, and how to cards.
There was very little information about party platforms non-state television news, except for MTV’s (Engl Campaign 2000, which allowed airtime for political p their manifestoes. People’s Verdict, telecast over all t more policy-oriented excerpts from political party rall directed towards civic education. People’s Verdict als manifestoes, a rare feature on non-state television c Verdict excerpts were a contrast to the habitua mudslinging undertaken by political parties at rallies channels such as TNL. However, the effects of slots 2000 can be counterproductive if this proliferation o dilute the implications of the party manifestoes of substitute programming to address prominent party pl the possibility of confusing voters.
2. Radio News
2.1 Opposing and Supporting Political Parties
The sister channels of MTV and TNL generally refle television stations (see Figs. 2.6 – 2.14). Only Sha diverged a little in having allocated relatively more supporting the PA. Gold FM of the ABC network, see with little time being spent criticizing the party, whe Sooriyan FM represented at least seven more pol sister channel, particularly minority Tamil parties. radio/TV channel to allocate more time to oppose, r political party that promotes a military solution to the e
2
Guidelines for Election Broadcasting in Transitional Democra

00 00 00 00 00 00 00 25 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 05 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 20
on party platforms encompass imparting information where to vote, the importance of using the ballot, as eeded for voters to understand the party platforms ’s high literacy rate and established electoral tradition torate already knows how to vote, voter education both to remind everyone of the practicalities of voting empowered communities for whom the ballot paper iliar.
d voters with information about election procedures, rly voting, and how to prevent the misuse of polling
n about party platforms and policy issues included in cept for MTV’s (English and Tamil) and Sirasa’s d airtime for political party contestants to talk about dict, telecast over all three MTV channels, also gave rom political party rallies and interviews which were n. People’s Verdict also gave voice to minority party non-state television channels. Most of the People’s trast to the habitual excerpts focussing on the litical parties at rallies, and used enthusiastically by er, the effects of slots such as those on Campaign e if this proliferation of messages merely serves to party manifestoes of the main parties2. With no ess prominent party platforms then, these slots have rs.
Political Parties
d TNL generally reflected the same trends as their .6 – 2.14). Only Shakthi Radio of the MTV group cated relatively more time in opposing, rather than the ABC network, seem to largely support the UNP ticizing the party, whereas its Tamil sister channel least seven more political parties than the English nority Tamil parties. Sooriyan was also the only ore time to oppose, rather than support the JVP, a ilitary solution to the ethnic conflict.
Transitional Democracies, (Article 19, 1994/7), p.20.
17

Page 18
The TNL radio stations, on the other hand, showed a overwhelming opposition of the PA, and lack of opposi
2.2 Coverage of Rallies, Statements, Public Functio
CHANNEL PA UNP JVP SU NUA SL YES FM 16 10 07 02 02 02 GOLD FM 09 18 07 08 00 05 TNL FM 07 12 05 00 05 00 ISIRA FM 05 57 15 02 00 02 SHREE FM 19 32 24 00 00 03 SIRASA FM 42 72 22 06 07 02 SWAR-OLI 20 10 07 00 00 03 SOORIYAN* 02 01 02 00 01 01 SHAKTHI FM 18 44 08 01 04 05
*Sooriyan FM was surveyed for the period Se
There was generally more coverage of rallies, stateme UNP than the PA, with the JVP receiving consider channels. Even Shree FM and Sirasa FM gave inord compared to the PA with 216 instances of direct cov with only 138 instances of direct coverage of the PA. was again on the same lines as the television channe cases against the PA and 11 against the UNP. Gold equal number of violations from both the PA and th were minimal on all radio channels.
2.3 Election Violence Committed by Political Partie
CHANNEL PA UNP JVP SU NUA SL YES FM 11 11 02 00 00 02 GOLD FM 14 14 03 00 00 00 TNL FM 04 05 05 00 04 00 ISIRA FM 36 11 03 00 00 01 SHREE FM 16 09 00 00 01 01 SIRASA FM 04 07 02 00 00 00 SWAR-OLI 05 08 02 00 00 01 SOORIYAN* 09 11 00 00 01 00 SHAKTHI FM 09 05 02 00 00 00
*Sooriyan FM was surveyed for the period Se

other hand, showed a clear partisan reportage in its PA, and lack of opposition of the UNP.
ments, Public Functions and Election Violence
VP SU NUA SLMC PP NLF LSSP OTHERS 7 02 02 02 01 00 00 02 7 08 00 05 00 00 00 03 5 00 05 00 00 00 00 04 5 02 00 02 01 00 00 04 4 00 00 03 00 00 00 06 2 06 07 02 04 00 00 18 7 00 00 03 00 00 00 06 2 00 01 01 00 00 00 08 8 01 04 05 00 00 00 17
veyed for the period Sept 27
th
to Oct 9
th
only
rage of rallies, statements and public functions of the VP receiving considerable coverage on most radio Sirasa FM gave inordinate coverage to the UNP as nstances of direct coverage for the UNP contrasting ct coverage of the PA. Reporting of election violence s the television channels with Isira FM presenting 36 gainst the UNP. Gold FM and Yes FM reported an m both the PA and the UNP. Civic education items
els.
ted by Political Parties
VP SU NUA SLMC PP NLF LSSP OTHERS 2 00 00 02 00 00 00 02 3 00 00 00 00 00 00 02 5 00 04 00 00 00 00 09 3 00 00 01 00 00 00 09 0 00 01 01 00 00 00 36 2 00 00 00 00 00 00 91 2 00 00 01 00 00 00 07 0 00 01 00 00 00 00 63 2 00 00 00 00 00 00 60
veyed for the period Sept 27
th
to Oct 9
th
only
18

Page 19
2.4 Coverage of Civic Education Issues
CHANNEL PA UNP JVP SU NUA SL YES FM 00 00 00 00 00 00 GOLD FM 00 00 00 00 00 00 TNL FM 00 00 00 00 00 00 ISIRA FM 00 00 00 00 00 00 SHREE FM 00 00 00 00 00 00 SIRASA FM 01 00 00 00 00 00 SWAR-OLI 00 00 00 00 00 00 SOORIYAN* 00 00 00 00 00 00 SHAKTHI FM 00 00 00 00 00 00
*Sooriyan FM was surveyed for the period Se
3. Redressing Unfair Coverage
Steps have been taken in certain countries to redress parties. In the Bangladeshi elections of 1991, for exam for television evening news, which provided that when alliances was featured in the lead story, the next broad However, how effective such approaches would be i state broadcasters is debatable.
4. Sample Television News Analysis: October 5 –
A close analysis of news items broadcast over TNL a the five days leading up to the elections showed int similarities between the approaches taken by the two While the alleged Memorandum of Understanding agr UNP (see Sub-Section 5) formed the backdrop for muc over the two channels, the way in which TNL was a through the broadcast of selective news was clear.
TNL was overtly campaigning for the UNP before and was announced, with party statements, quotes from Hindu, and telecast of footage from rallies that were guaranteed UNP victory. In contrast, the MTV chann election predictions including a Presidential statemen and the courage to face the challenges of the future.
Specific examples of the trends noted above include th
3
Ibid., p.27.

on Issues
VP SU NUA SLMC PP NLF LSSP OTHERS 0 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 0 00 00 00 00 00 00 02 0 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 0 00 00 00 00 00 00 02 0 00 00 00 00 00 00 04 0 00 00 00 00 00 00 15 0 00 00 00 00 00 00 04 0 00 00 00 00 00 00 02 0 00 00 00 00 00 00 02
veyed for the period Sept 27
th
to Oct 9
th
only
e
in countries to redress the unfair coverage of political tions of 1991, for example, a “formula was drawn up ich provided that when one of the two major political d story, the next broadcast would feature the other.”3 pproaches would be in Sri Lanka in relation to non- .
alysis: October 5
th
– October 9
th
broadcast over TNL and MTV television stations for elections showed interesting disparities as well as ches taken by the two channels to election “news”. of Understanding agreed upon by the LTTE and the d the backdrop for much of the news items broadcast y in which TNL was appealing to popular sentiment ve news was clear.
or the UNP before and after the no-campaign period tatements, quotes from the Indian newspaper The from rallies that were made with an assumption of a ntrast, the MTV channels broadcast more balanced Presidential statement that the PA has the strength llenges of the future.
noted above include the following:
19

Page 20
TNL Television – Party Bias
• On October 7
th
, TNL quoted the results of polls c Peradeniya that reflected public opinion in favour presentation of PA conspiracies were another tend
• The TNL news bulletins of October 5
th
also spoke the PA to publicise that it is dysfunctional to have the ruling party to be another. This kind of emotiv over TNL news broadcasts.
• It also gave negative publicity to the PA durin allegations against the government that monies Trust Fund had disappeared.
• On October 8
th
, during the No-Campaign Period, campaign for the UNP with reports of the Presiden day’s Rathu Ira (Swarnawahini) that she would so reform bill in parliament after elections. The R criticized for not supporting the Opposition lead debate with the President and for concentrating instead.
• In a context where the women’s movement barel protest against the maltreatment of Susanthika J medal winner at the 2000 Olympics, by governm publicity the day before elections.
TNL Television – War and Political Negotiations
• On October 5th, in a telecast of rallies held in the E bulletins gave significance to the fact that t Wickramasinghe had thanked the armed forces an with protection. This had the effect, whether intent doubts created in the state media as well as in oth conspiracy with the LTTE and the rumoured prote group.
• Even though the PA had undertaken a fresh offe campaign strategy, war news was not telecast du Thus nationalist invocations were limited to those th the UNP rather than the PA. This was in keepin period when news of military offensives were kept from the war front mostly included those of losses the falsity of government reports from the war fro an LTTE leader (October 2
nd
). TNL, by its own ad news) is often left out of government-sponsored journalists.
• On October 8th, and item presenting the views of o Sangha on the PA’s “rata bedana prathipattiya” country) was telecast. Sihala Urumaya’s Patali C the two times he received exposure on the same TNL, said that this statement by the Presiden militarism) put on by the Prime Minister, Dinesh Rajapakse. The next news item was a UNP p

d the results of polls conducted by the University of ublic opinion in favour of the UNP. The exaggerated cies were another tendency over TNL.
ctober 5
th
also spoke of a “cunning” (koota) plan by dysfunctional to have the President in one party and er. This kind of emotive language is not uncommon
licity to the PA during the period by highlighting ernment that monies allocated for the Employers’ . No-Campaign Period, TNL continued its propaganda reports of the President’s statements on the previous hini) that she would somehow pass the Constitutional fter elections. The Rathu Ira moderator was also g the Opposition leader’s demand for a television and for concentrating on the PA’s policy statement
en’s movement barely gets exposure on TNL, their tment of Susanthika Jayasinghe, Sri Lankan Bronze Olympics, by government officials, was given much tions.
itical Negotiations
t of rallies held in the East of the country, TNL news to the fact that the Opposition Leader Ranil d the armed forces and the police for providing him effect, whether intentional or not, of dampening the edia as well as in other media, of Wickramasinghe’s nd the rumoured protection given him by the militant
ndertaken a fresh offensive in the North-East as a s was not telecast during these five days on TNL. were limited to those that would prop up the image of A. This was in keeping with the rest of the survey offensives were kept to a minimum on TNL. Reports cluded those of losses to the military, or highlighting ports from the war front, such as about the death of
). TNL, by its own admission, (September 26
th
TNL overnment-sponsored trips to Jaffna organized for
senting the views of opposition parties and the Maha bedana prathipattiya” (policy towards dividing the la Urumaya’s Patali Champika Ranawake, in one of exposure on the same news bulletin, interviewed by ent by the President showed the façade (i.e of rime Minister, Dinesh Gunewardena and Mahinda s item was a UNP press conference and a JVP
20

Page 21
statement again speaking of the President’s plan the Hindu newspaper’s prediction of the PA’s fa repeated.
• In a similar news item on October 9th, the Natio Sangha and the Rev. Asgiriye Budharakhitha Th political reform sentiments, in the absence of other
• TNL also publicised the President’s plans to en reform once elections were over (October 7th) in saw the entire process as a threat to the unity of th
MTV - War and Political Negotiations
• In contrast to TNL news, MTV and Sirasa new segments from the war front, mostly quoting gove state sources on the war on three of the five days. cadres had been killed by the army, and anoth Ampara police by the LTTE (October 5th). MTV counter-attack against the LTTE by the army in Va LTTE cadres in a forces attack in Jaffna, injuries in (October 7
th
), the death of one person in a LT complete destruction of a LTTE naval vessel by the destruction of an LTTE navy base in Kalmunai.
MTV – Election Violence
• Election violence reported by MTV included an leader (PA), a JVP supporter and against supporters. There was also a summary of electio October 6
th
that made clear the complicity/victim parties in election violence with a predominance of
Overall, during this period, MTV news bulletins conce fair elections and democracy while TNL made a conc in favour of the UNP.
5. Reportage of the UNP’s Alleged Secret Memoran
The campaign-oriented press conference held Wickramanayake on an alleged Memorandum of Und and Opposition Leader Ranil Wickramasinghe (UNP), by all the television and radio channels monitored e stations Swarna Oli (a sister channel of Swarnawah and Sooriyan (ABC Network). While the goal of the m was clearly to defend the Opposition Leader on the i and explicitly presented as criminal any attempts at means of solving the ethnic conflict.
The approach to this story by all stations except overlooked the fact that attempts at agreements and d

f the President’s plans to pass the constitution and diction of the PA’s faltering support base was also
October 9th, the National Association of the Maha iriye Budharakhitha Thero were allowed to air anti- n the absence of other points of view. resident’s plans to engage again in Constitutional over (October 7th) in an inflammatory manner that threat to the unity of the nation.
tiations
MTV and Sirasa news bulletins had regular news t, mostly quoting government sources. MTV quoted three of the five days. One story noted that 17 LTTE the army, and another referred to attacks on the (October 5th). MTV also noted and a “successful” TTE by the army in Vadamarachchi, the death of two ack in Jaffna, injuries inflicted on soldiers in the north one person in a LTTE attack in Jaffna, and the TE naval vessel by the navy, as well as a successful base in Kalmunai.
by MTV included an incident against a Samurdhi porter and against Ravi Karunanayake’s (UNP) a summary of election violence against parties on r the complicity/victimization of candidates from all ith a predominance of violence conducted by the PA.
V news bulletins concentrated on issues of free and hile TNL made a concerted campaign-oriented effort
eged Secret Memorandum with the LTTE
ss conference held by the PA’s Ratnasiri Memorandum of Understanding between the LTTE ickramasinghe (UNP), was given significant coverage channels monitored except for the two Tamil radio hannel of Swarnawahini television – EAP network) While the goal of the more partisan private channels sition Leader on the issue, the broadcasts implicitly minal any attempts at dialogue with the LTTE as a flict.
y all stations except the two Tamil radio stations ts at agreements and dialogue with the LTTE, most of
21

Page 22
it covert, have been customary with all governments early days of the ethnic conflict. However, it has been to cover these issues in an inflammatory manner, delegitimising the whole process of political dialogue began early in the conflict with former President Rana at dialogue with the LTTE, and the visits of many poli Jaffna in efforts at making peace with the LTTE.
The fact that the “secret memorandum” story was gen based in part on a number of news items and discuss it. These included Inflammatory stories of PA “connec overdone issue of the Varatharaja Perumal case, the parties about their attempts at dialogue and conne outline of both issues see survey of discussions), re UNP, and allegations of PA correspondences with th September).
The contents of the so-called memorandum was electronic media. Most of the conditions in the memo nothing new in peace making efforts in the country number of strategies for resolving the ethnic conflict w past was not discussed. These strategies included a the war in which “Tamil civilians and the poor Sin protesting the emergency, a rather undemocratic c violence, the LTTE’s approval of the UNP’s attitude Kadirgamar, the then Minister of Foreign Affairs, and s a homeland. The language itself was not so muc understanding as a set of stipulations set down by th “Our” in the document meant the LTTE OR, quite di they claim to represent. None of these issues was disc
5.1 Television
• Of the three television channels broadcasting co MTV, Sirasa (MTV Group) and TNL -- MTV and balanced coverage of the issue by giving voice bo that “exposed” the UNP’s secret agreement an comments on the allegations made against him, UNP Spokesperson Karunasena Kodithuwakku on at Police Headquarters against the state media fo Opposition Leader on this issue. News items o October 05th and 06th.
• TNL did not carry the story of the PA press con memorandum, but did broadcast the denial of th allegations on October 5th and 6th. While TNL g Leader’s denials by leading with the item on both priority to the issue with it appearing as the secon the fifth news item on the 6
th
.

with all governments and political groups since the However, it has been the nature of Sri Lankan media inflammatory manner, often with racist overtones, ss of political dialogue. The history of such stories former President Ranasingha Premadasa’s attempts the visits of many politicians and political activists to e with the LTTE.
andum” story was generally perceived as “news” was ews items and discussion programmes leading up to stories of PA “connections” with the LTTE, as in the raja Perumal case, the continued denials by political t dialogue and connections with the LTTE (for an ey of discussions), reports of LTTE security for the rrespondences with the LTTE (TNL news item, 25th
memorandum was not examined in any of the onditions in the memorandum of understanding were efforts in the country. The fact that it contained a ng the ethnic conflict which have been dwelt on in the strategies included a request of the UNP to protest ans and the poor Sinhala youth are being killed”, rather undemocratic clause on silence over LTTE of the UNP’s attitude towards the PA’s Lakshman f Foreign Affairs, and support for the LTTE’s policy of self was not so much that of a memorandum of lations set down by the LTTE for the UNP to follow. he LTTE OR, quite differently, the Tamil community f these issues was discussed.
nnels broadcasting conventional news broadcasts – and TNL -- MTV and Sirasa had significantly more sue by giving voice both to the PA press conference secret agreement and to the Opposition Leader’s s made against him, as well as comments by the sena Kodithuwakku on the issue of filing a complaint inst the state media for their allegations against the issue. News items on the issue were telecast on
y of the PA press conference exposing the alleged dcast the denial of the Opposition Leader over the and 6th. While TNL gave priority to the Opposition with the item on both the 5
th
and 6
th
, MTV gave less ppearing as the second news item on the 5th and as .
22

Page 23
• However, there was a clear difference between th the bias of the comment on MTV. While exposur both sides by the Maharaja group in their Sinh broadcasts, other forms of bias were manifested. news carried the press conference of October 5 Wickramayake making derisive comments abou mediation. This had the potential of skewing aud dialogue with the LTTE, particularly since Norway coverage over their role as potential mediators i media groups in the country.
• The opinion of facilitators on the ethnic conflict w channels/groups.
• There was also little meaningful commentary ov bigger picture of various political parties’ attempted
• TNL sensationalized the story with inflammatory, to be a backlash at the PA over their own connec Esa programme on October 6th, repeated on Octob and contestants on their reported connections w details substantiated by correspondence and d discussion programmes for more on this issue as against the PA on other TNL programmes).
• Swarnawahini’s extended news programme Live on the 5
th
of October through the press confer Ratnasiri Wickramanayake and S.B. Dissanayake views of UNP Spokesperson Karunasena Kodithuw Wickramasignhe’s denial of the allegations.
• Typical of the nationalist stance of television statio President of the Sihala Urumaya, a party with approach to the ethnic conflict, was asked for Swarnawahini. Again, more pacifist groups wh between the main political parties and the LTTE w air their views.
5.2 Radio
• On October 5
th
Gold FM reported that the UNP agreement with the LTTE. The report quoted the Jayasuriya, stating that the documents hande Presidential Secretariat were false.
• On October 5th TNL Radio reported the inciden Chandrika Kumaratunge’s government to link the drawn “sharp and angry reactions”. The TNL Radi using words like “sharp and angry reactions”, and at length on the PA’s political and moral bankruptcy
• Yes FM reported the story on October 6 Wickramasinghe that the UNP had no memorand LTTE.

r difference between the balance of the content and MTV. While exposure was given to the opinion of ja group in their Sinhala, Tamil and English news ias were manifested. For example, the MTV English ference of October 5
th
, including a clip of Ratnasiri isive comments about the Norwegian attempts at tential of skewing audience opinion on the issue of ticularly since Norway has received a lot of negative potential mediators in the ethnic conflict by many .
n the ethnic conflict was not sought by any of the
ingful commentary over the MTV channels on the itical parties’ attempted dialogue with the LTTE.
ry with inflammatory, racist material that was meant over their own connections with the LTTE. An Ukusu 6 , repeated on October 8th, attacked PA supporters eported connections with the LTTE, giving minute orrespondence and documentation (see survey of more on this issue as well as prior allegations made
programmes). ews programme Live at 8 gave publicity to the issue ugh the press conference held by Prime Minister and S.B. Dissanayake. As on Sirasa and MTV, the Karunasena Kodithuwakku were aired, as was Ranil the allegations. nce of television stations, S.L. Gunesekara, the then umaya, a party with a uncompromisingly militarist nflict, was asked for his views on the subject on re pacifist groups who were open to discussions arties and the LTTE were not given an opportunity to
reported that the UNP strongly denied having any The report quoted the Chairman of the UNP, Karu e documents handed out to the media by the
false. reported the incident as an attempt by President overnment to link the UNP to the LTTE which has ctions”. The TNL Radio broadcast was very emotive, angry reactions”, and quoted Ranil Wickramasinghe l and moral bankruptcy. ory on October 6
th
with a statement by Ranil NP had no memorandum of understanding with the
23

Page 24
• Sinhala radio news broadcasts as a whole report than the English news broadcasts. On the 6th of O by the Leader of the Opposition against the allega press conference. Isira also reported on the de accusation.
• Only one of the three Tamil radio channels, Shakth and Sirasa) broadcast the news item on October 5 less reflected the MTV and Sirasa television new 3
rd
of September on a Thinakural newspaper hea the LTTE were going to provide security for Ranil in
• At Sooriyan FM, according to reliable sources, Sooriyan newsroom, but at the main newsroo reasons for this are not clear, even though this sile implicit statement about the channel’s stand “connections with the LTTE”. On October 9th how second-long commentary-style report, stated that core propaganda tool by all political parties an General Elections “according to political observe there was a critique of the way in which political pa ethnic conflict as part of their overall mudsling manoeuvring. However, the channel did not state they were quoting were. In this report, there was was seen as “proclaiming itself as peacekeepers critique of the PA’s stance on the annihilation of manifesto) as one of its primary means of solving th
• The same report by Sooriyan FM also commente slogans of Tamil parties contesting in Colombo, which consisted of the emergency, rights of Government-LTTE peace talks, recognizing the LT of the Tamils, pressing government for the cessat Tigers to take part in mainstream politics. It al (Sinhala) ethnically-based parties who were pro LTTE to safeguard the unity of Sri Lanka. There with both minority and majority political parties in th
• Forming a backdrop to this news item, a Shree reported a challenge by the Prime Minister Ratnasi PA rally in Badulla, to the UNP to state their pos Minister also stated that he was not ready to arrive the LTTE.
• On the 22
nd
of September, a report on Isira (Tel made by Ranil Wickramasinghe in response to PA in the UNP list of contestants. His accusations sympathizers in the national list came in the form o He also requested the President to state her positio
6. Television News and the Release of the PA Mani
The release of the PA manifesto, Our Vision, Wickramanayake was one more opportunity for

sts as a whole reported the accusation a day later dcasts. On the 6th of October Sirasa carried a denial ition against the allegations but did not cover the PA o reported on the denial and not the original PA
radio channels, Shakthi of the Maharaja Group (MTV ews item on October 5
th
and 6
th
in a way that more or Sirasa television news. Swarna Oli reported on the akural newspaper headline where the PA stated that
ide security for Ranil in the East.
to reliable sources, the story was cut, not at the at the main newsroom at the ABC network. The r, even though this silence could be construed as an he channel’s stand on populist issues such as ”. On October 9th however, Sooriyan FM, in a 95- yle report, stated that the LTTE is being used as a all political parties and independent groups in the g to political observers”. This is the first time that ay in which political parties (and the media) used the their overall mudslinging campaigning and political channel did not state who the “political observers” this report, there was a strong attack on the PA that itself as peacekeepers”. There was also an implied on the annihilation of the LTTE (as stated in their ary means of solving the ethnic conflict. an FM also commented cynically on the propaganda ntesting in Colombo, the North-East and upcountry emergency, rights of the Tamils, insistence on lks, recognizing the LTTE as the sole representative rnment for the cessation of the war, and inviting the nstream politics. It also made references to other parties who were proposing the annihilation of the y of Sri Lanka. There was a general disillusionment ity political parties in this news item.
news item, a Shree news item of September 20
th Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickramanayake, made at a NP to state their position on the LTTE. The Prime was not ready to arrive at a ceasefire agreement with
a report on Isira (Telshan group) reported a denial ghe in response to PA allegations of LTTE suspects nts. His accusations against the PA having LTTE l list came in the form of Shivagnaman Akileshwaran. dent to state her position on the LTTE.
lease of the PA Manifesto
nifesto, Our Vision, by Prime Minister Ratnasiri ore opportunity for TNL to carry racist anti-PA
24

Page 25
propaganda and threats to the unity of the nation. B news talked about plans to abolish the Executive P constitution, and decentralise state power, with the ad quoted the manifesto on welfare measures, commenti of how the PA will fund these measures, analogous to at the UNP over its spending promises. It quoted Mana that the inclusion of Varatharaja Perumal as a Nationa be proud of, which was intended to have a negative im TNL also observed how Dinesh Gunewardena tried to the PA (his party, the MEP, has an anti-devolution st SLMC members present at the release of the manifest
True to form, on the 27th of September, TNL English which Tilvin Silva attacked the PA manifesto as a way the threat to the unity of the nation, stating that th intention to form a national government was to get t abolish the Executive Presidency and “turn the coun habitually uses the substantive information available th PA.
On the same day, on TNL Sinhala news, the dubiou Akileshwaran, a NUA National List nominee from the picture of the Dalada Maaligawa (Temple of the To Dalada Maaligawa is the symbol of Buddhism in the alleged to have been involved in an LTTE spy ring fee Kandy prior to the bombing of the temple by the L juxtaposition of this picture with the specific sto purposes. While MTV had a similar news item on a Liberation Organization (TELO) to invalidate NUA nati that of Akhileshwaran, it was not presented in an inflam
The MTV presentation of the release of the PA manife the manifesto and concentrated on whether the PA w constitutional reforms passed in parliament. Mangala as saying that the draft bill would be the basis for futu Wickramayake’s bid to destroy the LTTE militarily was

unity of the nation. Both TNL English and Sinhala olish the Executive Presidency, formulate the new tate power, with the advice of the Maha Sangha. TNL measures, commenting on there being no indication easures, analogous to the accusations being levelled omises. It quoted Managala Samraweera’s statement Perumal as a National List nominee was a matter to d to have a negative impact on viewers about the PA. Gunewardena tried to rationalize his membership in s an anti-devolution stance), and how there were no release of the manifesto.
ptember, TNL English news telecast a JVP rally at A manifesto as a way of misleading the public about nation, stating that the whole purpose of the PA’s vernment was to get the constitution passed and to cy and “turn the country” into a Federal State. TNL information available through JVP rallies to attack the
hala news, the dubious credentials of Shivagnanam List nominee from the East, was reported with a still wa (Temple of the Tooth) in the background. The ol of Buddhism in the country, and Akileshwaran is an LTTE spy ring feeding information to the LTTE in f the temple by the LTTE several years ago. The with the specific story had definite inflammatory imilar news item on attempts by The Tamil Eelam to invalidate NUA national list nominations, including t presented in an inflammatory manner.
lease of the PA manifesto gave a clearer summary of d on whether the PA was confident that it could get parliament. Mangala Samraweera was also quoted ld be the basis for future political dialogue. Ratnasiri the LTTE militarily was downplayed by MTV.
25

Page 26
7. Minority Parties in Different Language Media
The way in which minority parties were covered on th channels were markedly different. The Tamil radio c FM and Sooriyan FM covered more news items bas as dialogue with the LTTE, the disenfranchisement issues, day-to-day problems including voters in Ta Sinhala-only circulars, the lack of enthusiasm amo elections, the problem of voting in uncleared areas, Commission’s appeals to postpone elections in the pe
Sinhala and English radio news, much as on Sinhala concentrated on party processes, the NUA leadership the TULF nomination list in Digamadulla. The CWC is 400 salary increase for plantation workers of course channels. In this way, Tamil radio channels showed re Tamil Shakthi Television channel from its sister chann

t Language Media
ies were covered on the Tamil channels and Sinhala nt. The Tamil radio channels Swarna Oli, Shakthi more news items based on substantive issues such e disenfranchisement of plantation workers, civilian ncluding voters in Tamil speaking areas receiving k of enthusiasm among Jaffna civilians about the g in uncleared areas, and the Jaffna Human Rights one elections in the peninsula.
s, much as on Sinhala and English television news, s, the NUA leadership crisis, and the cancellation of amadulla. The CWC issue with the promise of a Rs. tion workers of course, got coverage in the Sinhala io channels showed relatively more diversity than the el from its sister channels.
26

Page 27
Section 3
Survey of Discussion Progra
This survey covers two private television stations, Sw radio channel, Isira, which aired election-related dis campaign period.
The main programs analysed are Jana Handa (TNL) a while Deshapalana Sathiya (Swarnawahini), Ukusu E Pasuvadana (TNL), Live at 8 (Swarnawahini) and I described in this study.
Programme and Channel
Frequency and Number Aired During Survey Period
Rating and/or Viewer Popularity
Su Su C
Jana Handa (TNL)
15 programmes. Lower viewer
numbers than Rathu Ira.
C po pr m di is ec an
Rathu Ira (Swarnavahini)
Bi-weekly. 8 programmes were surveyed.
Higher viewer numbers than Jana Handa.
G m th ec w ge sa
Deshapaalana Sathiya (Swarnawahini)
Weekly Higher viewer numbers than both RI and JH.
W ro

Section 3
of Discussion Programmes
television stations, Swarnawahini and TNL, and one ed election-related discussion programs during the
re Jana Handa (TNL) and Rathu Ira (Swarnawahini), arnawahini), Ukusu Esa (TNL), Indrakeelaya (TNL), (Swarnawahini) and Ilakkaya (Isira Radio) are also
Rating and/or Viewer Popularity
Summary of Subject Areas Covered
Conclusions on Impartiality / Partisanship
Lower viewer numbers than Rathu Ira.
Concentrates on political processes with a marginal discussion on issues of economic policy and war.
Partial towards UNP. Pro-war and anti- devolution. Anti- minorities. Under 20% non-party candidates.
Higher viewer numbers than Jana Handa.
Gives relatively more coverage than JH to economic and war issues. But generally on same lines.
Relatively more balanced politically. Pro- war
Higher viewer numbers than both RI and JH.
Weekly news roundup.
Relatively more balanced politically.
27

Page 28
Live at 8 (Swarnawahini) Daily on
weekdays only
NA In
sh ca ph w an co a
Ukusu Esa (TNL) Occasional NA Po co in
Indrakeelaya (TNL) Occasional NA Po co in
Pasuwadana (TNL) Occasional NA N
Ilakkaya (TNL Radio) Weekly NA
In pu po
Viewer ratings for programmes and are October based on 6
th Survey 2000.
L
Chart 2
Comparison of Discussion Programmes in
Programme / Issue
Ethnic Conflict Econom
Policy
Jana Handa (TNL)
Political Party Perspecti ve
UNP as “econom efficient” economi solutions rather th terms.
Rathu Ira (Swarnawahini)
Pro-UNP Pro-War.
Encourages Majoritarianism. Anti-minorities.
Pro-UNP Pro-War More div range of economi options a noticeab line.

NA Informal news show with on- camera and phone interviews with contestants, and with commentators to a lesser extent.
Relatively more balanced politically.
NA Political
commentary and interviews
Highly partisan in favour of UNP
NA Political
commentary and interviews
Highly partisan in favour of UNP
NA News roundup Sensationalist.
NA
Interviews with public on political issues.
Highly partisan in favour of UNP.
and are October based on 6
th Survey 2000.
Lanka data for September 26
th
Chart 2
ssion Programmes in terms of Key Issues
Conflict Economic
Policy
Rights Issues
Gender Issues
ar. rages tarianism. inorities.
UNP as more “economically efficient”. Sees economic solutions in party rather than policy terms.
Mentions rights issues but no priority given.
Mainly male participants. Women’s issues almost exclusively in terms of women in politics.
ar More diverse
range of economic policy options aired. No noticeable party line.
No Focus All male
participants. No focus on women’s issues.
28

Page 29
Live at 8 (Swarnawahini)
Neutral Substantial
exposure to majority nationalism.
No Focu
Deshapalana Sathiya (Swarnahwahini)
Neutral Neutral No Focu
Ukusu Esa (TNL)
No Focu
Indrakeelaya (TNL)
UNP
Inciting hatred Propaga-
against Tamils. nda
No Focu
Pasuvadana (TNL)
Pro-UNP Inciting hatred
against Tamils.
NA No Focus No Focu
Ilakkaya (Isira Radio)
UNP as Partisan
Invokes racism
more towards
economi UNP
efficient
Chart 3
The most popular TNL discussion programme was Ja live, interactive programme involving politicians and, leaders. Screened phone-in interviews are entertain programme. Other than that, Ukusu Esa (Hawk’s Eye) TNL offers views on ongoing political/social issues. TNL, there was only a Cross Talk programme on el election-related material.
Swarnawahini provides two main discussion progra broadcast twice a week on Tuesdays and Fridays Handa, and Live at Eight, a one-hour “news-show broadcast every weekday at 8 p.m. Swarnawahini a Sathiya (News Week), a compendium of the news f format lasting about one hour every week.
Sirasa, like MTV with its Tamil component Shakthi T discussion/documentary programmes for the period.
A failure to use programmes other than news to dea reflected in the English and Tamil radio channels. On broadcast two discussion programmes. One was Ila programme that entertained questions and opinion ranging from constitutional reform and election manife lack of discussion programmes was particularly consp could have presented new angles on issues crucial

No ntial
Focus Civic ure to
education on ty
rights during alism.
elections.
No Focus
l No Focus No Focus No Focus
g hatred
t Tamils.
No Focus No Focus No Focus
g hatred
t Tamils.
No Focus No Focus No Focus
cus No Focus No Focus No Focus
s racism
UNP as having more economically efficient policy.
Voter participation
No Focus
Chart 3
ion programme was Jana Handa (People’s Voice), a olving politicians and, to a lesser extent, civil society terviews are entertained towards the middle of the usu Esa (Hawk’s Eye), an occasional programme on political/social issues. For English programmes over Talk programme on election violence that dealt with
ain discussion programmes, Rathu Ira (Red Line), uesdays and Fridays on the same format as Jana one-hour “news-show” with occasional interviews p.m. Swarnawahini also broadcasts Deshapaalana endium of the news fitted into a chatty news-show very week.
component Shakthi TV provided no comprehensive mmes for the period.
ther than news to deal with political issues was also mil radio channels. Only Isira, TNL’s radio channel, rammes. One was Ilakkaya (Target), an interactive uestions and opinions from listeners on subjects rm and election manifestos to election violence. The was particularly conspicuous over Tamil radio which gles on issues crucial to the campaigning process,
29

Page 30
such as the ethnic conflict and the economy, that w Sinhala and English programming.
1. Jana Handa
All Jana Handa programmes telecast between S monitored. Ten programmes telecast from the 25 October were tabulated for content (see appendix) telecast on October 6
th
was not included in the con recording. Viewership data from Survey Lanka Ltd patterns of 600 households scattered throughout the lower viewership figures for Jana Handa than for Rath 6th 2000 Jana Handa was watched by only 1% of the 6 watched by 4%.
Jana Handa generally has a rather superficial level using the forum more as a political platform than for d the service of civic education. While widely known as a Handa seemed to overcome these affiliations when it ethnic conflict, a major component of all party m members were not spared the rod when discussion military solution to the ethnic conflict. Similarly, discus on rather simplistic angles related to the differences i on with no substantive economic analysis. A large pro spent on issues of process, mostly confined to mudslin with policy statements and their implications.
The superficial nature of the discussion is due no investigative research, but also to the composition of under discussion, 40 political party contestants or affiliations made up 80% of the guest list. There w participants – two civil society activists, three journalis – making up the remaining 20% of the guest list. How programmes related to election violence. No eco academics were invited to offer views on substantive campaign-oriented stance of the election contestants.
Jana Handa made the most of PA election violence the Election Commissioner pertaining to the issue of used the party’s performance in the run-up to the ele 62% of the questions in the lop-sided question-and- PA.
The diversity of political standpoints in party manife programmes surveyed with minority parties getting v former members of the NUA. The discussions w assumption that there were major differences betwe particularly pertaining to economic policy.

d the economy, that were virtually obscured in the ng.
telecast between Sept 13
th
and Oct 13
th
were telecast from the 25
th
of September to the 9
th
of ntent (see appendix). One programme which was ot included in the content survey due to an error in m Survey Lanka Ltd., which records the viewing ttered throughout the country, indicates significantly a Handa than for Rathu Ira. For example, on October ed by only 1% of the 600 households, Rathu Ira was
rather superficial level of discussion with politicians ical platform than for discussing substantive issues in hile widely known as a party siren for the UNP, Jana ese affiliations when it came to the discussion of the onent of all party manifestoes. Even UNP party rod when discussions took a turn towards a non- nflict. Similarly, discussions on economic policy took ed to the differences in PA, UNP, JVP policy and so ic analysis. A large proportion of discussion time was stly confined to mudslinging at the expense of dealing
implications.
discussion is due not merely to the lack of prior to the composition of the guests. For the time period party contestants or individuals with clear political he guest list. There were ten politically unaffiliated ctivists, three journalists and five religious dignitaries of the guest list. However, all appeared in just three on violence. No economists, social scientists, or r views on substantive issues to compensate for the
election contestants.
PA election violence and ruling party’s treatment of taining to the issue of stickers for polling cards, and the run-up to the elections as a way of attacking it. p-sided question-and-answer sessions criticised the
points in party manifestos was not reflected in the nority parties getting very little exposure, except for . The discussions were also predicated on the ajor differences between the PA and UNP policies,
ic policy.
30

Page 31
Time allocation for Political Parties & Other Group
PARTY NO OF MINUTES UNP 477 PA 346 MODERATOR 285 JVP 111 SU 64 LP 48 NLF 44 NUA 42 SBP 29 NON P/PARTY 27 PF 27 PP 24 NWP 22 NPP 19
Chart 4
The moderator also asked leading questions, and wa issues. He failed to check callers and participa allegations, unlike the practice on Swarnawahini’s Ra journalistic ethics. The number of questions allowed rather low considering the extreme length of the progr the moderator took up as much as 18% of the time in tabulated, as opposed to only 7% taken up by the Rat and 4).
There were four absentees on four programmes for them PA contestants or party members:
1. Susil Premachandra, Western Provincial Council M
and substituted by Somaweera Chandrasiri, Pub MP, PA. 2. Bandula Gunewardena, PA (MEP), absent on 25
Jayatissa de Costa of the SLFP Disciplenary Com However, Bandula Gunewardena did attend th September 22nd. 3. Joseph Peiris, the then PA Deputy Minister for Fi
20th. 4. Pavithra Vanniarachchi, PA, absent on the 4
th
of O women contestants. She also refused a phone inte

arties & Other Groups – Jana Handa
MINUTES 477 346 285 111 64 48 44 42 29 27 27 24 22 19
ing questions, and was highly opinionated on certain callers and participants when making unproved on Swarnawahini’s Rathu Ira, in keeping with basic r of questions allowed were on average 6.9 daily, me length of the programmes themselves. Moreover, as 18% of the time in all the discussion programmes % taken up by the Rathu Ira moderator (see charts 3
four programmes for the period under survey, all of embers:
rn Provincial Council MP, absent on September 22nd eera Chandrasiri, Publicity Officer, and national list
(MEP), absent on 25
th
September, and replaced by LFP Disciplenary Committee and Law Commission. ardena did attend the Rathu Ira programme of
Deputy Minister for Fisheries, absent on September
absent on the 4
th
of October for a “special” forum for o refused a phone interview.
31

Page 32
1.1 The Ethnic Conflict4
The discussion of the ethnic conflict was limited an present in the manifestos of various political parties. V accepted positions of “a war for peace” and the refusa political dialogue or the repercussions of protracted w much as 32% of the entire time spent on the ethnic tabulated for contents was spent invoking racism (s racism).
Only 1% of the time allocated for the ethnic conflict contained anti-war statements. 36% of the time was s reform, and 48% against it.
The issue of Varatharaja Perumal, former Chief M Province and former leader of the EPRLF, being on th inflammatory propaganda purposes in at least three In the September 15th Jana Handa, three nearly-ident the moderator at the day’s PA representative Kesaral Varatharaja Perumal. Varatharaja Perumal came up i least five times. The issue reappeared on Jana Handa Rajitha Senaratne (UNP) and Wimal Weerawansa discussions were clearly encouraged by the moderato
Similarly, when J.M. Muzamil of the National Unity A Handa of September 29th, one of the first questions le concerned the NUA membership of Shivagnanam Ak and prisoner. With the concurrence of the modera raised in this context were personal rather than subs again on the 22
nd
of September and the 5
th
of Octobe allegations were put to clear propaganda use by the c Leader of the Opposition Ranil Wickramasinghe to such as posters that juxtaposed photos of the Presiden
The moderator also capitalized on the issue of t between President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kuma propaganda strategy. A biased, potentially aggressive the moderator to Wickramabahu Karunaratne (Se contesting Tamil areas instead of Colombo for his understated in this programme), as well as the large p in his party. There were also repeated accusations
4
A note on the tabulation of content for ethnic conflict:
• While many issues such as “pro-dialogue” and “anti-wa tabulated for the most immediate gist of the content;
• Time allocated for invoking racism was defined as any parties or individuals in a way that inflamed racialist se including individuals from minority groups alleged to ho reform; and
• While time allocations tabulated under “invoking racism bias, the manner in which the moderator encouraged s expense of substantive debate was clear.

onflict was limited and lacked the diversity actually rious political parties. Viewers generally received the peace” and the refusal to deal with serious issues of ssions of protracted war (see Figs. 3.2 and 3.3). As e spent on the ethnic conflict on those programmes ent invoking racism (see footnote 1 for definition of
for the ethnic conflict in the 10 programmes studied 36% of the time was spent in favour of constitutional
umal, former Chief Minister of the North Eastern he EPRLF, being on the PA’s national list was put to oses in at least three of the programmes monitored. nda, three nearly-identical questions were levelled by representative Kesaralal Gunesekara on the issue of ja Perumal came up in this particular programme at peared on Jana Handa of September 26
th
which had Wimal Weerawansa (JVP) as guests and such raged by the moderator.
of the National Unity Alliance (NUA), attended Jana of the first questions levelled at him by the moderator ip of Shivagnanam Akileshwaran, an “LTTE suspect” rrence of the moderator, the questions repeatedly sonal rather than substantive. This issue was raised r and the 5
th
of October. On the latter instance, these opaganda use by the channel when they allowed the il Wickramasinghe to present inflammatory material
photos of the President with Akileshwaran.
d on the issue of the correspondence of letters Bandaranaike Kumaratunge and the LTTE as a , potentially aggressive comment was also made by ahu Karunaratne (Sept 22
nd
) that he should be d of Colombo for his stand on the conflict (very , as well as the large proportion of Tamil contestants repeated accusations against Karunaratne on his
ethnic conflict: -dialogue” and “anti-war” might overlap, the discussions were e gist of the content;
m was defined as any period of time devoted to attacking at inflamed racialist sentiment, including attacking parties for ity groups alleged to hold alternative viewpoints on political
under “invoking racism” does not necessarily reflect station oderator encouraged such inflammatory comments at the
as clear.
32

Page 33
travels to Canada for an “Ealam Conference”, in rea which the LTTE too participated. Interestingly, Jay contestant present on the same panel, who also atte attacked so aggressively on this count.
Overall, the programme demonstrated clear hostility to particularly the PA, and certain participants. The more propaganda for the Opposition party, undermining impartial disseminator of information and debate durin
1.2 Economic Policy
The approach to the standpoints put down in party ma as well as the assessment of the two main ruling partie weak and did not present the diversity of views assumptions often rested on issues of PA inefficiency UNP efficiency and resulting benefits to the stock m Fig. 3.4).
No assessment was made of the similarities between That their economic policies were different only in de rarely discussed: both parties support free-market eco business investor interests and both parties promo resources. And both parties have tried to do away with
14% of the economy-related contents of the 10 prog from September 25
th
– October 9
th
supported open-ec of the time was spent in support of a more regulate issues” largely revolved around constant attacks aga giving a promised Rs. 2500 grant to Janasaviya ( government) recipients, and Rs.1500 to the unemploye
The moderator’s failure to take on economic issues seen in his uncritical acceptance of evasive answers about the UNP representing the capitalist class. A go the moderator asked Dr. Rajitha Senaratne of the UNP that the party clearly did not represent the capitalist c will get a Rs. 1000 monthly grant, public servants w increase, and as there will be grants to pensioners o not cross-questioned by the moderator.
The moderator also failed to go into detail about issu the Opposition Leader’s contradictory promises to the Partnership 2000, a round of discussions held with th revolved around demands for longer working hours, hiring and firing employees, a host of financial co investment and profit, and moves to abolish the Wag allocated for the discussion of the implication of d undertaken by both parties in September 2000.

m Conference”, in reality a multi-party conference in ted. Interestingly, Jayalath Jayawardena, the UNP e panel, who also attended the conference, was not
count.
strated clear hostility towards certain political stands, participants. The more populist stands also served as n party, undermining the role of the media as an ation and debate during an election campaign.
ts put down in party manifestoes on economic policy, e two main ruling parties’ economic performance was he diversity of views on the subject. Again, the ues of PA inefficiency in economic management, and enefits to the stock market, and similar issues (see
e similarities between UNP and PA economic policy. ere different only in degree rather than content was upport free-market economic policies, with a focus on d both parties promote the privatisation of public e tried to do away with welfare and price subsidies.
ontents of the 10 programmes tabulated for content 9 supported open-economic policy, while only 10% ort of a more regulated economic policy. “Economic constant attacks against the government about not grant to Janasaviya (a project of the former UNP .1500 to the unemployed.
on economic issues in a constructive manner was e of evasive answers to economy-related questions e capitalist class. A good example of this was when Senaratne of the UNP about this issue. The answer, present the capitalist class since Samurdhi recipients rant, public servants will receive a Rs. 2000 salary grants to pensioners on their election to power, was derator.
o into detail about issues relevant to voters such as ictory promises to the people and businesspeople in iscussions held with the business sector said to have longer working hours, the removal of restrictions on a host of financial concessions to boost capitalist es to abolish the Wage Board system. No time was f the implication of dialogue with business people eptember 2000.
33

Page 34
1.3 Rights Issues
Issues to do with the Equal Opportunity Bill and the defunct proposals, were evasively handled by the mo S.L. Gunesekara of the Sihala Urumaya that the Eq attempt at the reinvocation of dead issues was not p made by the business affiliate and Citizen’s Front mem Worker’s Charter was a politically-motivated do Education policy reform, another vexed issue in S evasively handled even though the issue were broug participant Wimal Weerawansa (September 26t ). A voters were evaded in this manner.
1.4 Party-Based Politics
44% of the programmes tabulated for content w parliamentary politics (see Figs. 3.1 and 3.5) and a accusatory in nature, and in the service of party campa
1.5 Women’s Issues
Women’s issues were nominally discussed in one pro contestants” on the 6th of October four days prior to was spent on procedural issues and on the issue of w (see Fig. 3.6). The lack of interest in pursuing the dive as pertaining to political platforms was clear in the wa or less repeated the same question on empowering wo
Renuka Herath mentioned, as if it were a party ach during the UNP regime that the Women’s Bureau and were established. That these were trends all over the the women’s decade from 1975-1985 was brought up the participants. Many personal attacks on the Jayasinghe (Olympic Bronze Medal winner 2000) by were used as an argument for the PA’s lack of succ rights.
Nimalka Fernando, a contestant from the New Left trends of the PA Manifesto from 1994 to 2000 on wo PA manifesto had been specific on women’s issues malnutrition, and legalizing the women’s manifesto, manifesto was a watered down version of this whic service of the election platform. Again, the importanc the panel were evident in the way in which the re downplayed by all contestants, such as the criminaliza legislation on domestic violence in the Sri Lankan lega

pportunity Bill and the Worker’s Charter, both now ely handled by the moderator. A statement made by Urumaya that the Equal Opportunities Bill was an ead issues was not pursued. Similarly, a statement nd Citizen’s Front member Patrick Fernando that the litically-motivated document was not examined. her vexed issue in Sri Lankan politics, was again the issue were brought up, for example by the JVP a (September 26th). Again, issues fundamental to ner.
ulated for content was reserved for party and s. 3.1 and 3.5) and a large proportion of this was
service of party campaigning.
y discussed in one programme reserved for “women ber four days prior to the elections. 40% of the time s and on the issue of why women can’t enter politics est in pursuing the diversity of women’s rights issues s was clear in the way in which the moderator more tion on empowering women in politics.
if it were a party achievement, the fact that it was Women’s Bureau and the Women’s Ministry in 1982 ere trends all over the world with the proclamation of 5-1985 was brought up neither by the moderator nor onal attacks on the maltreatment of Susanthika edal winner 2000) by members of the ruling party the PA’s lack of success in implementing women’s
nt from the New Left Front, observed the backward 1994 to 2000 on women’s issues. Where the 1994 fic on women’s issues such as on migrant women, women’s manifesto, she pointed out that the 2000 n version of this which used women’s rights in the . Again, the importance of having non-contestants in way in which the real, controversial issues were such as the criminalization of abortion, or the lack of
in the Sri Lankan legal framework.
34

Page 35
2. Rathu Ira
Eight Rathu Ira Programmes were closely monitored fo October 9
th
. Five of the programmes telecast from S were also tabulated for contents (see Fig. 3.7). Ra Tuesdays and Fridays and is based more or less on th with phone-in question sessions with viewers. During was relatively more balanced, entertained more d relatively more with substantive issues than did Jana politics and party campaigning still reigned unchecked
Discussions with Ranil Wickramasinghe and Presid Kumaranatunga took a different turn from the discuss on Jana Handa, with more concentration on subs investigative quality was poor and the programme ag the implications of election manifestos.
Rathu Ira entertained more questions from viewers programme on average around two hours long, where 6.9 questions per programme even though the program Callers were allowed to stay on the line to respond more interactive format. The moderator, Chandana balanced compared to Jana Handa but still tended participants. Rathu Ira abided more by journalistic eth comments about candidates or others not available several occasions callers were cut short when bringin about individuals who were not involved in the discuss
The most diversity of opinion was in the phone-in que in relation to the ethnic conflict and party manifestos Handa, with 18 questions, or 21%, being devoted to e range of opinions on the ethnic issue, with Tamil participating, perhaps because they were passed b because the callers themselves felt that Rathu Ira was more partisan programmes, including Jana Handa.
Time Allocation for Political Parties and oth
PARTY NO OF MINTUES PA 277 UNP 258 JVP 135 SU 70 MODERATOR 68 NLF 38 NPP 30
Chart 5
However, the guests were even less diverse than o guests for the period under survey were political pa

th re closely monitored for the period September 13
to mmes telecast from September 25
th
to October 9
th nts (see Fig. 3.7). Rathu Ira is held bi-weekly on sed more or less on the same format as Jana Handa s with viewers. During the period surveyed, Rathu Ira , entertained more diverse viewpoints and dealt issues than did Jana Handa. However, accusatory till reigned unchecked.
masinghe and President Chandrika Bandaranaike t turn from the discussion with Ranil Wickramasinghe oncentration on substantive issues. However, the nd the programme again failed to educate voters on ifestos.
uestions from viewers, averaging about 10.5 in a two hours long, whereas Jana Handa averaged only ven though the programmes themselves were longer. n the line to respond back if necessary, providing a oderator, Chandana Suriyabandara, was relatively anda but still tended to impose his opinion on the ore by journalistic ethics in not entertaining negative r others not available to defend themselves and on cut short when bringing forward unproved allegations involved in the discussion programme.
as in the phone-in questions. A wider range of issues and party manifestos were discussed than on Jana 1%, being devoted to economic policy. There were a nic issue, with Tamil speakers and more women they were passed by the screeners, or perhaps felt that Rathu Ira was more accessible to them than luding Jana Handa.
litical Parties and other Groups – Rathu Ira
MINTUES 277 258 135 70 68 38 30
en less diverse than on Jana Handa. 100% of the rvey were political party contestants with 64.7% of
35

Page 36
them belonging either to the PA or the UNP. Again, n and academics had been invited. The panels were composition. This explains why, in spite of being a fo callers, and the relative impartiality of the moderator, t different from those on Jana Handa (see Chart 1).
Absentees
The only absentee in the seven programmes surveye Wickramaratne, the then Minister of Trade, who was a
2.1 Ethnic Conflict
Rathu Ira showed little difference from Jana Handa conflict (see Figs. 3.8 and 3.9). Like Jana Handa, R entire time allocated to the ethnic conflict on anti-war s time on pro-war discourse, more than on Jana Ha Handa was spent on pro-dialogue discourse (21%). invoking racism (9%) because of the relatively les programme. Despite these differences between Jana was very little difference in terms of the basic stance the two programmes.
Again, there was a tendency for racialist slurs to go u also asked forceful leading questions of Ranil Wickram such as, “So that means that you hope to talk with the talking with them don’t we?” The moderator also got th to state that he was against a Federal State, much Jana Handa moderator.
The phone-in questions over Rathu Ira reflected mo ethnic issues than did Jana Handa.
2.2 Economic Policy
Rathu Ira gave more exposure to diverse economic (see Fig. 3.10). 22% of the time allocated for the discu spent in support of regulated economic policy, 3% o production. Only 6% of the time was allocated for p compared to 14% on Jana Handa. There was a economic issues which included discussions of indig globalisation.
The discussion of economic policy saw significant spa of broken promises and lauding the UNP’s efficient ec invocation of statistics by guests often went unchecked that could have been easily cross-examined were

or the UNP. Again, no economists, social scientists ited. The panels were also predominantly male in , in spite of being a forum for diverse opinions from lity of the moderator, the more popular tacks were no nda (see Chart 1).
n programmes surveyed for content was Kingsley T. er of Trade, who was absent on September 26th.
ce from Jana Handa in its approach to the ethnic ). Like Jana Handa, Rathu Ira spent only 1% of the ic conflict on anti-war sentiments. It spent 28% of the ore than on Jana Handa. Less time than on Jana gue discourse (21%). However, less time was spent of the relatively less inflammatory nature of the erences between Jana Handa and Rathu Ira, there s of the basic stance on the ethnic conflict between
r racialist slurs to go unchecked, and the moderator stions of Ranil Wickramasinghe on political dialogue, u hope to talk with the LTTE ... we have experience e moderator also got the PA’s Bandula Gunewardena Federal State, much in the coercive manner of the
Rathu Ira reflected more diverse viewpoints on the
da.
to diverse economic viewpoints than Jana Handa allocated for the discussion of economic issues was economic policy, 3% of this in favour of indigenous e was allocated for pro-free-market statements as anda. There was a clear diversity of opinion on d discussions of indigenous production, culture and
licy saw significant space given to hurling accusations the UNP’s efficient economic management. Lengthy s often went unchecked by the moderator. Comments cross-examined were uncritically accepted by the
36

Page 37
moderator, such as when Ranil Wickramasinghe on O connection between the war and economic decline.
The moderator was sometimes unable to substantia failed to give reliable sources to allegations he made foreign investors were leaving the country (interview Oct 7th). Similarly, on the issue of the planned revoca age of 14, he was unable to critically respond to the that this measure will be taken only as a means of areas. Again, as over Rathu Ira, valuable opportuniti were missed in this way.
2.3 Party-Based Politics
44.43% of the seven programmes surveyed consist issues, more or less the same proportion as for Jan were fewer verbal assaults on this programme than o issues were more or less on the same lines. This h political procedure (see Fig. 3.11) is an indicatio programmes prefered to stay within accepted lines of c
3. Live at 8
Live at 8 is held every weekday on Swarnawahini from news show format combining interviews with politician hosted alternately by Susara Dinal, Manusha Nanyak Palitha Perera. The advantage of such a format is greater depth, as well as give participants more airti interesting feature of Live at 8 during the survey per time for the Sihala Urumaya (62 minutes) than for the minutes on the PA. It is to be noted, however, that t were discussed on the programme prior to the survey
Time Allocation for Political Parties and other Grou
PARTY NO OF MIN PA 180 SU 62 UNP 57 PP 49 NUA 33 MODERATOR 32 LP 18 POLICE OFFICIALS 16 GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS 11 NLF 10 SBP 10 NDF 09

Wickramasinghe on October 6th said that there is no d economic decline.
s unable to substantiate his questions, as when he to allegations he made against the government that the country (interview with President Kumaratunge, of the planned revocation of free education after the ritically respond to the President’s vague statement only as a means of taking free education to rural a, valuable opportunities to discuss education policy
mes surveyed consisted of party and parliamentary proportion as for Jana Handa. Even though there this programme than on Jana Handa, the substantive he same lines. This high concentration on issues of 3.11) is an indication of the way in which both ithin accepted lines of criticism.
on Swarnawahini from 8 p.m. to 9 p.m. It takes on a terviews with politicians, experts, and the public. It is inal, Manusha Nanyakkara, Claude Gurukuwula and of such a format is its ability to explore issues at participants more airtime to express their views. An during the survey period was that it allocated more minutes) than for the UNP (57 minutes). It spent 180 noted, however, that the UNP and JVP manifestoes me prior to the survey period.
arties and other Groups – Live at 8
NO OF MINUTES 180 62 57 49 33 32 18 16 11 10 10 09
37

Page 38
JVP 6 USMS 6 PAFFREL 2 RELIGIOUS REPRESENTATIVES 1 JOURNALISTS 1
This is the daily news component of the Swarnaw covers the same news items as other television chan interviewees represented political parties or party p paucity of non-party-political views in the media during
A special feature however, was the introduction of pa manner with party representatives being questioned ab
The Sihala Urumaya got more exposure than any reserved to discuss manifestos. The attitude toward overall was also reflected in the fact that they received coverage in all interview formats within the programme
The PA press conference announcing its manifesto w 8 on September 21st, the day of its release. All the programme dealt with processes rather than with manifesto. The issue of the Election Commissioner an publicised.
The New Left Front (NLF) was represented by W September 26
th
. Here, Karunaratne took a much mo issue than in the Jana Handa programme on which he
Others appearing as guests during the period were R Party, Dr. Shantha Lokubandara of the National D Harischandra Wijetunge of the Mahasammatha Bhu nationalist party.
4. Deshapalana Sathiya
Deshapalana Sathiya (News Week) is a weekly p television taking on an informal, chatty form much akin It rounds up the week’s issues in detailed description events. Three programmes broadcast on September 2 surveyed for the report. A special feature of the progr District correspondents to ascertain the political clima focus on election violence. It dealt with issues such a “unauthorized” issuing of stickers on polling cards, ci elections, an informative discussion about a group of la charge for complainants with cases of election malp LTTE connections. Religious leaders also appealed f Deshapaalana Sathiya on October 6th. No noticeab programmes.

6 6 2 ES 1 1
nent of the Swarnawahini channel and generally s other television channels. As much as 90% of the cal parties or party political interests, reflecting the ws in the media during the lead-up to the elections.
the introduction of party manifestos in an interactive es being questioned about their manifestos.
e exposure than any other party on the sessions s. The attitude towards the party in the programme fact that they received the second highest amount of s within the programme.
uncing its manifesto was briefly telecast over Live at of its release. All the comments telecast over the es rather than with the substantive issues in the tion Commissioner and the PA’s stand on it was also
as represented by Wickramabahu Karunaratne on atne took a much more definite stand on the ethnic rogramme on which he appeared on September 22
nd
.
ring the period were Rajiva Wijesingha of the Liberal ra of the National Development Party (NDP) and Mahasammatha Bhumiputra Pakshaya, a Sinhala
Week) is a weekly programme on Swarnawahini , chatty form much akin to a living room conversation. in detailed descriptions of informal as well as formal adcast on September 22
nd
, 29
th
and October 6
th
were ial feature of the programme was its “checking in” on rtain the political climate in the areas with a special alt with issues such as the Election Commissioner’s rs on polling cards, citizen activism for free and fair sion about a group of lawyers willing to appear free of ases of election malpractices, and on the Ranil/PA- aders also appealed for free and fair elections over tober 6th. No noticeable bias was detected in the
38

Page 39
5. Ukusu Esa
Ukusu Esa (Eagle Eye) is an occasional programme campaign-oriented propaganda tack in favour of the U of propaganda than other programmes on the same ch Priyantha, who in late September 2000 was abduc Criminal Investigation Department of the government.
On September 20
th
, Ukusu Esa dealt with malpractic guest Mahilal Silva, a trade Union leader active fo representing the National Workers’ Association (Jaath the Sri Lanka Workers’ Association, clearly co-opte Before going on to the guest however, Srilal Priyantha disproportionate monologue on the malpractices and Manager of the Ports Authority, with clear PA links, w know is a heart patient. The programme also he educational certificates.
The programme discussed, however, the way in whic caretaker laws and recruited personnel to the Ports them for campaign activity in the East. There was also were being taken from Colombo to Oluvil for campaign
Ukusu Esa of October 6th, repeated on October 8 , intended to level the playing field after the allegations Leader Ranil Wickramasinghe over connections with th Sripathi Suuriarachchi on a statement made that t campaign. Rather illogical assertions were made by Intelligence Unit of the CID did not know about this programme went on, with a degree of investigative missing in TNL discussions relating to policy issues, connections. The moderator also pointed out that officer who was involved in large scale offences in th these offences was not, however, elaborated, leaving what they were.
Mention was made here of Shivagnanam Akhiles programmes Jana Handa and Rathu Ira, and his con Buddhist temple the Dalada Maaligawa, an inflammat society. Several other documents are brought forward with the LTTE. Mention was also made of Sat connections with this “LTTE suspect”. Photographs members of the PA were also shown.
6. Indrakeelaya
Indrakeelaya (Lightening) is an occasional programme various issues. It takes on a highly partisan, campaign UNP and is extremely inflammatory on race issues.

ccasional programme telecast over TNL with a clear tack in favour of the UNP, and with a far higher level ammes on the same channel. It is conducted by Srilal ber 2000 was abducted and later released by the nt of the government.
a dealt with malpractices at the Ports Authority, with nion leader active for the past 10 years and now ers’ Association (Jaathika Seevaka Sangamaya) and iation, clearly co-opted for party political purposes. wever, Srilal Priyantha engaged in an extended and the malpractices and illegal activities of Babus, a , with clear PA links, who TNL had somehow got to programme also held forth about Babus’ forged
wever, the way in which the government had flouted ersonnel to the Ports with a clear intention of using e East. There was also an accusation that resources
to Oluvil for campaigning purposes.
eated on October 8th, was a “retaliatory” programme ld after the allegations made against the Opposition ver connections with the LTTE. It attacked PA lawyer tatement made that the LTTE supported the UNP ertions were made by Sri Lal Priyantha that as the d not know about this, it couldn’t be true. Then the egree of investigative zeal that was unfortunately lating to policy issues, to discuss proof of PA-LTTE lso pointed out that Sripathi Suriarachchi was an e scale offences in the Navy. The precise nature of er, elaborated, leaving it up to the viewer to imagine
Shivagnanam Akhileshvaran, as in the discussion Rathu Ira, and his connections in the bombing in the aligawa, an inflammatory issue in a largely Buddhist ts are brought forward to show PA correspondences s also made of Sathashivam and secret police uspect”. Photographs of Sathashivam with various hown.
occasional programme dealing with public opinion on hly partisan, campaign-oriented tack in favour of the tory on race issues.
39

Page 40
Indrakeelaya of September 14th had clear racial overto the issue of Varatharaja Perumal on the national l interviewees made it clear that the whole of Tamil enemy” with statements such as “they [ung – a der away at our whole country if we allow this”, or “we ha will have to give them half the country”. The quest discredit the PA. An example is the following que privileges that Tamil people like Varatharaja who rais into the [PA] national list?”
Indrakeelaya of September 21st, dealt with the issue and the sticker issue, with most of the interviewee actions against the Commissioner. It was a perfect ch election malpractices and the interviewer asked lea attempt by the PA to win the elections illegally by measures.
Indrakeelaya of September 24
th
looked at the high publicised in a UNP press conference immediately pri at the issue as if there were no other major factor country. The PA defence budget, for example, was ne
7. Pasuvadana
Pasuvadana (After Word), an occasional program September 18
th
dealt with the Yellow Ribbon cam strike, the Election Commissioner’s sticker issue and t
Again, the programme was used for propaganda purp PA by the leader of the Opposition was highlight substantive issues was again clear in the way in wh defection from the JVP was personalized, showi assaulting him for his defection with rather personal de place, which occurred during the election campaign, manner with an overdose of footage on broken head programme lacked cohesion.
8. Ilakkaya
Ilakkaya (goal) was the only non-state radio discussio broadcast of the previous day’s Jana Handa that was a Isira radio. Much on the lines of TNL television’s opinion on issues, again in a clearly campaign-oriented
An Ilakkaya programme on the 29th of September ut victory at the Olympic games, along with her alleged h criticise the PA. Programmes on the 24
th
and 28
t
of

had clear racial overtones in the way in which it used mal on the national list to hit out at the PA. The t the whole of Tamil society was conflated to “the as “they [ung – a deregatory Sinhala word] will eat allow this”, or “we have to get them out, or else we e country”. The questions were clearly designed to is the following question: “Isn’t it to get political e Varatharaja who raised the Ealam flag are getting
, dealt with the issue of the Election Commissioner ost of the interviewees condemning the PA for its er. It was a perfect chance for TNL to lash out at PA interviewer asked leading questions regarding the elections illegally by trying to disrupt anti-rigging
looked at the high expenditure of the President erence immediately prior to the programme. It looked no other major factors stalling development in the t, for example, was never scrutinized in this manner.
n occasional programme telecast over TNL, on Yellow Ribbon campaign, an unsuccessful CWC er’s sticker issue and the Sihala Urumaya Manifesto.
d for propaganda purposes as when criticism of the position was highlighted. The steering away from clear in the way in which a piece on Ajith Kumara’s personalized, showing family members verbally with rather personal details. The bomb blast at Union e election campaign, was shown in a sensationalist otage on broken heads and body parts. Overall, the
n-state radio discussion programme other than a re- Jana Handa that was aired on the Telshan Network’s of TNL television’s Indrakeelaya, it sought public arly campaign-oriented manner in favour of the UNP.
29th of September utilized Susanthika Jayasingha’s long with her alleged harassment by a PA Minister, to
n the 24
th
and 28
th
of September looked at election
40

Page 41
violence with the latter focussing on violence again programme on October 2
nd
looked at the way in whic be ensured through voter participation.
An Ilakkaya programme on October 4
th
asked listene their ideal political candidate in the face of mounting callers, five were against the PA and five were in fa programme on October 9
th
, the eve of the elec Kumaratunga’s plans to get a new constitution passe ten callers in the programme attacked the PA.
Conclusion
Overall, discussion programmes over the Telsh propaganda purposes in favour of the UNP, with mo stands on issues as well as posing leading ques prominent over Swarnawahini, the other channe programmes.
On both the Telshan channels and Swarnawah programmes also stayed within the framework of political debates in all areas under discussion. Issue corruption and other malpractices, and dominant posit thus uppermost in most discussion programmes. Li viewers revisit dominant viewpoints or to educate vot such as political and legal reform, the implications reforms, or political dialogue in relation to the ethnic both to the blatantly propagandist media and the so-ca

ing on violence against the JVP. Another Ilakkaya ked at the way in which a free and fair election could ipation.
tober 4
th
asked listeners to give their opinion about n the face of mounting election violence. Out of 12 A and five were in favour of the UNP. An Ilakkaya the eve of the elections, focused on President new constitution passed in parliament. Seven of the tacked the PA.
Conclusion
es over the Telshan Network were used for r of the UNP, with moderators clearly taking partial posing leading questions. Political bias was less ni, the other channel that broadcast discussion
els and Swarnawahini, however, all discussion in the framework of “accepted”, pre-established, nder discussion. Issues of election violence, bribery, es, and dominant positions on the ethnic conflict were ssion programmes. Little effort was made to make ints or to educate voters on rarely-discussed issues form, the implications of party manifestos on such relation to the ethnic conflict. This criticism applies ist media and the so-called “neutral” media.
41

Page 42
Section 4
General Conclusion
Overall, the private media demonstrated a high degre election reporting, although some channels and prog than others. In addition, the private media spent little either about the practicalities of voting or about the k the contending parties and candidates. They thus fai voters to make informed choices during the election failed to provide an adequate alternative to the state civic education tool during the Parliamentary Election c
Specific problems were as follows:
• The Telshan network (TNL) was expressly use as well as for inflammatory racist propaganda.
• The MBC, EAP and ABC networks, although concentrated heavily on the more prominent par alternative proposals brought forward by less pro
• There was little focus on substantive issues of other policy nature during the campaign. Instea those in the Telshan network and, to a less network, personal attacks and party propagand
• There was a clear majoritarian ethnic bias, pa EAP network channels. This bias was less app ABC networks, perhaps because of the lack o these networks.
• Few commentators invited to speak over the non the vast majority representing party political int civil society representation on all channels. Thi area of political debate was viewed exclusively politics, and particularly within the context of the
• Contrary to the Election Commissioner’s Gu used the election campaign period to maximis political parties with free or low-cost and no meant that those parties with little commercial b media and thus inadequate publicity while som public support actually received inordinate expo
• Also contrary to the Election Commissioner’s G Isira radio blatantly flouted the no-campaig immediately preceding the polling.
• Overall, radio, which is usually popular wit possessing the capacity to engage communit very little election material during the campaig programme, Isira radio’s Ilakkaya, had any reg and this had a clear UNP bias.The non-state m explicit voter education material, despite t communities.

Section 4
General Conclusion
onstrated a high degree of political bias in relation to e channels and programmes were far more biased vate media spent little time or effort educating voters f voting or about the key policy differences between didates. They thus failed in their obligation to assist es during the elections. As such, the private media alternative to the state-controlled public media as a arliamentary Election campaign of October 2000.
ws:
NL) was expressly used for UNP party propaganda, ry racist propaganda. C networks, although more balanced than Telshan, he more prominent parties, thereby excluding valuable
ght forward by less prominent political parties. substantive issues of a political, economic, social or g the campaign. Instead, on some channels, such as etwork and, to a lesser extent, those of the EAP s and party propaganda dominated.
ritarian ethnic bias, particularly on the Telshan and This bias was less apparent on the MBC (MTV) and because of the lack of discussion programming on
d to speak over the non-state media were neutral, with nting party political interests, and there was minimal n on all channels. This meant that a potentially vast as viewed exclusively from the perspective of party ithin the context of the PA-UNP competition. n Commissioner’s Guidelines, the non-state media ign period to maximise profit rather than to provide e or low-cost and non-discriminatory access. This with little commercial backing had little access to the ate publicity while some parties which garnered little ceived inordinate exposure. tion Commissioner’s Guidelines, TNL Television and uted the no-campaign rule during the 48 hours e polling.
usually popular with outreach programmes and to engage communities around the island, carried ial during the campaign period. Only one discussion Ilakkaya, had any regular interaction with listeners, P bias.The non-state media overall carried very little material, despite the need for this in certain
42

Page 43
Section 5
Recommendations
Mandatory
• All broadcast media should report election ne facts should be clearly distinguished from com should not exhibit party political biases and sh for political parties.
• The broadcast media should ensure that al access to their programmes on a non-discrimina
• Politicians, and others unfairly portrayed in th their political affiliations, should have a reasona
• Media channels should strictly adhere to Guidelines, including those relating to no-camp political advertisements, and should be held a regulations.
Voluntary
All non-state media should, on a voluntary basis:
• strive to be strictly non-partisan during election funds them;
• strive to establish a greater diversity of news government and opposition press releases, an of representatives of non-governmental organ minority groups as news sources during election
• be sensitive to race, gender and class issues a sentiments, seek to promote tolerance and und
• set clear, non-discriminatory advertising polic periods and, where such advertising would re parties, consider prohibiting paid political adve recommendation of the media monitoring projec
• seek to ensure that discussions deal with s prevent participants from resorting to allegation
• carry more voter education material.

Section 5
Recommendations
ould report election news fairly and objectively and distinguished from commentary. Broadcast channels political biases and should never actually campaign
hould ensure that all political parties are granted es on a non-discriminatory basis. nfairly portrayed in the non-state media, whatever should have a reasonable opportunity to respond.
strictly adhere to the Election Commissioner’s se relating to no-campaign periods and charging for and should be held accountable when flouting such
voluntary basis: artisan during election campaigns, regardless of who
ater diversity of news sources than merely those of ion press releases, and to include a greater number n-governmental organisations, regional groups and sources during election campaigns; der and class issues and, rather than inflaming racial ote tolerance and understanding; atory advertising policies during election campaign h advertising would result in inequitable access for ting paid political advertising (this is, for example, a
edia monitoring project in Zimbabwe); scussions deal with substantive policy issues and resorting to allegations and counter-allegations; and on material.
43