Page 1
A NEW TAMIL PO
USS JU
(USGES
Vol. 1 No. 7 * 40 Pence * April 1982
WORLD HINDU CONFERENCE
The third World Hild Conference was opened formally by President J.R. Jayawardene on April 21 at Colombo, Sri Lanka. This conference had been organised under the auspices of the Ministry of Hindu Affairs on the recoil Illendation of the Minister of Hindu Affairs, Mr. C. Rajadurai.
A sum of Rs. 2. Thillion had becr allocated by the Ministry to Thee the expenses connecred with the conference. The balance expenditure of Rs. 4 Ilhillion is believed to have been donated by private philanthropists from India ärd Sri La Ilıka,
The three-day Conference was be Illainly devoted to the reading by renowned Hindu Scholars research papers at three parallel sessions on different aspects of Hinduis III, for exa II ple, Hinduis In and Science; Hinduism and Culture; Hinduism and the Fine ATts; Har Tony of Religions
.. The Tamil Nadu government had presented 500 Thanjavur Art plates as gifts to the foreign delegates attending the Conference. A Souvenir with the picture of Lord Nataraja Il cos Tnic dance form had been printed for distribution among delegates, ArrangeIII e Its had been I made to take the delegates round the counII; on a three-day tour of the island's principal places of Hindu interest at the conclu
ision of the Conference.
While the government and Mr. C. Rajadurai, the Minister who was instrLIII1cTL tal in organising the Conference, have atte Illpted to make the Conference a big occasion, it is believed that the mood a long the majority of Hindus in the country was, to say the least, not enthusiastic. ""Satu Tday Review'', a weekly English journal, summed up the situation in its Editorial columns as follows:-
'Mr. Cheliah Rajadurai is a politica r7 vir 'ı La far Fished política irrage. There is no need to be polite about it and hush a fact that is already well-krio War. The cor vening of" the World Hindu Conference ir Sri Lari ka by his Ministry поиv gives hirл гhe opporтипіӀу to exercise his very pleasing prose style in plublic, so be applauded garlanded, protographed, crld Corrie slap-larg in] to the line-ligh r-the kind of opportru fry far all it dear
Politicials would love dearly.
But take a way the political
distract for Iris Mr. Rajadirai's involverrierit brings in, and we he we da World Hiradu CC) riserer 7'e fri Sri Larika which withou dolf is a pioneer and rare occasiori, Saturday Review welcomes the
ever I in its own Pieri, welcomtes the international delegates to this country,
Welcorres the official partici. pation of the Government, the
Contd. on page 10
 

LITICAL PARTY
Speculation is rife in political circles in Sri Lanka that the dominant and almost monolithic position hitherto held by the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) among the Tamils is about to be seriously challenged with the formation of a new political party.
The key figures behind the Scenes involved in the emergence of this new parly are said to be a for Iner Member of Parliament and a for ITher Mayor of the Municipal Council of the northern city of Jaffna. A prominent Member of Parliament belonging to the TULF is believed to hawe been persuaded to defect and lead the new party.
It is no secret that a sizable section of the TULF has been considerably dissatisfied for sometille with the current policies prusued by the TULF leadership under Mr. A. Amirthalingam, the Leader of the Opposition. They are said to be particularly LI happy about the protracted Ilcgotiations that the leadership are engaged in with President J.R., Jayawardene's United National Party (UNP) governlent without any sign or prospect of tangible results. They allege that the demand for a separa te state of Ta II il EelaIIn has either been betrayed or shelved by the leader. ship at the alter of political expediency. They complain that the policies and principles TT vyhlich i El la I TILLF leader Mr. S..., W. Chelwa Tlayakarn støUd for have been compromised and the leader. ship have allowed the IIlselves to be used or been outwitted by the Machiavellian Ithachinations of President Jayawardene. They also suspect that the TULF, if it followed its present line, will end up with an electoral alliance with the ruling UNP at the next general elections. They fear that such an alliance will result in disastrous consequences for the Tamil speaking people,
The TULF leadership, for their part, have strenuously denied these allegations and casserted their coln II it IIlent to the creation of a separate state for the Tamils. However,
they rair" that, in the meantime, al avenues including negotiations with the government should be explored with a view to protecting the interests of the Tamil speaking people and to arrest the further erosion of their rights in the fields of land alienation, employ Inc. and education. They consider the establish IIlent of the District Development Councils and the prospect of the increase in their powers particularly in Tegard to state-aided land distribution for colonisation in The North CII and Eastern Provices a 5 no nean achicWc
The TULF leadership hawe been subjected to witriolic attack by 'Suthan thiran', the weekly Tamil newspaper, the foLIIlder of which was the late Mr. S.J. W. Chelwanayakam, Presently this paper is Tun by his son, Mr. C.Chandrahasan, who is reported to be severely critical of the current leadership of the TULEF, There is nım reä50 L doubt hät Mr, Chandrahasan will play no Ill can role in the proposed new
II, The Ilew party is expected to follow a Tlore Tilitant line or) the question of a separat e ställe foT the Tallils. With recent reports of splits and disunity in the ranks of the "Tiger Movement", the widespread arrests of youths alleged to be connected with that Towerlent and the consequent disorganisation in their ranks, the Thore radicalised sections of Ta,Til youths are expected to support the new party,
The All Ceylon Tamil Congress headed by Kumar Poninampala III, the son of the late G. G. PUппапраlап, which was virtually decimated during the last General and the recent DDC elections, is
Contd. On page 7

Page 2
ASIAN LABOUR IN MID-E.
The exercise by the oil rich nations of the economic power conferred upon them by abundance of the natural wealth has b1 ought about a radical change in the economies of all countries of the world. One such change is the increased migration of human labour towards these newly rich nations especially of the Middle East. Workers seeking escape from poverty in their own countries are migrating in their hundreds and thousands. It is estimated that about three million Asians are now working in the Persian Gulf states. These states have small unskilled work forces. Migrants, mostly Asians, are moving in to fill the gap. Not only the unskilled labourer but also highly skilled managers and other professionals are being attracted. It is thought that the host countries prefer migrant Asian workers because of the cheapness of the labour. Another reason perhaps is that Asian migrants hardly integrate with the local society in the Middle East and therefore could be ejected without difficulty if there were to be some trouble such as some political agitation. It would be difficult to employ such a policy towards immigrants from the same region as, for example, the Palestinian Arabs.
The huge demand for Asian labour has created the "Recruitment Industry'. Hundreds of such agencies have sprung up across Asia. In Sri Lanka, it is
estimated that the agencies. Not all honest dealers. M victims of unscru exploited. Large extracted from the there are jobs sometimes there ar do exist there is workers will get anticipated.
Life in the Middle for the migrant As workers are forbi families. They tend the local commu forms of entertain available. Male wor local customs an alcohol. Reports h; migrant females, m up employment a sexually harassed. delectable damsels rejecting amorous employers or their g of the difficulties a nationals undergo, ments are reluctant market in the Midd too important. Th regard their stay as earn money.
Most of the migran do receive many ti
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APRIL 1982
ST
are about 500 such the negotiators are iny workers become lous agents and are ums of money are pplicants; sometimes ut the other end, not. Even when jobs guarantee that the
the bargain they
East can be very dull an worker. Often the lden to bring their to live isolated from ity. Their habitual ment are usually not cers often fall foul of d laws prohibiting lve been received of ostly those who take s domestics, being Gossips abound of losing their lives by
advances by their uests. Though aware nd harassments their
the Asian governo complain. The job le East is held to be e workers tend to self mortification to
ts expect and in fact mes the wages they
By R.T. Paran
earned back at home or might have earned if they were lucky enough to get a job in the first place. The migrant workers' money has become a major force in the national economies of the countries that send the labour. In Sri Lanka, remittances from the Middle East ranked next to earnings from exports of tea and rubber. Countries that export labour have differing rates of success in persuading the workers to remit the wages home. By allowing the expatriates to place their earnings in tax-free foreign currency accounts, Sri Lanka has attracted increasing remittances.
Ideally the extra earnings of the labour rich but otherwise poor Asian countries should be spent on productive investments. But unfortunately the money tends to be spent on consumer goods thus worsening the already present inflation. One example is the astronomic rise in land prices in almost all Asian countries. The result of the new affluence is a new middle class in these countries which has brought about social upheavals and mixed economic blessings. In Sri Lanka the exodus has created severe shortages of skilled and semi-skilled labour. With a number of new projects being started in every oil rich Middle Eastern country, the drain of labour from Asian countries is likely to get worse and consequently the rate of change in the social structure will remain accelerated.
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Page 3
APRIL 1982
ARE TAMILS AM
It is a matter of regret that almost all the leftist political parties and groups in this country have been committing the fundamental error of considering the Tamil people in Sri Lanka only as a national minority. This failure betrays not only their residual traces of social chauvinism, but also their inability to grasp the Marxist - Leninist fundamentals on the national question. On what grounds can one describe the Tamil people in Sri Lanka a national minority? In this country the term “minority' had been used in relation to the Tamil people first by the British rulers and then by so-called patriots in the time of colonial rule. Since then the word came into the official jargon, to be used as an adjective to the word “Tamils'. Even our leftists began to use the term “Tamil minority' indiscriminately without giving thought to its dangerous implications, dangerous because when one regards an oppressed nation merely as a national minority, then one easily tends to misunderstand, minimize and underestimate the oppressed status of that particular people. This ultimately serves to justify and even to defend the nationalist prejudices of the oppressor nation.
It is true that in terms of numerical strength Tamils are secondary to the Sinhalese. But this population criteria must not be applied to determine the superiority or otherwise of a particular nation. Moreover Marxists never subscribe to the medieval notion of 'superiority' or "inferiority' of any nation .. Any nation which, in actual fact, is in a lesser position in terms of population must not be deprived of its legitimate place and rights. Thus, the Tamils though they are not the major ethnic group in Sri Lanka, are essentially not a national minority. They possess a fairly contiguous traditional territory, a common language and culture of their
own, and a common economic life though the latter, to a certain extent, has been intermingled with and interrelated to that of the Sinhalese due to specific historical conditions. Hence a Nation. They were and are being deprived of the fundamental demoncratic rights of a nation, first of which is the right of political independence, that is of a separate political existence. Hence an oppressed nation.
By J. Uyangoda
Only if and when we identify and locate the main problem in this way that we are able to perceive the essential historical meaning of the demand of the Tamil people for a separate state. They strive for separation not because they are instigated by some foreign power, but because they need for themselves the right to determine their own destiny. The demand for separation is only the concrete manifestation of the historical necessity, political democracy for an oppressed nation.
Most of the leftist political groups, let alone the right wing parties, seem to think that the fundamental characteristic of the “Tamil Question' is that the Tamils are discriminated against by the Sinhala dominated capitalist ruling class. This is both a misunderstanding and a misrepresentation of the problem of national oppression. If we present the problem of the Tamils in Sri Lanka, Concretely and historically, as Lenin put it, we may come to the inevitable conclusion that the national question is one of the unresolved tasks of the bourgeois democratic revolution. In the classical bourgeois revolutions or during the process of those revolutions in Western Europe the oppressed nations formed their own national states. The slogan of the right of nations to self-determination came into being in the 17th and 18th centuries only as a petty-bour

TAMIL TIMES 3
memsmasa
NORITY
geois slogan with the characteristic of a democratic demand of the rising bourgeoisie against feudalism and feudal state structure. The raison d'etre of the demand to self-determination in the con
text of the present day historical situation in this country is that the local
bourgeoisie, unlike most of the classical European counterparts, is incapable of carrying out the tasks of the bourgeois revolution through to the end. This of course is true of all the neo-colonial bourgeoisies. The present agitation and struggle of the Tamil people in the North is nothing but a nationalist movement of an oppressed nation for political democracy. Those who consider the Tamil people merely as a national minority inevitably fail to understand this essential democratic context of the demand for political indepen
dence. It is this very failure which has led most of our leftist groups to be content with merely believing that the "Tamil problem' can be solved by ending 'all sorts of discrimination' in a future socialist society.
It is not disputed that only in a socialist society that all sorts of discrimination, racial or otherwise, can be brought to an end effectively and forever. But 'the socialist revolution is not a single act, it is not one battle on one front, but a whole epoch of acute class conflicts, a long series of battles on all fronts ie. on all questions of economics and politics, battles that can only end in the expropriation of the bourgeoisie. It would be a radical mistake to think that the struggle for democracy was
capable of proletariat from
the socialist revolution, or of hiding, overshadowing it, etc. On the contrary, in the same way as there can be no
Contd. on page 4
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Page 4
4, TAMIL TIMES
LSSP SPLITS
The Lanka Sama Samaja Party, the oldest political party in Sri Lanka formed in December 1935, has suffered its seventh major split in its long and rugged history.
Mr. Anil Moonesinghe, who served as Minister of Nationalised Services in the Sri Lanka Freedom Party-LSSP coalition government of 1964 has split away from the party with some of his followers. He claimed that his faction was the LSSP as he and his collegues had "captured' the party. Dr. Colvin R de Silva, the veteran leader of the LSSP said that no party can be "captured' by making a press statement.
The split of the LSSP followed a recent meeting of the Central Committee of the party at which a resolution moved by Mr. Moonesinghe proposing a close organisational alliance with Mrs. Srima Bandaranaike’s SLFP was defeated by 49 votes to 12 with 5 abstentions. At the same meeting, a resolution
moved by Dr. Colvin R de Silva, to continue to work to bring all anti-United National Party (UNP) forces in an effort to defeat the government was adopted with a large majority.
Mr. Anil Moonesinghe and his followers in the party are reported to have summoned a conference and elected new office-bearers. Mr. Moonesinghe has been elected as General Secretary.
Mr. Moonesinghe has always been known to be in the "right-wing' of the party and has been suspected of having had secret negotiations with Mrs. Srima Bandaranaike before he pushed his line of close organisational association with the SLFP(S) to the point of split. He was one of the leaders who supported the coalition of the LSSP and SLFP in 1964. The decision of the LSSP in 1964 to coalese with the SLFP led to a major split of the party in that year and its subsequent expulsion from the Trofskyist Fourth International.
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APRIL 1982
BAN ON BRITISH POLITICAN
CONDEMINED
Ted Grant, the leader of the British Militant Left Group recently visited Sri Lanka to attend the Conference of the Nava Sama Samaja Party. Although he was initially granted entry for one month, the government commenced a Search for him with the view to deporting him for some undisclosed reason.
It is understood that, despite strenuous efforts made by the country’s CID and Immigration officials, Ted Grant successfully evaded apprehension and attended all the meetings and discussions con
ducted by the NSSP.
Mr. Vasudeva Nanayakkara, the leader of the NSSP, condemned the government's action and said that it betrayed the hollowness of the democratic claims of the present United National Party government and its repressive nature.
One political observer said that the government's ban and the resultant media publicity gave the NSSP and Ted Grant a propaganda boost which they otherwise would not have received.
Warrants Out For Absconding Policemen
The District Court Magistrate, Mr. C.V. Wigneswaran, recently issued warrants for the arrest of 17 police officers for having failed to appear in Court to answer charges of murder, robbery and arson in Chunnakam and Kankesanthurai during the rampage by the security forces in Jaffna, Sri Lanka in May-June last year.
Of the 18 officers against whom charges had been filed, only one policeman had informed the Court that he was unable to be present. The other 17 policemen had absconded.
All of them had been served with interdiction notices soon
after charges had been filed against them.
Of the 18 policemen, 2 were Sub-Inspectors, I Serjeant, 14 Constables and 1 police driver. The damage caused by these policemen and other unidentified members of the security forces at Chunnakam and Kankesanturai has been estimated at over 2 million
rupees.
In the meantime, the police department is said to be carrying out a departmental inquiry into the cases of 189 policemen alleged to have been involved in acts of violence in the North of the country during the same period.
Contd. from page 3
victorious Socialism that does not practise full democracy, so the proletariat cannot prepare for its victory over the bourgeoisie without an all round, consistent and revolutionary struggle for democracy.’ (Lenin the Socialist Revolution and The Right of Nations to self-determination - Theses)
Lenin’s words are categorical and unambiguous. The proleariat, in its series of struggles for socialism, must fight for democracy too.. The proletaiat fights for democracy not o confine itself within the imits of a capitalist system,
but with the sole purpose of transcending those limits with the view of extending and intensifying the struggle for every fundamental democratic right up to the socialist revolution that expropriates the bourgeoisie.
The time has come for most of our leftist political groups who claim to be MarxistLeninists to re-consider their attitudes and strategies towards the struggle of the oppressed Tamil people. The failure to adopt a correct revolutionary strategy on this key political issue would definitely have its gravest implications.

Page 5
APRIL 1982
The Lady's Now By Peter Kellne
for Burning
Lord Carrington, Humphrey Atkins and Richard Luce were, of course perfectly right to resign over the Falkland Islands debacle. They were in charge of foreign policy, they screwed it up, and have now gone. Unlike the Prime Minister, who should have resigned too, they are honourable people and they have done the honourable thing. But almost everything else done by the Government and said in the House of Commons since last Friday's invasion has been full of humbug.
The Government does not give a fig about the international status of the Falkland Islands. The opposition does not give a fig. Most backbenchers, Foreign Office officials, and newspaper leader-writers don't give a fig. I don't give a fig. Nor, probably, do you.
What is truly remarkable about the scale of the Government's humbug is that as recently as last year it casually and cynically defeated two attempts to demostrate one symbolic commitment to the Falkland Islanders that would have cost nothing except the scarcely noticed consumption of a small piece of humble pie.
The occasion was the progress of the British Nationality Bill through the House of Lords. First in July, and later in October, Baroness Vickers - the one-time Conservative MP, Joan Vickers - attempted to amend the bill to give all the islanders full British citizenship.
Since 1971 only those islanders who are “patrials' - that is, with at least one parent or grandparent born in the UK - have had full British citizenship rights. In practical terms that still includes most adult islanders, who are mainly second and third-generation Falklanders. But within the next 20 years or so, that is likely to change, as the “patrials” start to die off, and their fourth-generation child
ren, without “patrial” status, grow up.
At first the British Nationality Bill contained no geographical concessions to this rule. But, after a while, an amendment was passed by the House of Lords allowing any Gibraltarian the right to apply for full British citizenship if she or he wished it.
Baroness Vickers had a degree of all-party support for her amendment to extend full citizenship to the Falklanders. She plucked at Tory heartstrings with deft use of the 'kith and kin’ argument, and a detailed account of the Falklanders' help during the Second World War; meanwhile Lords Avebury and Jenkins (the ex-Liberal MP Eric Lubbock and the exLabour MP Hugh Jenkins) mounted impeccable libertarian arguments. As Lord Avebury put it:
I think it is our duty to make sure that the people who live in these islands are given the support of British citizenship so that they will know that it is not the intention of Her Majesty's Government to hand them over against their will to a particularly repugnant military regime which massacres many of its own citizens.
I think they may well have legitimate fears of what would happen if Argentina took over in the islands and established the sort of terror there which in the last five years of the regime ... we have seen operating on the mainland.
For the Government, Lord Trefgarne - one of the two Foreign Office ministers who did not resign on Monday - said:
I must remind your Lordships that however strong the affection the fact remains that the Falklands are not and never have been a part of the United Kingdom.
Baroness Vickers did not pursue her amendment to a vote at that stage. But last October she revived the issue, and did push it to a vote. She read out a petition sent by the

TAMIL TIMES5
Political Editor 'New Statesman
Falklanders to Mrs Thatcher. It read:
We, Falkland Islanders and supporters in the Kingdom, earnestly request that Mrs Thatcher and her Government reconsider the terms of the British Nationality Bill in order to accord full British citizenship to all islanders of British descent. This time a clearer reason for the Government's reluctance became apparent. It would be the thin end of the wedge. The poeple of Hong Kong might
demand the same rights. Trefgarne this time:
We cannot grant British
citizenship to the peoples of one dependent territory and expect the others to stand idly by.
In other words, the status of the Falkland Islanders was to be sacrificed in order to prevent the British Government facing an altogether more awful prospect - the immigration of hundreds of thousands of Hong Kong citizens, should relations with China cut up rough.
At the end of the debate, the Lords divided. They were equally split - 90 votes for the amendment, 90 against. As is customary, the Lords' deputy speaker, Lord Alport, cast his vote for the status quo; thus the amendment was lost.
Nobody thinks, of course, that the Falklanders will actually be denied entry to Britain if they end up being forced to leave thair homes. But the symbolism of the two Lords debates is important, for it undercuts Mrs. Thatcher's claim on television on Monday night that "the people still want to be British'. Indeed so, but Mrs Thatcher's government does (or did) not want them to be British - or, at any rate, not fully British. Moreover, the Government's attitude to the nationality of the Falklanders is only the latest of a long line of events, described in our editorial, that combines bum-sucking to successive fascist juntas in Argentina, with a compulsive desire to make the islanders
United
more and more dependent on Argentina, and less and less
dependent on Britain, for their
contacts with the outside world.
The only way such a policy could have been combined with the flag-waving rhetoric of keeping the islands nominally "British' dependencies, short of a ludicrously expensive permanent military presence in the south Atlantic, would have been to make sure that our intelligence services always provided the Government with sufficient advance warning of all Argentinian moves - and that the Ministry of Defence then acted on those warnings.
This brings us to the reason why Mrs Thatcher is equally responsible with Lord Carrington for last week's fiasco - not merely because of her general position as Prime Minister, but because of he specific responsibility for the intelligence services.
It is now clear that the
intelligence gathering - in Buenos Aires, and from US satellite information - was
done well, even impeccably. The defect lay in the assess ment of that raw material. Until this government came to power, the Foreign Office was responsible for running the Joint Intelligence Committee. The JIC's job is to collate, assess and report on the work done by Britain's four intelligence agencies (Defence Intelligence Staff, Secret Intelligence Service (M16), the Security Service (M15) and Government Communications Headquarters).
Mrs. Thatcher's government, however, introduced a crucial change. It upgraded the status of the Cabinet Office's Coordinator of Intelligence and Security. This man, Sir Antony Duff, consequently now outranks the other members of the JIC, and so chairs its deliberations. As a result, the lead ministry' for assessing Britain's intelligence activities has transferred from the
Foreign Office to the Cabinet
Contd. on page 12

Page 6
6 TAMIL TIMES
UNDERGRADS ATTAC
Undergraduates and lecturers from the University of Jaffna, Sri Lanka were assaulted physically and pelted with stones at Sri Pada (Adam’s Peak) recently. The party consisted mostly of Hindu Students who were climbing Sri Pada as part of an educational tour of the island. 'It was a nightmarish experience' some members of the group said.
Shouting insults in Sinhala 'Para Demalo”, “Jaffna Kotiyas (Tigers)', 'What business have you in Sri Pada?” some unidentified men in sarongs began to pelt stones and hit them with sticks. A young Assistant Lecturer lost his wrist-watch by trying to ward off a blow. Fortunately no one was seriously injured. Recounting the ordeal, some students in the first group said they had set out on 23 March from Jaffna on an educational tour of the island; they were due to return on 28 March. They had planned to climb Sri Pada, revered by Buddhists, Hindus, Muslims and Christians alike.
As scheduled, they arrived at Nallathanni, close to the foot of Sri pada, on the 24th night. Even as the driver tried to park the bus he was brusquely shooed away by a policeman attached to the Nallathanni police post. He told the driver the parking spot was some distance away. The policeman was vociferously supported by some suspicious-looking characters who were hanging around. They seemed to be drunk.
Despite the ominous beginning, the students - about 25 girls and 15 boys - and lecturers decided to climb Sri Pada.
The time was about 10.30 p.m. They split up into groups of ten and began the ascent. Just then some of the shady characters whom they had encountered earlier, along with some other hooligans, had deliberately and roughly brushed past the girls. The students chose to ignore the ргоvocation.
The hoodlums went ahead and squatted at a point where the path forks, one branch leading to a Buddhist shrine. Two groups of students - only a few yards separated one group from the other - passed the fork, without the hooli. gans making any move, But as the last group led by a young assistant lecturer came up to this point, a few minutes later, the hooligans began the attack.
Hearing the commotion and the cries of alarm, the other two groups came rushing down - only to receive the Same treatment.
In the pandemonium, which lasted about 10 minutes, the girls and boys ran helterskelter. Some appealed to the Buddhist monk in the nearby shrine for protection. "I don't want to get involved in all this' was the reply they received. Meanwhile the hooligans had vanished.
Once the situation had quietened, the lecturers and students decided that the safest thing was to get away from Sri Pada as quickly as possible, as they feared the hooligans might come back with reinforcements.
As they came down, they were relieved to find another batch of Jaffna University undergraduates and lecturers climbing up. This batch was to have linked up with the earlier group to climb Sri Pada but, fortunately for them, they couldn't keep to schedule. Both batches turned back, got into their vehicles and made their exit - but not before some stones had shattered a glass shutter of the newcomers' mini-bus.
The next morning, round about 9 a.m., the group which had been attacked went to the Norwood Police Station to lodge a complaint. The Officer-in-Charge told them they should complain to the Nallathanni Police Post. The lecturer in charge explained why they dare not go back there. The OIC listened sympathetically and took down the complaint, promising to

APRIL 1982
'KED AT SRI PADA
forward it to the Nallathanni Police Post for necessary action.
Deploring the attack, the OIC told them he felt very sorry, as a Sinhalese, about the whole affair as thousands of Buddhist pilgrims visit Nagadeepa in the North even now without running into Such violence or hostility. He added that his police station had been flooded with telephone calls earlier, asking him to check up on strangers from the North who were prowling around Sri Pada.
While the Sri Pada drama was being enacted, yet another group of 55 undergraduates and 3 lecturers from the Jaffna University were facing harassment of another kind at
Hatton.
This group reached Hatton at 3 p.m., on 24 March. They parked their bus at Don Bosco College where they were to
have their dinner, before setting out to Sri Pada that night.
Round about 8 p.m., some of the students and lecturers were seated in the bus when two persons in civils came up and asked "Tigers, how dare you come here?' They appeared to be under the influence of liquor, according to eye
witnesses.
Identifying themselves as
Police officers, they ordered the driver to drive the bus to the Hatton Police Station. Then for nearly 1% hours. the bags were thoroughly searched. The Officer-in-charge explained that they had received several telephone calls alleging that “Jaffna Tigers' were
prowling round Hatton. If they had been Sinhalese undergraduates there would have been no problem, he said. But in the present situation they were naturally suspicious about anyone from Jaffna.
After the fruitless search was over, the lecturers had asked for a letter from the O.I.C. So that they would not be further harassed on the way. "Don't worry' was the reply. "Just mention that the Hatton Police has checked on you. We'll inform the other police stations that we have okayed you.'
The University group was so upset by the whole episode, they dropped the idea of going to Sri Pada and proceeded straight to Kandy instead.
KRIPALAN DEAD
Acharya J.B. Kripalani, a veteran of the Indian independence struggle died on 19 March 1982 at Ahmedabad. He was 94. He was a Professor of History in Bihar before he gave up teaching to join Mahatma Gandhi in the satyagraha movement. Caught in the Nehru - Patel rivalry, he had to remain a stranger in the corridors of power. His parliamentary career ended in 1971. Then with Jayaprakash Narayan he helped in the formation of the Janata Party and campaigned successfully for its victory in 1977. In a condolence message the President of India, Mr Sanjiva Reddi described Mr. Kripalani as a stalwart of the Gandhian age who pleaded untiringly for cleanliness in public life.
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Page 7
APRIL 982
STATELESS IN SRI
The stateless persons in Sri Lanka should be allowed to freely express their wishes and that should be the determining factor for repatriation to India. 'It will be unfair, nay inhuman, to uproot any person from the place of his birth domicile or work and repatriate him against his wish' says the report of the Estimates Committee of the Lok Sabha (Lower House of Parliament of India). The Committee has suggested to the Government of India to have urgent consultations with the Sri Lanka Government SO as to bring to an end the entire problem of stateless persons of Indian origin as early as
Contd. from page 1
believed to be extremely happy about this new development, as their chances are likely to be improved in electoral terms if there are to be multi-cornered contests at the next general elections.
In the meantime, the role of Mr. V. Ananda Sangari, the TULF MP for Kilinochchi, is also causing grave concern to the party leadership. In view of his disagreement with the leadership over the refusal to back his demand for a separate District Development Council for the Kilinochchi area, Mr. Sangari has been boycotting meetings of the TULF parliamentary group in the recent past and has been adopting an "independent' line which is directed solely to reinforce his position in his own electorate so as to ensure his re-election even without the TULF official support. It will not be altogether surprising if he were to re-join his old party, the Tamil Congress, if that will enable his re-election.
In any event, political observers believe that the new party could put up a reasonable challenge to the TULF in the north. Are the days of TULF electoral monopoly among the Tamils at an end is the question that is currently agitating the minds of the people.
possible.
According to the committee, the thinking in Sri Lanka on the question of repatriation of stateless persons is undergoing a change and the importance of workers of Indian origin in Sri Lanka's economy is now being realised.
'Though according to the views formally communicated to the Government of India, the Sri Lanka Government wishes the agreement to be implemented as originally envisaged, there is evidence to show that individual plantation owners and superintendents are now not as anxious as their Government to send the workers to India'.
TARDY IMPLEMENTATION
The Lok Sabha committee has noted that the implementation of the agreement between the two Governments has been tardy because of delays in Sri Lanka on the completion of formalities. Till 31 October 1981 when the Shastri - Sirimavo pact expired 496,954 persons had been granted Indian citizenship. Of them 375,444 persons had been repatriated to India. According to information with the Government of India 210,687 persons had been granted Sri Lanka citizenship.
Till their future status is finally decided, the remaining stateless persons in Sri Lanka should be allowed to live and work with dignity and enjoy basic civic and human rights without any discrimination, the Committee asserts. The reports further states that living and working condition of the stateless persons in Sri Lanka presents a depressing picture. The Government of India should persuade the Sri Lanka authorities to bring a little sunshine into the lives of these helpless persons.
ROLE OF INDIAN HIGH COMMISSION The Committee also observed that people awaiting repatriation to India are often held up in Sri Lanka because of delays

AVIL VIES :
LANKA
in payment of their provident fund gratuity etc. Monitoring done by the Indian High Commission in Sri Lanka revealed that a substantial majority of the repatriates who had their passports since May 1979 had not received their provident fund and other dues till July 1980.
The Committee feels that the Indian High Commission should play a more active role in collecting information about delays in payment of dues to workers awaiting repatriation and pursue every such case of delay with the Sri Lanka authorities to ensure that dues are paid promptly. The Committee had received representations that the Indian High Commission had not done enough to help the
stateless persons just because they happened to be stateless. This type of approach, according to the Committee, created the impression that the Indian High Commission was taking too legalistic a view ignoring humanitarian considerations. So long as the future status is not finally decided, the Indian High Commission should not hesitate to go to the rescue of the stateless persons in Sri Lanka.
The Committee has suggested that random checks should be carried out to find whether there are any families in India whose earning members have been left behind in Sri Lanka. In such cases the Government of India should take up the matter with Sri Lanka authorities to enable the families to receive remittances from earning members in Sri Lanka.
SSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSS The cause of liberty becomes a mockery if the price to be paid is the wholesale destruction of those who are to enjoy liberty.
MOHANDAS K. GANDHI.
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Page 8
CS LAMIL l'IMHS
SRI LANKA-DISC)
End Discrimination By R. Kahawitta
With a boastful heritage 2,500 years old, and a culture landmarking our memory with a shrine under every Bo-tree, and after fifty years of Universal Franchise, thirty five years of political independence, with three Constitutions to ensure our sovereignty, we have not yet learnt to understand the other man's point of view. Project it to each community, it has resulted in arson, looting murder and atrocities against each other not once, twice, thrice, it seems to have become a way of life with us. "My ills are due to the doings, utterances, and sayings of the other - my neighbour'. What has happened to the gems of wisdom we hear, put over the air every morn before the day breaks and repeated again at every religious ceremony? Isn't there too much of hypocrisy in the joined hands
and genuflexions at our prayers?
RESPECT FOR OTHERS'
RIGHTS We are shown meditation
centres to train the aliens in meditation and repentance and we invite them to participate in these devotional ceremonies and exhort them to lead a spiritual life, while we cut each other's throat, Are we doing these for the sake of the ceremony, while we have nothing but hatred towards our neighbour?
Do we make a search of our own conscience to guide our living thereafter in the five
fold path? Let us be sincere, honest, and be natural in our
efforts to cement the various communities, cultures, ethnic groups, etc. into one family and learn to respect each
other's rights, aspirations, and desires. Is there any need to fight ourselves, like street dogs, on the slightest provocation? Aren't we all humans with a spiritual side to guide
our actions towards each other, "Loving thy neighbour as thyself'? Are we goint to pull ourselves down to the level of the law of the jungle, because we need an extra bit of territory to hunt or need to poach on another's preserve for our own survival? We see no hope of unity, unless the different communities get together to work out a common programme of action to make each understand the other and follow the path.
In this work of unification, the politician has no place. He has been always a fly in the ointment in the efforts to build one people, one country and will be so in the future. If he cannot be the mischiefmaker, he has no interest in nation building. We see, we hear, how this fly can irritate the other, may be at meetings, on the floor of the house, or even at minor functions. This is what prompted His Excel
lency the President to say at a Parliamentary group meet
ing, after seeing for himself the ravages done in certain areas and who were responsible for it he said "if committing of rape, looting, arson, destroying of property is encouraged I will not give the leadership to tine Party”. He said so in a few minutes at a party meeting and said "the meeting is over'. But why? Because the people who were put through the ordeal do not speak Sinhala and they claim an equal right to live in Sri Lanka, because it is their home as well.
Unity cannot be built with an eye on political popularity. Humility, understanding, and the ability to understand the other man's point of view are the keys to unity and success. This cannot be achieved by rabid political views, political ambitions, or political popularity. No doubt the politician is a necessity in any organised society and in that society he

APRIL 19s
RMINATION AND
has a place. But not in organising the society. Politicians are carried away with their own importance and sentiments to win the support of the voter. If we allow the politician to have his own way can we iron out a practical solution to the problem of national unity - one people,
one country?
Alas, what is troubling ever
body is the language issue. It is a thorn in everybody's side and the goading starts with it. We have to admit that the language issue was a hasty political decision made with an eye to capturing power and never gave a second thought to national unity, freedom of movement, equality of opportunities, etc. We can keep on adding to the list of shortcomings to prevent national unity With no desire to change what was, the New Constitution too endorsed the idea of two Nations, two National Languages. There cannot be two National Languages without two nations. And we confirmed this idea by creating geographical and administrative boundaries where one of the National Languages is also the Official Language. In employment in the State Services too there is che idea of one community being an Alien. Those who are employed through the Tamil Medium must pass a Proficiency test in the Official Language, i.e. Sinhala, before clearing the Efficiency Bar for promotion. This barrier is not there for those who enter he service through the Sinhala medium. What does it mean in theory and in practice to a Tamil Officer? It means a Iamil is “a foreigner' and he must be competent to work in Sinhala, pass a proficiency test f he needs a job in the State services. But a Sinhala Officer is not required to pass a Proficiency test in Tamil to work in areas where the nationals are Tamil speaking. On the face of it, is it not discrimination when the Contitution professes “there shall
not be discrimination etc.?” COLONIAL DAYS
In the colonial days an Englishman had to pass a Severe Test in spoken and written Sinhala and Tamil before he became a permanent member of the Service. Also a Sinhala Officer had to learn Tamil, and a Tamil Officer, Sinhala, before confirmation. This worked very smoothly and efficiently. The alien ruler understood how to build national unity and with it progress of the "community' the Ceylonese people. On employment all officers had to give an undertaking to serve in any part of the country, thus committing to be proficient in both languages for all officers. How can a Sinhala Officer do this without a working knowledge of Tamil? Administratively he is not required to gain a knowledge of Tamil. Whereas this is not so for a Tamil speaking Officer. He must be able to work in both languages. If he cannot, he will not progress in the Service. This is the kind of discrimination the officers taken in through the Tamil medium have to suffer. If all are equal under the Constitution, how can we reconcile this? When it comes to employment, a
non-Sinhala speaking candidate is considered Non-National if he cannot work in the official language - Sinhala. This is what has given birth to the idea of “Another nation' and cry for Eelam. Can we blame the Tamils for this when the Constitution implies another National group? Thus it behoves the majority conmunity to ensure that no cause is given to the minorities to demand for separation by words, deeds, or action direct
or implied.
SILVER LINING In the midst of these
contradictions and confused ideas in a Constitution we see a silver lining. Since we started writing our comments on the events of August, a "Just
Contd. on page 12

Page 9
APKL 982
NATIONAL
UNIT
Sinhala Only Is Illegal
By A.C. Nadarajah
It was refreshing to read in the Tribune of the 9th January an article by Mr. R. Kahawita on “National Unity and Discrimination'. It was a sober sensible and balanced approach to the Tamil Problem. He feels sorry that with all our boastful heritage 2,500 years old, culture, etc., "We have not yet learnt to understand the other man's point of view'. This is the main reason for a lot of anti-Tamil feeling today. So long as this attitude continues there can be, and will be, no unity in this country. Our country is steadily declining in every walk of life for this reason. Mr. Kahawita rightly and boldly asserts that "in this work of unification, the politician has no place'. Unfortunately in this country nothing moves without the politician having his finger in it. There was nothing wrong with the ordinary people of the country either in the North or South till their thinking was poisoned by the politicians after independence. Mr. Kahawita says “Alas! What is troubling everybody is the language issue'. This is quite correct. It is the Sinhala Only Act No. 33 of 1956 that divided the country. In this connection it may be useful to refer to the gradual evolution of this problem, some aspects of which are not known to the
public.
The QUESTION OF THE OFFICIAL LANGUAGE
was first raised in the State Council in 1944 when Mr. J. R. Jayawardene, Introduced a resolution to make Sinhala the official language. An Amendment to this resolution was proposed whereby Sinhalese
and Tamil were to be made
the official languages. The Council accepted the amendment. Mr. D. S. Senanayake,
the Premier, approved it as he knew that Sinhala only would
Tamil
have divided the countr Thereafter the U.N.P. Gov. rnment appointed the Offici Languages Commission in 19 on the basis that Sinhala an Tamil were the official langu ges. On January 21st 1954 th, U.N.P. at its annual part conference reiterated its dec sion to make Sinhalese an official language throughout the country. Whe later it was announced in th press that the Commission o higher Education had decide to submit a report on the basi that Sinhalese should be th sole official language, Hi Excellency the Governor General sent a communicatio) to the Commission stating a follows 'You are no doub aware that it is the accepte policy of the government tha Sinhalese and Tamil should b the official languages of this country, and any examinatio
of this policy would b contrary to the terms o reference'.
When Mr. S.W. R.D. Banda ranaike formed his Sri Lanka Freedom Party (of which was a founder-member and a vice-president)our manifest( printed in 1951 had th following: "National Langua ges: It is most essential tha Sinhalese and Tamil be adop ted as official language immediately, so that th people of this country may cease to be aliens in their owl land, so that an end may b put to the iniquity of condem ning those educated in Sinha lese and Tamil to occup the lowliest walks of life, an above all that Society ma have the full benefit of th skill and talents of the people The administration of govern ment must be carried on il Sinhalese and Tamil'.
It is obvious the tw. languages were the officia languages till about the middl of 1955. What happened t change this state of affairs'

TAMIL TIMES 9
Y - TWO VIEWS
About the early part of 1955 Sir John Kotalawela, the then Premier made a tour of the North and he was given a grand reception. At the last public meeting heldat Kokkuvil, the principal of the Kokkuvi Hindu College suggested to the premier that Sinhalese and Tamil should be given a place in the Constitution as official languages. The premier agreed to it, as the Government policy was that both were official languages.
Thereafter two senior politicians in the South started criticising Sir John for what he had agreed to at Kokkuvil
at every public meeting at
which they spoke. One day Mr. Bandaranaike asked me to stay back after a committee meeting of the Party, as he wanted to speak to me on some matter. He referred to the trouble that was being created by the two politicians and stated that we should not keep silent over it. We agreed that a language sub-committee should be appointed to report on this matter. The language sub-committee, of which Mr. Bandaranaike was president and Mr. Colvin de Silva was the Secretary, heard many deputations and drafted the following report: “The language sub-committee resolved that the Sinhalese Language be declared the official language of the country with recognition accorded to the Tamil Language in the Legislature, Administration and Education in terms of the statement below, and that proper legal provision be made for this purpose. STATEMENT:
1. Legislature: Tamil may also be used in the Senate and in the House of Representatives, and all laws will be promulgated in that language as well.
2. Administration: Sinhalese will be the language of administration in all courts, government offices and local bodies, provided that in the Northern and Eastern Provin
ces the Language will be Tamil.
3. Education: The medium of instruction shall be Sinhala, provided that in the Northern and Eastern Provinces it shall be Tamil.
Proviso 1: Every pupil should be encouraged (but not compelled) to learn the other language as a secondi language and, if the parents of one third of the pupils in any desire to do so, the school shall be compelled to provide the necessary facilities.
Proviso 2: If in any school, in the Northern and Eastern Provinces, the parents of two-thirds of the pupils desire that the medium of instruction shall be Sinhalese or in the case of a school in any of the other seven Provinces that the medium of instruction should be Tamil, this shall be allowed. But in such a school Tamil or Sinhalese as the case may be shall be taught compulsorily as a second language to all the pupils in that School.
N.B. -A parent for this purpose shall be a registered voter for Parliamentary Elections.
4. General: All citizens shall have the right to transact official business in Sinhalese or Tamil in any part of the island.
Transitory Provisions: There should be an immediate declaration of the official language, but in the transition period, until the above policy can be implemented, English may continue to be used. A Commission shall be appointed forthwith to draw up a time-table setting out the dates for the change-over and to what extent, if any, English may continue to be utilised, and also indicating, where necessary, the steps to be taken to give effect to this time-table.'
When this report was presented to the Executive Committee three well known fanatical members objected to the
Contd. on page 10

Page 10
10 TAMIL TIMES
Contd. from page 1
President and Prime Minister in the programme of the conference, and welcomes the efforts made by Mr. Rajadurai and his ministry to make the Conference a success. In a country where the popular Tamil leadership had shown no sensitivity to Tamil Arts, the announced presence of some leading Indian Artistes in music and dance, some of whom will be seen in Sri Lanka for the first time, is an additional welcome blessing. Two Cheers as we said in our title, not three.
The third unsaid cheer needs explaining. One would expect any international conference, linguistic or religious, to represent a popular effulgence, an extra reaching out from a sense of national achievement, or an advance from an already held position of strength. This World Hindu Conference, let us face it, is taking place when Hinduism is on the retreat in Sri Lanka. Had the retreat been the result of an intrinsic weakness in Hinduism or in the Hindu Society itself, the holding of the World Conference could help in rejuvenation. But this certainly is not the case.
What is the motivation behind this World Hindu Conference? From what we have seen of the mental approach of the organisers we are in a position to make a safe prediction. All foreign delegates are going to be told ad nauseam:- One, that this is the only country or the only other country in the world that has a separate ministry to look after Hindu affairs. Two,
that this Conference is an
expression of the friendly co-existence between Hinduism and Buddhism, the majority religion in this country. Any foreign delegate who looks beyond his nose will realise that neither claim has much merit in it, in the context of the sense of insecurity that Hindus in Sri Lanka suffer right now. A careful perusal of this issue of Saturday Review itself will tell him why.
There are many recent writ
Sinhala Onl
Contd. from page 9
adoption of the report as it stood. To satisfy them Mr. Bandaranaike suggested a compromise whereby Sinhala was to be made the official language with reasonable use of Tamil. The reasonable use was the use mentioned in the report, but it was not to be published. This meeting of the Committee held on 24th September 1955 was the last meeting I attended and I sent my resignation from the Party, as what was being done was unfair to the Tamils. Apart from being discriminatory against the Tamils, it is evident that Mr. Bandaranaike's sudden change of policy was purely to enable him to capture power in the approaching elections. What happened to the country was of secondary importance. That the country called for it is untrue.
Soon after the Sinhala Only Act No. 33 of 1956 was passed many Tamils, including me, got letters from Malaya stating that opinion of English lawyers was that the Sinhala Only Act was invalid under Section 29 of the Soulbury Constitution, and called upon us to challenge it in a court of law. One does not know why the Federal Party did not challenge its validity at that time. However the validity of this. Act was challenged in the famous Kodeswaran case, and the District Court held in case No. 1026/Z D.C. Colombo that the Act was invalid under Section 29 of the Soulbury
ings on the wall - at Vavuniya, at Sri Pada, and at Kataragama. Mr. Rajadurai will have to summon all his personal charm and prose style to do the job of white-washing all these ugly blots. While whitewashing may be unavodable, Mr. Rajadurai can at least take care not to use the conference as an eye-wash-to make foreign delegates believe that the position of the Hindus in Sri Lanka is all hunky-dory.'

ARL 1982
y Is Illegal
Constitution. The Crown appealed to the Supreme Court which set aside the judgement on the preliminary point that a government servant had no right to Slie the Crown in a court of law for salary or increment. The Court did not consider the Constitutional point, namely, the validity of the Act. However the Court stated that if it became necessary to consider that point, the Chief Justice would place the matter before a fuller bench of five judges. Kodeswaran appealed to the Privy Council which
set aside the judgment of the Supreme Court, but as
the other points (including the constitutional point) had not been considered by the Supreme Court the Privy Council directed as follows: 'The case should be remitted to the Supreme Cuurt for further consideration of these other issues.” (Vide 72 NLR 337). This judgement was delivered on 1.12.1959. It was generally believed in legal circles that the Privy Council would uphold the finding of the District Court, if the matter went back to them.
Mrs. Bandaranaike won with a big majority in the 1970 elections. Her government did not place the case before the Supreme Court for the consideration of the constitutional and other issues, but took steps to substitute the Soulbury Constitution with another Constitution. But before doing that, appeals to the Privy Council were abolished by Act No. 44 of 1971. It was obvious her government did not want the validity of the Sinhala Only Act to go before the Privy Council. The 1972 Constitution was introduced and the Sinhala Only Act was specially referred to in that Constitution, apparently with the idea that the Sinhala Only Act placed on the shelf of the constitution would be preserved, even though it was invalid according to a court of law. Mr. J.R. Jayewardene however appears to have realised the weakness of that
view, and he introduced the 1978 Constitution which has provisions for making Sinhala the only official language without reference to the Act No. 33 of 1956. The position seems to be that the Sinhala Only Act is invalid according to the decision of the court,
but it is the official language under the 1978 constitution. It would have
been proper and honourable if Mr. Bandaranaike’s government placed the appeal before the Supreme Court for its decision on the constitutional issues.
Why did Mrs. Bandaranaike introduce the 1972 constitution? It was purely to protect the Sinhala Act, and to get rid of Section 29 of the Soulbury Constitution, which was the only protection provided for the minorities. If in 1947 the State Council refused to accept Section 29 of the Constitution there would have been no independence in 1948. Having accepted the section which was regarded as an entrenched section, Ceylon could not have withdrawn it even by a two thrids majority. If a part could not have been withdrawn, it follows the whole constitution could not have been withdrawn. The Soulbury constitution did not provide for a new constitution. Mrs. Bandaranaike’s government had no power to introduce the 1972 constitution. She and the others elected to the House of Representatives in 1970 had no right to call themselves a Constituent Assembly, which must be elected by the people as such an assembly, only for only for the purpose of framing a constitution, which it was not. Fundamental rights cannot replace Section 29 of the Soulbury Constitution. Besides what one section of the fundamental rights gave was nullified by a subsection or a following section.
Apart from these matters, as the District Court judgement was not challenged after the Privy Council judgment, the fact remains that the Sinhala
Contd. on page 13

Page 11
APRIL 1982
SRI LANKA POLICE & BRITISH JUSTICE
Is this British Justice, asked a high police official after a recent judgement by a London magistrate.
It's not for me to answer this question, but from the time the policeman's problem reached us there has been an unusual build-up of feeling against the British, their justice, race relations, the Conservative Party and all, going far beyond the feelings generated by Mrs Thatcher's problems with the Falkland Islands.
tence of British racialism were those who shared the white man’s post-colonial burden even more than many Britons themselves.
But the best (or most schemingly ingenious) theory I heard was how the whole embarrassment for the policeman had been engineered by the extended paw of the Tigers, active in London. Tigers come handy at any time, don't they?
All theories apart, the question about British Justice
By Lucien Rajakarumanayake
SSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSSS
The whole Police Service would be glad to know of the numbers that rallied to support their investigative hero, having his little spot of trouble in the old mother country, worshipped by so many as the temple of civilised justice.
There were old school mates, chums from undergraduate days, former colleagues, administrators and businessmen, so liberal with their praise of the man who was scarred in London.
At golf clubs, cricket clubs, rugby clubs, swimming clubs and numerous drawing rooms, gallant men would sear in their cups that our man would never swoop so low, and as the cups emptied their defence would be more strident.
The embarassing affair had its own quota of theories too. There were those who blamed - it all on British racialism, and sinister moves by the British Police to blacken the image of blacks and browns.
What surprised me was that many who held this theory would insist, at any other time, that the Indians, Pakistanis and West Indians had no business destroying the delicate fabric of British society. They would make the crudest jokes about Asians (never Sri Lankans, of course) who did not know how to live like the British. Believe me, many who suddenly discovered the exis
keeps ringing in my ears. I have no special knowledge about British J, but we have been made to believe that the quality of British J is somehow a little superior to ours, or any other country's for that 11atter.
Now that the issue has been raised, what exactly is this British J that is being complained about? The Policeman, Senior man that he is, seems to have had some great belief shattered, a whole world collapsed.
A world where the belief in British Justice was the core of one's faith. Do you recall the people who howled when we stopped appeals to the Privy Council.
A terrible time this must be for law enforcers who are used to having their lessons and examples from Britain. Does all this mean that they are not really above the law, as we are often made to believe here.
Will feelings with Britain turn sour and will we send
future sleuths to places other
than New Scotland Yard to hone their instincts. Are we to ignore the British Bobby, that oft-cited epitome of the ideal cop, in setting standards for our myrmidons of the law.
If the due process of law (with leave to appeal) could raise such doubts about British Justice, in a mind trained in the profession of Justice, what does a man who

TAMIL TIMES 11
is arrested here and has his head shoved into a bag of chillie powder have to say about Sri Lankan Justice? We know of a former DIG whose forte this was. He too was a very fashionable gentleman, and his repertoire of third degree methods always entertained people at a certain kind of party.
What comment about our justice could come from a man who is arrested by the police and soon finds a certain part of his anatomy so precious to him placed in the way of a slammed wooden drawer? Or, a man who is asked to climb a smooth wall, while batons beat a tattoo on his back. Have we not had a fourth floor from which people made speedy exits to certain death down below. Such things have been documented, and not too far back in the past a that.
I remember listening to a debate in the old Parliament when Dr. Colvin R. de Silva drew from his forensic experience and detailed some of these unmentionable achievements of our guardians of law
and justice. That should make
good, shocking reading any day.
As I write, a few days after the 11th anniversary of that misdirected uprising of youth in 1971 (incidentally, a much more significant anniversary for us than the Japanese air raid on the same day in 1942) I wonder what thoughts about the quality of justice would be held by those who were arrested at that time and given 'the treatment', even to the extent of being given drinking water in dirty coconut shells and food pushed in from under a cell door as if to a dog. Such justice was adminis
tered by senior policemen too,
who later gave certificates to themselves.
Indeed what is the quality of justice where the knock on the door at midnight is a very real
occurence, and is not confined
as we are often led to believe) o those undemocratic communist states having so much of Mr. Reagan’s symbathy.
Police Chief
Fined For Shoplifting
The second in command of Sri lanka's police, Deputy Inspector General Tyrrell Goonatilleke, was fined f50 fr for shoplifting recently at Wells Street, London magistrates Court.
Mr. Goonatilleke, who pleaded not guilt, was described by Mr John Wilson, Assistant Commissioner at Scotland Yard, as a man of enormous integrity.
Mr Nigel Mylne, for Mr Goonatilleke, said his client had worked his way up from a junior police officer when Ceylon was a colony. He would lose everything he had spent his life working for.
He had been given a grant of £5,000 by the Sri Lankan Government for a heart by-pass operation in London. It was while he was convalescing that the alleged offences took place in Selfridges, Oxford Street. He was charged with stealing a shoulder bag and tools worth £53.80. Miss Audrey Jennings the stipendiary magistrate said that but for the repercussions on Mr Goonatilleke's career and his medical condition the fine would have been higher. He was ordered to pay £50 towards the prosecution costs. Mr William Tanikie, a store detective, said Mr Goonatilleke took a shoulder bag from the display. He passed two sales assistants and a cash desk making no attempt to pay. When asked about his conviction, Mr. Goonatilleke is reported to have muttered "Is this British justice?'
To wind up, I think Ted Grant of Britain who happens to fight many aspects of British Justice, which many of our people including senior policemen hold sacred, could well ask "Is this Sri Lankan Justice?', And rightly, too, after the treatment he was given without even the benefit of a court hearing, in this land
of tolerance.
Curtesy of 'Island'

Page 12
12 TAMIL TIMES
Contd. from page 8 Man' has spoken not so much "in Anger but in Sorrow', a true leader who is determined to follow the path of justice and the Dhamma. As long as there is a heart beat, there is hope and that hope is in this 'Just Man'. If we reflect on his words of 5.8.81, a Leader under the present Constitution bears great responsibility and is a sacred trustee of the people in whom they have enstrusted supremacy over them. The Leader can honour this trust, as provided for in the Constitution, by selecting his team not from the rabble rousers; not from drop-outs from other walks of life; not from those who cannot make two and two four; not from opportunists who want to make a quick buck through their position; not from those who entertain enmity against their neighbours; not from thugs and murderers who want to be popular among the few who support them, not from those who can distribute
BENDEL S
largesse to win suppor
But from men of character
integrity, of principales, me:
who will not succumb ti
temptation, men who cal
dedicate their term of office to
serve their country and in doing so suppress their ego t( see the other man's point o view. Such are the men from whom the Leader should selec his team under the presen Constitution, 'Many art called few are chosen' shoulc be the guiding principle of the Leader in choosing his team whom the people will be called upon to entrust supremacy over them. To us, many of the present team members have failed both the Leader and the country and we pray that we will never hear the Leader uttering again' I speak not in anger but in sorrow.'
THREE OFFICIAL LANGUAGES
May we suggest that in the name of national unity and progress as one people, one nation that (a) Sinhala, Tamil
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APRIL 1982
and English be statutorily declared Official Languages; (b) any one seeking employment in the State Services should be proficient to speak, write and work in the Official Languages, (c) The State Education system will give equal facilities to learn and be instructed in one's mother tongue upto the highest level. (d) All Government proclamations shall be in Sinhala and Tamil with an English translation, (e) Administration will be in any one of the Official Languages a citizen of Sri Lanka chooses to use in his dealings with the State DepartImentS. -
It we change those sections of the Constitution that deal with two National Languages, ίWO Administrative areas divided by language and the reasonable use of Tamil, we will achieve National Unity before our term is over and we will never repeat what we have experienced since 1956 and coming to a head in the first week of August, 1981.
f Contd. from page 5
Office, where Sir Antony is responsible, through Sir Robert Armstrong, to Mrs Thatcher herself.
Thus the crucial failure of the past fortnight - to interpret correctly strong evidence collected on the ground about Argentinian intentions - was the failure of a committee ultimately responsible not to the Foreign Secretary but to the Prime Minister. If she has half the honour of Lord Carrington, she should resign as well. And is it too ridiculous to ask that those officials who provided ministers with such awful advice should be quietly removed from public life, while someone else grapples with the only realistic and humane course now left open to the Government: to attempt by diplomatic means to repatriate the islanders to Britain, provide them with generous financial compensation, and, at last, give them all full British
nationality?
VTMENTS
E UNIVERSITY,
ERIA
y the Government of Bendel State in , has vacancies for the posts of:-
RS, SENIOR LECTURERS,
CTURERS
PRODUCTION, FISHERIES,
CS, SOIL SCIENCE
ving relevant postgraduate qualifications, research publications.
sent to the Vice Chancellor, Bendel State ria, with an additional copy to E d& P ede, London W5, to reach not later than quested to send their confidential reports closing date. Candidates shortlisted for and interviews will be held during the last Jniversity Campus, Bendel State. ܫ
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Page 13
APRIL 1982
—
WEDDINGS
The marriage of Sith Sabesan, Son of Mr. & Mrs. T. Ketheeswaranathan of Sri Lanka, to Radha, daughter of Mr. K. Sivanadiyar and the late Mrs. Sivanadiyar was solemnized by Bhrama Sri V. Subramania Kurukkal at Ganapathy Temple, 131 Effra Road, London SW19 on Saturday, 10th April 1982.
米 冰 率
The marriage of Yogeswaran, son of Dr. A. Sittampalam, Consultant Psychiatrist, Broadmoor Hospital, Broadmore, UK and Pushpalatha, daughter of Mr. Mrs. K. Kasippillai of Ariyalai, Jaffna, Sri Lanka was solemnized on 3rd April 1982 according to Hindu rites by Satchithananda Kurukkal of Highgate Temple, London.
k sk
The marriage of Ravi Thurairajah and Dr. Rajes Rajasingam, daughter of Mr. F.N. Rajasingam, former Principal of Arasadi Training College, Batticaloa, Sri Lanka, took place recently in Toronto,
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SRI KANTHA
The
death of Mr.
M. Sri Kantha, CCS, OBE of Jaffna, Sri Lanka, occurred recently. He was a former government
agent and later became a Permanent Secretary to the
兴
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Ministry of Agriculture and Lands. On his retirement, he engaged himself in helping the community in . Jaffna. He leaves behind his father, a nonagenarian, his wife Maheswari, two sons and a daughter.
Contd. from page 10
Only Act No. 33 of 1956 was and is an invalid Act. What justification was there at least morally and ethically to include an invalid law into the 1978 Act?? Things have been done on the principle 'Might is right.' So long as Sinhala stands as the only official language there exists no basis for unity between the two major communities. Mr. Kahawita having established in his article that Sinhala Only does result in discrimination against the Tamils, has suggested, in the name of national unity and progress, that Sinhala, Tamil and English, be statutorily declared official languages of Sri Lanka, Others too have suggested the same thing. Will the President do it? I wonder
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14 TAMIL TIMES
INDIAN SATELLITE ZOOMS INTO SPACE
India's first national satellite INSAT heralding a new era in communications took off from Cape Canaveral in America on 11 April.
The firing of the solid spinning upper stage (commonly known as payload assist module or PAM) placed INSAT-1A into the transfer orbit.
According to the expected schedule the Master Control Faculty at Assam in Karnataka will command the first firing of the apogee thruster for 25 minutes. This manoeuvre will place INSAT-1A into an intermediate orbit.
Twenty four hours later the Master Control Faculty will lose track of the vehicle due to the earth's shadowing the sun, and during this period of roughly ten minutes the remote tracking station at And over in the United States will track the satellite and receive telemetry data which will be transmitted to India. Following this the Master
Control Faculty will command the second firing of the apogee thruster. At the end of the second apogee hruster firing, the satellite is nominally expected to be in the geosynchronous orbit. This will be followed by an orbit-trimming manoeuvre.
The satellite is expected to achieve, under normal conditions, its position (74E) in the geo-stationary orbit roughly 43 hours after the lift-off from Cape Canaveral.
While such urban centres as Delhi, Bombay, Calcutta, Madras and Shillong, for example, are being well served by the communications apparatus in the satellite, doubts are already being expressed on the lack of receiving facilities in the rural areas. In which case much of the purpose of launching this expensive venture would be lost. Another case of bad planning and organisation?
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ASIAN SCHOOL BOY
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Dipak has ten O-levels and is currently studying for four A-levels. He borrowed £25, the fee for the Harvard entrance examination, for which he appeared with only a day's notice.
As he walked into the hall,
a lot older than him. He was more convinced of his mistake than ever as he struggled with questions on English maths and business management - which he had not covered at school-but he did successfully achieve the pass mark of 480 out of 800.
The Harvard principals have asked to see his college reports, but as Dipak has yet to reach college, he is sending his school reports instead. He said: "I am going to send them my school reports and hope they will consider me
good enough to offer a place as an undergraduate.'
Dipak felt he had made a mistake as the examinees were
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APRIL 1982
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Page 16
TAMIL TIMES
FALKLANDS & DIEGO GARCA
'Murderers', 'butchers' and facist dictators' are Some of the expressions that have been used by leading Tory politicians and the right wing press barons to describe the Argentinian military junta. Until yesterday, they were content to happily pocket the dictators' hard currency in exchange for Sophisticated military hardware. The murders, the torture and the disappearance of thousands of ordinary innocent Argentinians never pricked the consciences of these self-proclaimed paragans of democracy.
Latin America is dotted with the most barbarous, inhuman and facist military dictatorships in the world. Murder, torture and disappearance of people are the order of the day. State sponsored armed death-squads roam the streets with unmitigated licence. Brutal repression reigns supreme. However, all these regimes have enjoyed and do enjoy the support and protection of western governments of the so-called free world. They openly assist in the suppression of mass movements. Nicaragua and El Salvador are the latest examples of the crude interference by the United States. One cannot forget the CIA inspired coup which toppled the democratically elected government of Salvador Allende in Chile and his brutal murder. And ever since, Chile has been ruled by a brutal military dictatorship.
The UK government bases its case against Argentina upon the principle of self-determination. They argue that the people of Flaklands should have the right of Self-determination. So far so good. But one is tempted to ask as to what happened to the principle of Self-determination in the case of the people who inhabited the Indian Ocean island of Diego Garcia. This island belonged to Mauritius. But when Mauritius was decolonised by Britain, the people who inhabited the Island of Diego Garcia were forcibly uprooted from their traditional homeland and dumped in the shanties of Port Louis in Mauritius. Their traditional home Island was handed over to the Americans who converted it into a military base.
To quote Labour Lord Hugh Jenkins. 'The country of Suez, Cyprus, Diego Garcia and the British Nationality Act cannot effectively disguise its current bout of post-imperial jingoism as a world crusade against aggression.'
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WHO ARMED THE ARGENTINIAN JUNTA?
According to a research statement from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, Britain's share of the Argentinian arms market during 1977 to 1981 amounted to 10 per cent made up of two Type 42 destroyers and naval missiles known as Sea Dart which can travel at twice the speed of sound. The more important role played by UK was as a supplier of military electronics, radar Systems and other types of software.
The West German government mainly supplied warships and armoured vehicles sharing 33 per cent of the Argentinian
arms market during the period.
The US with 17 per cent of the share of the arms market, continues to supply aircraft including 240 A4Q Skyhawk naval fighters.
The French supplies included aircraft, missiles, military vehicles and frigates sharing 15 per cent of the market.
Israel was responsible for 14 per cent of Argentina’s major arms imports during the period which included Dabur class fast patrol boats and as many as 42 Israeli-built Mirage 5 strike fighters known as dagger.
LABOUR TO DISMISS
RACIST POLICE
Mr. Roy Hattersley, Labour's Shadow Home Secretary, told a Labour Party meeting with ethnic delegates last Saturday (17 April), that if he became Home Secretary in the next Labour Govt. he would dismiss any policeman found guilty of racialism. Mr. Hattersley's exact words were: “A police officer found guilty of racialist behaviour will be a police officer no longer. That will be absolutely essential if we are to build a multi-racial society.' This would be carried out on the lines of the recommendations in the Scarman report on the Brixton
riots.
Mr Hattersley pledged a future Labour Govt. to new laws designed to bring in positive discrimination in employment to make sure that employers had their fair share of people from the ethnic minorities. He hoped this would become official Labour policy by the time of the next General Election. The Shadow Labour Home Secretary concluded: “I do not think ethnic minorities will have a fair share of jobs until the law does something to give minorities a fair chance.'
Govt. Reverses Decision. On Varsity
ADMISSIONS
The University Grants Commission of Sri Lanka recently decided to raise the quota of admission on the basis of merit to the country's Universities from 30 per cent to 40 per cent. It was believed that this decision was made by the Commission in response to the criticism levelled at the admission system by the International Commission of Jurists in their recent report on 'Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka'.
However, the government of Sri Lanka under President J.R. Jayawardene has reversed this decesion and reinstated the earlier percentages for admission. The government's action in this regard is said to have been taken as a result of intense pressure from the racist lobby within the government party to enable more Sinhala students to gain admission to the universities on a racial basis. -
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