Page 1
Tanmj,
TM
TAMIL TIMES Wol. III No.2 December 1983 Price 50p
ANNUAL SUBSCRIPTION
UK India/Sri Lanka...................e6.00 All other countries................ E10, OD
Published monthly by TAMIL TIMES LTD
P.O. Box 3DB London W139QN United Kingdom
CONTENTS
Editorial,...................................... 2
Amirthalingam Interwie W............. 3.
Bishop Laksham Wickremasinghe....................... 3. Sri Lanka: Myths and Realities...............................
Anandan's Channel
Swim......................................... 11
The True image........................ 12
Dr S.A. Tharmalingam.............. 13
Mismanaged economy............ 14
Haart of the Problem......................,,,,...,,.... 18
Constitutional Position of Arted Forces......... 2O
Wiews expressed by Cortributors are not necessarily those of the editor or the publishers,
Published by TAMILTIMES LTD., P. J. Bux 304, London W13 90N Pringid By AstrToIJT Lithio (ITU) Ltd, 21-22 Arkwright Road, Ruricorn, Cheshire,
Following the evacuated by vided by Indi picture show: Jaffna.
THE EDT WISH TI MERRY |
 
 
 

DECEMBER 1983
CHIDAMBAFA FRIHET I
July '83 violence, over 100,000 Tamils were ship to the North of the country in ships proa. Taken by a visiting European tourist, the refugees arriving in the Northern Tamil city of
OR AND PUBLISHERS OF TAMIL TIMES ER READERS AND WELL-WISHERS A CHRISTMAS AND A HAPPY NEW YEAR

Page 2
2 TAMIL TIMES
The talks initiated by the Indian Prime Minister, Mrs Indira Gandhi, Would appear to have raised hopes of the possibility of a negotiated Solution to the problems faced by the Tamil people of Sri Lanka.
According to news reports, the proposals resulting from the talks held between the Indian PM's Special Envoy, Mr G. Parthasarathy, and the Sri Lankan President, Mr J.R. Jayewardene, included, (a) the Tamilas giving up the demand for a Separate state, (b) the merger of the present District Development Councils within a province after acceptance by the Councils' members and a referendum in the district-the proposal being applicable to the whole country; and (c) the recognition of the administration of the Port of Trincomalee as a central government function.
These proposals, if accepted by the leadership of the Tamil United Liberation Front, would be placed before an all-party conference for acceptance and thereafter for parliamentary approval.
The statement attributed to Mr Parthasarathy refers to tentative proposals which "essentially Centre on the creation of Regional Councils with appropriate powers within the framework of a United Sri Lanka”.
At first glance, the reported proposals hardly seem to comensate for the incalculable price the Tamil people had to pay in terms of life, property, humiliation and other forms of suffering during the last thirty years. They do not even add up to what were cont a in ed in th e a b ort ed Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam pact entered into in 1957.
The meagre "concessions' reflected in these proposals are made conditional upon the Tamil people renouncing their fundamental inalienable right of national self-determination, a right recognised by the United Nations Charter.
The question whether, in the exercise of their right to national Self-determination, the Tamiis are to establish a separate state of their own is the major item in the
A NEGOTIATEC
political agend today. This situ not as an emotior a subjective desi the Tamil people the severity o oppression to V subjected over a The barbaric Viol had to repeatedly Crete and tragic this oppression.
Any solution, otherwise, has tc plete elimination oppression of til ever, the reporte mitted to the Indi; can hardly be e nibble at this cen Context, any resp. resentative Tami be held guilty of g were to acceptar does not provide all forms of natio the Tamil peopl hand, the history breaches of faith Sinhala leaders a to enter into Soler times of crisis honourably and gate them must c that any negotiat be reinforced guarantees by a party.
The proposal tc District Develo into provincial or | On an island-w devolving power is to deny the specific problem the Tamils as a physical entity of if a solution to t problem is prop single physical el then it should not devolution of po tricts or regions and to do so wou in subterfuge. Th acceptability of a ution would depe meets the nation the Tamil people identity as a nat
 

DECEMBER 1983
) SETTLEMENT
of Sri Lanka ation has arisen |al attraction to or re on the part of , but because of f the national which they were period of time. lence which they endure is a conmanifestation of
negotiated or ) aim at the Comof the national he Tamils. Howd proposals suban Special Envoy xpected to even tral issue. In this ponsible and repleadership will gross betrayal if it ly solution which for the removal of naloppression of e. On the other of betrayals and on the part of the nd their proclivity nn agreements in and later disunilaterally abroonvince anybody ed solution must with cast-iron n impartial third
) amalgamate the Oment Councils regional councils vide basis and to these Councils existence of the s of the rights of nation within the a single country. his all important Iosed within the intity of Sri Lanka, be confused with Wer to Other dis
of the country, ld be an exercise e Sole test for the ny proposed solend on Whether it lal aspirations of to preserve their ion without ever
having to rely on the goodwill or good sense of the majority Sinhalese people ortheir leaders.
Any proposed solution which does not provide for an immediate moratorium on futher state-aided colonisation of traditional Tamil homelands in the northern and eastern provinces would constitute no solution at all. The unbridled encroachment into traditional Tamil areas by non-Tamils which has brought unmitigated disaster to the Tamil people must be brought to an end.
Again, any proposal for "settlement' has to take full account of the enormous damage caused by the July '83 violence to the economy and lives of Tamils. Thousands have lost all their Wordly possessions and turned into refugee camps as destitutes. Many more have lost their sole breadwinners. Still more have fled from their homes and places of Work and have not returned for fear of further attacks. Thousands of school children, university students, teachers and university lecturers and professors have been forced to flee. The Tamil business community has suffered the total destruction of their industries and businesses. Any solution proposed must provide for adequate compensatory arrangements without delay.
The release of all Tamil political prisoners and those detained and the repeal of the Prevention of Terrorism Act is absolutely essential. The question of the citizenship and franchise of the Tamil plantation workers has to form part of the solution. Their right to move into and settle in traditional Tamil areas of the north and east must be guaranteed.
That Tamils should give up their inalienable right to national selfdetermination as a pre-condition for any 'settlement' is totally unacceptable. On the contrary, the pre-condition ought to be that the Sinhala leaders accept a package of measures that will ensure the protection of the political, economic and national rights of TURN TO PAGE 11

Page 3
DECEMBER 1983
A. AMIRTHALINGAM
IN AN interview with INDIA TODAY Senior Editors. VENKAT NARAY AN, Appapillai Amirthalingam, general secretary of the Tamil United Liberation Front, explained his party's stand in the negotiations with the Sri Lankan Government. Excerpts.
"Life has become impс
Q. President Jayewardene seems to have conceded most of your demands. Why are you insisting on the northern and eastern provinces being joined together?
A. Beause these areas have been the traditional homeland of the Tamils in Sri Lanka. Even Bandaranaike had conceded that the northern and eastern districts be amalgamated. Our security and our territory's integrity are important for us. The Tamils were in a majority in the eastern province before World War II. For instance, in Trincomalee the Tamils comprised 54 per cent of the population at the time of Sri Lanka's independence and the Sinhalese only 4.5 per cent. Now the Sinhalese account for 35 per cent and the Tamils 33 per cent.
This has been possible because of the Government's planned colonisation of Tamil areas by Sinhalese. We cannot allow this encroachment on our territory to go on for ever. Our fear is that we may be gradually squeezed out of the eastern provinces. In times of crises, this will force us either to jump into the ocean or across the ocean.
Q. If he concedes this demand, the President may have problems in carrying
Amirthalingam: "It'
the Sinhalese with h. A. Frankly, th worth the name in S sition groups have potence. He is assure for six years. The m the Government... Pri is stronger than man is determined to do st that difficult for him Q. It may not be to the Sinhalese at appears to be convinc his own Government.
A. It is for the own house in order monsters for his ow point of time. Now size. And I know he is
IN MEMORAM
In the death of Bishop Lakshman Wickrewmasinghe of Kurunegala, Sri Lanka has lost not only an eminent religious leader but also an undaunted champion of civil liberties and communal harmony.
As chairman of the Civil Rights Movement (CRM), Bishop Wickremasinghe played a leading part in the work of that organisation to uphold personal, human, democratic and civic rights irrespective of which government infringed them. He never let the fact that his nephew, Ranil, was a Minister of the UNP government or that his brother, Esmond, was a leading 'think-tank' of that party, restrain him from coming out against the many violations of civil rights of which the present government was guilty.
Bishop Wickemas dauntless proponent peace, friendship a ween people of diffe: in our country. His ter, written after tl racist violence of merely debunks effe ments of those who t happened but is also plea to all Sri Lanka fundamental broth work together to se graceful and terrib occur again.
The huge crowd, life, which attendec the many tributes to and from public c signs of the deep res was held.
 
 

up to the President"
7. re's no opposition i Lanka. The oppobeen reduced to imd of staying in power dia is controlled by sident Jayewardene y people think. If he mething, it is not all to get it done. tough selling the idea large. His problem ing the hawks within
President to put his . He raised certain yn use at a certain he must cut them to capable of doing it.
TAMIL TIMES 3
Q. The President says that peace has returned to the island and that the Tamils and the Sinhalese are working together all over again.
A. I'm afraid the President is illinformed. None of the Tamil teachers, public servants and students have returned to Sinhala areas. Of the l35,000 Tamils who were forced to take shelter in refugee camps, over 20,000 are still living in them. Nearly 25,000 Tamils have come away to India and another 10,000 may have gone to western and south-east Asian countries. The Tamils continue to feel terribly insecure.
Q. In case the talks fail because of your insistence on the Jaffna and Trincomalee areas being made into one province, what will you do?
A. Life for the Tamils has become in possible in the southern parts of the island too, particularly after the July riots. They are being denied opportunities of employment, holding land. doing business or running industries. Now this is happening even in the eastern districts. Therefore, we should have our territory as one unit so that we may build the economic life and also ensure the security of the lives and properties of the Tamils. If that is not assured, there can be no settlement of the ethnic problem. We will make all efforts to achieve this objective through India's good offices.
Q. What are your future plans? A. I will go to Madras and stay there for a few days to assess the situation in my country. Of course, there's a certain ellement of risk involved in my returning. But it is my country and how long can I stay away form my land and my people?
By kind courtesy of India Today, December 15, 1983
inghe was also a of the cause of ld equality bet"ent nationalities last pastoral lete shame of the July 1983, not ctively the arguy to justify what a deeply moving ns to assert their rhood and to e that such dis
e events eWer
rom all walks of his funeral and him in the press ganisations are lect in which he
—
Recently released
SRI LANKA: THE NATIONAL QUESTION AND TAMILLIBERATION STRUGGLE by SATCH PONNAMABALAMA
Hbk £16.95 (US$30.00) Pbk E6.50 (US$1095)
ORDERS TO: Zed Press Ltd., 57 Caledonian Road, London N1 9Dn
Tamil information Centre, 11 Beulah road, Thornton Heath, Surrey, UK.
US Distributor
Biblio Distribution Center, 81 Adams Drive,
Totowa, New Jersey O7512,
U.S.A.
丐
ՀIIIllIIIll|IIIllIllIIIllIIIlliIIItiIIIHIHIIIll|IIIllIII]]IIIiIII
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
Lat

Page 4
4 TAM TIMES
SRI LANKA"S ET
MYTHS AN
SEMI-TRUTHS tear at the fragile fabric of a united Sri Lanka. In this pamphlet we shall try to examine some key areas that have become a focus of ethnic resentments and hostilities. We shall take up certain widely prevalent myths and contrast them with the realities which we have endeavoured to discern without prejudice or partiality.
There are two possible ways of looking at how the various ethnic communities have fared in variousfields of national life. One is by taking the population figures of each community and measuring them against their share of jobs, university places and their other indexes of social attainment. This method is the one that has most often been used in recent discussion of the subject - sometimes selectively or inaccurately. There is another method that is relevant in certain contexts. This is to take the geographical areas where particular ethnic communities are concentrated and to compare the levels of social attainment in these areas with others. We shall use both these methods of analysis in this pamphlet.
Population:
According to the Census of Population completed in 1981, the total population of Sri Lanka was estimated to be 14.85 million. The percentage of each ethnic community was as follows:
Table I Sinhalese 74.0% Tamils 18.2% (Sri Lankan Tamil 12.6%) (Indian Tamil 5.6%) Muslims 7.4% Others 0.4% (Source: Census of Population and Housing, 1981)
While the Tamils - Sri Lankan and Indian — are around 18 per cent of the national population, they are 92 per cent of the population in the Northern Province and 68 per cent in the Eastern Province. (See ethnic breakdown, North and East, in Appendix A). For a correct understanding of our ethnic problems, both these sets of figures must be borne in mind. Ethnic groups diffused uniformly throughout the island do not develop the same consciousness, and do not face the same problems, as those which are highly concentrated in certain areas. Governmental policies must also cope with this reality.
Geographical Zones:
We adoptin this report the division of the country into five regional zones used by the Central Bank:
By kind courtes dian', Novembe duce the full te pared by the Rational Develo
The Commi Development w the aftermath o lence. Its memb
Zone I: Colombo D Colombo Municipali ara, Galle and Matar predominantly Sinha Zone II: Hambar Amparai, Polonnar and Puttalam Distr: dominantly Sinhala a Zone III: Jaffna, Mar comalee and Batticalc predominantly Sri L Zone IV: Kandy, M Badulla Ratnapu Kurunegala Distri Sinhala, with a con Tamils in the hill co Zone V: The Coloml dominantly Sinhala. Employment in the Q: Why is there a p Tamils have an undu sector jobs?
A: The impression h ing figures in selecte
St
Category Perce
Professional a
Administrative
All categories
Public S
Category Perc
Professional a
Administrative
All categories
Cens
(Dep Impl
Source :

DECEMBER 1983
INIC PROBLEMAS: D REALITIES
y of “Lanka Guarr 1, 1983, we reproxt of a report preCommittee for pment. ttee for Rational 'as formed during f the July 1983 vioers include Sinhal
ese, Tamils, Muslims, and Burghers of different political persuasions. The objective of the Committee was to assist in the finding of solutions to contemporary social problems of Sri Lanka on the basis of strengthening democratic institutions and the rational processes in society.
istrict (excluding the ty) Gampaha, Kaluta Districts. Wet zone, la areas. ntota, Moneragala, uwa, Anuradhapura cts. Dry zone, pre
CaS. inar, Vavuniya, Trina Districts. Dry zone, ankan Tamil areas. atale, Nuwera-Eliya, ra, Kegalle and cts. Predominantly centration of Indian untry. po Municipality. Pre
State Sector
opular impression that ly high share of public
as been created by takd government depart
ments, or in selected fields like accountancy and engineering. For instance, it has been claimed that in these fields the figures are around 22 per cent and 42 per cent respectively. In 1977, 22.6 per cent recruited to the Accountants Service, 42.3 per cent recruited to the Engineers' Service, 21.6 per cent recruited to the Shroffs' Service. were Tamils. in 1978 56.5 per cent were Tamils, while only 39.9 per cent were Sinhalese.' (This is the Truth)
Q: Do Tamils in fact have a disproportionate share of jobs in the public sector?
A: No. The latest published figures - for 1980 - give the following picture: (See Table below).
Q: How do the percentages in Table II and Table III compare with the ethnic breakdown of population?
A: Compare them with the figures in Table I. With 74 per cent of the population, Sinhalese have 85 per cent of all the jobs in the public sector, 82 per cent in the pro
Table II
ate Sector (excluding Corporation Sector)
ntages of: Sinhalese Tamils Others
hd technical 82% 12% 6% and Managerial 81%, 16% 3% 84% 12% 4%
Table II
ector (State and Corportion Sectors Combined)
"ntages of:
d technical
and Managerial
Sinhalese Tails Others
82% 1.3% 5% 83% 14% 3% 85% 11% 4%
is of Public and Corporation Sector Employment, 198() rtment of Census and Statistics and Ministry of Plan
mentation)

Page 5
DECEMBER 1983
fessional and technical categories, and 83 per cent in the administrative and managerial categories. On the other hand, the Tamils, with 18 per cent of the population, have only 11 per cent of all public sector jobs, 13 per cent of professional and technical posts, and 14 per cent of administrative and managerial positions. Confirmation of this position is to be found in the UNP election manifesto of 1977. That manifesto said:
"The United National Party accepts the position that there are numerous problems confronting the Tamil-speaking people. The lack of solution to their problems has made the Tamil-speaking people support even a movement for the creation of a separate state.’
The manifesto went on to say:
The Party, when it comes to power, will take all possible steps to remedy their fields in such grievances as . . . and it then listed four such fields, of which the fourth was: Employment in the public and semi-public corporations'.
So, in 1977, the present government party felt that those who had a genuine grievance regarding public sector employment were the Tamils.
Q: Would this position be changed by an
ethnic quota for pu some people have s
A: It could, but would have to be public sector, it w presence in cer reduced from its Sinhalese professi doctors, professio large number of ernment departm armed forces wh Sinhalese would h Tamils. General Employm Q: How do the eth relation to employm A: Table IV gives Q: what do these f A: Tamils havea h labour force empl Indian Tamils anc Lanka Tamils) tha cent of Kandyan S cent of Low coun other hand, the K: per cent) and the (30.49 per cent) ha the total populatio
Table IV Employment by Cor
Per Cent of labour fo in the community
न्छ ed > 으
Ο () 語 器 封 능 日 E Քվ R
Kandyan Sinhalese 24.62. 107 40.12
Low Country Sinhalese 18.80 57 52.17
Ceylon Tamils 27.52 0.95 5.78
Indian Tamils 1.80 0.17 91.54
Moors 25, 16 2.58 50.58
Malays 9.72 1.39 63.89
Burghers 3.23 0.0 67.74
Others 33.33 0.0 66.67
Total 19.59 l.24 52.95
Source: Report on Consumer Finance & Socio-Economic Survey

lic sector employment, as ggested?
since an ethnic quota
applied throughout the uld mean that Sinhalese lin sectors would be present levels. A few nals would gain jobs as als or engineers, but a borer Sinhalese in Govnts, corporations or the ch are overwhelmingly lve to lose their jobs to
nt
nic communities stand in "mt im gemeral?
the relevant statistics. gures show?
igher proportion of their yed (94.38 per cent of 89.21 per cent of Sri n Sinhalese (84.14 per inhalese and 81.51 per try Sinhalese). On the Indyan Sinhalese (34.27 Low country Sinhalese ve a larger proportion of in their communities in
TAMIL TIMES 5
employment than Sri Lankan Tamils (27.97 per cent), while the Indian Tamils have a still higher proportion (48.96 per cent).
Q: What do these last-mentioned facts mean?
A: The figures for Indian Tamils are explained by the fact that whole familes are employed on the estates, and at the wage levels at which they are employed, the entire family earnings go into their subsistence. On the other hand, in the case of Sri Lankan Tamils, it is evident that the few who do earn have a greater number of individuals to support.
Q: What is the unemployment rate for each community?
A: Table V gives the figures.
Table V: Unemployment (1979)
Community Unemployment (% of labour force) Kandyan Sinhalese 13.9
Low country Sinhalese 18.5 Sri Lankan Tamil 0.9 Indian Tamil 5.6 All-island 14.8
Report on Consumer Finance and Socio-Economic Survey 1978/1979 p.82 Table 67)
nmunity - All Island
)rCe As a per cent of the total
population in the community
b 연 O Ο Bt お 크 ح 雷 蚤 戮 目 。 CRT O O E پلا )( چي .S S بتا تأثر ية. يخ خ " 5 | نقا . 器 翡 每 霍 雷 器 蔡 5 é. 卤 {1} ԲԸ 으
20.33 86.14 9.79 0.43 15.96 8.09 34.27 8.97 81.51 7.03 0.59 9.52 3.35 30.49
8.96 89.21 8.63 0.30 16.23 2.8) 27.97 0.87 94.38 0.93 0.08 47.50 0.45 48.96 7.87 86.19 6.79 0.70 13.64 2.2 23.25 4.17 79.17 3.14 0.45 20.63 1.35 25.23 0.0 70.97 1.22 0.0 25.6 0.0 26.87 0.0 00.00 0.00 lO.00 20.00 0.0 30.00
1.49 85.27 7.45 0.47 20.3 4.37 32.42
978/1979 p.72, Table 56.

Page 6
6 TAMIL TIMES
Q: If the Tamils have a low rate of unemployment, why are the youth so dissatisfied?
A: Though the Tamils have a low unemployment rate on average, the Labour force and Socio-Economic survey published by the Ministry of Plan Implementation and the Department of Census and Statistics 1983, show that the unemployment rate among young Tamil males who have passed G.C.E. AL qualification is 41 per cent while their Sinhalese counterparts suffer an unemployment rate of 29 per cent. This may help us to understand the phenomenon of the militant youth movement in the North.
Q: If Tamils are under-represented in public sector employment, why is their unemployment rate lower?
A: This would indicate that Tamils have moved away from employment in the public sector and have had more success in finding employment in the private sector. However, a good deal of this is selfemployment, as Table IV shows (27.52 per cent of the labour force in the case of Ceylon Tamils are self-employed). Both Jaffna Tamils and Kandyan Sinhalese traditionally engaged in agriculture have a relatively lower rate of unemployment.
Q: Can a system of ethnic quotas work in relation to employment outside the public sector?
A: Apart from the fact that it would mean again that large numbers of Sinhalese would lose their jobs to Tamils in those sectors where they are overwhelmingly dominant at present (e.g. the Free Trade Zone projects), an ethnic quota would be extremely difficult to enforce in a free economy such as that created under the present government.
Further it has been pointed out that many Tamils, because of the language and other barriers to employment in the public sector, are finding self-employment or setting up their own enterprises. Government interference in these sectors would not only be very difficult but would also be immoral. It would also create further bottlenecks in a
Zone Wi deg
I II III IV V
(Report on Consume
nationwide situation rations.
Income levels
Q: What is the position communities in respect
A: It is possible to arr answer by taking th respect of the differer listed in the Introduc the figures.
Q: What do these figu
A: The Colombo M highest average incon dominantly Tamil are next. But averages ca Q: Why? A: The high income percentage of Tamils degrees skew the figu one looks at the avera with OL and AL qua. III ranks fourth, in l
Education
Q: That last answerl education, which has centres of inter-ethnic that Tamils gain adm far in excess of their vise?
A: This is not really total number of admi years, Sinhalese hav
Admissio
1981
S T O
Arts 82.8 13.3 3.9 Physical Science 63.5 31.8 4.7 Biological Science 72.5 24.3 3.2 Engineering 67.2 28.1 4.7 Medicine 72.7 23.1 4.3 Law 73.0 16.2 10.0 Total 76.4 19.2 4.4
Source : (As released by Division of Planning (Please note, that due to rounding of figures,

UUMBER 1983
Table VI
hout Univ. 'ees (OL)
RS.
974.62 909.25 888.1 770.7 743.20
Finance and Socio-Economic Survey, 1978/1979 p. 115 Table 99)
Average income
Without Univ. degrees (AL)
Rs. RS. 63 925 73 768 746 903 52 987 1137 4986
of frustrated aspi
of the different ethnic f income levels?
ve at an approximate income figures in t geographical Zones tion. Table VI gives
res show?
unicipality has the he level and the preas (Zone III) comes n be misleading.
s earned by a small who have university res. This is evident if ge incomes for people lifications. Here Zone both cases.
ads one to the subject of been one of the stormcontroversy. Is it true ission to the universities proportions population
true. If we look at the ssions, in the last three e averaged around 75
per cent. Let us look at the admission figures in the last three years. (See Admission Figures table)
Q: What do they show?
A: Tamil admissions to University have not been over ten percentage points of their ethnic proportion in the population. Popular perception about Tamil students in the coveted faculties of Medicine, Law and Engineering usually place their participation at 50 per cent. Secondly, what is also interesting is that except for Engineering, the representation of Sinhalese is near their ethnic proportion in the population. Thirdly, whatever the faculty, Sinhalese participation is always over 60 per cent.
Q: “This is the Truth’ and other publications shozv different figures vith a greater concentration of Tamils in Medicine and Law?
A: Those figures are based on the present composition of the student body. In the years 1978 and 1979 before the District quota was imposed, there was a larger Tamil intake to these faculties. However, these two years have not been representative since the year 1974.
Q: Why then is there a popular impression among Sinhalese that Tamils are privileged in respect of university admissions?
A: Because of certain coveted university faculties such as medicine, engineering and the physical sciences, there are more Tamils, percentage-wise, in relation to their proportions in the population.
n Figures
1982 1983
S T O S T O
%
79.4 16.3 4.3 77. 16.4 6.6 61.1 33,5 5.5 73.4 23.1 3.6 71.7 26.1 2.2 70.3 23. 36 66.9 28.5 4.5 66.4 28. 5.5 72.4 25.3 2.3 72.8 22. 5. 68.8 24.0 7.3 78.5 115 10.0 74.3 22.0 3.9 750 19.3 5.7
nd Research University Grant Commission 1983) the percentages do not always add up to 100)

Page 7
DECEMBER 1983
Q: Aren't these the faculties which matter тost?
A: Yes and no. They are the faculties which matter most to elite groups competing in the fields which are most privileged in respect of status and material rewards. But while this is certainly an important part of the social reality, we must also remember what a small part of the nation is engaged in this race. For a complete picture of opportunities and attainments in education in respect of different ethnic communities, we must look not only at the whole range of university education, but also at the totality of education, since university students are themselves only the narrow apex of a broad pyramid. For many people, what happens lower down makes a greater impact on their lives than what happens at the top.
Q: But why should Tamil students fare better in the competition to get into certain facilities?
A: In the past, historical reasons and the development of educational systems led Tamils to concentrate on certain fields of attainment. At present, however, this gap is closing due to concentrated efforts to increase standards in Sinhala areas.
Q: How can the consequent imbalances be remedied?
A: By decentralisation of higher education and the strengthening of regional centres of learning. This would maximise opportunities by enabling regional institutions to cope with the demand for education from a particular region without creating national disgruntlement and communal sense of grievance.
Q: What about ethnic quotas in this field?
A: Any such solution would have to be approached very warily in the light of the fact that media-wise standardisation between 1970 and 1977 was one of the principal causes of frustration among educated
Tamil youth wh: lence and the se
Q: What about examiners have ch
A: When the alle Commission of ul them, in 1970, an cheating was not a allegations weretl 1979, when the M Scientific Affairs : ations, dons at th (both Sinhala a public commissio so as to establish manner. In this ab it is impossible to fact been any ca either medium. O cast on Tamil exan them of cheating relations between The 1975 Report t chaired by Pieter the government w, policy of media-w that "organised m one whole medium neither possible n the possibilities of iability through sta its contribution t indeed institutiona communities and p fairness or impart nations' was consic
Q: The point was r cational opportuniti levels of educational community cannot basis offigures ofu the total picture?
A: First, it must b one per cent of al versities. To judg
Percentage of Population C Status and by Sec
T
Educational Status Urban Rural Esta
No Schooling
(Illiterate) 18.57 22.47 43.5 No Schooling
(Literate) 1.09 0.92 1.0 Primary 33.89 39.55 47.3 Secondary 31.80 27.2 6.6 Passed SSC/GCE (OL) 12.38 8.60 1.2 Passed HSC/GCE (AL) 1.35 0.84 0.0 Undergraduate 0.18 0.14 0.0 Passed Degree 0.60 0.29 0.0 Other 0.14 0.07 0.0
Total 100 100 100 (Report on Consumer Finance and Socio-Economic Survey (Note Zone I and Zone V have better literacy figures)

TAMIL TIMES 7
h fuelled anti-State vioratist movement.
e allegation that Tamil ited?
ations were first made, a versity dons looked into resolved that wide-scale possibility and that these arefore misconceived. In nister for Industrial and ut forward further allegUniversity of Colombo i Tamil) demanded a of inquiry into a matter he facts in an objective sence of such an inquiry, ay whether there have in es of false marking in the other hand, the slur iners as a body, accusing as done great damage to the two ethnic groups. the Sectoral Committee Ceuneman, a minister in ich first introduced the se standardisation, said nipulation of marks in in a deceptive manner is or probable, and while correcting examiner varndardisation was slight, both to deepening and lising suspicion between iromoting distrust in the iality of public examiderable.
nade earlier that the edues available to and the attainment of each ethnic he judged purely on the liversity students. That is
e realised that less than students get into unie a community's edu
cational levels by this minority alone is to ignore the needs and aspirations of the other 99 per cent. In fact, the majority of Jaffna Tamils, like their Sinhala counterparts, have only secondary schooling, and 21.60 per cent have no schooling at all. Table VII gives the figures. (See page 12) There is a further important fact that emerges from this table - that aggregating educational statistics for Tamils is grossly unfair, to the Indian Tamil community, who are the most underprivileged in respect of education. This in spite of the fact that the labour of Indian Tamils estate workers produce a greater part of the wealth on which we all live. Consider in Table VII the illiteracy figures for estate populations (43.58 per cent) and the zero figures of AL qualified graduates, and degreed persons. All the agitation against an 'excess of Tamil students in particular faculties never refers to this fact. Nobody who ever asks for ethnic quotas in education thinks this principle should apply to Indian Tamils.
Q: Is it possible to measure in some way the general level of educational attainment among each ethnic community?
A: This is done through the Index of Educational Attainment. The figures for 1978/9 show that it is the low country Sinhalese who have a better educational level than the Sri Lankan Tamils, and that the Indian Tamils rank lowest in the scale.
Table VI Index of Educational Attainment
Kandyan Sinhalese 4.40 Low country Sinhalese 5.26 Sri Lankan Tamils 4.94 Indian Tamils 2.10 Moors 3.91 Malays 5.48 Burghers 6.44 Others 6.50 (Source: Report on Consumer Finance and Socio Economic Survey, 1978/79)
ble VI
lassified According to Educational :ors and Zones 1978/79
Zone
e Zone Zone Zone Zone All is
II III IV V land
19.47 25.38 2.60 27.10 19.08 23.40 0.67 0.70 2.92 0.83 1.25 0.97 | 36.70 42.36 37.22 40.94 32.4 38.92 3.04 23.72 25.8 22.81 31.76 26.43 0.23 6.58 11.53 7.24 13.1 8.64 1.19 0.64 0.79 0.66 1.36 0.88 0.21 0.12 0.05 0.10 0.16 0.14 0.36 0.42 0.18 0.30 0.65 0.34 0.13 0.08 0.10 0.02 0.02 0.08 100 OO 100 100 100 100
978/79 P. 28 Table 15)

Page 8
8 TAMIL TIMES
Agriculture
Q: Since for most people in this country, farming is still the major source of livelihood, it would be good to take a look at agriculture. How do the different ethnic communities fare in this respect?
A: Let's start with this fact. Most of the farming in Sri Lanka is carried out in the Dry Zone, and the critical resource needed for farming in the Dry Zone is water. To ensure an adequate water supply, irrigation is of paramount importance. Recognising this fact, successive governments have invested heavily on irrigation in the Dry Zone. The Mahaveli project is the most important of the commitments made to farming and irrigation. However, the Dry Zone Tamil areas lag behind, and appear to have been neglected. This is brought out by Table IX, which shows the extent of land irrigated by key Sinhala and Tamil farming areas in the Dry Zone.
who are “Malabar Inh vince of Jaffna.
CQ: Why are there so fe the Northern Province
A: Migratory pattern pushed members of a wish to better their prc such as Colombo and
land in Jaffna is rela would not have a interested in an agric could be argued that t ese settlers in the Nort for the same reason wil paucity of Tamil settl
Trincomalee
Batticaloa
(Source: Department of Cens of Plan, Implementation, So Sri Lanka, Feb 83, p.283)
CQ: What does this tabl A: That except for the
Table IX Land size and percentages of sow irrigated in the Dry Zone (Maha
Thesawalamai
Q: Is it true that Sinhalese cannot buy land in jafna? A: Muslims, Burghers and Sinhalese have in fact bought land in Jaffna.
Q: Then why is there a popular perception that Sinhalese cannot buy land in faffna?
A: Under the Thesawalamai, there is a concept of pre-emption under which coowners, co-heirs and adjacent landowners - who had a mortgage over property located in the Northern Province - have the first option of purchase. It is not racial exclusion but an exclusion peculiar to the nature of an agricultural community. Today in fact, the owner only need give notice before selling in the open market.
Q: What is the Thesavalamai?
A: The Thesawalamai, like the traditional laws of the Kandyan Sinhalese, is a system of customary law which existed before the colonial era and is applicable to all persons
Sinhala Districts Percentage irrigated Av
Puttalam 79.7 Moneragala 63.2 Anuradhapura 92.7 Polonnaruwa 95.3 Hambantota 92.5
Tamil districts Percentage irrigated Av
Jafna 3.6 Vavuniya 83.4 Mannar 94.7
other Tamil areas ha'
irrigation facilities th
O: What is the releva cating the average size
A: Their significanc set them side by sid Table X, which sho fallow (unutilised) ag zone. When conside ation, it is not surp ortion of land left un
TTa Unutilised A
(19 Zone Perc
I III III IV V All island (Source: Report on Co. economic Survey, 1978

DECEMBER 1983
abitants of the Pro
v Sinhalese settled in in recent years?
in Sri Lanka have Il communities who spects into the cities ts vicinity. Besides, tively infertile and ttracted migrants ltural livelihood. It he paucity of Sinhalhern Province exists ly there is perhaps a ers in Hambantota.
56.6 3.1 30.4 2.7
es and Statistics, Ministry cio-Economic Indicators of
e show?
Mannar District the
'n land
1979/80
erage size of holding
3.4 3.9 4.1 4.0 3.0
rage size of
holding
1.3
5.7 3.7
-—
ye had much scantier an the Sinhala areas.
nce of the figures indi
of landholding?
comes out when you e with the figures in ws the percentage of ricultural land in each ring the lack of irrigrising that the propultivated is highest in
ble X ricultural Land '8/79) entage of fallow land
10.3
11.8
20.6
14.5
13.8
13.7
sumer Finance and Socio79, p.49 Table 33)
Zone III, that is, the Tamil areas of the North.
Central Government Capital Expenditure
Q: There is an impression that the Jaffna district is specially favoured with regard to Government capital expenditure. Is this correct?
A: No. In the District Budget for the year 1982, the amount allocated to the Jaffna District for new works is only Rs 27 million. This shows up the smallness of the District Budget and its very limited capacity to spearhead decentralised developIllet.
In the case of the Central Budget, an analysis of the figures in the Ministry of Plan Implementation Performance, 1981, shows that capital expenditure in the Jaffna District was only Rs 260 million - that is, only 2.6 per cent of the national capital expenditure of nine billion rupees.
Q: How does this work out in terms of per capita expenditure?
A: The per capita capital expenditure in the Jaffna district is Rs 313, while the national per capita expenditure is Rs 656. In addition, foreign aid utilisation in the Jaffna District for the period 1977-82 was O.
(Sources: Analysis from Ministry of Plan Implementation Performance 1981; Central Bank Review of the Economy, 1981; Government Budget Estimates, 1981)
Q: Aren't these figures of per capita capital expenditure affected by the fact that national expenditure on special projects such as the Mahaveli, Housing and the Free Trade Zone and targeted for certain areas and none of them are located in the North?
A: That is so, and for the same reason, other areas unaffected by such projects - such as Galle or Kalutara - show figures similar to those of Jaffna. Also Jaffna District has been unrepresented in successive governments, and therefore has benfitted little from Government development policy. However, what the figures do show is that the Jaffna District is clearly not a most favourable district, as some people have tried to make out.
The Private Sector
Q: There is an impression that the private sector of the economy is dominated by Tamil interests. Is this correct?
A: In the large public quoted companies there is a diversity of shareholders, interlocking directorates, bank indentures, etc. The large industrial houses are not and cannot be run like corner boutiques with a single proprietor making lone profits. The interconnections between different interests are still more difficult to ascertain today because of increasing foreign investment. However, as far as predominantly Sinhalaownedor Tamil-ownedenterprises are concerned, the Gnanams and Maharajahs are surely matched by the Upali Group, Dasa

Page 9
DECEMBER 1983
Group, B.P. de Silva Group, Maliban Group, Nawaloka enterprises, Ebert Silva, De Soysa's Associated Industries, Wijewardene's Group, etc.
Q: Are the sources of credit for business controlled by Tamil interests?
A: No. The main sources of credit are the banks. The Bank of Ceylon, the People's Bank, the State Mortgage and Investment Bank, the Development Finance Corporation, etc., are state enterprises. The primary shareholders of the Hatton National Bank are Browns Ltd., a company with a majority of Sinhala shareholders. All other banks are controlled by foreign shareholders with foreign managing directors who assess projects on viability alone.
Q: What explains the fact that trade and business have been one of the main avenues of social advancement for Tamils?
A: The Tamils were never large landowners or estate owners like the Sinhala upper classes. Only a handful were affected by land reform. The most lucrative export sector of tea, coconut and rubber even before nationalisation, was never dominated by Tamils. It has been observed in many societies that those do not hold land tend to go into professions and business. The Tamils as an ethnic group have followed this path, like many ethnic groups before them in Europe, Asia and Africa. There is nothing sinister, deceptive or exploitative about this: it is an understandable social phenomenon.
Q: Are there any published statistics of the Ethnic Composition of directors and proprietors in private sector companies?
A: No. But an analysis the Commercial Company list in Ferguson's Directors 1979-1981 (pages 1001-1038) shows that 18.62 per cent of Directors, 20.96 per cent of Chairmen, 20.54 per cent of partners/ proprietors in these companies are Tamil.
Q: Why should Sinhalese not over-act to Statistics?
A: The recent frenzy over statistics on Tamil dominance avoids one inescapable fact. At present the Sinhalese are in absolute control of the national legislature and therefore in absolute control of national economic policy. Very few Tamils can receive jobs through state patronage, they can only succeed in private selfemployment or in the professions. With control over national economic policy the Sinhalese have the absolute power to direct the course of our economic future. Statistics and social figures can be managed and changed over time, to maximise opportunities for all communities. The inability to do so is not the diabolical plot of an ethnic minority but the failure of our political leaders to direct and manage a modern, equitable economy.
Political violence
Q: Isn't the presen of the movement for of political violenc
A: The situation
political developm the principal reasc They have to som crisis, but, that is ( In 1958, there was The Tamils were a and Federalism, a tactics. Violence w For a rational dis cannot ignore the state must bear for violence.
Q: But hasn't the a been settled since 1
A: The 1978 Cor the status of a nati government office ments only in Sinl of national langua declared policy of SLFP until 1955 t language. We mus social and historica to the above mover effective political s not to give into a without a rational ation of the facts. i help divide the col
Q: Surely State vio, to terrorist violence
A: That is notenti as 1961, peaceful
attacked. In 1972 reported the arrest trial of 42 young
community who w tests, such as the against the policy o Republican Const from Amnesty Int from 1976 detail to youths held in di 1974, police openi Tamil cultural sho' sions of the confer Association of Tan sons died. It was youths began their
violence.
Q: Are you trying tc Northern militants?
A: No. But we mu ing crisis with fai Our media contin side of the questio is a result of man often difficult to s Unless we look a sightedness, we wi

TAMIL TIMES 9
violence really a product separate state and the use in the North?
not so simple. Those nts are often given as s for the present crisis. extent accentuated the ly one side of the story. o separatist movement. ging for language rights i used only non-violent s still directed at them. ussion of the facts, we responsibility that the ccelerating the cycle for
mand for language rights 78?
stitution accords Tamil inal language. Yet many
continue to send docuala. Anyway, the status ge does fall short of the both the UNP and the make Tamil an official t try to understand the reasons which gave rise nents if we are to find an olution. We must learn
blind sense of loyalty and historical apprecif we do so, we will only Intry.
ence uvas only in response in the North?
rely correct. As far back Tamil satyagrahis were Amnesty International and detention without members of the Tamil 're staging peaceful prodisplay of black flags standardisation and the tution. Annual reports ernational and the ICJ rture inflicted on Tamil tention. In December d fire at the scene of a i held at the closing sesnce of the International il Research. Eight perafter 1977 that Tamil systematic campaign of
iustify the violence of the
st look at the acceleratness and impartiality. es to give us only one . The present situation complex factors. It is larate cause and effect. the issues with clearnotable to provide the
social and political solutions necessary for the resolution of the present conflict.
Q: But they, the Tamils are trying to destroy us, how can you be so calm and detached? We Sinhalese have nowhere else to go, this is our only home.
A: If we feel we are a united nation, there can be no question of 'we' or they'. Justice is not only supposed to be rational but race blind. If we continue to think in terms of 'we' and "they we will turn the present conflict into a savage tribal war. Those who over-react to problems and thereby destabilise the country and the South Asian region, will create the very nightmares they so desperately fear.
Decentralisation
Q: Why are the Sinhalese so afraid of conceding regional autonomy to Tamil dominated areas?
A: Because they are afraid that this will be a first step toward Eelam.
Q: Is their fear justified?
A: No, in other countries this had not occurred. In fact, most often the issue subsides. With greater regional autonomy, the Quebec nationalists, the Basque nationalists and even Tamil Nadu nationalists have begun to work within the framework of a united state.
Q: Will the Northern extremists be satisfied?
A: Even if they are not, a solution agreed to be a moderate majority in Jaffna and supported by the Indian government will alienate the users of violence from their own poeple. This occurred in Quebec and is now happening in the Basque region of Spain. After a period of amnesty, with the help of the Indian government through extradition agreements and the like, it will be easier to control their violent activities.
Q: Aren't these “decentralisation' ideas new to Sri Lanka?
A: Actually these ideas have been circulated since the beginning of the twentieth century. In fact, SWIRD Bandaranaike himself put forward a federal structure of government for Sri Lanka with nine separate regional units. Before him, the Kandyan leaders in the Ceylon Congress also put forward ideas for a federal structure consisting of three units. In 1940, the colonial government introduced Provincial Councils but though approved in Parliament they were not implemented.
Q: Have any of the major Sinhalese parties after independence ever entertained such a scheme?
A: Both the UNP and the SLFP had before 1977 negotiated decentralised arrangements but failed to implement them. The Bandaranaike Chelvanayagam Pact, for example, agreed to the creation of two or more decentralised regions and allowed room for parliament to delegate powers in

Page 10
10 TAMIL TIMES
certain areas. It was a very comprehensive Federal solution. The UNP in 1965 also concluded a fairly similar Pact but it too was not implemented.
Q: Why aren't the Tamils satisfied with the DDC scheme?
A: The DDC scheme, in some ways, falls short of the other Pacts for the following
eaSOS.
a) The District Minister, an appointment of the President - is chairman of the Executive Committee and can block all decisions of the DDC, if he chooses to.
b) The Line Ministries must approve all projects of the DDC, in their area. As we all know, ministers jealously guard their preserves and do not often like to share power and control.
c) The District Budget so far has been very small, 40 million for both old and new works for each District. Considering the wide range of projects that the DDCs may wish to engage in, the budget so far has completely limited their scope.
d) And decision agreed to by the DDC can be overridden by the President and/or Parliament.
e) The DDC is only statutory legislation and has no constitutional validity. It can easily be swept away by a simple majority vote in Parliament.
The DDCs then are mere administrative arrangements vulnerable to the contradictory personalities of ministers and the sudden shifts of Presidential and Parliamentary power.
Q: What kind of schemes do other countries have?
A: In most democratic countries with an ethnic minority which is territorially placed, decentralisation has been the political answer. In addition, for administrative
reasons, countries pre tralised planning and d In India, US, Australi the federal system give decentralised units. T own courts, own ex lature, and the federal interfere in situations such as foreign polic merce, defence, currer ration, protection of the national developm in these specified in tralised units may though they may look ernment for additiona and projects. In other France, Spain, Feder many — similar arran
Q: Aren't those large Lanka far too small fo, ከበé}1፬.
A:No, we have befor Switzerland. In tour. often called the Switz
Q: What is the Swiss s
A: The Swiss system lowing features:
a) A federal system tons - each with its lature and Executive.
b) The cantons com spending and taxing the cantons have legis their own area of juri c) Each canton has and its own system c superceding Federal issues of national im) cantonal disputes.
d) Though there standards, each canto of schools and Unive
Ethnic Breakdown
N OR TH Total Sinhalese Jafna 831,112 4,615 Mannar 106,940 8,710 Vavuniya 95,904 15,876 Mullaitivu 77,512 3,948
1.111,468 33,149
2.98%
EAST
Batticaloa 330,899 10,646 Amparai 388,786 146,371 Trincomalee 256,790 86,341
976,475 243,358
24.92%
OVERALL TOTAL 2,087,943 276,507 13.24%
(From Census of Popula

DECEMBER 1983
r to have a decenterse development. Canada, etc. . . . much power to the se units have their >utive, own legisovernment can only f national concern , inter-state comy, taxation, immigundamental rights, ht plan, etc. Except tances, the decenovern themselves, to the Central Govfinancial resources ountries of Europe, l Republic of Gergements exist.
countries? Isn't Sri this type of arrange
us the example of st literature we are erland of the East.
olutiom like?
has some of the fol
composed of 22 canown elected Legis
(mune have extensive powers. In addition, lative powers within sdiction.
its own constitution f courts, but with a Court to determine »ortance – or inter
are certain national n has its own system 'sities.
e) The federal Legislature itself contains two houses - the first is like our Parliament and called the National Council, the second contains two representatives from each canton and is called the Council of States.
f) The Federal Assembly only has certain specified legislative powers in the Constitution, all residual powers vested with the cantons. The Federal powers are related to defence, posts, army, national economic policy, foreign policy, currency etc.
g) The Swiss Constitution recognises three official languages - German, French and Italian. All cantons also have an enlightened policy of extending official recognition to all the spoken languages.
h) Religion - the people of each canton are free to determine the nature of statereligions relations. This is due to the fact that there is a large non-Catholic minority in Switzerland.
i) Each canton is also responsible for public order within its boundaries - own police force and public service. Q: Isn't that too much for Sri Lanka?
A: We don't have to adopt their model completely, but just learn from their exam
ple. Switzerland is a country where modern
leaders from traditioinally warring communities have managed to negotiate an enlightened settlement.
Q: Isn't this all too risky and uncertain. Why should we even begin to think in this manner?
A: We stand at the cross-roads of history. We can either become the Switzerland of the East by following the middle path of negotiation, conciliation and good will, or the Lebanon of South Asia, where intransigence, violence and hate have made it a playground for destruction in which all the powers of the world have a stake. O
- North & East
Tamils Moors Indians Others
792,246 13,757 20,001 493 54,106 28,464 14,072 1,588 54,541 6,640 18,592 255 58,904 3,777 10,766 117
959,797 52,638 63,431 2,453
86.35% 4.73% 5.71% .23%
234,348 79,317 3,868 2,720 78,315 161,481 1,410 1,209 86,743 74,403 6,767 2,536
399,406 315,201 12,045 6,465
40.90% 32.28% 1.24% .66%
1,359,203 367,839 75,476 8,918 65.10% 17.62% 3.61% .43%
on and Housing 1981)

Page 11
DECEMBER 1983
4-WAY CHANNEL ANANDAN'S REC
The well-known holder of several Guinness Book of Worl Records, Mr V.S.K. Anandan, LL.B (Ceylon), B.Sc.(London and Attorney-at-law, is to attempt another world record in th near future. This time it is a four-way swim across the Englis Channel.
A group of Anandan's friends has set up a FUND to enable hil to make this rather expensive and arduous attempt in Augus 1984. Anandan is already in the UK and has commenced h programme of training. He has to continue training for 6 to 8 houl a day. Cost of the training, advice and other required material hav to be obtained through the Channel Swimming Association Besides the fee of around £1,300, only to make the four-wa swimming attempt, a further sum of £4,000 is required for th entire programme of training.
TAMIL TIMES is proud to sponsor Anandan's record breaking attempt because he is a rare and exceptional sportsmani every sense of the word. Here are some of his incomparabl achievements:
O He holds the largest number of records in the Guinness Book c Records - seven records - in endurance sporting events. He i the only one in the world to have held six of these records at th same time. O He was the first man to swim the Palk Strait from Ceylon t India and back in April, 1975, in 51 hours. O Non-stop Cycling: 187 hours: 1,487 miles in May 1979. O Ball punching: 136 hours in December 1979. O Sit-ups (a gymnastic record): 165 in two minutes on May 15 1980. O Balancing on one foot: 33 hours on May 15, 1979. (Note: Anandan is the only person to have established two Guin ness World Records on the same day) O High Kicks: 9,100 times in December 1980. O Water treading: 80 hours performed at Anna Swimming Pool Madras, India, in August 1981. O Twist dance: 128 hours in December 1978; Non-stop walking 159 hours, 296 miles in August 1981.
In September 1981, tragedy struck Anandan. He was run ove by a car under mysterious circumstances. Doctors gave him only five per cent chance of survival when he suffered nine fracture and severe chest and lung injuries. His spleen has been removed He was kept in hospital for six months and a further six months o. crutches. But Anandan was not a man to give up. His remarkabl capacity for survival, and incomparable tenacity and commitmen
EDITORIAL
FROM PAGE 2
the Tamil people; they should UK/India/Sri L demonstrate over a period of years that they are willing to allow and facilitate the full implementation of those measures; they must give up
the notion that Sri Lanka is only a O wish to pay "Sinhala-Buddhist' country and O Please Send accept the reality that it is a multi- . . . . . . . . . . . ethnic physical entity in which the O enclose a d
Sinhalese and Tamils have Well defined rights. When such political wisdom is demonstrated in practice by Sinhala political leaders, NAME:
then the Tamil people themselves ADORESS - may choose not to exercise their right to self-determination. =ങ്ക
O My cheque/

TAMILTIMES 11
swim sponsorship ORD BREAK ATTEMPT
Y.
t
S
S
Anandan breaking the water-treading world record in Madras was put on spotlight when, on December 31, 1981, while still on
crutches, he performed five events including Billiards Cue
levering and speed motorcycle riding. On this occasion he broke
the record in Billiards Cue-levering.
CHARITIES: All the money Anandan earned from his parf ticipation in sporting events has been given to charity. The sum of S Rs 44,000 he collected for breaking the twist dance record was donated to the Batticaloa Cyclone Relief Fund. Another Cheque for Rs 10,000 he earned was donated to the Crippled Children's Association.
ANANDAN'S AMBITION is to be recognised the best ever endurance sportsman in the world. He hopes to have 10 unbroken records in the same year's Guinness Book of Records.
KU MAR ANANDAN CHANNEL
FUND
Anandan deserves all the encouragement and support he needs to make this unique attempt. A group of Anandan's friends has set up the above fund. Supporters and well-wishers are kindly requested to generously contribute to this fund. Anandan has agreed that any money collected in excess will be donated to a public purpose.
O PLEASE SEND YOUR CHEQUES OR INTERNATIONAL MONEY ORDERS in favour of KUMAR ANANDAN CHANNEL SWIMFUND, crossed A/C Payee only, and mail them to: TAMIL TIMES, P.O.Box 304. London W139QN.
Please mark “KUMAR ANANDAN" on the top left-hand e corner of the envelope. Every remittance will be indit vidually acknowledged.
TAM IL TIMES ANNUAL SUBSCRIPTION RATES
anka . . . . . . . . . . . E6 OO All other Countries . . . . . . . . . . £1 O.OO
Tamil Times Ltd, P.O. Box 304, London W139 O.N.
/renew my subscription for one/two years. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
an introductory free copy to;
nation of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
it. money order in favour of Tamil Times Ltd iS to the total value of

Page 12
12 TAMIL TIMES J|H|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||IHill
SR
The image of Sri Lanka is being damaged were victims of I abroad' is the current propaganda theme of which were encou all Sri Lankan politicians from the Pres- men. The Annual ident downwards, the state-controlled Inspector Genera Lankan media, the country's foreign mis- 1977 stated that d sions and some vociferous expatriate munal violence, A Sinhalese. The government has allocated 13th, 74 cases of over Rs.40 million to carry out a prop- ARSON and 1,2{ aganda war to rebuild the already tarnished IGP noted that image of the country. recorded grave cri In this propaganda war, the international 83,082, as compal news media, the Amnesty International, of 55,195. “This u the International Commission of Jurists, 26,887 (48 percei the Eelamites and all those who have cared breakdown in la to report about the atrocities committed period of racial ri against the Tamil people have become targets of attack. In the July 1 The Sri Lankan press gave undeserved ernment's own fi wide publicity to the ravings of Mr Douglas ' 400 Tamils Wickremaratene, the President of the '' figure is estum Sinhala Association in UK, whose notoriety 2,500. The police as an anti-Tamil baiter in Britain is com. ' ' ' mon knowledge not only among the Tamils burnt. An estima but also among the Sinhalese from whom he houses were Set ՕI has very little support. During a recent visit 160 industrial esta to Sri Lanka, in the course of a tirade number of shops against the Lankan Embassy in the UK for looted and burn the failure of its Tamil High Commissioner Tamils becamere to respond to what he claimed as 'anti- the violence, ther government false propaganda and blatant Tamils stiline falsehoods'. Mr Wickremaratene said that during the July disturbances startling claims increased. "There was a flood of sections of Sinl anti-government propaganda. The claim commit these acts ranged from murder to rape to genocide. did it? Tamils, မှုံးfi, no official effort was made to deny While some Minis
ΘΕΙ1.
These are the and that is the tru
ter may attempt t Buddhists, Mr C like him interpre Tamils as a mani anger of the Sinh
The sad fact
When Sri Lankan Ministers and people like Mr Wickremaratene attack others for 'damaging the image of the country', what Buddhistic clai do they really mean? Are they contending that violence on a mass scale against the One does not li Tamils did not take place, not only in July the quagmire of 1983, but ever since 1956? Were not houses blacme it for the of Tamils looted and burnt? Were not terised Sri Lank Tamils attacked in their homes and in the contains certain streets? Were not Tamilshacked to death or basic tenets of burnt alive? Were not small Tamil children kindness, love a thrown into burning flames? Were not known and reco Tamil women subjected to humiliation and political scound rape? The sad fact is that every one of these 'Sinhala-Buddhi: things and more happened in the so-called cannot complain paradise island of Sri Lanka. Thousands are questioned a and thousands of people, Sinhala people, dhist priests who Buddhist people, foreign tourists and message of peac others witnessed these happenings. The ple, go about inc fact that some kind-hearted Sinhalese peo- land-grabbing i ple gave protection to some Tamils does not Buddhism', the in any way mitigate the sheer barbaric challenged abou nature of the violence. When a claim is
The present President publicly ack- heritage of Sri I nowledged that in August 1977 Tamils by the Buddhist
|||||||||IIIHHI||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||

DECEM
IIIllllllllllllllllllllllllll|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||III
ANKA, THE TRUE
urder, arson and rape aged by his ownn party Report of the country's
of Police for the year iring the period of comgust 15th to September RAPE, 1,141 cases of 9 cases of looting. The he number of cases of ne for the year 1977 was ed with the 1976n figure precedented increase of t) was mainly due to the y and order during the ots of the same year.'
983 violence, the govgures acknowledged that were killed although the lated to be in the region of have reported that over longing to Tamils were ed 70 per cent of Tamil fire and destroyed. Over blishments and countless oelonging to Tamils were t down. Over 200,000 fugees. Five months after e are an estimated 50,000 ugee camps.
tragic and horrible facts Le image of Sri Lanka. If hala-Buddhists did not of inhumanity, who else Muslims or Christians? ters and the Prime Miniso absolve all the Sinhalayril Matthew and those the violence against the festation of the 'justified ala-Buddhists'.
ns challenged
ke to draw Buddhism into
political argument and violence that has characin society, for Buddhism laudable principles. Its
tolerance, compassion, d non-violence are well gnised. But when every l and racist bigot repeat nad nauseam, then they f their "Buddhistic' claims d criticised. When Budare expected to spread the and love among the peoing violence, murder and
the name of 'Sinhalathey must expect to be their "Buddhistic' claims. nade that the culture and |nka have been protected ergy, then such claimants
should not rave and rant if their claims are questioned.
If the Sri Lankan Buddhist chronicles are to be believed, the most noble and laudable Indian immigrant to ever set foot upon the soil of Lanka, not once but thrice, was Lord Buddha. But the so-called adherents of the Buddha, who are expected by the Great Teacher to preach the message of universal brotherhood, deprived 1.2 million Tamil plantation workers of their basic rights and forced them to live in semi-slave and captive conditions on the grounds that they came from a country from where Buddha himself came Those Sinhala-Buddhists who live abroad and who abound with patriotic fervour' and rush to protect the "image of our mother country', should subject themselves to serious self-examination. They rightly protest against the racist immigration and nationality laws. They rightly claim and exercise all the rights to permanent settlement and citizenship although their periods of stay in these countries are a mere 5, 10 or 15 years at the most. But they seem to suffer from no problem of conscience when they justify the semi-slave conditions in which the plantation workers are kept without any basic rights of citizenship or franchise. They go about setting up Buddhist temples in western capitals while they condone or conceal the exploitation to which the plantation Tamil workers are subjected to and the violence to which the Tamil people in general are subjected.
Prime Minister's claim challenged
When the Prime Minister, Mr R. Premadasa, says, “No one should insult the Sinhala Buddhist race and the Buddhist religion by saying that the unfortunate July disturbances were the result of a Sinhala uprising. Throw that idea out of your mind . . . The Sinhala Buddhists have always denounced violence. They believed in and led lives of peace and harmony. Buddhist principles have inspired the Sinhala people to serve the cause of humanity, irrespective of caste, creed or community. Our history bears testimony to that proud record, then one is entitled to go back into history and examine whether there is any substance in his claim. The fact is that Buddhism seems to have had minimal impact on the Lankan society as far as its propensity for violence was or is concerned. The record of the early Sinhala kings was one of continuous, incesSant struggle for the throne, fratricidal and patricidal killings, conspiracies and intrigues. Very few kings succeeded to their predecessors by peaceful means. According to the Mahavamsa, of the 54 kings of the Great Dynasty (543BC to AD275), 11 kings
III/IIIHIIIHill||1|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||IIIHF:

Page 13
BER
1983
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
MAG E By SAMANTHAP
J||||I|||||||||||||||I||||||||||||||||||||||H||
were forcibly overthrown, six were assassinated, 13 were killed in battle and 22 were murdered by their successors. The period following until the arrival of the western colonisers was no less prone to violence. How Kassiappa buried his own father in a wall of concrete to become King himselfisa well-known story.
Bandaranaike gunned down
If early and late medieval history displayed such a remarkable proclivity to violence, the post-independence period was no less remarkable. Mr S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, who converted hiumself from Christianity to Buddhism, came to power in April 1956 as the champion of SinhalBuddhism, thus inaugurating the present era of violence against the Tamils. Tamil political leaders who engaged in peaceful protests against 'Sinhala Only' were subjected to physical violence in the presence of the country's forces of law and order. Racial violence was unleashed against the Tamils in the Eastern Province in 1957, and in 1958 the island was engulfed in a major country-wide progrom against the Tamils.
Shortly thereafter, Prime Minister Bandaranaike was gunned down in his own home by a Buddhist priest named Somarama Thero. Another high-powered Buddhist priest, Buddharakhita Thero, along with some other persons, were later found guilty of organising the assassination of the Prime Minister.
Highest crime rate
Sri Lanka has the highest per capita crime rate in all Asia. While the Tamil
"Tigers' have been accus lings of 72 security per mants' over a period of n. and other grievous crim daily for apparently insig boundary disputes, plu. from a neighbour's garde thieving, etc.
Over 90 per cent of the forces are “Sinhala Buc record of violence in engaged, can only be con Latin American dictator: on several occasions, gor ing the law and their c: setting fire to private anc and killing people indisc. they describe as 'retaliat
Self-deluding hypocrit
The President, the Pr all others, including the should cut out their sell ritical humbug about 2,5 and civilisation based on of life. The nature, sca barity of the violent ev pinpointedly demonstrat disparity between the I conceptual content of Bu is actually practised in its Buddhist monk, who is with the leadership Sangvidhanya is reported that what happened to th was only an “appetiser” fo: the future. Another Budd
|H|||||||||||||H||||||||||||||||||||||||I||
Dr. S.A. Tharmalingam, 72, a popular medical practitioner in Jaffna and a respected elder of the community was released from detention by the Sri Lankan Government last month.
He was taken into custody under the Prevention of Terrorism Act of Sri Lanka in July this year for organising a peaceful protest against the atrocities being committed in the Trincomalee district by Sinhala racist gangs assisted by the security forces.
It is a reflection of the viciousness of the Prevention of Terrorism Act of Sri Lanka and perhaps the jitteriness of those in authority that an elderly man was seen as a threat to the State and had to be labelled a terrorist and incarcerated.
Incarceration was not the only tribulation of this doctor not in the best of phy
TERRORIST LABEL
sical health. He, alon fellow Tamil detainee to escape with their li that occurred with th prison authorities at height of the racial pog Sri Lanka in July/Aug Due to the public ou world about this mas Tamil detainees were ticaloa jail, where anot be faced. When a we resulted in the opport the jail, Dr S.A. Th Mahesan and Father not to avail themselve on the grounds that the crime and as such did fair exercise of the law
Vindication of this

TAMIL TIMES
13
||些
ERERA
ed of political kilonnel and 'inforne years, murders es are committed nificant reasons — king a jack fruit n, in pursuance of
country's security dhists'. But the which they have pared to those of hips. They have, e berserk, breakbde of discipline, | public buildings iminately in what
s
O
ical humbug
ime Minister and Buddhist clergy :-deluding hypoc)0 years of culture the Buddhist way le and sheer bar2nts of July 1983 e the vast gulf and philosophical and ddhism and what name. A leading closely associated of the Sinhala
to have declared he Tamils in July r further action in hist priest, who is
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||I|H|||||||IIIHIM|||||||||||IIIHIIIHIII||||||||||||||
currently engaged in helping illegal encroachment of Tamil areas by thousands of Sinhalese has publicly threatened a government Minister with violence - to hit him with his umbrella.
Blood of Tamils to be sacrificed
It cannot be said that the guiding philosophy of Sri Lankan life today, or for that matter for a long time, is not the message of peace, love, tolerance and compassion as propounded by the Buddha, when a government Minister, Mr Gamini Dissanayake, publicly announces that "in fourteen minutes, the blood of every Tamil in the country can be sacrificed to the land by us, if there was an invasion from India, and still continues to function as a Minister going about pontificating on the “Buddhist way of life'.
Those who live in Western countries are not unaware of the violence and brutality caused to ordinary people in other countries. But one did not, until July 1983, watch horrible scenes of groups of people including women and children being burnt alive in vehicles before the very eyes of "the guardians of law and order', and this did happen to the Tamils in the island paradise of Sri Lanka. The image of paradise presented to attract foreign tourists and earn a few dollars or sterling is a false image. The true image is one of intolerance, cruelty and barbarity. The whole atmosphere is filled with GREED, HATRED and DELUSION, the deepest roots of human sorrow, according to Lord Buddha.
:
DOES NOT STICK
g with a few other ; narrowly managed ves in the massacre connivance of the Welikade jail at the 'om that occurred in
uSt.
tcry right round the acre, the surviving transferred to Bater moral test had to l co-ordinated plan Inity to escape from armalingam, Kovai Singarayar decided
of the opportunity
y had committed no not have to fear the
horal courage is the
ultimate acceptance of the Sri Lankan authorities that there was no charge against Dr Tharmalingam.
Unfortunately, Kovai Mahesan and Father Singarayar are still awaiting their freedom.
Interest in the welfare of his patients not unnaturally attracted Dr Tharmalingam to the welfare of other human beings in the community and led to his involvement in politics. As a person dedicated to the saving of lives he never advocated or supported violence to achieve any political aim or to espouse any cause. He felt strongly about the injustices the Tamil community in Sri Lanka had to endure but he always advocated protests through peaceful non-violent methods. In spite of all the hardships he never wavered from his determined objection to discrimination.

Page 14
14 TAMIL TIMES
SRI LANKA
A MSMANAGEDE
In July-August 1983 Sri Lanka experienced the most serious wave of racial riots since it became independent in 1948. Much has been written about the political aspects of this unprecendented unleashing of violence against the minority Tamil population by the majority community of Sinhalese, aided and abetted by the armed forces and the Government itself. The economic damage wrought by this orgy of violence also needs careful attention. The effect of the recent riots on the economy of Sri Lanka is brought out tersely in The Economist (August 6, 1983) headline: 'Sri Lanka Puts a Torch to its Future'. The country's economic future has been wrecked by mob violence directed against the economic position of the Tamil community.
We are not dealing here with a country which is highly prosperous or with a Government which has the competence to redeem the country's future with resolve and foresight. Sri Lanka (Ceylon) was one of the more developed countries in South Asia, and friendly countries had reason to describe it as "Paradise" in more than one
S81S6.
Loss of grip
After 1948 when its independence was granted by the British, the economy, along with political morality, took a downturn which has been explained only with "lame excuses' and 'accusations'. Since 1948, for the first UNP Government of D.S. Senanayake, the excuse was that the 'colonial masters left the country after economic rape and ruin'. Since 1956, for SWRD Bandaranayake's and his wife's Governments the excuse was the "misgovernment of the defeated UNP Government' and the economic mess created by J. R. Jayawardene, the then Finance Minister (the present President). Since 1977, the scapegoat for economic down-slide and growing unemployment, inflation, budget deficits and chronic balance of payments problems is the "misdeeds and cheap politics of Mrs Bandaranayake's SLFP Government".
For whatever reason, the country's economic base was progressively weakened and the future became patently bleak, steadily advancing to become a basket case but for the endeavours of the private sector. In these private sector efforts various Tamil communities - Indian Tamils, Muslim Tamils and Ceylon Tamils - all participated in a meaningful manner.
Low economic value
The present UNP Government had decided to divert 35-40% of the country's scarce budgetary resources to three new schemes of demonstrably low economic value. The
By S. T. AR
pattern of Government c since 1977 reveals a gro resources which would take-off to sustained ( Although the economy h a downward slide for resource allocation of the plan reveals undue emp. but unproductive project regard of the traditional sectors and the need for development. Moreover which provided for som entailed unduly high c location of the economic sections of the populatio Tamil minority comm been traditionally resid areas earmarked for de The four major progr stitute the development
l) the accelerated Diversion scheme
2) the accelerated ur
36
3) construction of an city in Kotte, several m 4) establishment offre inally proposed for C comalee, but impleme ombo.
Accelerated Mahawe
The results of the Maha ject in terms of emplo have so far fallen woef tations, and have bee proportionate to costs pleted, the economic g: of cultivable land to ne will in some measure against the losses inflict their destabilisation i homelands in areas cov In fact, the objective c one of overall economi diversion of even the li cost development to munity, by depriving munity of their share well-observed tendenc ernments in Sri Lank, for a broad-based deve would provide increas ing across the board population. Instead, term schemes for pla constituency, on whi survival, by devising si some benefits to the Si the expense of the mi. Tamils. The determis Government to carry tive in a six-year peri

DECEMBER 1983
CONOMY IN PERL
ASAN
apital expenditure is misdirection of only hamper the conomic growth. ud already been on everal years, the new development nasis on grandiose s and a callous disproductive export balanced regional parts of the plan economic growth osts and the disactivities of certain n (belonging to the unity) which had 2nt in some of the velopment. ammes which con
plan are: Mahaweli Ganga
ban housing prog
2ntirely new capital illes from Colombo ce trade zones, origplombo and Trininted only in Col
li Scheme
weli Diversion probyment and output ully short of expecn inexcusably dis, even when comins in the provision w Sinhalese settlers have to be set off ed on the Tamils by in their traditional ared by the scheme. f the scheme is not c growth but of the ttle benefits of high the majority comthe minority com. This reflects the y of repeated Govto ignore the need lopment plan which ng standards of livo all sections of the hey resort to shortating the Sinhalese h they depend for hemes which confer halese population at ority community of ation of the present ut its sinister objecd so as to ensure its
re-election led to its insistence on an unrealistic acceleration of implementation of the Mahaweli project. The resulting massive expansion in Goverment expenditure in the context of a severe shortage of real resources, led in turn to unprecedentedly high rates of inflation and a depletion of foreign exchange reserves.
Other Devious Schemes
The grandiose housing scheme and the white elephant scheme for a new capital city named Jayawardenapura have not contributed anything directly to the production of goods and services or indirectly through linkage effects. Both schemes have added to the country's enormous import bill and have compounded the inflationary problems through spiralling costs and an overstrained sector. Despite these negative effects the Government pressed on with the housing scheme in order to mobilise electoral support by providing subsidised housing, especially in Colombo and other urban areas. The blatantly wasteful expenditure on the new capital city (coincidentally bearing the name of the President) was justified in the minds of the Government as the need to revive Sinhalese nationalism by moving to the site of an ancient Sinhalese kingdom.
Colombo Free Trade Zone
As for the Free Trade Zone schemes, the Government implemented with great speed the Greater Colombo Free Trade Zone in order to provide employment for Sinhalese residents of the area. However, the second location - Trincomalee - for a free trade Zone was abandoned because it is a Tamil area, and businesses developed there would be dominated by Tamil entrepreneurs and provide employment to Tamils. It was also feared that the development of a FreeTrade Zone would have circumscribed the Government's freedom to deal with the militarily and strategically important natural harbour of Trincomalee.
Manipulating the Economy
It is evident that the economic policies followed by the Government were characterised by a lack of vision and a bankruptcy of ideas regarding the requirements of a development plan which would secure long term economic growth and improvement of living standards for all sections of the country's population. The programmes adopted were deliberately chosen with the full knowledge of the il-effects of the misdirection of resources on the economy; in order to secure short term political advantage for the members of the present Government, winning the favour of the Sinhalese electorate, while denying the minority Tamils any prospective economic

Page 15
DECEMBER 1983
improvement. In this regard the Government was equally culpable in the deliberate avoidance of certain economic policies which would have been inducive to overall development. Their plans deliberately neglected the development needs of the traditional Tamil homelands, especially the Northern Province.
Outright Discrimination
The farmers of the Northern Province had ably demonstrated in earlier years their adaptability and enterprise in response to incentives to produce agricultural pro
ducts, particularly subsidiary food crops.
The present Government withdrew all
incentive schemes for such agricultural products and encouraged cheaper imports
in order to destroy the viability of the Northern Province agriculture. As for industry, this Govenment not only failed to establish any public sector industries in the Tamil areas, but also took all steps within its power to prevent the establishment of private sector industries there. The parlous state of infrastructure in the Tamil areas which had suffered by decades of neglect was allowed to worsen further so that even entrepreneurs who were prepared to start industrial establishments in Tamil areas
were scared away by the high costs entailed
by the inadequate infrastructure, in addition to the administrative impediments imposed by the Government.
Discrimination against Tamil Community
It would be appropriate here to deal with certain other aspects of the background to the riots of July 1983, to obtain a perspective for the proper analysis of the economic effects of the riots. It has been shown above how the economic policies of the Government had been administered with the objective of excluding the Tamils from the mainstream of whatever little economic development could be achieved. Although those actions were contrary to democratic principles, the newly promulgated constitution provided no safeguards for the minority to challenge such discriminatory administrative measures. Successive Governments had also progressively reduced the share of the Tamils in public sector employment to less than their percentage in the population.
It was a rather narrow private sector (which had been circumscribed by the encroachment of the public sector in many fields) which remained open to entrepreneurial activity in industry and wholesale and retail trades. Although the Govemment administratively hampered the setting up of new industries by Tamils, there were a few Tamils who had successfully established certain industrial and trading establishments in earlier years. Many of these entrepreneurs had very Inble beginnings (e.g. as roadside haw
kers) and their suc
trading fields wa entrepreneurial ab sacrifice. These est entirely situated i
the seat of the Cer presumably citize munities of the po to make a liv beneficiaries in tel Sinhalese; the Gc acknowledged th employees in the
and trading establi Nevertheless, cert Government repea ping of Tamil ow trade, although it ing laws.
Riots as a Scher Tamis
It has now becom from the official pr important Ministe and several key Gov major objective in was the destructiol real assets of these establishments and instilling, by thugge deter them from res the future, so tha replace them.
A similar desigr destitution and fea. Tamils practising p bler pursuits such minor employment vate sector in Colo dominantly Sinhale Tamil labourers em tor. Once the Tam and driven away fro jobs would be filles among the Sinhales went). Sri Lanka p ple of a developin nating, even retrogI inscrupulous politi their power by cove of economic dev schemes designed t and employment to ple from another. unique in the met unleashing of viole beleagured minorit by arson and thugg achieved by legal or
Myth of Tamil Do
The Government, official pronouncen Industry and Trad these moves by asse and trading sectors Tamils. Although

TAMIL TIMES 15
ss in the industrial and
a testimony to their ity and heavy personal olishments were almost and around Colombo, al Government, where belonging to all comulation had the freedom ng . However, the hs of employment were ernment has officially t over 90% of the Tamil-owned industrial hments were Sinhalese. in key Ministers in the edly called for the stripership in industry and as contrary to the exist
le to Suppress the
: clear (since the riots) onouncements of all the is of the Government ernment officials, that a he planning of the riots by wilful arson of the
industrial and trading of their owners, and the ry, ofa feeling offearto tarting such activities in it the Sinhalese could
to enforce complete r was applied to other rofessions and in humas clerical and other in the public and primbo and in other prese areas, as well as to the bloyed in the estate secils had been dislodged m Sinhaleseareas, their by new recruits from e, (or so the argument ovides a typical examcountry with a stagassing, economy where ians try to perpetuate ing up the bankruptcy opmental policy by transfer existing assets pne section of the peori Lanka, however, is od adopted, viz. the ce againstan already community to achieve try what could not be administrative means.
hination
rticularly through the ints of the Ministry of
has sought to justify ing that the industrial 'ere dominated by the ) verifiable statistical
evidence is provided, these Ministers and their propagandists usually point to the few conspiciously successful Tamil businessmen in support of their assertion. The fact that there are more numerous and more wealthy, successful businessmen among the Sinhalese is not mentioned. The fact that 600,000 Tamils are workers in Sri Lanka's tea and rubber plantations and that thousands of Sinhalese are employed in Tamil-owned industrial and trading establishments does not add up to the assertion that the economy of the country is dominated by the Tamils.
This assertion can be easily dispelled by even a cursory examination of the known facts. Over 75% of the industrial productive capacity in Sri Lanka is in the public sector. A substantial portion of the wholesale and retail trade is also in the hands of Government agencies, such as the Co-operative Wholesale Establishment, Salu Sala, and an array of State corporations dealing with key commodities. Sinhalese propagandists often hark back to the pre-Indenpendence days when the Tamils occupied a somewhat more than proportionate share of employment in the Government and mercantile sectors. It is, however, a well-known fact that successive governments have whittled down this share to a miniscule share in the public sector, through its discriminatory recruitment and retirement policies and through jawboning of private enterprises in the mercantile sector.
The Government, however, has allowed a few positions in the upper rungs of the Government administration to be occupied by Tamils for propaganda purposes. This does not conceal the fact that the total employment in the public sector, the number of Tamils is a much smaller percentage than warranted by their almost 30% share of the population, and that Tamils in the public sector are prevented from making their best contribution to the administration by discriminatory laws and administrative practices which hamper their performance and promotion to higher positions. In the plantation sector, although the majority of workers are Tamils, they cannot be said to dominate the sector. The plantations are almost completely owned by the government, and the Tamil workers have been denied the improvement in wages and living conditions that are granted to other workers. Thus they live in conditions akin to slave labour under increasing exploitation and misery. The Government has denied them the right to settle down outside the plantations, even in Tamil areas.
Riot Damage No Chicken-Feed
Estimates of the damage caused by the riots are incomplete and scanty. Newspaper reports, based on official estimates, stated that a total of 122 industrial units had been destroyed or damaged. The total number of workers in these industries was 13,366 with

Page 16
16 TAMIL TIMES
an estimated wage bill of around Rs. 107 million in 1982. The total annual value of exports by the export-orientated firms among the destroyed industries was nearly Rs. 1 billion ($40 million). At an earlier stage, the government had partially estimated the damage to infrastructure at $200 million - about twice the World Bank Group's annual assistance to Sri Lanka. The full loss should be much more. Replacement cost of the destroyed and damaged property could be five to ten times higher - much more than $800 million World Bank Group assistance during the 29 years since 1954, and the 1977/82 annual average aid commitments of $700 million by all donors. The Government, in view of its already precarious financial situation, will not be able to provide funds for the reconstruction and rehabilitation of the damaged industrial and business units.
Moreover, the ill-advised government attempts to interfere with property rights and to take over ownership of industries and businesses through the "Rehabilitation of Property, Business or Industries' Regulation of 1983 (REPIA) will cause further dislocation and delays in restoration of industrial activities.
Even if some friendly and tolerant donors make funds available to the country, it will take at least one year, if not more, to carry out physical repairs even to the few salvageable industrial properties, before resuming production. The country's economy has suffered a serious jolt - a setback - that will take years to be reversed. Mr Ronnie de Mel, the Finance Minister, is on record as having asserted early in August that the 'short term needs to rebuild factories, shops and homes totalled Rs.3-4 billion'. He also estimated that it would take many years to recover from this disaster.
In an effort not to scare away the hitherto generous donor community, the destruction and despondency caused by the July 1983 riots is now being down-played by the President, Finance Minister and Government spokesmen. There seems to be fervent activity at this self-deception.
Yet-To-Learn Lessons
In the midst of all the July/August destruction and economic despondency, the Government is now setting up new Army camps and purchasing military equipment, bullet-proof vests, tear gas which they report to have run out of, armoured carriers, and helicopters to wage more wars against the defenceless Tamil - a war against its own people. A Government incapable of protecting life and property of individuals has lost its right to rule over such people. Here we have a situation which, far from providing protection, it condones and contributes to repeated pogroms and organised destruction of private property of a section of its own people.
The President and have misjudged the and sympathy show take them to be gullib the empty promises w hidden intention to m dist Sinhala-dominat time these politicia donors cannot be fool is for the donor coun cerned to opt to be pa of donors who will n the time.
The country was peril even before t Tamil-owned firms. the blow-hot, blow, awardene, the soft-sp ter Ronnie de Melan Ministers would ha IMF and Sri Lanl friends believe that th situation 'continues t and that the UNP G. aged the economy so will not tolerate di around. The Presider their appeals to aid do no sympathy for the riots, have been playi ble since the July/Au for generous financia national donor comm repairing and rehal rupees worth of th owned industries an
Riots a dirty plot
The mayhem and de has only worsened perilous situation. Tl Ananda Tissa de Alw the riots "once again gone to being yet among the poorer na confirmed that "ther this (riots). Rioters the people from 1 employees and prop put them on the roac the goods on to th them. Then they workshop or factory the rest'.
Although the riot industry, businesses lute wreckage, the C seems to be not to r industries to the orig Rasaputram, the G Bank of Sri Lanka, Economist, finds ownership out of TI wise companies mig another wave of co Sinhalese chauvinis of senior Cabinet ceeded in one of th the destruction of th

DECEMBER 1983
his Ministers seem to nthusiastic response
by the donors and le enough to swallow ich camouflage their ake Sri Lanka a Bud!d island. It is high is realised that all ed all the time, and it tries or agencies contofthe small number ot be manipulated all
already in economic he wreakage of the With tongue in cheek, cool President Jayoken Finance Minisi the senior Sinhalese re the World Bank, ca's generous donor le country'seconomic o be good and sound' pvernment have mansuccessfully that they onors pushing them ut and his Minsters, in nors while expressing Tamil victims of the ng innocent and humgust pogrom, asking l help from the interunity on the pretext of bilitiating billions of he destroyed Tamild businesses.
struction of July 1983 the country's already he Minister of State, is, confessed that with Sri Lanka would have another basket case ions of the world'. He e was a pattern about came along, took out heir homes, or the ietors from the shops, l, then carried some of road and set fire to proceeded inside the or house, to set fire to
left the Tamil-owned and property in absoovernment's intention store the rehabilitated inal owners. Thus, Mr vernor of the Central in a statement to The stification for taking amil hands“, as otherht become hostage to mmunal attacks'. The s, under the leadership Ministers, have sucir prime objectives, i.e e Tamil economic base.
But such an approach may well frighten off foreign as well as Sinhalese investors.
Hollow Homage to Private Sector
At every Aid Group meeting since 1977 and at the last one before the July 1983 riots, special emphasis was placed on the private sector; the need for promoting joint ventures with foreign investors and the creation of a climate more conducive to a dynamic private sector role. Concern was expressed over the large budget deficits and balance of payment gaps and the growing debt burden, all of which posed a threat to Sri Lanka's economy. It is therefore surprising that the Finance Minister who attended the June 16, 1983 Aid Group meeting in Paris should get back to Sri Lanka and propagate a pan-Sinhala Buddhist movement, fanning the fury against the Tamils who were helping to build the country's private sector economy.
Donor Community's Aid Misused
The July 1983 riots also serve as evidence of deliberate destruction of not only the industrial base built up over generations but also wreckage of the investments developed with international aid. The first IFC investment approved in 1970 for Sri Lanka was tht of Pearl Textiles of which Mir A.Y.S. Gnanam, a leading industrialist (who happens to be a Tamil) was the sole owner. IFC again made an investment in 1979 for one of Gnanam's textile industries - Cyntex. In flattening the country's more vigorous entrepreneurial class, the Cyntex factory was one of the large industrial units systematically burnt out.
If generous contributions from donor agencies under the leadership of the World Bank are to be directed to gradual extermination of an economic active community or to be destroyed in successive waves of violence in an effort to subjugate a defenceless minority people, then the World Bank and the donors who knowingly provide resources should share the responsibility for the dire consequences, which again in turn will create the need for providing aid continuously and in increasing amounts. This investment did not finally materialise.
Since the World Bank Group (IBRD, IDA and IFC) commenced operations in Sri Lanka from 1954 (they have made more than 50 loans, credits and investments) till 1983, almost all of which were directed to development of the areas outside North and Eastern provinces i.e. in Sinhalese areas. The 'accelerated Mahaveli development programme and other irrigation projects are exceptions which covered parts of the traditional Tamil homelands in the Eastern and Northern provinces. These irrigation projects supported by World Bank and the international donor community were, however, intended to carry out an accelerated government aided programme to settle Sinhalese colonists, encroaching on the

Page 17
UCEMBH 1983
Tamil homelands, in an effort to make the Tamils a minority community in several Tamil districts and in the northern and eastern regions. The donors, both bilateral and multinational agencies, have therefore unwittingly become parties to the schemes of the successive Sinhalese governments to destabilise the Tamils and deprive them of their legitimate rights as equal citizens in their own country.
A Future Role for Donor Community
The above arguments for the discontinuance of aid to Sri Lanka may appear to be based on grounds of justice and morality in the relations between the two communities in the country. But they are more than that. Can the continuance of aid be justified on economic grounds? Economic management, just as inter-racial relations, has fallen into a chasm from which it cannot be retrieved unless the leadership realises the destructive force of its racial policies on economic development itself. The disallocation of resources and the concentration of administrative efforts on programmes for short term political advantage in the guise of a development plan will only worsen if the Government's actions are condoned and supported with further aid. The problems of rehabilitation cannot be measured simply in terms of the financing
needed, enormout Government's in population in a
effort will only be as a result of the ric continued attitude the minority comi
These effects wi of capital belongin Tamils (many wit enterpreneurial ab of Tamils to mak their general lack operation with the ment effort. In add which should con economic manage energies in carryir the Government shrinking economi
The world fina reported the flight invested in Sri Lá income and in rem Tamils. Furthe revenue is bound t income and delaye government expen because it its role handouts to be pai who lost jobs.
Main UK Office
City: West End: State Bank House Clarendon House 1 Miik Street 10/12 Clifford Street
London EC2P 2JP Tel 01-600 6444
OndOn W1X 1 R B Te: 01-493 1445
State Bar
The largest bank ready to serve
Over the last decade State Bank of In network which now covers 25 countrie
further glo
We provide a wide range of intern correspondent banking services inclu
expo
Other Offices in the UK
Southal: King's House The Green Southall, Middx. Tel 01-571 2111

TAML TIMES 17
hough it may be. The ility to mobilize the oncerted development nultiplied several times s and the Government's fintransigence towards unity.
be manifested in flight to Tamils, an exodus of managerial skills and ity), the unwillingness new investments and of enthusiasm for coGovernment's developion, the administration entrate its attention on hent, will dissipate its g out the intentions of o further weaken the
base of the Tamils.
ncial press has already of foreign capital to be nka, a drop in tourist ttances from abroad by more, Government o suffer because of lost d payments. Similarly, litures will rise steeply in reconstruction, and d to Sinhalese workers
Thus, the course of action taken by the Sri Lanka government is guaranteed to cause economic chaos in the near future. The international donors have been inveigled to commit increasing amounts of aid on the basis of the certification of the soundness of Sri Lanka's economic policies by the World Bank and the IMF. The IMF had earlier entered into an Extended Financing Agreement, and even as recently as September 1983 for a one-year stand-by Arrangement under which the IMF would monitor the country's performance and policies.
While the Sri Lanka Government may succeedin dressing up economic data on its performance to satisfy the requirements of the IMF, donor countries should look more closely at real economic developments if they wish to avoid a debt crisis in the future. There are unmistakable indications of a gathering storm. It can be avoided only if donors, bilateral and multilateral, exert pressure on the Sri Lanka governement to effecting a mending of race relations on which alone hinges the prospect of an economic improvement. Unless there is a quick, demonstrable, positive response from the Sri Lanka Government, it will be in the best interests of the donors and the people of the recipient country itself to withdraw all aid to Sri Lanka.
K. Of
India
king group in India
you in the U.K.
dia has been developing an international S through 40 offices. Current plans include
bal expansion.
ational banking, merchant banking and ling syndicated loans, project finance and
it credits.
Golders Green: Bristol: Nottingham: 630 Finchley Road 30 Clare Street 24 Radford Road Londom NW1 7 R R BriSto Hyson Green
Tel 01-458 5616
Te: O272-294391
Nottingham NG7 5FS Tel 0602.787010
m

Page 18
18 TAMIL TIMES
SRI LANKA -
One hears these days from even the more educated Sinhalese, a refrain which is quite misleading. They speak often of privileges acquired by the Tamils from their colonial rulers'. What is implied is that Tamils have privileges in Sri Lanka that the majority community does not have One can see this type of thinking reflected even in the Negombo Priests' 'Message to the Tamil Brethren," published in the Tribune of August 27, 1983, and the Catholic Messenger of August 28.
What indeed are these privileges that the Tamil minority acquired, but which were denied to the majority?
Making one's living honourably by hard work, learning to save, building one's house and educating one's children, these are not privileges acquired by the Tamils from colonial rulers. Rather, they are the traditional virtues fostered in the Tamil homes from time immemorial.
In fact, it is the Sinhalese who acquired something from the colonialists: political power as a majority that can dictate to the minorities. Only, the majority has discovered that more political power does not give access to what comes by hard work, discipline, capacity to save, and the like. The welfare state can delivery only when all its citizens make a contribution to the economy, and not when the majority tries to live by political appropriation of other people's econommic resources which are quite limited. There is just so much you can appropriate politically by legislatioon or violently by looting. The rude awakening is not far away.
It is these easy political appropriations by legislation of land, resources, foreign aid, government jobs and educational opportunities, by the majority for the majority, that are at the root of the cry for Eelam and separation. The cry for Eelam will die a natural death when the causes of political injustice are eliminated.
Rhetoric of Unity & Harmony
Instead, if politicians think that by passing unjust laws under the flimsy legality of "British democracy' (quite different from the democracy practisd in England), they can contain the separatist cry, they are mistaken. We have to remember that democracy British-style has left similar problems in most of their former colonies where they brought together, through imperial power, for their own convenience, very disparate populations. Indeed, the real cause for the separatist cry is the abuse of political power of the majority to deny others their basic rights to language, culture, education, employment, homeland, and now even their home and business. These rights are not matter for negotiation in any type of all-Party Conference.
THE HE
By SWAMIA
One is not talking of unity and harmo and some religious b how life is experienc Sri Lanka. Next do more complex prol more bearable solut
Some religious
Negombo Priests to
giving advice to the lent, at a time when have been subjected lence which has no
rorism of extremists youth), who at least The Tigers terrori police and military,
laborationists. Co unarmed, defenceles is another matter, sp cry and terrorist att used as a pretext to v munity's general ri Tamils' economic Sl the political and othe had to contend with
Helpless Reaction
No one wants to col are doing; but there havoc wreaked by t the collaboration of 1 a certain cheering racist politicians - told are ministers ernment!
What is happenin of Sri Lanka is the l Tamils to the escal since "independence decade, this politica through racist mal liamentary majority military and police And now it has fu Senseless mob violen the security forces. Some features of lation are unheard ( South Africa and I lation aimed at tho the first in the his states. Minorities a agree with the ma front. And this is name of unity, so affairs, when such the face of the law human rights. How pen in a predomin with all the talk ahimsa (non-violen comprehension.

DECEMBER 1983
ART OF THE PROBLEM
RULTHASAN
here about the rhetoric ly by the government dies, but the reality of !d by the minorities in Ir, India with a vastly lem has worked out
OS.
bodies (pity, the I got into the act) are Tamils not to be viotundreds of thousands to un precedented vioproportion to the terin the North (mostly trike at select targets. e mostly the armed and the so-called colwardly attacks on s, law-abiding citizens ecially when the Eelam acks in the North are 'ent the majority comsentment about the cess - in spite of all r drawbacks they have
hdone what the Tigers is no proportion to the he Sinhala mobs with he security forces, and from the sidelines by a few of whom we are
in the present gov
g in the North and East helpless reaction of the ating political violence '. And during the last violence by the ballot Lipulation of the parhas taken the shape of violence by the bullet. ther degenerated into e, aided and abetted by
the anti-terrorist legisfeven in such States as rael. The recent legisght control is probably ory of modern natione not even free to disiority on the political supposed to be in the ereignty and 'internal provisions fly right in f the nations and basic such things could hapntly Buddhist country f dharma (virtue) and e) is beyond anyone's
Sri Lanka and its glorious millenial history is being negated by the recent happenings. It is a striking illustration of the anthropologists' claim that people can not only evolve, but also devolve and fall into lower estates of consciousness. In traditional Oriental philosophy, it is the emergence of the tamas (inert elements) and rajas (passionate elements) over the sattvas (the good elements). What is happening is that Bodhi-sattva is being turned out of his own home. Those who loved and still love Sri Lanka weep at what has befallen this pearl of the Indian Ocean. Sri Lanka seems to have lost both its Sri (title of nobility) and the resplendence which the word Lanka implies. The Sri Lankan President himself has rightly described the situation as 'a crisis of culture'.
in a time such as this, religious people should refrain from preaching unity and non-violence to those who have undergone unspeakable violence, in the name of a unitary state. Rather, they should preach hard work and fair play to their own, and make them see how much the Tamils have contributed to building up the country as a whole, and specially to is economy. This is no time to make categorical statements about territorial integrity when human integrity itself is at stake.
Cowardly Nationalism
A case in point is how little the Indian Tamil labourers get in return for keeping the Sri Lankan economy afloat by their hard work on the plantations. They do not even have the basic human right of being a citizen in the land of their birth and toil. This type of cowardly nationalism by a majority which feels threatened is unheard of.
One has to seriously analyse the causes of such an attitude, instead of making everything appear as a Communist plot - specially to distract the benefactors of the socalled Free world, who normally should be horrified by the sorry version of democracy currently practised in Sri Lanka: government by the majority for the majority, using armed forces and mob violence if need be!
The London Economist in a couple of articles in the wake of the July 1983 pogrom, hit the nail on the head by tracing much of the trouble to ergophobia (distaste for work) of some in the majority community. These want to have everything for nothing. The London Economist calls on such people to fight their ownergophobia by imitation of the Tamil worker and businessman, rather than succumb to envy and wanton destruction. Destroying their Tamil brother and partner, they are destroying the future of their own country. It is like cutting one's nose to spite one's

Page 19
DECEMBER 1983
face. Destroying the Tamil factories, the Sinhala workers have been rendered jobless.
Negombo Priests' Message!
Finally - and this I found particularly galling in the Negombo Priests' Message, though it faithfully reflects the general feeling in the majority community - the priests speak of the protection some Sinhala families have extended to their Tamil friends in the context of the Sinhala mob violence, as a virtue they may not be able to practise in the future! Sad indeed. They find even this minimum too taxing, instead of being ashamed of the fact that their fellow-Sinhalese reduce their Tamil friends to such an inhuman plight be their cowardly behavior - an armed mob of fifty to a hundred against ordinary, unarmed families. On the contrary, in the North it is a handful of poorly armed guerrillas, on bicycles (which the government wants to outlaw) against the combined might of the Army, Navy, Airforce and the Police.
So, even the Negombo Catholics (some of whose grandparents spoke only Tamil) find the Tamils a burden as long as the latter do not renounce the so-called "privileges acquired from colonial times'. I wish they hear what they are saying. They are just adding fuel to the Eelam fire, and turning Sri Lanka into ashes.
Having listened to a few of the more educated Sinhalese, what I hear is not always remorse for what has happened; rather one hears the strange echo of 'serve them right', and a hidden satisfaction at the benefits that might accrue to them by such events. The bottom line seems to be: "In spite of our having political power, the Tamils seem to be still better off economically, and in various other ways'. They forget that the Tamils who seems to be well off in the South are only a fraction of the Tamil population. And even these are in the South because all the opportunities seem to be centred there, by the Government's official neglect of the North and East.
Need a Homeland
The Sinhalese who had the opportunity of protecting a few Tamil friends from the Sinhala mob violence have done a good deed. But they should not now turn round and hold hostage all the Tamils in the North and East, under the pretext of protecting the few who are well off in the South. The siren song of those who want to have easy unity with the captive Tamils of the South could be in the long run more treacherous than the mob violence which drives the Tamils back to their traditional homelands. The situation of the Tamils in the South continues to be more and more precarious. It is more like the situation of the Jewish
refugees in post-war Europe, and Pales
tinian refugees in present-day Israel and Lebanon. They need a homeland of their
own. In our case, there.
The majority c speak of territorial more important 1 sovereignty (an ea minority), unity (\ mity and assimilati (one way of keepin the UN or India wil ing more justice a situation). For all partition of Sri La the hearts and min ese, and right throl erties of the Tamils the cake and keep For more than til pendence, they hav It has not workec eruptions are getti more and more vici really want a solut ready to make sacr The Tamils hav forts (and exploitat Indian Tamils) of th and be ready to mov East (and abroad v with them the o, Sinhalese cannot ( resourcefulness thi Sinhalese have to controlling the N control, as Mahatm ater achievement th
Free to Dream
I suppose the Tami of their homeland, determination (ever allowed to talk abou is good that we stop and provoking. Rat difficult work of bu viability of the futu We have to draw of Sinhala dissati inhuman mob viol final realisation by t that it is time to go ho it would be safer), and East. Those wil the right type of resources needed fo While returning homeland, the Tan treasuring the mem they can always vis temporary resident iful; and the people generous. The Tan in the South, in b civilised, more enli “Good bye”. It cal ciation; and the m not to hold on to v
OC.
While the Tamils Southern inherital

TAMILTIMES 19
le homeland is already
nmunity continues to tegrity (as if that were an human integrity), y way to subjugate a hat is meant is unifor), and "internal affairs out external forces like ch could help in bringld real peace into the bractical purposes, the ka runs deep through s of Tamils and Sinhalgh the bodies and propBoth groups cannot eat t tOO. ree decades since indee tried to live together. , since the occasional g more frequent, and us on both sides. If we on, we have to be all fices.
to renounce the comon, if one refers to the eir Southern Captivity, eback to the North and where possible), taking hly resource that the leprive them of, their ough hard work. The give up their dream of orth and East. Selfa Gandhi saud, is a grean conequest by arms.
ls are still free to dream and work towards selfif, by law, they are not t separatism). Maybe it talking and sloganising her, all have to start the ilding up the economic resolution.
the good out of the evil sfaction expressed in ence. The good is the he Tamils-in-the-South me (or anywhere where nd build up the North o go abroad can create
public opinion and
such a venture. to their traditional ils will part as friends ry of the South which as friends, tourists or . The South is beautre usually friendly and ls did enjoy their stay tter times. There are htened ways of sating for a certain renunimum renunciation is at does not belong to
gradually give up their e acquired by hard
work and thrift, the Sinhalese will have to do the easier thing of letting go the colonial inheritance of the North and East that came to them in the wake of decolonization and independence. Buddhism has more than enough resources to persuade the Sinhala Buddhist masses and their leaders to give up gracefully what is not their own - the Tamils' traditional homelands with their own language, culture and resources.
Adharmic Pollution
It is sad that the vaunted dharma-dwipa has been polluted by the adharmic radiations of greed and injustice. The Tigers' terrorism and the Tamil politicians' separatism would not have appeared on the scene, if the political power of the majority had not been selfishly used to crush an already oppressed minority.
What are we to think of a government that would cynically exploit the burning and looting by unruly elements, to introduce a blue-print for better city planning, even before the blood of the victims had dried on the pavements? How does not build up unity in the country, when unity is imposed by legislative diktat? The Tamils are not even free to disagree on the crucial issue of a separate state (which could initially be in the context of a federal government, if the Sinhala majority still feels that it cannot survive as well, without the continued exploitation of the Tamils' labour and know-how) under pain of losing what few rights they have left. They will lose even what is left of their property. That is not how people enter into a dialogue on important issues.
In the Old Testament, there is the significant story of Achab the King of Israel who could not feel king enough, unless he had Nabot's vineyard too. He was glad to inherit it when Nabot was disposed of by stoning through a third party (see 1 Kings 21,5-19). He used his political kingship for effortless economic betterment. And if political violence was inadequate, he was prepared to accept crude violence as long as someone else (in this case, Jezabel the wicked queen) did the killing and the looting.
I am still hopeful that better counsels will prevail. May be, Chelanayagam's call to federalism (far more regional autonomy than envisaged in his plan) has to be tried sooner than later. The Tamils have been open for more than two decades to a federal system of government. Further, all forms of petty, retaliatory legislation have to go from the statute book. With statesmanship, once can repeal the unjust and discriminatory laws. Mr J.R. Jeyawardene has his grand oppportunity to be a real statesman; we all hope he can rise to the occasion, before he passes away like all mortals.
TURN TO PAGE 24

Page 20
20 TAMIL TIMES
CONSTITUTIONAL POSITION
The British rules relating to the status of the Armed Forces presupposes a set of public attitudes and assumptions towards the roles of the civil and military powers within the State. The primacy of the civil power is a sociological as well as a constitutional fact. No British government has been overthrown by military force since 1688. No senior officer of the regular Armed Forces has ever been Prime Minister except the Duke of Wellington in 1828-30 and 1834. Even in times of civil disorder within the State, the Armed Forces must act only under the direction of the civil authorities.
The Forces themselves are governed by military law set out in the Army Act and there is no such thing as martial law. The powers and duties of soldiers are different in degree and not in kind from those of the ordinary citizen. Officers and men must exercise their own judgement whether to use force and, if so, how much. The normal courts continue to operate (unless there is an actual invasion or loss of control of a wide area including the place where local courts sit) and all alleged offences committed during the riots, including any accusation of excessive force by the military, can be tried in these courts.
A body of criminal law
Serving members of the Armed Forces are subject to military law as well as the ordinary law of the land. Military law is a readily ascertainable body of rules, collected in the official 'Manual of Military Law'. It is primarily a body of criminal law, contained in statutes and subordinate legislative instruments.
In the United Kingdom, certain very
By P. Varotho
serious criminal off members of the Forc the civil (i.e. ordina Other offences are tria In 1931 a courts-mart posed of High Cou stituted and given juri als from courts-marti: procedures had been asserted the primacy
Legal liability
If, in obedience t member of the Arm criminal offence or example, wounding cumstances where til justifiable - he may before the ordinary c hand, he refuses to o he believes it to be court-martialled. It dilemma is unreal l offence under milita unlawful command; member of a discipli to the habit of ol moreover, a court-m the command to be la the risk can be very
Is it reasonable, obedience to superio) defence to an unlaw. before the courts? Crimes Trials (conv criminals) proceedec superior orders wer
AUSTRALIAN WATERSIDE WO
PROTEST
The Waterside Workers Federation of Australia has protested against the atrocities committed against the Tamils of Sri Lanka, and condemned the government for the way the Tamils have been treated. Following is the text of a letter dated September 15, 1983, sent to the High Commissioner for Sri Lanka in Australia by the Secretary of the Federation, Mr Claude Cumberlidge:
Union's Concern
"I am writing to express my personal and my union's concern in regard to the atrocities committed against the minority Tamil community, organised by the Sinhalese majority government in Sri Lanka.
"It is in violation of basic human rights laid down by the United Nations.
“We demand the "Prevention of Terror
ism Act' introducec and the Tamil popu allowed to live in p
Failing to get would seriously co trade union movem Such action necessa community.’
CLASSIFIED
ADVERTISEM
Reliable mother's preferred. Greenfe Telephone even O1-5789 106.
Sri Lankan Hindu partner in UK or US tor son, with post-g Height, 5 10. R Tamil Times.

DECEMBER 1983
OF THE ARMED FORCES
rasingham
ces committed by are triable only by y criminal) courts. le by court-martial. l appeal court comjudges, was condiction to hear appeafter internal review exhausted, thus was of the civil power.
superior orders, a d Forces commits a civil wrong - for a rioter in ciris is not reasonably incur legal liability urts. If, on the other yey an order because wrong, he may be may be said that the because it is not an cy law to disobey an but since a soldier is a ned force conditioned bedience and since, artial may well hold wful, the dilemma and real.
then, to assert that orders can never be a ful act in proceedings The Nuremburg War ened to try Nazi war on the footing that no defence, though
KERS
in 1979 be repealed, ation of Sri Lanka be
CC.
hat undertaking, we sider calling on the nt in Australia to take to protect the Tamil
ENTS
alp required. Living in d area in Middlesex. gs and weekends
arents Seek Suitable for 35-year-old docduate qualifications. blies to Box M5, C/o
they might be pleaded in mitigation of punishment. This general proposition is adopted in modern editions of the 'Manual of Military Law'.
Dangerous parallels
When Hitler and his Nazi Party came to power in Germany, books were burnt and the minority Jews were put in concentration camps. There are dangerous parallels today in Sri Lanka to these horrors of burning books and Army concentration camps. But then, Hitler and his Nazi Germany were eventually destroyed and Germany divided into two parts. The Nazi officers and soldiers who carried out orders are still being hunted. A few months ago, Klaus Barbie, a German Commander in occupied France, who is alleged to have executed a French freedom fighter during World War II, was arrested in Bolivia, South America, and was brought to France to stand trial for crimes against humanity committed about 40 years ago.
So, let there be no mistake here, whether wearing military uniforms or not, whether carrying out superior orders or not, they provide no defence against laws of humanity, even if it takes 40 years to trace the criminals half-way across the world. The Sri Lankan security forces can be no exception to the crimes against humanity. A Nuremburg will await them in due time.
In short, the principles of international law place emphasis on effectiveness, rather than on constitutional legitimacy.
WANTED
SECRETARYISTENOGRAPHER
A competent person for this post is urgently required.
A Working knowledge of Tamil will be an advantage.
Attractive terms to the right person.
Please write with Curriculum vitae to:
TAMIL INFORMATION CENTRE, 11 BEULAH ROAD, THORNTON HEATH. SURREY, CR48JH
Telephone: 01-653 0506

Page 21
DECEMBER 1983
SERENDIBTRAVELS
AWE HAVE AWIDE SELECTION OF FLIGHTS TO COLOMBO, BOOK YOUR SUMMER HOLDAYS IN SRI LANKA WITH US.
A. WHY NOT TELEPHONE US NOW
AND BOOK YOUR SEATS?
A FLIGHTS TO COLOMBO,
SINGAPORE, HONG KONG JAKARTA, BANGKOK, AND TRIVANDRUM BY AIR LANKA - THE NATIONAL CARRIER.
SERENDB TRAVELS 64 CRUSOE ROAD, MITCHAM, SURRY.
TEL: O1-631 411 4 (WESTEND OFFICE)
O1-640 1844 (EVENINGS & WEEKENDS)
WHE TRAVEL
Contact your ri
RATHBON
For your fick
We specialise in group fares to We are consolidat
We are IATA agents
We are tour ope
Our office is situated near Tottenha
We open M.
RATHBON
55 RATHB LONDO TELEPHONE 01
For emergency tickets
Ring 0
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 21
The known name in low-cost fares We put you in touch with the world O Sri Lanka * Australia * Europe * Singapore * U.S.A. * India * Mauritius
Contact:
R/TA SAWDRASAGARA 5 CA VE/WD/SH A VE. LOWDOW W33OP Te/: 0 1-346 5044
N YOU
ABROAD
liable travel agent
NE TRAVEL
it arrangements
Colombo, Singapore, KL, Madras ors for AirLanka, UTA
We are main agents for Swissair
rators to Sri Lanka
h Court Road underground station
nday-Saturday
TRAVEL LTD ONE PLACE NW TAB
636 239 (7 jring weekends , (7 li nes)
640 1844

Page 22
22 TAMIL TIMES
==
seg
目
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
VIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII|lllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllluuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuu
e-as-as-sarsawa
SHIPPING
YOUR PERSONAL
BELONGINGS 2
CONSIDER THESE FACTORS
Your Precious Cargo is handled with care
We pack your goods under your Own supervision.
You handover your goods to Our warehouse in London and you Collect
your Cargo from Our Own Warehouse in ColombO.
This eliminates wharfclerk charges. No third party handles your cargo any longer.
We don't offer you door to door Service but Warehouse to Warehouse. We are not cheap. But give you a service Worth every penny you spend, because we put in a lot of professional Work to get your cargo. However small on time and in safety.
USE THE PROFESSIONAS
TRICOINTERNATIONAL
Stuart House, River Park Road, Wood Green, London, N22 4TB
Telephone: 01-8888787 (7 lines)
Telex: 883249-TREX
TRICOINT SHIPPING & FORWARDING (GMBH) NEUGR BAHNHORF STRASE 133 2104, HAMBURG 92 WEST GERMANY TEL: HAMBURG 701-7744/7085/6 TELEX 21 7668 - TRICOD
sess----
노
IIIIIIIIIIIIIII||I||I||I||I||I||I||I||I||I||I||I||I||I||I||I||I||I||I||I||I||I||I||I||I||I||I||I||IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII||
 
 

DECEMBER 1983
ANGLOASIAN TRAVEL LTD
TRA VEL 6 FRE/GHT COWSULTA/WTS 17 TOTTE/WHAM COURT ROAD LO/WDOW. W 1.
TELEPHONE:
O1-58O 8564 O1-580 85.65 O 1-58O8566
SPECIAL LOW COST FARES
London-Colombo-London London-Colombo-Singapore-Colombo-London Lon-Cmb-Bangkok-Hongkong-Cmh-Lon Lon-Cmb-Madras-Cmb-Lon Lon-Cmb-Jakarta-Cmb-Lon
MAKE YOUR BOOKINGS NOW of WO DEPOS/TS AEQU/RED Fr
Evenings and Weekends call:-
RANI KASINATHAN . . . . O 1 -868 O 1 6 1 SESHI THIRU MALAI . . . . . . O 1 - 8 OO 9898 HARRY SEEVARATNAM. ... O 1-445 91 O1 GEORGE MARATHASAN... O 1-449 2018
ANTHONYRMORGAN AND ASSOCATES P. SRIINIVASAN
(Sole Proprietor)
TO HELP YOU WITH
MOTOR INSURANCE
Competitive Rates, Easy Terms, Short Tern Policy, immediate cover from Lloyd's and Bla Companies (Sri Lanka No Clain Bonus accepted).
HOUSEHOLD INSURANC
diate cover from leading / ce Company, "Newfor Old", "Index-Linked" "Accidental Danage Cover", "Deep Freezer Cover"All Risk on Personal Belongings, Jewellery Cover. Free Advice on All insurance including claim procedure.
Y HOLIDA Y/TRA VEL INSURANCE
Immediate Worldwide Cover (including USA Medical Cover).
WE SPECIALISE IN MOTOR AND HOME CONTENTS INSURANCE
IMMEDIATE COVER ON TELEPHONE INSTRUCTIONS
ALL BUSINESS TRANSACTED BY POST SCHEME FOR EASY PAYMENTS AVAILABLE
FoR PERsonAL SERVICE PLEASE RING P. SRINIWASAN O1-679 1952 3 (office) O1-656 O396 (home)
ARM ANTHONY R. M.ORGAN AND AssociА TES 1524 London Road, London S.W. 16
fr AGENTS FORLAMBETH BUILDINGSOCIETY is

Page 23
L}=V-L-sVD Þ -r í I SÖ:5
GLEN EXPRES
Or {
GLEN EXPRES
f Aer SPECIALISING in * WORLDWIDETRA
Specialists in handling excess
TRAVEL: CARGO: 155 Notting Hill Gate 153 Notting London W11 3LF London W1 Telephone: 01-221 3498 O1-221 817 Telex: 8953287 8953287
GEORGE TRAVEL & FREIGHT
SPECIAL LOW FARESS PACKAGE HOLIDAYS ECONOMIC FAST FREIGHT-CARS, VANS, HOUSEHOLD PERSONAL EFFECTS TO ANY | DESTINATION
147 STANLEY ROAD WEST CROYDON CROYDON CRO 3OF TELEPHONE: O1-684. 5878

TAMIL TIMES 23
STRAVE LTD.
S CARGO LTD.
Dr.
COLOMBO and \WEL, ond CARGO
baggege cand personal efects
TRAVEL & CARGO:
Hill Gate 44 Belgrave Road 1 3LF Leicester LE4 5AS 7 0533 532762
8953287
FIRST TAMIL VIDEO SHOP
FROM THE PIONEERS
LARGE LIBRARY OF ORIGINAL TAM || L. AND HINDI FILMS
THE LAST WORD IN HOME ENTERTAINMENT
We specialise in mail orders. Overseas customers are welcome. Special discounts for large orders.
TEN YEARS EXPERIENCE IN FILM ENTERTAINMENT
LATE OPENING FOR FURTHER DETAILS AND LIST OF FILMS, PLEASE RING P. SRINIVASAN 01-679 1953 (HOME 01-656 0396)
TAMIL FILM VIDEO CLUB, 1524 LONDON ROAD LONDON SW16

Page 24
24 TAMIL TIMES
THE HEART OF THE PROBLEM
FROM PAGE 19
In the meantime, leaders - specially religious leaders - should refrain from prostituting words like harmony, peace, forgiveness and reconciliation. There is a price for all these realities: the redemptive blood which continues to flow everywhere, specially in Lebanon, Northern Ireland, South Africa and Central America. In Sri Lanka it happens to be mostly Tamil blood, not to mention the sweat and tears of the Indian Tamil labourers.
A just cause
Those who shed their blood for a just cause can at least take heart that in some way they are called to fulfil the words the Son of Man spoke in an Upper Room in Palestine two thousand years ago: "Take, eat, this is my body broken for you; Take, drink, this is my blood that is poured out for you.'
Indeed, there is "no redemption without the shedding of blood" (Hebr. 9,22). The suffering of innocent victims will not have been in vain. One may try to kill the body and burn the property of the Tamil nation; but its soul will ever remain to bring renewed life to the wounded body and the pillaged home.
Swami Arulthasan is a Catholic prest and an educationist.
CEYLONTAMIL ASSOCATION Victoria, Australia
Patron Prof. C. J. Eliezer
President Dr S.Selvendra
Vice-Presidents Dr A.H. Sathananthan Dr Bala Karalapillai
Secretary Mr S. Yamunarajan
Asst. Secretary Mr T. Jayakumar
Editor Mr N. lanko
Treasurer Mr A Dhanapalan
Committee Members Mr K. Gopalakrishnan Mrs C. Gunaratnam Mr C.J. Lawton Mr M. Mahendran Mr R. Rajendran Mr N. Suriakumaran Mr T. Sathianathan Mr K. SomaSundaram Dr R. Srikanthan Mr S. Srikanthan Mr K. Sivagnanam
TERRIFIED IN CAMP
Though several month ethnic violence erupted 25,000 refugees are sti 39 state-run camps and the unofficial “welfar throughout the island.
They are too terrifi 3,000 a family package ernment to help then homes. "I went back to The thugs (goondas) til plained an elderly la who moved to the ( member family afte attacked him with irol Alagappan's family. occupies a little tent i Bambalapitiya Hindu ( biggest of the four stat ombo, which accomm women and children.
"We are too frighter homes, explained Al Nagamma. "We want said. A group of ab gathered around repe in a chorus.
Karuppiah, a barbei because a Sinhalese g him from an angry mo dicament thus: “I have the Sinhalese people. instigated by powerful Tamils. I love this cc hope to live here. Hov camps for ever? Outsi said. "We cannot go ba us, the middle-aged landowner has given the Sinhalese.'
His wife Lakshmire they were not leaving they wanted to enjoy 1
food and clothing. “W
us? One-third of a loa the morning, rice wit bage for lunch and o bread and vegetables eat this daily?' she ask go back to our plots if t safety assured,” she sa Most of the inmat stateless persons. The But there are also a fe
Al
UK/INDIA ALL OTH
These rate
costs. Ple: yourselves

DECEMBER 1983
REFUGEES STAY
S
have elapsed since in Sri Lanka, about l languishing in the an equal number in centres’ scattered
2d to accept the Rs offered by the govto return to their my house yesterday. |reatened me, compourer, Alagappan, amp with his sixan unruly mob bars.
like many others, has pitched in the Dollege grounds, the e-run camps in Colnodates 6,500 men,
led to return to our agappan's daughter to go to India, she out 25 people who ited her proposition
r who escaped death gentleman sheltered b, explained his prevery high regard for
But the thugs are forces to attack the untry but I cannot w can we live in the de it is not safe,' he ck, they are chasing Pandiyan said. 'The my vegetable plot to
futed the charge that the camps because he regular supply of That are they giving of bread and tea in pumpkin and cabne-third of a loaf of for dinner. Can you d. "We are willing to hey are returned and id. 's in the camps are have no place to go. w Lankan nationals,
especially in the camps in the North and East, the predominantly Tamil areas. They are the refugees who fled from Colombo and other Sinhala areas. They have no house or relatives in the Tamil provinces to accommodate them. Many of them say that their houses in the Sinhala areas were burnt. Sinhala owners are not willing to rent out their houses to them.
"Those whose houses were damaged are reluctant to invest money on repairs and those whose houses were completely gutted are in a predicament. They are promised low interest long-term loans. "It will take months to process the papers. The loan offered is too little, it is not sufficient to build even a hut,' said a dejected Colombo resident who lost his house.
No MGR Films: The State Film Corporation (SFC) which holds the monopoly on importing and distributing films, has instructed cinema owners to stop showing MGR films. They were also told to return the copies in their possession. “Do not ask for copies any more, the SFC circular has forewarned exhibitors.
Threats from extremists to destroy the theatres showing MGR films, and the official displeasure over the Tamil Nadu government's stand on the Tamil question, are reported to have prompted the decision.
HELP FOR TAMIL STUDENTS
The Education Minister, Mr C. Aranganayagam has said that educational institutions in the State have been instructed not to insist on production of transfer certificates or mark sheets from the Sri Lanka Tamil students who had come to Tamil Nadu following the outbreak of ethnic violence in the island. The institutions could admit them on the basis of their performance in a written test, he said, while presiding over the silver jubilee of the Association of Homes for Children at Avvai Home, Adyar.
The government has been considering steps to help students who have been forced to discontinue their professional courses in Sri Lanka. The government would extend all help to those students who could not get financial assistance from their parents in Sri Lanka.
TAMIL TIMES
INUAL SUBSCRIPTION RATES
"SRI LANKA......... O ...E6.00 DO ............................E10.00 s will go up in the New Year due to increase in printing
se send your subscriptions/renewalls NOW to avail of the present rates.
ER COUNTRES ...