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Tamoj
TM
Vol IV No.10
TAMIL TIMES BHU ISSN 0.266-4488 The senseless ;
ANNUAL SUBSCRIPTION
UK India/Sri Lanka.................. E7.50 AII Other COuntries ....... E15/USS24
Published monthly by TAMIL TIMES LTD P.O. BOX 304 London W1.3 9ON United Kingdom
OONTENTS Editorial........................................ 2 Army slaughters 200 Tamils........3 Goverпппепt rejects
Tamil demands.............................. 4
Rajiv Gandhi's Peace Solution.............................. 5
The problem of Sinhala Buddhist Chauvinist
| Sri Lanka........,.,,, . . . . . . . . . . 6-8 A brief note on the Bhutan Talks............ 9
Flouting the teachings of Buddha...................................... 9
Settlement of Sinhalese in Tamil areas........................ 10, 11
The House of Nilaperumal. , 12-14 A village that died in a day.............................. 15
Grue SonTe and horrific CrisTheS ..... 16
West Londom TaTi School
Prize Day..................................... 18 Classified Advertisements........... 22 Obituaries................................... 22
Wigws expressed by contributors are not necessarily those of the editor of the publishers, The publishers assu TB no responsibility foi return of unsolicited manuscripts, photographs artwork.
Printed By AstrTricor Lithio (ITU) Ltd,
21-22 Arkwright Road, Runcorn, Cheshire,
innocent Tam til on 16 ALIgList by ity forces resul tives of the T militant grups Conference ro efforts by the II in particular by the Foreign Se Thimpul to sa lwa collapse, failed. Was the Ilass liberately contri it eventually did being Taised in ombo. Withil S ոlt}լIntinբ Աբբt) Buddhist extre I ding the abando postponement
Mrs Bandarar rallying point. : echelons of the the Mahaniyak ter, Palipane ( пашпting oppos Called the STi l was formed to " and the Budailis Organisation ga eller Tents I ndi only gravitatio Buddhist heger island and givi Tamils, "I'lle si 1 e 1t that del abandon II let o clude Mrs Baint. dara a ike, D. (MEP), Palipan Ther), and tha BLI did hist ide; Ther (), This appropriate na context for its differ EnL frUIll Front in Britain
ARMY SI 200 TAM
 

65p
AUGUST 1985
TAN TALKS COLLAPSE
laughter if over 200 civilians in Way umiya the Sri Lankan secured in the representaLF and five Tamil
Walking out of the Im at Thimpu, The dian government ini MT Romesh Bhandari, retary'. Wric flew to ge the talks from total
acre al Way uniya deWedi to cause the result is the question that is olitical circles in Coliri [4:ırıkahı, the l'e was sition from Sinhalamist elements demanIl III e Ill, CT at läst tille f the Bhuta Il talks. laike som Hecalle the issisted hy the higher Buddhist clergy led by - of the Asgiriya chapChan a rhanda, for this itin. A II Organisa LiCJI
anka National Frolt sa ye the Sinhala race treligion', Behind this the Ted all the known
personalities whose |al pull was Sinhalalony Wer the whole g no quarter to the gratories to a docuanded the immediate the Bhutan talks ina Tan Hike, A mL 1 Ta Ba mllTiesh (3 LII la Wal"de the e Chananlarıda Solbitha ! "HLILÎlentic" Sinh:HlalgLe Palla se e ha Natio Illa || FTT || || ali e in the Sri Lanka. In Views are Tlot very the racist National declared that it Was LO
AUGHTERS LS— page 3
la Linch an agitation "against governIIlent's inaction to provide se Ullrity to Sinhalese in the north and east and in fighting the Tamil militats,
The Mahana yake of Asgiriya presented a petition signed by 9,400 Buddhist priests to the President demanding that any decision arriyed at in Bhutan should have the approval of CONTINUED ON PAGE 3
STOP PRESS CHAND RAHASAN 8. BALASING HAM DEPORTED
MIT S, C, (Cha T d' a hAsari Will I W,'Els iI South India sile the July 1983 Wilence and MT A.S. Balasingham (f the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelar
LTTE) who also Was in Madras for almost the sale period were deported by the Indian government on 24 AugLISI,
Mr Balasingham, a UK citizen, was put Dr. 4 plane to London and MT Chandra has all New York.
It is also Teported that MT N. Satyendra, who participated in the Bhutan talks, left for the United Kingdom before he was Served with a similar deportation order. This apparent tough II owe by the Indian authorities, coming SoH. It after the collapse of the Bhutan talks is seen as an indicator of the iTTitation felt by India in respect of What One New Delhi source describe as 'the inflexible stance adopted by the Ta,Til ETOLI ps.
By this hasty action it would seem that the central government. Walted to po Te - e Tıpt any popular" ag i tai ti ni ini Tamil Nadu by South Indian politicans against the deportation of these three articulate spokes men for the Tamil
'll,
The Sri Lankan government's propÖs als at the Thimp11 lalks included the CONTINUED ON PAGE 17

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2 TAMILTIMES
TAMILDEMANDS & GC
The four fundamental principles put forward by the Tamil delegates at the Thimpu Conference were rejected by the Sri Lankan Government when talks were resumed on 12th August. The leader of the Sri Lankan Government delegation, Hector-Jayaиратrdeтe, read out a 10-page document which uvas termed as containing "the Sri Lankan goverттетt viewppoiтt on the four demands of the Tamils'. The four principles placed before the conference by the Tamil delegates earlier ገ0ፀገ‛eጋ (1)The recognition of the Tamils of Sri Lanka as a distinct
nationality. (2) The recognition and guarantee of the territorial integrity of the identified Tamil homelands. (3) The recognition of the inalienable rights of self-determination of the Tamil Nation. (4) The recognition of the rights of Citizenship and other fundamental rights of all Tamils who look upon the island as their home.
The rejection did not come as a surprise to many of those who are familiaruvith Sinhalese attitude towards the legitimate rights and aspirations of the Tamil people. The total dismissal of the proposals, the flagrant violations of the ceasefire by the Sri Lankan security forces, the military build-up in the north атd east атd the acriтотіоиs outbursts of the Colombo politicos lead to the inevitable conclusion that the Sri Lanka government, as suspected, was only bшуітg tiте атd тot sincerely committed to a negotiated settlement.
A nation is "a historically evolved stable community of people formed om the basis of a соттот language, territory, economic life and psychological тake-ир татifested iт а сотmon culture'. The Tamils of Sri
Lатка итаоиbte constituent elle итipersally acce of а тatiот.
The Tamils ha island from anc have historicall distinct nation J turies, occupyi territory admi separate kingdo ітg штigше syste rent from that o island. The Tc withstood the on Portuguese batt al decades before tion, whereas kingdoms in the
been overrun. T
vaders recognise of a nation of Ta administered it
territorial entity Minute, recordec a clear distincti Tamil nation an nation in the islo im 1833 that
amalgamated til tory with the resi for administrat on the recomme Collebrooke Cor the amalgamati sult in the undoi 1nation. The Ta. tinued to eacist ( tinct community ing in their ho1 ifesting cото their social and
ties. This is ev Βα η αία η α η α ι nayakam Pact C 1967 Semama тауаkат Рас agreements betu leaders and Sri I ments in fact in plicitly, if not each fundamental pr at the Thimpu, C ttpо адreететts because ofтоит to granting of a
 

AUGUST 1985
)VERNMENT RESPONSE
'dly possess the ments of this pted definition
Live lived in the ient times and 1 constituted a or several ceng a Separate
nistered by a
m and developms of law diffef the rest of the amil kingdom Slaughts of the illions for sever'final capitulathe Sinhalese South had since he foreign in'd the eacistence тil people атd as a separate . The Cleghorn i in 1797, drev on between the d the Sinhalese Ind. It was only
Westminster e Tamil terriE of the country ive expediетсy ndations of the nmission. But on did not reng of the Tamil mills have conis a stable disI of people, livтelaтds, татtraditions in Cultural actividenced in the k e — Ch. e il v af 1956 and the Pake-Chelvat. These tuvo een the Tamil атkат govermcorporated imressly, the four nciples placed onference. The
were shelved ітg opposition y rights to the
Tamils by the parties in opposition and the Buddhist clergy.
The Tamils have suffered as a result of the inability of the Sinhalese leadership to rise above sectarian politics and eachibit statesmanship - like qualities in bringing about a solution to the problem. The present demands have been rejected probably not so much for the opposition of the SLFP and the Buddhist clergy, but because of the dissent of antiTa mil strong mem upithin Jayawardene’s own party and the all-devouring 'hawks' in the
Cabinet.
Referring to the Citizenship issue, Hector Jayawardene said that the All Party Conference of 1984 had decided to grant citizenship to 94,000 stateless persons.
Firstly, a promise was made
in 1955 by this very same Gov
ernment that all stateless persons will be granted citizenship, but after eight years in power not an iota of progress has been made. The attempts of the Ceylon Workers Congress, which forms part of the Government, have proved futile due to the strong opposition by UNP members within the Cabinet. Committee after Committee have been appointed to study the citizenship problem and make recommendations and these steps have only served to further complicate the issue. (It is probable Committees are appointed for this very purpose.)
Secondly, a question arises as to the fate of the rest of the stateless persons. At the time of the Indo-Ceylon agreement in 1964, in the estimated figure of the number of stateless persons, almost 200,000 people were left out as a proper survey had mot been conducted. This was in addition to the 150,000 persons whose fate was left to be decided

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8 TAMILTIMES
FROM PAGE 7 of all - is deemed a necessity. (vi) Most important, however, is that apartheid, Zionism, Sinhala-Buddhism chauvinism all form cultural complexes, that is, they are not merely simple sets of policies and ideas, but complexes that operate on many levels, as if leading a life of their own. The ideological roots of these cultural complexes all date back to the closing years of the nineteenth centurty. This was a time when racial thinking was all-pervasive throughout the world, a time when no political event of importance could pass without a racial explanation being given for it, when racial thinking had also entered into philosophy, art, esoteric thought, and religion. This was also the time when imperialism was at its peak and nationalism at its most intense. Antiimperialist movements were also taking shape at the time. Racial thinking,
usually in tandem with religious re
vivalism, mythlogised nationalism, on either side of the fences of empire. Racial thinking rationalised the hierarchies between the planet's peoples reflecting or renegotiating the global configurations of power. All the While, of course, "race' was a bogus concept, virtually devoid of biological foundation, and actually referring to language groups (as with "Aryans', “Dravidians”, etc.).
The next milestone on this road is fascism, when the ideological complexes of aggressive nationalism and racial thinking achieve state power in Europe and Japan. Zionism which had developed as a counterpart to nineteenth century anti-Semitism, branched out further both in opposition to and osmosis with European fascism. Afrikaner nationalism also took further shape in the 1930s, drawing nourishment from the European example.
Dharmapala's emphasis, at the turn of the century, on 'religion-land-people' parallels Hitler's later spells of “Blood and Soilo and “Volk und Vaterland', Indeed, often the same rhetoric and imagery was used in Ceylon as in Europe; as when Dharmapala wrote in 1915: “The Muhammedans, an alien people . . ; by Shylockian methods became prosperous like the Jews.' These affinities with European mentalities continued through the 1930s. As Kumari Jayawardena commented:
"Many nationalist and labour leaders,
especially those who had been influenced by the myth of the Aryan origin of the Sinhalese, found the language
and rhetoric emana many and Italy, used propaganda.' Thus i economic crisis also labour movement Sul ligous nationalism, cu 1939 campaign again workers.
In the thirties, then, complexes of Afrikaa Zionism and Sinh: chauvinism all ga momentum and broad stituencies. It is inte that after the world W fascist states were de achieved state power, Israel and Sri Lanka year: 1948.
Since then other joined the banquet. It i ter error” which once into a programme has life of its own and, no an errror to begin witl and activated by all sc suit their advantage. .
ridden Sinhala national
nest of Buddhism an Sinhalese politicians ha to Buddhism to gain popularity. Local polit have built their heg foundation of paranoia tion dove-tailed with Ol In the post-war world, á had prepared the ingre plied the cookbook, th of ethnic and religious key dimension of the Cl tion textbook.
Fascism, indeed, is á used category. It must however, that what we only the political man underlying force field racism, chauvinism, ism, bigotry and othe. and cultural currents. not simply the outwar of facism, the poli assumes, but the sul which it grows, and wh rent circumstances cal duce different political The final point that in it that race (people together form an ex' combination. It is th that lends the hegemon tion of Sinhala-Buddh its strength, both in ter gical sway and resilien of its numerical popul strength which neither ject nor a Buddhist pr

ing from Gerl in their own the years of the Ceylonese cumbed to reminating in the t the Malayali
the ideological 1s nationalism, la Buddhistned political ened their conesting to note ar in which the feated, they all in South Africa, , in the same
interests have slike a 'compuit has entered begun to lead a matter its being , is being used orts of forces to Buddhists have ism to build the d the Sangha; ave warmed up a short cut to ical forces who emony on the and confrontatside interests. fter the British dients and supe manipulation
cleavages is a A's destabilisa
| WOrn-Out Overbe kept in mind, call fascism is festation of an of nationalism, anti-communpsychological What matters is manifestation ical form it stratum from ch under diffevery well proarrangements. eds to be made and religion emely potent combination c cloud formast chauvinism sofits ideoloe and in terms r Support - a a Sinhala programme could
AUGUST 1985
muster separately. Hence it is the glue that binds the two that must be the focus of concentrated attention. This can be concretised in several ways. For Tamils this means for instance that in resisting Sinhala incursions they should refrain from damaging Buddhist shrines and holy places, for to do so would only reinforce and reproduce the Sinhala Buddhist connection.
There is a strategic point to drawing parallels with South Africa and Israel. A point that transcends the issue of involvement in Sri Lanka on the part of both Mossad training Lankan armed forces and South Africa supplying arms, both also serving as conduits for US influence in the Indian Ocean. More important is that there are lessons to be learned from the resistance movements in both countries.
A cultural complex
The heart of the matter is that Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism is to be understood as a cultural complex. And it is as such that it needs to be confronted and subjected to a total and unrelenting cultural critique, from its branches to its roots. No lasting political solution to the Sinhala-Tamil situation in Sri Lanka can be envisioned without confronting Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism itself, without severing the Sinhala Buddhist connection, without clearing the air and a fundamental change in the climate of opinion in Sri Lanka. It is well known what is to be done with a Gordian knot - it is no use staring at it, discussing it, debating it; the only thing to be done is to make a clean sharp break with it.
The greatest source of strength to the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa is that it can operate within a climate of utter rejection of apartheid on moral, human, cultural, religious, political grounds, a rejection which has also become part of global awareness. It is important to note that the churches, once they turned their back on apartheid, have become among its most vigorous and staunchest opponents. In a similar way, the stalemate in Israel and the Middle East cannot really be broken through without the critique of Zionism - on the part of "still small voices' as yet - gaining ground, to the point of changing the opinion climate in Israel. Religious racism, anywhere, is an inversion of religion. Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism PLEASE TURN TO PAGE 17

Page 4
AUGUST 1985
ARMYSLAUGH VAVUNIYA, A
Over 200 civilian Tamils were shot
dead by the army on 16 August when the army went On a rampage in the town of Vavuniya. Many women and children and, in some cases, whole families have been gunned down.
The attack was supposedly in retaliation for a land-mine explosion in which the security forces suffered no casualty or damage. Although it was alleged that the explosion was caused by Tamil guerrillas, this has been denied and a counter-allegation has been made that the army itself master-minded the explosion to give themselves an excuse to mount an atack on Vavuniya and drive the Tamils out.
The 'ISLAND' (Colombo) of 17 August reported that "Vavuniya resem
later. Furthermore, during the time of the second agreement in 1974, the estimates of 1964 were | adopted without aту questiот. and the 1984 figure of 94,000 is, in fact, based on the estimates made tuvo decades earlier.
Independent organisations have estimated that currently there are more tham 400,000 stateless persons in Sri Lanka. Sidestepping the issue by the Sri Lатка дорететtатоитts to a denial of the just demands of the Tamil people. The right of self-determination is an inalienable right of a 'nation' of people which is recognised by the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Sri Lanka is a signatory to these two Covenants. The Tamils of Sri Lanka constitute a nation and therefore their right to self-determination is inalienable and cannot be compromised.
The rejection of the principles placed at the Conference is a rejection of u nivers ally accepted norms. This is not surprising, because the Sri Lankan government has violated and continues to violate almost every article in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenants.
bled a dead-hou ing in the hosp injured being c and that transpo had come to a families had Anthony’s Chu reported on the that the Vavuni inquest into the who included month pregnan persons had be tims of the m Vavuniya hea Movement, Mr his wife, father. law.
Several house on fire by the s opher Moore, th
correspondent
BHUTAN COLLAP
FROM PAGE
the Sinhala peo lier Anura Ban
out of the rump liament accusin the “Sinhalese di told Parliamen would create t Tamil militants the goose for th It was in this trated reply of a the Sri Lankan g ning to get merv ness found expri tion presented not very differe ernment had pla at last year's al ference. The go delegation, also damental princ the Tamil repr The gap betw. wide that neith provided by In government on lisation and de model nor the p Tamil militant avert a deadloc. the Vavuniya I talks to a prem able end.

"ERS 200 TAMLS,
TAMIL TIMES 3.
GHOST TOWN
se with bodies mounttal mortuary and the bunted in the hospital' rt and communication halt. Over 1,000 Tamil taken refuge in St. 'ch. The same paper following day (18th) ya Magistrate held an death of 21 persons 0 children and a 6t woman. Only three en identified. The vicassacre included the d of the Sarvodaya
Kathiramalainatham, in-law and mother-in
is and shops were set ecurity forces. Christe "Guardian' (London) who visited Vavuniya
NTALKS SE
ple. Some weeks earlaranaike led a walkSLFP MPS from Parg the UNP of selling own the line'. Later he t that the "ceasefire' he conditions for the to'comeback and cook le Simhalese'.
context of an orchesin earlier scenario that government was beginrous and this nervousession when its delegaproposals which were nt from what the govaced before the Tamils bortive All Party Convernment, through its rejected the four funiples put forward, by esentatives. een the two sides is so ler the expert advice dia to the Sri Lanka the extent of decentravolution on the Indian ressure exerted on the groups was able to k. But as it turned Out, massacre brought the ature if not a predict
on August 18, reported ("Guardian’, 19.8.85):
Vavuniya is a town in shock, its shops and bazaars closed, its streets empty and the only visible activity the collection and burial of the dead. More than 200 people may have died here during the last three days, according to reliable sources.
'Vavuniya's agony began on Friday, when Tamil separatists detonated a landmine as an army patrol was returning to camp on the outskirts of the town. The attack was apparently mistimed because no soldiers were reported injured. But, dazed by the explosion and unable to pinpoint the location of their assailants, the soldiers took immediate retaliation against Tamils living close by.
For at least an hour after the explosion, which happened at about 5a.m.,
, there was the sound of continuous
gunfire all over the area. One eyewitness described what happened when
troops smashed down the gates of the
compound where he and several fami
lies were living: "We all ran to the
main house and hid in one room, about 47 people. We could hear the soldiers
shouting in Sinhalese. One soldier
came in and took us outside. Three
soldiers made us line up. One soldier,
he was about 10 feet away, loaded a
magazine into his machine gun. We
were all of us pleading with him not to
shoot. We all ran away. We were
screaming. The other soldiers began firing. I fell down, pretending to be dead, with my som at my side.”
Refuge in church
“The witness, the clerk for a prominent local lawyer, said that after half an hour soldiers and the police chief returned to collect dead bodies. The survivors were eventually allowed to go into the town to take refuge in the Catholic church. On the way they passed more bodies and saw two trailers loaded with corpses being driven off in the direction of the army camp.
"Once the killing had stopped the looting began. Eyewitnesses described how Sinhalese civilians joined the army in raiding Tamil-owned property in the vicinity of the army camp, while troops drew a protective cordon round the district. One eyewitness said he hid for the entire day in an outside lava
TURN PAGE PAGE 17

Page 5
4TAMILTIMES
GoverNMENT REJEC
The TULF and the five Tamil militant groups (LTTE, EROS, EPRLF, TELO and PLOTE), put forward the following four basic principles on behalf of the Tamil people at Thimpu in Bhutan. Recognition of (a) Tamils as a distinct nationality, (b) the Tamil homeland and its territorial integrity, (c) the right of self-determination of the Tamil nation, and (d) the
right to full citizenship of all Tamils
living in Sri Lanka. Mr H.W. Jayawardene QC, who headed the Sri Lankan delegation, made a lengthy statement on 12 August 1985 on behalf of the government rejecting the four principles. The following is a summary of his statement:
The first three are unacceptable to the government of Sri Lanka. They constitute a negation of the Sovereignty and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka and are inimical to the interests of the Several communities, ethnic and religious, in our country. (a) Tamils as a distinct nationality
If it means a separateness or distinctness from other communities or racial groups in the island, by virtue of a difference in the obligation of their allegiance to the state, this would involve the creation of a new state, we reject it.
We are prepared to consider any proposals that would help the preservation and protection of those rights and interests which are necessary for the continuing existence of the Tamils as an ethnic group.
We recognise the right of all com
munities in Sri Lanka to preserve,
protect and promote their cultural heritage, linguistic traditions and to practise their religion, without prejudicing the sovereignty of the state.
(b) The second principle speaks of the recognition of an identified Tamil homeland and the guarantee of its territorial integrity
There is implicit in this the idea of a truncation of the republic’s own territorial integrity, as defined by Article 5 of the constitution. I need hardly say that any such idea cannot be entertained let alone considered.
In so far as this principle contains the implication that there is to be a total or partial embargo placed against the settlement of people of other communities in the areas perceived by the Tamils as their homeland, we reject it as being a violation of the fundamental rights and freedoms
of all citizens of Sri right and freedom of Sri Lanka, irrespective religious group to whic to settle in any part of has been the homeland ties from time im: citizens, irrespective are entitled to the fre ment and of choosing til any part of Sri Lanka, in any lawful occupati the country.
On the other hand, the fact that in certa country there is stron which has given rise lems. In so far as the recognise their spec claims to preferentialt are not inconsistent damental principle O equal protection and i necessary to accord a to the Tamil communit areas, for the prese ethnic identity, we a consider reasonable achievement of these shall place before you als, for land settlemen which in our opinion need. (c) The right of self-d the Tamil Nation
The third principle self-determination in plies the right of sece out of the democratics of Sri Lanka, and the 1 separate state is total and is in that form r
(d) The right to full ci Tamils living in Sri L As far as the four concerned we do not a right or status or any here to represent or n half of all Tamils livin Those of the Tamil co cent Indian origin who referred to as Indian Ta own accredited repre the government has r understandings with th their problems and thes be discussed here.
We may state, how government of Sri Lan announced at the All-Pa that was concluded last tion to grant Sri Lanka the outstanding numb

—
AUGUST 1985
Ts TAMIL DEMANDS
Lanka. It is the every citizen of e of the racial or h he belongs to, Sri Lanka which of all communimemorial. All
of community eedom of moveheir residency in and of engaging ion anywhere in
we do recognise in parts of the g concentration to special probre is a need to rial rights and reatment which with the funif equality and n so far as it is ly special rights y living in these vation of their re prepared to proposals for objectives. We specific propos, ht and land use, do satisfy this
etermination of
of the right of
So far as it imession from and
ocialist republic
right to create a ly unacceptable ejected.
tizenship of all anka th principle is cknowledge the persons present egotiate om beng in Sri Lanka. mmunity of reare commonly amils have their sentatives and eached certain em in regard to se do not need to
rever, that the ka has already arty Conference year, its intenn citizenship to ær of the 94,000
persons who fall into the stateless category as soon as arrangements are made for the repatriation of the Indian Tamils who have been granted Indian citizenship.
We shall presently outline our main proposals.
The implementation of any agree
ment reached at these talks require as
a precondition a complete renunciation of all forms of militant action. All militant groups in Sri Lanka must surrender their arms and equipment. All training camps whether in Sri Lanka or abroad must be closed down. Refugees, wherever they may be, must be permitted to return unmolested to areas which were inhabited by them prior to their disturbance and inhabited by them prior to their disturbance and destabilisation.
Guarantees in Constitution
All temples, kovils, churches, mosques and other places of worship and shrines, of whatever religion damaged or destroyed, shall be restored and people of all communities and religions, wherever they may be, shall be allowed to manifest their religion in accordance with the guarantees in the constitution. An amnesty for all violations of the criminal law pursuant to agitations of the militant groups will only be granted after the government is satisfied that these pre-conditions have been observed. This is the only basis on which any settlement reached here can be implemented and peace restored to our country.
All forms of agitation by extra-legal means must be abandoned and any form of political agitation must be in accordance with constitutional
methods.
ARMS FROM SOUTHAFRICA
Sri Lanka is to purchase arms from South Africa and Malaysia. This news was disclosed in the Sri Lankan Parliament recently by opposition SLFPMIP, Mr Lakshman Jayakody.
Mr Jayakody said that the government had already entered into deals for the purchase of military vehicles and equipment from these countries. He disclosed that there were men close to the government who have engaged in rackets in arms deals and that "several VIPs are implicated, and that there are moves to hush it up'.

Page 6
AUGUST 1985
THEAPPLICATION OF RAJI
FORSRI LANKA: THE IMP
As stated in our previous contribution to Tamil Times of July 1985, Mr Rajiv Gandhi is reported to have recommended the Indian political system as a model for Sri Lanka. The Rajiv Gandhi formula when applied to Sri Lanka carries with it the following
obligations as far as the government of
Sri Lanka is concerned:
1. There must be a Division of Powers between the Central Government and the state governments as under the Indian Constitution .
2. There therefore arises a need for a State List of powers, a Unit List, a List of Concurrent Powers where in the event of conflict between legislation by the State of Sri Lanka (the Colombo government) and the legislation of the Unit governments, State law will prevail; provision must also be made for the Residuary of Powers (that is, those powers not included in the State, Unit and Concurrent Lists) to be assumed, as in India, by the central Government.
3. The Units in Sri Lanka must have the same legislative and executive powers devolved on them as the States have in India; under the Indian Constitution, the State List in India comprises sixty-six items among which are public order, police, the administration of justice, local government, public health, education (including
State universities as distinct from uni
versities financed and run by New Delhi), libraries and museums, intra
state communications, agriculture, in
dustry, irrigation, land rights, forests, fisheries, trade and commerce within the state, State public services, etc. The States in India have the exclusive power of legislation in each and all of sixty-six items enumerated; there are, however, two exceptions; under Article 249 of the Indian Constitution, the Indian second chamber, the Rajya Sabha, can by resolution supported by a two-thirds majority of members present and voting declare that it is necessary or expedient in the national interest' that the Parliament of India should enact legislation for one year in respect of any of the powers enumerated in the State list; the Rajya Sabha can extend this period for one year at a time by a similar two-thirds majority; this power has seldom been used; it was used
By Professor A
only once up to between India a er, is that India
tant and activist and religious pr structured multi resolution by the passed because question or bec significance; Sri has essentially
with a politicis majority seeking out of this impass require that a res enacted with the of the total : T. bership (Sri Lan. try Tamils and
Lanka second c majority of the will require the c a proportion (for the Tamil-speaki second chamber; if the Tamil-spea als two-fifths oft Second chamber kind must been majority; the se
Article 250 of the
In the event of Emergency and Parliament of In tion on any item List. Of course, right to amend,
legislation once a the problem in emergencies tel made intermina
AII-India impor
4. The Union L. nimety-seven iter to be of all-Indi include defence, ing, currency, b reme Court and Union public se)
5. The Concu forty-seven item civil and crimin nomic planning, Security, profes.
6. Article 248 ( tion provides f India to exercis respect of "the

TAMILTIMES5
GANDHIS PEACE SOLUTION EMENTATIONAL ASPECTS
Jeyaratnam Wilson
1975; the difference d Sri Lanka, howevloes not have a milimajority of linguistic portions; India is a cultural state and a Rajya Sabha will be if the urgency of the ause of its national Lanka on the other a bicultural Society ed Sinhala-Buddhist dominance; the way e could be to (i) either olution of this type be consent of two-thirds mil-speaking memka Tamils, Hill counMuslims) of the Sri hamber or (ii) by a second chamber that onsent also of at least example, one-fifth) of ng membership of the this would mean that king membership tothe membership of the , a resolution of this acted by a four-fifths cond limitation is in Indian Constitution. a Proclamation of while it is inforce, the dia can emact legislaincluded in the State the States have the negate or reject such in Emergency lapses;
Sri Lanka is that ld to be artificially ble. 4.
aFCe
st in India consists of ns which are deemed a importance. These foreign affairs, bankroadcasting, the Supthe High Courts, the vices, among others. rrent List has in it and among these are l law, social and eco
trade unions, social ional standards, etc. f the Indian Constitur the Parliament of e exclusive power in residue of legislative
power unallocated'.
7. The Indian Constitution makes detailed provisions for the States to comply with, implement, execute and administer legislation enacted by the Central Government; this will only be in regard to matters contained in the Union List; the States, however, exercise executive powers in the fields in which they are empowered to make laws.
8. The Governor of a State in India is appointed by the Union Government in New Delhi; the Governor acts as a constitutional head of state; he appoints the Chief Minister and the Council of Ministers in the State on the advice of the Chief Minister; the Governor has discretionary powers which are not of far-reaching consequence; under the Indian Constitution the Governor has the right to refer back a Bill for reconsideration and assent by the President of India; reservation of bills for the President's assent however are only those which in the view of the Governor do not come within the List of Powers assigned to a state.
9. There is the question of the appropriateness of the boundaries of a State in the Indian system; although the Indian constitution enables the Union Parliament to change the boundaries of a State, the realistic answer lies in the States Reorganisation Act passed by the Indian Parliament in 1956 based on the recommendations of the States Reorganization Commission appointed by the Nehru Government in December 1953; the Commission in its report of 30 September 1955 recommended the creation of States where boundaries will be coterminous with the region of a dominant language; the Commission recognised 'linguistic homogeneity as an important factor conducive to administrative convenience and efficiency' (page 46 of Report of the States Reorganisation Commission); on this basis the Northern and Eastern provinces of Sri Lanka should be constituted into one unit; the Northern Province has a majority of Tamil-speaking; the same applies to the Eastern Province where the Tamil-speaking Sri Lanka Tamils and Muslims constitute a majority.
10. There is the question of finances;
CONTINUED ON PAGE 17
T

Page 7
6 TAMILTMES
| THE PROBLEMOFS CHAUVINISM II
The levels of violence and atrocity reported in the conflict between Sinhalese and Tamils in Sri Lanka are of such intensity that one is led to wonder how to account for it. Since Sri Lanka became independent in 1948 the Sinhalese majority population has utilised electoral policies to step by step marginalise the Tamil minority. This process of marginalisation has included the disenfranchisment of the Indian plantation Tamils by the Citizenship Acts of 1948; the 'Sinhalese Only' law which made Sinhalese the official language; and colonisation Schemes of Sinhalese in traditionally Tamil areas. These and other governmental measures have been taken in a context of recurrent outbreaks of anti-Tamil mob violence, condoned and at times assisted by police and administrative authorities (in 1958, 1977, 1983, 1984, 1985).
Racism? Ethnic violence?
Buz words in the debate on this situation, in Sri Lanka as well as in commentaries abroad are: communal riots, communalism, ethnic conflict, minority question, racism, racist capitalism, Sinhala nationalism. At the same time there is wide agreement that the core problem in Sri Lanka is Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism, which derives its potency from the combination of "race' and "religion'. But in most debates the full scope of the problem does not come out: racism and similar terms all leave out the religous component.
Until the massacre of July 1983,
debates among progressives in Sri
Lanka were largely conducted along political and economic lines. July 1983 overturned the agenda, which has since then been headed by the 'ethnic question' or "national question'. Still, there has been a tendency to continue the debate on this question within the same political and economic frame of discourse.
Manipulation of Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism by the ruling UNP government; and its predecessor, the SLFP government, has, of course, been blatant, yet the problem itself cannot be reduced to political manipulation. For one thing, both the reformist SLFP government and the right-wing UNP administration have followed a similar
by Jan Nederve
chauvinist line on th question.
Nor can the prob reduced to economic a matter of competiti opportunities, an exp bourgeois anxieties, 0 the crisis of neocoloni state capitalist polici governments as well a dooreconomic policie dene government ha Sinhala-Buddhist cha These consideratio vartiations in intensity expression of anti-T and policies; but they the problem of Si chauvinism itself. S chauvinism may be c undercurrent which is certain political and ( tions. Analysing th while important, cann of taking a thorough problem itself.
Sinhala-Buddhist Ch
The following rema serve as an alert, to m aware of some of the d problem, rather than treatment of the questi Sinhala-Buddhist chau summed up as follow Sri Lanka is the count the descendents of t "Aryans', who are the of the island. Historic civilisation not secon world, under the infl ism. The Buddha hii Lanka, drove away til and made it suitable colonisation. The I Buddhism is integrall the preservation of th The country, althou, quently by the South ways a unitary state umbrokem • lime of Sinh Today the whole futu: nation, the custodians in danger. The only problem is a military ment should mobilise o and defeat the armed battle. If necessary should be obtained available internation

AUGUST 1985
INHALA-BUDDHIST V SRI LANKA
in Pieterse
e Sinhala-Tamil
em be simply imensions - as On for economic ression of petty r a by-product of alism. Under the es of the SLFP s under the open of the Jayawar
S there been a
uvinist tide.
ns may explain over time in the amil sentiments do not deal with nhala-Buddhist inhala-Buddhist onsidered as an activated under economic condiese conditions, ot take the place look at the root
lauvinism
ks are meant to ake more people imensions of the
as a full-scale on. The credo of vinism has been
s
S
y of the Sinhala, he North Indian original settlers ally, they built a i to any in the ence of BuddhInself visited Sri e demon hordes or later Sinhala reservation of connected with Sinhala nation. h invaded freIndians, was algoverned by an la colonisation. e of the Sinhala of Buddhism, is Solution to this
one, the govern
he armed forces Tamil youth in
military help from whatever ul sources. No
further concessions should be granted to the Tamils or other minorities and the Sri Lankan state should continue as a unitary state with a pre-eminent position for Sinhala Buddhists. Thus it is precisely the interweaving of racist thinking with Buddhism that forms the essence of Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism. This has given rise to preposterous statements such as the following (from a 1981 publication): “There is no Buddhism without the Sinhalese and no Sinhalese without Buddhism.' This interweaving occurs not only on the level of ideology but also in actual practice, with Buddhist bhikkus playing an active political role at virtually every turn of the road.
Sinhalese resistance to colonialism developed in a context of religious revivalism. The riot between Buddhists and Catholics in Colombo in 1883 was generally designated a religious riot. But the Inspector General of police at the time characterised this and other riots as “Politics under the cloak of religion'. Around the turn of the century, Anagarika Dharmapala, the theologian of Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism, turned first against Christians and missionary education, and then against Muslims as "infidels of degraded race'. This helped to create the climate for the anti-Muslim riots of 1915.
In the 1950s the new upsurge of Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism was again stirred up by bhikkus. In the forefront of the 'Sinhala Only' agitation was the Eksath Bhikku Peramuna (United Front of Monks), an organisation set up for the purpose of intervening in the elections, in response to the findings of the All-Ceylon Buddhist Congress and its 1956 report, "The Betrayal of Buddhism'. And where the monks were active - an observation repeatedly made from that period on - goon squads were seldom far behind. The 'Sinhala Army' which as part of the Tamil pogrom of 1958 drove Tamils from lands allotted to them earlier, was led by a monk. In May 1958 Prime Minister Bandaranaike was shot dead by a monk, reportedly at the instigation of the Rev Buddharakkita Thero, secretary of the Eksath Bhikku Peramuna. From the infrastructure of politics the Buddhist clergy had stepped into the forefront, a pattern that has continued into the 1980s,

Page 8
AUGUST 1985
when it has created the spectacle of Buddhist monks inciting anti-Tamil mob violence.
History of Sri Lanka since independence is replete with instances of direct intervention by the Buddhist clergy leading up to the present tragedy of ethnic conflict. Having ridden the Sinhala-Buddhist bandwaggon to achieve power in 1956, the then Prime Minister Mr Bandaranaike sought to reduce the mounting tension between the Sinhala and Tamil communities by signing an agreement with the then Tamil political leadership. This agreement provided for a measure of autonomy for the Tamils in the northern and eastern provinces and the use of the Tamil language in the administration of these two provinces. But this effort was thwarted by a band of over 500
leading Buddhist monks who went in a
demonstration and sat within the foreground of the PM's residence refusing to budge until the agreement granting “concessions' to the Tamils was rescinded. The PM who was virtually held prisoner in his own residence eventually succumbed to the bullying by the Buddhist clergy and announced the unilateral abrogation of the agreement.
Again the response of the monks to the proposals announced by the present government following the All Party Conference held in 1984 to resolve the ethnic conflict was typical. They literally terrorised the President and the government to abandon the proposals. Thousands of Buddhist monks gathered in Colombo and threatened virtual civil war. At this meeting, Dr Walpola Rahula Thero, the Secretary of the Supreme Council of the Maha Sangha (Buddhist Order), vowed that as in history the Sangha was ready to lay down their lives . . . all possible peaceful avenues would be used to prevent it, failing which there is a weapon that Sangha has. Using this weapon the Sangha would wage a battle all over the country. The police, armed forces or any other force would not stop us.' Another monk, Maduluwawe Sobitha who is also the President of the Sinhala Balamandalaya (Council of Sinhala Power) declared at the same meeting: "If by some way these proposals are approved, then the Sangha will be prepared to sacrifice the lives of ten Theros (monks) for every clause (of the proposals). If we can die before we grow old that is also a comfort. We are ready to sacrifice our lives for the sake of our country, race and religion.'
Bestowing bli ing divine pro plined and mar in their war ag has become a c with many mo Lanka. Most ( them urge the g arm Sinhala-B Send them in thi their strategy to predominantly Chanananda Maha Nayake tion) of the As demanded of t Sangha should the country's N cil, a right to sit the chiefs of the mine the securi and chart milit tics !
The content inherent in the tions demonstra ture.
In the ideolo their grassroots as mobilisers o well as in the s tics, and as kin Stage of power, integral part of Sri Lankan polit an unusual po, tionalised religi Thailand, Burm in much the sa even the notio) acting as "Robe fron robes” - phrased it - wh What is disturbi Buddhism with people' comple also implies as plex. Buddhist Tamil mob viol
of this associat
that this sugge sibility on the p and Buddhist th events in Sri L This is distul from the point ethics, which reaching out ta More than man Buddhism mili national exclus of Sinhala nati has generated extremism and entirely outside spectrum of t

sings upon and invokction to the indisciuding security forces nst Tamil separatists mmom pre-occupation s in present-day Sri sturbingly, many of vernment to train and ddhist civilians and r thousands as part of colonise and settle' in amil areas. Recently, alipane Thero, the Archbishop-like posiiriya Buddhist Order e President that the ave representation in tional Security Counat the same table with armed forces to detery needs of the island ary strategy and tac
f chauvinist violence e utterances and actes its deep-rooted na
gical sphere, through networks of influence, f popular opinion, as here of electoral poligmakers in the backthe bhikkus form an the hegemonic bloc of ics. In itself this is not sition for an instituon to be found in. In la, Laos, Buddhism is me position. It is mot of Buddhist monks rto d'Aubuisson in Safas Dayan Jayatilleka ich is most disturbing. ng is the association of racism, with a "chosen x - which generally "chosen target' commonks inciting anti2nce is just a symptom on. More important is sts a pattern of responart of Buddhist clergy ought for the course of anka. bing, in fact baffling, of view of Buddhist is a universal ethics “all sentient beings'. other religions in fact ates against historical iveness. The embrace inalism and Buddhism xpressions of political fanaticism which fall of the - fairly widehe general record uf
TAMILTIMES7
Buddhist politics in Asia. To gain perspective on it perhaps one has to look elsewhere.
Paralleis .
The situation presents us on the one hand with the problem of a 'crisis of civilisation in a Buddhist land' (Ian Goonetilleke), while on the other it forms part of the wider problem of the contemporary resurgence of religious fundamentalism.
Departing from Moses, how does one get to Ariel Sharon, or Rabbi Levinger (of Gush Emumim)? Departing from Christ, how does one arrive at Rev. Ian Paisley? Or Rev. Jerry Fallwel? From Mohamed, to Imam Khomeini? And from Buddha, to Cyril Mathew, Dr Walpola Rahula and Chanananda Palipane?
What happened on these roads is perhaps the reverse of what happened to Saul on the road to Damascus. The notion of the "routinisation' of religion, when charisma fades as religion becomes established, is familiar enough. But these instances belong in another class: they represent the perversion of religion, or more accurately, the inversion of religious values for political purposes.
With respect to Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism, apartheid and Zionism come to mind as the nearest parallels. Features they share in common are: (i) the amalgamation of race and religion - Jew and Judaism, white and Christian, Sinhala and Buddhist. (ii) An island mentality - Israel as "an outpost of western civilisation in Asia' (Herzl), South Africa as a white outpost in Sub-Saharan Africa, the Sinhalese as a cultural island in the shadow of the Indian subcontinent. Under proper conditions, duly fostered for political purposes, the island mentality can develop into a siege mentality, along with its political psychology of collective paranoia. (iii) A state-religion complex — the special place of Judaism in Israel, and of Buddhism and the Sangha in Sri Lanka. In South Africa most of the Christian churches have already stepped out of the pact. (iv) The oppression of another people - Palestinians, blacks in South Africa, Tamils in Sri Lanka. They are a local minority or weak segment of the population which is taken to "represent the regional majority (Arabs, Africans, India) against whom a state of paranoia is cultivated. (v) Hence the development of a national security state - which curbs the human rights PLEASE TURN TO NEXT PAGE

Page 9
AUGUST 1985
ABRIEFNOTE ON
It is evident that one of the most difficult points for commentators to grasp - and large numbers of Tamils also - is that the Sinhalese, as I have maintained since I first began to write on Sri Lanka, have no intention whatever of reaching a 'negotiated settlement with the Tamils. So that not only was it a folly for Tamil representatives to take part in the Bhutanese charade with the absurd and scoundrelly Hector Jayawardene in the first instance; it is also humiliatingly wrong for Tamil spokesmen, now, to be wringing their hands over the 'military” solution' which Colombo allegedly "prefers' to the path of a "political' settlement of the “Tamil problem”.
Such an analysis is based on entirely false premises, (and on entirely understandable wishful thinking). For the bitter truth is that a "military solution' - that is, the random butchery of Tamil civilians, men, women and children - is the politics of Colombo; they
have, and intend, no other. Of course,
the rationalist, Tamil and non-Tamil alike, finds it hard to credit that this could be so; we would not be human ourselves if we were unable and unwilling to attribute human instinct and intentions even to our most intransigent and pitiless enemy. Yet, I state as an axiom, based on my knowledge of the parties - cheap criminals and pariahs beyond the pale of morality - that the Sinhalese politicians who presently misgovern what used to be Sri Lanka, do not intend, cannot embark upon, and will not concede, any real measure of devolution to the Tamils.
A hoax and pantomime
So that the first elementary steps to understanding the meaning of Colombo's actions (and they are as crude as their authors) are to recognise that even Sinhalese talk of negotiation, let alone its substance, is a hoax; that the cycle, or circus, of inter-ministerial visits and jaunts between Delhi and Colombo has throughout been a pantomime, comic if it were not so tragic; that there is no real distinction to be made between the intentions of the melancholy Jayawardene and the intentions of the mafioso Athulathmudali - with his bottle of acid hidden among the many Tamil skeletons in his cupboard - or any of the other third-rate crooks and liars who preside over the suicide of the island; and that disen
franchising, terrorising, disqualifying,
By Dav
looting, expe Tamils are th
Colombo's rea, to put any fin in order to ma the demands that there be the Tamils ar Liberal sen media, self-se in Delhi, the cy towards their "leaders' drea of Eelam, will in Solemn tern diplomacy, do the bona fides rest of it. But its form, does which norma attribute to su you may ask,
FLOU
Burma's Bud ching a campa undisciplined novices who religious tenet ing liquor and It has been de gious Comml ranks, and e Theravada, Burma.
A request Home and Re to take effec police, agains monks have bogus, impos robed by an E trial! Politic bounds for Bu ment orders !
The Burm sponded by p prescribing who violate, precepts of . It is an un Lanka, wher. practised, th monks, in y. flout the te Buddhism; a ble-rousing d
 

TAMILTIMES 9
THE BHUTAN TALKS
di Selbourne
ling, and killing the governing purposes of politik. There is no need r point upon it; indeed, teh Tamil realpolitik to f the moment requires no illusions about what 2 facing. iment and the liberal ving Congress acrobats nical Sinhalese working inal solution, and Tamil ming of the presidency of course, go on talking ls of negotiation, shuttle volution, Annexure C, of the parties and the he whole of it, whatever not have the meanings expectation seeks to ch activity. What, then, is real in the sitution?
Three things: the need of Colombo to fill its begging bowl (for alms and arms) at the servants' back door of the Western mansion; the need of Colombo's bankrupt politicians to preserve their skins and their offices, and to keep their hands in the till of the island's exchequer; and, above all, the insatiable urge to punish the Tamils for their past and present "misconduct'.
And if you can fit a "negotiated settlement' of Tamil demands (for a sufficient degree of self-determination to protect their own lives, liberties and properties) into such a context, you deserve an Olympic medal for the gymnastic effort, or honorary membership of the Magicians' Circle. The truth is quite other; but, unhappily, only those who are free of humane illusions can know it. In such terrible circumstances, the agony of the Tamils, and the self-destruction of the Sinhalese, will continue.
WITHOUTCOMMENT
TING THE TEACHINGS OF BUDDHISM
dhist leaders are launaign against militant and
Buddhist monks and violate state laws and ts, by playing cards, takcohabiting with woman. cided that Burma’s Reliunity should police its insure adherence to the Buddhism practised in
has been made to the ligious Affairs Minister tive action through the tunethical monks. Some been declared illegal, ers, and have been discclesiastical Court, after is completely out of ddhist monks, on govern
se Government has reromulgating a new law, rison terms for monks neglect or disregard the heravada Buddhism.
eniable fact, that in Sri Theravada Buddhism is ere are some Buddhist low robes, who openly achings of Theravada ld are seen joining rabmonstrators, and shout
ing unseemly slogans, and squatting on rooftops. Many others are involved in litigation, and are seen often in Courts of Law in their yellow robes We as Buddhists of Sri Lanka cannot forget that horrible crime, committed by a Buddhist monk, who assassinated a Prime Minister of Sri Lanka.
It will thus be seen that an Ecclesiastical Court is an immediate and urgent necessity in Sri Lanka. It is the bound
en and conscientious DUTY of the
Venerable Buddhist monks who live religious lives, in accordance with the Buddha Dhamma; and also the bounden and conscientious duty of the devout lay Buddhists, to make certain that Buddhism remains pure and undefiled in Sri Lanka, and that the sacred yellow robes worn by Lord Buddha, the enlightened one, are not desecrated and demeaned, by these bogus, pseudo Buddhist monks!
To try to avoid the establishment of an Ecclesiastical Court, by arguing that there is no provision, in Buddhism, for the establishment of an Ecclesiastical Court, would be a childish and devious attempt to avoid responsibility and to openly aid and abet the evildoers! Shelton F. R. Sirimane Mt. Lavinia (By courtesy of The Island, Colombo)

Page 10
10 TAMILTIMES
SETTLEMENT INTAMIL
The settlement of peasants on dry zone lands brought under irrigation has been one of the key elements in the policies for agricultural development followed by successive government in Sri Lanka since the 1930s; it has now also become an instrument in the ethnic conflict in the hands of the state. Actually the beginnings of this settlement policy lay in colonial history. After the peasant rebellion of 1848, the idea of "reserving' or "rehabilitating' the peasantry was enunciated by many British bureaucrats. They looked with distaste at the new emerging bourgeoisie — mainly the merchants and traders - who they felt were exploiting the peasants. They were lending money against land and were in the process of expropriating many of the peasants. This British view was shared by many members of Sri Lanka's landed elite; they argued for the revival of peasant communities as groups of "independent producers'; in reality they were arguing for a social order that would preserve their elite status. G.H. Farmer has summarised this thinking: "From 1927 it 'became the view of the Ceylon government and of many eminent Ceylonese that the peasantry had been weakened by the impact of new forces and ought to be preserved; and that individual independent peasant proprietorship was desirable.'
However, the land available for settlement by peasants was in the dry zone which had been the locale of the ancient Sri Lankan hydraulic civilisation. So the state had to undertake the repair or reconstruction of irrigation works which had gone into disrepair, clear the land which had gone back into jungle, construct houses and other basic facilities, eradicate the menace of malaria and then to establish on theland, selected allottees from areas where population growth and the thrust of mercantile expansion had created a landless peasantry.
Politically concelved
State-organised and state-subsidised land settlement on this scale was essentially a strategy of the preservation and extension of peasant production. Its motivation was the politically conceived need of the ruling elite to placate an impoverished peasantry suffering from a scarcity of arable
By CHARLES AE
land and the lack opportunities in other thus firmly rooted in e based on a universal f had the advantage of S tional agrarian relatic parts of the countr peasant pressures. Th also justified in econon of increasing paddy making the country s its staple food.
The record of sta ments has been imp about 1981, about 400,0 lies have been settled i acres - the majority dry zone areas. The impressive in terms of 1945 the dry zone acco cent of the island's po cent of the acreage ur 50 per cent of the tota paddy. By 1980, the sha had increased to 28 p paddy acreage to 59 paddy production to However, the costs C ment have been enorm ment of one peasant gated land has, in mos state 100,000 rupees.
Ethnic Overtones
That this policy of
ethnic overtones, bec soon. The dry zone di there was irrigable llar Vavuniya, Mannar, M comalee and Battical predominantly popula Puttalam and Ampa mixed populations
Tamils and Muslims a nantly Sinhala district pura, Polonnaruva, M Hambantota. Given th composition of the co cent Sinhala - and thi of landlessness were f them, it was inevitable ity of the settlers were when irrigation schen established in the
Tamil districts like Vavuniya and Mulla ethnic consequences of settlement began to b

AUGUST 1985
F SINHALESE
AREAS
BEYSEKERA
of employment sectors; it was lectoral politics ranchise. It also tabilising tradionships in other y by relieving he exercise was nic terms as one production and elf-sufficient in
te-aided settleressive. Up to 00 peasant famiin over a million
of these in the
record is also production. "In unted for 24 per pulation, 42 per der paddy, and all production of ure of population er cent, that of per cent and of ) 64 per cent. |f this achievenous; the Settlefamily on irrit cases, cost the
settlement had ame clear very stricts in which ld were those of Iullaitivu, Trinoa, which were ted by Tamils, rai which had of Sinhalese, nd the predomits of AnuradhaIoneragala and he demographic untry - 75 per at the pressures elt most among that the majorSinhala. It was les began to be predominantly Trincomalee, itivu that the the state-aided e felt. The im
plications of such settlements for ethnic relations in the country were recognised by the political leaders of both the Sinhala and Tamil peoples. The demography of predominantly Tamil areas was being gradually changed putting into jeopardy the ability of the Tamil people to reproduce themselves an ethnic group with a lingusitic and cultural identity of its own. This was one of the main grievances expressed at the convention of the Federal Party in 1956; it called for the immediate cessation of the colonisation of traditional Tamil-speak
ing areas with Sinhala people.'
Since then, this issue of land settlement has been one of the main Sources of ethnic tension. Successive governments have, of course, denied its ethnic implications and have sought to defend the policy on other grounds - (i) that expenditure on irrigation and infra-structural facilities comes from the national budget and the benefits should therefore be open to sharing by all citizens irrespective of ethnicity and (ii) that there were not enough Tamil peasants in any case to take up all the available land.
Nevertheless, the importance of this issue in exacerbating relations between the Tamil and the Sinhala people was recognised; there was also an implicit recognition that the whole policy was unfair to the Tamil people. For example, the pact that was signed between Mr Chelvanayakam, the leader of the Federal Party and Mr Bandaranaike, the Prime Minister, in 1957 dealt with this issue: "It was agreed that in the matter of colonisation schemes, the powers of the Regional Council shall include the power to select allottees to whom lands within its areas of authority shall be alloted and also power to select personnel to be employed for work on such schemes.' The implicit understanding was that regional councils would be concerned with the preservation of the linguistic and cultural identity of their regions.
B-C Pact
The breakdown of this pact under the weight of Sinhala chauvinism actually led to a faster pace of settlement and made the problem more acute. Tamil grievances continued to mount and the Senanayake-Chelva

Page 11
AUGUST 1985
nayagam pact of March 1965 was forced to be more explicit on this issue:
'Mr Senanyake further agreed that in the granting of land under colonisation schemes, the following priorities will be observed in the northern and eastern provinces: (a) first, to landless persons in the district; (b) second, to Tamil speaking persons resident in the northern and eastern provinces; (c) third, to other citizens of Ceylon, preference being given to Tamil residents in the rest of the island.
This agrement too was aborted by extremist Sinhala elements but it is important in that intention to prevent changes in the demographic composition of the areas inhabited by the Tamil-speaking peoples was clearly expressed.
It is quite obvious that the Tamil people were conscious of the threat to their homelands, but since statistics of colonists have never been maintained on an ethnic basis, it is somewhat
difficult to lay bare at a quantitative
level, the basis of Tamil fears. However, some indirect evidence might be of some help.
Diminution of political power
Let us first look at the increase of population in the traditional Tamil districts that were exposed to colonisation. Between 1946 and 1971, the population increase in these districts was as follows:
Mannar 146.6% Trincomalee 147.9% Batticaloa 160.5% V a v u m i y a 309.7%
The average increase for all districts was 90 per cent and the increase in the Sinhala districts was in the 50—60 per cent range. The factor responsible for the very high rates of growth in these districts was in - migration from other districts. And as we have shown earlier, the major part of the migration was state-aided, though some encroachers did follow in the wake of establishment of colonisa
tion schemes.
The nature of tion in these Worked out; the the total popula table below.
It will be ob that in Trinc Sinhala populat 4.4 per cent in 1976 while the declined from 32.8%. In Vav 77.0% to 65.8% 52.8% to 40.2% 58.1% to 49.8% Settlement p( last 50 years h altered the po areas; they ha tical power through a dilu base; and ha them a territor rate identity. II opinion now de traditional Ta maybe in the argued that it population is a Tamils, and l
- group being ab
Sinhala opini right of any reside in any often points to Sri Lankan T their traditiona make a distinc migration and tem of state-a whose aims ist population pat
Present propi
It is agains one has to cons als of the Sri settle 250,000 northern and E more naked c settlement po. signed to alte raphic charac
1921 1.
S CT M IT S CT
Trincomalee 4.4 53.2 37.1 1.3 20.7 40.1 Vavuniya 11.8 77.0 7.1 3.1 16.6 69.3 Batticaloa 4.59 52.8 39.6 0.58 5.9 49.7 Mannar 2.11 58.1 30.3 8.2 3.7 51.0
S = Sinhalese CT = Sri Lankan T
1921, 1946, 1971 - Census Dates 1976

the increase in populadistricts can also be ethnic percentages of ion being shown in the
served from the table bmalee District, the ion has increased from 1921 to 31.6 per cent in
Tamil population had
a majority 53.2% to niya it declined from 2, in Batticaloa from and in Mannar from
licies followed over the ave thus substantially pulation mix in these ve diminished the poliof the Tamil people tion of their electoral fe also served to deny ial basis for their sepafact, majority Sinhala nies the existence of any mil homeland except Jaffna peninsula. It is all other areas, the mixed one of Sinhalese, Muslims, with no one le to claim hegemony. on also argues for the Sri Lankan citizen to part of Sri Lanka and
the more than 200,000 amils resident outside al areas. They refuse to tion between voluntary a well-organised sys
ided setlement, one of
he alteration of existing ternS.
osals
, this background that ider the present proposLankan government t0 Sinhala peasants in the astern areas. This is a ontinuation of previous icies and appears de, for good, the demogter of those areas.
TAMILTIMES 11
The government proposes to give each of these families, two or three acres of land, subsidies to construct houses and allowances to tide them over until they can begin to live off the holding. Selections are being made on an electoral basis, with the MP of the area being responsible for the selection.
The ideology behind the movement has been made explicit. The President has spoken of the necessity for the Sinhalese to occupy the border; otherwise, in his own words, the border will come tous. The whole scheme is being presented as the re-occupation by the Sinhalese of lands once held by them. The presence of Buddhist ruins in these areas is cited as proof of this occupation; the state has also recently proposed to take under its care and protection all these ruins, renovate them and locate Sinhala Buddhist villages near their vicinity so that they can be properly looked after.
The further proposal to give these settlers some training in weaponry and to arm them is an indication that they are also being thought of as auxiliaries to the security forces in their war against the armed separatists. Selections of allottees from some areas have already been made and newspaper reports say that some of them are being given weapon training in centres that have been recently established.
There are those who argue that this proposal has been made merely for propaganda effect; they believe that it will not be possible to find settlers who will venture out into what are obviously hostile areas and that it lacks the political will to carry out this programme. However, it fits in too well with the obvious political strategy of the government to be so easily dismissed: namely the suppression of the armed separatists and of the Tamil people by military force, in which the new settlers will play a part; and then a watered-down programme of local government on a geographical basis
PLEASE TURN TO PAGE 9
946 1971 1976
M IT S CT M IT S CT M IT 29.2 44 28.81 35.2 31.6 3.0 31.6 32.8 32.2 3.1 8.7 4.2 16.2 61.6 6.7 14.9 14.7 65.8 6.5 13.3 42.0 0.59 17.6 44.9 34.6 2.2 26.5 40.2 32. 2.0 30.1 11.3 4.5 57.1 24.4 17.5 4.3 49.8 25.2 20.6
mills M = Muslims IT = Indian Tamils
- Dates from Delimitation Commission Report
pan

Page 12
12 TAMILTIMES
THE BANDARNA
THE HOUSE OF
By Dr James T.
In its June issue, Tamil Times published the genealogy oft who descended from the South Indian Tamil family of Taml the same author, Dr James T. Rutnam, which appeared in a by post from Colombo with a note from a leading governme The note suggested that Tamil Times would be guilty of dis publicise the fact that the Bandaranaikes too had a Tamilh concerning discrimination against Tamils in Sri Lanka, we government politician, who incidentally, had pleaded mot ta
Anura Bandaranaike, the present leader of the Oppositio, the destinies of the Sinhala-Buddhists of Sri Lanka, ought ti today's context when he is making loud noises about saving
Our Prime Minister's direct male ancester, of whose connection some members of this family used to take pride in (see e.g. "Twentieth Century Impressions of Ceylon' edited by Arnold Wright, 1907, p. 525) was Nilaperumal, a Tamil from South India who arrived in Ceylon in the late fifteenth or early sixteenth century. He was described as a "High Priest' of a temple in Ceylon. He was the first Kapurala in his family of the Nawagomuwe Dewale, with the fortunes of which the Bandaranayakes were long associated. Kalukapuge was a name which the family used to affect in the past. It is the Sinhalese version of Nilaperumalage, the ge name of the Banadaranayakes.
Dom Francisco (Franciscus?) Dias Wijetunga Bandaranayake, Mudaliyar
of the Hewagam Korale, who was born .
about 1720, was a direct descendant of the male line of Nilaperumal. He was one of those who supplanted the 'original Mudaliyars', when the latter “fled to Kandy' in 1760 to join the Sinhalese in the struggle between the Dutch and the Kandyan kingdom. The reward for this defection was the office of Mudaliyar of the Four Pattus.
Francisco first married Dona Maria Perera. They had six sons and four daughters. Their fourth son was Coenrad Pieter Dias Bandaranayake (Snr), a Maha Mudaliyar, who was the grandfather of another Maha Mudaliyar of the same name (except for Pieter being spelled Peter), who served under the British. Francisco's fifth son was Daniel Bandaranayake, Mohandiram of Siyane Korale. He was the father of Dom Solomon Dias Bamdaranayake, Mudaliyar of Siyane Korale.
Don Solomon maI daughter of Susanna S.
on the 15th June 1781 all
the Dutch (formerl church in the Fort at present Gordon Gard tombstone now lies in Dutch Reformed Churc Coat of Arms of the S. engraved on this tom tinguishing mark of W arm holding a sabre'. the heraldic i arms O anayakes. Susanna daughter of Lieutenant Scharff, who served u East India Company. T Scharff family are give of the Dutch Burgher U page 6. J. C. Scharf Sangerhausen, Upper ingia, in Germany. Colombo on the 21st M by the name of Elizal
Susanne was baptised
the 8th December 1748, Colombo on 4th Nove Rev. Henricus Philips Sinhalese Christian M Dutch Reformed Chu
An account of this Min
Dr Bruyn's "History o Church in the Dutch Ea ten in Dutch. He died ( 1790. His tombstone I Wolvendhal Dutch Ref
but not by the side of h
Scharff's tombstone, by lly it was originally Church in the Fort of The Reverend H. Ph his education in Hollan and outstanding Christ was a son of a Maha M the Dutch, and a grand
 

AUGUST 1985
KES FROM
NILAPERUMAL
Rutnam
ne present President of Sri Lanka, J.R. Jayawardene, iMudaliyar. To our surprise, a copy of an article by he Tribune of 10 July 1957, reached the editor's desk nt politician requesting that we should publish it. crimination against J.R. Jayawardene if we did not eritage. As we had waged a relentless campaign thought it right to accede to the request of this disclose his name. n, and who hopes one day to lead, or rather mislead, o be reminded of his Tamil ancestry particularly in the Sinhala race from being betrayed to the Tamils.
"ried a grandcharff, who died hd was buried in y Portuguese)
the site of the ens, but whose the Wolvendhal h, Colombo. The charff family is bstone, the dishich is a "right
This is part of if the BandarScharff was a , Jan Christoffel nder the Dutch he names of the nin the Journal nion, Volume 8, f hailed from
Saxony, Thur
He married at.
arch 1731 a lady )eth de Saram. at Colombo on and married in mber 1759 the z (1733-1790) a inister of the *ch in Ceylon. ster appears in the Reformed st Indies', writn the 19th May OW lies in the ormed Church, s wife Susanna which evidenterected at the Colombo. lipsz, who had was a learned an scholar. He udaliyar under Son of a school
master of Cotta by the name of D. Philippe. Rev. Philipsz's brother Abraham Philipsz too was a Maha Mudaliyar under the Dutch. It was Abraham’s son Johannes Gottfried Philipsz, one of Chief Justice Sir Alexander Johnston’s proteges and inter
preters, who was appointed the first
Sinhalese Member of the Legislative Council of Ceylon 1834. He died on the
4th July 1830.
First Tamil member
It is interesting to note that Phi
lipsz's colleague, A. Coomarasamy, a
Tamil interpreter under the British who became the first Tamil member of the same Legislative Council, was a son of Arumugapillai, an immigrant from South India who came to Garudavil in the Jaffna Peninsula. A. Coomarasamy was the father of Sir Muttu Coomarasamy and Sellatchi, the mother of the Ponnambalam brothers, Coomarasamy Ramanathan and Arunachalam. I have with me a long and Somewhat obsequious letter written by Johannes Gottfried Philipsz to Sir Alexander Johnston whom he addresses as "My Lord and Protector'. I discovered this letter among the collection of the Johnston Papers which I obtained in England in 1954.
It has been said that Governor Maitland "feared' the Mudaliyars. But the word "fear' in this context, apparently has been used in a special sense and does not connote fear as we ordinarily understand it. For the evidence of contemporary records shows that there was no class of people in Ceylon so addicted to fawning, flattering and sycophantising in its relationship with

Page 13
AUGUST 1985
its masters as that of the Mudaliyars. It must of course be borne in mind that the times in which they lived were different to ours. There was no middle class. There were the exploiters and the exploited, the foreign masters and their native subjects, the rulers and the oppressed. Into this pattern of political and economic society entered the Mudaliyar, using all the craft and cunning, the art and artifice of the adventurer and social climber, with his stock-in-trade of jealousy-ridden hypocritical flattery and sneaky ways. Little wonder then that we find most of the Mudaliyars professing Christians' because no one was qualified to hold office unless he was a Christian. And little wonder too if the authorities saw through this hypocrisy, and "feared' the machinations of the enemy within their gates.
In this connection Hugh Cleghorn's “Minute” or “Memorandum om the Administration of Justice and Revenue in the Island of Ceylon under the Dutch Government' (1799) at a critical period of our history, at the very time when Dutch rule had ended and British rule began, is worthy of note. Cleghorn observed: "If the poverty and indolence of the natives of this country were to be traced to their true cause, these would be found to originate in the insecurity of their little property which is at the mercy of the Moodeliar. That few or no appeals have been made againsthis decisions is to me a stronger proof of the dread of his oppression, than of respect for his justice.' Governor North too has left for posterity his observations on the Mudaliyars in his letter to the Marquis Wellesley dated 27th October 1798, the originall of which is among the Wellesley Manuscripts in the Additional Manuscripts of the British Museum in London. Governor North states: "The Maha Moodliar is always resident near the person of the Governor. He never sits down in my presence, nor appears before me in shoes, but is in fact the Grand Vizier of Ceylon. Every order I give him is immediately executed, and whatever takes place on the island is communicated by him to me. The only percuniary rewards which he and the inferior Moodliars look to from the Government are small “accomodessans'. Their great object is to gain marks of distinction, such as sabres, gold chains, medals, etc., of which they are highly vain and by which the Dutch governors well knew how to secure their attachment.' (Journal of the Ceylon Bench of the Royal
Asiatic Society, (1953) p. 143n:20)
The above is ary description ( Although thes Mudaliyars wer bowed times wi their Governors, their own turn compunction or whatsoever a ci the inarticulate between whom placed themselv riers. Indeed the donned jackboot and trampled on
aSSS.
Relic Of barbar
The people we these recently drivers, using th and abject terms this barbarism ( in certain househ appearing, the deluded themsel they had sprun low-country Si which we now k born, nor Sinha misguided souls addressed as “ha Handsomely we paid for this ps nately, the nouv bers of the othe and castes (whic despised) too a into this comp laudatory ham astrous results Hence the slow “hamu” in the p
As in other Ceylonese mass rights. General dumb-driven ca dubashes made during the brief Indian Compan; from Madras, Mudaliyars sei: whip up a feel that after all better than the
There were, and Mudaliyar tradition of le their humble esteemed, ped consequential human values. fied by genuin

New Series, volume 3
faithful contemporthings as they were. medal-collecting without shoes and hout number before the Mudaliyars too in xacted without any numan consideration nging servility from masses of the people and the rulers they is as permanent bar7 would seem to have when they went out he rights of the dumb
IS
'e forced to approach xalted brown slavee most self-degrading of address. A relic of ould still be detected olds, happily fast dismembers of which ves into believing that g from a high-born, nhalese aristocracy now was neither high lese. Some of these still insist on being mu' by their servants. ll are these servants erformance. Unfortueaux riches and memr rival social groups h the earlier 'hamus' ppear to have enterd etitive trade of selfu-making, with disto all contestants. disappearance of the resent social set-up. feudal societies the es of the time had no y, they were led, like tle. When the Madras themselves obnoxious period when the East “ administered Ceylon the displaced local ed the opportunity to ng among the people he known devil was unknown. however, Mudaliyars The Philipszes had a rning inherited from nometheless much gogic origins, and a nderstanding of true They were also fortily religious Christian
TAMILTIMES13
convictions, unlike most of their fellows who were bogus Christians who sold their consciences for messes of pottage. With these qualities ingrained in their character, the Philipszes contributed not a little to raise the tone of the Small coterie of courtiers that danced attendance, albeit barefooted, round the gubernatorial throne. It is this tradition of public service, which was born apparently of the best in East and West and which distinguished the Philipszes, that has enriched the blood and lent lustre to the lineage of our Prime Minister.
The Rev. Henricus Philipsz and Susanna Scharff were the parents of some eight children, the eldest of whom was also a Christian Minister by the name of Rev. Gerardus Philipsz. There is a reference to him in Cordiner’s “Ceylon” volume 1, page 88. He married Johanna Adriana, thi eleventh child of Petrus Van Dort, so of Cornelius Van Dort and his wif Johanna Paulusz. Johanna Adrian Van Dort's brother, Leonhard Val Dort was the father of Johannes Van Dort, whose Son was the well-known artist J.L.K. Dort. Some of the sketches done by J.L.K. Van Dort were recently published by Lady Hildas Pieris, wife of Sir Paul Pieris. The sixth child of Susanna Scharff and the Rev. Henricus Philipsz, Johanna Elizabeth Philipsz, was born in 1772 and married on the 15th September 1799, Diederich Wilhelm Spittel, the father of Gerardus Adriam Spittel, whose son Frederick George Spittel was the father of our well-known surgeon and author Richard Lionel Spittel. Diederich Wilhelm Spittel's father John Lourens Spittel also came like the Scharffs from Germany, from Weimar in Saxony.
Holder of new office
Another daughter of Susanna Scharff, her third child, by the name of Cornelia Henrica (Henrietta?) married firstly at Colombo on the 27th July 1789, Adolph Martin Heyman, an Emsign in the Dutch Service, a native of
Leuwenstein. A silver Tobacco Box
belonging to this lady, with the name “Heyman' inscribed on it was in the possession of Sir Paul E. Pieris. This lady lost her husband sometime afterwards and married secondly Christoffel de Saram, Fourth Maha Mudaliyar, the holder of a new office then created by the British to exalt their
PLEASE TURN (OWER

Page 14
14 TAMILTIMES
FROM PREVIOUS PAGE
interpreter who worked in the office of the Commissioner of Revenue. A son of this union was Johannes Henricus de Saram who at the age of fourteen was taken by Governor Maitland to England in 1811 to study for the Christian ministry. He was described in a letter written by his companion Balthazar de Saram, a member of a different family of Saram, as one attuned by family upbringing to western ways and habits, "having been from his infancy reared up in his own family whose only deviation from the manners, language, and costume of the Dutch was his father's native dress.' I have seen his correspondence in the original at the Public Record Office in London. Cornelia Henrica (Henrietta) de Saram, nee Philipsz, who died on the 9th April 1824, is also commemorated by a tombstone at the Dutch Reformed Church at Wolvendhal.
Before he left England the young Christian Minister, the Rev. Johannes Henricus de Saram, married a European lady by the name of Frances Treherne. The marriage was solem
nised in London in the Church of the .
parish of St. Martin-in-the-Fields on the 9th June 1820. It was this young man's sister Cornelia, a grand-daughter of Susanna Scharff, who married Don Solomon Dias Bandaranayake, Mudaliyar of Siyane Korale.
A great servant
Don Solomon's branch of the family of Bandaranayake from now onwards appear to spell its name as Bandaranaike. Don Solomon lived to a ripe old age. It should be recorded here that he was a great servant of the British Urown. It was this Solomon Dias Bandaranaike who received a government grant of one hundred and eighty acres of land. He was also the recipient of a medal from Governor Brownrigg with the citation "as a reward for eminent service during the Kandian Rebellion A.D. 1818. A renowned patriot of perfidious Albion, forsooth. Don Solomon's
'-photograph appeared in Volume Two
of Tennent's 'Ceylon'. He died on 15th September 1859.
Don Solomon's daughter Susan Elizabeth, a direct descendent of Nilaperumal and Scharff was married to John Martinus Pieris. Of this union was born the well-known historian and author of several books on 'Sinhalese Families', Sir Paul E. Pieris. Sir Paul's grandfather Johan Louis Pieris
l
The Liberation Tigel (LTTE) has issued a the Sri Lankan gov guerrilla forces will take defensive action armed forces conti activities against its and the Tamil civili
The LTTE said in that om July 17, the commandos opened armed members, motorbike at Kottiya district. One of then other was injured. cadre was surround swallowed cyanide. mercilessly beat hin the poison could act.' to the jeep and dragg in a display of crude
Tamil girl kidnap incident the same d sonnel attached to t forcefully kidnappe Tamil girl from Ka
was the mace-bearei Court, when it was the Great Chief Justic Johnston. Johan Lou
i son of Wilhelmus Pie
the 24th August 1816. is's father was Louis nent in the Dutch R. Louis Peris had a brot Pauloe Pieris Sama Pieris’s father (Man Attidiya near Color member of the lasc foot-soldiers) under was the recipient of lands as a reward fol (Manuel?) had a brot of Dernigellege Joan whose grandson Abr also a proponent in formed Church (Se Thombo under villag Palepattu of the Salp fol. 177-178, and the Lë fol. 198; see also Aml Thombo File 7291 p. Reimers in his “Duta ters of Ceylon', Colo Don Solomon's Son, Henricus Dias Bandal born in 1826, succeed married a kinswomal na Phillipsz, daughter bertus Panditaratne a ter of Johannes Got whose family had by general use the cog

AUGUST 1985
T. T. E. WARWs
s of Tamil Eelam stern warning to ernment that its be compelled to if the Sri Lankan nue their hostile unarmed cadres an population. . a a press release Sri Lankan police
fire on its un- ,
travelling on a walai, Batticaloa escaped but the When the injured ed by police, he
Yet the police to death before The body was tied ed along the road barbarity, it said. ped: In another ay, military perhe Vahari camp d a 14-year-old thiraveli refugee
at the Supreme presided over by 2e, Sir Alexander is Pieris was the eris, who died on Wilhelmus PierPieris, a Propoeformed Church. her Dernigellege rasinghe. Louis lel?) hailed from mbo. He was a arins (Sinhalese the Dutch, and several paraveni his services. He
her by the name
John) Fernando, aham Pieris was the Dutch Ree Dutch Hoofd e Attidiya of the tty Korale, Vol.8 nd Thombo Vol.3 alangoda School a., quoted by E. h Parish Regismbo 1950).
Don Christoffel anaike, who was d his father. He , Anna Florentiof Phillipsz Gyshd grand-daugh(fried Phillipsz, then adopted for omen Panditar
camp. The girl was taken to an isolated tile factory owned by a Sinhalese and was gang-raped in a most brutal
ae.
In yet another incident, the Sri Lankan police commandos opened fire on a crowd at a temple festival at Thangalaisolai, Batticaloa. An old man was seriously inujured and the rest fled in terror.
Search and destroy operation: On July 16, the army made a search-anddestroy operation in the villages of Kiran and Arampathi in Batticaloa district. Innocent people were assaulted and terrorised by the army.
The press release said the "incidents of this nature happen almost daily in Tamil areas in flagrant violation of the truce agreement. Instead of promoting an atmosphere of peace and normality as a prelude for peaceful negotiations, the Sri Lankan government is deliberately creating conditions of tension, turmoil and insecurity in Tamil areas.
atne. To this couple was begotten an only son who later became famous in the service of successive British governors. He has recorded an account of his intimate associations with Kings, Princes, Dukes and Governors and men and women distinguished in various orders of Chivalry, in his autobiography "Remembered Yesterdays'. But unfortunately, his book does not make us any the wiser to his own family story. With remarkable extravagance of language he styled himself Sir Don Solomon Dias Bandaranaike, Knight Commander of the Most Distinguished Order of St Michael and St George.
To this Christian Knight of St George, a scion of the House of Nilaperumal and a cadet of the families of Phillipsz and Scharff, was born Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike, our Present Prime Minister, who has determined for himself a new course in Ceylon History, having divested himself of the habits and habiliments and religion of his own immediate forbears. Well may it be said that he has the blood of all the major communities of this island. Well may we hope for a new Sri Lanka which would breed a race of true Ceyloneseof which he would be our unchallenged leader. Well had the sage Rabindranath Tagore declared in his profound wisdom, "Unity lies in the current of blood and not in the torrent of words'.

Page 15
AUGUST 1985
The village of Tiriyai, a few miles north of the famous old Royal Navy base at Trincomlaee, is in hormal times a contented and pretty little place, best known for its market where local farmers come to trade cashew nuts and cattle. Eastern Sri Lanka is dry and sultry, and the farms there are mot especially prosperous, so none of the 2,000 villagers of Tiriyai has much money. But nobody starves. Everyone gets along. The village, in spite of its poverty, has an undeniable dignity, and serenity about it. -
Once in a while, tourists arrive, although the drive is long and bumpy and there are enough stray elephants around to make a lone driver rather nervous. They come because Tiriyai has a monument well worth seeing: a Buddhist vatadage, built a thousand years ago up on a rocky bluff, from where among the pillared ruins you can see the Indian Ocean sparkling on the near horizon.
Almost totally wrecked
But no tourists visit Tiriyai today,and nor will they for many years to come. And since the terrible morning of June 15 last, hardly anyone lives in Tiriyai either. The village has been almost totally wrecked. Nearly every house, shop, farm has been burned. Cattle have been butchered in the fields. Such carts and motor-cycles as the villagers once owned lie rusting on the sandy roadsides, smashed to pieces, useless. Just a few people - old women, bedridden men and young children - remain, some still
whimpering with the memory of what
happened on that fateful Wednesday morning.
Just before eight, when the farmers were already out in their fields and the women were attending to their domestic routines, two army helicopters appeared in the sky. They flew low over the village, and, without any warning, opened fire with machine guns. Villagers ran, in wild panic, into the low scrub that passes for jungle in these parts. But as they did so, a convoy of army trucks and buses appeared on the road from Kuchchaveli - a town that in normal times is a seaside resort well known to German and Dutch holidaymakers but for the past year has been deserted, except for a monstrous new army base. Infantrymen, fully equipped for bat
A VILLAGE THA
By Simo
tle, spilled fron were carrying j flaming torches, went from hou paraffin on to th them, moving ( free, and shot stormed into th out all the bool) couple of hundr made a bonfire C the half dozen. In tractors, and se trailers.
And all the
looked on from jungle, watching ment as their troyed. Many of and ran and ran and have not since. Fewer th until the marauc and then crept could salvage. T few sacks of pa inferno. A doze able, though bu had gone, and t was no food lefti
tituin iiuiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii
The Eelam Nati (ENLF), consist organisations, Lankan army of tions. Listing th sons belonging ary Organisatio constituent unit chased by the Adamban in Ma 8, and one of t government-ow which was unde burumulai in B taken over by th into an army c nearby villages in 13 army tru build sandbag f premises.
For the past Wee See { streets and lan nochchi, Vavun were keeping commandos tr Kiran, off Batti

DIED
| Winchester
the vehicles. Some errycans, others held Systematically, they e to house, pouring 2 grass roofs, lighting n. They set animals them down. They tiny library, pulled (S - no more than a ld at the most - and f them. They wrecked ternational Harvester , fire to their wooden
while, the villagers
the security of the
with stunned amazeommunity was desthem started running,
deep into the forests,
been accounted for an a hundred Waited lers had gone at dusk, back to see what they here was not much. A ddy had escaped the n houses were habitrned. But the school he post office. There n the two shops, which
TAMILTIMES 15
IWA DAY
had in any case been utterly wrecked. And, most terrible of all, the Hindu temple had been sacked, and the images of Vishnu and Shiva had been mutilated and broken.
Tiriyai, many years ago, may well have been a centre for those of the Buddhist faith. Certainly, it was when the vatadage was built, and in recent years monks, in their saffron robes, have been at work restoring the pillars and repairing the frescos. But that, to use an overworked phrase, heard all too often in Sri Lanka, was back in normal times. Today, Tiriyai is almost wholly peopled by Hindus- and specifically by the people of ancient Dravidian stock who are known by the name of the language they and their three million fellow Sri Lankans are wont to speak - the Tamils.
The soldiers who attacked the village on that blistering morning were members of the island's majority ethnic and linguistic group, the predominantly Buddhist Sinhalese. The attack, savage and tragic though it was, was a mere incident in a dispute of formidable antiquity, one that currently has the beautiful island of Sri Lanka caught in a vice-like grip. An extract from "The Sunday Times Magazine', August 18 1985)
onal Liberation Front ing of four militant has accused the Sri fresh ceasefire violaem, it said four perto Eelam Revolutionn (EROS, one of the s of the ENLF) were
army personnel at nnar District on June hem was arrested. A ned press building, ! construction at Kumatticaloa district, was e army and converted amp. The residents of were forcibly brought cks and were used to rtification around the
week, army personnel ving around in the s in villages near Killi
ya and Mullaitivu and
surveillance. Police velling in a jeep at aloa, chased two per
PgT g7 p.p
sons, riding a motorcycle, who however, escaped. The civilians who were watching the incident were attacked by the commandos, the ENLF alleged.
The Eelam People’s Revolutionary Front (EPRLF) has alleged that the Sri Lanka government is preparing for a major onslaught against the Tamils.
"Pakistan is sending four helicopter gunships to Sri Lanka. 60 Sri Lanka army personnel have also gone to Pakistan for guerrilla training', said S.Maniraj of EPRLF in a statement in Madras. "18 gunboats from China are expected to arrive in Sri Lanka any time now. Sri Lanka has also orderd a number of Bill 212-50mm |7.62 mm guns. Eighteen gunboats are expected from China. SAS personnel are to train 10,000 men at Katukurunda police training school. According to the EPRLF, plans are also afoot to forcibly settle 18,000 Tamils in the Southern province. About 20,000 repeater shotguns are being purchased to arm the Sinhalese civilians in the border
regions.

Page 16
16 TAMILTIMES
GRUESOME AND H
These pictures provide a pictorial illustration of the gruesome and horrific crimes perpetrated against our people by the Sri Lankan armed forces, the terror instrument of the racist state. The crime is obviously a blatant form of genocide. Genocide as generally defined has two aspects. One aspect refers to the gradual and systematic destruction and dismemberment of the basic foundations of a nation of people, their language, their culture, their history, their economic existence and their geographical entity. The other refers to the actual physical extermination of a national community. The Tamil nation of the island has been subjected to this dual form of genocide since the independence of Sri Lanka in 1948.
A calculated multi-pronged genocidal oppression was unleashed against our people by successive Sinhala chauvinistic regimes to up-root and undermine the national identity of our people. This genocidal thrust attacked simultaneously on the structural foundations of the Tamil nation, on the language, culture, economic life and geography the cumulative effects of which threatened the very survival of our people.
Overshadowing the cultural and economic destabilisation of the Tamil nation were the vicious and violent forms of genocidal practices aimed at the physical extermination of our people. State-organised riots, which erupted periodically and assumed as a constant phenomenon during the present regime, have the deliberate intent in the physical liquidation of the Tamil people. Thousands of our people have perished in these mad orgies of violence. The July holocaust of 1983 peaked this pattern of genocidal mass killings. Since this unprecedented upheaval of violence, the genocide of Tamils assumed a new dimension of which the armed forces and the commando police are directly and openly involved in mass murders. The killings became a well-calculated military strategy of collective punishment, or rather, collective mass reprisals, a notorious strategy inducted by the Israeli intelligence, the Mossad, aimed to contain the armed resistance campaign of Tamil guerrillas. Unable to contain the escalating guerrilla war, Superbly organised and executed by the Tamil Tigers, the demoralised
army turned their vengeance on the
innocent civilians l paign of terrorisatic of our people and fo. the freedom fighters adopted savage me termination unhear ary times.
People are burn alive, blasted alive. down in cold blood in in their homes, on th roads, on the sea, any forces choose to slau cent young men are r to dig their own gr alive at gunpoint. Si mown down in their lagers are rounded u ings and blasted Young women are bı murdered. The man Tamils are physicall So cruel, callous and shocked and enraged the world. We docu recent massacres t Kurikadduvan, Va Ariyalai.
Massacres on the f
On the 15th May 198: navy personnel attac rying Tamil passeng Kurikadduvan and 1 46 people. It was a sa massacre. The navy swords, knives and hacked to death all including old women
Valvettiturai massa
On the 9th May 1985S forces went on a ram arson, looting, rape a in the coastal village in Northern Sri Lank civilians including women were rounded locked into the villag men then planted
around the building people dead. About rounded up in the s gunned down in col bloodthirsty rampag people were murder
Ariyalai massacre
On 29th April 1985 t nel attached to Nav tered the village of three kilometres from rampaged the whole

AUGUST 1985
ORRIFIC CRIMES
nleashing a camn to break the will ce them to betray .The armed forces Ehods of mass exof in contempor
bd alive, buried 'eople are gunned the marketplace, eir farms, on the where the armed ghter them. Innoounded up, forced aves and buried hoolchildren are class-rooms. Vilp, locked in buildwith explosives. utally raped and ner in which the y exterminated is brutal that it has the conscience of ment here three hat occurred at lvettiturai and
erry − , the Sri Lankan ked a ferry carers from Delft to massacred about vage and ruthless men used axes, t crowbars and the passengers and children.
Cre
ri Lankan armed page committing nd mass murder of Valvettiturai 1. About 50 Tamil children and up and forcefully e library. Army high explosives and blasted the x 25 people were mad frenzy of military terror about 60 treets and were people including women and children d blood. In this were senselessly slaughtered. Hune more than 90 dreds of houses were set ablaze. d. The photographs published on this page provide authentic testimony of the heinous and horrid crimes commitle army person- ted by the agents of the Sri Lankan itkuli camp en- state. Sri Lanka now stands indicted Ariyalai about for the crime of blatant genocide, for Jaffna City and the crime against humanity. village. In this (By kind courtesy of LTTE)

Page 17
AUGUST 1985
FROM PAGE 1
offer of a “Provincial Council with a high degree of autonomy' for the northern province of Sri Lankan with elections on a district-wise basis, said Minister of National Security, Mr Lalith Athulathmudali, at a press conference held in Geneva on 23.8.85.
He also said that a judicial inquiry by a High Court judge into the Vavuniya massacre of over 200 Tamils had already begun, when in fact what happened was an inquest held by Magistrate Vilvarajah into the death of 21 persons after which he returned a verdict of guilty. (A full analysis of his press interview will appear in our next issue).
SINHALA-BUDDHIST CHAUVINISM
FROM PAGE 3
tory, while soldiers and civilians looted the rice mill where he worked.
“On Saturday afternoon I attended a
funeral service for two Tamil victims - a mother and her teenage daughter, their faces scarred after being dragged along the ground. Even as the service was going on, two more dead Tamils were delivered on the back of a lorry with gunshot wounds bound up with rags. They had been shot that morning in an outlying village by troops who had landed in a helicopter as they carried out a search for guerrillas. አ
"All normal life in Vavuniya has come to a standstill. When I arrived there was virtually nobody on the streets. All the shops in the bazaar were shutterd. There were hundreds of Tamils at the railway station, loaded with possessions and jostling each other in a mad scramble to get out of town. It was the same scene when I left on Sunday morning. I travelled part of the way to Colombo with the local government agent, Mr K.C. Logeswaran. He estimated that not fewer than 200 people must have died in the army violence. Other Tamil sources put the total number of dead much higher.
Plainly confused
"The full facts will not be known until all those affected have filed Sworn legal statements claiming compensation for relatives killed and property destroyed. Mr Logeswaran was plainly confused by the sheer scale of the mayhem unleashed around him. As a civil servant with no powers to inter
DRUN
All members of 'drunk with pow from contesting This is not an ar. lics Anonymous, Jayawardene. Hi ment on 20th Jul Executive Com Youth League,
Several Minister were expected to
Soaked with p
President Jay in becoming fur Ministers insult the meeting, whi signed letters of MPs, including pocket Jayawa Soaked with po control himself. ver; or drinks f several Minister themselves at th deeper implicat
vene with the se been forced to v his home as po houses near the Friday, forcing : to flee for safet "Only two do medical attenda like these seri government's cr maintaining ev. civil order.'
 
 

KEN J.R.
parliament who are "er” will be debarred at the next election. angement by Alcoho
but by power-drunk e made this announcey at a meeting of the mittee of the UNP when he found that 's of his Cabinet who attend were missing.
OWer
awardene is justified ious. How dare these him by not attending le he has the undated, resignation of all the the Ministers, in his rdene is so drunk and wer, he is unable to But nobody runs foreorever. The fact that s had chosen to absent e same time may have ions.
curity forces, he had watch helplessly from lice burned some 20 Vavuniya hospital on all of the hospital staff
ctors and two parants remained. Events usly undermine the edibility as a force for en the rudiments of
TAMILTIMES17
FROM PAGE 5 under the Division of Powers in the Indian Constitution, the Union Govern
ment has the greater share of rèvenue
raising powers and the States are therefore dependent on the Centre for financial assistance; the Indian Constitution therefore provides for a Finance Commission to be appointed by the President of India; the Commission is an independent agency; it recommends to the President how the quantum of revenue collected by the Union Government should be divided between the Centre and the States as well as the principles on which financial grants must be made to the States; the Commission may deal with any other matter on finances referred to it by the President of India.
11. The amending procedure in the Indian Constitution permits the major sections of it to be amended by (a) a majority of the total membership of each house of the Indian Parliament and (b) by a two-thirds majority of those present and voting; in Sri Lanka we have the problem of an aggressive and politicised Sinhala Buddhist majority; the way out will be to require that constitutional provisions safeguarding the rights of the Tamilspeaking people be enacted by (a) a two-thirds majority of each house of a Sri Lanka Parliament and (b) by a two-thirds majority of the total Tamilspeaking (this will include the Tamil
speaking · Muslim community) mem
bership of each house of the Sri Lanka Parliament (on the assumption that there will be stablished a second chamber of nationalities in an amended Sri Lanka constitution).
FROM PAGE 8 ` ܢ deserves a place on the global map of moral repudiation, with apartheid. For this to happen the "still small voices' of enlightened opinion in Sri Lanka, such as the Committee for Rational Development, and particularly in Buddhist circles itself, deserve to be heard more loudly.
NOTES: 1. Newton Gunasinghe, "Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka: Perceptions and Solutions,' Frontline
March 23-April 5, 1985. 2. From Sihaluni, Budu Sasama Bera Ganiu”!
('Sinhalese, Safeguard the Buddhist Order'!"),
Seruwila Sacred City Development Committee, 1981. 3. Kumari Jayawardena, The Rise of the Labour Movement in Ceylon, Durham, NC, Duke University Press, 1972, 358. 4. The Island, Sri Lankan English daily newspaper, 24.12.1984. 5. Quoted in Kumari Jayawardena, "Century of Ethnic Conflict - 1883-1983 (2), serialised in Lanka Guardian, Vol 6, 1984 and Tamil Times. 6. Same source as note 5, 'Century of ethnic
Conflict - 1883-1983'' (4).

Page 18
18 TAMILTIMES
WEST LONDONTAMIL
A well-attended annual prizegiving of the West London Tamil School was held on Saturday July 13. The guest of honour was Professor Leo Kuper, Professor Emeritus of the University of California, a distinguished figure in the field of human rights. Other distinguished guests included Mr Harry Greenaway, MP for Ealing; and Mr Michael Elliot, European MP for West London.
In his speech, the headmaster, Dr. R. Niththyananthan reiterated the original aims of the founder and expressed his pleasure that Mr Thamotheram could see, in the night's events, in the success of the school and the achievements of its pupils, the fulfilment of his inspiration.
Dr Niththyananthan expressed the sorrow of the community in the plight of their suffering compatriots in Sri Lanka who had been forced to flee in their thousands from land which had been theirs for centuries. He paid tribute to the superhuman courage they had shown in everything they had had to endure.
Leo Kuper, in congratulating the school and its students on their achievements, stressed the importance of maintaining knowledge of Tamil culture and language as an enrichment both for English society and the Tamil community. He suggested that English tolerance derived appreciably from the intermingling of many cultures. He would have wished that the prize-giving could have been an occasion for pure joy and celebration, but it was overshadowed by the oppression and massacres of Tamils in Sri Lanka. Human rights were indivisible. Gross violations of human rights against one group encourage
κ ν A
γ.
Ν
gross violations again the society. Human fri not only in the count nises over its subjects, at large. It was nec oppression wherever it ly, a solution might sc the crisis in Sri Lal which would enable th in peace, and freedor Mr Harry Greenaw ing, said that the Wes School and the Tamil c deeply enriched the l community. He also sa constant touch with th ary, Sir Geoffrey How just treatment of the Lanka.
Mr Michael Elliot, E West London, said tha Parliament was pressi to do more to encoura mother tongue teachi European Parliament passed a resolution ur; and other government
 
 
 
 
 

ܓ ܠܢ ܠ
st all groups in 2edom contracts ry which tyranbut in the world essary to resist Earose. Hopefulbon be found for nka, a solution e Tamils to live n and justice. ay, MP for Ealt London Tamil ommunity itself ife of the local id that he was in e Home Secretve, over the unTamils in Sri
uropean MP for it the European ng governments ge and Support ng. He said the ; had recently ging the British s to deal more
CHOOL PRIZEDAY
AUGUST 1985
鄒 錢
sympathetically with Tamil refugees and asking the Sri Lankan government to be less harsh in its treatment of the Tamils on the island.
The ceremony opened with the traditional lighting of the lamp ceremony performed by Dr Hilda Kuper, wife ofthe guest of honour. After the singing of the school song, the prizes were presented by Professor Kuper.
After the speeches, the pupils entertained the large and appreciative audience to a concert of traditional songs and dances of the Tamil homelands in Sri Lanka.
JULY COMMEMORATED
A demonstration and rally organised by the Eelam Students Campaign to commemorate black July 1983 when thousands of Tamils were killed, their properties burnt and over 200,000 rendered homeless in Sri Lanka, were held on July 27, 1985. A procession of over 1,000 men, women and children started at Hyde Park Corner near Marble Arch, and proceeded to Waterloo, County Hall. Most of them carried placards and banners bearing slogans such as "Trinco is our port, not an American base' and claiming that security forces are killing Tamils in Sri Lanka. The major casualties of the slogans fired by the demonstrators were President Jayawardene, Minister of National Security Lalith Athulath mudali, Ceylon Tea and Sri Lanka itself. Several non-Sri Lankans from local socialist groups also took part in the procession.
The rally was addressed by some Labour MPs, delegates of the solidarity organisations and Wasudeva Nanyakkara, the NSSP leader who was in London at that time.

Page 19
AUGUST 1985
WiMAL & CO.
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CAR FESTIVAL
The Annual Car Festival of the London Sri Murugan Temple took place on Sunday 11th August 1985 commencing at 10a.m. The diety of Lord Sri Murugan along with those of Sri Valli and Sri Deivayanai placed in the temple chariot was drawn along the roads around the temple in East London and brought back to the temple at 1p.m. A record crowd of devotees and wellwishers participated in the function.
NAWYKILLS THIREEATBUS
The navy fired at people waiting for a bus at Karainagar and killed three persons on the 22nd July. This was not the "usual rampage' after an attack by the militants. The act of the navy was unprovoked and those dead were civillians. Sulvamamiam Sothinathan (26), A. Thambiah (16) and S. Tharmalingam (45) were killed on the spot and two others were injured.
An inquest was held by the Jaffna Magistrate, Mr S. Nagarajah, at the Jaffna Hospital. K. Lambotharanathan who was injured, testified that navy
personnel who armoured vehicl and others waiti Alady bus halt naval personnel, from the vehicle firing without a: All at the bus sta their bellies, bu tumate.
The Jaffna Ma the bodies of th over to their rela tem.
 

TAMILTMES 19
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T
لس FROM PAGE 11
for groups of ethnically mixed populations. It is a device for the continued hegemony of Sinhala Buddhist rule over the island.
It is, in this sense, not merely an attempt at a solution of the ethnic problem but really designed to dissolve the base upon which the Tamil identity rests. The Movement for Inter Racial Justice and Equality (MIRJE) has issued a statement denouncing this proposal:
“We now wish to express our total opposition to the propoasls for the state-sponsored and state-aided settlement of Sinhala people in the predominantly Tamil areas. We believe that this will only exacerbate the tensions between the two peoples and increase the propensity for violent clashes. It will postpone the date when the two peoples can live together in a harmonious relationship. We call upon the government to drop this proposal and to proceed forthwith to work out with the representatives of the Tamil people a political solution that recognises their territorial, linguistic and cultural identity.'

Page 20
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AUGUST 1985
WEST LONDONTAMILSCHOOL (based in Stanhope Middle School, Greenford)
The Autumn Term of the West London Tamil School commences on 14th September '85. Classes will be held on Saturdays, 9a.m. to 1 p.m.
1. Tamil Language:Ten Classes-including a Nursery Class
(being inaugurated this term). It is hoped tht more parents would find this a useful way of introducing their children to the Tamil language. 2. Instrumental Music: a) Violin-beginners
b) Mridangam - beginners c) Veena-beginners 3. Vocal Music 4. Bharatha Natyam: a) Beginners
b) Intermediate c) Senior 5. English Language-instruction being provided in English as a
'second language' 6. Computer Science-introductory Classes
Saraswathy Pooja : 19th October 1985 Christmas Party : 14th December 1985
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Page 21
AUGUST 1985
LONDON SCHOOL
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TAMILTMES21
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Page 22
22 TAMILTIMES
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St John's Colleg
death of its princ A sea of mourners f of Mr C.E.Anandari St John's College fr day 30.6.85. At 2p.m. commemorative m over by Rev J.Sarv St John's Church, speakers on the occa Francis Joseph, rect College, Jaffna, Dr Vice-Chancellor of versity, Mr S. Kana dent of the Welfare John's College, Mr Vice-Principal, St Jo na and Mr M.V. Tiss, dent of the St John'
The remains were St John's Church b 1.7.85 at 11a.m. (By courtesy of "Th Jafna)
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AUGUST 1985
OBITUARY
The death occurred under tragic circumstances of
Mather in Kalmu
early July. He was the youngest son of the late Mr & Mrs Wycliffe
Mather of Manipay. Up to the time of writing, his body has not been returned to the next of kin by the army, who presumably killed him. A memorial service was conducted by Rev.R. Clutterbuck at the Wealdstone Methodist Church, Harrow, Middx, on Saturday 17th August 1985.
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AUGUST 1985
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W T H C O M P L M E
Ranjit Masilamany, LL.B., M.B.I.M.
Shirani V. Thevarajah, LL.B. (Assistant Solicitor)
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