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Tanni
T
Woute W NO. 2 ISSN C
MGR LEA\
SWORN YN AS CHWEF MWYNNWYSTER
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265-4488 JANUARY 1988
இA" A M. G.RAMACHWDRAN — CT/af Minister Of Tamil Nadu for a decade

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2 TAMIL TIMES
A VOD
M. GRAMACH: screen turned
was the most p He was the si
trollably, and s of their much c a halt. Not a S. and its people The Preside central govern the Indian Ur parties descent gun carriage f Government d stature MGR
Perhaps MG have played all had overflowed in any move t the conflict la. government's
MGR'S cont community ne munity owes ungrudging s thousands of T the July 1983 support for the he became th third rate Sri lengths in asS) At the time th and the LTT treatment. He immediately u he journeyed Rajiv Gandhi events as far a his committm
Most of all regarded him Chief Ministe man and the people benefi programmes, the provision
Tamil Nadu Lankan Tami departure is .
. South India.
NN anguish acros, ``````` offij poure
 
 

JANUARY 1988
THAT CANNOT BE FILLED
ANDRAN, the matinee idol of the Tamil Silver politician, became a legend in his own lifetime. He opular Chief Minister,Tamil Nadu has had hitherto. ngle most dominant public figure in the whole of
GR was ailing for years, his sudden departure from wing a heart attack sent waves of shock, sorrow and s the entire length and breadth of Tamil Nadu. d out into the streets weeping and wailing unconsome even committed suicide unable to bear the loss herished and loved leader. All transport grounded to ingle shop remained open. In short, the entire State
were paralysed.
nt and Prime Minister of India with many senior ment Ministers, Chief Ministers of other States of lion and several leaders of the opposition national ded on Madras to pay their last respects to MGR. The or the hearse was airlifted from Delhi. The Central eclared a day of national mourning. Such was the had assumed at national level.
*R was the only Chief Minister of an Indian State to n international role. The ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka d into Tamil Nadu and MGR became a crucial factor owards the resolution of the conflict. His attitude to rgely contributed in influencing the Indian central approach to Sir Lanka and its ethnic problem.
ribution to the cause of the Sri Lankan Tamil eds no emphasis or exaggeration. The Tamil com
a gigantic debt to him for the timely assistance, upport and safe sanctuary given to the tens of amil refugees who flooded into Tamil Nadu following anti-Tamil Violence in Sri Lanka. As his sustained 2 struggling Tamils of the island became well known, e convenient target for malicious attacks by every Lankan politician. MGR was determined to go to any sting the Tamils of Sri Lanka to regain their rights. he fighting between the Indian Peace Keeping Force E broke out, MGR was in the USA for medical 2 returned only a few days before his death. But pon his return to Madras, against all medical advice, to Delhi to discuss the problem with Prime Minister
and express his concern about the tragic turn of is the Tamils of Sri Lanka were concerned. Such was ent to the Tamil cause.
MGR was a man of the people. And the people as the symbol of their power. His tenure of office as was marked by an abiding concern for the average upliftment of downtrodden. Millions of unprivileged ted by his several welfare schemes and social the most noteworthy among them was the Scheme for Of free mid-day meals for millions of school children. and its people have lost a truly great leader. The Sri ls have lost a truly loyal friend. The void left by his impossible to fill.

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JANUARY 1988
25KILLED INP
U.N.P. CHARMAN GUNNED DOWN
THE chairman of the ruling United National Party, Mr.Harsha Abeywardene and three others were killed on 23 December when unidentified gunmen sprayed bullets into the car in which they were travelling at Hampden Lane, Wellawatte in Sri Lanka’s capital, Colombo.
Mr.Abeywardene was being driven to work with a bodyguard and colleague, when his car slowed down at the road junction and a man waiting at the roadside pulled out a T-56 automatic rifle and fired about twenty rounds at the car, while another man threw a grenade. All four people in the car died instantly.
Besides the UNP chief, the victims were his driver B.Sunil Ranjith, his bodyguard, a Police Sergeant A.M.Gunasena, and another person S.Liyanapathirana.
The assasins escaped on a bicycle. The police who arrived at the scene soon after the killing found a motor cycle abandoned nearby with its engine running. It is presumed that this motor cycle was to be the getaway vehicle of assailants, but in panic they had abandoned it and fled.
The suspicion for the attack has predictably fallen on the Deshapremi
Janatha Viyap Movement - I to be the mili cribed Janath (Peoples Libera organisation ha al murders of n ruling party si Agreement w Jayawardene a Gandhi in Jul
Only a few Jayawardene h speech, attack with a homicic eliminate ther assasination C UNP, a person close to the Pr. a direct and President's at
According to der of Mr. Abe and the Chief sive Division dent Terence carried out by same weapo weapon, norm the Sri Lank, that it is one stolen by the raids on arm
 

AMIL TIMES 3
DLICE RAMPAGE
AT least 25 people were indiscriminately killed on 24 December in the crowded Batticaloa bazaar in eastern Sri Lanka when the police rampaged through the bazaar shooting every one in sight. The rampage occurred allegedly in retaliation to the ambush by militants belonging to the LTTE in which two policemen in civilian dress were killed.
At the time of the police rampage, the baza ar was crow ded with thousands of shoppers. Dozens of policemen from the nearby police station poured into the bazaar shooting and setting alight shops. Cyclists were asked to alight and shot at point blank range. People who scurried for cover from the blazing guns were shot on the run, their bodies slumping to the road. Some people were shot more than a quarter of a mile from the market area.
The Roman Catholic Bishop's house near the market was damaged in the firing. A church official said that people were dragged out of shops and shot by police.
According to hospital sources, 19 bodies were brought to the Batticaloa Hospital of which three were those of children under 14. Eighteen more injured persons were also admitted to the hospital of whom 9 were in a critical condition.
araya (Patriotic Peoples )JV), which is supposed tary wing of the prosa Vimukthi Peramuna tion Front-JVP). This is been accused of severembers belonging to the hce the Indo-Sri Lankan is signed by President nd Prime Minister Rajiv y last year. days earlier, President ad, in a much publicised 2d the JVP as "animals al mania and vowed to h in a few weeks. The f the Chairman of the who is regarded as very sident, is widely seen as swift response to the ack on the JVP.
police sources, the murawardene in December of the Counter Subverand Police Superintenerera in November were the same man with the h, a T-56 automatic ally issued to be used by n army. It is also said of the weapons allegedly VP in one of their many
camps.
Action taken against 6 IPKF Offenders
COLOMBO 16 DECEMBER - Major H.V.Singh of the IPKF in Northern Jaffna has told the acting magistrate in Jaffna, that action had been taken against all the 6 offenders who were identified by the victims of bodily assault and rape
On November 15 at about 5p.m. 6 unmarried girls and a married women were subjected to rape, it was complained. An investigation into the complaint was conducted the following day by IPKF officers including Major Singh at the acting magistrate's residence in Kondavil. 6 persons were indentified by the victims the acting magistrate, Mr.T.Shanmugarajah said.
Major Singh later told the magistrate that all those 6 identified as offenders were to be deported to India within 24 hours minus their pension rights and their uniforms. They have forfeited their right to join the Indian Army again.
The acting magistrate said that the announcement was well received by the public at large. The victims of bodily assault and rape are Mrs. Sushila Veerasingam, Miss Manjulu Nadarajah, Miss Mala Asaipillai, Miss Rani Subramaniam, Miss Rajani Subramaniam, Miss Thayalini Sundaram and Miss Syamala Rajaratnam.

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4 TAMIL TIMES
FURTHER TOWARDS
LASTING PEACE
IN SRI LANKA
By Professor Kopan Mahadeva
THIS article follows on the author's proposals of March 1987 for an International Mediation Council (Ref: Asian Times & Hindu). It explores certain urgent measures needed to be taken to promote the success of the welcome and well-intentioned but presently stalling Sri Lanka Agreement of July 1987 for Peace and Normalcy.
Understanding of Real Motives
It is firstly vital that each other's genuine motives and efforts be reasonably understood, in a co-operative spirit, by the main parties involved, for the peace process to succeed at all - not only to succeed soon - as hoped and prayed for by the people of Sri Lanka and well-wishers all over the world:
1) That India's principal motive in taking pains over Sri Lanka at enormous financial and other losses and risks is not to encompass and rule over her little neighbour but to ensure peace in the region and there-by minimise the influence of outside powers; 2) That president Jayawardene’s intention evidently at this stage is to legitimise maximum autonomy to the Tamils - without jeopardising the rights of his Sinhalese people; 3) That the consistent aim of the Tamil fighters has been to win equal rights for self-rule in the Tamil homelands of the Norther & Eastern Provinces constituted into a single parcel called Tamil Eelam, without endangering any of the rights of the Sinhalese to rule and further develop themselves, nor to hurt, disgrace or embarass India - their one-time hosts.
The Peace Agreement's Weak
8SSES
The Indo-Sir Lanka Agreement of July 29 was hailed in principle as a great achievement of the parties concerned and as a rare phenomenon in recent world history by all lovers of peace and Sri Lanka. But those who were then pleasantly shocked by its suddenly announced arrival, are now perplexed by its prospects of failure. Anyone perusing the Agreement im
partially would soon discover a few
vital weak links in the provisions, five of which are quoted:
1) The Agreement has been signed by the Governments of Sri Lanka and India, but the Tamils, whose rights form the crux of the present conflict and also the reason for the signing of
the Agreement have
i sulted thoroughly, no
signatories.
2) The acceptance
` official language of tl
seen to be genuine fro the Agreement: "The of Sri Lanka shall b and English will als guages” (Clause 2.18
3) Once the North Provinces are, quiter in Clause 1.4 as 'ar habitation of Sri Lan) ing peoples who ha hitherto lived togethe with other ethnic gro decision has been m reasons, to allow the ern and Eastern Prov administration unit W one Chief Minister, a Ministers, there is no limited the above for a year in the first ins referendum (Clause 2 all sifting of these cla doubts in the minds of their wisdom. No or that while providing of the Tamils, the we lim and Sinhalese r above two provinces considered. The Tami fered during the past: independence as m whole country never this aspect. The fact Sinhalese have happ with the Tamils in th for generations and p fully in local govern recent racial hatreds insurance to rest as left to themselves th further co-exist in a administration - as Tamil minority in the without any special lims, also speaking T had significant proble du and Christian T. linking of the North Provinces could and made permanent, o without complicating
proposed referendum
4) The Agreement the exchanged Let events raises doubt t was for India to help the Tamils under Go back in their own s which India would ventureship on the tank farm project a that no foreign cou

JANUARY 1988
i not been con)r brought in as
of Tamil as an he country is not m the wording of offical Language e Sinhala. Tamil ) be official lan
l, ern and Eastern ightly, recognised reas of historical kan Tamil speakve at all times r in this territory ups', and once the ade, with sound adjoining Northinces to form one ith one Governor, und one Board of real need to have period of about a tance, pending a .1 to 2.7). A criticuses raises many the readers as to he would dispute for the due rights lfare of the Musminorities in the has also to be ls, who have suffour decades after inorities in the failed to recognise that Muslims and ily lived together e above provinces articipated peacement (before the grew) is enough sured that when e three races will Tamil dominated expected from the rest of Sri Lanka provisions. Mus'amil, have never ms with the Hinamils. Hence the Lern and Eastern should have been nce and for all, ; matters with a
when viewed with ters and recent to some if its aim Sri Lanka to bring vernment control, oil, in return for benefit by joint Trincomalee oil nd an assurance untries would be
permitted to use Trincomalee or any other ports or any broadcasting facilities in Sri Lanka for military purposes, as well as by a joint consultative mechanism for matters like unity, territorial integrity and security of both. A revised Agreement and strategy would rectify this.
5) The provisions for the return of Tamil political prisoners and combatants back into national life are inadequate and ill-defined
The Need for a Review
There is an urgent need for the Governments of India and Sri Lanka to review the current situation, hold discussions with the Tamil leaders and make necessary changes in the Agreement and in the strategy of the peace process. The first and foremost goal for all the parties concerned is to take steps to prevent another single killing on Sri Lankan soil on any side. Neither the people of Sri Linka and India nor the parties themselves could cope with any more deaths in such an unnecessary manner, since it is indeed possible to achieve everyone's objectives - which don't really contradict, if seen objectively. Talks have to be conducted in an atmosphere of equality and sincerity, with full appreciation of the real motives of one another and with mutual trust - always keeping the peoples welfare at heart, in mind, and at the finger-tips.
Some Basic Human Considerations
Violence provokes counter-violence, surreptitious actions promote similar actions in the opposing camps, and acts of injustice always breed conflict and varieties of resistance. Violence, cruelty, cheating, injustice and similar practices are decried by all the world's religions including those of India and Sri Lanka. The parties to the peace process in Sri Lanka must remember this well.
Also, organised large groups and governments in power generally assume an air of superiority over minority groups, and their perspective of what is just and fair is usually obscured by their misleading senses of numerical strength, superiority and indestructibility. This seems to have happened in Sri Lanka too.
No race, nation or country likes to be ruled or dominated by another. And every individual, irrespective of his race, position or social group values his own language, religion, cultural heritage and freedom. Though most people may tolerate infringements in the above matters to differing limits, some particularly under severe and sustained deprivation and injustice, become hardened and prepared to defend such rights with their lives, although all persons are born equal, possessing

Page 5
UANUARY 1988
more or less similar levels of intelligence, desires, aspirations, self-esteem, bravery & so on. The above facts indeed apply to all humans including Sri Lankans.
The most civilised way in the long run, and the one which always causes least amount of strife and suffering all round, while ensuring dignity, selfrespect, lasting satisfaction, and peace for all concerned, is to resolve grievances and conflicts through nonviolent, frank and open-mined negotiations - and satyagraphic methods where necessary. Such methods promote international sympathy for the victims & minimise losses, whereas killings only create hatred, disrepute and indifference. Gandhi taught us this.
In today's world of fast and efficient communications, millions of intelligent, fair minded people all over the globe watch the actions of leaders of even small countries and groups almost every minute and make their own judgements on every action of the leaders irrespective of what their media and propaganda machines portray. Also, the leaders' people too can lose faith in them.
Sri Lanka is a literate country with potentials, made poorer now by the racial conflict. Thousands of lives and homes have been lost, industries, morale & infrastructure destroyed, disorder and confusion created, and the people disorganised and despondent.
It is hence vital that the peace process, on which some progress has been made, should be continued with adequate changes to incorporate considerations such as the ones described above and those given below, and a lasting peace built as soon as possible.
RECOMMENDED IMMEDIATE STEPS
O The joining of the Northern and Eastern Provinces as one administrative unit to continue permanently under the official name of Tamil Eelam - as a simple, sound and sure step towards real peace.
O The official languages of the entire country to be restated & confirmed as Sinhala, Tamil and English, with Sinhala to take precendence over Tamil in all other Provinces; Tamil to be given precendence in Tamil Eelam and all three languages to be taught in all the schools (with incentives for proficiency in two or three languages), and made usable in administration in all Provinces.
O No discrimination to be shown in job recuitments, promotions, higher education, etc, throughout the country on grounds of race, religion, caste, sex or any other similar criteria in any sector, but proficiency in languages may be a part of job specifications.
O Proportionate on-the-spot monetary rewards to be offered for arms and ammunitions surrendered to the IPKF at designated points in the country within specified dates and immediate amnesty to be granted to all
political combatar country, while rele ing political prisor
O Dates to be for democratic elec vincial Councils, Parliament, and fo cy; All political pa. banned to be broug tic process, withol
O The Ministe Tamil Eelam Prov first term to be negotiated under Chief Minister to Ministers.
O The Home G Sinhalese and T batants to be offer tunities in the coul police and prison land army, etc, wit out any prejudice
O The IPKF structing/repairin buildings, houses, facilities, industri structure; Indian ( in obtaining co-o and funding of a volved, from the munity, to create
PKF fO Of miSSi
GEN. K. SUNDA the Army, said tha accord was in the nations and that Keeping Force (IE its operations till plemented fully.
Talking to pres darji said the peac Sri Lanka was Army in the inte make sure that wh tion in Sri Lanka mately due to it t united. Gen. Sund take salute at the the army.
The General ob mate solution to could be brought political means. F one should create in that country in concerned coopera respecting countr one of the parties terrorism and bla ring to the activit Tigers of Tamil I
Gen. Sundarji s was given to the arms but instead started attacking the innocent Tami disarm them with but were disappoi to persuade them peaceful way, he the hope that th

TAMIL TIMES 5
hts throughout the asing all the remainhers simultaneously. fixed and publicised ctions to all the Profor the Sri Lankan r the next Presidenrties which are now ht into the democraut exception. rial positions in the incial Council for its as per the already 'standing; its first be elected by the
ruards, as well as the amil political comed enrolment opporntry's armed sevices, forces, fire birgade, h due training, withs or discrimination.
to assist in recong damaged public roads and transport es and other infr3overnment to assist peration, acceptance ill the activities ininternational comor strengthen the
executive instruments for the successful completion of the peace operation, and help to recommence full-fledged civil administration.
O The Prevention of terrorism Act and the national emergency to be withdrawn very early, on dates to be announced immediately.
O Only voluntary population movements to be permitted anywhere.
O All the above to be incorporated into a Revised Agreement, to be signed in Madras by Prime Minister Gandhi (on behalf of India), The President, Prime Minister, and Leader of the opposition (for the Sri Lankan Government), and representatives of the LTTE, TULF and TRISTAR (on behalf of all Tamil-speaking politicians and combatants) and the JVP (on behalf of all Sinhala militants). It will dispel unwanted fears if a date is also specified in the Revised Agreement by which all Indian personnel will leave Sri Lanka.
In conclusion, President Jayawardene & Premier Gandhi would deserve the Nobel Peace Prize when they thus bring speedy, lasting peace to entire Sri Lanka - of which they are indeed capable.
stay till end
on: Gen. Sundarji
RJI, Chief of Staff of at the Indo-Sri Lanka interest of both the t the Indian Peace PKF) would continue
the accord was im
s persons, Gen. Sune-keeping mission in undertaken by the rest of India and to hile the Tamil populagot what was legitihe country remained arji was in the city to investiture parade of
served that an ultithe Sri Lanka crisis about only through or a political solution the right atmosphere which all the parties ited he said. No selfy could tolerate it if involved resorted to kmail, he said referies of the Liberation Eelam (LTTE).
aid every concession
LTTE to lay down
of cooperating they the IPKF as well as ls. “We did our best to nout the use of force nted. Our aim still is to give up arms in a
said and expressed 2 tigers would even
tually support the accord and join the mainstream of Sri Lanka society.
Answering a question on Indian involvement in the Sri Lankan crisis, Gen. Sundarji said it was in the interest of India that no unfriendly element remained in or operated from the Lankan soil. The IPKF was in Sri Lanka with a specific mission and it would remain there till the mission was complete, he said.
Gen. Sundarji said the crisis would end as soon as the LTTE men laid down arms peacefully. "The present situation was forced upon our country by the adamat stand of the LTTE, he said and added that there could not be any compromise on terrorism within or outside the country.
The General expressed satisfaction over the performance of Indian soldiers in Sri Lanka and denied that there was any failure of army intelligence. He aslo refuted the propaganda that the casualty of Indian soldiers was more than what was given out.
"True peace is not merely the
absence of tension, but it is
the presence of justice and brotherhood.'
- Martin Luther King

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6 TAMIL TIMES
JANAKTO SU
MRS.JANAKI RAMACHANDRAN is to succeed her late husband, M.G. Ramachandran, as Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu. The Governor of the south In di an State of Tamil Nadu, Mr.N.L.Khurana, has invited Mrs.Ramachandran to form the State Ministry following her claim that she had the support of the largest number Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs) belonging to the All India Anna Dravida Munetra Kazhakam (AIADMK).
The Governor has given a period of three weeks to Mrs.Ramachandran to prove her support in the Assembly on the floor of the House. Until the new Ministry is sworn in, Mr.V.R.Nedunchezhian who had been acting as Chief Minister prior to the death of MGR has been requested by the Governor to continue as head of the caretaker Ministry.
The succession of Mrs.Ramachandran to the mantle of her late husband was preceded by much wrangling within the AIADMK. Mr.Nedunchezhian, in a letter to the Governor had questioned the validity of the meeting of 97 MLAs at which she was unanimously elected as leader. the man behind convening this meeting was R.M.Veerappan who made the move to forestall any possible counter-move by the Nedunchezhlian faction or the party's Propaganda Secretary, Ms. Jayalalitha, who enjoyed considerable influence and clout while MGR was living. All previous attempts by the Veerappan faction to sideline Ms.Jayalalitha did not come to fruition during MGR's lifetime.
The anti-Jayalalitha forces went into action immediately after the demise of MGR. She was not told about MGR's
deteriorating conditio death she was barred residence even to pay the dead leader. Even ; where MGR’s body w Jayalalitha was pinch by family members of dran. The ultimateins attempted to climb the place a wreath on MGl kicked in the head and Deepan, a nephew of dran.
However, Jayalalith elected General Se AIADMK, a post w power held by the announcement of her post was made at a pri the presence of sever cluding the acting Nedunchezhelian, S. Rajaram, K.K.S.S.R. Thirunavukkarasu an Jayalalitha is said to siderable support at g the party, and without ing support of the Dist taries, she could noth
TAM
 

JANUARY 1988
CCEED MGR
n, and after his rom entering his her respects to at the Rajaji Hall as lying in state, ed and illtreated Mrs.Ramachanult was when she 2 gun-carriage to R's body, she was pushed down by
Mrs.Ramachan
a now has been cretary of the ith considerable late MGR. The
election to this ess conference in al Ministers, inChief Minister, Ramachandran, Ramachandran, d several others. y command conrassroot level of , the overwhelmrict Party Secreave been elected
to the post of General Secretary. It is also reported that the assualt and the harassment to which she was subjected to at MGR's funeral has helped to draw immense sympathy at the rank and file level of the party.
Although an immediate collision between the two ladies in the life of the late MGR is not anticipated, observers say that a confrontation is inevitable in the near future. While Mrs. Janaki Ramachandran would attempt to employ the not inconsiderable power and patronage associated with the position of Chief Minister to bolster up her base of support, Ms. Jayalalitha is certain to use her position as the General secretary of the Party to strengthen her self and wait for an appropriate opportunity to make her bid for MGR's mantle.
As the warring factions within the AIADMK are mobilising their forces to fight it out, the former Chief Minister and arch-rival of the late MGR, Mr.M.Karunanithi is waiting on the sidelines observing a dignified silence to stage a comeback with the eventual breakup of the AIADMK which he predicts as inevitable.
MES CHANGE OF ADDRESS
Please send all Communications to the following new address TAML TIMES P.Ο. ΒOX 121 SUTTON, SURREY SM1 3TD UNITED KINGDOM

Page 7
JANUARY 1988
THE SIX-WEEK SIEG
OF JAFFNA
BY K.R. ANBAN
REPORTS continue to pourin, recounting in all their gory and gruesome detail, the devastation and destruction that Jaffna has had to experience once over - twice in the same year. Despite
an effective blackout of news relating
to the six week siege of Jaffna and the appalling conditions of the civilians
herded into temples, churches and public buildings, the so-called information and data regularly dished out from interested sources had become so contradictory and unreliable that the exercise only served to heighten the anxiety for the life and limb of the unfortunate Sri Lankan Tamil civilian caught up in the terrible vice.
Ever since the 10th of October for a period of nearly one and a half months, Jaffna was subjected to a TWENTY FOUR HOUR CURFEW! It is impossible to imagine the life of a civilian population ordered into make shift camps not in their hundreds but thousands, and this for no greater reason than that the Indian troops, about twenty to thirty thousand of them, could not simply identify and hunt out a comparatively small band of some two or three thousand Tigers amidst a population of about five hundred thousand civilians in Jaffna.
No doubt they were searching for a needle in a haystack. Hunting for the guerrilla in his own terrain involved additional risks and pressures which, with the determined resistance exhibited by the Tigers, had been totally unexpected and perforce made the Indian Army spiteful. To let out the spleen on the innocent civilians was the least one would expect from a disciplined force and that from a Super Power of the region on a PEACE KEEPING mission
India's move to hunt the Tigers surprised even the most inveterate pessimist of the Indo-Sri Lankan Accord. Only die-hard chauvinism of the PremadasaAthulathmudali variety articulated outside Parliament by the J. V P (its Mothers and Fathers fronts inclusive), could be seen to gloat over such an ugly turn of events in the North and East. Anywhere else this untoward development could hardly be considered the stuff that political sagacity or mature statesmanship is associated with.
Overtones of immaturity in underrating the moral calibre and determination of the opponent, a callous indifference to the future outcome and grave consequences, when only personalpique seemed to matter, these tinged with an irreconcilable conviction in personal and or group glory - these seemed to be some of the obvious factors that outline the disaster that was in the making.
It is a crying shame that a militant
group like t Lankan Tar dication syr ment itself a pursuing th left availabl terrorised i years or mon demonstrate ple could ni fiats enforce and equally guerrilla m successfully eration and munity - a deared itself sed Tamils t movement fogging riva some perha others and by emotion in the hour
whom they
Their lac stands expo could be rel: tinies of a pe tions and in tle diplomac been found i
On the o' wisdom of statesmansh in the Asian historical af lem and abo tions of a su tionally accla dispute at injustices an has long bee Such a Nati into a conf impose its w people, with with the cor Osed solutio appear to th able. It is r mot in fact ir such calibre and vivisect ism and po. overnight or solution for
Polemics i Jaffna have pected atro ever since from an Indi Peace Keep able to the bewildering
It has be shadow of d had run will been shot at Or appearar asked and ; imaginatio

TAMIL TIMES 7
he Tigers, the pride of Sri hill nationalism, with a deonymous with the movend widely acknowledged as e only course (militancy) 2 to a Nation bullied and to submission for thirty e, a movement that clearly d to the world that a peoit be ruled by dictatorial d by armed power alone
proved the fact that the ovement could not have subsisted without the coopsupport of the Tamil commovement that had ento the hearts of the oppreshe world over; that such a should succumb to petty try among militant groups, aps less dedicated than now appear dictated more than cold reason and logic of crisis of the community represent.
k of political foresight sed. As a movement that ied upon to guide the desople through the machinatrigues of politics and suby, the Tigers have in fact nexperienced and wanting.
ther hand, the pontificial India, its much admired lip (at least until recently) region, its time honoured finity with the Tamil probve all the democratic tradiper power almost internaaimed as the arbiter in a its own doorstep - the d inequalities of which she n intimatly aware - that on should waywardly walk rontation and proceed to ill on an already harrassed out adequate consultation cerned parties on its propins, however just it may le arbiter, is indeed regretlot surprising therefore, if onical, that a benefactor of should become maligned ed by irrational emotionallitical opportunism almost a problem that had defied nearly half a century now. apart, the Tamils living in been subjected to unexlities and untold hardship he 10th October. Coming an Army and that from the ers, this seemed inexcuscitizen in Jaffna and more
to the Tamil outside.
an established beyond any oubt that the Indian Army ld in Jaffna. Civilians had random irrespective of age hce and without questions some by no stretch of the n could even remotely
appear to resemble a militant. Old people and young children had been shot at sight.
Corpses were left lying at the mercy of the elements and to be inevitably preyed upon by birds and animals. Dead bodies have been buried in improvised trenches dug up for protection against erstwhile bombs and buried in their back gardens, for fear of being seen outside.
As late as early December the skelet
al remains of an abandoned corpse are
said to be seen on the main KKS Road near the Jaffna Hindu College. Until Prof. Narandran arrived from Saudi Arabia the dead bodies of his 65 year old mother and his brother, who had been shot in their own house at Navatkuli, were left to rot until ironically the Sri Lankan Army helped him to dispose of the remains.
Similar gruesome incidents are far too numerous to recapitulate. Indiscriminate shelling into residential areas like Annaicoddai, Kokkuvil etc, it is said at an average rate of 500 shells during the day and about 800 during each night, has wreaked untold damage to property and persons.
A whole series of houses down the Annaicoddai, Kulapiddy roads have been reduced to rubble. During search operations conducted by the Indian Army, when the inmates had been required to be away, houses had been forced open, damaged, property stolen and left in shambles. Why these searches were necessary and in the absence of the inmates, how the electrical items and other valuables, including jewellery came to be stolen and who is responsible for this type of theft and vandalism is a question for the officer of the Indian Army in Jaffna and for Human Rights activists to pose to the authorities in India and Colombo.
Descriptions of incidents, including organised rape, unheard of and unimaginable in any civilized society, perhaps not even in the worst riots in India, are being received only now and have been verified and unfortunately found true.
It is abundantly clear that the Indian Peace Keeping Force has obviously lost its discipline and quite exceeded its orders and must be brought to book by the authorities concerned. Besides this does not seem to be a matter confined only to the rank and file, some riff-raff who run wild with envy at ordinary middle class prosperity, absent back home perhaps. What have their superiors been doing?
Is it that they too had to succumb to the same feeling or had indeed lost their cool when the Tigers offered them resistance which had lasted more than the anticipated 'seventy two hours allotted to them for a clear victory over the Tigers? The Tamil Community is indeed furious over this shameful con
duct of the Indian Army during this
blighting siege.
(Continued on page 10)

Page 8
8 TAMIL TIMES
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Page 9
JANUARY 1988
THE INDO-LTTE
CONFLCT
IT is a tragic paradox that the Indian Peace Keeping Force which arrived in the Tamil homeland with a mandate to maintain peace, to protect the life and property of our people, to foster cessation of hostilitics between Sri Lankan troops and Tiger guerillas are now engaged in a full fledged war against til LTTE.
This war ha sbrought disastrous consequences with a heavy toll of civilian casualties, immense suffering to our people with severe disruption of their socio-economic existence,
Having engaged themselves in a war with violence, brutality and terror the IPKF has lost its status as an inst Tument of peace but has assumed the role of a repressive invasion army, typically eliminating both the Tamil Freedom fighters and innocent civilians. The Indian military intervention has again shattered the peace in the Tamil region, shattered all civic hopes of return to normalcy and caused violence and
blodshed.
Along with the military offensives the Government of India has mounted a massive propaganda War to rationalise and legitimise her action. This propaganda campaign is vicious, malicious and distortion of truth, aimed to discredit Cour organisation in the eyes of the Indian and World public opinion. It is precisely for this reason, we wish to articulate our point of view on the developing of Indo-LTTE conflict and the consequences that followed.
In our talks with the Indian Prime Minister on the day before signing of the Indo-Sri Lankan accord, we expressed our reservations on certain vital issues, but pleged to support the implementation of the accord and uphold the interest of our people, We also promised to hand over our weapons om certain guarantees and assurances given by the Prime Minister of India. Recognising the pre-eminent role of India in the South Asian region, respecting India's Geo-political sensitivity and compulsion, we wanted to avoid any conflict with Indian interests. But at the same time we were sincerely concerned with the interests and political aspirations of our people.
We sincercly felt that the sections of the accord, which deal with the set of proposals for setting up a Provincial Councils fall short of the Tamil aspirations. We thought that the Government of India understood our position.
NEGATIWE TOEWELOPMENTS
ONE of the assurances given by the Indian Prime Minister was the formation of an Interim Administration with the LTTE playing a dominant role. There was a delay in this matter. In the meantime, the Sri Lankan Govern
ment had sudden Tamme of inter: Tamil areas in M malee districts.
Lanka has starte stations in Tamil lated plan of re-E apparatuses in N Alarmed Over th registered our pro no action was tal
W. PRABAK Leader of t
What was mor time, was the Eart groups from South patronage of the bases in the N. started ha Tassing the public. We wer Surprised why th Agency “RAW' } spatched these me at H, SE18 itiw ti process was int. arming was takin of the Imlai Il reas disenchantment W Indian Foreign M
It is because velopments, Our II fast Lunto death ca by Mr.Thileepan, into a massive 1 with the active people. On the 9th was reaching the Indian High Co. arrived in Jaffna warnCEs. At the fir offered BIG assur ITheet our 5 poin continued and T after Thilecpan's Coffered samle conci setting up of an tion. If the Gowel acted without dit would have been : a tragic loss to o Our People. This t to the estrangem tween India and
The Incident thị to India-LTTE Teli and detention an our two regional senior the Tibers. arrested by the Sr were kept in the the IPKF at the Inegotiations wer tween Mr. II) i xi Jayawardene in Lank: insisted on Colorbo for into given assurances that they would arrested Tigers

ly launched a progsive colonisation of Lullaitiwu and TrincoFurther IIncore, Sri d opening up police areas with the calcu!stablishing its state Orthern Sri Larika. is development, we test, with India, but
EI.
ARAN
ng LT TE
e disturbing at that iwal of ar The Tai Inil India, who with the : IPKF, established Jrth and East and the LTTE as well as "c rather shocked and 2 Indian Intelligence las artned and dearm to the Ta IImil areas ne, when the peace roduced, when disg place. This was Corne ons that led to Cour with the policy of the Linistry, f these negative delovement launched a impaign spearheaded which soon expanded non-violent agitation participation of the day, when Thilcepan brink of death, the In Inissioner Mr, Dixit to listen to our griest meeting, Mr. Dixit inces which failied ti t derTland, The fast hileepan died. It is death that Mr. Dixit rete proposals for the lIitorim Administra'riment of India had lay Thileepan's life saved. His death was ur movement and to agedy further added ent of relations bethe LTTE.
it dealt a severe blow sations was the arrest the tragic death of Commanders and 10
Though they were i Lankan Navy, they protective custody of
Palaly camp, while 2 taking place, het and Prg sident olombo. Though Sri taking our leaders to rrogation, we were
by the Indian side ! be released. The lad already Warned
TAMIL TIMES 9
both Sri Lanka and India that they would swallow cyanide pills and kill themselves rather than facing torture and possibly death in the hands of the enemy, We argued with the Government of India that the arrest of these LTTE leaders and cadres constituted a serious violation of the agreement, wherein LTTE men were given General Amnesty, The two weapons they had were for the personal protection of the regional Commanders. We also insisted that the protection of the lives of Our Inernbers, was the responsibility of the IPKF which assured the role of avoiding any clashes between the Sri Lankan troops and the Tamil guerillas. We als0 warmed India of a possible outburst of violence if these men were Tas
sacred.
Our plea to secure the release of our leaders was a minor concession we demanded from both India and Sri Lanka; we had just entered into a major agreement with the objective of resolving the ethnic conflict. But J.R.Jayawardene was adamant, intransigent and belligerant. Mr. Dixit, was well aware of the disastrous consequences of the Sri Lanka's obstinacy, and his failing in his diplomatic endeavour. The result was a great tragedy. The massacre of 12 prominent LTTE men who were true heroes of Tamil Liberation has, outraged the Tamil sentiment. Pulendran, the regional Commander, Trincomalee and Kumarappa, the former regional Commander of Batticaloa, were highly respected leaders, Their tragic death sparked of spontaneous racial violence which resulted in the death of several Sinhala civilians. Sri Lanka accused the LTTE for the outburst of violence and killings. India too joined Sri Lanka in blaming the Tigers. What followed was a high level conference in Colombo between India and Sri Lanka in which a series of tough measures, including military action against the LTTE were decided upon.
DIPLOMATIC TRAIP
THE decision to involve India in a war against the LTTE was a major diplomatic victory for Jayawardene. India, which has been hitherto accused of providing sanctuary and assistance for the Tamil resistance movement, suddenly took over Sri Lanka's military job of liquidating the Tamil freedo. In Ilovement. A week earlier the LTTE was officially recognised by both India and Sri Lanka as the major representative organisation of the Tai Tils and was marked to form an Interil Gover Inment. But now the LTTE was banned. and the amnesty given to the move. ment withdrawl. The IPKF which played the role of a protector and Peace maker was turned to an instrument of Terror, of war. India, thus finally fell into the diplomatic trap of the Sri Lanka's racist ruling regime and turned the guns against the Tamils.
(COrlirubid Cn pago 10)

Page 10
10 TAMIL TIMES
The LTTE, was left with no choice other than to fight for self-preservation and die with honour rather than surrender with humiliation and perish. Even in our wildest dreams we never contemplated a war with India. We never wanted to fight the Indian soldiers whom we regarded with great admiration and love. But the Indianleaders forced us into a situation which has left us to choose between honour and humiliation, between selfpreservation and death; we decided to resist. Yet we pleaded with India to call off the unjust war against our movement.
IPKF BEHAVIOUR
IN this war which has lasted more than a month and a half what has shaken our people is the brutal and ruthless manner the Indian troops behaved, with a war-weary population who had already suffered immensely at the hands of the Sinhala military. The war could not be confined to the LTTE but extended into a military action in comprising the entire Tamil masses with an intention of terrorising and subjugating them. In the early hours of 10th October, 1987, the day the offensive started, the Indian troops confiscated all the copies of two daily newspapers, "Murasoli' and "Eelamurasu', blasted with explosives the printing machinery and arrested the journalists and workers. On the same day LTTE's Television Station "Nitharshanam' was also closed. This high handed action to silence the local media which functioned as the only voice of the Tamils, constituted a serious violation of the freedom of the press and expression. Our people were shocked to see that India, which claims to be the guardian of democratic ideals has adopted a totalitarian method to muzzle the Tamil media.
The military of the IPKF was callous and ruthless with total disregard for human lives and property. It appeared the resistance by the LTTE caused a good amount of material on board at the armoured column which opened up with the mortar and Artillery shelling on civilian areas, took heavy toll of civilian casualties. Aerial raid by helicopter gunships caused severe devastation. In several areas the troops went in, tortured and massacred innocent civilians. Tamil women were raped. Even elderly and the children were tortured. Houses and shops were plundered. Hospitals, schools and temples were bombarded. Troops stormed the Jaffna hospital and massacred a large number of sick and injured. In this offensive operation several hundreds of innocent Tamil Civilians were senselessly done to death and hundreds of them sustained injuries primarily due
to indiscriminate shelling. Many of the
injured died without treatment.
Our allegations of military brutality by the IPKF was rejected by India by a
full scale propagand. ment of India refu Indian and the Inte visit the affected ar. the public. The Color ists who witnessed th Jaffna for nearly tv ported the horrors of to Sri Lankan Go request of the India sion. Without com there was a total bla the meantime, the C dia utilised the state to malign the Tigers cated stories, abol pleaded with India t observers from Amn and International C ists to investigate th man rights and extr The Government of I the request.
The military off undertakern by the . treme hardships to th tion. The electricity were purposely cut medical supply from Lanka was blockaded was halted. There v fishing. There was the clock curfew in month with occasio) certain specified a these hard measures, lians suffered immen disruption of their so existence.
The LTTE leaders, human tragedy brou war, appealed to Indi. hostilities and start bring about peace a India continues to should lay down the der and accept un Indo-Sri Lankan ag
It is surprising tha of India which had a for several years to gi option and solve the ful negotiation is ad methodology of milit ror andtortureto im Tamil people. India's and undemocratic. representative politi the Eelam Tamils, sh the democratic right decision and expressi Indo-Sri Lankan a cerned we reserve til late our view. In ou proposals envisaged the settlement of th has serious limitatic short to fulfill the pol our people. Hence, w our co-operation to tl of the accord in so fa rights of our people unfair and unreasona tic country like India ditional support for point ofa gun. Weh of India would appr stand our position (

JANUARY 1988
and the Governed to allow the national press to as and interview bo based journale events of war in o weeks had remilitary atrocities ernment on the n High Commismunication link, :k-out of news. In overnment of In
controlled media and putout fabriit the war. We o send a team o sty International ommission of jure violation of hua judicial killings. ndia turned down
nsive operation PKF brought exhe civilian populaand water supply off. The food and the rest of Sri 1. Public transport (as restriction on continuous round Tamil areas for a nal relaxation in reas. Because of the innocent civisely with the total cial and economic
pointing out the ght about by this a for a cessation of negotiations to nd normalcy. But insist that LTTE arms and surrenconditionally the reement. t the Government udvised Sri Lanka .ve up the military problems by peaceopting the similar ary offensive, terpose its will on the attitude is unfair LTTE, the main cal movement of ould not be denied s of the freedom of on. In so far as the greement is conhe right to articur view, the set of in the accord for he Tamil problem ons, therefore fall itical aspiration of e pledge to extend he implementation r as it upholds the 2. Therefore it is able for a democrato demand unconthe accord at the pe that the people eciate and underin this matter.
ISSUES AND NON ISSUES
ON the question of surrendering arms, we pledged to handover our weapons to India and accordingly, LTTE was the first organisation which handed over a substantial portion of its arms, as a goodwill gesture towards the implementation of the accord. Furthermore, we agreed to handover the rest of the weapons according to modality worked out, in the minutes of the deliberations we had with the Indian High Commis'sion. We wanted to co-operate with India on the question of arms. There was no need for us to possess arms once the ethnic question is amicably settled with adequate guarantee for the safety and security of our people. Now I feel the real problem is not simply, the possession of arms, but the crucial issue of the protection of life and interest of our people. Therefore we earnestly request the Government of India to abandon its military approach and engage in negotiations on the question of arms and other related matters.
In the presence of the journalists we released the 18 captured Indian soldiers unconditionally. This action is for purely humanitarian reasons and as a gesture of goodwill towards the people of India. We hope the Government of India will respond to our desire for peace and call off the offensive operations and open the door for peaceful negotiations leading to substantial be
nefits.
In India, it was the journalists, who have been preserving and protecting the concepts of democracy. To honour them we decided to release 18 captured Indian soldiers in the presence of Indi
an Journalists.
V.Prabhakaran
Leader, Liberation Tigers of Tamil
Eelam.
(Continued from page 7)
It has run beserk when its reputation was being put to the test by a small band of dedicated guerrillas obsessed with their ideology. To avenge it on the guerrillas themselves is somewhat understandable. But to hold the civilian hostage and plunder him is deplorable.
How and why India tolerated this state of affairs, which is a serious blemish on her military record and conduct, and that for as long as more than six weeks while the world was purposely kept in the dark, is a challenge to the cherished values that the Sri Lankan Tamils always associated with India and the gratitude they still entertain for the helping hand in their
hour of need.
To throttle a Nation, an insignificant minority at that, that is fighting for its survival and already oppressed by its own State, is not merely playing the big bully but is tantamount to denial of the very human rights that India fought valiantly shoulder to shoulder with the Sri Lankan Tamil minority at the world
forums until now.

Page 11
ANUARY 1988
WHO ARE THE THREE
A new name, "Three Stars' or "Three Star Group' has figured in news reports frequently, particularly in connection with the infighting among the Tamil militant groups. Some have mistakenly believed it to be an umbrella organisation of three militant groups, namely the PLOTE, EPRLF and TELO.
However, the truth is that the "Three Star Group' said to be another name for the Eelam National Democratic Liberation Front (ENDLF) and is led by its Political Secretary Canagaratnam, also sometimes known as Gnanaratnam, and among the militant groups as 'Paranthan Rajan. The ENDLF is an amalgam of breakaway or expelled sections of the EPRLF and PLOTE, and
its flag depicts has come to be Group.
Cangaratnau (8 December) an umbrella Tamil militant "the three stars sents the majc our country, Muslims. The symbolise ou Socialism, Equ
The stateme ing the interna ments we exte support to the implement the
KTTU NOT ALLOWED TO LAY
SATHASIVAM Krishnakumar, better known as Kittu, the former Regional Commander of the LTTE in Jaffna currently under house arrest' in Madras was refused permission to attend the funeral and lay a wreath on the body of the late M.G.Ramachandran although he requested permission to dr SO.
However, in a statement issued by the LTTE leader V.Prabakaran in Jaffna, the LTTE paid tribute to the enormous support given by MGR to the
Tamil people i. the keen intel regard to the a people. The st attention to Mt LTTE’s struggl that MGR’s me for ever.
Expressing ( the LTTE lead lences to MGR' people of Tam
IF NOT FOR IPKF.
THE Sri-Lan kan President, Mr.J.R. Jayewardene, in a tribute to the Indian Peace-Keeping Force (IPKF), has appreciated the difficulties in which it is continuing activities to see that "terrorism' is wiped out in the north and eastern parts of the island.
Addressing the annual general meeting of the Judicial Service Association here on Friday, the President said "Almost 600 to 700 Indian soldiers have been killed in the past few months since the signing of the Indo-Lanka agreement’.
'We had lost about one soldier a day in our country in the last four years', he said. “They (the IPKF) are fighting here on our behalf. I pay tribute to them for
helping us. Ift to go and figh
"Since the si not a single S. Sri Lankan sol has been taker
Mr. Jayewa want to stop soldiers) also
The Presid gathering that Government salaries of its per cent.
'If not for th fight this war than what w salary increa
NEW GOC OF IPKF
MAJ. General Jamil Mehmood is taking over from Maj. Gen. R.P. Singh as the General Officer Commanding the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka’s eastern province. Maj. Gen. Singh is returning to his position in one of the command Headquarters after completing his tenure.
In the meantime, four officers from the Indian Civil Service have been sent to northern Jaffna to assist the IPKF in matters dealing with the distribution of relief supplies and rehabilitation work.
Colom attack
UNIDENTIF grenades at 1 ent Sri Lan Saturday nig Edmund Chief of the and family I their home skirts of Co attack, how
The first while the se damaging R This is the

TAMIL TIMES 11
TARS”?
three stars, and hence nown as the Three Star
in a recent statement 2jects that his group is organisation of other groups. he states that in our party flag reprethree nationalities of Tamils, Sinhalese and stars in our flag also slogan: Democracy, ality'. it adds that in 'considerland external developnded our wholehearted Indian government to Peace Accord”.
WREATH
1 their struggle and to est shown by him in spirations of the Tamil atement drew pointed GR’s contribution to the e in particular and said mory will be cherished
leep shock and sorrow, er conveyed his condos widow, Janaki and the il Nadu.
/
hey are nothere we have t’, the President said.
gning the peace accord, inhala, Tamil or Muslim dier has died. Their place by the Indians', he said.
adene, however added, "I hat (the death of IPKF as quickly as I can'.
2nt also reminded the , if not for the accord the could not have raised employees even by one
e IPKF we would have to We have to spend more e are spending for the e'.
bO editOr
ed ED attackers hurled two he residence of a prominan newspaper editor on ht, police said in Colombo. Ranasinghe, Editor-inUpali newspapers group embers who were inside ut Bomiriya on the outombo at the time of the ver, escaped un hurt. grenade did not explode ond one went off slightly nasinghe's house. irst time that a newspap
LTE BANSPLOTE,
EPRLF, TELO AND 'UIHAD
IN a press statement dated 2 January issued in Batticaloa, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) states as follows:
“LITTE was compelled to take strong action against a group of armed Muslim homeguards called 'JIHAD” which was formed and sponsored by the facist Sri Lankan regime, to create tensions and divisions among the Tamil speaking Muslims and the Tamils in the Eastern province.
"This homeguards group was responsible for the murders of the Assist. Govt. Agent of Muthur Mr.Asique Mohamed in October '87 and the former M.P. (S.L.F.P.) for Muthur Mr.Abdul Majid during November '87. While, on the 30th December '87 at Kaththankudi, four innocent Tamils and an LTTE cadre Nazir were killed by this unholy group of Muslim homeguards going by the name of ‘JIHAD'. These unacceptable and deplorable behaviour earned the anger and displeasure of the Muslim people in the area. Even though the people urged action to be taken against this group of homeguards, LTTE showed great restraint, to minimise any further development in tensions. The Muslim people clearly understood the LTTE's position and supported us. Increasingly large numbers of Muslim youths joined our liberation organisation, on whose representation, insistance and active participation, LTTE was compelled to launch attacks on this armed Muslim homeguards group, killing 30 of them on 30th December '87 at Kaththankudi and another 9 of the same homeguards group at Oddamavadi in November '87.
"LTTE has also banned PLOTE, EPRLF and TELO as these groups are also engaged in barbaric behaviour with the Tamil speaking Muslim people and are engaged in treacherous activities to create tensions and divisions among the people, for their own ends.
"LTTE wishes to state that it will continue to take strong action against all these elements who are agents of imperialism, who engage in destructive activities aimed to destroy the unity of our people and our peoples liberation struggle.'
er editor's house was attacked in the course of southern violence erupted since last July.
Intensive search is on for the attackers, but no arrests have been made so far, the police said.
The Upali group which publishes two of Sri Lanka's popular dailies. The Island and Divania recently came under severe criticism by some government speakers in parliament for what was described as its 'anti-government attitude.

Page 12
12 TAMIL TIMES
ETTERS
AT THE time of the Indian airdrop of food in Jaffna in June this year, your journal praised India's action and described Rajiv Gandhi as "our white knight in shining armour (who) came to the rescue of the Tamil people. . . Mr Gandhi’s kindness will be remembered and his name will be etched in every Tamil heart now and for generations to come' and that he “soundly disciplined the deceitful President and conveyed the message to him that he must watch his step'. (Tamil Times, May 1987 p.4).
But your October issue can be summarised as concentrated venom against India, Rajiv Gandhi and their actions and motivations. You go so far as to accuse them of territorial ambitions on Sri Lanka. You charge the Indian P.M. of falling a victim of the cynical manipulations of Jayawardene and that his 'army has become President Jayawardene's cop on the beat.
I have been a regular reader of your journal and am afraid that your recent display of cynical opportunism and lack of consistency or principle is truly disgraceful. By and large, the well ensconced expatriate Tamils suffer from this affliction.
R. Thayalan Brentwood, UK.
掌 米 掌
TO CALL the Indian troops in Sri Lanka as a Peace Keeping Force is a misnomer. Under the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement, India has underwritten and guaranteed the provisions and implementation of the accord.
The accord imposed obligations on the part of India, Sri Lanka and the Tamil militant groups, and provided among other matters for cessation of hostilities, surrender of weapons, general amnesty and release of political prisoners and of course the setting up of Provincial Councils with devolved powers.
The Indian troops arrived in the Island not to keep the peace between two parties in combat but to enforce the obligations of India as underwriter and guarantor of the implementation of the provisions of the accord. The decision as to whether any of its provisions has been breached or as to who is responsible for such breach and as to what remedial ection is warranted are left entirely to the discretion of India. If either of the parties to the conflict, the Sri Lanka government or the Tamil militant groups, breach or obstruct the implementation of the provisions of the accort, it is open to India in its role as the underwriter and guarantor, to take whatever action deemed necessary to enforce strict adherence of the accord.
Hence the Indian Lanka as agents o enforcement authori Peace Keeping Forc
料 掌
IF THE government Lanka think that solution to the ethni the Liberation Tiger (LTTE), they are sad) though the LTTE m: combined military m Sri Lanka, they wil completely defeating ating from familiar continue the guerri make it virtually im governments to rest( nistration in the Ta Lanka.
It is up to India to 1 bring an end to the p negotiating with the approach is bound to
零
I AM amazed at the claim by Mr. S.S. journal (December
LTTE has been the fought the Sri Lanka of the Tamil people, a militant groups shou All the militant grou LTTE, entered the st
behalf of the Tamil pe
until the LTTE deci that it shall be the onl remain - so they liqu attacked and attemp the EPRLF and the from the scene before
The LTTE banned nisations of Tamils e (with which it has an ist alliance) and th associated with the tions with death, and threat still continu threatened the TULF consequences if they Tamil areas to resum That is how the LT nance and prevented ( participating in the s
The LTTE claims confidence and suppo the Tamil people, bu never been put to the groups are as insignifi iam claims, why doe allow them to functic
The fact of the mi LTTE fears that if the given the opportunity its methods will be people.

troops are in Sri servants of an ty and not as a
S.T. Nathan Londom SE23
掌
s of India and Sri they can find a c conflict without s of Tamil Eelam y mistaken. Even ay not match the ight of India and l not succeed in the LTTE. Operterritory, it can la struggle and possible for both bre normal admimil areas of Sri
make the move to resent conflict by LTTE. A military
fail.
P.S. Kanthan Bromley, Kent.
米
rather spurious Maniam in your 1987) that the only group that n forces on behalf nd that the other ld be disbanded. ps, including the ruggle to fight on ople. They fought ded at one stage yone that should idated the TELO, sted to eliminate PLOT withdrew it was attacked.
all militant orgaexcept the EROS uneasy Opportunreatened anyone banned organisathis ban and the ues. They have leaders with dire returned to the 2 political acivity. TE gained domiother groups from struggle.
that it has the rt of the mass of t that claim has test. If the other cant as Mr. Manis not the LTTE on? atter is that the Tamil people are 7, the LTTE and rejected by the
K. Thambiah Hendon, U.K.
JANUARY 1988
WE often receive telephone calls from rea ders commenting adversely and sometimes favourably concerning the contents or the manner in which views are presented in the columns of TAMIL TIMES.
We invite those critics or supporters to write in their point of view on any relevant issue in the form of articles (not more than 1100 words) or letters to the editor (not more than 200 words), and we assure publication provided they are written in a presentable style and in non-abusive language.
EDITOR
SSSSSS
THE ACTIONS of those groups which are going around with the IPKF to indentify LTTE members and their hideouts are not only disgraceful but also treacherous.
Whatever differences or conflicts they may have had in the past, they should not drive these groups to engage in such actions at a time when the LTTE is presently facing a threat for its survival from a mighty force.
I agree with your editorial view that efforts should be made to bring about a reconciliation among all the Tamil groups to avoid betrayal and fratricidal war at this critical juncture.
S.S. Gnanam London, SE4.
率 掌 米
RECENTLY I saw on TV scenes of ordinary Palestinians, children and women included, taking to the the streets in the occupied territories in protest demonstrations against the Israeli authorities and confronting the
troops who were armed with lethal
weapons. And when Israeli troops deal with such unarmed civilian protesters with extradordinary force, including shooting at them, sympathy for the long suffering Palestinians is universally roused.
A similar situation prevails in South Africa where thousands of black people frequently take to the streets in protest against the actions of the oppressive regime.
Although some people compare the Tamil people's struggle in Sri Lanka with those of the blacks in South Africa and the Palestinians in the occupied territories, it has never been the case that ordinary Tamil people have engaged in street demonstrations or civil disobedience campaigns against the policies and actions of the government or in protest against the atrocities committed by the armed forces.
The "Tamil struggle' seems to lack mass participation. It gives one the
(Continued on page 13)

Page 13
JANUARY 1988
TO THE EDITOR FROM DAVID SELBOURN
TRAGIC error is heaped upon error in the perceptions of the Tamils - and of the Tamil Times - about what is happening in Sri Lanka. I have kept my silence, an increasingly horrified silence, for many months on these matters, but it is no longer possible, to do so.
Thus you speak in your December '87 editorial of the "hope and epectation' aroused by the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord; yet, in the context of the majority community's fear and hatred of India, there was nothing but deeper trouble for the Tamil cause to be anticipated from the Indian invasion of Sri Lanka. Moreover, it was always an empty assumption that Rajiv Gandhi - India's politically frail and morally inadequate leader - wished well to the struggle of the Tamils for national independence.
These Tamil hopes, in the Accord had, and have, no substance. They are composed, instead, of one part cowardice, two parts wishful thinking, and two parts foolish deference to Delhi and "Mother India'. For the IPKF is in Sri Lanka in order to remove from the shoulders of Colombo the burden - which Colombo could not itself discharge - of fighting Tamil separatism into the ground.
The LTTE's stated position of "looking to India for a solution of the problems of the Tamils is therefore equally absurd. Delhi, fighting its own battles in the Punjab, in the North-Eastern
(Continued from page 12) 参见
impression of a struggle by some dedicated armed groups with their own stated aims - which may by and large echo the aspirations of the mass of the Tamil people - taking on the government and the security forces.
Members belonging to these groups attack or ambush the armed forces in various encounters and pull back to safe hideouts or disappear amongst the civilian population. The armed forces retaliate with unrestrained brutality against unarmed civilians and their property.
In this process, thousands of ordinary innocent Tamils have been killed in the streets or in their own homes without ever having participated in any action, peaceful or otherwise, against the authorities.
Why is there a general absence of participatiuon by the general mass of the people in protest actions? Is it because that they are cowards? Or is it that the Tamil militant groups consciously follow a method of struggle in which the role of the masses is only to provide the material support needed by the groups in their struggle and to serve as cannon fodder when the inevitable brutal retaliation takes place?
T. Arulnaygam London, SW19.
N
states, and
the integri national se more in co than it will
The truth and the cau more legitil the eyes of than in the Sri Lanka. could only sive militar over the Inc forces, a vic achieve; an level of inte political cla the diploma the represe lowed by a l the island.
The milit lack such lacked them available, s Gandhi). A fragmentec Tamils, the ence lacks s tion, both E School of E LTTE —- a volutionaty political mu: even, or esp Moscow). In mata” and c and declara IPKF, or to the paper t breath spen remains is w mutual killi hatreds, ran rampages a umns of live lost in vain
Nor is it Tamils that and is conti tical errors (Among the tionality of 1 relatively tu eyes of the S the Buddhis growingly i ruinously co of Sri Lanka of the islant trol. And ( invading Inc the Tami Jayawarde enough of Instead, he backlash ag already clai

TAMIL TIMES 13
TAMILDELIVERANCE OT ROUND THE CORNER
n West Bengal to maintain
y of India against subbaratist tendencies has far mmon with Jayawardene ever have with the Tigers.
is a harsh one: the LTTE se of Tamil Eelam have no nacy (and perhaps less) in the Government of India eyes of the Government of If at all, such legitimacy be gained by a compreheny victory by the militants ian' and Sri Lankan armed tory which they can never d by securing the broadest rnational support for their ims and positions through tic and bargaining skills of ntative of the Tamils, folJN-guaranteed partition of
ants, especially the LTTE, skills, just as the TULF ... (The Gandhian way is not ince the Tamils have no hd despite the valiant, but l, efforts of expatriate Tamils' cause in consequsuch international recogniast and West. (The London Economics leftism' of the kind of Mickey-Mouse reMarxism, flexing its puny scles - will not help it, not ecially not, in Gorbachev’s these circumstances, “ultither such empty gestures ions from the LTTE to the anyone else, are not worth hey are written on, or the t in uttering them. What that the Tamils are getting: ng, stalemate, intra-Tamils dom murder, Indian Army nd endless obituary cols-Tamil and Sinhalese
any consolation to the
Jayawardene has made, nuing to make, lethal poliof judgement of his own. se errors, the unconstituhe 13th Amendement is a ivial matter). For in the inhalese - in particular of st establishment, and the powerful JVP - he has mpromised the sovereignty by delivering a large part into Indias de facto conespite the fact that the lian Army's role is to crush militant movement, he has failed to carry his own people with him. has provoked a Sinhalese ainst the UNP, which has med Sinhalese victims by
the hundred, and has maimed his own Cabinet members.
From this backlash, whether led - after Jayawardene has gone - by the JVP, the SLFP, the Army or anti-Tamil and anti-Indian UNP hardliners, the Tamils have a great, deal more to fear in future. Moreover, the Accord itself is a flimsy document, and its proposals for devolution of little genuine political substance; the whole deal could easily be, and I believe will be, countermanded under pressure of a Sinhalese “uprising organized by Buddhist clergy and politicians. .
Wishful thinking to the contrary, and well-intentioned as it may be, is the reflection of a chronic weakness of the Tamils, together with the jealousies and selfishnesses which have divided Tamil ranks from the outset. (It is even wishful thinking which led the Tamil Information Centre, in the belief that the worst was over, to shut down its operations in London at a time when it was never more needed).
"How long can the Tamil people go on suffering in this way?', your editorial predictably asks. The answer is that they may have to do so for a very long time indeed, not least because it is out of the question that the Tamil militants will lay down their arms. But above all, the Tamils' suffering will be prolonged as long as they continue to rely on illusions about India; will be prolonged as long as they fail to create from their ranks a unified and mature leadership of statesmen, not brigands, who can command an audience outside Madras (or North London); and, will be prolonged as long as the just cause of securing genuine political autonomy and physical security for the Tamils of Sri Lanka gains no real ground among the Sinhalese themselves, particularly the younger generation, whose own insecurities are growing.
In the meantime, thousands more Tamil innocents may die, many in the naive belief that ultimate deliverance - whether by India, by armed struggle, by class uprising, by terrorist murder, by cyanide, by divine intercession or even by Tamil Times editorials - is around the next, or the next but one, corner. It is not.
2 January, 1988. David Selbourne
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Page 15
UANUARY 1988
INDIAN DIPLOMACY
HIGH STAKES G,
INDIAS ROLE IN SRI LANKA
HAS STRATEGIC ADVANTAGES
“l told my commanders that it was a very dif mission, a very sad mission and also that we wou our utmost to be fair, humane and use minimum even at the risk of accepting more casualties tha normally would. They were told that they were goi
against their own people."
General K. Sundarji, INDIA TODAY, February
THE first time Krishnaswami Sundarji issued those orders, it was as head of the Indian Army's Western Command. The mission: Operation Bluestar, the June 1984 army action to flush out terrorists from Amritsar's Golden Temple. On October 10, 1987, he found himself repeating exactly the same orders to his commanders, this time as chief of army staff. The mission: Operation Pawan, the Indian Army action to disarm the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in Sri Lanka.
Both operations bear traumatic similarities - a battle with unfamiliar constraints: the emotional involvement of the civilian population; a congested, urban battleground; a highlymotivated and heavily-armed foe of the same ethnic identity. But there the similarity abruptly ends. Bluestar was a domestic operation. Pawan has for the first time, placed Indian troops on foreign soil to tackle the domestic problem of another country, and at considerable cost.
But in the eyes of South Block Operation Pawan will be worth every paisaand the life of every Indian soldier lost in Sri Lanka. The immediate objective may be to ensure the implementation of the Indo-Sri Lankan Accord but there is also a broader diplomatic advantage inherent in the presence of the Indian Army on the island that is designed to finally - and firmly - establish India's pre-eminence as the regional superpower.
That may be a bit premature - the accord has a long way to go before full implementation - but the current air of elation and confidence in South Block has not been in evidence since the aftermath of the 1971 operations in what is now Bangladesh. The Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) in Sri Lanka is seen as the cutting edge of the boldest Indian diplomatic initiative undertaken in recent years. Senior diplomats and army strategists refer to it as a "turning point' in its regional and international ambitions.
In army headquarters be-medalled generals bandy phrases like “We’re living in exciting times. Others claim 'We are in the process of changing the region's history. It is tragic that we are fighting Tamils but we must use it to advantage.
In that : (wind) is ap South Block, the Prime Affairs Mir Ministry, is able. At no military and ched so close drummer. W projection ( generals tra tion of war' Lanka, the that the en seen as smal gains for Ir interests. A the loss of 2 official toll t mum price establishing influence'.
Already, out, the effe stroke of Ra has ensured ary presen Indian. Sta ministers l that the acc from having as catering not any cli
More im view, is tha tionship wit manently se Sri Lankan trained by Lanka as Indian Arn forgotten Pakistan w, to use Colon its aircraft. be allowed senior army involvement end on July make certa cials also p strategic h now effectiv longer capa Diego Garc been given recreation) choice but

AMBLE
icult di do orce
We ng in
986.
sense, Operation Pawan ly named. The change in which houses the offices of minister, the External istry and the Defence remarkable - and palpother time has the Indian
political leadership marly in step and to the same hat diplomatsreferto as a of India's power', army nslate as "the higher direc. The loss of lives in Sri inancial cost and the fact 2my is of Tamil origin is l sacrifice compared to the ldia's long-term strategic ccording to army sources 66 Indian Army lives (the ill last week) is the minithey expect to pay for
New Delhi's 'sphere of
as Indian strategists point :cts are in evidence in one jiv's Parker pen, New Delhi that the only foreign milit:e in Sri Lanka will be tements by Sri Lankan ike Gamini Dissanayake ord does not bar Colombo : Israeli 'experts', are seen to a local constituency and nb-down on the accord.
portant, in South Block's t Pakistan’s military relah Sri Lanka has been pervered. Prior to the accord, security forces were being the Pakistan Army in Sri well as in Pakistan. The by brass has also never hat in the 1971 Indoar, Islamabad was allowed hbo as a re-fuelling base for "That situation will never to happen again says a officer. Pakistan's military in Sri Lanka came to an 29, 1987, and we intend to n it stays that way'. Offioint to the fact that the arbour of Trincomalee is ely in Indian control and no ble of becoming another a. *If the Americans had Trinco as a R R (rest and base, we would have had no to treble our naval force',
TAM TIMES 15
BY DILIP DOBB
says an Indian admiral.
South Block also points to the potential problem of having 1,20,000 refugees from Sri Lanka sitting on Indian soil indefinitely a figure that confidential military projections say could easily have doubled had India not intervened. “What we are talking about is the prospect of another Bangladesh in Tamil Nadu. We just could not afford that to happen, says a foreign ministry SOUC8.
These are of course, the obvious, immediate benefits for India. But in the high-security corner of South Block that houses the army top brass offices, the growing pile of secret position papers, prime ministerial briefs, tactical reports and long-term strategy papers all indicate the broader diplomatic profits from India's Sri Lankan thrust - and a newly aggressive policy which recognises the growing role of the army as a key element in that policy. Says a serving general; "The Indian army is not the same as it was in 1962. It now fits into India's power projection.'
One such secret report points out that the primary military advantage is that you are fighting your battles outside your country' (unlike Bluestar), and this has a limited (Tamil Nadu only) domestic fall out. Army officials insist that Operation Pawan was part of carefully-crafted, longterm strategic planning which included the possibility of high casualties in the initial stages of the operation. 'Admittedly, we expected the LTTE to be less intransigent and more in our control. In that sense we miscalculate. But the prospect of the Indian Army having to take on the LTTE militarily was an option in our projection, says a general. Adds Minister of State for External Affairs K. Natwar Singh: "No government can go into an agreement of this nature without having tied up the obvious loose ends. We examined every possible option. There were no low-cost options available. If anybody can suggest a better alternative, we will gladly examine it.'
In fact, the secret army papers compare Operation Pawan with the British involvement in the Falklands and forcefully insist that Sri Lanka can “under no circumstances' become another Vietnam or Afghanistan. In military terms the Indian army now believes that the LTTE is no longer a major threat and it is only a matter of time before the organisation, or at least a major part of it, surrenders. South Block also claims that in the event of an unconditional surrender by the LTTE, they will still be ensured accommodation in the subsequent political setup for the north and east.
Army projections do not, however, discount the prospect of the IPKF being in Sri Lanka indefinitely. In a secret briefing paper sent to Rajiv Gandhi, Sundarji has termed a pull-out by the IPKF as "unacceptable'. Says one of his

Page 16
16 TAMIL TIMES
key aides: "We would like to change our nomenclature from IPKF to the Accord implementation Force. That is our main brief- to ensure that the accord is fully implemented. Pulling out before that will be political and military suicide.” In the briefing papers on Operation Pawan, the army has detailed its short-term and long-term intentions which as one states, “is to leave one unified Sri Lanka in which the Tamils are given their rightful status and Sri Lanka is not an adversary'.
The short-term plan is, as the paper says. "To bend the LTTE without breaking it'. The LTTE still has plenty of arms though they appear to be running short of ammunition. Intelligence sources revealed to India Today that they are well funded by expatriate Tamils - the LTTE has recently bought a ship called the Illyana in Europe with the intention of loading it with arms and ammunition, sailing it to smaller boats to try and slip through the naval blockade of the Palk Straits. Army intelligence puts the current strength of the LTTE in Sri Lanka at 4,000 men, armed mainly with SLRs (Self-Loading Rifles). AK-47s, G-3 rifles and carbines, heavy machine-guns and RPG rocket launchers. They no longer have the ability to manufacture mines, mortars and grenades as they were doing earlier, except in very small numbers. The IPKF strength is currently 29,633 men. Palaly is the headquarters of the 54th Infantry Division which is responsible for Jaffna city, under the control of the 41st Infantry Brigade while the 91st Infantry Division has been entrusted with protecting the lives of the civilian population. The 18th Infantry Divison has been deployed at Navatkuli and the 115th Infantry Brigade at Point Pedro. Under the 36th Infantry Division, headquartered at Trincomalee, is the 47th Infantry Brigade at Killinochchi, 72nd Infantry Brigade at Vavuniya, 340th (Independent) Infantry Brigade at Trincomalee and Muthur and 76th Infantry Brigade at Batticaloa. The IPKF also has one armoured regiment from 63rd Cavalry with T-72 tanks and air support from Akbar, the Indian name for Mi-24 helicopter gunships.
The troops involved have been deliberately chosen to represent as wide a cross-section of the Indian Army as possible and includes: the Brigade of Guards; Parachute Regiment; Para Commandos; Punjab Regiment; Grena
diers; Madras Regiment; Maratha .
Light Infantry; Rajputana Rifles; Rajput Regiment; Sikh Regiment; Sikh Light Infantry; Garhwal Rifles; Mahar Regiment and Gorkha Rifles.
According to army intelligence assessments of the situation in Sri Lanka, the fly in the LTTE ointment is not so much Pirabhakaran as his number two. Mahattaya, the man who surfaced last fortnight to orchestrate the handing over of the 18 Indian Army prisoners held by the LTTE. "Mahattaya is now more of the hawk than Pirabhakaran who is perhaps still susceptible to influence from some like
(Tamil Nadu Chief Ramachandran. Ma perhaps the more blo followers, will still car says an army Source means we may be the in a situation compa today. We think India Army is big enough Punjabs. That is th motivation.
And of South Block plan - to spread the Rajiv Doctrine on th Block points out that th sive has been matched one. Rajiv's visit to th they assert, was esser India’s role in Sri Lank er regional contours. T tration reportedly acc point and according actually welcomed it. value its strategic allia bad but it is also in t have stability in the re can ensure that says
That confidence is unspoken acceptance superpower, the Soviet New Delhi to the hilt N.T. Ryzhkov in fact stance last fortnight i ing India's role in Sri ly, it admirably suits India assert herself as regional walk. The II agreement has also be the recent Common and by the European munity (EEC).
That New Delhi has her regional authority increasingly in evider recent border talks bei China, New Delhi mac clear that Beijing's clai Pradesh would have before any progress w an officials say that th the Chinese Army p Wandung on the bord tinue to apply milita convince Beijing that N be trifled with. That me gone home. The Chines accommodating than earlier border talks. invited to Beijing by th ership and a package b could be in the anvils people expect.
India has also let Nepal that it will no Kathmandu playing warned Nepal of the col recent intention to b guns from China. Ba Ershad’s capitulation refugee issue is anothe Indian director-genera erations recently infor ni counter part that 30,000 Indian troops should not tempt Isla aggressive moves as . capable of handling an from across the borde diplomat; “We want to

JANUARY 1988
Minister) M.G. hattaya, and Id-thirsty of his y on the battle,' , adding, “that e for some time able to Punjab and the Indian to handle two 2 basis of our
s indirect game message of the 2 region. South emilitary offenby a diplomatic e White House, tially to explain a, and its broadhe US Adminispted that viewto top sources, Washington may nce with Islamaheir interests to gion. Only India the official. polstered by the that the other Union will back Soviet Premier , took a public n 'fully supportLanka. ObviousMoscow to have ; the cock of the ndo-Sri Lankan een supportedat wealth summit, Economic Com
begun to assert diplomatically is hce. During the tween India and de it abundantly ms to Arunachal to be discarded as possible. Indie army now has inned down in er and will conary pressure to few Delhi cannot assage may have se side was more
at any of the Rajiv has been he Chinese leadorder agreement poner than most
it be known to longer tolerate sides and has nsequences of its uy anti-aircraft ngladesh leader on the Chakma 2r indicator. The ll of military opmed his Pakistathe presence of in Sri Lanka mabad into any India was quite y military threat r. Says a senior ) maintain good
relations with all our neighbours and respect their unity and territorial integrity. But our size and the legacy of geography has given us a responsibility and a role that we cannot shirk.
In Sri Lanka itself, the Indian Government has launched a new diplomatic offensive to win over, or at least convince of India's good intentions, the most aggressive critics of the accord. High Commissioner J.N. Dixit has, in the past fortnight, met with Sri Lankan Prime Minister Premadasa, the most rabid India-baiter in the Sri Lankan Cabinet. The meeting between the two - the first in almost 18 months - is seen in New Delhi as a major breakthrough. Dixit also met with antiaccord opposition leader and former prime minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike with much more visible success. Bandaranaike's statements after the meeting show a greater appreciation for India's role in the island than at any previous time.
In the eastern part of the island, the IPKF, under a plan called Operation Cachet, is quickly consolidating its hold in the knowledge that the LTTE's writ does not run here as in the north. IPKF sources also say that they have a plan, to prevent colonisation by the Sinhalese in the eastern province - one of the main fears of the Tamils. 'We are looking at the long-term implications of our involvement. Whichever way the dice falls, we have a contingency plan for it. Every move by the IPKF is approved in New Delhi. Only if there is a 50 per cent chance of success is the green signal given, says one of the officials in charge of monitoring the Sri Lankan situation.
That is perhaps the most credible sign of South Block's intentions to see the accord through to the end - and ensure that India does not suffer in the process. In South Block, a core group of senior officers form the External Affairs Ministry and the army has been set of to monitor the situation virtually minute-by-minute. "This is a serious issue and we cannot afford to be casual about it. There is pressure on us, there is tremendous pressure on the Sri Lankan Government. But we have the expertise to handle it so that our interests, those of the Sri Lankan Government and of the Tamils in Sri Lanka are met. That is the bottom line, insists Natwar Singh.
Clearly, New Delhi has its sights set on a major diplomatic triumph and is pulling out all the stops to ensure that it is successful. But much will depend on the Sri Lankan Government and Jayewardene himself — and the unwritten agreements that have been hammered out since the accord was signed last July. The LTTE may be on the run and in disarray. but it will take a lot of convincing before the majority Sinhalese cease viewing the Indian Army as an occupation force. For Indian diplomacy, Sri Lanka represents perhaps the biggest challenge since 1971. Success will ensure that its regional status is commensurate with its size and geographical legacy. Failure

Page 17
UANUARY 1988
will circumscribe India's diplomatic and military role for decades to come.
Considering the daunting odds, is India's regional game plan workable? Obviously, like the green signal given in new Delhi for IPKF operations, the strategy, at the present moment, seems to have a 50 per cent success ratio. But
New Delhi's new aggressiveness is also
obviously corelated to the timing and the new rapport that Sundarji has established with the political high command. Not since the days of Sam Maneckshaw have the armed forces wielded the kind of clout they now do in South Block. The main reason for that is Sundarji himself.
Sundarji wears his flamboyance as a badge of honour, and his powers of persuasion and oratory are legend. The office of the chief of army staff would be unrecognisable to its previous occupants. It bristles with high-tech gadgetery including laser projectors and disks that superimpose images of maps and charts to help plan military strategy and offer alternatives in different operational situations. On major exercises like Brasstacks, similar equipment stored in a special air conditioned trailor is taken along. His aides in adjoining offices operate on computers and word processors.
The overall effect is spellbinding and Sundarji's command of the language and his strategic thinking have obviously impressed the political leadership and given the military a major say in foreign policy. His critics, and there are many even within the army, see his ambition as a flaw and have branded him a 'death and glory boy', determined to secure his place in military history.
However, the army brass views him with something akin to awe and there is no denying that the man has tremendous charisma. Neither is he the maverick. General Patton-like character, his critics paint him to be. Before taking over as chief. Sundarji locked himself away in Goa to compile his personal strategic bible for the Indian Army. His briefs to the prime minister and the Cabinet are military masterpieces, brilliantly written. But there is also no denying that he could be prone to over-confidence. In looking at the regional woods, New Delhi may have missed the trees.
New Delhi's desire to flex muscle is all very well, but to accomplish that effectively also requires widespread public support. India's efforts in Sri Lanka can hardly be said to have that - only because New Delhi's explanations have not been convincing enough. And the reason for that is a crucial one - credibility, or the lack of it. If now Delhi is prepared to face the collective suspicion of the neighbours, handle domestic problems and public opinion, it cannot do so effectively without that vital ingredient. More important perhaps is the need for the image of a strong Indian leadership in the international context. Mrs Gandhi was re
PLOT ANT
THE formatic national demo implementat peace accord the People's of Tamil Eela Secretary Un Southern left said.
They quote pledged to tal politics while ing some of t) protection.
His remar letter sent to leader of the (NSSP) on celebrations said.
They said NSSP's stand and said it v parliamentar accepted the to self-determ extent of acc the extent of ʻIn the sho] may have lost stand, but in of your conv pay rich divi Nanayakkara His letter a will “be ente stream and v all-island pol
However, istence of ne armed and ir whom they se of their marlı forced upon down what an sion.”
He added 't progressive make it impe for the peop fend the gair priorities on the formatio front as well front to ensu the Indo-Lar
However,
PLOTE does
spected by precisely tha quently less policies. Wit domestic sta New Delhi w in its regiona Lanka may b failure. As or "If we fail, it v but India's V (Courte

TAMIL TIMES 17
E CALLS FOR FASCST FRONT
in of an anti-fascist and a
cratic front to ensure the .
ion of the Indo-Lanka is one of the priorities of Liberation Organisation am (PLOTE) its General na Maheswaran has told leaders, political sources
d Maheswaran as having ke part in parliamentary at the same time retainhe PLOTE’s arms for self
ks were contained in a Vasudeva Nanayakkara, Nava Sama Samaja Party its tenth anniversary held last week, sources
Maheswaran noted the l on the ethnic problem was the NSSP 'of all the y parties which not only rights of the Tamil peopke hination, but went to the epting that right even to
separation.’ rt term your organisation because of its courageous the long term the courage rictions will undoubtedly dends, Maheswaran told
also said that the PLOTE ring the political mainvill actively participate in itics.'
Maheswaran said, "the exo-fascist groups who are tent on liquidating those 2e as not being supportive row parochial vision has us the decision not to lay ms we have in our posses
ioday the fascist attack on and democratic forces rative that we keep arms le's protection and to deis of the past. Among the our list, his letter said, is n of a broad anti-fascist as a national democratic re the impkementation of ka Peace Accord.
Maheswaran said that not hold itself responsible
international leaders for ut and there was conseresistance to her regional hout a strong leadership, bility and public support, ill be seriously hampered l efforts. The stakes in Sri e high but so is the risk of he general soberly admits: vill not be Rajiv’s Waterloo Waterloo.
sy of India Today)
for the accord although they see 'a few positive features' in it.
He said that the positive aspects of the accord are that it halts the march of US imperialist penetration of our country and secondly, the accord, though it does not solve the problem facing the Tamil peopke, creates an opportunity for commencing a dialogue - a first step towards reaching a political solution to the problems facing the Tamil community.'
His letter also rejected PLOTE's position that they have always been opposed to foreign intervention in the affairs of this country.
He says the IPKF's continued presence in the country can only lead to a build up of greater mistrust between the two people in the long run.
The only persons who stand to gain
from this are the ruling cliques,
irrespective of which party they belong to, the losers are the toiling masses, Maheswaran said.
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Page 19
UANUARY 1988
AMAN OF THE MAss
FEW personalities entered the Tamil Nadu political scene with so much suddenness and rose so meteorically as MGR did. Hardly five years after founding his party - the All India Anna DMK — Marudu Gopalan Ramachandran was in the saddle as Chief Minister of the State. He began exerting extraordinary influence in the State's politics and with the politically conscious electorate.
MGR (as he was called endearingly) was really a man of the masses, for the masses and made by the masses. Variously called as Makkal Thilakam (darling of the people) and Puratchi Thalaivar (revolutionary leader), the late Chief Minister was one of the most popular Indians in contemporary times with a phenomenal following among the common people. The crowds that used to assemble to hear him (or see him) were certainly as vast as those that turned up to listen to Gandhiji, Pandit Nehru, Annadurai and Indira Gandhi.
Extraordinary Charisma
With his extraordinary charisma, the movie star turned politician was certainly not an instance of a film actor 'clicking in politics'. Indeed, he was as shrewd as a politician could be and was trying to match every one of the DMK's claims to Dravidian heritage. He was socially conscious and implemented such worthwhile programmes as the nutritious noon meal scheme to remain unbeaten by his arch political foe, Mr M. Karunanidhi, DMK President. He exploited the film medium to drive home his message and to mould the public opinion. In the latter years of his career, he did develop political abilities and showed awareness of where his strength lay.
MGR knew his mind but it was not easy to make him speak out his mind. He was not an orator. Nevertheless he had developed a habit of making very long speeches, often vague and unclear. This was so until the latter half of 1984 when he fell ill with a stroke which left him with a major speech disability.
Clean Govt.
Very early in his career as Chief Minister, in some of his speeches he pledged to banish corruption and establish a clean administration. To what extent did he succeed? Students of history of this period pointed to his failure to achieve his objective. In fact, they cited how his erstwhile Revenue Minister, Mr. S. D. Somasundaram, left the party in protest against the rampant corruption in the administration. (Mr. Somasundaram, however, failed to make a dent in the AIADMK party and returned to the organisation some time later and was made a party functionary by (MGR).
One criticism by the DMK was that MGR being a Malayalee, could not be expected to serve the interest of the Tamil culture and language. To meet
the criticism show himself inheritors of began doing things in the Tamil langa Nevertheless present Tami of heterogen ethnic, religic - and belie Tamils in a ul he showed hil cosmopolitan label, All-Ind national digr
Born of Ma ary 17, 1917 MGR had to and squalor mother, Sath sons — Cha dran – mo Tamil Nadu b The boys col Sathyabhama Madurai Ori pany to be t Movies were
Young Ra hard to make knocked at al first role in Leelavathi'). make an i moviegoers. physique, h orchestratec magnetism, r. destined to go dizzy heights the Governm at' for best a
During the were taking political scen reaching cons greSSman-tur E.V. Ramasv nered schola and savant, dearingly knc huge followi with their Anna's Dravi was on its w, political force received a big
In fact, Mc appeal as mu his popularity both. When f power, MGR and making projecting his films were alv ganzas. The s and moral-or roles of a do-g person fighti vulgar, the g and the anti
Difference
It was Octo

TAMIL TIMES 19
GES D
, he worked overtime to and his party as the true the Dravidian glory and all kinds of inexplicable 2 name of protecting the uge and Tamil culture. he did recognise that the l community was made up eous groups and sects - ous, linguistic and cultural ved in a future for the nited India. To that extent mself to be a nonparochial, person. He thought the ia, affixed to ADMK lent ity to the party. alayalee parents on Janu", at Kandy (Sri Lanka), endure hunger, poverty in his boyhood days. His lyabhama, with her two krapani and Ramachanved to Kumbakonam in but could not find a living. uld not go to school and a admitted them to the ginal Boys Drama ComIrained as stage artistes. still a far away novelty. machandran struggled the grade as an actor. He l doors and finally got his a talking picture (Sathi He gradually began to impression on Tamil His good looks, his wiry is skill in conducting l fights and personal marked him out as a man ) up the ladder. He scaled in the film world. He got ent of India award “Bharictor in the country. 2 Fifties, many changes place on the Tamil Nadu 2 which were to have far sequences. Men like Conned atheist social rebel, wamy, and rustic manr, silver tongued orator C.N. Annadurai (enwn as Anna) developed a ng, stirring the masses writings and speeches. da Munnetra Kazhagam ay to be coming a major in the State. The party boost by MGR joining it. GR exploited the party's ch as the party exploited '. It was thus beneficial to inally the DMK came to was content to be acting movies his medium for do-good philosophy. His ways commercial extravastories were simple, clear ientated. He played the gooder, a dutiful son, or a ng the idle rich or the reedy, the unscrupulous socials. es with Karunanidhi ber 1972, when Mr Karu
nanidhi was the Chief Minister, that serious differences developed between the two. MGR accused his old friend of gross corruption, nepotism and much else. In a retaliatory move, Karunanidhi suspended MGR from the DMK. The masses were stunned. Political thunder clouds rolled, MGR founded his own party. Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (later re-named as All India Anna DMK), and within five years, the party under his leadership was swept to power and he became the Chief Minister (June 1977). Many were wondering what a film actor was going to do as the Chief Minister.
Mr. Karunanidhi, in fact, erred in imagining that MGR could never convert his film popularity into political strength. In the initial stages, no day passed without some agitation or the other, often inspired by the Opposition parties, creating problems for MGR. Mr. Ramachandran survived not only his own shortcomings but also the onslaughts of the Opposition parties, notably the DMK.
When his party was defeated at the parliamentary elections in 1980 by the Congress (II)-DMK çombine and his Government was subsequently dismissed by Indira Gandhi, he did not lose heart but waited patiently for the Assembly elections six months later when he went to the people as the aggrieved party and exploited that feeling to secure a resounding success at the polls.
Relations with Indira Gandhi
In the next four years, he cultivated Mrs. Gandhi and her party so closely, after some political fence-mending, that she made an airdash to Madras to see him when he fell ill with a stroke in October 1984, and arranged to fly him to New York and provide him the most sophisticated treatment available in the United States. He was almost given up when he left the Indian soil, but made a remarkable recovery in the New York hospital that surprised even the doctors attending on him. The doctors said that more than the medicines, it was his extraordinary will power, determination to live, and the grace of God that were responsible for his recovery. It was then the State of Tamil Nadu witnessed a strange phenomenon of all sections of the population joining together and offering prayers for saving the life of one man, their leader.
At the Down State Memorial Centre, Brooklyn, New York, MGR underwent a kidney transplant and got treated for his stroke. He had a miraculous recovery, but was left with a speech impairment.
During his stay in New York, the 1984 general elections came off, and from his hospital bed MGR led his party to a smashing victory. The Congress (I) aligned itself with the AIADMK this time and this combination continued in the following years.
At the end of the three month medical treatment in the United States MGR
(Continued on next page)

Page 20
20 TAMIL TIMES
EPRLF CALLS FOR FULL IMPLEMENTATION OF THE PEACEACCORD
ALTHOUGH, five months have now lapsed since the signing of the Indo-Sri Lankan Accord, the expectations of our Peoples that the Accord would pave the
way for peace, restoration of the demo
cratic process and meaningful devolution of power to the Tamil-speaking people, remain a distant dream. In fact, the present reality that face our Peoples is one of despair, deprivation and death.
On our part, we, the EPRLF, which extended its critical support to the Accord, are finding it increasingly difficult to demonstrate to our People, in concrete and tangible terms, the gains of the Accord. What our people see, instead is the process through which only those conditions favourable to the Sri Lankan government are being satisfied. In addition, our own expectations that the Accord would serve to create those conditions that would pave the way for the fusion of broad, democratic Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim consensus remains to be fulfilled.
We give below certain specific cases of non-implementation of the Accord, which in our opinion, constitute the major obstacles to the realization of peace, democracy and unity which today comprises the main political slogans of EPRLF and the rationale behind our supporting the Accord:
1. The abrogation of the General Amnesty Clause:-There are, at this moment, around 1,250 Tamil political
prisoners who are sti prisons (ie the New the Booza Army Can watte Transit Camp), a flagrant violation Amnesty Clause that Amnesty to all politi cluding those accus convicted. In addition 1,000 persons listed
Furthermore, the ( Clause has been delib preted by the Sri Luar so as to exclude all th well as Tamils) who h or convicted under t. Terrorism Act for alle mitted outside the No ern Provinces.
We are, in particula the plight of members the Vikalpa Kanday Group’) who now fac Prevention of Terroris Emergency Regulatio charges being conspir the government in c. EPRLF. These are per courage to place the mands of the Tamil Sinhala People, des Sinhala Buddhist ch they had to confront. members of Vikalpa are incarcerated in pr stand, published in th papers, in support oft an Accord.
(Continued from p.19)
returned to Madras on February 4, 1985, to a rousing reception. From then on, despite his speech disability, he carried on the administration of the State and continued his hold on the masses, particularly those in the rural areas and more particularly among the women. However, he remained a sick man and had to go to the U.S. every year for check-up and treatment.
The last time when he went to the U.S. for the annual check-up in early August, he stayed there almost three months to enable the experts at the State University Health Services Centre, Brooklyn, to carry out various tests and prescribe alternative formulations to bolster up his health which had earlier shown signs of oedema.
Looking better than a year ago, a cheerful MGR returned to Madras on October 31, only to strain himself in dealing with a dozen pending problems, chief among them being the Sri Lankan Tamils and the Vanniyars who were agitating for a special reservation in jobs and higher education.
Keenly interested in ensuring an honourable place for the Tamils in Sri Lanka MGR had never allowed his physical limitations to stand in the way
of either meeting the shoulder to shoulder Minister in the cause Sri Lanka.
Even during his sta met Mr. Rajiv Gandhi a visit to New York í Tamils issue with him MGR kept himself i. with the Centre. In s) rent health, he flew to ber 16 - just a week - and reviewed the tion with the Prime
Staunch nationalist
A staunch nationali peace, he had a g Jawarharlal Nehru.
installing a statue
important junction
wanted it to be unve Minister, Mr. Rajiv
long wait he got his fulfilled on Decemb Prime Minister unvei grand function. At
enthusiastic MGR sp minutes unmindful o strain on his health,
Mr. Ramachandra his wife, Mrs. V.N.
The H

JANUARY 1988
l incarcerated in Magazine Prison, p and the PelaThis constitutes of the General peaks of General !al detainees, ind, charged and , there are over as missing.
eneral Amnesty erately misinterkan government ose (Sinhalese as ave been charged he Prevention of ged offences comrthern and East
r, concerned over
of a group called ma (Alternative 2 trial under the im Act (PTA) and ns - one of the ing to overthrow ollusion with the 'sons who had the democratic dePeople before the pite the fury of hauvinism which
Incidentally, the Kandayama who ison took an open le Colombo newshe Indo-Sri Lank
people or working
with the Prime of the Tamils in
y abroad, he had
who was then on and discussed the . After his return, n constant touch pite of his indiffeDelhi on Decembefore his death Sri Lanka situaMinister.
, lover of peace
st and lover of reat regard for He was keen in of Nehru at an in Madras and led by the Prime Gandhi. After a cherished desire 2r 21 when the ed the statue at a this function an oke for almost 15 f the tremendous
n is survived by Janaki.
indu (IE) 2.1.88
2. Devolution of Power: - The 13th Amendment to the Constitution and the Bill pertaining to the powers that would devolve to the Provincial Councils, as well as its structure, fall far short of the just and democratic aspirations of the Eelam People (ie the Tamill-speaking People of Sri Lanka). In fact, the unilateral move by the Sri Lankan Government in pushing through the relevant amendment and the Bill, is a clear case of bad faith and goes contrary to the terms of the Accord which explicitly states that all residual matters' be resolved in consultations with the Government of India. However, the devolution “package’ excludes completely the contents of the earlier three rounds of talks between New Delhi and Colombo with the TULF being consulted in proximity talks. In fact, both, Delhi as well as all Tamil organisations (including the TULF) have expressed their total dissatisfaction with the devolution package unilaterally pushed through by the Sri Lankan Government. . . We, therefore, demand that negotiations be re-started on the devolution package in accordance with the terms and spirit of the accord. We demand that the process of consultations include all Tamil organizations which took part in the Delhi talks.
3. Plantation Tamils: - We have, right from the beginning, taken a postion against Clause 16(d) of the Accord which seeks to link the repatriation of Plantation Tamils of Sri Lanka to India to the sending back of Tamil refugees in India to Sri Lanka. Our position is that both are unrelated. Firstly, as far as the question of statelessness is concerned, the Plantation Tamils who toiled to develop the plantation economy and who have lived in Sri Lanka for over 4 generations, have every right to call Sri Lanka their homeland. Thus, all those who wish to be citizens of Sri Lanka should be given citizenship, unconditionally. As far as the refugees from Sri Lanka are concerned, their resettlement in Sri Lanka can only be initiated once there is some semblance of normalcy and guarantee to their physical safety and security. No such condition exist today - 5 months after the signing of the Accord.
4. Annexure in the Accord: - Contrary to the elements in the Annexure to the Accord, the Sri Lankan Government hasso far failed to terminate the presence of external military intelligence agencies which were involved in the militarization of the Sri Lankan armed forces in their persuance of a military solution. It is our stand that the demilitarization of the ethnic conflict cannot be one-sided to include only the disarmament of the Eelam resistance — as things have been proceeding so far. We, therefore, demand that the Annexure to the Accord be implemented. In addition to the above, we are greatly concerned with a problem that immediately face our people, arising directly out of the
armed hostilities between the IPKF
(Continued on page 21)

Page 21
UANUARY 1988
DEVOLUTION OF Po A MUST TO COUNTE AUTHORITARANISM
THE Movement for Inter-Racial Justice and Equality (MIRJE) welcomed the Indo-Sri Lanka Peace Agreement on two grounds; it promised to bring to an end the violence that has marked ethnic relations in Sri Lanka over the last decade; it also provided a framework for the evolution of a negotiated political settlement that would recognise the plurality of Sri Lankan society.
Developments since the signing of the agreement have unfortunately belied these expectations. All parties to the agreement have been responsible in varying degrees for the debacle. The Sri Lankan government was tardy in setting up the interim administraion; it tried to re-establish its police powers in the northern province and announced plans for recruiting and inducting new officers to the force in these areas; it moved ostentatiously to prepare plans for long-term rehabilitation and to obtain funds for such plans; it appeared to place greater emphasis on the resettlement of Sinhala refugees in the eastern province.
These acts led to fears that the central government was trying to preempt the choices open to provincial administrations and aroused suspicions among the Tamil people of the government’s comittment to devolution.
The Tamil militant groups entered into a violent struggle for power among themselves, resulting in a large number of deaths. Then the dominant LTTE, after obtaining a commanding majority of seats on the interim administration and promising to co-operate
fully in implementing all provisions of
the agreement, went back on its comittmentS.
ممبه
(Continued from page 20)
and the LTTE. It is imperative that the Government of India should take all necessary steps to ensure that the civilian casualties and the extreme economic and psychological deprivation of our People, be kept to an absolute minimum - or avoided altogether. As an immediate task we call on the Government of India, to initiate the political process, as delienated by us above, and not allow the acts of provocation by the LTTE to distract it from implementing the Accord to the full. We also call on the LTTE to subdordinate its narrow, parochial ends to the wider and long-term interests of our people and join the mainstream of the struggle for Peace, Democracy, Unity and social Progress.
It indulged treme brutal charge, man tory, a tele number of eastern prov a futile batt Keeping For
The IPKF less than p passively wi killed each ( while commu lent proporti Sinhala and being slaugh from their ho South to ass tween the groups in en dominance i
Subsequen to attempt t action has r assault on th Civilian life
civilians, pa
peninsula, h tinuous cur population o out of its h
security of
suffered fro amenities.
Reports al. of civilian d truction of stated that t tive to the pl is now involv killing remn. no doubt ext groups in ot
The prese allowed to c. by and see t prolonged gu a mockery of pated by the to further de In this conti cerned parti process of de to negotiatio
The LTTE the struggl brought to a July 29th.
Its presen from the stal accepting th their position authorities futile and no Tamil people We call u

TAMIL TIMES 21
WER,
ER
in abhorrent acts of exity, killing hostages in its agers of the cement facvision crew and a large Sinhala peasants in the ince. It then embarked on
le with the Indian Peace
"Ce.
role has also been much raiseworthy. It stood by hile the militant groups other; it was also inactive unal conflict assumed vio
ons in the East and while ,
| Muslim peasants were htered and forced to flee omes. This led many in the ume a tacit collusion beIPKF and the militant suring Tamil demographic n the eastern province.
ut events forced the IPKF o disarm the LTTE; this ow turned into a virtual he Tamil people of Jaffna. has been totally disrupted; rticularly in the Jaffna ave been subject to confew; nearly the entire f Jaffna has been forced omes into the uncertain refugee camps; and have m lack of food and basic
so speak of large numbers eaths and enormous desproperty; it is also being he IPKF has been insensiight of civilians. The IPKF ed in chasing, capturing or ants of the LTTE and will end this process into other her areas as well.
ent situation cannot be Ontinue. We cannot stand he beginnings of another erilla war which will make the peace that was anticiTamil people and also lead -stabilisation in the South. ext we call upon all cones to arrest this alarming terioration and to get back ns that will lead to peace.
must accept the fact that e for Eelam has been n end by the agreement of
t tactics, differing totally nd adopted by its leader in he Agreement and from as indicated to the Indian on September 28th, are t in the best interest of the
pon the LTTE to declare
SAYS MIRUE
anew its support for the co-operation in implementing the Agreement, to give up its present tactics of violent confrontation and enter into negotiations leading to peaceful participation in the political processes that must be set in motion soon.
We call upon the Sri Lankan and Indian Governemtns to review the present situation and take whatever steps are necessary to get back to a negotiated political solution which was after all the objective of the Agreement.
For this purpose, we believe it necessary that the present offensive be halted and discussions begun with the LTTE as well as all other groups to make a reality of the intentions of the Agreement, that is, surrender of arms, a cessation of conflict and a democratic process of transition to provincial councils; such discussions will necessarily have to recognise the relative strengths of the various groups.
We believe that this is the only way of avoiding a long drawn out guerilla war which will probably prevent the establishment of democratic political structures in the north and east, at least for some time. The Tamil people at large must also actively contribute to such a process.
There is another responsibility that the Sri Lankan Government appears to have abdicated. The Government and the President cannot leave total responsibility for matters in the north to the IPKF or the Indian authorities.
The Government must move in swiftly, restore civil administration and take all steps necessary to relieve the distress of the people. It must move in adequate food supplies, restore common ameneties, reactivate hospital and medical services, etc. Its very commitment to the unity and integrity of Sri Lanka can only be vindicated by such action.
We are aware that among the Sinhala people there is a great deal of oppostion to the Agreement. Such oppostion may be based on a variety of genuinely held views that look on the provisions of the Agreement as well as the present regime that is attempting to implement it with extreme disfavour.
We do not wish to comment on all these issues in this statement; nevertheless, we would like to remind them that the institution of provincial cou:1- cils all over the country and the devolution of certain powers to such councils may well be one of the best means of countering the present authoritarian and repressive tendencies of the government.

Page 22
22 TAMIL TIMES
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(Former Directer Consultant, Sri Lanka) beate Krishnathai, cai (Sri Lanka), A.), Bhuvanakn), Dr. Indrak
of Lucky (Sri S.A.), Dr. SivaKeshani & Arullon. Cremation
December. at 54 Whitehorse
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Haycams Ltd; eelan and Son shot and killed le 23rd October KOndavil Jaffna. father of Mrs lan, Mr. LingFather-in-Law les), brother of
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"And the tear that we shed, Though in secret it rolls, Shall long keep his memory, Fresh in Our Souls' Our Lady, Queen of Holy Rosary, Pray for him. Amirtha-Villa, Mathagal.
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JANUARY 1988
Ethnic Questions in U.K. Census
THE British government is planning to include a question on racial origins in the next census, 1991, although it was forced to drop all such references in the last census in April 1981.
In the 1981 proposal people were asked to choose between 10 alternative racial groups. This time the question is simpler. People will be expected to tick one of three boxes - white, black or Asian. For Asians there is a further choice of boxes, to indicate Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Chinese or other. There is to be a separate category for people from any other race or ethnic group.
Officials say the question is essential for the correct planning of special programmes for ethnic minority groups. They assert that the question would help determine allocation of government funds to local authorities who make special financial provision for ethnic minority groups.
In areas such as health, social services, employment and social security, they say, the information would enable the government to set up programs better suited to the requirements of ethnic minorities.
However, before the 1981 census there had been widespread anxiety about the possibility that immigration authorities would use the information to track down illegal immigrants. A test survey in the London borough of Haringey showed that just under 50 per cent of the respondents were willing to disclose their origins.
Some Opposed in Principle
Surveys held more recently show that most people from ethnic groups would agree to disclose their origin. But some people, especially those from the West Indies, are still opposed in principle to such a question.
Meetings are to be held early in the new year by officials from the Office of Population Censuses and Surveys, and the Commission For Racial Equality, to convince the leaders of minority groups that the question of race origins does not pose any threat.
An information paper published last month by the Office of Population Censuses and Surveys says: "Census data on identified individuals will not be passed to any person or organization outside the Census Office. This includes the police, immigration authorities, the local and health authorities.'
The paper says that because the government wishes to eliminate racial discrimination it needs accurate data on the ethnic population on which its policies may be based. It adds: "An ethnic origin question would help the government and others to monitor these policies and assess their effect, both nationally and locally.'
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If the q census, the suses and S publicity ca groundless information
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The aim O to the Home of nearly 14 referred to
The JCW organisatiol the new pro Shadow Ho. Labour Par proposals.
COUR ON A. MMG
A child und Britain as t one settled rules even
without leg Appeal in l
The rulir hundreds of gain entry f Арреа
Lord Ju appeal by Tribunal ag Hodgson ( quashed a entry to ar.
The case an entry ce dependent who settled When the a in 1975 in whom he w

TAMIL TIMES 23
Paper due to be published summer is to contain the r the 1991 census. Parliaake the final decision on include the proposed quesal origins. estion is included in the Office of Population Cenurveys plans to introduce a npaign'designed to remove fears about the way the
would be used.
TO LIMIT OWERS
government is to introduce nes to severly restrict the embers of Parliament to regard to problems faced ntS.
Home Office proposals to be re Parliament this month at: (a) the MPs should raise 1 problems of their constight with nationality or imficers and not, as they do at h the Minister; (b) instead intervention while an im
still going through the ass, MPs should leave their ion until the process is com
f these proposals, according 2 Office, is to halve the total 000 cases a year now being Ministers.
WI and other immigrant hs have severely criticised posals. Roy Hattersley, the me Secretary, said that the ty would fiercely oppose the
T RULES DOPTION BY RANTS
er 18 can be admitted to he adoptive child of somehere under immigration if that child was adopted al procedure, the court of
ondon has ruled.
g could be significant for families who are trying to or children.
ls Panel Overruled
stice May dismissed an the Immigration Appeals ainst a decision of Justice arlier this month that tribunal decision refusing
applicant. oncerned an application for rtificate in 1982 from the dopted son of the sponsor in Great Britain in 1970. pplicant's father was dying sangladesh, the sponsor, to is related, promised to look
VJAVAMEGA"S CREATIVE EFFORT
Dr. ဒို့မြို့မြှို့ဖြိုးမျိုခြီးမြို့ rious son Govindarajan, accompanied မျိုးနှီ8?'" CO in their
recent tour UK, in a novel dance of V Indra Kumar, an illustrious dancer, & dance teacher. Vij 's innovation saw Jesus Christ as
Lord of the Dance in the Creation of the World, his life, Crucifixion and Resurrection, combining it with the rhythms of a Thilana. The lyrics were in English and Dr Sivachithambaram was invited by Vijayambigaito compose the music in Carnatic classical and sing it. Vijayambigai choreographed the dance in Bharata Natyam.
She danced, the item in the course of a brilliant 3 hour recital she recently had at the University of London Goldsmi College, presented by Vijayanarthalaya (Academy of Indian Arts). sa at the occasion, Revd Charles Watson, Minister in Charge of INTERCOM Ministries (an ecumenical inter community organisation of the Methodist Church), commended Vijayambigai's efforts at interlinking East-West traditions and building bridges between communities. He said that many priests had witnessed the dance and had requested Vijayambigai to perform it at Church Services. Vijayambigai has to be admired for taking Bharata Natyam into the Churches in a form gratifying to their milieux. Vijayambigai's of Bharata Natyam, Kuchipudi & Kathakali was not only first class entertainment but was of tremendous educational value to students of the dance and aspiring dancers.
Paul Dharmaraj
after the applicant after the father's death.
When the applicant applied for entry clearance, an immigration officer refused on the grounds that there was no provision for adoption in Bangladesh or under Muslim law. The decision was upheld by the Immigration Appeals Tribunal.
Rationale for Ruling
However, Hodgson had held that even without a legally recognizable adoptive process there could have been an adoption procedure sufficient under immigration rules where there had been a permanent assumption by the adopter of all parental duties.
May said that the tribunal should also have considered the applicant's case on the basis of whether he should have been admitted as a relative of the sponsor. The tribunal's appeal, he said, would be dismissed on the ground.

Page 24
24 TAMIL TIMES
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