Page 1
Tamji
W| W|| ND. ISSN
DMKSWEEPS TOPC
k Sri Lanka Election Scene
k The PremadaSa PhenomenOm
* 1988 Presidential Election
rk Mrs Bandara naike challenges
Premadasa
 
 

75p
O256-448B JANUARW 1989
WER IN TAMIL NADU
LSL SLLGLLGLLL LLLLCLCLLLLLLL LTtlLLLLLLL SLLLLLLSL won a landslide victory in the elections held on 9 January in the South Indian State of Terroris Nadu, securing over 170 seats in the Legislative Assembly of 234 seats. DMK leader', the fis year old M. Kururier ridhi, is erfected to become Chief Minister,
The AIADMK, which split into two factions afferth e leth of M. G. Rarrachardrr ri, ne led hy his uvida Law, Jaraki. I rad (le « l'her" by Jayala litha, leere leferated brit fly.
The reject for o/”. Congress (II), po Lushed i rata
third place, is regarded as a personal defeat
for the Prire Mirister. Raji (Fa Yudhi. Uha
LSLLLLLLGGGL GL LGLLGLLGL LLLGLGGLLLLLLL LLLLLLLmGLTC LGGLL
ped Strate ! hirteen. Y frytes fra dell'adress ca "ripcig 77
டி: Free r g8.
THE "KING' & THE “KINGMAKER
President R. Premadasa and S. Thondaman, President Ceylon Workers' Congress
S LLGS HCkGGGGL LLL LLLLLGG LLkTGG L SLL LLTLGLlT LLLGL 0LLLLLLL rrGGS L LLLLLLLLS LGLLGLLLLL LLSLGGELGGGGLGLLS LLSLLLE kLLk HGGGCTGLGLG GtTT SLS LLLLLLG CLGGGL S LuDLLL TTL GGGG LGLL LLL LLLLLLLLS LLL LGGtOEa LLLLL S rrDD LLGGLL LLL LLLS LSLLLLLLGLLS LLLL LLLL L LLLLLLLLSLLLLLL sagde for frie As Presidens of the CPC. I hele LLLLLLLLLL LLKLLL LLLL LLLL GkGLLL LLLLLL GELLLS
S. Thodaman, The Hindu. 5.12, B8

Page 2
2 TAM TIMES
CONTENTS
General Election scene in Sri Lanka. . . . . 3
The Premadasa Phenomenon . . . . . . . . 5 ISSN 026 Mrs B Challenges Premadasa's ANNUAL SUB: Election . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 UK/ndia/Sri Lanka, All other countries Evaluation of 1988 Presidential Election.9 Published m End to Statelessness. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 TAMIL TIM P.Ο. ΒOX Views expressed by Contributors are not necessarily SUTTON, SURRE those of the editor or the publishers. UNITED KIN
LET THE PEO
Two events of fundamental significance to the Tamil people of Sri Lanka occurred in the run-up to the recently held presidential elections and before the dissolution of parliament. Firstly, the parliament enacted legislation granting citizenship rights to all 'stateless' Tamils living in the central highlands of the island. Now the plantation Tamils who were arbitrarily and cruelly deprived of their basic citizenship rights in 1948 have regained those rights. Secondly, the parliament unanimously adopted a constitutional amendment making Tamil also an official language of the country along with Sinhala. Thus the Sinhala only policy introduced in 1956 has been dumped into the dustbin of history.
That the two main Sinhala dominated parties, UNP and SLFP, supported these measures in parliament, after using both these issues for vote-grabbing purposes all these years, is of no less significance and reflects a qualitative change in the politics of the Country. The lesson that the Tamil people of the island cannot be held in subjugation would appear to have been learnt after the death and devastation of recent years.
l
I
( The much maligned Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement and : the resulting legislation enacted by parliament pro- : vided for a measure of provincial autonomy on the basis of devolution of certain legislative and executive l powers and the merger of the two northern and eastern I provinces (although subject to a referendum) as a i means to protect the national identity of the Tamil speaking people. A majority of Tamils, including Tamil political parties and militant groups, do not regard the : devolution package as satisfying all their aspirations. They argue for an enhancement of the devolved powers giving more autonomy for the Tamil areas. But disputes and disagreements have surfaced among the Tamil people, political parties and militant groups as to the method, means and tactics to be adopted in achieving the enhancement of Tamil autonomy.
These disputes and disagreements manifested openly when elections for the North-East Provincial Council were called. The LTTE, still in military confrontation with the IPKF, called for a boycott of the elections. Three militant groups, EPRLF, ENDLF and TELO participated in the elections. The TULF, while not participating in the elections, called upon the Tamil people to vote at the elections. The PLOTE and EROS did not participate. In the event, the Provincial Council elections were held. There was reduced participation in the elections by the people. The LTTE's boycott call was reasonably successful in the north and less successful in the east. Since the Provincial Council elections, the fractricidal conflict between the LT TE
 

JANUARY 1989
CONTENTS
NE Provincial Government
-4488 Unveils Programme. . . . . . . ... . . . . . 12 CRIPTION "It's suicidal to be divided'. . . . . . . . . . . 13 . . E10/USS2O IPKF men face Court Martial. . . . . . . . . 15 ..". E15/USS30
nthly by SLFP to abandon Manifesto. . . . . . . . . 17 ES LTD Kidnapped boy found in Madras. . . . . . . 20 , 3 TO The publishers assume no responsibility for return of
GOOM unsolicited manuscripts, photographs and artwork.
PLE DECIDE
and the EPRLF has intensified and many have fallen fictims in gun battles.
Now parliamentary General Elections are to be held on February 15. All Tamil political parties and militant groups, except the LTTE, have decided to participate in these elections and submitted nominations. The TULF which has struck an alliance with the EPRLF, ENDLF and TELO are contesting all the districts in the north-eastern province. PLOTE's political wing, DPLF, is contesting in the Jaffna and Nuwara Eliya districts. All Ceylon Tamil Congress is contesting in the Jaffna district. EROS has put forward a block of independent candidates both in the north and east. The LT TE has decided not to field any candidates denouncing those who participate in the elections as 'traitors' with a promise to destroy them.
Whether the LTTE is right in boycotting or all other parties and groups which are participating in these 2lections are right is not the question. The fact is that here are two positions. The LTTE has the democratic ight to adopt its own position of boycotting the 2lections for whatever reason it deems justifiable and canvas support among the people for a boycott. At the same time, the other parties and groups which have submitted nominations have also the democratic right o go to the people and ask them to exercise their vote. More fundamentally, the Tamil people must have the ight to support either position or stay neutral. No ndividual, party or group which does not recognise hese mutual rights and act accordingly has the right to alk about democracy', 'freedom, and rights and spirations' of the people.
Already evidence is emerging that fratricidal killings mong Tamil militant groups are on the increase. If members of the Tamil community are to consolidate he gains they have already achieved at tremendous ost and suffering, and further advance to win their agitimate aspirations, they should be spared of the elf-destructive trauma of brutalisation, indiscriminate iolence, fratricidal killings and the day to day terror of e T-56 and AK47.
No individual, party or group has the right to arrogate itself the right to be sole spokesman or representave of the people. All the groups and parties purport to peak and fight for and on behalf of the people. They lso assume that they know what the interests of the seople are. If that were true, and if they are confident of le correctness of their respective positions, they hould have the courage to trust the people to take the ght decision according to their own perceptions and derstanding. Those who claim to have the support of e people must not display; use or threaten to use eapons of human destruction.

Page 3
JANUARY 1989
COLOMBO
THE GENERAL E
An aggregate of over 1300 candidates belonging to nine political parties (or groupings) and nine independent blocks have submitted their nominations for the February 1989 general elections which are being held after 11 long years to elect 196 members to the 225-seat Parliament. The balance 29 bonus seats' will be filled from the national list depending on the proportion of votes each party or block obtains nationally.
Except in the case of the first general election in 1947 in which the United National Party, which eventually formed the government, obtained less than the combined opposition, the country's electoral scene has been dominated by the UNP and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party.
The new proportional representation system, the preferential vote, the national list and the large number of parties contesting on their own, make this general election an unusual and unpredictable one in comparison to the previous ones.
These elections are not expected to reproduce the landslide victories that the UNP and the SLFP have been scoring in the past under the first-pastthe-post system, a British legacy bequeathed to Sri Lanka when it was granted independence in 1948. For the first time, the proportional representation system is to be implemented.
Sri Lanka has a highly politicised electorate and the voter turnout is generally as high as 80 per cent and on occasions even more than that. If the JVP in the south and the LTTE in the north do not repeat their performance of the recent past, that is to undermine the democratic electoral process by force, there is no reason to doubt that the poll will be very high on February 15.
The UNP, after a 11 year rule marked by unprecedented chaos, violence, erosion of democratic rights, death and devastation, 50,000 foreign troops in the country etc, is not held high in popular esteem. However, even at the worst of times, it has an irreducible voter-base of nearly 30 per cent. That is not sufficient to assure certain victory.
The SLFP has never come to power without some form of alliance in the past, normally with the traditional left parties. Those parties are contesting under the banner of the United Socialist Alliance on this occasion. The SLFP's encounter in forming the People’s Democratic Alliance just prior to
SRI
the recently h has turned o debacle. How rely on an ur nearly 20 per cent is up for
It is in this smaller partie right, and the the Tamils j plantations, Christians - which they ne
What has minorities ind political parti the system of tion. Writin TIMES (1.1.8 up the positio.
Neither the afford to ignor more. The PR neither party g ity. In fact, it either to form a ing a coalition smaller parties minorities hav Minority partie fight for and t rights of their (
importa The relation: races and the significantly. T are now willing the minorities. Ceylon Workel UNP, it was ad fact that it was the last momen
The UNP wi lines until the Then, at the las CWC to annou the UNP, ensu could not use propaganda ag feared that its a make it unpop the Sinhalese, t
But at the paign, Mr. Pre invite me to his of the campaign crowds in my cheered. The U fact that the C Mr. Thondama Workers Congr
LNE-UP
The UNP is tricts in alli
 

TAMIL TIMES 3
NEWSLETTER
Chithira ;
LECTION SCENIE IN
LANKA
eld presidential elections ut to be a disasterous ever, the SLFP also can assailable voter-base of cent. The balance 50 per grabs.
context the role of the es, both of the left and vote of the minorities - including those of the the Muslims and the assume a political clout ver had before.
made the votes of the lispensable to the major es is the introduction of proportional representag in THE SUNDAY 9),Kendel Hopman sums n as follows:
UNP nor the SLFP can 'e the minority votes anysystem will ensure that ets an overwhelming majormight become difficult for a government without formwith one or more of the . Therefore politically, the e been put on the map. scan exploit this situation to o safeguard the democratic constituents.
nce of the minorities
ship between the minority Sinhalese has also changed he Sinhala people in general to accept the importance of Some time ago, when the rs Congress supported the vised not to make public the s supporting the UNP until it. anted the CWC on the sidecampaign was almost over. t moment, it would allow the ince that it was supporting iring that the UNP's rivals the CWC-UNP alliance as ainst the UNP. The UNP illiance with the CWC would ular with a large section of the chauvinists.
Presidential election cammadasa did not hesitate to stage at the very beginning n. I addressed large Sinhala broken Sinhala, and they NP drew strength from the WC was supporting it said an, leader of the Ceylon
BSS.
IN THE SOUTH
contesting in all 22 disance with Thondaman's
Ceylon Workers Congress. President Premadasa has ditched 31 MPs from the previous parliament and brought in many new faces in the list of candidates. To take the heat off the opposition to the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement and the presence of the IPKF, New Delhi has already indicated that it is ready to play ball - to substitute an obviously one-sided Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement with a Friendship Treaty containing obligations of mutual reciprocity, and it has already manifested its willingness to undertake a phased withdrawal of the IPKF by pulling out two battalions. Thondaman, whose electoral support assured Pramadasa his Presidency, figures prominantly in the UNP's National list.
The SLFP is contesting in 21 of the 22 districts conceding the Jaffna district to Kumar Ponnampalam's All Ceylon Tamil Congress. It will have the support of the tiny Liberal Partry and the Democratic Workers Congress whose leaders, Chanaka Amaratunga and A. Aziz are included in the SLFP's National List. The SLFP is expected to ditch the Common Programme of the People's Democratic Alliance on the basis of which the SLFP leader contested the Presidential election. Abrogation of the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord, immediate withdrawal of the IPKF and abolition of the executive presidency are expected to be the main issues on which the SLFP will campaign.
The United Socialist Alliance consisting of the Sri Lanka Mahajana Party, Lanka Sama Samaja Party, Communist Party and the Nava Samaja Party is contesting 17 districts. It is expected to support the TULF-EPRLFENDLF-TELO Front in the northern and eastern provinces. The National List of the USA includes Dr. Colvin R. de Silva, I. Duraisingham, A. K. Annamalai, Prof. Osmund Jayaratne, Dr. Kumar David and Dayan Jayatillake.
The Eksath Lanka Janatha Party led by Rukman Senanayake, nephew of the late Dudley Senanayake, is contesting in 15 districts, and in some districts is in alliance with the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress. A breakaway group of the SLFP led by former MP for Gampaha S.D. Bandaranaike is also contesting under the ELJP banner. It is learnt that some known JVP supporters are contesting in ELJP's list.
The Mahajana Eksath Peramuna led by Dinesh Gunawardene, son of the late Philip Gunawardene, is contesting

Page 4
4 TAMILTIMES
in 14 districts excluding the north and east. Attempts to bring about a reconciliation with the SLFP proved futile.
The Sri Lanka Muslim Congress is contesting in 12 districts including north and east. Some SLMC candidates are contesting under ELJP banner and 13 ELJP candidates are being fielded under the SLMC symbol.
NORTH AND EAST
The Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) is contesting as a block with the EPRLF, ENDLF and TELO under the TULF name. This Front is fielding 46 candidates for 31 seats - TULF: 17 candidates, EDPRLF; 11 candidates, and TELO and ENDLF 9 candidates each. A. Amirthalingam who was always returned to Parliament from Jaffna district is contesting in the Batticaloa district this time. Former TULF MPs, M.Sivasithamparam, V. Yogeswaran, V. Anamathasangari, Soosaithasan and Sambathan are also contesting.
Eelam Revolutionary Organisation of Students (EROS) which formed the Eelam Peoples Democratic Front (EPDF) has put up candidates as an
independent block as it could not get
the EPDF registered as a political party before nominations. EPDF held negotiations with the TULF prior to nominations with a view to reaching an understanding to avoid a contest, but did not succeed. Some known LTTE supporters were included among the nominations submitted by the EROS-led independent block of candidates, but after submitting their nominations, it is learnt that the LTTE supporters have withdrawn their nominations following a directive from the LTTE.
The All Ceylon Tamil Congress is contesting in the Jaffna district being supported by the Sri Lanka Freedom Party.
The Sri Lanka Muslim Congress has fielded candidates in the north and east. Its leader, M.H.M. Ashrof is contesting from the Amparai district. The UNP and SLFP have also put up candidates in the eastern and some districts of the northern provinces.
The political wing of PLOTE led by Uma Maheswaran, the Democratic Peoples Liberation Front (DPLF) is v contesting in two districts, Jaffna and » Nuwara Eliya. Sitharthan, son of the late V. Dharmalingam, former TULF MP who was killed by Tamil gunmen, v is contesting in the Jaffna district * Runder the DPLF.
ši
LTTE TO BAN EROS
The LTTE is the only major Tamil
militant group which has not only not fielded candidates, but also has called for a boycott of the elections. The LTTE has denounced the elections as
M:&
"unjust, undemocratic,
acceptable. Characteri Tamil Groups participa tions as "traitors' who
the Tamil cause for thei ambitions', the LTTE st isesto “destroy' the tra
The LTTE stateme Tamil nation should res lent attempt by the g India and Sri Lanka to an electoralprocess und la of military occupati sion”.
To conduct the elect conditions of war, viole chy when there is no
TM/(
The phased withdraw: Peace Keeping Force gun. Approximately troops comprising two IPKF have already left eastern Trincomalee Kankesanthurai. Thes left on 9 January.
An Indian governm issued both in New Del said that “with the succ the provincial council a elections, and the begin devolution of powers to Government, some of th deployed in the Nort vince are in the proces drawn. Some troops h drawn since Novembe two battalions will bew coming few days.'
Explaining the back decision, the Indian Hig er in Colombo. Mr. J. press conference that madasa had made a for the beginning of a pha of the India troops when December 21. The deci ised during the meeting dent Jayawardene and Rajiv Gandhi in Islamb
Mr. Dixit said that t Indian troops in Sri between 45,000 and 50 not give a figure for the sent home.
The Indian statement
EMMERGE
The State of Emerger throughout Sri Lanka under the Public Secu was revoked on 11 Jan country had been und rule for 2065 days.
Despite the withd Emergency, the armed be deployed under the Terrorism Act and P. Public Security Ordina
Attorney General, S

JANUARY 1989
SSSLLLLLSLLLL LiiLiq EE EA SSEESLLLeeeLLLLL LLLLLLLLS LLSLLLLLSLLLeSLASLLALALAAAAALLALAE EEES S
and totaly unsing all those ting in the elechave betrayed r petty political tatement promitors.
ht added, "The ist this frauduovernments of stage-manage der the umbrelon and repres
ions under the ence and anarpeace and nor
malcy in the Tamil homeland is unjust,
undemocratic and unacceptable'.
The LTTE which has had fraternal
friendly relations with EROS up to
now had demanded that the latter
withdraws from the elections, failing which the LTTE warned that EROS
too would be banned' from any activity and dealt with 'accordingly, an EROS spokesman said.
The LTTE's information bulletin relayed over its telephonic-tape has announced that it had already commenced "military operations against the 'anti-social elements' and "traitors' who would be participating in the elections,
O BATTALIONS OF
IPKF LEAVE
all of the Indian has already bethree thousand pattalions of the Sri Lanka from
and northern second battalion
ment Statement hi and Colombo essful holding of and presidential ning of genuine o the Provincial he Indian troops h-Eastern Pros of being withave been withr end, another ithdrawn in the
kground to the gh CommissionN. Dixit told a President Premal request for sed withdrawal nhe met himon ision was finalbetween PresiPrime Minister iad.
the number of Lanka varied ,000 but would number being
t also holds out
the possibility of further reductions in the strength of the IPKF, and says that 'as the situation in the NorthEastern Province improves further, as the devolution powers become effective, as the Indo-Sri Lanka agreement gets progressively implemented, as the mischief-making potential of extremist elements opposed to the Agreement is reduced, the Government is hopeful of making further withdrawals in consultation with the Sri Lankan government“.
Mr. Dixit also said that the departure of the troops should also 'set at rest the minds of people who doubt India's goodwill'.
Referring to the concern expressed by the Tamils on fixing July 5 as the date for the referendum before the North-Eastern Provincial Council could continue for one year in power, Mr. Dixit said that he had been assured by the Sri Lankan authorities that there was good interaction between the North-Eastern Provincial Council and the President. The matter would be resolved in a reasonable, practical and amicable manner.
On 19 December 1988, the day of the Presidential election, Army Commander, Lieut. General Hamilton Wanasinghe, in a much publicised interview, said that for some time to come, the IPKF should remain in Sri Lanka because “we simply do not have the numbers to tackle the security situation all over the country.
VCY REVOKED AT LAST
ncy proclaimed
in May 1983 rity Ordinance uary 1989. The ler Emergency
rawal of the forces will still
Prevention of art III of the
Ce
unil de Silva,
stated that the President could invoke Part III of the Public Security Ordinance under which he had power to deploy the armed forces to assist the police.
The Inspector General of Police, ; Ernest Perera said that the army officers could be employed as local security force commanders. The members of the security services can make arrests, but will have to turn over the suspects to the police.

Page 5
JANUARY'989
PEOPLE 8. POLITICS
THE PREMADA
R. Premadasa
The circumstances under which Mr. Ranasinghe Premadasa scored his Presidential election victory, and the majority with which he won it from a bewildered, half-terrified electorate are perhaps not matters for much exultation, but there is more to it in his elevation to the highest position in the Sri Lankan State than a mere change in the driver's seat. Those who like to believe that Mr. Premadasa's election as President has only brought about a continuity of the prevailing UNP administration (and hence welcome, as many Indian commentators fondly hope) may find many surprises in store as the months go by, provided of course that the new President manages to survive, politically or otherwise.
Firstly, viewed in party terms, Mr. Premadasa is a political curiosity and a paradox. He represents and symbolises a political tendency which does not typify the true character of the party to which he belongs.
At the time it was founded 42 years ago by the man who was to become the country's first Prime Minister, Don Stephen Senanayake, the United National Party was a loosely-knit organisation that brought together the dominant section of the Sinhala upper middle class that had been traditionallly pro-British, English-educated, western-oriented and with little or no sympathy for the poor, or the common man's aspirations. The first few years of independence under the UNP saw the country go through a British colonial hangover, with Brown Sahibs' replacing the White Sahibs' in the seats of authority, and with whatever
by S.
social or politi being largely Party of w
A waist-co nayake and Oliver Goonet lawala ruled t ner in which governing t negotiations, her freedom t gle and popula may have ade the early ph power; but at later years d representative land.
The UNP upper crust of in power with both ethnic a nally support countries - th celebrated pl anaike. That out a Preside sufficient cred “man of the m nomenon in it fact the first head not only any Sri Lank the minor exc W. Dahanaya) er for six mon
With Mr.P command, it is radical transf the UNP and metamorphosi and political much a possib dent would go segment of yo denied partici elections for th at the same til old dead wood manage to pu result in the U but could leavi Party and it anaike with h
C
The second Premadasas a fore the caste seven heads o from the ma (the traditiona ers), "Mr. Pre “Hinna" (wash only ranks fa
 
 
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 5
SA PHENOMENON
Siрапауаgат
cal changes taking place cosmetic.
aist-Coats and belted
knights
at wearing D.S. Senabelted knights like Sir illeke and Sir John Kotehe roost. Given the manthe island became selfhrough constitutional unlike India which won hrough a political strugar involvement, the UNP 2quately filled the bill in ase in the transition of no time even during its lid the party become a 2 of the Sinhala heart
remained a party of the society, sustaining itself the help of minorities, nd religious, and extered by aid-giving Western e Rapacious West' in the hrase of Mrs. Bandarsuch a party could throw ntial candidate who had ibility to be accepted as a hasses' is a strange pheself. Mr. Premadasa is in grass-roots politician to a UNP government, but an government, barring
'eption of the homespun.
ke who held interim powths in 1959-60. remadasa now in total s likely to bring about a ormation in the image of could even result in a s of the party's outlook direction. It looks very ility that the new Presiall out to woo the large uth vote which had been pation in Parliamentary he past eleven years, and me weed out much of the in the party. If he can ll it off, it could not only JNP wearing a new face, 2 the Sri Lanka Freedom s leader Mrs. Bandarardly a leg to stand on,
aste Factor s
significant aspect of Mr. scendancy brings to the actor. While all previous f governments had come jority "Goyigama' caste l farmers and land ownmadasa hails from the erman) caste which not irly low in the pecking
order but also has been and is completely inconsequential in public life, unlike the "Karavas' (the fishing community) and the 'Salagamas' (once described as weavers and later the cinnamon peelers) who have time and again challenged the self-proclaimed superiority of the "Goyigamas' from colonial times.
Although it could be said that the structure of caste distinctions in Sinhalese society was getting loosened in recent years, partly because of a polarisation on chauvinist lines, they have remained vital when it came to marriages and domestic politics. Until recently, many political observers (including Sinhalese) speculating on the leadership succession within the UNP held serious reservations about Premadas's chances because of the caste factor. An Indian newspaper recently headlined a profile feature on him as DHOBIWALLAH TO PRESIDENT".
For a man with 'slum beginnings' to move into the 'Janadhipathi Mandiralaya” (the President’s Palace) once occupied by British governors is in fact more mind-boggling than the America parallel of "from the log-cabin to the White House'. That this man has belied the prophets and broken the caste barrier, while marking the end of the Goyigama stranglehold on power, should surely bring with it a new political dimension into Sri Lankan politics. For example, will it diminish the high-profile, interventionist political roles of the two leading Mahanayake Theras of the Malwatte and Asgiriya Chapters - the Buddhist High Priests in Sri Lankan politics - to whom a non-Goyigama head of state will be anathema? If it does, it would be a good thing for the Sri Lankan body politic, for at the doors of these two prelates could be placed much of the blame for the on going ethnic strife plaguing the country.
Helpful Attitude
There is a third aspect, again a positive one, that should stand the new President in good stead in the coming years: His comparatively cleaner political behaviour (as distinguished from the political stand) on the ethnic issues. While as a senior Minister he cannot exculpate himself from the collective government guilt of State violence against Tamils, he had kept his hands unsoiled otherwise, which is something that cannot be said for President Jayewardene or some of his other Ministers and party functionaries. Although Mr. Premadasa's name

Page 6
, 6 TAMHLTIMES
too has been associated with thuggery politics, there is at least no evidence to show that it had been turned anytime on Tamils. On the contrary, during the July 1983 bloodbath when Minister Cyril Mathew’s fire-eating chauvinist gangs went berserk, and while President Jayewardene and several of his cabinet colleagues sat tight with a smirk on their faces, there were hundreds of Tamils from his Colombo Central constituency who testified to Mr. Premadasa's helpful attitude; particularly the Tamil refugees who were temporarily housed at the Captain's Garden Hindu temple premises in Maradana. Interestingly, Mr. Premadasa has been representing an electorate which has a Tamil-speaking majority, Muslims and Tamils accounting for nearly 64% of the population.
His initiation into office was under Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake when he was inducted as Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Local Government in 1965, the Ministry itself being headed by the Tamil Federal Party nominee Mr.M. Tiruchelvam Q.C. Mr. Premadasa's emergence into office therefore took place under happy circumstances when a Tamil mainstream party was associated in powersharing at the centre, an experience one suspects has also helped to fashion his less strident outlook on the Tamil question.
A fourth significant factor, which could prove to be Mr. Premadasa's biggest asset in his new role as President is his individial style, both as politician and as a man. Having to battle constantly against his less favoured background and functioning under the shadows of the two dominant contenders for power in Mr. Bandaranaike and Jayewardene since 1970, he had chosen his priorities in public life with circumspection, content with low-profile portfolios such as local government and housing, which while being less glamorous brought him into closer contact with grassroots.
A trilingual President
In a significant gesture, President Premadasa followed his address in Sinhalese with a short speech in Tamil and then spoke in English, following his swearing-in at the historic Octagon of the Dalad Maligawa (the Temple of the Tooth) in
Kandy on January 2.
Come a Long Way
Mr. Premadasa has certainly come a long way, but the way he came - step by step on a long ladder fascinates one; a child rural migrant to Colombo, student social worker, temperance leader, municipal councillor, deputy mayor, member of Parliament, deputy Minister, Minister, Prime Minister, President; and at the age of 64, in contrast to J.R. Jayhewardene who
despite ancestry, Machiavellian schemin his hands on the lever, he was 71. The purs something that comes politicians, and in a c Lanka where it has be beginning with Bandar 56 and ending with J 1977-1988, there is freshingly different in t President has achieved that this itself should gi whatever policies he future. His almost Ses with providing a millio homeless, and in curin; and histaking the issu tional arena by having declared the year of homeless, his no-nons an achiever, his abiliy bureaucratic red tape, work long hours, and terest in getting favo through the internatic all unusual characteri found among the run Lankan politicians. It worth recording that du as Minister some of h officials were Tamils affairs were handled lawyer. A devout Budd is also devoutly Hindu outlook. Even his now India stances did not b undertaking a low-key grimage to Hindu and tres of worship in India Anti-Indian P
That brings us to ti which also has bee: publicised stance of Mr any issue - the Indian g on the Tamil question erative conduct as Indi remained unashamedly ing. Perhaps all huma their blind spots, but w in those who wield gov er, the results could p astrous. It is not that in his position as his c Minister had no good critical of Indian policie could one say of him th harping on the subje postures which politici times compelled to ad satisfy their constituen no doubt that he felt v. the subject. But what people was, firstly, hi feelings to excess to phobia, and secondly, t language in which he Here are some snatch interview given to India V.P. Vaidik by Mr. Pre 1984:-
Q. I was wonderi issue anti-India whether the India distort your statem

JANUARY 1989
wealth, and g could not get s of power until uit of power is
naturally to all
ountry like Sri 'en viciously so, anaike in 1955layewardene in something rehe way the new it. It is logical ive the stamp to pursues in the sianic obsession n houses for the g rural poverty, e to the internag the year 1987 shelter for the 2nse attitude as to cut through his capacity to his total disinurable publicity onal media, are stics, not to be t-of-the-mill Sri is also a point uring his tenure is most trusted and his legal i by a Tamil hist, yes, but he in worship and notorious antiother him from , month-old pilBuddhist cena last year hobia he fifth aspect, n the widest. Premadasa on overnment role . On his vitupa-baiter he has i uncompromisan beings have then they occur ernmental powprove even disMr. Premadasa ountry's Prime reason to be es. He had. Nor at his constant ect Were mere lans are someopt in order to cies. There was ery strongły on put off many is carrying his the point of a he intemperate couched them. es of a notable un academic Dr. madasa in June
ng if you really Statements or in newspapers ents?
A. I just don't care how the Indian. newspapers publish my statements. I am too busy to read them. I have no time to spend on them.
G. You are the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka and in this capacity whatever you speak here has its repercussions in India. So far, your statements have not created any understanding for Sri Lanka in India. They have rather created a lot of misunderstanding.
A. How does it matter to me? How does it matter to Sri Lanka? What is more important is the people of Sri Lanka. They think good of us. We are supposed to serve them and not any foreign power. We are a free country. We are not anybody's slave. We cannot be pressurised. We are not afraid of anybody.
Q. Who is frightening you? Do you have any evidence to prove that the Government of India has ever threatened your government or tried to pressurise your country?
A. What evidence do you want? Giving asylum to these bloody terrorists is a threat to Sri Lanka or not? What would you call it? Tell me, whether these murderers, terrorists are attacking us or not? Who is responsible for encouraging them? . . .
Why does Mrs. Gandhi not let us live in peace. Why is she attacking us from the back door? She wants to use these terrorists as advance guards to attack us? Why does she not occupy Sri Lanka directly? Why does not this government finish us? Our headache also will be removed. We have to govern these poor, unemployed people. She can come here, she can feed everybody. She can make Sri Lanka a colony of India . . . (V.P. Vaidik: ETHNIC CRISIS IN SRI LANKA: INDIAS OPTIONS: National Publishing House, 23, Darya Ganj, Neuv Delhi 110002)
In the light of subsequent events, the interview is very revealing. While one must give credit to Dr.Vaidik for being able to draw out Mr. Premadasa into giving vent to his responses in the raw, one cannot at the same time say that Mr. Premadasa was barking up the wrong treel His request to the Indian government - within 24 hours of his elections as President, (even before he assumed office) - to begin a phased withdrawal of the Indian troops from Sri Lanka, has left India with no conventional options on the matter, except to accede to his request'. Thereby, he has also made a good beginning by knocking off one of the main planks of the JVP terror campaign. As far as India is concerned, from now on they

Page 7
UANUARY 1989
SLSeLSAeASzeAA ASASA ADgSALLLEEqLAqqq qqqS
MRs.B. CHALLENGEs P
The leader of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party and defeated presidential candidate, Mrs.Sirima Bandaranaike, has challenged in court the election of R. Premadasa, the United National candidate in the presidential election held on December 19.
Mrs. Bandaranaike's lawyers have filed a 38 page petition alleging that the presidential poll was not free and
fair and accusing the government of ''
intimidation and the police of stuffing ballot boxes with bogus voting papers.
She also has alleged that the people were afraid to vote for the candidate they preferred, but she did not claim victory for herself. What she has asked the court to do is to declare the election null and void.
Addressing a press conference on 21 December, Mrs. Bandaranaike said that at the previous presidential election, 80% of the registered voters exercised their votes, but in the present election only 55% were able to cast their vote. That was a clear indication
that the majority obstructed from ex
Mrs. Bandaran the Elections Com from announcing
Mrs Bandaranaike counting until the certain polling sta could not vote we that request was 1
From page 6
have to do business with a totally different kind of politician, who unlike the unlamented ex-President Jayewardene, has a habit of saying what he means, and meaning what he says;
which is also a refreshingly new phe
nomenon in international dealings.
- Achilles” Hee ལ་ But while President Premadasa has everything going in his favour right now, his Achilles' heel will turn out to be in his foreign policy approaches. Neither Sri Lanka, nor a future Tamil Eelam for that matter, can ever afford to veer away from the Indian orbit of influence. Whether one likes it or not, the sheer fact of geo-politics will be a deterrent to any such attempt, as the ex-President found to his cost, and the cost of the country. Mr. Premadasa's sentiments in the foregoing interview, such as 'We are a free country. We are not anybody's slave' applies to Tamils as well, who will themselves share the same sentiments in every sense of the world, and in whichever circumstances they are placed. But that is not the same thing as retaining India as one's blind spot and making it as a cornerstone of foreign policy. Six years ago, long before the July '83 rioting, at a time when Indo-Sri Lankan relations were on an even keel, as then Prime Minister, Mr.Premadasa made a futile foray in foreign policy making. He visited the capitals of the five ASEAN countries and canvassed Sri Lanka's admission to the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and not surprisingly met with a rebuff, Apart from it being intrinsically unsound, the persistence with which the application Tras pursued could not have brought
much credit to th
ership in the ey
countries.
Recently, on th
... party nomination
Mr. Premadasa Beijing. As for the
all what an inane
was that he had Chinese governme gift of the Supren Colombo For a n strategically place Sri Lanka to see tives to counter-b relationship with neighbour (the onl fact) is sensible objective is to dis that neighbour, th both geography ar
While it would predict at this sta holds for Sri L Jayewardene fron has certainly made power equation in first time we see contending forces south, the LTTE i Prsident at the ce mon outlook on fu the Indo-Sri Lan continued presenc cult as it may be together, given thi isms, such a scena out, with an uncon Mr. Premadasa a that happen - imp happened during t Indian policy mak led to take a se existing attitude t ** an and the LTTE.
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 7
REMADASA'S ELECTION
of the people were cercising their vote. aike had requested missioner to abstain
the results of the
problems relating to tions where people re looked into, but refused. In consequ
ence, she boycotted the announcement of the election results as a mark of protest.
Her allegation before the elections that as many as 1.4 million ballot papers were printed in excess had already been refuted by the Commissioner of Elections in a detailed statement to the press.
At the press conference, Mrs. Bandaranaike also alleged that the police and security personnel pasted UNP propaganda posters during the 48 hour period in which such activity was prohibited. She also produced seven books of ballot papers which she claimed her party supporters had found at a police station to which ballot boxes had been allegedly taken.
She alleged that in 49 polling stations, there were no officers and not a single vote was registered. The Officers kept away following the murder of a presiding officer by 'subversives'. That deprived about 40,000 people of their right to vote. Հ
te Sri Lankan lead'es of the ASEAN
e very day after his to the Presidency, did a rush trip to purpose of the visit, media could report gone to thank the int in person for the he court building in militarily weak, but d, small country like k diplomatic initiaalance an unequal a large, powerful y near neighbour in enough, but if the stance oneself from at would go against ld wisdom. be presumptious to ge what the future anka, the exit of h the centre stage : a sea change to the the country. For the the three hitherto , the JVP in the in the north and the ntre sharing a comndamental issues - ka accord and the of the IPKF. Difffor all three to get eir mutual antagonrio cannot be ruled ventional leader like , the helm. Should robable things have he past 18 months - ers may be compelond look at their owards PrabhakarAnd that probably
could be the best thing that could happen to the Tamils; and to India as well, because the longer she persists in
controlling the lives of the Tamil peo
ple, through gun power and puppet shows', the easier it would be for the LTTE to control the minds and hearts of the people.

Page 8
8 TAMIL TIMES
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Page 9
JANUARY 1989
An Evaluati
president
It was said to be a classical third world case-study: a government in power for eleven years, weakened by civil war, repressive legislation and creeping economic stagnation.
Moral issues such as deaths in custody, paramilitary killings and the presence of a foreign army seemed paramount. For commentators on Our political life, the stage was set for a mass movement, an opposition rallying around a charismatic figure heading toward a landslide, electoral victory. The Philippines constantly figured in the language and the discourse of the opposition. Mrs. Bandaranaike was supposed to resemble an older version of Corozon Aquino leading a combined position to victory.
Most SLFP supporters believed that her charisma and the political moment would combine to bring about what was "historically inevitable'. But, history again turned tables on Sri Lanka. Referendum
There is of course: the question as to whether this was a free and fair election. Given the history of the referendum and the provincial councils election there is no doubt that this is a serious concern. However, in both those elections, the SLFP party machinery was not in place. It was hoped that the presence of this countervailing force at the present election would have been an adequate safeguard. And yet, even if all the voters had gone to vote, the SLFP would not have won by a landslide. Mrs. Bandaranaike may have pulled through but only after relying on the preferential votes of Ossie Abeygoonesekere.
How did the SELFP clutch defeat from the jaws of inevitable victory?" In retrospect, and with the help of hindsight, an exploration into this question may provide some insights into the on going political process.
Assumptions
One of the primary assumptions of the SLFP campaign was that 'there was a genuine and profound desire for change'. This change they felt required the complete dismantling of the UNP's hold on our public life. This assumption led to an SLFP campaign and manifesto which emphasised moral political
by Dr. Radhike
concerns. The discourse used v "pre-revolutional was going to : write a new Co missions of Inqu write our politic
But was the accordance with some areas the a Those who still c there are milit political problem election result t military activity timacy, increase leads to a gener national politica. The Colomb Kaduwela, Kesb been constantly curfew hours, ad operations, alon Galle either vo large numbers ( But in other are very different.
At In October/N after the death ( the three medica phere was charg
Registered voters Total Polled
Valid votes
Rejected votes R. Premadasa, UNP Mrs.S.Bandaranaike, SLFP O.Abeygunasekera, SILMIP Majority
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION RE
9,375,74 5,186,2; 5,094,7
91,44 2,569,19 2,289,86 235,7) 279,3
 

TAMIL TIMES 9
a Cooomaraswamy
ype of language and was characteristic of a ry’ situation. The DPA abrogate the Accord, nstitution, set up comiry, and generally reall alphabet. public mood really in this assessment? In nswer is a definiteyes. ontinue to believe that ary solutions to our is need only look at the o see how heightened " lessens political legis desire for change and all alienation from the | process. O suburbs such as Dewa, etc. which have subject to prolonged hoc search and seizure |g with Matara and ted for the SLFP in or did not vote at all. as the situations was
hosphere
ovember of this year of Liyanaarachchi and l students, the atmosed with moral political
:SULTS
12 23 (55.32%) '8 5 ( 1.76%) )0 (50.43%) 50 (44.95%) 9. ( 4.63%) 9
on of the 19ss
ial election
concerns. But, the hartal of November 10th and its immediate aftermath may have changed public perceptions. There was a growing desire to be apolitical and to be left alone. The draconian emergency regulations enacted after the hartal, received little public protest when only a month earlier thousands demonstrated at the funeral of the brutally massacred students. By December, the desire for "change' was gradually being replaced by a desire for continuity and stability. The DPA manifesto of "moral righteousness' may have been released at a time when the public was becoming fearful of the moral crusaders.
Concept
The concept of 'change' must also be analysed more closely. The DPA manifesto was putting forward a programme for constitutional and institutuonal change. In addition, an SLFP victory would have meant a change of personalities and the system of political patronage, drawing in more of the disgruntled sections of society. But, the UNP candidate was also projecting himself as change; a change of social class with a semipopulist political vision. As one commentator remarked, the sense of Ancient Regime does not apply, the Tsar has abdicated in favour of a Narodnik. The SLFP was determined to change the macro-structures of State; Mr. Premadasa concentrated on civil society. Many votes were cast for Premadasa the man, especially in Tissamaharama and Annamaduwa where his programmes have borne fruit.
Factor
One major factor which may have contributed to the electoral defeat of the SLFP was ideological incoherence on the major political issue - the ethnic conflict. After all, the SLFPvas galvanised into political action after years of lethargy because of the Indo-Lanka Accord. The SLFP led the legal protests against the thirteenth amendment before the Supreme Court by arguing that devolution was tantamount to dividing the country, that Buddhist shrines in the North and East were not safe etc . . . By December 1988, the DPA was offering a political package to resolve the ethnic conflict involving 'ethnic regions' without much reference to Buddhist shrines, let alone Sinhala Buddhists. Many of us may welcome the SLFP's open and unequivocal committment to their concept of devolution and there are many strengths in some of the proposals put forward. But, coming at the last moment they would have confused the Sinhala Buddhist electorate and the much publicised non-deal

Page 10
10 TAMIL TIMES
with the LTTE may have discouragd many SLFP voters from braving threats to exercise their votes in the traditional areas.
Risk
The risk taken by the SLFP may have been an interesting political gamble if the Tamil voters of the North and East turned out in large numbers. But, as one observer in the North commented that while the Sinhala voter in Matara and Galle may not have voted because of intimidation, the northern voters approached the elections with "monumental disinterest'. The disinterest was patently obvious from the nomination to polling day. The East however provided a different picture. While the Jaffna peninsula continues to sulk at the state of political affairs, the provincial council elections in the east had set in motion an alternative, albeit, fragile political and civil process. The DPA manifesto demanding the abrogation of the Accord was not well received by the Batticola Tamils who have begun to experience a period of relative calm in the last few months. As for the Sinhalese their verdict was even more unusual. Digamadulla (Amparai district) had an exceptional voter turnout of 72.89% and the UNP received 50.77% of the vote. In the provincial elections held last month none of the Sinhala voters in Amparai seemed interested in participating.
Lost
In Trincomalee though the UNP lost Seruwila by a few hundred votes, they took the district. As for the Muslims, their votes in Kalmunai, Samanthurai and Mutur appear to have gone to the UNP. Their vote in the East can be characterised as 'Ashroof's revenge’.
The UNP sweep of the East was quite extraordinary given the fact that it was for the candidate of the political party which to the temporary merger of the North and the East greatly alienating Sinhala and Muslim sentiment, and the candidate of the political party which had unleashed the STF on the Tamils of the area until over a year ago. The SLFP was denied victory in the East because it put forward a political programme without appreciating the recent changes in the political process in these areas. As an addendum it should be pointed out that Wellawatte voted overwhelmingly for Mr. Premadasa and gave him double the votes. The desire for stability had obviously overcome the anger and hatred generated by the 1983 riots.
Affected
Other factors of importance which may have affected the final electoral result, are what may be termed "bread and butter' issues. The DPA programme was singularly uninterested in these issues even though the SLFP had to overcome a legacy of scarcities and shortages. There was no extra effort to give confidence to the voter. The mere presence of Mr. Ronnie de
QUOTE . . . U
"How otherwise cou from a party (Pren UNP) accused locall tionally of "massacri so many votes from ity? Unless of course
Ponnampalam propc more you beat the T: they vote for you whi some wives, I am told palam proposition, I ! (it has been my own l for Colombo 7 Tamils nent posture of hum the UNP changed wl gifted them a spinal
reliance on a vicario makes upper-class
Colombo to Columl from Cambridge, Ma Cambridge univers South Wales to Ne keep alive the mysti gers”.
- Kautiliya, Sunda)
Mel in the opposition not been enough. A co ease people's fears ma more dividends than a poster campaign of IOW.
Strengt
To have won the el had to bring out it: strength in the face intimidation. At the s to be vigilant against of state power. And contradictory political more one exposes th democratic process, th voters would have to exercise their votes. . believe that a high vo crucial for their elect have been more fruitf mised the 'anti-electo toric and maximised tional ability to get ou task may have been face of JVP and parar It could have only be with a powerful party strong party organi sense a leaf has to be LSSP of the 1940's, 1970's and the JVP of UNP's victory is grea party organisation Without the full weig party apparatus elect ly be won . The charis ties is no longer enou
In the final analysis that the JVP may ha the elections for Mrs Its activities led not c voter turnout but to public mood, a resis change. During the operation between the

UANUARY 1989
NGQUOTE
d a candidate hadasa of the y and internang Tamils' win that communone accepts the sition that the mils, the more ch also goes for The Ponnamear, holds good ong held belief) , whose permable homage to len the "Tigers' hord. It is this us virility that Tamils, from bia university, ssachusettes to ty, and New w Brunswick, que of the “Ti
f Island, 1.1.89
ranks may have incerted effort to ay have brought one-upmanship prices then and
ctions, the SLFP s voters in full of threats and ame time it had the arbitrary use yet this led to tendencies. The a failings of the eless confidence o come out and If the SLFP did ter turn-out was ion then it may ul to have miniral process” rhetheir organisat the voters. The awesome in the military violence. en accomplished 7 machine and a sation. In that taken out of the the UNP of the F the 1980's. The tly due to their and discipline. ght of a modern ions cannot easiSma of personaligh. ; it has to be said ave actually lost . Bandaranaike. only to the lower a change in the tance to drastic period of cotwo parties. the
JVP obviously felt that it was the stronger organisational partner. The JVP has successfully hijacked social discontent away from the traditional political parties. They were confident and determined to call all the political shots. One must concede that they did in fact succeed. They paved the way for the demands of the alliance. What appeared in a JVP underground document in June would appear in an Alliance statement in August. After November and the parting of the ways of the two parties, the very important question remains - who truly represents the forces of social discontent coming out of 11 years of UNP rule, is the SLFP or is it the JVP? The election results clearly indicate that in some areas such as Gampaha, the JVP is no match for the SLFP, but in other areas especially in the South and North Central Province, the question remains open. The answer to this question will affect opposition politics for years to come.
Final
Which leads me to my final comment. What is most troublesome about the election results is that it shows a terrible alienation on the part of the low country Sinhala Buddhists living in the rural areas to the deep South and the North Central Province. In the late 1970's and the 1980's, the minorities felt this alienation most, their youths taking up arms against the state. Today, politics has come a full circle. It is the heartland of Anagarika Dharmapala and Munidasa Cumaratunga which is acutely disturbed. Unless this is perceived as a national problem requiring national solutions and unless immediate steps are taken to redress the political, economic and social grievances of these areas, nothing else we do is likely to succeed.
AN APPEAL
The Vice Chancellor of the University of Jaffna has set up a welfare Fund to assist university students, who receive neither bursary nor scholarship and thOSe under dire distreSS due to unforseen Circumstances.
The assistance will include the provision of financial aid in times of emergency and other activities of Social welfare as may be decided upon by the Board of Management in consultation with the University Council in order to maintain high quality and good standard in the field Of student Welfare.
Donations are invited from past students, public, well wishers, associations and individuals. Money orders and cheques may be drawn in favour of University of Jaffna Vice Chancellor's Welfare Fund or may be Sent direct to the fund's Current aCCOunt. No 10496 maintained at the Bank of Ceylon, Stanley Road Branch, Jaffna.

Page 11
ANUARY f989
AN END To
Minister S. Thondaman must be congratulated for persuading the Government to adopt the new law to end statelessness. It was passed in Parliament on November 9th. By its provisions Sri Lanka citizenship is conferred on all stateless persons of Indian Origin (still resident in the country) and who are not in the list of 506,000 persons who have been granted Indian Citizenship.
At all times, Mr. Thondaman has emphasised that persons described as Tamils of recent Indian Origin' could not be regarded as 'stateless' because they were human beings who had made this country their home and were entitled to enjoy the same rights enjoyed by others. He has also always maintained that any measure to end statelessness was due to the unity and solidarity of plantation workers.
Nevertheless, I would like to stress that the law adopted on November 9 is a personal triumph for Mr. Thondaman. Though there are several Trade Unions in the plantations it is Mr. Thondaman of the CWC who has consistently and persistently taken up the question of citizenship for Tamils of Indian Origin as one of the human rights to which plantation workers in particular were entitled.
It is necessary to recall that in the past, various attempts were made to solve the problem of statelessness of plantation Tamils. Over the years, various Agreements have been signed with India and several laws have been adopted in Parliament. Hopes had been raised that the problem could be solved. But in fact it was not. At all times something remained to be done for those Tamils of Indian Origin who had opted for Sri Lankan Citizenship.
BY
In January Grant Citizens. of Indian Orig statelessness V 1964 Sirima-S drawn up to en and it was ag would end in 1 possible several (under the ag fifteen years e months of the 1987. And sti lakhs of statele to be citizens.
Hence the ne 1988. It had a because experi governmental i otherwise), adr neglect and def: mentation of th (Residents) Act laws adopted s citizenship to In
I would like such default. ' Tamils of re accepted for reg the 25th April 1 the Gazette - notification in citizenship valid
It is signific other National ward any conc statelessness. T ence in 1984/85 tion to end sta mained a deadl however was a into action on th and now in 198
LSSP ON JVP TERRO
"At the time the Presidential election was announced, the LSSP made public its view that the conditions did not exist for a free and fair election. The LSSP made it clear that this situation prevailed because of the activities of the JVP-DJV and that these disruptive forces were free to continue with their terrorist activities because responsible political parties failed to create public opinion against such activities. Major political parties were competing with each other to win support and collaboration of these forces,” said a statement issued by the Lanka Sama Samaja Party after the Presidential election.
The statement added that when opposition forces failed to unite against terrorism and for the restoration of democratic conditions, it was not surprising that terrorism found itself free to attack election meetings, decide
which meeting supporters of th and to intimid staff. There wa in several are: terrorists and disrupted.
"It is clear
parliamentary to the same dis of terrorism is the commencen cess,” the state
While calling to ensure that t are established cess to operate ism, the LSSP parties and in p Freedom Party selves from th quivocally cond forms.”
bumi

TAM TIMES 11
STATELESSNEss”
... THEVARA
986, the Law(No.5) to ip to Stateless Persons n was enacted to end ithin 18 months. The astri Agreement was statelessness in 1964, eed that statelessness 5 years. To make this lakhs were repatriated eement) to India. The hded in 1979. The 18 986 Act ended in mid l there were several is - all of them eligible
i ed for the new law of lso become necessary 2nce has shown that * hdifference (wilful and ministrative red tape, ult have flawed imple2 Indian and Pakistani of 1949 and all other ubsequently to grant dian Tamils.
o cite one instance of The names of 2,079
:ent Indian origin,
istration as citizens om 976, were published in and only after such the Gazette is their for practical purposes.
ant that none of the
Parties have put forrete proposals to end The All-Party Conferadopted a pious resolutelessness. It has reetter. Mr. Thondaman, ble to push the UNP is matter, first in 1986 3.
PRISM”
it would permit, kill e contesting candidates ate voters and polling s no doubt that voters is were intimidatd by he election machinery
that the forthcoming lections will be subject abilities if this menace not eliminated before ent of the election proment said. upon the government he necessary conditions for the democratic prounhindered by terrorurged "all opposition urticular the Sri Lanka to disassociate them! JVP-DJV and unemn terrorism in all its
The SLFP which opposed the 1986 Act has now been silent. But at recent presidential election meetings hints have been dropped by Mrs Bandaranaike and her son Anura that the problems of the plantation workers and their statelessness would be solved if SLFP came to power. At a meeting in Matugama to celebrate the birthday of Mr. Aziz, Mr. Anil Munasinghe said that if the SLFP came to power'... we will not compulsorily repatriate Tamils of recent Indian origin. The Party will also solve the problem of the plantation workers. . . . . This is not a mere election promise. . . . . .
But people cannot forget that it was during SLFP regimes that plantation workers had to face violence, particularly during Land Reform in 1973/76 and also suffer compulsory repatriation. All this cannot be forgotten. It would appear that the SLFP is now putting forward a "moderate' view in the question of the plantation workers. But it has not yet spelt out its policies on the question of the stateless and the Tamil minority in any specific way.
The UNP was resposible for the deprivation of the citizenship from the Indian Tamils in 1948. At that time all those who formed the SLFP in 1952 were in the UNP. It is the UNP which passed the legislation in 1986 and now in 1988 to end statelessness. But the credit must go to Mr Thondaman for persuading (and at times even pressurising) the UNP into taking action to end statelessness.
CONGRATULATIONS The following telex, dated November 11 was received by Hon. S. Thondaman, President of the Ceylon Workers Congress and Minister of Rural Industrial Development, from Mr. Mathur, General Secretary APRO – CFTU.
Delighted to learn Sri Lankan Parliament passed bill granting citizenship to all 'stateless' persons of Indian Origin, benefitting over 260,000 persons. Please accept our heartiest congratulations on this resounding victory for you and Ceylon Workers Congress who have been relentlessly fighting for the last four decades for citizenship rights for the so called 'stateless persons'. This removes one of the injustices meted out to these people and we hope now as equal citizens of the country they will be able to have a peaceful life while making their contribution to the Development of the country. The ICFTU and APRO have been consistently supporting the CWC in its heroic struggle. You can count on our fullest co-operation and continued support in your efforts to improve the working conditions of your members.
Wishing you continued success and heartiest greetings.

Page 12
12 TAMILTIMES
North-eAst Prc UNIVELS PROGRA
The newly elected North-East provincial government's policies and programme of action were unveiled in the form of the Governor's policy statement delivered om 16 December 1988.
The following are some of the major subjects referred to in the policy statement: A MAJOR TASK: The major task facing the Provincial government was the restoration of peace, public order and civil administration; the task of resettlement, rehabilitation and reconstruction is mammoth, but it would endeavour to achieve this task to everybody's satisfaction.
BASIC POLICY: The basic policy of the provincial government is the establishment of a democratic society and the fundamentals of socialist-oriented social development. This goal will be achieved by striving for peace, democracy, unity and reconciliation. Rehabilitation of the affected people, recontruction of the affected areas, eradication of poverty and unemployment, provision of lands for the landless and providing security for every resident will be the ultimate aim.
LAW AND ORDER : A provincial police force will be established; as an immediate measure, a Citizen Volunteer Force of about 7000 will be created; already about 1500 have been recruited. Discussions will take place with the central government to remove ethnic imbalances in the armed forces and the National Police Force. The judicial machinery which had collapsed will be restored and early steps will be taken to establish a High Court in Trincomalee.
A REHABILITATION : Urgent and immediate attention will be given to rehabilitation. A special Committee to plan, implement and monitor a Programme of Rehabilitation to be drawn up in consultation with representatives of the people and NonGovernmental Organisations will be set up. NGO's will be encouraged to take part in rehabilitation in keeping with the agreed Programme. Special attention will be given to re-settlement of displaced persons, provision of housing and other social welfare needs, creation of income generation schemes, rehabilitation of widows, orphans, disabled and other affected youth and the restoration of social and economic infrastructure.
A FOOD AND CO-OPERATIVES: Fair price stalls and co-operative outlets will be set up in towns and villages. A Provincial Food Authority will be created to handle collection, storage, processing and distributuion of grains and essential food items.
Y HOUSING AND WÄ Top priority will be g building programme. ing will be provided other house-builders centives including sof ter supply schemes in be created.
fr HEALTH: Equali given for both preven aspects ofhealth. Pri tres in remote villag lished. The Trincoma be modernised and
neglected hospitals w
YA EDUCATION : U will be paid to rect caused to the educat ture, lack of adequ trained teachers, scho other facilities in scho taken to improve th glish-teaching in all versity in Tricomale lished with special e teaching of Engineeri Law, Linguistics, Pu tion and other discipli in existing Universit Vince. Y LAND ADMINIS subject of land has sensitive issue betwe the province and the ment. Negotiations with the central gover this issue. Poverty a sion resulting from lar tackled.
r AGRICULTURE: taken to assist tenan provide improved irr A special body will ordinate the agricu within the province. crops will be encourag kets for agricultural found in order to r levels of farmers. R. provided for improvi bandry. aYr FISHERIES: The marine and inland aquaculture will be Efforts will be made to difficulties in the pro and fishing gear, pr and marketing of n Priority will be given of fisheries-based indu for INDUSTRIES : Ste in consultation with ernment, to re-orgar the Chemical, Paper, mic, Sugar and Ce already functioning Exploration and other will be undertaken mineral resources a

JANUARY 198
VINCIAL Govt. MIME OF ACTION
IATER SUPPLY: iven for a houseWhile free housto the very poor, will be given int-loans. New waneedy areas will
mportance will be tive and curative mary Health Cenes will be establee Hospital will upgraded. Other ill be improved.
Jrgent attention ify the damage ional infrastruclate number of ol buildings, and ols. Steps vill be e quality of En
schools. A Unie will be estabmphasis for the ng, Architecture, blic Administranes not available ties in the Pro
TRATION: The
been the most en the people of central govern
will commence nment to resolve nd caste oppreshdlessness will be
Steps will be t farmers and to igation facilities. be set up to coltural activities Diversification of ged. Export marproducts will be aise the income esources will be ng animal hus
development of fisheries and
given priority. remove existing bcuring of crafts ocessing, storage narine products. to the setting up ustries. ps will be taken, the central govhise and expand Ilmenite, Cerament industries in the province. scientific studies
concerning the vailable with a
view to establishing new industries. Small industries and handicrafts will be encouraged and assisted. Agroindustries based on palmyrah and coconut palms, tobacco, sun flower, soya bean, ground nut, sugar cane, gingelley etc. will be given priority. Steps will be taken to prevent ecological imbalances and enviromental pollution resulting from industrial development. A POWER AND ENERGY: A thermal power station of the required capacity will be set up. Studies on solar energy, biogas and wind energy will be undertaken. The central government will be persuaded to re-commence off-shore oil exploration in the region of the Gulf of Mannar.
IRRIGATION : Restoration of village tanks and construction of medium and major tanks will be given priority in the development programme. Negotiations with the central government will be undertaken on the subject of inter-provincial rivers. Mutual consultation between the provincial and central governments will be insisted upon in respect of inter-provincial irrigation schemes.
A TRANSPORTATION: All necessary steps will be taken to improve the road-passenger transport systems. Private bus transport services will be controlled to give a fair deal to the commuter. Ferries in disuse will be recommissioned. Highest priority will be given to the construction of a highway from Kankesanturai to Pottuwil via Pooneryn, Paranthan, Mullaitivu, Trincomalee, Verugal and Kalmunai. Roads presently in a neglected state will be improved. The subject of constructing new railway lines within the province linking up existing routes will be discussed with the central govern
ment.
MUSLIM AFFAIRS : The Provincial government will take all possible steps to protect and maintain the identity of the Muslims. Their cultural traditions and religious needs will be considered at the highest possible levels and necessary steps will be taken to fulfill them. The study of Islamic Theology for social liberation will be introduced and fostered in close co-operation with competent Theologians in keeping with current national and internationall perspectives and realities. Steps also will be taken to recover and return the lands lost by the Muslims.
Ar SINHALESE MINORITY : The Provincial government has a moral committment to convince the Sinhalese people of the Province that the administration is not based on race, religion or language, but on secularism and social progress. Negotiations will be commenced with leaders of the local

Page 13
JANUARY 1989
Sinhalese community on all issues that relate to the historical cordial relationship between the Tamils and the
Sinhalese. It is the wish of the Provin
cial government to uphold the principle of equality in administration, especial
that attempts m torical ethnic fa chauvinism of d kept under check dr TAMIL LAN guage has now b
ly in land alienation, law and order, she guage along with
education and culture. Steps will be taken to re-settle and rehabilitate the affected Sinhalese who had traditionally lived in the province in places of their choice. Care will be taken to see
of the whole col taken to give th rightful place ir Facilities will be research pertain
It is suicidAl
The following is an interview with Mr. A. Amirthalingam, the Secretary General of the Tamil United Liberation Front - TULF (Sunday Times, 15.1.89) : Q: In 1983, you exiled yourself from Parliament because the oath you were required to take under the sixth amendment to the Constitution was not compatible with the mandate you had been given, to set up a separate Tamil state. But you took the oath last week. Why?
A: After 1983, at the all party conference we redefined our stand in the light of the stand of the government of India. We stated at the all party conference that though we were elected on a mandate to work for an independent. state, if the government of Sri Lanka offered a satisfactory alternative which will satisfy the aspirations of the Tamil people and remove the grievances that gave rise to the demand for a separate state, we were prepared to place it before the people and implement it with their approval. We said this in 1984. Then in 1985 at the Thimpu conference where six Tamil groups, namely the EPRLF, EROS, LTTE, PLOTE, TELO, and the TULF participated on behalf of the Tamil people, the six groups jointly put forward four basic principles as the basis for a political solution to the Tamil problem. These were:
1. Recognition of Tamils as a separate nation. 2. Recognition of the traditional Tamil homeland and the preservation of its unity and integrity. 3. Recognition of the right of self determination of the Tamil nation. 4. Recognition of the right to citizenship of all Tamils who have made this country their home.
It is keeping these four principles in mind that the Indo-Sri Lanka accord recognised that Sri Lanka was a multi ethnic, multilingual society consisting of Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims and Burghers and that each ethnic group has a distinct cultural and linguistic identy which had to be carefully nurtured, and also recognised that the northern and eastern provinces have been areas of historic habitation of Tamil speaking people, and also pro
BE D
- TULI
vided for the n and eastern pri nistrative unit, In fact, actio) to create this and to hold elec tutional amenc an official la citizenship rigl Tamil communi that meaningfu towards meetin least partially. not only the TU militant grou EROS, TELO others have tak
For the past on hardly any re) V. Prabhakarc Suddenly, on
day, THE H photograph in obvious partici ассотрапying louving caption
 

ade to upset the hisoric, in the name of fferent hues, will be
GUAGE : Tamil lanecome an official lanthe Sinhala language untry. Action will be e Tamil language its i the administration. provided to undertake Ing to the Tamil lan
TAMIL TIMES 13
guage in collaboration with the government of Tamil Nadu.
A DEVOLUTION OF POWERS: The devolved powers offered under the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution hardly satisfy the aspirations of the Tamil speaking people of the Province. Negotiations will be commenced with the central government and the government of India with a view to working out a satisfactory package of devolution.
| FOR TAMILs To
VIDED'
: LEADER
herger of the northern ovinces with one admione provincial council.
n has since been taken one provincial council :tions to it, pass constilments making Tamil nguage, and grant hts to the plantation ty. It will thus be seen l steps have been taken g the four principles at it is in this context that LF but the other Tamil ps like the EPRLF, ENDLF and some ken the oath under the
seventh schedule in order to contest the Parliamentary elections.
Q: But has the concept of a separate state as envisaged by you in 1977 been met? A: The four basic principles do not necessarily mean a separate state, ou support for the establishment of a separate state.
Q: But the first of the four principles sought recognition of a separate Tamil nation, and this was not compatible with the sixth amendment. A: A separate nation, not a separate state. The four principles are not necessarily incompatible with the oath under the sixth amendment.
Q: So are you saying that since these four conditions have been met, a
Continued on Page 17
Mysterious Photograph?
he month there has been erence to LTTE leader, un, in the Indian media. January 1, New Year's INDU published this its news columns, for no ular reason, and иvith по neus item, uith the fol
THE LTTE LEADER, MR. V. PRABHAKARAN (LEFT) WITH HIS DEPUTY, MR. MAHATHIYA, AND AN LTTE ACTIVIST, MR. SHANKER, SOMEWHERE INTHENORTHERN JUNGLE IN THE NORTHERN PROVINCE OF SRI LANKA. IN LATE - 1988
Picture by special arrangement.

Page 14
14 TAM TIMES
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Page 15
UANUARY 1989
IPKF MEN FAC
Charges includ
A number of Indian soldiers face dismissal from military service besides rigorous imprisonment for commiting excesses, including raping of women and looting of civilian property while deployed for peace-keeping role in Sri Lanka, it is learnt.
So far, the government had denied that the IPKF soldiers had committed any excesses. The denials came in the wake of allegations by human rights organisations, including Amnesty International, a few months ago. The instances were kept under wraps by the army authorities who, however, did initiate punitive action against the guilty. But legal experts feel that the manner in which the army has handled the whole issue raises vital points of law which may not stand the scrutiny of Indian law courts later.
The most serious case relates to an incident which occured on November 21, 1987 near Trincomalee when Naik Baldev Singh of the 270 Engineers' Regiment ran beserk and killed seven civilians and injured another four by indiscriminate firing from his service rifle. He committed this crime following the death of his brother-in -law during a combat operation the previous day.
The army authorities propose to try him by General Courts Martial (GCM) in Sri Lanka under section 69 of the Army Act (civil offence) contrary to sections 302 and 307 of the Indian Penal Code. This is the first time in recent years that a trial of this nature under sections of the Indian Penal Code will take place in a foreign country.
Section 124 of the Army Act provides that, Any person subject to this Act who commits any offence may be tried and punished for such offence in any place whatever. Even the Indian Penal Code provides for punishments to Indians for offences committed beyond the limits of India. But the vital point of law is whether a trial by the IPC for civil offences committed abroad against nationals of that country can be held out of Indian soil.
Legal experts say that while a trial for a purely military offence can be held anywhere, a trial for a civil offence under the IPC could be held only in India unless it was specifically agreed by the countries concerned and the agreement has been duly ratified by the respective parliaments.
Army officers of the judge advocate general's branch feel that if the trial was held in India, Sri Lankan civilians would not be able to depose as witnesses. A senior lawyer said that the IPC provides for extradition and the trial could be held in Sri Lanka according to
by Kan
the laws of tha ities are, howe this course ass a Sri Lankan sentiments co troops deploye Several sold charges of rape civilian proper Act along with IPC provides fact, they also the regimental which directed stain from frisk presence of wi Central Reserv CRPF).
Almost all ca are being trie Martial (SCM) the concerned The trials are l the Army Act and 376 of the
However, lav soldiers guilty have been trie deliberation c cused to long and even life in
They point ol of the IPC prov 10 years for ra not be held b wered to sent. one years imp missal from se sentences of S( considerably senior officers. Sources said Lal and Babu face a year's in sal from servic married wom Operation Pa The incident v principal ofVa the army aut immediate cog ple who had mning the ent Another sol Khem Raj Me, four month's il ting to rape when the uni and search o south (Point ary 1, 1988.
Sepoy Kar Light Infantr year's RI for a of village Idai on December ment is also the barber o. allegedly rapi

TAMILTMES **15
COURT MARTIAL
murder, rape, loot
War Sandhu
country. Army author
ver, not keen to follow ringent punishment by court to asuage local ild demoralise Indian
there. ers face dismissal on sodomy and looting of y for which the Army the provisions of the evere punishment. In ace action for violating orders passed recently army personnel to abing women without the men personnel of the e Police Force (Mahila
ses of rape and looting by Summary Courts which is conducted by commanding officers. held under section 69 of 'ontrary to sections 375 IPC. wyers point out that the of such crimes should d by GCM which after ould sentence the acterms of imprisonment mprisonment.
ut that since section 376 rides for sentences up to pe, etc. the trials could 7 SCM which is empo2nce the guilty to only risonment, besides disrvice. In many cases the M's have been reduced following appeals to
that two soldiers, Latur
Lal of 12 Grenadiers, prisonment and dismise for allegedly raping a un at Karavedi during van on May 27, 1988. as reported by the vice rani Mahavidalaya and orities decided to take nizance as the local peogathered started condetre IPKF.
lier of 12 Grenadiers - na-faces dismissal and prisonment for attempnother married woman was conducting cordon a house at Thunnalai edro, Jaffna) on Febru
ail Singh of 14 Sikh faces dismissal and one legedly raping a woman kurichy during a search 7, 1987. Similar punisheing given to A. Mani, 93 Field Regiment for g an unmarried woman
of a place near Kodikaman on December 24, 1987 when conducting a search operation. He has also been tried for stealing two wrist watches. Similarly, Naik Kulwant Singh of 16 Sikh has been sentenced to nine months' imprisonment and faces dismissal for committing theft of gold ornaments from a house in village Mandaitvu near Jaff. na on January 13, 1988.
Highly placed sources said there were numerous complaints from different agencies, including RAW, of excesses by Sikh troops. However, inquiries later did not substantiate many of these allegations.
Six jawans, including A. Havildar of 5 Rajputana Rifles face dismissal and one year's RI for disobeying regimental orders and indulging in sexual relations with women while frisking them at Visuvamadu village on April 11, 1988. These six, whose involvement was also proved by a staff inquiry, are Havildar Mewa Singh, Naik Subhash Chander, Suresh Kumar and riflemen Harvair Singh, Ramphool Singh and Bhagirath Ram. The incident occured during operation Viraat. However, the court of inquiry brought out that the four complainants were women of easy virtue and their main grouse was that they were not paid for their services.
Nail Banwari Lal and rifleman Gugan Ram of 18 Garhwal Rifles, too, face dismissal and six months' imprisonment each for trying to outrage the modesty of married women at Kaithadi on December 25, 1987.
The Army authorities were very embarrassed by the behaviour of Havildar Badan Singh posted in an infantry brigade headquarters who in January-February, 1988 committed sodomy against four male activists of the LTTE during their detention at Jaffna fort.
There have also been allegations of some LTTE activists dying in army custody.
Lance Naik SK Bose of 146 Air Defence Regiment has been dismissed and given four months' imprisonment for picking up electronic goods and other civilian items in November 1987 while on duty between Palaly air field and Jaffna. In fact, his commanding officer recommended deterrent punishment as such actions were bound to "tarnish the image of the army and the IPKF and earn ill-will of the local populace."
Sources said that about one dozen similar instances had also been reported against troops of other battalions of Kumaon, Mahar and Madras regiments. But details are not yet available. Courtesy of THE SUNDA Y OBSERVER, Bombay, 18-24.12.88

Page 16
16 TAMIL TIMES
sLFP oN THE RETRE
The Sri Lanka Freedom Party leader, Mrs. Sirima Bandaranaike, who was the defeated presidential candidate of the opposition Democratic Peoples Alliance, issued a press statement on 16 December 1988, just three days before the election, purportedly correcting what she described as "false and misleading statements about the common programme of the Democratic Peoples Alliance on the ethnic question'.
The common programme (see Tamil Times, December 1988) was subjected to severe criticism by extremist Sinhala chauvinist sections including some Buddhist priests who began to malign Mrs. Bandaranaike as a traitor.
In response, Mrs. Bandaranaike issued the following statement:
"A large number of false and misleading statements about the common programme of the Democratic People's Alliance on the ethnic question made in the recent past by several 'dignitaries' of the UNP have received wide publicity in the Press and cannot be allowed to go without comment.
"They have alleged, inter-alia, that our Common Programme paves the way for: (a) the erosion of our sovereignty; (b) the devolution of more powers than those devolved under the socalled Indo-Lanka Accord: (c)the permanent merger of the North and the East:and (d) a halt to all colonisation.
"Nothing could the truth.
"As regards (a) observed that Accord specifically continued domina terference in our i the Indian Gover tuity.
“Our common pl other hand, provid tion of the Accord back of all Indian bringing to an end Indian dominance ence in our inter programme will, establish our sover present governme away.
"As regards (b) a son of the list of pov the centre in term and the 13th Amel list of powers reserv in terms of our show quite clearly tion is false. The programme have omitted to take no terms of the Accor Amendment that council would hav cruited provincial under its direction terms of our pro would only be one cruited by the cent for the entire count
"As regards (c) a
POLICE OFFICEF WITH LAWYEF
Superintendent of Police K. Dharmadasa, Sub-Inspector of Police Mendis and Police Constable Dassanayake have been indicted by the Sri Lankan Attorney General Suni De Silva in connection with the death in police custody of Wijedasa Liyanarachchi, an Attorney-at-Law.
Liyanarachchi was kidnapped on August 25 last year by police officers as he came out of a court at Hulftsdorp in Colombo and taken to the Tangalle police station and kept in detention at the Sub-Inspector's residence. The police kept the lawyer's detention a secret. His sudden disappearance caused anguish among his lawyer friends who made frantic representations to the Inspector General of Police, the Defence Secretary and the Minister of Defence.
Liyanarchchi was known as a lawyer who appeared in many habeas corpus applications before courts for the re
lease of detainees, pa the south of the islan his friends suspected have been a probable security forces.
Having initially dei following persistent Liyanarachchi was tr. army camp in Colomb 2. Within a few hours he had to be admitted severe injuries where post-mortem examinat many as 111 externa injuries, which accordi cial Medical Oficer wl been caused within the six days.
Following his death. ciation adopted a resol of its members would a of police officers. At Judicial inquest held Court in Colombo, thi

JANUARY 1989
T on ETHNic issue
e further from
oove, it must be e Indo-Lanka provides for the ce over and internal affairs by ment in perpe
!gramme on the s for the abrogaand the sending troops, thereby every vestige of ver an interferLal affairs. Our therefore, reignty which the it has bartered
pove, a comparivers reservedfor s of the Accord diment with the ed for the centre orogramme will that this allegacritics of our conveniently te inter alia, in d and the 13th each provincial e a locally repolice division and control .In gramme, there police force reral government ry. bove, our prog
ramme provides for two regional legislative bodies in the North and East. It is self-evident that there can be no merger when there are two such bodies. It must also be noted in this regard that it is false to state that the Accord and the 13th Amendment provide only for a temporary merger.
“In terms of the Accord the East would only be delinked if the people of the East decide to separate from the North at a referendum. If the decision at the referendum of 1982 was held and the manner in which the recent provincial council elections were held in the East while thousands of refugees had not then returned to their homes and with unprecedented thuggery and intimidation leave no room for any hope that such a referendum would be fairly held, or that it would result in a delinking of the North and the East.
"This is particularly so when one considers the fact that the referendum would be held in the North and East at a time when a foreign army is on our soil.
"As regards (d) above, our programme does not provide for a halt to colonisation, but for a temporary "freeze' on colonisation until an acceptable principle of land allocations is put into effect'. In any event there is no on-going colonisation today. On the contrary even those colonists who have lived in the North and East for many years are being forced to flee their land."
S CHARGED 'S KILLING
rticularly from d and therefore that he would
target for the
ied the arrest, representations, nsferred to an on September of his transfer, o hospital with
he died. The on revealed as and internal ng to the JudiO testified had previous five to
the Bar Assotion that none pear on behalf he subsequent by the High police officers
involved in the kidnapping and detention of Liyanarachchi refused to answer questions on the grounds that they were unable to obtain legal representation on their own behalf in consequence of the boycott' by lawyers.
On receipt of the Inquest proceedings from the High Court, as is customary, the Attorney General directed the Inspector General of Police to institute non-summary proceedings against named police officers.
The Attorney General, Sunil de Silva, in a statement said that he had two options with regard to the prosecution of suspects. These were, to instruct the IGP to institute non-summary proceedings against the suspects or to indict them himself. Since the IGP had failed to comply with his directive to institute non-summary proceedings, he was compelled to exercise the only option he had, that is to file indictments against the suspect police officers, said the Attorney General.

Page 17
ANUARY 1989
From page 13
separate state is no longer eCeSr sary? A: No. I wouldn't put it like that. Q: How do you think the fact that you have taken the oath to uphold Sri Lanka's unitary status will affect your votes? A: Every candidate has taken the same oath. We are all in the same boat. So how can it affect our votes? We will let the people give their reply. I think the very idea of unity at this crucial juncture is bound to influence the vote of the Tamil people. Particularly, Tamil unity is an absolute necessity in the eastern province. That was one of the main factors that weighed with us in trying to forge the maximum possible unity. It is unfortunate that some groups could not fall in line and are contesting as independent groups or separate groups even in areas like Trincomalee. It will be suicidal for the Tamil people to be divided in areas like Trincomalee or Amparai.
Q: Why? A: Because there is such a delicate balance among the communities and Tamil representation may be seriously affected by division in their vote. Q: Which groups are you talking about? Are you referring to the Tamil Congress?
A: In fact, one reason why I yielded to
pressure from my surpporters to contest Batticaloa was that the sword of Democles of the Referendum which is hanging over the head of the merged north-east province has to be removed by a determined effort on the part of the Tamil people in the next Parliament. I feel confident that my victory in Batticaloa will be an indication of the determination of the Tamil people to preserve the unity and integrity of their homeland in the north-eastern province. Q: So will you promise the Tamil people that you will oppose the Referendum? A: If under the present circustances you try to hold a Referendum you will create new turmoil and conflict even before things settle down. At any rate she Referendum cannot be held on July 5. It has to be put off indefinitely. Of course, we also feel that steps to legally satisfy the aspirations of the Muslims in the eastern province have to be taken. The TULF is committed to ensuring that statutory provision is made for the Muslims to share power with the Tamils in the north-eastern provincial council. Q: What about the Sinhalese? You did not mention them? A: The Sinhalese? They are ruling this country, so what is this...? Q: But they form a third of the population in the eastern province. A: Yes. So some adjustment can be made.
Q: How many Seat of winning in the
A: There are 31 se fielding 46 candid forward some good in the Vanni, like was a former Dire cial Service of Ra tar, a lawyer fron contest Trincoma Mubin from Katt loa. We are hopefu candidates will als we can hope to get
SLFP '
Although the Sri ty’s general electi to be published, that it is definitel of the proposals co ifesto of the P Alliance upon W anaike contested tions. It is said manifesto will "re ginal thinking an
The SLFP char result from the which Mrs. Banc jected during th mainly concernii form and proposa issue.
The DPA man vided for incorpo stitution a provis 29 of the Soulbul which Sri Lanki ence in 1948. TI Parliament from tion that had the disability on an gion which was communities or II advantage upon gion which was other communiti characterised th ifesto as a betra Sinhalese as it treatment witho for the majority munity. They ar. Constitutions, b had entrenched Buddhism'.
The second as which was deno to create a sin single Muslimu eastern provinc Mrs. B for pavir of the country b. gone further th Lanka Agreeme archetypal ant Mathew, emerg political hybern B of treachery t Buddhist religic
It would now has again suc

TAMINEs 17
s are you confident north and east?
ats for which we are ates. We have put | Muslim candidates
Mr. Jalaldeen who ctor of the Commerdio Ceylon. Mr.Satn Kinniya who will lee, Mr. Abubaker ankudy for Batticail that these Muslim o win, in which case 24 or 25 seats in the
north and east.
O: What is the breakdown of Candi
dates in your alliance, and who are
the Old TULF MPS Who are con
testing? A: The TULF if fielding 17 candidates, the EPRLF 11, and the TELO and
ENDLF nine each. Among the old
MPs, who are contesting again are Mr.
Sivasithambaram (Jaffna), Mr. Soosaithasan (Vanni), Mr. Sambandan
(Trincomalee), Mr. Yogeswaran (Jaff. na), Mr. Anandasangari (Kilinochchi)
and myself (Batticaloa).
TO ABANDON MANIFESTO
Lanka Freedom Paron manifesto has yet it is reliably learnt
y going to drop most
ontained in the Man'eoples Democratic which Mrs. Bandarthe presidential electhat the new SLFP flect the party’s orid policies'. nge of mind is said to severe criticism to laranaike was sube election campaign ng constitutional rels to solve the ethnic
ifesto, inter alia, pro
pration into the con
ion similar to Article y Constitution under a received independnis Article prevented enacting any legislaeffect of imposing any y community or relinot imposed on other eligions or confer any one comunity or reli
not conferred upon es or religions. Critics s aspect of the manyal of Buddhism and afforded equality of ut any special place inhala Buddhist com(ued that the previous th of 1972 and 1978, a "foremost place for
pect of the manifesto nced was the promise le Tamil unit and a it in the northern and ls. Critics lambasted g the way for division alleging that she had un what the Indo-Sri it proyided. Even that -Tamil baiter, Cyril d from his enforced tion and accused Mrs. the Sinhala race and
ا seem that the SLFP umbed to extremist
pressure and had decided to shed many of the aspects of the manifesto. According to a senior spokesman of the party, it is certain that the provision to give equality of treatment to all communities and religions as envisagted in Article 29 of the 1948 Constitution will be dropped, and in its place a clause to give "foremost place to Buddhism' will be inserted. ;
The provision relating to the estab lishemnt of Tamil and Muslim units in: the northern and eastern provinces will be dropped, and the SLFP's opposition to the merger of the two provinces and the Provincial Council system will be reiterated.
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Page 18
18 TAMIL TIMES
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Page 19
JANUARY 1989
Transition in Colon
Amid the chaos spreading in Sri Lanka, aided as much by the shortsightedness of Indian policy-makers as by that of local political elements, the election of the United National Party candidate, Mr. Ranasinghe Premadasa, as the President raises the hope of an orderly transition to a new regime. It. will take a good deal of blunting of one's democratic sensibilities to be able to rejoice over the conduct of the presidential poll, held in an atmosphere of terror and counter-terror: gunmen mowed down no fewer than 500 people in a month of violence and the Government, through a decree, prescribed the death penalty for poll disruption. Although Sri Lanka's friends abroad still look upon it as a democratic country, its policy was drained of the essential elements of democracy by President J.R. Jayewardene several years ago. The devices he employed to perpetuate his rule included barring the Opposition Sri Lanka Freedom Party leader, Mrs Sirimavo Bandaranaike, from electoral politics by taking away her civic rights and substituting referendums for elections, a procedure which was followed later by such other shining democrats as Gen. Zia-ul-Haq of Pakistan and Gen. H.M. Ershad of Bangladesh. Since 1983 the island has been under a state of emergency, extended from month to month.
At the time of the presidential elections there was no authority whose writ ran all over the island, and this prevented the three candidates from campaigning effectively. Mr. Premadasa had to keep away from areas where JVP guerillas hold sway. Mrs Bandaranaike encountered hostile audiences in ares under Government control. Neither of them had access to the Tamil-majority areas, which are under virtual Indian army occupation. Mr. Oswin Abeygunasekara of the Sri Lanka Mahajana Party, who was backed by the pro-Indian Tamil parties, was the only one who was privileged to campaign there. In the circumstances, Mr. Premadasa's election, with 50.4 per cent of the votes, against Mrs. Bandaranaike's 44.6 per cent and Mr. Abeygunasekara’s 4.6 per cent, does not amount to a popular mandate in the true sense. The promulgation of an indefinite curfew all over the island in the wake of the announcement of the election results is in itself a comnentary on the quality of the verdict.
The best that can be said of the electoral exercise, such as it was, is that there is now a new opportunity for all concerned to join in arresting the steadily deepening crisis in the island. Mr. Premadasa's election provides for a measure of continuity. He has been
the country's Prir Jayewardene pro post of President Constitution to v ers in that office. . he has demonstr in recent weeks opposition to th Pact, of which h fierce critic. As ol ranks, he has appealing to disgr Sinhala majority. anaike fails to rei call for a joint fi poverty, he can m. reach out directly have been gettin system progressiv
Mr. Jayewarde made several wee Parliament to fresh elections in tors which vitiate are bound to affe elections too, as span available to cannot be expecte change.
While the India the island, Mr. Ph joy much credibilit population. The b can render to Sı neighbour - and juncture is to set withdrawal of its that may make Delhi to do so is t new set-up in the vince, which it ha being, is certain ment it pulls ou dilemma that cor result of the unw. when it sought to : Tamil groups in peace-keeping ro Indian army rema
RECORD
Hit by an almost c its factory due to the past few years, has reported huge of Rs. 851.4 million financial year.
Overall losses d year which ended alone amounted ti The losses incurre were primarily du disruptions caused factory began con in 1984. •
The Lanka Cem situated close tó th Corporation in

mbo
ne Minister since Mr. moted himself to the after amending the *st all executive powA seasoned politician, ated his pragmatism by soft-pedalling his e Indo-Sri Lankan e was an early and he who rose from the good credentials for untled sections of the Even if Mrs. Bandarspond to his post-poll ght against fear and lake an endeavour to to those sections who g alienated from the ely. he, keeping a promise ks ago, has dissolved pave the way for February. The facthe presidential poll ct the parliamentary in the limited time him Mr. Premadasa d to bring about a sea
an troops remain on emadasa cannot eny among the Sinhala est service that India i Lanka as a good
to itself - at this an early date for the forces. One factor it difficult for New he certainty that the
North-Eastern Pros helped to bring into to collapse the mout its soldiers. The fronts it is a direct ise course it adopted impose its will on the a perversion of its le. The longer the ins on the island the
^ “TAM TIMES 19
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harder it will be for it to make an honourable exit.
Editorial, Deccan Herald, 12.12.88
OSS BY CEMENT CORPORATION
ontinuous closure of political violence in Lanka Cement Ltd. accumulated losses at the end of its last
luring the financial 31 December 1987, o Rs. 199.8 million. d by the Company e to the continuing by violence since its hmercial production
ent factory which is e Sri Lanka Cement Kankesanturai in
northern Jaffna, has had to shut down production lines for long stretches during the past three years. The company had to write off Rs. 15.7 million in losses due to damage to and destruction offixed assets and material due to "ethnic disturbances' during 1987 alone. Particularly after the killing of the factory's General Manager and Deputy General Manager in August 1987, production and distribution came to a halt. During 1988, the factory had been closed for over 200 days.
Whatever cement that was produced could not be regularly moved from the factory due to frequent disruption of transport.

Page 20
20 TAMIL TIMES
Kidnapped Sri Lanka
The Madras Police freed a 10-year old son of a Sri Lankan Tamil businessman, kidnapped for ransom from his house at Kilpauk a month ago.
The 'operation rescue' preceded by high drama led to the rounding up of a group of 26 Sri Lankan Tamil militants, led by Douglas Devanantha, from their hideouts in K.K. Nagar.
Presenting the boy, Mathivanan, and his parents to reporters, the Commissioner of Police, Mr.P. Dorai, said the police had to use all their ingenuity to outwit the abductors, who, he said, did everything to force the businessman to pay the ransom of Rs. 7. Lakhs.
Repeated telephone calls by the kidnappers heightened the parents anxiety and agony. They were on the verge of collapse when they received recently, an audio-cassette containing the boy's plea to pay off the kidnappers for his release.
Place of C
With the help Department, the ca public call office ne ESI hospital.
A police party, continuous vigil vanatha and his li when they came to call. This led to the of the episode.
Only four days ag had met the Com help. The episode co tragedy had the k know that the polic
Ordea in Looking cheerful, rent in his speech, was often beaten up some tablets. He w death if his fathe
ANACHIEVEMENT
In turbulent Sri Lanka no man feels as triumphant as Savumiyamurthy Thondaman, Minister of Rural Industrial Development and President of Ceylon Workers Congress. The last ten years of his life as a leader of the Indian Tamils also called the plantation Tamils have been the most shining years of his life. He has achieved the impossible.
He has led the plantation Tamils from enforced statelessness into the embrace of sudden citizenship from 1948 to 1988. He was himself disfranchised and cast out of parliament in 1952 which he re-entered as a nominated MP in 1960 and again in but as an elected member in 1977 to join the cabinet, a year later. His influence is such that even the JVP calls the Government of today the Jayawardena Thondaman Government.
Born in Tamil Nadu he arrived in Lanka as an immigrant youth, the scion of a fabulous father who had made it from rags-to-riches to become the proud and sole owner of an extensive plantation Wavendon Group, Ramboda. The same destiny that pitched-forked him into the plantations from his native village of MunaPudur paved his triumphant path from the Reception Committee Chairmanship of Labour Union conference of the Ceylon Indian Congress in 1940 to the pinnacle of a powerful Cabinet Minister in 1978 and ten years later he out did himself when the SRi Lankan Parliament voted unanimously to grant citizenship to all stateless persons ending a forty year period of racist discrimination against the plantation Tamils. The Thondaman saga of triumphant struggle is recorded in his auto
biography publish 1987.
I would remind this section of t really an asset to must consider th indigenous worker in my speech o Account Debate millions of foreign these plantation v this country for a y for the payment o terest on the mon borrowed. Throug tears and blood th enriched the wealt but have also co foreign exchange to ment of capital and ly Rs. 17,000 millio Deuw ( (Communist Pai
Thondaman who has ty five years of life, enviable record of Knavesmire struggl tion of a plantation i of workers brought volvement with the c workers. He pledged don as a security
arrested workers.
strike of April 1984
which raised the
Rs.23.75. Being a ca waged a struggle ag ment owned plantat In his time the tasl the Estate Schools v his time, the plantat learned to fight back

JANUARY 1989
n boy freed in Madras
Ils traced
f the Telephones ls were traced to a ur the K.K. Nagar
in mufti kept a and trapped Deutenant, Ramesh, make their regular happy denouement
o the boy's parents missioner to seek uld have ended in a dnappers come to were after them.
captivity
but a little incoheathivanan said he and forced to take as threatened with did not pay the
ransom money. He used to cry and beg them to free him.
Mr. S. Duraisingham, the 48-year old father of the boy, dealing in gems, said he used to give money to some Tamil militant groups and had since stopped the payments. On November 23 Mathivanan had gone out to buy bread in the morning when he was kidnapped by some persons who reportedly came in a jeep.
Heart-rending cries
There used to be telephone calls demanding the ransom and threatening to kill the boy if there was no response. A few days earlier, an audiocassette was found on the portico of his house, carrying the heart-rendering cries of his son and pleading for immediate help. All the nightmarish experience ended with the safe release of the boy.
OF A LIFE TIME
od in English in
the House that he population is the country. We e aS Ol' OW s. As I mentioned n the Vote on about Rs.17,000 n exchange that workers earn for 'ear goes entirely f capital and ines that we have gh their sweat, ey have not only h of this country ntinued to find meet the repayinterest annual
. Gunasekera, MP, ty of Sri Lanka) in Parliament.
completed seven
has a proud and leadership. The 2 against acquisignoring the rights out his total inause of plantation his estate Wavento bail out 363 The plantation s a historic event daily wages to binet minister he inst the Governon management. of nationalising as completed. In on workers have against commun
al attacks. In his life time they have been raised to the position of playing a pivotal role in the politics of Lanka. He has created a Thondaman Foundation
for the socio-economic development of
You cannot keep human beings stateless. I know that when people apply for land they are told that they are stateless persons and they cannot get land. What happens to him? There are not only Indians; there are a lot of Hindus, Christians and Muslims involved. On estates you find all these people have the same problems. I think this is a very important piece of legislation, one of the most important pieces of legislation that have come to this House.
M.L.L. A boosally, MP and Deputy Minister of Mahaweli Development in Parliament
the plantation community. Thondaman's in domitable courage had marked him out as a man of destiny.
In this hour of his glory one can do no better than quote Prof. Ralph Buultjens in his foreward to Thondaman's autobiography.
"There is a certain grandeur in his vision yet the hauteur of power is enwombed within a beguilling simplicity of style and manner. Such historically unusual paradoxes, capable of creating confusion and instabilities in most men, are comfortably reconciled within and through the personality of Thondaman. This ability to manage contradiction so effectively and balance them to his advantage makes Thondaman a legendary public figure a remarkable leader by the norms of any contemporary political culture'.

Page 21
JANUARY 1989
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22 TAMILTIMEŠ
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Professional couple require female home help to live in and look after daughter, age 7, knowledge of English essential, Tamil preferred, salary negotiable, many fringe benefits. Contact E 30, c/o Tanni Times.
FORTHCOMING EVENTS
January 29, 3.30 p.m. The London Veena Group presents a Grand Veena Concert at the Arts Theatre Hall, Brian O'Mally Library and Arts Centre, Central Library, Walker Place, Rotherham. Tickets & Information Mr. Vatish 0709 823606
At Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 4A Castletown Road, London W149HQ Tel:01-381 3036/ 4608
February 3, 7.30 p.m. Tabla by Alla Rakha, Zakir Hussain & Fazał Hussain, Qureshi Feb 4, 7.30 p.m. Mandolin by Master U Srinivas Feb 5, 7.30 p.m. Mandalin with Tabla by U Srinivas & Zakir Hussain Feb 6, 6.30 p.m. india's Republic Day Celebrations - Folk Dances of India Feb 10, 7.30 p.m. Karnatic Vocal by Mrs. Sivasakti Sivanesan Feb 17, 7.30 p.m. Hindustani & Karnatic Vocal plus Devotional songs by Dr. Premeela Gurumurti Feb 25, 7.30 p.m. Hindustan Bhajans & Songs by Hari Om Sharan and Nandini
OBILUA
Gerard Rajakarier (31), late Angelo Rajakariet Education, Sri Lanka, brief illness on 28.12. school career, Gerard
University of Sheffield Classics. He joined the ( rose to the rank of High He was highly respect and superiors for his a and dedication to duty. he was active in Service and was the secretary Requiem Mass was sa Church, Morden and th place at Figgs Marsh Ce Cleveland Avenue, Long
Mrs. S. Rajakulendran Rajakulendran, mothe, jakulendran, Mr. A.J.G. F Pastor R. Rajakulendran drini; mother in law of Li S. Jebanesan and Mr. passed away on 16. 10. Lanka.
Mrs Kanagamany Tha Kokuvil, Jafna on 5. Loheswary Chelliah (U. h dra (Vathiry, Pt. Pedro) (Kandy), the late Raj S tired Senior Assistan Police, Malaysia), and (Nottingham) died in N. Funeral according to Hin 11. 1.89 — 53 Sheер Head, Nottingham, NG 1. 557646.
FIRST ME VOMAN MINIST
St. Peters Methodist Ch venue of a simple but S service on 16. 10.88, wh Ratnasingham was indu. the Methodist Church. hails from Trincomalee á all education at Pilinnata lege.
 
 
 
 

UANUARY 1989
son of Pansy and the former Director of passed away after a 88. After a brilliant graduated from the with a degree in 2ivil Service and soon er Executive Officer. ld by his colleagues miable temperament During his spare time to the Legion of Mary ' of the Senatus. A d at St. John Fisher e burial Service took metary on 5.1.89 - 1 on SW20.
wife of the late J. G. r Of Dr. F.A. RaRajakulendran (U.K.), , Vimala, and Swenalani, Jeyaluxmi, Dr. S. J. C. Kadirgamar 38 at Chundlikuli, Sri
mby Thurai, born in 10, 1908, mother of 1.), Rajeswary Pulen
Rani Thurairatnam ingham K.N.M. (Re* Commissioner of
Dr. Raj Chandran ttingham on 7.1.89. du rites took place On Walk Lane, Ravens 9FD, U.K. Tel: O623
HOD|ST R IN JAFFNA
Irch, Jaffna was the lemn ceremony and an Miss Ranjitharany Cted as a Minister of Miss Ratnasingham nd had her theologicawa Theological col
VANATH
Daughter of Mr & Mrs K. Nithiyananthan of Osterley Middlesex had her Bharatha Natya Arangetram (dance debut) on the 7th January 1989 at the Merton Civic Hall, Wimbledon, London SW19. The evening was well attended by friends and wellwishers of the Nithiyananthan family. Mr Steven Ashcroft (Deputy Mayor of the Merton Council), Mr Shanker Shankeramurti (Tamil Osai - Tamil programme organiser BBC External Services), Mr Munral Cultural Attache of the Indian High Commission, London were guests of honour. Mr Ashcroft and Mr Shankeramurti showered praise on Vanathi after the performance.
Vanathi started her training at the tender age of seven and is the first student of Srimathy Selvalaxmy Ramakrishnan who in turn had her tutelage under the Maestro from Kalakshetra - Balasundhari Kanagasabai (now Mrs Prathalingam presently in Swaziland)
Vanathi's eight years of dedicated training under Selvalaxmy was clearly evident in the Superb pieces carefully selected by the Guru and performed by her. I would particularly mention the Adiduvan Nadanam' (Patham) and the "Meenadchi Kalyanam' at the end. Her performance was highlighted by vocals by Super grade artiste Srimathy Nageswary Brahmananda who sang with her daughter Varatha. Credit is also due to Adayar Balu (Mr Balakrishnan) a leading Miruthangam player who was flown down from India for this Arangetram. Dr Laxmi Jayan was on the violin. May Vanathi continue her achievements in Bharatha Natyam and maintain the highest traditions of this ancient art.
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JANUARY 1989
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24 TAMIL TIMES
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