கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: Tamil Times 1990.10

Page 1
"By Way of Decept
THE ROLE O
IN THE ETH
Le MJSim Predicament
LTTECALS FOR IN DAN RED BROSS
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Stop this inhuman War
The Elusive Consensus
n" - The Mossad Affair
THE STATE C (CONFLICT
k Mrs Thatcher's Negative
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* ANTI-MUSILIM VIOLENCE
INTHE NORTES
A ParaIE BOM ES
Thrown Out By Court

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Page 3
15 OCTOBER 1990
CONTENTS
Govt. launches ground and air offensive. 4
The Elusive Consen SuS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
ANNUAL SU
0. UK/India/Sri an Mrs Thatcher's negative response. . . . . . 6 ei All other countri
Concern over arrest of Tamils. . . . . . . . . 7 , Publish
TAM T P.Ο. Β People and Politics. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .9 SUTTON, SUR
UNITED
Y Phone: 08 Role of the State in ethnic Conflict. . . . . . 11
Views expressed by contributors are not necessarily
those of the editor or the publishers
By the time the Indian Peace Keeping Force departed from Sri Lanka in March this year followed by the collapse of the North-East Provincial Council administration and the going into exile of the then Chief Minister and his colleagues, the territorial Control of the North-East had Conne under the effective and de facto control of the LTTE. Despite the presence of several army camps and police stations in these areas, in practice most of the Security service and police personnel were confined to barracks and movements of these personnel were subject to prior permission from the LTTE. Talks continued between the government and the LT TE, and there was much hope and expectation that matters were going to be resolved by negotiations and peace would return at last. By and large, this situation continued until June 11 when suddenly war broke out between the LTTE and government forces.
Today the whole of the North-East is in total turmoil. The atrocities and sufferings to which the people have been subjected and the displacement of a million people in these areas have already been commented upon.
Now the government has launched a massive military operation. The number of troops of the combined forces of the army, navy and airforce backed up by newly acquired jet fighters, helicopter gunships, tanks and heavy weaponry that have been deployed and the sustained nature of the operations indicate an intention on the part of the government to militarily take over the Jaffna peninSula which has been under the total Control of the LTTE ever since the departure of the IPKF.
Jaffna and its people, including those who had flooded into the peninsula from other areas like Vavuniya, Mullaitivu and Trincomalee, had already suffered enormously during the three month battle for the Jaffna Fort in the course of which thousands of buildings were destroyed and an unaccountable number of people were killed in consequence of indiscriminate bombing and strating raids. The present military operations, in which an estimated
 

TAMIL TIMES 3
CONTENTS
The Muslim Predicament. . . . . . . . . . . . 14
'66-4488
Anti-Muslim violence in North-East. . . . 15 3SCRIPTION
ESE. Former Chief Minister in Indian hideout. 19
d by The blitz that's way off target. . . . . . . . . 2 MES LTO DX 121 REY SM1, 3 TD Social Justice through education. . . . . . 22 CINGDOM I-644 0972
Classified Advertisements. . . . . . . . . . . 24
The publishers assume no responsibility for return of unsolicited manuscripts, photographs and artwork.
HUMAN WAR
ten thousand troops are reported to be participating, are accompanied by continuous relentless and indiscriminate bombing and strating raids all over the peninsula. The havoc, destruction and deaths resulting from these operations are too obvious and horrendous even to contemplate.
As the jet fighters and helicopter gunships are raining bombs, rockets, shells and bullets from the sky all over Jaffna, ground forces with tanks from the Palali, Kankesanturai and Karainagar military bases are said to be shelling and shooting their way in the course of their reported advance as fierce resistance is being offered by LTTE cadres. The Casualties among the combatants on both sides are said to be heavy. As the operations continue, the helpless and voiceless civilians are being felled in countless numbers and their homes are being reduced to rubble in this Cruel and inhuman war.
The decision of the government to pursue a military course has turned the conflict into a war against the people as a whole and it is being conducted with absolutely no regard to civilian life. It would seem that the government is determined to take over Jaffna even at the risk of killing thousands of innocent civilians and destroying the peninsula.
Even if those at war have lost all Concern for the plight of the innocent defenceless civilian population, it is well to understand that the Conflict Cannot be resolved by military means. The government and its forces may succeed in decimating Jaffna and killing substantial sections of its population and may even win several battles with the LTTE and in name recapture Jaffna. That will not end the war in the long term. It will not bring peace. Any victory achieved will only be temporary leaving a trail of unhealed wounds, bitterness and hatred which Will serve to nurture and nourish further Conflicts and future wars.
The need of the hour is to STOP THIS INHUMAN WAR. The government should immediately call off its ongoing military offensive and seek ways and means of renewing negotiations with the LTTE if need be with outside mediation.

Page 4
4 TAMIL TIMES
GOVT. LAUNCHES AERIAL AND GROUND OFFENSIVE
20 September - A new offensive in the Jaffna peninsula was launched by government forces beginning 17 October and is reportedly continuing. Before the offensive began, most of the areas within the peninsula were subjected to a 24-hour curfew.
As sustained aerial bombing continued in the areas around Point Pedro, Kankesanturai, Keerimalai, Maviddapuram and Palali, forces have tried to get out of their camp at Palali in an endeavour to capture territory presently under the control of the LTTE.
As heavy destruction of property caused by bombing operations is being reported, LTTE sources claimed that their cadres were putting up fierce resistance and preventing the advance of government forces. Conceding the death of about 27 of their cadres, they also claimed that a helicopter belonging to the Sri Lanka Air Force had been shot down with a rocket attack resulting in the death of several security service personnel.
On the other hand security sources claimed that they had made headway in bringing under their control areas around Punnalaikadduvan, Kadduwan and Mallakam having destroyed several LTTE positions and bunkers. They also claimed that the intention of the troops was to advance in two directions towards Jaffna town.
The sustained and continuous nature of the government offensive suggests serious intent on its part to take over the peninsula from Tiger control. Observers say that if anyone thought that the withdrawal of troops from and abandonment of the Jaffna Fort was an indication of the government's change of heart, the current major operations have contradicted that.
At the beginning of the month, the English daily "The Island' reported: The military strike to wrest control of the Jaffna town is expected to be mounted with the arrival of shipments of MIG Fighter Jets capable of hitting specific targets and long-range weapons. With the helicopter gunships supplemented by the MIG Fighters taking on 'specified dedicated targets' that had been identified, ground forces would be able to fight their way through the Tiger cordon, senior security officials have indicated...Security officials remain tightlipped about details of the raids being worked out. They pointed out that the success of a military strike depended heavily on the aspect of 'surprise'. Any raid should be launched at a time when the enemy least expects it'.
LTTE Leader calls for Indian Red Cross Team The London-based LTTE leader, Mr.
Sathasivam Krishnal has appealed to the India to send a team ( the Indian Red Cross Province in Sri L thousands of Tamils h fugees.
"The government o send the Indian Red C the East to see for the happening there or si plies, otherwise, it shou Sri Lankan governm relief to the Tamil reful Kittu said.
He accused the Sri I ment of not allowing th Committee of the Red C effectively in the East large sections of the T. in Trincomalee and Bat had become refugees du ties committed by the and Muslim Home Gu the refugees were sul food or medical facilitie
Mr. Kittu also refute that Mir. Anton Balasi. Yogaratnam Yogi, t members of the LTTEl killed when a boat in W travelling off the Jaffna attacked and destroy Lankan Navy. “It is a government has invent confuse the people. Bot ham and Mr. Yogi are he admitted that an I rying fifteen injured LT Trincomalee to Jafna v Lankan Navy near Po none of them belong leadership of the LTTE
“TAMILS, SINHA
* MUSLIMS ARE SLA
EACH OT|
By John R.
Sept. 28-The factory a estate, 5,000 feet up taking hills of Uva, is red hulk, burned to year by the Sinhalese ment, the JVP. Last ti two and a half yea producing what I steac be the finest Ceylon te best in the world.
In the interests ethics, however, I mu certain bias: until na years ago, that estate family. Had it not bee out factory I could hav nothing had changed.
There they were, th sy kites still dancing Galle Face Green in C hard and brown for la time of year. The hol trishaws still whisk through the appallin

15 OCTOBER 1990
umar (Kittu) overnment of officials from O the Eastern nka where ve become re
India should oss officials to selves what is nd relief supd pressure the nt to provide ees there", Mr.
ankan govern2 International ross to function
He said that mil population icaloa districts e to the atrocisecurity forces ards and that fering without
S. d press reports gham and Mr. wo prominent eadership were hich they were peninsula was 2d by the Sri total lie. The ed this news to h Mr. Balasingin Jaffna'. But TTE boat carTE cadres from was sunk by the int Pedro. But ed to the top
LESE AND UGHTERING HER
tie
t the Cullen tea in the breathan empty charhe ground last guerrilla moveme I was there, s ago, it was fastly believe to l, not to say the
if professional st confess to a ionalisation 15 belonged to my for the burned imagined that
se familiar flimin the sky over lombo the grass k of rain at this ibly vulnerable heir passengers traffic of Galle
Road, miraculously dodging the hurtling buses.
Out in the provinces, thousands of Tamils are still being killed or driven from their homes in the North and East, as the Sri Lankan armed forces desperately battle their way against the strongholds of the Tamil Tigers. Tamils, Muslims and Sinhalese are still slaughtering each other in the hotly contested East. Yes, it could easily be 1986 all over again.
Until the many changes come to mind, almost all of them for the worse. On a personal level, three of my very best friends were done to death this year. In February, Richard de Zoysa, a brilliant young Sinhalese journalist and television news reader, was picked up by security men in the middle of the night; next day his body was found on the sea shore. Then in May, assassins from the Tigers gunned down Sam Tambimuttu and his wife Kala, two of the country's bravest and most visionary Tamils.
In striking contrast to the situation two years ago, people are now afraid to speak openly. This is a system based on fear, declared an old diplomatic hand grimly. A Colombo friend whom I called as soon as I arrived confirmed this. 'I was desperate for you to stop talking, he admitted after I had rashly bewailed the death of my three friends over the telephone, as well as those of thousands of others killed last year.
And that is another change. The
JVP, which virtually controlled large tracts of the country - last year it shot dead 24 tea estate managers, and could impose a strike all over the Sinhalese south whenever it liked - has been all but eliminated.
The method was simple: the sea in which the fish swam was removed. Put more bluntly, thousands of young Sinhalese men were slaughtered by death squads, their bodies left burning by the roadside as a warning, or floating down the rivers. About 30,000 is the generally accepted figure, though some seasoned observers say 50,000.
"When you left in 1988', a senior police officer of the old, straight school reminded me, you said that when you came back the Central Americanisation of Sri Lanka would be over. What do you think now? What could I say, except that the process is gathering speed at a frightening pace. There are hardly any checks left against the tremendous concentration of power inside the country, and since the Indian army withdrew after burning its fingers, very few from outside either.
Meanwhile the casinos flourish, the Colombo elite flaunt their Mercedes and down their Scotch, but the headmistress of a school on the capital's northern outskirts despairs of teaching anything to her 200 pupils because they are too hungry.
Continued On Page 6

Page 5
V 15 OCTOBER 1990
THE ELUSIVE CONSE
Rita Sebastian Fron Colonbo
A year of discussions under the auspices of the All Party Conference is yet to forge a consensus between Tamil and Muslim political parties on the permanent merger of the north-east provinces and the unit of devolution.
The Muslims ready to go along with the Tamil groups, accommodated under the broad definition of Tamil speaking people' have in the last several months come to re-think their options.
The Sri Lanka Muslim Congress President, A.M. Ashraff, the most vociferous of the Muslims, has made
the point, that the Muslims as a dis
tinct ethnic minority want equal power-sharing arrangements with the Tamils.
Not only Ashraff but the National Assembly of Muslim organisations, an umbrella group of 31 Muslim associations in the island have, in a memorandum to Sri Lankan President Ranasinghe Premadasa recently, argued the case for de-linking the eastern province from the northern province, and the creation of a separate Muslim provincial council in the East, by virtue of the fact of its 32.3% population in the province.
Statistics spell out the picture. I The memorandum points to the controversial merger of the two provinces by former President J.R. Jayewardene as having reduced the Muslim population in the merged province to 17.6% the Sinhalese from 24.9% to 13% and the Tamils increased from 42% to 70%. Ashraff reinforces the same argument. If the 12% Tamils in the country can demand devolution of power for a merged north-east province why shouldn't the 17% Muslims in the north-east demand its own council?” he argues.
Both the Tamil and Muslim political parties are quite conscious of the fact that only in their coming together would the permanent merger of the north-east provinces become possible, given the strong anti-merger sentiments of the southern political parties. It is in this context, that inspite of several meetings between the Muslim and Tamil political parties having failed to forge a consensus, the six Tamil parties, the Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF), the Tamil Eelam Liberation Organisation (TELO), the All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC), the Eelam National Democratic Liberation Front (ENDLF), the People's Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE) and the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) who have joined forces, are
desperately trying to woo the Muslims
into some work arrangements.
Under discussio provincial council east province at th units under it, stil ture, that would for the Muslims a
Powers and ar defined. Adequate Sinhala minority i. be discussed only Muslims arrive at tory to both sides will is the question For all the rheto merger being a col ruling United Nat main opposition S Party are against added to it, the gi not revealed its po: What makes the w al is that two key p the SLFP and the II the discussions on t age. The LTTE, agreeable to a nc council as an admi on which substanti devolved by the changed its den autonomy.
Meanwhile the ment forces are lo the tentative attem all NGO's to medi have come to noug : At a public ra fortnight, a messag mo Vellupillai Pra known that the LT fighting. "The gove weapons and more blessed with nerve and determination'
But tragically wł in the fighting is t and hardships the in the region are Days on end in r making do with the necessities with no
Perhaps it was that brought toge Muslims and Tam Batticaloa district meeting presided o loa government age religious dignitarie representatives of
discussed the need
healing process tha embattled district malcy.
While the Mus) guarantee that the

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TAMIL TIMES 5
ISUS
ble power-sharing
at the moment is a or a merged northapex with two sub to get its nomenclaunction separately d the Tamils. as are still to be safeguards for the the province are to fter the Tamils and consensus satisfacBut whether they
ic of the north-east sensus decision the onal Party and the ri Lanka Freedom
the merger. And overnment has still ition on devolution. hole exercise farciclayers in the drama, TTE, are still out of he devolution packwhich was initially orth-east provincial nistrative structure al autonomy will be centre, has since land to regional
LTTE and governcked in battle and pts by internationate in the conflict ht.
lly in Jaffna last e from LTTE suprebhakaran made it TE would continue rnment had more men, but we are s of steel, courage the message read.
at has got eclipsed e untold suffering 2ivilian population eing put through. fugee camps and minimum of basic 2nd in sight. ne of the reasons her the battling ls in the eastern ust week. A peace er by the Batticaht, graced by three , and attended by both communities for some kind of would return the o peace and nor
ms had given a would desist from
all provocative acts, the Tamils could only say they would try, since with the LTTE out of the discussions no guarantees were possible. It only brought home the fact that the LTTE is still the factor to be reckoned with.
Political marginalisation or military elimination of the LTTE is just an illusion. The very fact that all the rival Tamil groups can only articulate their demands and grievances from the safety of Colombo is a telling pointer to the ground reality in the north-east re
gion.
Even the elected representatives of the eastern province cannot move freely in their constituencies making the occasional visit under armed escort. How then can any kind of political process get going in the region. i
Making news now is the once hardly known Eelam People’s Democratic Front (EPDP) of Douglas Devananda. A breakaway faction of the EPRLF, it has aligned itself closely with the government, kept aloof from the grouping of the six Tamil political parties, and has been making several public statements denouncing the LTTE.
But not all those denouncements have brought them any nearer to defeating the LTTE politically, or militarily. Rhetoric is not going to bring an end to the conflict. Only the capacity and the will to accommodate each other in the larger interest of the
Tamil community.
ou ... yil subscription on behalf
for ohë

Page 6
6- TAMIL TIMES
Continued From Page 4
Locked into the old colonial economy of tea, rubber and palm oil exports, Sri Lanka still relies on foreign handouts to prosecute its civil war and to import the luxury goods that stuff the Galle Road shops.
It also counts on the foreign exchange sent back by an estimated 250,000 Sri Lankan workers in the Middle East. But about 100,000 of them, mostly working in Kuwait, have now lost their jobs. Soon they will be home looking for non-existent jobs, while their families, say half a million people, have lost the income they relied on. At the same time, the country has lost 27 per cent of its tea exports as a result of the sanctions against Iraq and Kuwait.
With this grim economic picture superimposed on the seething resentment over the killings in the South and the turmoil in the North and East, the immediate future for the happy island of Serendip looks bleak.
Settlement Proposals by Religious Leaders
Dr. Rev. B. Deogupillai, Roman Catholic Bishop of Jaffna, Rev. D.J. Ambalavanar, Bishop of Jaffna Diocese of CSI, S.T. Nadarajan of the Nallur Thirugnana Sampanthar Artheenam and other religious leaders have put forward proposals for the cessation of hostilities of the present armed conflict and for the long term settlement of the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka.
In their letter addressed to President
* R. Premadasa, the religious leaders
state:
people of the North and East at the prospect of living in the midst of a furious war in which few legally recognized fundamental and human rights are being maintained by both sides, we, the leaders of various religions, met to voice the aspirations of the people in the Tamil regions.
We recognize that there must be a genuine appreciation by all that Sinhala Nationalism and Tamil Nationalism are traditions and roots in this country from time immemorial. Therefore, we have to realise that unity in one State is practicable only if the rights of the peoples of the different national groups are recognized and guaranteed adequately. Transforming Sri Lanka into a Federal State would be the most satisfactory means of achieving this. This will enable genuine devolution of power and responsibility from the Central Government to the Federating Units. We are happy to inform you that this solution would be welcomed by the Tamil speaking people as well as all the political forces of the Northern and Eastern provinces.
The present set-up of Provincial
"At a time when there is increasing anxiety and trepidation among the
Councils is not qu does not sufficien guarantee the righ national groups anc devolution of power from the Centre Councils.
Hence, we would to take all necessary the present Unitary into a Federal Stat present constitutior ably.
As a step towa proposed political so crisis we urge bo hostilities and perm ly recognized orgar the cease-fire'.
Commissio Mossad A
President R. Prema a one-man Comm Commission of Inq powers, to inquire the allegations con contained in a pub Way of Deception: Unmaking of a Mc lished abroad.
The Commission matters, inquire ar ences made in the b an security personn bers of a Sri Lanka tion were trained b gence agency, Moss
More specifically has been called up and report on;
O Whether any engaged himself in as defined by Sectic tion of Terrorism training by the agency — Mossad;
OWhether any Lankan security fo Mossad, and if so, such training wa person who has unlawful activity 31 of the Preventi
O Whether any Lankan security Aviv, Israel for th ing radar equipr purchase, and ifs deliberately decei equipment inapp pose;
O Whether Mo for causing the p feasibility report project in the Mi Scheme which World Bank and a part of the con to an Israeli cc known as Solel E so obtained wer arms purchased Israel;

15 OCTOBER 1990
satisfactory. It r recognize and
of the different chieve a genuine nd responsibility the Provincial
trongly urge you steps to transform State of Sri Lanka by amending the of Sri Lanka suit
ls discussing the ution to the ethnic n sides to cease , an internationalzation to monitor
to Probe
legation
lasa has appointed ission under the iry Act with wide nto and report on xerning Sri Lanka ication called, "By The Making and ssad Officer”, pub
will among other ld report on referook that Sri Lankel as well as mem
terrorist organisay the Israeli intelliiad.
, the Commission bon to inquire into
person who has unlawful activity in 31 of the PrevenAct, has received Israeli intelligence
members of the Sri ces were trained by whether any part of imparted to any ngaged himself in s defined by Section n of Terrorism Act;
member of the Sri orces went to Tel purpose of evaluatent for prospective whether they were ed by being shown priate for the pur
sad was responsible aparation of a false for a construction taweli Development as funded by the curing the award of act so recommended struction company, nah, and that funds utilised to pay for or Sri Lanka from
O Whether any Sri Lankan had given information to Mossad that such funds were being used to purchase equipment for the Sri Lanka Army, and whether such information was true or false.
The Commission has been called upon to submit the final report within a period of two months.
Mrs. Thatcher's Negative Response to LTTE Appeal
In response to an appeal sent by the LTTE's London leader, Sathasivam Krishnakumar, regarding the 'current grave situation in the Tamil homeland in Sri Lanka resulting from the government's 'all-out war on the Tamil speaking population in its pursuit of military domination', and seeking support for “the Tamil-speaking people in their struggle against the Sri Lankan government's military oppression', the British Prime Minister, Mrs. Margaret Thatcher has sent the following reply:
"Thank you for your letter of 13 August to the Prime Minister about the situation in Sri Lanka. I have been asked to reply.
'We, too, are deeply concerned about the renewed fighting in Sri Lanka and the hardship this has brought on people living in the North and the East of the country.
"We had been encouraged by President Premadasa's efforts to reach a peaceful accommodation with the LTTE in the 13 months from May 1989. We were, therefore, dismayed by the LTTE's refusal to continue negotiations towards a political settlement and its decision to resume the fighting.
“As the Press reported, the LTTE were responsible for a large number of atrocities and acts of violence mainly in the North and the East of Sri Lanka in the period following the withdrawal of the Indian Peace Keeping Force from Sri Lanka in March. These included the massacre of Tamil National Army cadres, the murders of prominent Tamil political leaders and the kidnapping and murder of a very large number of policemen. In an effort to stem the violence, and to give further opportunities to reach a peaceful settlement with the LTTE. through negotiations, President Premadasa twice proposed ceasefires, but these were broken by the LTTE. Our understanding of the reasons behind the latest outbreak of fighting does not square at all, therefore, with what is set out in your letter.
Furthermore, the LTTE, rather than the Government, have been held responsible by the international community for the massacre of members of the Muslim and other ethnic communities caught up in the fighting. Our concern about the impact of the fighting on the civilian communities in the North and the East of the country has led to HMG donating £350,000 to the

Page 7
15 OCTOBER 1990
ICRC and other NGOs for emergency relief work.
“We have seen no evidence to support Press reports alleging the use of napalm or cholera bombs.
"The LTTE have made much of their demand for the repeal of the Sixth Amendment to the Constitution, requiring Parliamentarians to take an oath of allegiance to a unitary Sri Lanka State. The British Government has always supported the unitary nature of Sri Lanka and we can see no over-riding problem with the requirement to take such an oath of allegiance.
We condemn the use of violence in pursuing political aims. We are watching the situation closely and hope that a negotiated solution can soon be found, which will allow all communities to live a normal, peaceful existence. In the meantime, we are calling on all concerned (including the LTTE) to exercise maximum restraint and to take every possible step to avoid casualties or suffering among the civilian population”.
Court Throws Out Parliament Bomb Case - Defendents Freed
Colombo High Court at Bar that heard the Parliament Bomb case yesterday delivered an unanimous verdict of acquittal and discharge of the first accused Ajith Kumara and the fifth accused Yasantha holding that the prosecution failed to prove the indictment.
Second accused Hewage Kumaratissa, third accused Kithsiri Colombarachchi, fourth accused Piyasiri Wickremarachchi were acquitted earlier after Senior State Counsel Surath Piyasena and Palitha Fernando concluded their submissions.
High Court comprised Judgės
Ameer Ismail (President) Ananda Grero and A.C.M. Fernando.
The indictment was served on 12.10.89. There were 67 days of trial. More than 100 witnesses gave evidence.
At the end of the Voir Dire inquiry, the Court ordered that the confessions made by the accused were not admissible holding that they had not been voluntarily made.
After the order was read, Senior State Counsel Surath Piyasena indicated to High Court that State would appeal against the main verdict and the verdict delivered at the end ofVoir Dire inquiry.
In this case Ajith Kumara, Hewage Kumaratissa, Kithsiri Colombarachchi, Piyasiri Wickmarachchi and M. Jayasiri Goonawardena were indicted on ten counts including conspiracy to commit the murder of former President Jayewardene, and attempting to
commit the murder Security Minister mudali.
They were also mitting the mur Abeywickrema MP Parliament emplo Senadeera.
CONCERNE OVER ARRES IN COL
We have received youths being round in Colombo City. O month alone more youths were arreste
This has now bee! Minister for Defenc jeratne, in his Pres yesterday, a pres: EPRLF stated.
There are many ) there is an exodus from the North-East Colombo. However, fugees is not restrict but include the eld children. The mair predominance of chi amongst the refuge conscription project addition, refugees st ombo City include forcibly ejected from in the Eastern Provi and those fleeing f and indiscriminate Security Forces.
In addition to th concerned over the la the refugee camps in Further, the pres inadequate and imn should be taken to c camps. We also call on to instruct the secur duct themselves in during the search C City and to release all innocent without unc
Mrs Saravanan RS2 Milion Da
Senior Superinten Ronald Nissaanka ( Chief Inspector of Pol goda have filed case Court of Colombo clai and Rs. 750,000 resp ages from Dr. Mrs. Mi namuttu, mother o. popular journalist Ric
The journalist was a mother's residence du February 18 by 6 police uniform and on his bullet-riddled deat washed ashore at the wa some miles away
When the police fa proper investigations

TAMIL TIMES 7
f former National Lailith Athulath
dicted with comer of Keerthie r Deniyaya and a e S.P. Norbert
XPRESSED
OF TAMILS OMBO
reports of Tamil d up by the police the 10th of this than 200 Tamil
confirmed by the , Mr. Ranjan WiConference held release by the
easons as to why of Tamil youths ern Provinces into this flow of red to youths alone, erly, women and reason for the ldren and youths es is the forced of the LTTE. In reaming into Colthose who were the refugee camps nce by the LTTE om the excesses arrests by the
e above, we are ack of security in Colombo. ent facilities are ediate measures pen new refugee the Government ity forces to conproper manner perations in the those found to be ue delay.
uttu Faces mages Suit
lent of Police unasinghe and ce, S.D. Ranchain the District hing Rs.1 million !ctively as damnaorani Saravathe murdered hard de Zoysa. bducted from his ing the night of rsons some in he following day body was found each in Moratuom Colombo. ed to follow up Mrs Saravana
muttu filed affidavits in the Magis
trates Court identifying SSP Gunasinghe as one of the persons who had gone to her house and abducted her son and identifying that one of the abductors who had been in police uniform fitted the description she had received of Chief Inspector Ranchagoda.
The Sri Lanka Attorney General to whom the case was referred by the Magistrate subsequently abandoned the case claiming lack of evidence. Following the Attorney General's action, there has been a widespread demand for an independent judicial commission to investigate the abduction and murder of Richard de Zoysa. Mrs. Saravanamuttu has also carried on a sustained campaign for the proper and independent judicial investigation into her son's abduction and murder.
Apparently encouraged by the Attorney General's decision not to proceed with the case and finding that there is no prospect for an impartial investigation, the police officers named by Mrs. Saravanamuttu have gone on the offensive and filed cases against her alleging that she had defamed their character and reputation.
SCHOOLS AND CHURCHES OVERFLOWING WITH REFUGEES
By Christopher Morris -
in Batticaloa
Oct. 9-The road leading into the town
of Batticaloa in eastern Sri Lanka is
empty. Stray dogs are the only inhabitants of deserted Tamil villages, where every shop has been gutted by fire and every house looted.
The army controls isolated checkpoints, vulnerable to attack by Tamil Tiger rebels, but the civilian population has fled.
Eastern Sri Lanka is still suffering greatly from the war between the Tigers and the Sinhalese-dominated government. There are more than 100,000 refugees in the Batticaloa district alone, and fear pervades the town. :
Schools and churches are overflowing with refugees, who do at least have a roof over their heads and adequate food rations. People who have fled into the surrounding scrubland jungles are: less fortunate. Many are sleeping under coconut leaves and bits of plastic sheeting, and soon the monsoon rains will come.
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Page 9
15 OCTOBER 1990
e & LIPOU
A DECEPTION, THE MOSSAD WAY
Was the Israeli intelligence agency Mossad engaged in two-timing - providing training and supplying weapons to the Sri Lankan security forces and at the same time providing training and supplying weapons to the LTTE? Was the Mossad responsible for a false feasibility report for a construction project in the Mahaweli Development Scheme which was funded by the World Bank and funds obtained from the Bank for the project were used for the purchase of equipment for the Sri Lankan Army? These questions and other related matters are the subject of a one-man Commission of Inquiry appointed recently by President Premadasa following the revelations contained in the recently released book titled "By Way of Deception: The Making and Unmaking of a Mossad Officer' authored by an ex-Mossad agent Victor Ostrovsky.
Described by Newsweek as "certainly sensational', the book contains 361 pages, eight of which relate to Sri Lanka.
Ostrovsky was involved in part of the Mossad operations in Sri Lanka including the training of cadres from the LTTE while the Israeli Interest Section was organising training programmes for the Sri Lankan security forces, especially in the establishment and training of the Special Task Force (STF), and making arrangements for experts from Israel in regard to agricultural projects under the Mahaweli project etc.
When Ostrovsky, a Mossad case officer, having quit the agency tried to go public with his tale of greed, lust and total lack of respect for human life' in the agency, senior officers first tried persuasion and then tried to buy his silence. And when the author refused, the government of Israel went to court in Toronto and New York in an attempt to prevent publication on the ground that the book would "disseminate extremely confidential information' that could 'endanger the lives of various people in the employ of the state of Israel and would be detrimental to the state of Israel'. The success of the government of Israel in prohibiting the publication and sale of the book by obtaining a restraining order from the New York State Supreme Court proved to be short-lived when the Appellate Division overturned the restraining order. The book hit the Number One spot in the New York Times best seller list having sold out 50,000 copies in less than a week.
The substantial part of the book
deals with Mossa ties in the USA tions that the ag for engineering tion of the U, Ambassador Anc he was suspected that, although t advance, it faile specific warning suicide attack on base in Beirut v killed in 1983.
In the section Lanka, Ostrovsky aspects of Mossad it helped to cheat divert funds the purchase arms an sold weapons to t Tamil guerrillas a
The book descri convince the Worl bility of the Ma Mossad brough academics, one Jerusalem Univer fessor of agricultul papers explaining its cost. A major company, Solel B large contract for
"Periodically W sentatives would g spot checks, but t taught how to fool taking them on easily explained fo then back to the sa where some constr been carried out fo
Ostrovsky says t to escort Preside daughter-in-law F visit to Israel. She "We took her wher go. We were talkir but she insisted on project and how financing equipme) was complaining really getting on w project had been in from the World Ba weapons'.
Ostrovsky says provided by the M bers of the Sri Lar and Tamil Guerri techniques, minil munications, and class fast patrol bo boats the Israelis the government against Tamil rebe. an government h officials of arming a They should be acc
"The real probler
 

TANCYMEs y
's undercover activincluding the allegancy was responsible Le enforced resigna. United Nations 'ew Young because fbeing pro-PLO and e agency knew in
to give the U.S. a
about the Shi'ite he American Marine here 241 GIs were
dealing with Sri deals with two main s involvement - how he World Bank and
Bank provided to how it trained and he government and , the same time.
pes how, in order to d Bank of the feasihaweli Project, the t in two Israeli un economist from sity, the other a prote, to write scholarly its importance and Israeli construction onah, was given a part of the job.
"orld Bank reprego to Sri Lanka for he locals had been these inspectors by circuitous routes - security reasons - me, quite small area uction had actually r just this purpose'. hat he was assigned nt Jayawardene’s 2nny "on a secret knew me as Simon'. Yver she wanted to g in general terms, elling me about the money for it was t for the army. She hat they weren't hit. Ironically, the ented to get money k to pay for those
hat training was ssad to the memcan security forces. as in penetration landings, com) sabotage Dvora |s - the very same ad earlier sold to for deployment “. . . the Sri Lankaccused Indian d training Tamils.
sing the Mossad’. started about two
weeks into the courses, when both the Tamils and the Sinhalese - unknown to each other of course, were training at Kfar Sirkin'. Although the base was a large one, on one occasion the two groups passed within a few yards of each other while they were out jogging. "After their basic training routine at Kfar Sirkin, the Sinhalese were taken to the naval base to be taught essentialy how to deal with all the techiques the Israelis had just taught the Tamils. It was pretty hectic. We had to dream up punishments or night training exercises just to keep them busy, so that both groups wouldn't be in Tel Aviv at the same time'.
In subsequent interviews on TV and to newspapers, Ostrovsky claimed that Mossad gave the Tigers training in the manufacture and use of landmines which accounted for the most number of casualties among Sri Lankan security forces and the sale to them of weapons were on a cash-and carry basis. A lot of mines provided to the Tigers were those taken by Israel in its wars against Syria, Egypt and the PLO. They were refurbished and sold to the Tamils. If anything is found the indications are all Soviet-made. They also bought "lots and lots of flares, almost everything that was available that could be sold to them, including mines of all sorts, various types bullets, rubber boats and water-resistant pouches'.
Asked about the purchases made by the security forces, Ostrovsky said that they bought various kinds of Uziz starting from the sub-machine gun right down to the Uzi pistols. They also bought Galil assault rifles, light machine guns, shoulder-carried field missiles and Eagle pistols.
Referring to the duplicity of the provision of training in Israel to both the security forces and Tamil guerrillas at the same time, Ostrovsky said, “the joke doing the rounds among some of the Israelis in the training camps at that time was: "Why do we want to send these guys back to Sri Lanka? why don't we take them to field here and let them fight the war here? It would save a lot of civilian lives'. We were laughing about it, and in the evening when you went home you started thinking about it. "Hey, wait a minute, this is wrong". But you see, Mossad does not regard anybody as people unless they belong to Mossad'.
The Colombo media men, who were quite conspicuous by their silence when the Israeli Interest Section was opened under the auspices of the US Embassy in Colombo and when the Israeli intelligence services started to train the Sri Lankan security services, are now screaming about "the perfidious role of the Israelis who came in the guise of friends and then proved to be worse than enemies' and about
Continued On Page 10

Page 10
10 TAMIL TIMES
Continued From Page 9
"Their capacity for duplicity can only be matched by their capacity for betraying even their best friends' - H.L.D.
Mahindapala in the Sunday Observer,
30.9.90. The article titled "The Zionist Conspiracy' by Tisaranee Gunasekera (Sunday Island 30.10.90) even raises the frightful prospect of further Israeli
destabilisation of Sri Lanka: “If they
have no qualms about treating friends this way, and they didn't mind working against the Jayawardene government which invited them to Sri Lanka, would they have second thoughts about trying to destabilise Sri Lanka now specially after the severing of all relations?"
st MERGER IN THE MELTING POT
The merger of the North and Eastern Provinces was one of the basic demands of the Tamil speaking people, and this was one of the achievements resulting from the much maligned Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement of 1987. But today the question of delinking the presently merged two provinces is being strongly canvassed by some poli
tical parties before the so-called All
Party Conference. President Premadasa, whose antipathy to the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement and to all that it entailed was never concealed, is 'encouraging’ discussion with a view to reaching a decision (one can anticipate what that is going to be) through "conciliation, compromise and consensus”. And the newspapers in Colombo are full of propaganda material advocating the delinking of the two provinces.
The situation has been made more complicated by the Muslim political
parties which have become more strident, particularly after the Kattankudy mosque massacres, in the articulation of their demand for a separate Provincial Council in the East to represent the Muslim population. The Sri Lanka Muslim Congress, which had previously accepted the merged N-E Province, is now saying that there should be three Councils - one for the north and two for the East, with provision for the North and East Tamil Councils to join if they wish. The Muslim United Liberation Front is against a merger but advocates two ethnic-based Councils - one for the Tamils one for the Muslims with equal powers directly devolved from the centre. The Muslim League is against the merger, but if there is going to be a merger, it wants a separate Council to represent the Muslims. The Muslim Assembly is against the merger and wants one Council to cover the entire Eastern Province for the Tamils, Muslims and Sinhalese. As the LTTE is battling it out with government forces
totally disinterested int Colombo, and the ERO gone into a low politi some of their MPs havi lum in foreign lands claim it to be only a pediency), the other Tal groups are engagéd attempts to arrive at : would ensure continued two provinces with sui tional arrangements guarantee adequate saf protection of the cultu the Muslim people an tions.
In any case the ques which was once regarde one, is now in the melti
OWN-GO HUMMAN ARI(
Remember the news Times, June '90) relati fiscation of documents
man rights abuses in Sı Colombo International
Amnesty International of Tamil Times by Mer ment Mr. Mahinda R. Lankan authorities hav this time more flagrant
On 11 September the Rajapakse was waylaid his plane with docume thirty photographs of and smouldering bodies 533 affidavits sworn by containing details of the surrounding the "disapp sons and many other ments. The MP was Geneva to give evide Working Group on E voluntary Disappeara Nations Commissio) Rights. Some weeks documents, photograph concerning abuse of h government forces whic DHL, an internationa vice, to be sent to Gen by customs officials att Airport.
Assistant Superintel Mr. N.C. Kudahetty, h ped off previously al impending departure, t airport with a team seached his luggage : and confiscated all the MP was allowed to b only after he made a fic to the police. The MP's rights, the interventio of the Opposition, M anaike, and the fact ments were being tal ence of a request from o not prevent the ASP fr arbitrary manner he d
When the MP event

15 OCTOBER 1990
he goings-on in S/EDP having al profile and ng sought asy(some leaders amporary exmil parties and
in feverish
formula that merger of the table constitu
that would guards for the ral identity of their aspira
ion of merger, d as a resolved
ng pot.
AL ON GHTS
item (Tamil ng to the conrelating to hui Lanka at the Airport sent to and the Editor mber of Parliaajapakse? The e done it again, ly. same Mahinda on the way to nts comprising bullet riddled of persons and close relatives circumstances earance’ of perrelated docuon his way to nce before the inforced or Innces of United n on Human 2arlier, several s and affidavits uman rights by h were given to l delivery sereva were seized he Katunayake
hdent of Police aving been tipout the MP's urned up at the
of policemen, gainst his will documents. The oard the plame rmal statement protest as to his h of the Leader rs. S. Bandarthat the docuen in consequhe UN body did m acting in the
d. lally turned up
before the UN body on the appointed date and related what had happened to the documents, its Members and UN officials were outraged. Mr. Rajapakse who was expected to submit the documents and give evidence for about an hour on the question of "disappearance' of persons ended up giving evidence relating to the disappearance of the documents for about an hour-and-a- half. The outraged UN officials promptly telexed Colombo demanding the immediate return of the documents. The officials of the Sri Lanka mission in Geneva, who have an impossible task of defending the island's appalling human rights record, were put in an embarrassing situation so much so one of them is reported to have angrily commented, “These bastards in Colombo should be hanged for what they are doing to the country internationally'.
tr BATTLE FOR GOLD AND CASH
Government forces carried out massive
aerial bombardment of the northern
city of Jaffna destroying thousands of buildings for three months in an
ostensible effort to break the LTTE
siege of the Jaffna Fort in which about
175 Sri Lankan security service and
police personnel were trapped. Even
tually, the government forces number
ing about 800 entered the Fort on 13 September and successfully airlifted
the trapped personnel to safety. On 25
September, the announcement was
made that all government troops,
which had with great difficulty and
suffering many casualties entered the
Fort, had been withdrawn and in effect
the Fort had been abandoned. As soon
as the forces were withdrawn, Tigers
entered the Fort and hoisted their flag
and claimed victory. They also blasted
most of the buildings within the Fort
with dynamite. Among the buildings of archaeological significance destroyed
were an old Dutch Church and the
King's House' where heads of state
once stayed during visits to Jaffna.
Now the Fort is almost abandoned.
So why did this brutal battle go on for three months with all the accompanying human and material destruction.
The Minister of State for Defence, Ranjan Wijeratne, told a press conference in Colombo on 26 September that troops were pulled out and the Fort abandoned because they had carried out their intended mission - besides the evacuation of the trapped personnel, the mission was to recover from the Fort Rs.30 million in gold and jewellery and Rs.40 million in cash that had been kept by Jaffna banks in the Fort vaults.
So now we know what this heroic battle was all about

Page 11
15 OCTOBER 1990
ROLE OF THE STATE ETHNIC CONFLICT OFSR
- Urmila Phadnis -
Professor, South Asian Studies, School of international
Nehru University, New Delhi.
Paper presented in a Seminar (October 7-10, 1990) on Obstacles to Peace in Sri Lanka, organised by Minority Rights Group, Swedish Section, Uppsala, Sweden.
That the tensions and conflict between majority and minority communities have been a critical issue of political order and peace-maintenance in plural societies, more so, in the developing ones, is self-axiomatic. However, the nature of such patterns of interaction has varied, with one minority being cooperative and the other conflictual. Besides, the cooperative - consensualconsociational — competitive — conflagrational relationships connote the components of accord as much as discord, harmony as much as cleavages. What is of salience in this context is the whys and whats of discord preempting harmony and vice-versa.
In this context, the Sri Lankan experience of majority and minority relationships' is revealing as well as instructive. Over the decades since independence, the cleavages between the majority community of the Sinhala and the major minority community of the Tamils has been under heavy strain. While such a strain has been somewhat latent, with occasional undercurrents among the "Indian Tamils', with the Sri Lankan Tamils particularly in the North and East, it has assumed a virulence and ferocity unprecedented in its history.
Embedded in such a social rupture in the civil society of the island state has been the crisis of the structures and norms of the Sri Lankan State. Such crises highlight a conglomerate of contradictions underscoring the democratic and developmental processes in Sri Lanka. Thus, the contradictions of developmental experiments and experience have been such as to give way to maldevelopment. Democratic structures have shown similar aberrations. While the colonial legacies do provide a crucial context to them, there is no doubt that the majoritarian thrust of the post colonial Sri Lankan State coupled with the policies and perspectives of the state leadership on democracy and development has been equally significant. Moreover, the intended as much as the unintended consequences of such policies alongside the momentum of social change have contributed to the social turmoil, with ethnic conflict being one of its major manifestations. In the process, peace has been at siege and political stability its major casualty in the island-state.
Political stabilit precursor of pea peace of an autho protest is muzzlec pressed? In any ca at best be describe before the storm.
Alongside, in di movements of p leading at times t and flux may imp of political instab dysfunctional to t suit of peace fo closely related to are also the objec equity.
I am undersco alongside peace be on the obstacles of or elsewhere has to wider context. Ot sterile. Stability ge quo and peace — al out the questions a And for whom?
As such, the ic obstacles to peace i normative as mu dimensions. Closel the issues of scope of such obstacles.
Such obstacles systemic and/or ha extra-systemic str former has as its r in the 1980s in People's Liberatio described by its a stands for Janatha na), the latter, has the movement for state — for the Tan and eastern areas ( the Sri Lankan come to terms W political measure National Security by violence zigzag high intensity con the Sri Lankan se creasingly brutali more and more ) process, not only Sinhalese qua S (JVP vs. the ruling equally significan Tamil, majority-m ties becoming shar tionship marked and uncertainty re relationship on the issues of the 'survi

TAM MES - 11
N THE
LANKA
Studies, Jawaharlal
per se may not be a e. Who wants the itarian state where and dissent is supte, such stability can d as a seeming calm
mocratic states too otest and change, o a state of turmoil art a certain degree lity and yet not be ne long drawn pur
a simple reason: he pursuit of peace tives of justice and
ring these values cause any discourse peace in Sri Lanka be placed in such a herwise it becomes ts equated to status n empty shell, withs to peace for what?
lentification of the n Sri Lanka has its uch as real-politic related to this are as well as intensity
have been antilve had to take to ategies. While the hajor manifestation the movement of Front (popularly ronym JVP which Vimukti Peramubeen epitomised by Eelam — a separate ils in the northern f the country. With tate's inability to th them through , its increasingly frientation marked ing between lowict. Consequently, iety has been ined and its polity tilitarised. In the as there been the hhalese Tensions Sinhalese elite) but y the Sinhaleseority susceptibiliened and the relar mistrust, doubt arding inter-group one hand and the al' of the one time
most forward community - the Sri Lankan Tamils - on the other. There is no doubt that different perspectives can be discerned regarding the bases for the explosion of the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. However, irrespective of the perspective, the role of the state therein remains very much in the fore in such political discourses. Any discussion on the means and modalities for the pursuit of peace in Sri Lanka thus has to take note of the linkages and dichotomies between the state and society in Sri Lanka as they have evolved over decades.
While making ethnic conflict as the focal point in the subsequent sections, I have related it to the wider gamut of forces - external as well as internal - which have resulted in Sri Lanka becoming an increasingly militarised state operative in a manner as to erode its legitimacy as well as integrative capabilities.
III
Though I do not propose to get into the somewhat tangled discussion of the "return to the state' in political theory, it is pertinent to provide a workable definition of the state. The State is not merely an area in which socio-economic battles are waged but has a certain autonomy of its own. As a macro-structure, it incorporates a set of administrative, policing and military organisations headed and more or less coordinated by an executive political authority. These state institutions of power and authority are built up and operate within the context of national and international dynamics." However, in multi-ethnic states the 'ethnic” nature of the state as perceived and projected by the power elite of its various ethnic communities has also been of critical significance in the power structure and alignment patterms of society and state. It is here again that not only the policy avocations but also, the performance of the power-wielders underscore the extent and manner to which the various ethnic groups are represented in the power-structure. Equally significant, it is not merely their representation and participation but their claim to do so on behalf of their respective community which is pertinent. And so is the perception of the justiceability of their relative share in the power cakel5 as well as the accountability of the state towards them. It is in such a general context that the nature of the Sri Lankan state and its role in ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka needs to be focussed.
Broadly speaking, the Sri Lankan political system, as it has evolved has not been that of the 'ethnically dispersed' (as in India) but “ethnically centralised' system." Briefly stated, this connotes: (1) the presence of two or more large groups in constant interac
Continued On Page 12
2ww.- w.swisemir

Page 12
12 TAMIL TIMES
Continued From Page 11
tion in the structures of power and authority; (2) the nature of such an interaction even when cooperative, having a competitive edge with often the premise being that of a zero-sum game and not otherwise; (3) the pattern of interaction implying the majority-minority relationship perceived and/or projected as that of dominantsubordinate relationship. The effectivity of such a perception and projection is heavily contingent on the level of the minority group’s consciousness, the nature of its expectations vis-a-vis the state and its actual as well as expected share in the institutions of power and authority of the state.
In the Sri Lankan case, the Tamils have been a numerical minority but regionally, they are a majority." Coupled with this has been the factor of their proximity and cultural-linguistic affinity with the Tamils of Tamilnadu across the Palk Straits which has induced a sense of self-perceived minority complex among the Sinhalese community. Such a minority complex, nurtured through select historical memories of Tamil invasion from the Tamil north (South Indian states) during the pre-western colonial period had occasional outbursts during the British colonial rule. This was partly due to the nature of the colonial state and partly due to the political exigencies as managed and manipulated by the leadership of the various political groups - communal as well as non-communal.
Briefly stated, the major attributes of the colonial state in Sri Lanka were: (a) its highly unitary character which however did not disturb the pattern of traditional power structure at the local level; (b) development of a dual economic structure marked by the export oriented plantation sector (with all its colonial concomittants) on the one hand and rural sector on the other. Though having a small number of families as owners of big land holding, the nature of plantation culture in the colony was such as to marginalise agriculture, create non-self-sufficiency in major food commodities and thereby lead to dependency on the vagaries of international markets; (c) strong allisland communication network which facilitated movement of those who could afford it. Though connoting the pre-eminence of a highly westernised class of "Brown sahibs', such a communication network existed side by side with the indigenous patterns of networking in education, religion, medicine etc."
During the British period, the indigenous power elite - both Sinhala, Tamil, Muslims and burghers - shared part of the colonial spoils. In fact, till the early 20s the Sinhalese and the Tamil elite had joined hands in demanding greater autonomy from their colonial masters. It is not without significance that in 1912 the first Ceylonese
to be elected to the le. was a Tamil, Sir Ponna nathan. His brother,
lam Arunachalam was dent of Ceylon Reform as also of Ceylon Na (1919) which was fou the Sinhalese and t During this period, the "regard themselves as aspired to equality wi one of the two majc indeed their enfranchis under the restricted
prevailing. With En being the major quali franchisement and thi north having an early
education, it was not su this stage they had acc than half of the educ, However, in democrati numbers mattered, su “two majority commun to be fragile as much a
The rupture of the ( Congress in 1922 alo the formation of Sinha ethnic parties (e.g., T Sabha, Sinhala Mah Congress etc.) had t incorporation of one col other being the underly of both. Though the challenge such ethnic syndrome as contrived manipulative, yet they to make a dent part countryside.
The introduction of franchise in 1931 — a gi masters to its then unw - provided a greater projection and propa apprehension. If the felt vulnerable due t weakness, the Sinhale factors had opposed it grant of franchise righ Tamils." However, n colonial state go ahea versal adult franchise have an open field aea.
Unlike India, whe policy of "divide et political exigency for and sustenance on mal British Raj did not ne in the island-colony moderate and pliable majority community cept the left parties) it tion of an all Sinhales the 1936 elections was such an orientation. rejection of the Tam mand of 50-50 i.e., sentation of all minor the majority commun case would have impli weightage in view o proportion of all the munities being less t the total population.'

e'15 ocTOBER 1990
slative council
mbalam Rama
ir Ponmambathe first PresiLeague (1917) onal Congress
ded jointly by 2 Tamil elite.
Tamils did not a minority but h Sinhalese as ity groups as 'd segment was franchise then lish education ication for enTamils in the tart in English rprising that at unted for more ited Ceylonese. politics where h a concept of ties' was bound s artificial.
'eylon National g ethnic lines, lese and Tamil amil Mahajana asabha, Tamil he submersion/ mmunity by the ring assumption left parties did ity based fear | and politically were too weak icularly in the
universal adult ft of the colonial filling recipients impetus to the gation of such Tamil minority its numerical se, among other
because of the ts to the Indian ot only did the d with the uni
but also let it in the political
e the imperial mpera' was a olonial survival ly occasions, the d to resort to it because of the haracter of the leadership (exself. The forma2 ministry after an indication of And so was the l Congress delarity of repreies groups with y which in any d not parity but
the numerical
minority coman one-third of
As such, the policies and strategies of the British colonial state evolved in a manner as to maintain a certain equilibrium between the various communities. Though somewhat shaky it not only served imperial interest but what is more, did not let the majority
minority coexistence go beyond the
competitive point. Here again, a certain pattern in power sharing can be discerned with the minority elite having a pre-eminence in bureaucracy, business as well as certain professions like law and medicine and the majority community elite having a political ascendency as the junior partners of the Raj.
In the post-independence period, ethnic politics acquired a sharper edge as the ethnic equilibrium in terms of power sharing and its management was disturbed. While the colonial antecedents did have their input in such a process particularly due to the contradictions embedded therein, it was in the main a concomittant of the pressures and pulls ensconced in the perspectives, policies and performance of the state leadership vis-a-vis the accommodation of minority community's demand in a society marked by mass politics and a pace of rapid social change.
IV
As in the other post colonial states, in the Sri Lanka context too, irrespective of the structural differences in the form of governance, there has been an increasing expansion of the activities of the state. In the process, in addition to its role as a protector, the state was perceived, for historical reasons, as assuming the role of a provider for its citizenry. The welfarist orientation of the state had already made a beginning at the fag end of the colonial period when education was made free from K.G. to University level and compulsory to those upto 14 years of age; health services were available at highly subsidized rates communication facilities were speedy and cheap and last but not the least, subsidized prices for rice - the staple food as well as a few other essential items like sugar - were provided for.
Not surprisingly, therefore, in the early decades of independence, the island-state was internationally acclaimed a model of welfarist democracy among the third world countries. The PQL (Physical Quality of Life indicators, e.g., literacy, low rate of infant mortality and high rate of longevity) in Sri Lanka has turned out to be one of the highest in Asia. Elections based on universal adult franchise (introduced as early as 1931) were held at fairly regular intervals since independence in 1948 till 1977 with one of the two major parties, the United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) coming alternately to power. Electoral par

Page 13
5 OCTOBER 1990
ticipation, reflecting its participant political culture, was as high as 87% in 1977 elections with less than half per cent of the invalid polled. With voting age being reduced to 18 years since 1960 and the “new voters' accounting for more than 10% of voters in virtually every election, the political awareness and volatility of a highly youthful civil society did determine the electoral verdict to some extent.'
As regards economy, going by its growth rate it did not seem to have done too badly with the rate of growth averaging about 3 per cent annually during the 50s and 60s, and with the introduction of the open economy and massive dose of foreign aid, rising to 6 per cent per annum towards the end of the 70s and the early 80s after the UNP had assumed power. Finally, though, somewhat limited, measures were also taken towards land distribution through land reforms including nationalisation of British owned plantation companies."
However, embedded in such impressive politico-economic indicators were a number of contradictions with new contradictions finding expression as a consequence of the nature of power alignments in the state structure as well as some of its policies and measures in socio-economic spheres.
To begin with, in the economic sphere, in terms of the dominant modes of production and relations of production Sri Lanka has continued to be a classical case of a dependent capitalist system. Notwithstanding the frequent rhetoric of self-reliance, its domestic bourgeoisie and other elite groups had failed to extricate themselves from the dominant colonial mode of economy. If at all, the economic arena has been marked by diverse mix of state capital and private capital - both domestic and external. If the SLFP regime for instance moved to greater state control in a number of sectors and thereby expanded the role of state capital, the UNP regime, particularly since 1977, emphasised on "open economy which still left considerable leeway for state intervention and control in various economic sectors.'
- However, with the population explosion, rising expectations of its youth were such as to lead to a mismatch between an overheated polity and a virtually stagnant economy resulting in political dissent on the one hand and higher inflation, increasing unemployment coupled with stringent controls during the SLFP regime (1970-77) on the other. After coming to power in 1977 the UNP replaced it by a domestic version of monetarist-supply side economic policies. For a brief while this yielded dramatic results such as a buoyant investment climate, a fall in unemployment and an apparent end to a situation of scarcity. However, it also curtailed indiscriminate open import
policy (affecting indigenous indu crops) coupled w oriented consur was, thus, a mis tribution with g tween the expec capabilities vis situation of its strata created a situation.
This was accer social status of Though the elect tical terms, open in effect, a consi of power wielders ment or in oppos drawn from the u Lankan society. T socio-economic pr as well as tho Though, over the of English educi and there was ar educated in 1970 handful had a hu background. The ers, businessmen als continued to phenomena whic 1977 elections.
During this peri to the political appeared to have tyrannical. There trend towards in tion of power at since the 70s - Ministerial gover paving the way to idency during the was marked by a traditional adhere of powers between the government, committed' charac cy, stringent meas of the press throug take-overs. The ment through a le and the recourse 1982 instead of h tions as schedule acts of political n ruling regime an those on the perip A violent revol democratic tender well as the high ( of its power wiel expression in t Buddhist insurr which had been q assistance but the the non-democrati and increasingly cies of the state evident from the JVP in the 1980s. Underlining thi been the politicisa of the abuse of pc youth, more so si parliamentary vict

some of the nascent cries as well as food h fostering an elitist erist culture. There hatch between "redisowth', and a gap beations and perceived a-vis the economic rowing lower middle potentially explosive
juated because of the the power wielders. ral politics, in theored the avenues for all, erably large number – whether in governtion, continued to be pper strata of the Sri his is reflected in the file of the legislators se in bureaucracy. decades, the number ited MPs decreased
increase in Sinhala
elections, hardly a mble socio-economic number of landownand other profession
be significant - a h continued in the
od the state response dissent and protest become increasingly was a perceptible creasing concentrathe top particularly (with the Primehment of the SLFP the Executive PresUNP regime). This scant regard for the nce to the separation the major organs of dilution of the ‘uner of the bureaucraures on the freedom h legislative fiats or xtension of parliaislative fiat in 1972 to a referendum in olding general elecwere perceived as anipulation by the further alienated ery.*
against the anti2ies of the state as aste-class character lers had found an Le 1971 Sinhalation of the JVP elled with external immerings against highly centralised ersonalised tendenpersisted as was resurgence of the
youth unrest had ion and perception tical power by the ce 1970 when, the ries involving mas
TAMIL TIMES 13
sive majorities led not only to post election violence but also to the perception that “winner takes all'. A Presidential Commission on youth unrest summed up the perception of the youth vis-a-vis the abuses and excesses of politicisation as follows:
(a) abuse of political power in the recruitment of personnel to the public service;
(b) misapplication of political power in the grant of public licence and contract to the supporters of the ruling party;
(c) the abuse of political power in the undermining of existing democratic institutions; and
(d) political interference in the dayto-day governmental administration.'
As regards the Tamil youth, such abuses of political power among the two dominantly Sinhalese Buddhist political parties was such as to further peripheralise his position in the decision making processes and opportunity structures. However, alongside the tendencies leading to the JVP phenomenon, the Tamil discontent had another dimension - an ethnic edge - connoting a revolt against the majoritarian thrust of the Sri Lankan State. More so, while the JVP had as its ostensible objective a radically restructured Sri Lankan State, the Tamil : militants had its break-up - a separate Tamil Eelam - as their goal on the plea that the Sinhala-Buddhist domination of the Sri Lankan State had been such as to afford hardly any leeway for the Tamil community to have a stake therein and to live with a sense of honour, equality and justice. The roots of such a feeling of discrimination and deprivation of the Tamils lay in the policies of the State in the postindependence era which tended to be amalgamative and not pluralistic.
(To be continued)
1. For a critical appraisal of the concept of minority and the various approaches towards it see Ambalavanar Sivarajah, Minority Politics in Sri Lanka Since independence, Ph.D. Thesis, Department of Political Science, University of Peredeniya, Sri Lanka, 1988. Typed.
For a general typology of inter-ethnic group relationships in power terms see Joseph Rothschild, Ethnopolitics: A Conceptual Framework (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), pp.69-79. V
2. For the delineation of some of these perspectives see Newton Gunasinghe, "Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka: Perspectives and Solutions' in Charles Abeyesekera and Newton Gunasinghe eds., Facets of Ethnicity in Sri Lanka (Colombo: Social Scientist Association, 1987), pp.61-71.
3. Some of the significant recent contributions on this theme are: Gabriel A. Almond, "Return to the State', American Political Science Review, vol.82, no.3, September 1988, pp.853-874; the whole issue of Comparative Political Studies entitled 'State in Contemporary and international Perspective', vol.21, no.1, April 1988; see Peter Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer and Theda Stockpol eds., Bringing the State Back in (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Edward H. Lehman, The Theory of State and the State of Theory', American Sociological Review, vol.53, December 1988, pp.807-823. Also see Hamza Alavi, ʻState and Class under Peripheral Capitalism' in Hamza Alavi and T. Shanin, eds., introduction to the Sociology of "Developing Societies' (London: Macmilan, 1982) and Haldun Gulap, "Capitat Accumulation, Classes and Relative Autonomy of the State', Science and Society, vol.51, no.3, Fall 1987, pp.287-313.
Continued On Page 23

Page 14
14 TAMILTIMES
The Muslim Predicame
by Dr. Ameer Ali Department of Management Studies University Brunei Darussalam
The political developments in Sri Lanka after 1977 have left its one million strong Muslim community in a state of bewilderment. Even before that date the community never had a
long term and well considered strategy
to conduct itself to safety and survival amidst the twists and turns of the nation's turbulent political waters. Perhaps, the relative calmness of the atmosphere which prevailed in national politics before the seventies prevented the need for such considerations. Muslim leadership which emanated perennially from the commercial
and propertied classes of Colombo and
its adjacent districts viewed the developments in the country through its own glasses of parochial interests. Joining with one or the other of the socalled national parties namely, the U.N.P. and the S.L.F.P. and preventing the Tamils from doing the same was thought to be the best possible political tactic which the Muslims should adopt if they are to promote their own community interests. Here again one can justify the Muslim attitude if one looks at the trend of communal politics which was played at that time. ,
Ever since the issue of official language was introduced into the election manifestos of the major political parties in the fifties Sinhala-Tamil communalism which until then occupied only the back stage of Sri Lankan politics now appeared at the centre. From then on and at every general election the U.N.P. and the S.L.F.P. were rivalling to improve on each other's Sinhala chauvinistic image to stay in political power. The Tamil Congress and the Federal Party did the same in their enclaves.
While communal politics was successfully polarising the two major ethnic communities, Muslim leadership quite understandably viewed the situation with a business motive. Why not make hay while the sun shines? They allied with either the U.N.P. or the S.L.F.P. and won as much favours as possible sometimes even at the expense of the disenchanted Tamil community. To the major parties of course Muslim friendship was a useful thing because they could pose themselves to the international community with a noncommunal image and were even able to exploit the Muslim friendship, as the S.L.F.P. did successfully, to win economic favours from the oil rich Arabs.
In order to continue this friendly relationship, the Colombo Muslim leaders had to demonstrate to their political allies that the entire Muslim
community was behind their voice was the voi munity at large. More th the Sri Lankan Muslin northern and eastern 1 country. They live a speak the Tamil langua the economic interes Tamils. What is more, live in villages which are lated with their own ki alternatively in between lated Tamil villages. Th this part are largely rura characteristic of their se crucial importance whe any possible solution t Muslim predicament. Ul lims in these two region in the rest of Sri Lanka a in Sinhala language, an where dwell in concent villages. Their settleme urban and the rural folk among Sinhalese villa Muslim leadership howe tomy did not appear to element. To them the Is hood and religious un every other division in ti They always believed t speak and make decisio tire community in the r The behaviour of the
further enhanced the Colombo Muslim leade two parties the F.P. in never treat the Muslim force to be reckoned wit
In the view of the Tar Muslims in Sri Lanka community and all that ity needs is the facility trading profession. P. sharing and constitutio nistrative matters shot by the Sinhalese and Although outwardly suited its own interest Party leaders claimed to Tamil speaking people, Muslims, when it came always eliminated the M from their equation.
The history of Tamil against the Muslims pre-independence days the place to trace that h of this unpleasant past Muslims in the Tamil Muslim community as a mistrusted the Tamil meant that the Muslim areas had no alternati round their own leaders them from Colombo. O were a few Muslim pa from the Tamil areas

~~~~~~~~
15 OCTOBER 1990
ww-aa-rivaceorpus-wiss
ent
hem and that :e of the coman one third of ns live in the egions of the mong Tamils,
ge and share
its with the hese Muslims : thickly popund but placed
equally popuhe Muslims in lsettlers. This ttlement is of n we look at o the current nlike the Muss, those living re more fluent do not everyrated Muslim nts are mostly live scattered gers. To the ver, this dichobe a divisive lamic brotherity surpassed he community. nat they could ons for the enname of Islam. Tamil parties position of the rship. Of the particular did
s as a political
h.
mill leaders, the
are a business
this communto carry on its
olitical power nal and admiuld be decided
Tamils only. and when it s, the Federal represent the
including the to action they uslim variable
discrimination lates back to and this is not story. Because however, the areas and the whole always
leaders. This s in the Tamil re but to rally who spoke for course, there rliamentarians who even held
mu
portfolios in the Government. They neither had the intellectual stature nor the economic strength to equal the influence of their Colombo counterparts.
This tradition of depending on the Colombo centre to make decisions for the regional periphery led quite inadvertently to the deepening of the dichotomy referred to earlier but again it was not allowed to surface and was successfully submerged by the over arching Islamic unity. When the Sinhala Only Act was introduced in the parliament, the Muslim leadership supported it wholeheartedly without thinking how it was going to affect the Muslims in the Tamil areas. While the Tamils were protesting against the Bill, staging satyagrahas and getting harassed by the Sinhalese mob and government forces, the Muslim community by opting to support the Bill not only enjoyed the protection of the forces but also stood to gain a number of favours from the government in the field of education, employment and cultural advancement. It was a political dilemma for the Muslim leadership. Had they opposed the bill, the community in the Sinhala areas would have certainly suffered the same fate as did the Tamils in the hands of the Sinhala extremists. Therefore they supported it on the confidence that the government forces would be strong enough to provide protection to their brethren in the North and East. Although the government lived up to the expectations of the Muslim leadership yet, in the continuing saga of Tamil-Muslim mistrust, another seed had been planted which was to poison the intercommunal relationship even further.
During this period however, there were progressive forces in the country which realized the dangers of communal politics. The Ceylon Communist Party (C.P.) and the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (L.S.S.P.) were clamouring for parity of status for Sinhala and Tamil languages and campaigned throughout the country with a radically different election manifesto. They demonstrated to the people of all communities how the propertied and commercial classes in the country were exploiting the language issue to maintain their economic and political dominance. Unless the economy of the nation was restructured and freed from the clutches of the vested interests, they pointed out that communalism would flourish to the detriment of the unity of the nation and that oppression of the downtrodden and minority groups would continue. The C.P. and L.S.S.P. stalwarts were a group of radicals who hoped to bring about the necessary changes through the parliamentary process and not a bunch of hard live revolutionaries bent on carrying out an armed struggle to achieve their objective. The methodology of change

Page 15
15 OCTOBER 1990
which they sought to adopt fitted in with the cultural ethos of Sri Lanka. Yet, they failed and with their failure, the minorities in the country particularly the Tamils and the Muslims lost an opportunity to strengthen a political group which emerged from a Sinhala base to achieve political and economic fairness to all. For a time the C.P. and L.S.S.P. tried to join hands with the S.L.F.P. and tried to bring about the necessary changes from within a grand coalition. But it was too late to arrest the communal cancer which had
spread to every part of the national,
body.
As the seventies drew to a close, several conditions which the Muslims thought would remain constant started changing rapidly. First of all, the system of parliamentary democracy based on the British model was replaced by a Presidential system with proportional representation in the legislature. This was the biggest blow to the political survival of the Muslim community.
The Muslim leadership accepted this change without even a murmur.
Secondly, the assumption that the
Tamil struggle for their rights and privileges would continue to remain non-violent was shattered when the Tamil youths resorted to armed struggle. No one in Sri Lanka, not even in one's wildest of dreams expected that
the passive and servile Jaffna Tamil
will one day carry a gun to fight for his political rights. The rise of the Tiger movement in the Tamil areas just like the rise of the Jathika Vimukthi Peramuna (J.V.P.) in the Sinhala areas marked the end of one generation of political leadership and the beginning of another.
Thirdly, the geographical proximity of the island to the Indian mainland now posed an immediate threat to Sri Lanka's political sovereignty. From now on Sri Lankan internal problems became an important variable in Indian domestic politics.
While these changes were taking place outside the Muslim community, within itself there was a new development as a result of the language policy of the country. Since the medium of instruction in schools from the sixties has been either Sinhala or Tamil, the Muslim children who live in the respective areas have adopted the dominant language of the region as their medium of instruction. Consequently, by the eighties there appeared a new generation of Muslim youth nearly two-thirds of whom spoke in a language which the other one third could not understand and vice versa. To these Sinhala educated Muslim youths, even the Friday sermons in the mosques which were delivered in Tamil were beyond comprehension. These young people are the future
Continued On Page 16
Anti-Mu
ASS
Once again w ourselves th Where is the T gle heading t liberation me: militants dif friends andene
It is indeed groups have c selves in terro nocent Tam: Sinhalese in t That no group such massacre, the fact that th ly, criminal an heroic to kill ur civilians in th liberation. The tendency in t movement is those who belie fraternal ties ethnic groups just struggles Lanka.
I think that has degenerate age ofits enem ism. The mili great zeal to people from th Sinhala Budd dominant tend liberation move thoritarian ar have failed to basic precondit speaking politi and East, i.e. the Muslim p area. The rece lims only reve intolerant natu ism towards th ties inhabiting speaking areas politically cour have given the ment a power Tamils and the play one agai state, which is all communitie: now taken up role of mediat while bombing ing many civil thousands of fa
It is of some that several Ta demned the aj But, it is tim more fundame understanding as an ideology ianism and mi]

TAMIL TIMES 15
slim Violence in the North-East
- N. Shanmugaratnam - Ociate Professor, (Agricultural University, Norway)
are forced to ask basic questions: Lmil liberation strug? What does Tamil n? How do Tamil erentiate between mies of the struggle?
tragic that Tamil ften engaged themising and killing inls, Muslims and he North and East. makes any claim for ; is in itself proof of ese acts are cowardi shameful. It is not armed and innocent name of anyone's current anti-Muslim he Tamil national highly disturbing to ve in preserving the
between different and promoting the of the minorities in
, Tamil nationalism ed into a mirror imy - Sinhala nationaltants set out with liberate the Tamil e oppression by the hist state but the encies in the Tamil ment are clearly auld militarist. They understand the most on for a viable Tamil cal unit in the North the mass consent of bople living in this nt attacks on Musall the chauvinistic, re of Tamil nationale Muslim communithe traditional Tamil These inhuman and ter productive acts Sri Lankan governul tool to keep the Muslims divided and nst the other. The the real oppressor of in this country, has in itelf the dubious or and peacemaker the North and killtans and displacing milies.
consolation to note mil groups have conti-Muslim violence. we addressed the ttal political task of Tamil nationalism und how authoritartarism have gained
the upper hand and subverted the very essence of a freedom struggle. I think that the most hegemonic form of Tamil nationalism is as chauvinistic and reactionary as Sinhala nationalism.
The militants have effectively alienated themselves and the Tamil community they claim to lead from the Muslim people. What sense does it make to talk of a merged NorthEast when the Muslim people have been made to feel so insecure? The Tamil liberation movement has failed to understand the feelings of the Muslim people and their right to define their identity in their own terms. It appears that some of the Tamil groups have inherited the blunted sensibilities of the old Tamil leadership toward the Muslim people's desire for relative autonomy.
Due to the peculiarities of Lankan political history, the Muslim people have sought to establish their identity more on the basis of their faith than on language. Let's not forget that they were the first community to be at the receiving end of communalist violence in this country in 1915. The gross incapacity of successive Tamil leaderships to understand the Muslim people's dilemma and empathise with a fellow minority group has further reinforced their option of giving primacy to their religion in defining their identity.
It is absolutely essential that the Tamil liberation movement unconditionally recognises the Muslim people's right to preserve and develop their identity in their own terms. This is a fundamental precondition for the peaceful coexistence of the two communities in the North and East. But this precondition can not be satisfied without a radical political transformation of the Tamil liberation movement itself into a truly mass movement guided by the ideals of participatory people's democracy. I may quote from an earlier piece by me, "Seven days in Jaffna - Life under Indian Occupation' written in June 1989, the words of two persons I met. . . . In a fundamental sense our liberation struggle has yet to begin:' (a man)
“They (the militants) talk of lliberation of our land. They vow to fight to the last to defend the Tamil soil. They are heroic, but what is this soil without us, the people' (a woman)

Page 16
16 TAMIL TIMES
Continued From Page 15 The Muslim commu linguistically divided co Lanka, and the prospel will deepen this divisic
parents and one can easily surmise that the Muslim dichotomy mentioned earlier has become a permanent cleav- - l
age. One thing that comes out of this development is the irrelevance of the Muslims in the North Colombo based leadership to the Mus- India. Each group ha
lims of North and East. political strategy and m Muslims are now a divided community the light of the region. in Sri Lanka and the superficial reli- means the Muslims of gious unity is not sufficient to give any East of Sri Lanka must Muslim personality to make decisions settlement with the for the entire Muslim population. This which are fighting for fact, although difficult to digest, must that region. They can be accepted by the Muslim politicians. role of power broker The Sri Lanka Muslim Congress rivalling parties. Inste (SLMC) led by a young man from the with the Colombo gov Eastern Province is, if anything, the separate province for tl
reflection of this division. to arm the Muslim you Today, the unitary system of govern- heavily armed and mi ment in Sri Lanka is in jeopardy. Tamil guerrillas is
Already, there is a de facto division of S.L.M.C. appears to h the country. It is a matter of time stood the predicament before this becomes de jure. What is to in the Tamil areas.
be decided is not whether there is The type of Muslim se going to be a division but what sort of a Northern and Eastern division it is going to be. The objective make a Muslim provin of creating an independent and Muslim villages are
sovereign Tamil country in the north- together as a contiguou ern and eastern parts of Sri Lanka can one. One of the argum remain a romantic dream as long as by the proponents of t the fifty million Tamils in South India vince solution was tha are going to live without an indepen- administrative unit of dent country. This requires an ex- and Eastern provinces, planation. In the eyes of the interna- of the Muslims whicl
tional community, South India is the percent in the present home of Tamil civilization. By virtue of vince will be decimate
historical facts, South India is the percent in the merged custodian of Tamil culture and the metic although it is tru universal spokesman on Tamil in- er the other side of the terests. Tamil Nadu has a hegemonic Northern Province whe influence over Tamil affairs. This are only about 10 perc situation is bound to change if an ment will be strengthe independent Tamil country is going to ger because of the ad be established somewhere in the world Eastern Province. The even on a one acre piece of land. This the merger will weaker country will be a sovereign state will the Muslims in terms ( have a national flag and will have and proportion depend representation in the international from which one looks a
community of United Nations. Thereafter, for all intents and purposes, that tiny country will be the spokesman on Tamil affairs. After all Tamil Nadu is only a state within India. It is very difficult to think that South Indians will easily surrender their hegemonic position to a tiny Eelam. Therefore, it , will be in their interest to abort the . birth of Eelam. The D.M.K. and A.D.M.K. support to the different It is wrong and suic groups of Tamil fighters in Sri Lanka the Tamil fighters should be viewed more in the light of strength. Which ever those parties' political rivalry than in has prompted this act terms of their genuine commitment to terrible blunder. Eelam. First of all, the Mus The alternative for the Tamil youths are carrying guns are is to achieve a federal state on the fight a regular army l Indian model. The present dialogue rilla force. Secondly, t between the Sri Lankan government nal support for the Mu and the Liberation Tamil Tigers their warfare and to e (L.T.T.) points towards that solution. It an arsenal. To expect
Even the 19 per cen proportion in politics. A community can beco pressure group wher community gets divide tions. There are a nur forces within the Ta which are bound to el political power determ
is in the light of this prospective solu- countries, particularl tion the Muslims have to decide upon , Middle East will come their future political strategy. live in a dreamland.
wnext

15 OCTOBER 1990
ity today is a Inmunity in Sri ive federalism: m. Their situato the Urdu amil speaking and South of to devise its ode of action inį l context. This the North and first come to a Tamil groups dominance in even play the amongst the ad, to bargain ernment for a e Muslims and th to fight the itarily trained suicidal. The ave misunderof the Muslims
ttlement in the regions do not ce feasible. The
not clustered s unit to create ents advanced ne Muslim proit in a merged the Northern
the proportion n is about 32 t Eastern Prod to about 19 unit. This arith2 fails to considpicture. In the re the Muslims ent at the moned by the merlition from the refore whether or strengthen, if their number s on the angle t.
t is not a small united Muslim me a powerful
the majority d into rival fachber of divisive mil community upt in times of nation. dal to confront with armed the group that on has made a
im youths who not trained to t alone a guerere is no exterlims to finance uip them with hat the Islamic
those in the o their aid is to
فمد
Those who are familiar with international politics will know this. Even to depend on their own brethren who are living outside Sri Lanka, there are not many to count. This is in marked contrast to the Tamils in whose case there are thousands of them engaged in high class professions outside Sri Lanka and are financially well off to support the Tamil cause. Therefore it is foolhardy to resort to an armed struggle.
Give Us Our Due (A Reply to Lt. Col. Anton J.N. Selvadurai)
Have we a fair deal Equal rights and all alike Life on earth is so short Can masters and slaves be norm? Basic rights are dear as life Be it Sinhalese the Tamils Muslim Brothers and Burghers alike We are one and treat them one Let merit see to selections Lazy ones and playful lot Had to suffer for their pleasure For those who toil need a place
Let media be in English For science and tec it is best The Sinhalese and the Tamil Be official tongue with English
The word called discrimination Will then go into extinction Buddha, Shiva, Christ, Mohamed Would well approve them all
Food clothing and shelter Self respect and to protect The loved ones, kith and kin That's all we did ask.
Whatever the religion be Does it matter a lot All say the same old thing Wishes best and love for all
We do ask no more Our forefathers forgot us all In the hope we are one Together to win the world
lf dirty politics and madness reign And suppression stubborn enforced Make a land of slaves and lords God will punish them all
For forty years and more The Tamils have only talked With themselves and government From pillar to post have been
Non violence and hunger strikes Have all been made to fail We were treated worse than dirt So forced us up in arms
Oh! I salute the wisdom and bravery Of Prabakaran and others alike The forethought and courage To win the basic human right
lf Tigers lose Tamils will die in the land we have been Five thousand years or more Uniteye all friends and foes
The world is blind to see Genocide torture rape and loot into slumber U.N. gone Let's live or die for the cause
Those in field have died for you For all to live well and good Verbal praise, a pound or two ls all we ask of you
Redbridge, Sunthra
Ilford, Essex, England

Page 17
15 OCTOBER 1990
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8 TAMIL TIMES
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Page 19
15 OCTOBER 1990
FORMER CHIEF MINIS MADHYA PIRADESH HI
By Manjeet Singh
ÉHOPAL, Sept. 9: Varadaraja Perumall, former Chief Minister of Sri Lanka's North-Eastern provincial govern
ment and leader of the Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front
(EPRLF), has been shifted to Chanderi, a small town 130 km north-east of Guna in northern Madhya Pradesh.
He is staying at a government building, known locally as the Killa Kothi. Located on a desolate hillock and approached by one narrow road, the Kothi is an ideal hideout.
The police and administrative staff of Chanderi, however, are tightlipped and neither deny nor confirm the arrival of the EPRLF leader. In fact, the large posse of Intelligence Bureau (IB) sleuths at Chanderi even deny the obvious – the presence of several important people at Killa Kothi.
Among the new arrivals is a large band of commandos who have taken over the entire hillock on which Perumal's new residence is located. Two special helipads have been constructed, one on the hillock and the other at Rajghat, 12 kms away on the Chanderi-Lalitpur road.
The Killa Kothi has been fenced in by barbed wire and the outer boundary wall has also been raised. More than 150 searchlights and powerful halogen bulbs illuminate the entire hillock, even as commandos keep watch over each entry point, their fingers everready on the triggers of their machineguns.
Two colour television sets, two huge diesel generator sets and two airconditioners have been installed for Perumal's comfort. While the Killa Kothi has been swanked up with new carpets, an ornate dining table, teak furniture, and chandeliers, the resthouse located in downtown Chanderi has been turned into a commando camp. The Public Works Department (PWD) has removed all the furniture from the rest-house and visitors are kept at bay with the excuse that the rest-house is being renovated. But telltale washed commando uniforms can be seen hanging from cloth lines on the verandah.
Perumal is not alone at the Killa Kothi - he is accompanied by his wife and three children. Besides, two Tamilian cooks have also been lodged in the servants' quarters. The former chief minister is also kept regularly supplied with a large number of English and Tamil newspapers and periodicals. In fact, it was the order for newspapers and periodicals that first gave people a clue that a VIP was in Chanderi.
A
Nisar Shaikh, who also works as Hindi newspapers
arrived in Chande of August 26 and l
very far since the them strolling in
close look is not
walk only within t Killa Kothi.
However, for C the identity of the curiosity and co Miyan, who plies til town, said the gu. who was produci India. He is being p gold made is not st
Tajul Patrakar, who also contested assembly elections candidate, said: “Tl Sri Lanka. We want but were dissuaded nistration. We have news regarding th
guests would be as
nation. So, we hav inquiries now'.
While the rumou time in Chanderi, je go screeching by ol road as senior offic Collector, the Police
MAKE YOUR - Fl
AVOid the Di Anguish that C to Your Family Or an invalid V
FREE LEGA
in Drawing u anyone makin Of £40.00 Orm Several Charit in the North Ceylon, in lieu
Cont M.J. Melchio
Te: O714
 

TAM TIMES 19
TER IN DEOUT
newspaper agent a correspondent for
said: "The guests in the early hours ave never gone out . People have seen he evening, but a possible since they he boundary of the
nanderios populace uests is a matter of jecture. Mumtaz e only tonga of the est was a scientist g’ gold to enrich rotected so that the len”.
a local journalist the February 1990 as an independent e guests are from ed to probe further by the local admibeen told that any e identity of the ecurity risk for the 'e stopped making
r-mills work overeps and police cars in the town's main ials, including the Commissioner, the
Inspector General and Director Generall of Police pay their calls to the EPRLF supremo.
Security for EPRLF members in India has been beefed up following the June 19 Madras massacre of 11 EPRLF men, including General Secretary, K. Padmanabha. Perumal heads the LTTE hit list and, hence, has: been well guarded. The intelligence agencies have always kept his hideouts under wraps. In fact, not only was Perumal kept away from the otherwise well-attended funeral of the massacred EPRLF men in Madras, but he had not even issued a press statement lest his. secret hideout become public.
Perumal was first stationed in the . Lakshadweep, but was airlifted to Gwalior with his family on the night of August 25. He was received at the IAF
airport by divisional level officials of
the Madhya Pradesh government. From there he was driven down to Chanderi in the dead of the night, reaching the Killa Kothi in the early hours of August 26. Since then, the narrow road, which also provides the only access to Chanderi fort, a tourist attraction, has been closed to the public. r
The area has also been declared out of bounds, the ostensible reason being the low-powered TV transmitter located next to the Killa Kothi, which is . a restricted area under a Central Act. However, the TV tower was built over three years ago, but the area was declared out of bounds only on August 26.
The Sunday Observer, Sept. 15, 1990
WILL NOW REE
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Cit:
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LITCHIE BROKEN PALMYRA\
The Tamil Crisis in Sri Lanka - An inside Account
By Rajan Hoole Department of Mathematics
Daya Somasundaram Department of Psychiatry
K. Sritiharan Department of Mathematics
Rajani Thiranagama Department of Anatomy
University of Jaffna Jafna Sri Lanka
Published by The Sri Lanka Studies Institute
Claremont, CA., U.S.A.
Obtainable from: Sri Lanka Studies lnstitute
46/48 East Streef Bromley, Kent BR1 1 OW £10 per copy incl. postage.

Page 20
20 TAMIL TIMES
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Page 21
"goo68ER 1990
The Blitz That's Way Off
VIVEK CHAUDHARY reports from Jaff
Ageing transporters of the Sri Lankan air force are dragged into the night sky, their trapdoors opened, and deadly cargoes dropped indiscriminately on a defenceless population below. There is no equipment for targeting: the mission is grim, primitive and quick. It is also counter-productive.
Barrel bombs - 210 litre cast-iron barrels packed with explosives, rubber and sawdust-rain down on residential areas with the most devastating effect; each bomb can destroy 20 houses. By its haphazard bombing of civilian targets in the Northern peninsula of Jaffna, the air force is imposing an unofficial economic blockade which is bringing some parts near to starvation.
Helicopters, equipped with rockets and machine guns, hover day and night over Jaffna City and surrounding towns and villages, ready to strafe any moving civilians or vehicles. The government forces are trying to liberate a Dutch fort in Jaffna City, where 200 Sri Lankan soldiers and policemen have been trapped since June, when peace talks between the separatist Tamil Tigers and the government broke down.
But despite government claims that
its war is against the Tigers (fighting for an independent homeland called
Eelam), the intens civilians hard. attacks on moving voys are not gettir Limited supplie ship but cannot be of the army's po vehicles. There is says a foreign aic “There is a de facta people will begin t lians are surviving while diarrhoea a epidimec proportio) Jaffna peninsul Lanka's Tamil co. total black-out. E cut and there are ( fuel and water.
I arrived in Jaff ated by the Tamil at night and the on ferry point is by c through dense ju small canoes and m to 50 people at a tin la. Tamil Tigers sta boats, trying to spo have been strafin week five people v injured in such an
Driving around J Several times the v
Three Women Speak
Three women Speak Out is a video that aims to contribute to the campaign against the violence by all sides in Sri Lanka. It was made clandestinely and under dangerous conditions, and focuses on three women, speaking for thousands, who have suffered at the hands of men of the various political and sectarian camps.
Dr Manorani Saravanamuttu is the mother of Richard de Zoysa, one of Sri Lanka's best known journalists and television personalities. Dedicated to exposing human rights violations, de Zoysa was abducted in February 1990. His mutilated body was washed up on a beach several days later. Dr Saravanamuttu has received a death threat, warning her "Only silence will protect you'. In the video she responds: "I have only managed not to cry by being angry. When you lose a child you lose yourself. And for that child you have to get up and fight, not only for that child, but for all the other children. It's not my son, it's all the sons and daughters, not in one part of Sri Lanka, but in every part of Sri Lanka, that are lost. If we mothers do not get up and fight today, tomorrow and in the future maybe there won't be any children left ... to bring our land . . . peace'.
Sunila Abeyesekera is head of the
Women and Medi ombo. In spite o continued to spea whether it's state violence by the ot there is no forum press our opinion, problem. There is n the public meeting and discussions tl popular in Sri Lan way you can get sp People are smart el it's not the truth, that there is no wa the truth, even i. terms of the numb The third woma villager whose expe of so many other these young wome and then bottles of in their genitals, th and thrown in th these dead girls floa People don't use t river now . . . They men and take then
Three Women Spe available from Arti High Street, Lond Tel: (071) 403-482 1943.

TAMIL TIMES 2t
larget
" బ్లె
offensive is hitting ith such regular
vehicles, food conthrough to Jaffna.
of food arrive by listributed because cy of shooting at not enough food', worker in Jaffna. blockade and soon starve'. Most civion one meal a day, hd diseases reach S. , heartland of Sri nmunity, is under ectricity has been hronic shortages of
na by a ferry operTigers. It runs only ly way to reach the irt tracks running ngle. From there otor boats carry up he into the peninsund look-out on the t helicopters which g the ferry. Last vere killed and 40 attack.
affna is hazardous. ehicle I was in had
Out
i Collective in Colthreats she has k out: 'No matter violence or if it's her armed groups, where we can exand that's a major o possibility to hold s, public seminars at used to be so ka . . . There is no ace on radio or TV. ough to know that but the problem is 7 for them to know the very simple r of people killed'. n is an unnamed ience reflects that : "Near the river were first raped, rrack were shoved n they were killed river. And then ed down the river. e water from the urround the young away”. CH
Out (17 mins) is le 19, 90 Borough n SE1 1LL, UK. Fax: (071) 403
to be hidden under trees as Sri Lankan helicopters whizzed overhead. Throughout the night bombers con
tinued to bombard the centre of Jaffna
City, trying to dislodge Tiger bunkers
surrounding the fort. It is hard to sleep
as the night sky is lit up with explo
sions, and the vibrations from bombs
can be felt four miles away. The city centre has been flattened, with Jaffna
railway and bus stations, shops, hotels
and homes desolated. The Tigers have
sealed off the area and mined all roads
leading to the fort.
After one night's bombing, I visited areas which had been hit. Six people had been killed, a row of houses was reduced to rubble and the smell of burning flesh hung in the air. Clothes, family photographs and furniture, were scattered among the ruins. “We ran into the bunkers when we heard, the bombers coming, said a resident. "There are no Tiger camps in this area or Tiger bunkers. The Sri Lankans are just killing civilians at random'.
According to the Tamil Tigers, at least 4,000 civilians have been killed since the outbreak of war in June. They also claim that only 350 militants have died. But the effects of the bombing are compounded by lack of medicines and trained medical personnel.
The region's biggest hospital has been evacuated. The only one still open is at Mainipay, which has 20 beds but four times that number of patients. They are crowded into corridors, sitting on the floor and wooden benches. The hospital has also been bombed and three weeks ago a helicopter fired into the operating theatre, killing a doctor.
The government strategy appears to be to hit the civilian population and so turn them against the Tigers. In an effort to dent civilian morale, they have also been showering the area with human and animal excrement.
But the strategy isn't working. Civilian casualties are high, but so is their spirit. The Tigers are now heralded as protectors, the only force that has prevented a Tamil genocide. "We are with the Tigers. This is our land and we will die for Eelam”, said a Jaffna resident. As a result, hundreds of young men are joining a Tiger volunteer force to help the war effort. People cook for the guerrillas, donate money to their cause, and find scarce fuel for their vehicles.
The actual war between the Tigers and the Government is bogged down. Despite heavy bombing of Jaffna City, the Tigers are still well entrenched in their positions around the fort. Although they have no defence against the aerial attacks, they are convinced that the Sri Lankan army will never be able to take Jaffna by land. As one Tiger said: "We know this area too well'.
Daily Telegraph (India), 13.9.90

Page 22
22 TAM TIMES
SOCIAL JUSTICE THRO FUNDAMENTAL EDUCA
- Dr. K. Paramothayan -
"You are a sad man, aren't you?", enquired a cousin of mine when I called on him in Colombo in 1987. I replied without hesitation, "Of course, I am; what else can you expect when I find that all the institutions that the Jaffna man laboured to build and nurture have been destroyed systematically by the Government without the batting of an eyelid?'
That was in 1987; the situation is intolerable now, as everyone knows. However, on my return from Sri Lanka three years ago, I wrote in my diary (and later in the thesis in which I was engaged) as follows:-
"Under the re-organisation scheme of 1970 all Cooperative Banks, including the Jaffna Cooperative Provincial Bank, were amalgamated as Branches of the People's Bank. As for the Northern Division Cooperative Federation, 1972 proved to be a decisive year both for it and the various institutions it had helped to establish, when it was compulsorily converted into a Branch of the National Cooperative Council of Sri Lanka. Today, the five-storeyed building with its magnificent Veerasingam Hall, subjected to continuous bombardment, stands as an irreparable wreckage embodying the shattered hopes and aspirations of the Jaffna Tamils.
Many more institutions embodying the very lives of ordinary people have been literally razed to the ground to date. The question is whether the Tamil Diaspora inexorably under way will prove to be the best solution in the long run.
Addressing the ROOTS Seminar in March this year, I drew particular attention to two needs that appeared (and still appear) to me crucial for a satisfactory solution to the problem. The first is Social Justice.
In fact, it is now twenty years since I brought up the subject for public debate on the occasion of my modest publication Perspectives in Education', as Mr. V. Sankaralingam, the then Director of Education, N.R., who released the book would recall. To quote from the book: "If someone were to ask me, 'What is the prime motive force behind this publication?', I would unhesitatingly reply, "My yearning for Social Justice'. I have no doubt that the quest for Social Justice is the legacy that the latter half of this century would be handing down to the 21st century. The increasing demand for Social Justice must be met if we are to guarantee the working of the new social order. As Karl Mannheim observes, ". . . . the principle of social justice is not only a question of ethics,
but also a pre-condition ( ing of the democratic sy
Rousseau blurted out teristic pungency centu is born free, but every chains. How far we l from the world of Rouss from the following line Markham (1852-1940):-
"Bowed by the weight of c Upon his shoe and gazes ''The emptiness of ages in And on his back the burd '' Who made him dead to r
despair, ' A thing that grieves not a
hopes, Stolid and stunned, a bro Who loosened and let dow Whose was the hand that brow? Whose breath blew out th brain?' Markham too is pung asks:-
'O masters, lords and rule ls this the handiwork you This monstrous thing dist soul-quenched? How will you ever straight Touch it again with immo Give back the upward lool Rebuild in it the music an Make right the immemori Perfidious wrongs, immec And then he warns:- 'O masters, lords and rulers How will the future recko) Howanswer his brute qui hour When whirlwinds of rebel shores? How will it be with kingdc kings - With those who shaped he is - When the dumb Terrors the world After the Silence of the C. I felt then, that is tw that "the day of reckoni we brook any furthel dispensation of Social we have witnessed sor and unprecedented e. history since. Hence th this last hour to put ences and prejudices a cause of Social Justice Social Justice is by n phenomonen. Victor 1885) “Les Miserables example of the cry foi Preface to the book long there shall exist, and custom, a social which, in the face of ci cially creates hells on plicates a destiny that human fatality; so lo problems of the age - of man by poverty, the

15 OCTOBER 1990
UGH TON
the functiontem itself.
with characies ago, “Man here he is in ave travelled 2au is evident ; from Edwin
nturies he leans on the ground, his face, in of the world. pture and
ld that never
her to the Ox? n this brutal jaw? Slanted back this
e light within this
ent when he
rs in all lands, give to God, Drted and
en up this shape, tality; cing and the light; d the dream, al infamieS, licable woes?'
in all lands,
with this Man? 9stions in that
lion shake all
ms and with
im to the thing
all rise to judge
inturies?" enty years ago, gis not afar, if delay in the Justice'. Well, e of the worst isodes in our e plea, even in side all differld unite in the The quest for e8S 8 heW Hugo’s (1802was a classic justice. In his Lugo wrote: “So y reason of law condemnation, lisation, artifiarth, and comis divine, with as the three he degradation ruin of women
by starvation, and the dwarfing of childhood by physical and spiritual night - are not solved; so long as, in certain regions, social asphyxia shall be possible; in other words, and from a yet more extended point of view, so long as ignorance and misery remain on earth, books like this cannot be useless'.
Thiru Valluvar put it succinctly when he said:-
"The bitter tears of Misery Sound the death-knell of Power'. What our society desperately needs at this juncture of its chequered history is a united and unstinted attempt to tackle the question of Social Justice, under one umbrella, through a process of fundamental education. As I pointed out at the ROOT Seminar, the central thrust of Thedore Schultz's Nobel Lecture (1979) was that both population quality and knowledge do matter, and that the human factor in the context of development must be seen as a scarce resource needing investment.
This brings me to the need for an institution to co-ordinate all efforts aimed at Elam's development, since education in this context must be seen in a very broad sense to include education of more than one kind and much more - a development programme aimed at changing the value and attitudes of a people, and through it their very lives, cannot succeed with an under-educated and ad hoc workforce deemed adequate for a nightwatchman state.
What is envisaged is the establishment of an institution called the Elam Community College (ECC), the term "College' being used in the widest possible sense. It is not conceived at this stage as one associated with bricks and mortar, but essentially as an idea whose time has come, to be nurtured for as long as necessary and planted in a suitable environment at the appropriate stage.
When the ECC becomes a reality it would be something akin to the Folk High School of Denmark which was conceived and developed by clergyman-cum-poet Bishop Grundtvig as a spiritual fortification against threatening forces from within and without, mainly Germany. Nicolai Frederik Severin Grundtvig (1783-1872) hailed as the greatest psalmist since David, was without doubt the greatest intellectual force of his time in the whole of Scandinavia, and it is indeed remarkable that his idea of a community school has stood the test of time. The main feature of Folk High Schools that have spread to all Scandinavian countries is that they provide a general, non-vocational and all-round education to the average adult. For as Bert F. Hoselitz has consistently shown, ". . . .economic growth is a process which affects not only purely economic relations but the entire social, political, and cultural fabric of a society', which

Page 23
15 OCTOBER 1990
he describes as 'environmental conditions'.
It would however be incorrect to maintain that as a general rule Folk High Schools do not include vocational studies as part of their curricular provision. Norway provides a good example of how these schools have been transformed to provide basic instruction to prepare pupils for entry to specialised technical institutions. It is being increasingly realised everywhere that the average industrial worker or farmer needs a background of general education that would enable him to keep pace with modern science and technology and at the same time prepare him for the best possible life, both as an individual and as part of a social group, and to this end work in such schools is being constantly supplemented by numerous courses and study groups as deemed necessary.
Even in Denmark, the land of its birth, the Folk High School has undergone tremendous change. For example, in some occupations such as hospital nursing and teaching a course at a Folk High School has come to be accepted as a pre-requisite for, and even forms a preliminary part of, the actual training.
I must emphasise here that what I propose is not a facsimile or even a model of the Folk High School, but the very idea of it is for us to plan our own institution, the basic criterion being the creation of an ideal society free from the evils and injustices of the past. George Santayana it was I think who aptly remarked that “those who forget the past are condemned to repeat it'.
The political reforms carried out in this country and in course of time assimilated in former colonies were for the most part misdirected. Manhood Suffrage, Poor Laws and a Reformed Parliament, so the political reformers in post-Industrial Britain thought, would destroy the power of the upper classes and would bring about just taxes, redistribute incomes and do away with all the evils associated with a landed oligarchy. The fact of the matter was that most of the reformers never understood the real impact of the Industrial Revolution and continued, in a rapidly changing society, to preach the same political gospel without adapting it to the needs and conditions of a new age. The only exceptions were Robert Owen and his contemporary and mentor John Wesley.
Owen was a self-made man who became the head of the great mills of New Lanark in 1800, where he proceeded to demonstrate that profits were possible without subjecting the workers to exploitation. He provided full-time schooling to the children of his own employees, as well as those of others who sent them to his schools. He became the model employer of his day
by providing bett sanitation, roads an tion; he even set were sold goods of h price. It was Owen that people's chara them and not by the ter” he meant the r and moral ideas inst munity in an edu ment.
G.D.H. Cole who studying and educa class concluded:- "F right when he ma moral environment human problem. Giv social framework, knowledge can help material standards ( lows that men’s gr making of good socii tion to generation. N natural power will they have to do it, themselves.
Let not historyjud generation of ninco whom deserted our going was not so those whom we ex ways while we were themselves. Those ol means and the capac a change in the inte must act before it is
As one browses o the recent past in Ja more and more con realities of history wl facade of much one granted. The dimen events seem dras almost overnight. itself pulled all too s slumber and forced the face. It is the Time.
Self-justification, face-saving and bet some of the ploys tha sombre defile and pit history of nations. . Romans, for instan anything and ever most ignoble of actio believed to be the g There were also thos all apparent innocen guillotine have bee when it had been rec best of surgeons'. The labour during the I tion were justified b believed that it was chose to send their and factories who w prits.
However, this is apportion blame, no take refuge in age-ol personal responsibili riotic citizens of Elar der to the wheel, as our nation out of t

TAM TIMES 23
r houses, better | places of recreap shops in which gh quality at cost great conviction ter was made for m, and by 'characalisation of social lled into the comcational environ
spent a lifetime ting the working obert Owen was de this factor of
the key to the en a good enough the increase of men to raise their fliving. . . . It follatest task is the ties from generaso supernatural or do this for them, or fail to do it,
ge our society as a mpoops many of shores when the good, abandoning bloited in several there, to fend for us who have the ity to bring about rest of our nation too late.
ver the events of uffna one becomes scious of the evil nich lie behind the
used to take for sions of everyday tically different The nation finds uddenly out of its to look reality in
nation's Testing
self-exoneration, ayal - these are it provide many a chy tunnel in the here were those :e, who justified thing, even the ns, for what they ood of the state. e who queried in e, How could the n uncomfortable ommended by the iniquities of child dustrial Revoluy not a few who the parents who children to mills ere the real cul
not the time to
is it prudent to cliches to escape y. Either all patput their shoulit were, and pull le mire through
united effort, or we stand condemned for all time by our own inaction, selfinterest and folly.
With the intellectual tradition very much alive and the rich pool of expertise ready to be tapped from among the expatriate community, it is not inconceivable to establish the ECC in exile until such time as it is feasible to transplant it at the appropriate time, to usher in the revolution of ideas we have been talking about. But as the Laidlaw Report (1970) warned: "Such a revolution will never be ushered in by those who are embedded in old ways, bureaucratic traditions and conformity to an establishment, but only by those who have caught the vision of an economic system whose foundation is human brotherhood and whose goal is the good and abundant life for all mankind'.
Continued From Page 13
4. A compressed version of Theda Spocpol's definition in State and Social Revolutions: a Comparative Analysis of France, Russia and China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979).
5. For an elucidation of the definition of the terrn ethnic and other points see Urmila Phadnis, Ethnicity and NationBuilding in South Asia (Delhi: Sage Publications, 1990).
6. For details see Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985).
7. According to the 1981 Census, in the north and eastern provinces in five out of eight districts (Jaffna, Mannaz, Vavuniya, Mutlativu and Batticalao) the Sri Lankan Tamils had an absolute majority and the largest numerical strength in one district i.e., Trincomalee,
8. On the nature and tenor of the colonial rule there is a plethora of literature. Noteworthy among them are the writings of scholars like K.M. de Silva, C.R. de Silva connoting a liberal approach and those of Kumari Jayewardene, Newton Gunasinghe and Satchi Pomnambalam, a Marxian Orientation.
9. K.M. de Silva, Ethnic Tensions in Multi-Ethnic Societies - Sri Lanka - 1880-1985 (Lanham MD and London: University Press of America), p.59.
10. The category of "Indian Tamils' covers those who repatriated from Tamil Nadu to Sri Lanka to work mainly as indentured abourers on coffee/tea plantations during the 19th century.
11. For a detailed exposition of majority-minority interaction during the colonial period see Jane Russell, Communal Politics under the Donoughmore Constitution, 19311947 (Dehiwala, Sri Lanka, Tissa Prakashanays Ltd., 1982). Also see Silva, n.9 and Satchi Ponnambalan, Sri Lanka: The National Question and the Tamil Liberation Struggle (London: Zed Books, 1983).
12. For a general overview of the political development in Sri Lanka during this period see Robert N. Kearney, The Politics of Ceylon (Ithaca: Cornell University Press); James Jupp, Sri Lanka: Third World Democracy (London: Frank Cass, 1978) and A.J. Wilson, Politics in Sri Lanka, 1947-1979 (Delhi: Macmillan, 1979).
13. Ibid. Also see H.N.S. Karunatilleke, The Economy of Sri Lanka (Dehiwala, Colombo: Sridevi Printing Works, 1987).
14. For a succinct appraisal of these economic trends see W.D. akshman, lineages of dependent development: from State Control to the Open Economy in Sri Lanka', in Ponna Wignaraja and Akmal Hussain eds., The Challenge in South Asia: Development, Economy and Regional Cooperation (New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1989), pp. 105-138; Satchi Ponnambalam, Dependent Capitafism in Crisist The Sri Lankan Economy 1948-1980 (London: Zed Press, 1981).
15. For a briefelucidation of some of these points see Urmila Phadnis, 'Sri Lanka: Crisis of Legitimacy and Integration', in Larry Diamond, Juan J. Linz, Seymour Martin Lipset eds., Democracy in Asia (Delhi: Vistaar Publications, 1989), pp. 153-185.
16. Sri Lanka. Report of the Presidential Commission on Youth, Sessional Paper No. 1, 1990 (Colombo: Government Publication Bureau, 1990).

Page 24
24 TAMIL TIMES
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dvertisement Managė Tamil Times Ltd, PO Box 121.
utton, Surrey SM 3TD hone: 081-644 0972
MATRMONIAL
Jaffna Hindu parents seek bride for son, 30, recently completed Electronic engineering at College of Engineering, Norway. Willing to emigrate. Horoscope, details to M 428 c/o Tamil Times. Sri Lankan Hindu mother invites Correspondence from well settled Lankan professional/business partner for daughter, 32, 5'1", fair, slim, accomplished, good natured, innocent divorcee without issues, presently residing USA, religion no bar. Reply with details. M 429 C/O Tamil Times. Jaffna Hindu father seeks groom for only daughter, 27, in government employment, British citizen, Mars afflicted. M 430 C/o Tamil
TimeS. Aunt invites correspondence from well settled, Sri Lankan, Tamil, kind, professional/ business partner for niece, 25, 5'3", fair, slim, attractive, accomplished, innocent divorcee, no children, presently in States, religion no bar. Reply with details. M 431 c/o Tamil Times. Jaffna Hindu parents seek suitable bridegroom, 33-40, for Ph.D. daughter, Canada; and bride under 31 for M.Sc. Engineer, U.K., Both fair working with resident rights. Details, photo, horoscopes to M 432 C/o Tamil Tines. Young looking bachelor, late forties, seeks slim, cheerful, attractive, homeloving, clean living, Christian female, mid thirties. M433 c/o Tamil Times. Jaffna Hindu brother seeks partner for sister, 23, Canadian citizen, doing degree in accountancy. Reply with horoscope, details. M 434 C/O Tamil Times.
WEDDING BELLS
We congratulate the following couple on their recent marriage.
Suriyanarayanan son of Pandit K. N. Navaratnam & Mrs Navaratnam of 5 Saffron Drive, Hallam, Victoria 3803 and Mani Mary daughter of Mr & Mrs M. K. Joseph of 19 Earnshaw Drive. Carrum Downs, Victoria 3201 On 20, 10.90 at Dadenong Primary School, Australia.
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for more information contact:
O81-459 7137
(Evenings and Weekends)
OBITUAR
Vathsaladevi B.Sc. belove Mrs A. Ponnudurai (Retire of Potpathy, Velanai East of Mrs Nageswary Th Kalyanasundram, Mrs Kar lingam, Prof. Balasundran ladevi Vijayakumar, Nirma Lanka), Dr. Vimalendran, E Canada), Yogendran, F Puvanendran (all of U.K.) p. tragic circumstances - hit Jaffna on 9th September 19 Road, London SW17 OO 5f 11.
Mrs Rukmani Coomaras Jaffna, Sri Lanka on Thursc ber 1990. Funeral took plac the wife of the late 'Beauty (lrrigation Engineer), siste Ponnambalam O.C., late | Sundaram and the late Mrs rann, mother Of the la Duraiyappah (Deputy Di Brunei), Pushpa Somaska Puvanam (Brunei), Mahet Vijendra (Eastbourne, U.K tor, U.K.), and Dr. Siivendr lia); mother-in-law of the lat pah (former M.P. and A Somaskanthan (Attorney a Dr. Pathmanathan (Brune Shamala (Eastbourne), W (Solicitor, U.K.), and Indrak beloved grandmother of RC David of Perth, Australia. Raj of Florida; Priya, Cuma Lavanya, Sowjana & Suba Road, Thornton Heath, Su 689 7503.
Mrs Gnanamany acara K. V. Nadarajah (Attorney.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

15 OCTOBER 1990
daughter of Mr & Head Teachers) Sri Lanka, Sister runa bukkarasu, aladevi Tharmapillai, Mrs Vinaadevi (all of Sri alendran (both of aveendran and Issed away under by a shell - in 90-21 Coverton V, Tel: O81 672
wamy expired in day, 20th Septeme in Jaffna. She is ” Соотaraswaту of the late G.G. Rev. Father BalaSpencer Rajaratte Dr. ParameS ector of Health, mthan (Sri Lanka), dra (Brunei), Dr. ) Pathma (Solician (Perth, Austra9 Alfred Duraiyaplayor of Jaffna), f Law. Sri Lanka), ), Usha (Brunei), mal Sockanathan anthie (Australia), chana (Esha) and Yoshana (Jo) and resan, Narendran, an - 727 London rey, UK Tel: 081
ah beloved wife of at-Law, formerly of
Badulla, Sri Lanka), loving mother of Bala Nadarajah (Attorney, Washington D.C.) grandmother of Stefan and Nadine; motherin-law of Kristina and loving sister of the late E.S. Jayaratnam and E.A Yogaratnam (Attorney-at-Law, formerly of Badulla, Sri Lanka and presently in U.K.), passed away on 14. 10.90 and cremation took place in Colombo on 15. 10.90 — 62 Rosmead Place, Colombo 7 & 27 Oxleay Road, Rayners Lane, Harrow, Middx., U.K.
IN MEMORAM
Daniel S. Sanders, Ph.D., ACSW Sept. 28, 1928 - Oct. 14, 1989
Dean, Professor & Director of International Program, School of Social Work, University of Hawaii, Honolulu, USA, 1971-1986; Dean, Professor & Director for the Center for Study of International Social Welfare Policies and Services, School of Social Work, University of Illinois at Champaign-Urbana 1987-1989; Founder & First President inter-University Consortium for International Social Development, USA, 1980- 1989.
in Loving Memory of My Dearest Husband; My Dearest Son; Our Dearest Brother
Mrs. Christobel C. Sanders; Mrs. Harriet C. Sanders: Sanders/Niles families
The first Daniel S. Sanders Memorial Peace and Social Justice Lecture was held at the Inter-University Consortium for International Social Development Biennial Conference in August 1990 in San Jose, Costa Rica, at the University for Peace. The Lecture was delivered by the Past President of Costa Rica and Founder of the University for Peace - The Honourable Mr. Rodrigo Carazo Odio. The Memorial Service included a Tree Planting Ceremony at the University for Peace.
A Memorial Fund has been established by Mrs. Daniel Selvarajah Sanders through the School of Social Work at the University of Illinois Foundation. The fund Will be Called the Daniel S. Sanders Peace and SOCial Justice Memorial Fund. An Annual Daniel S. SanderS Peace and Social Justice Memorial Lecture is planned by the School of Social Work University of Illinois at Champaign-Urbana, USA.

Page 25
15 OCTOBER 1990
Mrs Florence Ariyamalar Rajasingham
IN MEMORAM
Rajasingh BOrr. 24.07.1922. BOrt 3
Kjed: 16.10.1987
We miss you both more than we could have ever th As each day dawns the despair and the anger grou
Until, the treacherous hand that killed you both With his Peace Keeping Force', and Left your bodies seven long days for dogs to feast, Is unmasked to reveal his role in these murders mc
Our hearts will know no peace.
We pray that your souls have found the peace we st
Fondly remembered on their third death anniversary by C. Rajasingham, Vasuki Manoharan, Saratha and Priyan Man Manohari Thevathasan, Selvi Rajendran, Neela Navaratnaraj,
Surendrakumar.
IN MEMORAM (ctd)
in loving memory of Dr. T. Rasaratnam (Mani), Consultant Anaesthetist, Regional Hospitals, South Yorkshire, U.K. on the first anniversary of his passing away on 16. 10.89. Sadly missed and lovingly remembered by his wife Renuka and children Madurika and Ramkumar - 9 Tithe Farm Close, South Harrow, Middx., HA29DP, U.K. Tel: 081 422 1053.
On the first anniversary of the passing away of our dear brother Mr. Navaratnarajah Brodie on 14.10.89. The picture of him seasoning his cricket bat under the Mango tree at Brodie House' is evergreen in our memories. We will never forget how proud we were to see him in his Police uniform.
We sadly miss him and long for all the love and affection he bestowed on us all, brothers, sisters, nephews and nieces, freely and joyously and to his wife Luxsumy, son Dinesh and his mother-in-law Mrs Wijeyasekera.
May his Soul rest in peace. - 296 Alexandra Avenue, South Harrow, Middx., U.K.
Than
The Bharatha Naty old Thamilini, dau Sribalan of 22 Be U.K., takes place O. 1990 at the Waltha Road, London E1 great enthusiasm f tender age of 7 Padmini Gunaseel had recently beet Rajagopal and h directed by the A Rao, who will do t, aS Well, Smt Mathi addition to the Ké U.K. will also be
possibly the Path, voice of Sri Rama singing of Mathini tempo of the arang Muthu Sivaraja Wit Miruthangam and Gothandapani — a the U.K. Karnatic
lendable support. jah, a veteran voc Lanka will be the Speaker.
 
 
 
 
 

m Manoharan 0.07. 1949
оиght. S.
st foul,
sadly lack
Oharan, Dr. Narendran, Jayadevan and Gowri
ilini Sribalan
a Arangetram of 12-yearhter of Mr. and Mrs. B. ddington Lane, Croydon, Saturday, 3rd November mstow Town Hall, Forest 7. Thamilini had shown r Bharatha Natyam at the Ind was a pupil of Smt In for several years. She
a pupil of Smt Ragini }r arangetram is being layar maestro Sri Rama e Nattuvangam and sing i Sriskandaraja, a recent natic music fraternity in singing on this occasion ms. The rich masculine
Rao and the melodious are expected to raise the 2tram to great heights. Sri his flawless playing of the je enchanting violinist Sri Other recent addition to :cene - are expected to mt Saraswathy Packiaralist of yester years in Sri Distinguished Guest and
TAMIL TIMES 25
Selvi Subashini Puvanendrampillai's Arangerram
On 11th August 1990, young Selvi Subashini, a 12-year-old Tamil girl from Enfield, gave her maiden performance of Bharata Natyam, traditionally known as Arangerram, a Tamil word that roughly translates as 'debut. It was a truly delightful experience. Subashini showed tremendous aptitude and considerable talent. She went through the gruelling schedule of a two hour long programme almost effortlessly, like a consummate dancer and enthralled the audience. Her dance movements were elegant, the footwork crisp and precise, her body showed a suppleness that only youth and a good training can provide. Her abhinaya was pleasant and ably restrained, without the overdramatisation one so often has to witness with inexperienced dancers. Subashini showed that facial Contortions are totally unnecessary to bring out the mood of a piece, when all that is needed is simply a suggestion. All the more remarkable when one thinks that the dancer is still a child. Undoubtedly such talent needs careful nurturing but Subashini is a lucky girl because her parents and teacher have been able to understand her tremendous potential and have given her all the support that is required for such talent to bloSSOm,
An arrangerram is the culmination of a cycle and the beginning of a new one. Subashini has learnt her items well, but must continue to learn in order to fulfil her promises. It is important that all young dancers understand that an arangerram is most of alla new beginning; here the role of parents and teachers in helping to maintain standards cannot be overemphasised.
The musical accompaniment was excelllent. Subashini and the musicians had developed a true rapport and this helped tremendously, as the relationship of a dancer with the musicians is paramount for the ismooth running of a performance.
it was a very successful evening and it is
important to realise that so many people had
worked hard to make it so pleasant and
'successful. It is hoped that other young dancers trained by Srimati Annapoorani Sathiyamoorthy, Subashini's gifted guru, will soon delight the audience with their arangerram.
- Dr. Alessandra lyer.

Page 26
26 TAMIL TIMES
Toronto Senior Tamils' Field Trip
The Toronto Senior Tamils had an enjoyable day-out on 1.9.90. Two coachloads hour ride towards Georgean Bay, and then a 3 hour cruise in the Bay and reach Martyrs' Shrine of Midland. The visit reminded them of the Tamil Martyrs of Sri L laid down their lives for the Tamil cause. They observed two minutes silence in the prayed for a speedy and peaceful outcome in their homeland. The picture below w Martyrs' Shrine, Midland.
A FORTHCOMING EVENTS
November 37.00pm Sitar Recital by Himadri Bagchi & Bharatanatyam by An
jana Banerjee at Bhavan Centre, 4A Castle
town Road, London W149HQ Tel: 071 381 3O86/4608. Nov. 46.30pm Bharatanatyam by Prakash Yadagudde at Bridge Lane Theatre, Bridge
Lane, Battersea, London SW113AD, Tel: 071
2288828.
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Nov. 87.45pm. Durga Dance presented by Smt. Hema Mal logan Hall, 20 Bedford Way, Nov. 10 7.00pm Hindustani V Parveen Sultana & Ustad Dil Bhavan Centre, 4A Castletow W149HQ, Tel: 0713813086/
Private Tuitio
Tu ition Available P. Mathematics, O/A Level, Ph Homes Visited London/Read 62675.
A Delightful Perf
it was a treat to watch the performance by Kumaril singam at the Bhavan September 1990. For the promising young artiste pet with Confidence.
The items presented whe Adavus or those with Abhir items - all the movement with commendable precisio that Inthumathi had gone training under her Gurus, S jayan and Sri Chalapati, lauded for having trained artiste. The perfect unders the dancer and the accomp enabled the audience to g. the programme. Inthumath ted from having such a V jasekharan to support he Nattuvangam, Adayar Gopi gam, Sangeetha Vidwan Sn kumar on Violin and Sri M. Morsing. The Chief Guest was Mr Mark Fisher, Sha Arts.
The organisers, Acader London should be congre service to Indian Art throug mes. It is heartening to no they plan to organise such e educative programmes by promising artistes in the ne
Dr. M.N
 

15 OCTOBER 1990
of them dida 2 ed the historic anka, who had ir memory and as taken at the
Drama in Hindi ini & troupe at London WC1. ocal by Begum shad Khan at n Road, London 46O8.
Mridanga VidiWan Sri Vellore Ramabadhran in London
The British Association of Young Musicians took advantage of the presence of their Patron-in-Chief, the renowned Karnatic vocalist Sri Maharajapuram Santhanam and his troupe in London to arrange a lecture demonstration of Mridangam playing. Mridanga Vidwan Vellore Ramabadhran gave the demonstrations at the Trinity Church Hall, Catford,
London SE6 on 5.8.90. Sri Ramabadhran demonstrated the playing patterns for Var
nam, Kriti, Thilana, Bhajan and Thukkada and the variations for Pallavi, Anupallavi and Charanam. The simultaneous performance of "Konnakol" was a great boost for the young musicians assembled. The distinguished artistes present were thanked for their service
to the music lovers assembled there and the
title of Laya Gnana Bhoopathy' was confer
red on Sri Vellore Ramabadhran. The Patron
in-Chief Sri Maharajapuran Santhanam was
honoured with the title of 'Sangeetha Sam
rajya Maharaj"
Ire/Applied
ysics O Level. Sri Maharajapuram Ramachandran pro
ling. Tel: 0635. vided Vocal and Sri V. Thyagarajan played
: the Violin for this demonstration.
Ornance
Bharatha Natya nthumathi KulaCentre On 16th first time I saw a forming brimming
her with StreSS On haya - expressive s were executed n. It was evident
through rigorous ri & Smit Dhanan
who should be
such a capable standing between anying musicians et the best out of has fully benefiteteran — Sri Rar On Vocal and nath on Miruthannt Kalaivani lindrauthu Sivarajah on
for the OCCasion dow Minister for
ny of Fine Arts, atulated for their ih such programfe frorn thern that 'riterfainninent. Cuinn well known and ar future.
. Nandakumara

Page 27
15 OCTOBER 1990
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