Page 1
Tamil
IME
W XI No.4 SSN. 266-4488 5 APR
M. Siwasithamparam, President, Tamil Un
A P.C. ElectOS
A TUTFese
Parliamentary Select
am Mitsm Relation
A Perspective
Y ffff'S :
Sanggahasa
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

"I do not agree With a Word of What you say, but defend to the death our right to say it."
— WOTE
ited Liberation Front
- A Test of Strength
Explains Party Stand
Collee. An Assessment
- Tigers Making Amends?
on Educating for Peace
he Unrepeat Cons
LSLSSSSS

Page 2
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Page 3
15 APRIL 1993
CONTENTS
Provincial elections - a test of strength. .4
Select Committee Consensus - a ISS
non-event and a revelation. . . . . . . . . . . 5 ANNUA
UK/India/Sri Select Committee - an assessment. ... 6 Australia. . Canada. . .
TULF President explains Party stand. .. 7 All other cou
Tamil-Muslim relations, Tigers trying to TA make amends. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
SUTTO
UN
views expressed by contributors are not necessarily • hose of the editor or the publishers. Pho
SORDID FACTS OF
Recently President R. Premadasa declared at a publ meeting that he was seeking a mandate from the peop. at the forthcoming Provincial Council elections to solve th ethnic problem on the basis of the recommendations the Parliamentary Select Committee of MPs belonging all political parties. This has been followed by the Nation, Executive Committee of the ruling United National Pan (UNP) headed by President Premadasa adopting resolution to seek a strong mandate from the people find and implement at the earliest a final solution to th North-East problem. ...after giving due consideration the recommendations of the Parliamentary Select Con mittee (PSC), the All Party Conference (APC) and oth proposals made by public interest groups and individuals
Several questions arise in the context of this positic adopted by the President and his party. Firstly, the irony the situation. The Provincial Council system was intr duced following the lindo-Sri Lanka Agreement of Ju 1987 as a means to Solve the ethnic conflict or moj appropriately the Tamil question. It was intended as measure of autonomy for the predominantly Tamil are: of the Northeast. At the time of its introduction, many South Sri Lanka, including several political parties whic are contesting the forthcoming elections opposed th Provincial Council system on various grounds not exclu ing the ground that it gave away too much to the Tan speaking people of the Northeast. ln fact, the Sri Lank Freedom Party (SLFP) boycotted the last Provinci Council elections. This time the elections are being held the southern seven provinces and not in the Northeast. other words, those who never asked for then, those will never wanted them and those who opposed them a today seeking power and hoping to benefit through ti very same Councils.
Secondly, the overwhelming majority of the people wi are going to participate, vote and decide the outcome these elections are those who belong to the major Sinhala community. So when the President and his pal say that they are seeking a mandate from the people solve the "North-East problem, it means a mandate frc the Sinhala people. In other words, it is only the Sinha people and their representatives who are going to have say in the manner in which any eventual solution of t aroblem is to be reached and the Tamil speaking peop. of the Northeast are thereby excluded from having a such say.
 

TAMILTIMES 3
CONTENTS
A perspective for educating for peace. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
N 0266-4488
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SRI LANKAN POLITICS
ο Thirdly, the reference to the All Party Conference. The e APC was convened with much fanfare after Mr. Premadae sa became President. For two long years the APC was
2f engaged in protracted proceedings without having reached any meaningful proposal for the settlement of the al problem and two years ago it was unceremoniously ly wound-up without having come to any conclusion. One a does not understand how President Premadasa is going Ο to give due consideration' to the non-existing recom
e mendations of an APC which ceased to exist two years O ago.
ገ
er Fourthly, the failed APC was succeeded by the Par
'. liamentary Select Committee about two years ago. Only now it has produced an interim draft report proposing the ეf demerger of the Northeast into two provinces on the basis of a consensus between the two major Sinhalaparties, the
O- UNP and SLFP. Almost all the Tamil parties have rejected
this proposal and also have opted out of the Select Committee proceedings for the future. When President a S Premadasa says that he and his party are going to give due consideration' to the recommendations of the PSC, it
ክ must mean the recommendations of a truncated PSC essentially based on a consensus among Sinhala political
; parties only. il The experience of the last four years has shown that the APC and the PSC have been nothing but exercises in al deception and delay. Neither the ruling UNP or the SLFP ዘገ had taken these mechanisms seriously to seek a solution n to the ethnic problem. The SLFP in particular has no Ο settled policy as to how it is going to solve the problem e except in that it has always obstructed any attempt to e Solve it. It is doubtful Whether Mr. Prenadasa or the UNP will make any genuine effort to solve the problem even Ο after the Provincial Council elections. No Sooner these
3.
f
elections are over, the countdown phase for the Presidential election would begin, and the total and undivided attention of Mr. Fremadasa and the UNP would be devoted to achieving victory at that election. They probably would regard it as politically inopportune and inexpedient to take any bold initiative to solve the ethnic problem during that period. What is politically profitable for any e successful southern Sinhala politician is that the beggar's e wound' in the form of the ethnic crisis must be kept у bleeding and festering. That has been the tragic and
sordid fact of politics in Sri Lanka.

Page 4
4 TAM TIMES
Provincial Elections a Test Of
fron Rita Sebastian in Colombo
At the Provincial Council elections scheduled for May 17, both government and opposition will be testing their respective strengths at the electorate.
President Ranasinghe Premadasa views this election primarily as an endorsement of his own personal leadership and his programme of economic development and employment generation. He made this quite clear when he told a public rally recently that "a vote for the UNP will also be a vote for me.'
Except for the Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF) dominated North-East Provincial Council, prematurely dissolved in 1990, following the threat of a unilateral declaration of independence, the other 7 councils were in the control of the UNP since the main opposition Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), vehemently opposed to the Provincial Councils system boycotted the 1988 Provincial poll.
This time round however an SLFPled People’s United Alliance (PEP) has
A露
entered the fray. And also in the fray
is the Democratic United National Front (DUNF), the breakaway faction of the UNP, led by former Ministers, Lalith Athulathmudali and Gamini Dissananayake.
So for the first time there will be a three-cornered contest in a country where traditionally a two-party system operated.
However much people dislike President Premadasa's style of governance, they have difficulty in questioning that it does provide results. The faction-ridden SLFP and the DUNF, though single-minded in their resolve to oust the UNP, have yet to produce a political programme voters can examine as an alternative to the ruling party. They have no answers to some of the country's outstanding economic and political questions.
Premadasa on the other hand has become one of the skilled advocates of the free market economy and has been successful in attracting support from the donor consortium. He has however tempered these reforms with an aggressive programme for poverty alleviation and employment generation. On the contentious northeast issue Premadasa has reiterated his commitment to implementing any solution that has majority support in the Parliamentary Select Committee.
Political observers feel that the
UNP's performance at this election will depend on how many voters the
breakaway DUNF
away. If the UNP will consolidate a madasa's hand and system. Winning t tions would also b mandate to the gov the north-east con hand if he were to councils it will be reversal of both hi and economic refor:
What is tragic h that elections to t vinces have been such time as the ongovernment forces
HRT
by Rita S BATTICALOA: T month, of a third re Human Rights Tas Kalmunai, funded government, was n that brought H. Anthony Soza to th
He came looking Pathmanathan repc November 24, 1992 village of Morakc barded by over : Amnesty Internatio already found that a Visvanathan Path into custody on the same village, had be family on Decembe presence of the Inte) tee of the Red Cross was a difference in Amnesty’s man w Soza’s man, Visvana
AI was not satisfie Morakotanchenai al lage from “dawn to Visvalingam. But inc of Visvalingam had the village.
It was again the i munity that sent So core Tamil Tiger det "Markandu'. Mark plained of torture. S army camp. Two m Soza met him again plaints about his tre
That is how seriou job. No case is bru single complaint is li goes combing army

15 APRIL 1993
Strength
vill be able to spirit ins this election it l strengthen Prethe whole political ne provincial elecseen as a fresh rnment to resolve lict. On the other
lose at least two
interpreted as a
political fortunes S.
wever is the fact he northeast proput on hold until going war between and the Tamil Ti
gers is brought to an end and the
controversial issue of the northeast merger is resolved.
So the main beneficiary, the northeast people, for whom provincial autonomy was chiefly intended, by the Indo-Lanka Accord of 1987, have been left out in the cold.
In the absence of an opinion poll, forecasts are mainly in the realm of speculation. Given the fact that the Sri Lankan voter can be both volatile and unpredictable the result is anybody's guess. ۔ ۔ ۔
And to ensure that a "free and fair' election is held several opposition parties, the Free Media Movement and other groups are setting up their own apparatus to monitor the poll. The government however has called in foreign observers.
F Chairman on a Human
Rights Crusade
ebastian
he opening last gional office of the k Force (HRTF) in by the Australian ot the only reason RTF Chairman, e district. ; for Visvalingam rted missing since from the nearby tanchenai. Bom200 letters from nal (AI), Soza had L man identified as manathan, taken same day from the en released to his r 16, 1992 in the national Commit(ICRC). But there the first name. as Visvalingam. than.
d. So Soza went to id combed the vildusk' looking for man by the name disappeared' from
nternational coma chasing a hardlinee identified as andu had comza met him in an onths later when he had no comatment. sly Soza takes his hed aside. Every oked into. And he :amps and deten
tion centres looking for missing perSOS.
“Of the fresh cases reported I have traced every single one of them' he says.
According to Human Rights groups, both local and foreign, most of those who disappeared after fresh hostilities broke out between the Tigers and government forces in June 1990, were from the Batticaloa district.
Each morning for the past month, Peace Committee member, Cherian Perinpanayagam, has been recording the names of the women widowed by the on-going war. He already has 800 names on his list. Proof has to be furnished in the form of a death certificate or a letter from the Government Agent certifying the death.
Perinpanayagam's estimated 4000 'disappearances' from Batticaloa in the last three years is corroborated by Fr. Harry Miller, the American Jesuit, who came to the island “when the British were being kicked out,' in the mid-forties.
It is not happening now as often as before', says Fr. Miller of disappearances in the district. "Earlier only one in 10 came back. It is now very much in the other direction'.
But there are still families in Batticaloa who go looking for fathers and sons. Parvathy, 56, is looking for her son Subramainaiam Jegatheeswaran who was taken from his home in February 1991. A man identifying himself as a former prisoner at Welikade jail has written to Parvathy that her son is still in prison in Colombo. Continued on page 5

Page 5
15 APRIL 1993
Select Committee “Cons - a Non-Event and a Rev
Seven Tamil political parties, in a letter to Secretary-General of Parliament Nihal Seneviratne, comprising their collective response to the interim report of the Parliamentary Select Committee on the north-east issue, have appealed to "secular democratic forces working among the Sinhala people as well as to the international community to mediate in solving the "national question" that is just, rational and equitable."
The letter signed by representatives of these seven parties said: "the longawaited interim report which was subInitted to PSC in a "draft" for II by its chairman, is both a revelation as well as a non-event.
"It is revealing, in the sense, it confirms the lack of will of the Sinhala polity represented in Parliament, regardless of whether it is the ruling UNP or the major opposition, the SLFP, to come to grips with the legitimate grievances and aspirations of the Tamil peuple. V "It is a non-event in the sense the so-called "Draft" is a mere elaboration of the note handed over to the Speaker of Parliament by the Chairman of the Select Committee on December 16, 1992, containing what was ter Ined the "majority decision" of the committee,
The handing over of the note by the chairman which was done without consulting the PSC, can only be interpreted as a response to the nonacceptance by the Tamil parties on December 14, 1992, Ina de public through the media, of the "majority decision" reached at the PSC meeting of December 11, 1992 to de-link the presently merged North-Eastern Prowince, the letter added,
The 3-page response also states that the majority agreement" contained in the interim report by no means sug. gested a Tamil-Sinhala consensus, but
yet another shabb ilaterally imposing, opinion on the Tam The Tamil pal therefore have tal dissociate themsel templated future | CImittee,
They said that individually identif prising the so-call ment" (i.e. the LIJNP LSSP as well as members" EK, Sriri" Seguda wood), it is seven Tamil parties tively placed the 4 fore the comitte ring by name to TULF. "We see this as y attempt at trying consensus on the q
Asian ( Pressur
BANGKOK-Asi cently haggled ovel поп-go werпппепt (NGOs) fear hardto oppose outside human rights recol
Key provisions being drafted by de human rights conf said linking develo human rights . sho" and using criticism exert political pre: ment opposed.
Non-governmen attending the cor while they were p by a few provisio latest draft, whichi
Continued from page 4
But sadly for Parvathy the jail author. ities have told her that her son is not being held by them. "There are times when for security reasons the army does not immediately announce the names of those taken into custody, says Soza explaining the army's role in what he describes "as a very difficult situation."
But Cumra swamy Sin mamuthu is one of the more fortunate ones. She has a receipt to say her son is being
held in prison in Co has received a lette
Giving receipts those taken into cu was One of AI's rE the Sri Lanka gove
"What we really II for the law courts it least the people wi tion of the law say, optimistic that in an "approachable all district's human ri improve,

TAMIL TIMES 5
SenSUS" velation
y attempt at Lilla Sinhala sectarian il people.
ties represented ken a decision to es from the Conproceedings of the
while the report ied the parties Comad "majority agree", SLFP, SLMC, CP,
the "independent wasan and Basheer ils to identify the which have collec1-point formula be, while only refer. the CWC and the
at another childish to conceal a Tail uestion of the unit
of devolution." the seven parties stated.
The response added the "majority agreement' of the PSC totally disregards the unanimous demand of the Tamil parties as regards the need for a unified politico-administrative entity for a clearly defined politicoadministrative unit.
"We are of the opinion that such a unit, which has historically been a predominantly Tamil-speaking region, is essential to safeguard and foster the identity, security and the socioeconomic advancerient of the Tamilspeaking people, the parties said,
"We also note with concern that the scheme of devolution contemplated by majority members in the PSC, based on positions taken during the deliberations, is not conducive to crucial subjects such as law and order and land being fully devolved.
"It Illust also be noted that sections like 2, 3, 4, 75 and 76 in the Lankar Constitution, which militates against meaningful devolution, are not found in the Indian Constitution", they added,
Govts. Gang-up to Resist e on Human Rights issue
an governments re: a resolution which al organisations line states will use monitoring of their rds,
of a declaration legates of an Asian erence in Bangkok pment assistance to uld be discouraged of human rights to 38шіге оп а , goverп
tal organisations ference said that leasantly surprised 15 included in the is still under discus
lombo, Asproof she it from him.
to Ilext of kill of stody by the army, *Commendations to :TlInEe Int.
leed in Batticaloa is a function. Then at ll have the protec8 Fr, Miller, who is the new climate of rmy and police' the ghts situation will
sion, they were alarmed by most others.
Cecilia Jimenez, spokeswoman for the NGOs, said it was positive that the draft emphasised that human rights should be universal and that civil and political rights should be given equal emphasis to economic, social and cultural rights,
She also praised its provision for promoting and protecting women's rights.
But she said Inuch of the rest of the document reflected pressure from hard-line states like Iran, Burma, Indonesia and China, which have been heavily criticised for abusing human rights,
"In a way it could be said to be anti-human rights', she said.
Several of the hard-line Asian gover nments have rounded on Western domination of the human rights issue at the United Nations and on what they describe as unfair and selective criticists,
A copy of the draft resolution seen by Reuters stresses "an urgent need to democratise the United Nations sygtem eliminate selectivity and to devise procedures which would strengthen international cooperation based on principles of equality and mutual respect, - ,".

Page 6
6 TAMIL TIMES
PARLAMENTARY SELECT CO
An Assessme
The following is the text of a statement issued by the Eela, tionaryj Liberation Front (EPRLF) following the rejection by s and the Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC) of the recent Draft the Parliamentary Select Committee which has been deliberati
the ethnic problem:
1. Following the collapse of the All Party Conference (APC), which was initiated by the Sri Lankan Government to accommodate the LTTE during their “honeymoon” in 1989-90, the Government took the decision to initiate yet another process.
Accordingly, a motion was moved in Parliament by Mr. Mangala Moonesinghe of the opposition Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), clearly in consultation with the Government, to set-up a Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) to seek ways and means of resolving the ethnic problem. This motion was unanimously adopted by Parliament on 9th August 1991 and the PSC commenced its sittings on 20.11.91. The choice of Mr. Mangala Moonesinghe, as the Chairman of the PSC, was inevitable given the support he enjoyed from the members of the ruling United National Party (UNP) at the instance of the President himself.
2. It was clear from the inception that the terms of reference of the PSC, as well as its composition, was biased against the Tamil interests.
For instance, the earlier formulation of the terms of reference which referred to the need for a political solution to the “national question' was amended
by Mr. Mangala Moonesinghe to read,
“to arrive at a political solution to the question involving the devolution of power to the Northern and Eastern Provinces. By this, a bias in favour of de-linking the presently merged North-Eastern Province was made explicit.
Similarly, the composition of the PSC which had a total membership of 45, was weighted decisively in favour of the Sinhala Parties, with the ruling UNP having an absolute majority. As a result, the PSC, dominated by Sinhala Parties, lacked sensitivity towards the legitimate grievances and aspirations of the Tamil-speaking people. This was amply demonstrated by the low turn-out of members at the sittings of the PSC, often, resulting in the Chairman having to send out the personnel in his Secretariat to roundup sufficient members to ensure the quorum of 14.
3. Despite the above limitations, the
5 Tamil Parliamer sented in the PSC TULF, ENDLF, TI well as the two represented in Parl and ACTC), decid full cooperation to was seen as the political solution t tion. Accordingly, proceeded to place t vidually before the their respective de in response to the Chairman to make sions.
4. In addition te expectations of th Tamil political pa Memorandum of 2 the need for a administrative en manently merged N vince as a basic broadly acceptable :
5. It must be no Tamil parties wer exercise, none of t political parties, in UNIP and the opp come out with thei the PSC. Despite th parties further ela proposals and formu commonly termed This was given wic media.
In addition, the lowing a meeting and leading memb UNP, met the maj ties, the SLFP, DU and the NSSP, in a ing a Tamil-Sinhala basis of the 4-PTF the NSSP, all th political parties committal or non4-PT Formula. The also endorsed by the ly placed before the 1992.
6. Coincidentally, day, the Chairman Mangala Moones what was termed which provided fort

15 APRIL 1993
t
n Peoples Revolu2ven Tamil parties Interim Report' by ng on a solution to
tary parties repre(i.e. the EPRLF, LO and EROS), as Tamil parties not tament (i.e. PLOTE d to extend their the PSC, in what last chance for a ) the ethnic questhe Tamil parties heir proposals indiPSC and also sent legates to the PSC
invitation by the their oral submis
reiterating their e PSC, the seven rties, in a Joint 2.4.1992, stressed unified politicotity for the perNorth-Eastern Proprerequisite for a solution.
ted that while the 2 engaged in this he major Sinhala cluding the ruling sition SLFP, had r proposals before is, the seven Tamil borated on their lated what is now he 4-PT Formula. le publicity in the
Tamil parties, folwith the President pers of the ruling in Opposition ParJNF, CPSL, LSSP in attempt at forga consensus on the ormula. Except for e other Southern were either nonsupportive of the 4-PT Formula was CWC and formalPSC on 17th June
on the very same of the PSC, Mr. nghe, circulated a "Concept Paper' wo distinct Provin
cial Councils for the Northern and Eastern provinces, respectively. Further, it suggested an "Apex Assembly' whose powers and structure were left ambiguous and vague.
The seven Tamil political parties and the CWC responded separately to the "Concept Paper expressing dissatisfaction at the proposals contained in the "Concept Paper'.
7. Following this, some of the Tamil political parties, including the EPRLF and TULF, held informal discussions with the Chairman of the PSC and his advisory panel, on ways and means of narrowing the differences in relation to the unit of devolution. It appeared, at these discussions, that the Chairman was agreeable to substantial devolution to the merged North-Eastern region, while providing some institutional arrangements to safeguard the interests of the minority Sinhalese and Muslims in this region.
8. However, yet another surprise was sprung on the Tamil Parties when at the PSC meeting of 14.10.92, the Chairman circulated what was termed "An Option Paper'. The "Option Paper' was just an elaboration of the earlier "Concept Paper' and failed to reflect the inputs that the EPRLF, TULF and some other Tamil parties had suggested in the earlier informal discussions with the Chairman and his advisory panel.
The seven Tamil political parties and the CWC, finding the "Concept Paper' to be inadequate, responded by rejecting it as not constituting a basis for negotiations.
9. The height of perfidy was when a proposal of Mr. K. Srinivasan, Member of Parliament for Jaffna District, who had earlier been expelled by the ENDLF, was floated as a proposal and circulated at the PSC meeting of 14.11.92.
The proposal sought to 'compensate' the de-linking of the presently merged North-Eastern Province by replacing the present unitary constitution with a federal one. At this meeting, the Chairman, Mr. Mangala Moonesinghe, announced that Madame Bandaranaike had verbally extended her support for the "Srinivasan Proposal'. At which point, Mr. Hameed, a senior Cabinet Minister, intervened and assured that the ruling UNP would likewise back the proposal.
However, at the PSC meeting of the 11th December, on the basis of a hand-vote called by the Chairman, the majority (including members of the UNP and SLFP) voted for just Point 2 of the Srinivasan Proposal, which refers to “de-linking”, while rejecting the
Continued on page 29

Page 7
15 APRIL 1993
TULF President Ex
Party Stand
Mr. M. Sivasithamparam, the President of the Tamil Uni TULF), uvho uvas in London recently, in a uideranging inte of Tamil Times, explained why the TULF and other Tamil the interim 'majority consensus' announced by the Chairm tary Select Committee. He also took the opportunity to answ to the role of India, the background to the Indo-Sri Lanka Ac the Muslims from the North, state-aided colonisation in the tion of the TULF leaders and its impact on the party.
Q: Your party, the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), has been participating in the proceedings of he Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) from its inception. What is the substance of the proposals you subinited to the PSC?
A: Originally the TULF submitted a set of proposals, the salient aspects of which were:
(a) Sri Lanka to be constituted into a Union of States;
(b) One unit consisting of the Northern and Eastern Provinces;
(c) There should be no Governor as is the case under the 13th Amendment;
(d) Powers including those relating to land and law and order to be vested upon the Provincial Councils;
(e) The PCs to have exclusive legislative power relating to devolved subjects;
(f) The Chief Minister and Board of Ministers to be vested with exclusive executive powers relating to subjects and functions transferred to the PCS; (g) The laws enacted by the PCs to become effective on the presiding officer certifying as to its enactment;
(h) Institutional arrangements to be incorporated to protect the rights and interests of the Muslim people; and
(i) The Sinhalese people resident in the Northeast to enjoy the same rights as those enjoyed by Tamils in the rest of the country.
Subsequently seven Tamil parties, including the TULF and the Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC) led by Mr. S. Thondaman, submitted a four-point formula as a basis for negotiation for the solution of the ethnic problem:
(1) One politico-administrative unit oonsisting of the North and East;
(2) Meaningful devolution of powers to Provincial Councils;
(3) Institutional arrangements for Muslims; and
(4) Sinhalese in the Northeast to ave same rights as Tamils would ave in the other provinces.
Later the seven Tamil parties sub
mitted detailed p of these four poir
The PSC
Q: Recently, t PSC released Wh consensus' of a to the conflict. M als contained in
A: The Chail wrong to descril leased by him as al”. The PSC con Parliament of S political parties. mean agreement groups of MPs Sinhalese parties, accepted these (ev and MEP did not : parties did not there is no 'conse recommendations sensus proposals man of the PSC a Provincial Counci and Eastern Pro volution of power the Indian Consti
Q: Several T. Sened in the PS0 consensus. How sus” reached, a rejected it? And fhaif the Norther Vinces should re single unit?
A: While the pr parties, CWC an man’s Option Pa for two separate P East with one Ap the North and Ea table of the PSC having been take sion or considera now known as 'S were taken up fo very day they w weight to these p man announced tl SLFP, Mrs. S. accepted them, an

TAMIL TIMES 7
olainS
ed Liberation Front view with the Editor parties had rejected in of the Parliamen2r questions relating ord, the expulsion of
east, the assassina
roposals on the basis ts.
Consensus
he Chairman of the at he described as a proposed solution /hafare the proposthis consensus'? man was entirely pe the proposal rea consensus propossisted of Members of inhalese and Tamil "Consensus' must between these two s. The two main the UNP and SLFP, ven though the LSSP agree). But the Tamil accept them. Hence nsus’. The two main of the so-called conset out by the Chairre: (a) Two separate ils for the Northern vinces; and (b) De's on the pattern of tution.
amil parties repreC have rejected this y was this consennd why have you
why do you insist and Easfern Promain merged as a
oposals of the Tamil d even the Chairper (which provided Cs for the North and ex Council covering st) were lying on the for months without n up for any discustion), the proposals rinivasan proposals ir discussion on the ere tabled. To add roposals, the Chairhat the leader of the Bandaranaike had d Mr. Sahul Hameed
declared that the UNP too had accepted the proposals. The alacrity with which the two spokesmen announced the acceptance of these proposals revealed that they had foreknowledge of them. The UNP and SLFP spokesmen also said that they were not agreeable to the 'federalism' mentioned in the Srinivasan proposals. Despite protest from MPs belonging to the Tamil parties, the Chairman asked the members to say 'Yes' or 'No'
and announced that the majority had
accepted the proposals. So the only proposal that was declared by the Chairman to have been ultimately accepted was the "demerger' of the Northeast, and 'federalism' became “Indian pattern'. This entire episode clearly demonstrates that both the major Sinhala parties have not the political will to face the Tamil problem squarely and find an honest political solution.
Reasons for Merger
All major Tamil parties have rejected these two proposals. The TULF has on many occasions given very cogent reasons as to why the Northern and Eastern provinces should constitute one politico-administrative unit. To state briefly, the reasons are:
(a) Despite efforts by successive governments at demographic changes by state-aided colonisation, the overwhelming majority of the inhabitants of the Northeast are Tamil speaking. To ensure that the linguistic and cultural identity and heritage of the people are protected, preserved and developed, these provinces should remain as a single unit; unless there are ulterior motives, there is no reason to bifurcate these two physically contiguous areas;
(b) North and East are physically contiguous and they should continue to remain as one unit to ensure the safety and security of the Tamil speaking people;
(c) It is a fact that since independence, the Tamil areas of the Northeast have been economically neglected by successive governments. To make up for almost complete absence of economic development and to enable these areas to become economically viable, they should remain as one unit;
(d) The substantial demographic changes that have already taken place in the east by a continuing process of state-aided colonisation have progressively reduced the proportion of Tamil speaking people vis-a-vis the nonTamil speaking people. The linking of the numerically strong Tamil speaking north with the east is the only way in which this deliberately created im
Continued on page 9

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balance can be rectified. If the Eastern Province is to become a separate unit, the Tamil speaking element of the population will continue to become weaker and weaker, and Tamils themselves will become a helpless minority in a few years in an area in which historically they have been an overwhelming majority.
A Red Herring
To speak of devolution of power on the pattern of the Indian Constitution is a red herring and intended to pull the wool over everbody's eyes. India is a Union of States and the powers of States constitute form part and parcel of the fundamental structure of the Constitution itself, and the Supreme Court of India has in many cases ruled that the Central Government cannot, even by an amendment to the Indian Constitution whittle away the powers of the States. On the other hand, the Sri Lankan Constitution has an entrenched Article which stipulates Sri Lanka being a Unitary State. Unless fundamental amendments to Articles 2, 3, 4, 75 and 76 of the Sri Lankan Constitution are enacted (which may even require approval at a referendum), talking of devolution of power to the Provincial Councils on the "Indian pattern' is an exercise in deception.
If the UNP, SLFP and the Chairman of the PSC want us to believe that they are serious about devolving powers on the Indian pattern', let them first, before proposing the demerger of the Northeast, consider and submit detailed proposals as to how they intend to do so setting out at the same time the powers they propose to devolve on the provinces.
Q: You accepted the solution to the ethnic conflict on the basis of the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement of July 1987. Dld the TULF leadership have a hand in the proposals for a Provincial Council system contained in the Agreement?
A: The concept of the Provincial Council system was first put forward in the famous 'Annexure C, the authorship of which was credited to Shri G. Parthasarathy, who visited Colombo after the July 1983 anti-Tamil riots as the Special envoy of the then Indian Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi. It was in fact a document jointly subscribed to by President Jayawardene and Parthasarathy in late 1983. For the first time, President Jayawardene accepted the system of Provincial Councils.
However, this document did not provide for the merger of the North and
East. We from t this omission a tions to the In She told us th urged upon Pr the need to hav merger of the n had told her that to 'sell' a propol Sinhalese, and h TULF could rais Party Conferenc would personally this basis that
participate in th
Indo-Sri
The proceeding on and on wit meaningful solu Jayawardene u clared it wounddhi succeeded as lateral discussior team led by Pro and the TULF co cussions centred be devolved to th Agreement was areas, but no ag. on matters such executive powers and land and its Indian Cabinet l am came to Sri LE agreement was areas, and these a later came to be damparam Propo
By the beginn the midst of the Lankan security jor military open which eventuall tervention in the humanitarian aic followed by the si Lanka Agreemen bered that the that matters whi between the G TULF would bef India would bec legislation to im ment was prese However, the Amendment to t the Provincial Co. sented to Parlian consultation. Th both to Premier President Jayaw deficiencies conta After the SAARC mandu, Presiden we too went to D of Rajiv Gandhi discussion, about Bills were iden amending. Pres

TAMIL TIMES 9
e TULF protested at d made representaian Prime Minister. t she had strongly sident Jayawardene a provision for the rth and east, but he he would not be able al for merger to the had added that the the matter at the All (APC) and that he support it. It was on he TULF agreed to
APC,
anka Accord
s of the APC dragged hout reaching any tion, and President nceremoniously deup. After Rajiv GanPrime Minister, bis between a Cabinet sident Jayawardene mmenced. These disaround the powers to e Provincial Council. reached on some 'eement was reached as legislative and , emergency powers uses. A team led by Winister Chidamparanka in late 1986 and reached on further are contained in what known as the 'Chisals”.
Ings of 1986, and in se negotiations, Sri forces launched maations in the north 7 led to Indian inform of airdrops of in Jaffna. This was gning of the Indo-Sri t. It must be rememAgreement provided h were not finalised vernment and the rther discussed, and nsulted before draft plement the Agreeited to Parliament. Bills for the 13th he Constitution and uncils Act were preent before any such * TULF protested Rajiv Gandhi and rdene detailing the ned in the two Bills. conference in Khatwent to Delhi and hi at the invitation After two days of 11 matters in the ified that needed lent Jayawardene
undertook to remedy these deficiencies after the Presidential elections. But like many other undertakings, nothing was done.
Therefore, the TULF had no direct role in drafting the 13th Amendment or the Provincial Councils Act. We accepted the solution subject to our stated reservations, but it must be emphasised that the Accord was the nearest we ever came to meeting the aspirations of the Tamil speaking people. The one matter that gave us grave concern was the proposed referendum in the Eastern Province on the question of merger and we objected to it to which the reply from Shri Rajiv Gandhi was (I am quoting his words), "Don't worry. Leave it to me, The referendum will never be held'. This assurance was given to us on the basis of the assurance given by the President Jayawardene to Rajiv Gandhi. In fact there is provision for the indefinite postponement of the referendum, and even now it remains postponed.
Q: Do you now think that a solution could have been reached if the Agreement and the Provincial Council system had worked out in pracflice ?
A: Certainly. If the Interim Administration had been set up and worked while the IPKF was still in the Northeast, the full benefits of the Accord would have accrued to the Tamil people. With the Interim Administration becoming scuttled, and after the commencement of the confrontation between the IPKF and the LTTE, the implementation of the Accord went hay-wire, and the southern politicians took advantage of the situation to see that the total benefits of the Accord did not accrue to the Tamil speaking
people.
Q: Do you accept that TanliMuslin relations have deterlorated, and this has made a solution based on Tamil-Muslim unity difficult partcularly lin the east?
A: Yes, The cordial relations that existed between the Tamil and Muslim communities have been completely ruptured. Both these communities speak the same language and have historically faced similar problems arising out of the discriminatory policies pursued by successive governments. We must try our best to restore the good relations that have traditionally existed between these communities.
Colonisation in Trinc0
Q: Recently, your party met Presldent Prenadasa to complain about
Continued on page 10

Page 10
O TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 9
'Sinhalese colonisation' in the east, particularly in the Trincomalee district. What is the scale and extent of this colonisation' problem?
A: When we talk about 'Sinhala colonisation', we do not refer to those Sinhala people who have lived in the Tamil areas for several decades. We only refer to new settlements with state-aid. We object to such settlements which are designed to and which have the effect of causing substantial demographic change which in course of time renders the Tamil speaking people numerically weaker. We now note that Sinhalese have been settled in semi-permanent houses on both sides of the Kandy Road from the
border of the Eastern Province right
up to the entrance of Trincomalee town. We also have evidence that in certain villages in the Trincomalee district, the homes of Tamils who fled to India as refugees have been permitted to be occupied by new arrivals of Sinhalese. For example, recently when some Tamils were returned from India, they could not reoccupy their homes because they have already been occupied by Sinhalese.
Lands belonging to Hindu temples have been allowed to be occupied by Sinhala people. The sacred "Theerthakarai of the historic Koneswara temple in Trincomalee facing the sea has been permitted to be occupied with the active help of the security forces. They have also occupied the land set apart for the use of the Trincomalee port. I do not have the exact figures with me here in London, but will send them to you when I return to Colombo. But the extent of such colonisation particularlly in Trincomalee is alarming.
Q: Sonne Tamils have criticised the role of India to the effect that it had lef the Tamils down. What is your view?
A: India never let down the Tamils. We let ourselves down. India must play a continuing role in finding a political solution to our problem. She is our only friend. Who else is there?
Criticism Against TULF
Q: The TULF was once the leading party of the Tamil community. You will accept that since 1983 it has remained mainly on the sidelines. What happened to this once most popular party?
A: I do not agree that the TULF has remained on the sidelines since 1983. I have already explained to you the role the TULF leadership played in the negotiating process in the run-up to the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement. During the post 1983 period, the TULF
played a leading r canvassing supp(
cause in India and
world.
If there is differ tion of our role, it Government delib marginalise us an parliamentary anc passing the 6th Constitution and lawing our party; the unity of the Tal and therefore w groups carried on ciously maligning
temptation to hit
our detractors had had to refrain from certain aspects of negotiations with cause of the need ti ple of confidentialit became more and r use of weapons be and romanticised, not carrying arms rent role; (e) Th brutalisation that politics of the arn permit our norm among the people. occasion when wet agitation against t ernment in a nonobserving a fast Amman Temple, groups physically rupted our campai tive was to help t seeking just solutio our people, and no lines.
A C Q: Some have |leaders of the TUI life in Tanil Nadu years of 1984 to lost touch with right to lead then
A: This is a cal nailed once and fou for giving me the the holocaust of Central Committe and everybody u General Mr. Ami India immediately self and went to After his visit to M demonstrations w Tamil Nadu. In briefed the then In Shrimathi Indira that she declared ment, “This is a Lanka is not anoth She then despatch sary, Shri G. Pan ombo to express II

15 APRIL 1993
le in lobbying and it for the Tamil any capitals of the
nce in the percepis because: (a) The rately set out to | our party in the political arena by mendment to the hus virtually out(b) We believed in nil speaking people, hen other Tamil campaign of malius, we resisted our ack, and therefore a field day; (c) We giving publicity to ur work relating to Heads of State beobserve the princiy; (d) Tamil politics hore violent and the came predominant and we as a party had to play a diffee intolerance and characterised the hed groups did not al political work For example, on one ried to carry on our he Sri Lankan govviolent manner by at the Veerakaly militants of all intervened and disgn. Our main objeche Tamil cause by on to the problem of it hitting the head
anard
criticised that the Fleda confortable during the difficult 1987, and thereby he people and the . Any comments?
lard that has to be all, and I thank you
opportunity. After July 1983, TULF's e met in Vavuniya ged our Secretary thalingam to go to He disguised himMadras and Delhi. adras, huge protest re held throughout Delhi, he met and ian Prime Minister andhi. It was after the Indian Parliamost genocide. Sri er country to India”. dher Special Emishasarathy, to Coldia’s concern about
the violent developments in Sri Lanka.
Throughout 1984 we had talks with President Jayawardene in Colombo and often we went to Jaffna after the talks. But then two events took place. The first was when from an army truck, a huge brick was hurled at Mr. Amirthalingam's car and his windscreen was smashed. My car was stopped by army personnel, our party Rising Sun flag was snatched and trampled and my driver was assaulted, and it was clear that those blows were meant for me. Further the telephone wires of Mr. Amirthalingam's house and my house were cut. We could not just function from Jaffna. So some of us decided to go to Madras for the time being and mobilise support for the Tamil cause. But the rest of our leadership and party workers remained in the Tamil areas.
Unfair Criticism
But we who went to Madras did not just sit there. This was the time when every day hundreds of people from the north and east were streaming into India as refugees because of military operations. Thousands of Tamil youth were being rounded-up and taken into custody in the north. Mr. Amirthalingam and I went to many countries, met prominent politicians, church leaders, men of the media, addressed groups of politicians, and addressed Tamils in many countries to appraise them of the plight of our people. We were engaged in seeking international support for our cause. Along with Mr. R. Sampanthan, we often went to Delhi and walked miles along the corridors of the South Block to inform about the military excesses and atrocities committed against our people. Let me put on record that the facilities that the militants had from India and the unstinted support given to the tens of thousands of Tamil refugees who had sought refugee in India was in no small measure due to our efforts.
When the government imposed the economic blockade of Jaffna in early 1987, and the people were deprived of food and medicines and later when government forces launched massive military operations to take over Jaffna, it was our efforts that made India to intervene and to airdrop humanitarian aid to Jaffna, and call a halt to military operations that were aimed at the army takeover of the Jaffna peninsula.
Those who unfairly criticise us should also not forget the brutal murders of our respected colleagues and former MPs, Mr. V. Dharmalaingam and Mr. M. Alalasundaram, and it must be stated that they were not

Page 11
15 APRIL 1993
killed by security service personnel but by so-called Tamil militants. They also should not forget that, not so long after their murders, posters were put up in Jaffna to the effect that death sentences had been passed on the TULF leaders then in Madras, and we are sure this was done to deter the presence of the TULF leaders in Jaffna.
We know that the people have not lost faith in us. If they remain silent, it is largely through fear.
The Assassination
Q: Your General Secretary A. Amirthalingam and your colleague and former MP, V. Yogeswaran were assassinated in Colombo in June 1989. You escaped death with serious injuries in the same incident. The Tigers, first having denied, later admitted responsibility for the murders. Why do you think that they carried out these murders, and have you any comments?
A: The cruel assassination of Amirthalingam and Yogeswaran is the subject matter of pending criminal proceedings and therefore sub-judice. Any comments on the subject of these assassinations would be premature. If the people do not know the truth already, it will come out, and let us wait and see.
Q: You worked with Mr. Amirthalingam for a number of years. How do you assess him as a political leader?
A: Mr. Amirthalingam is the greatest Tamil leader after the late Mr. S.J.V. Chelvanayakam. He was one of the most charismatic political leaders of Sri Lanka. His knowledge of Sri Lankan politics was encyclopaedic and he had an analytical brain. He was a fearless leader. He had a very good command of both the Tamil and the English languages. He was a man of learning - he could quote without a note from Thirukural, Purananooru, A ha na n o oru, Mah a bh ra tha, Ramayanam, Manimekalai and other Tamil classics. With equal ease, he could quote from English classics. He was a brilliant public speaker and parliamentary debater, and his speeches would remain as testimony to his service to his people. His selfless devotion and dedication to the Tamil cause was unrivalled and he made the supreme sacrifice with his life for the Tamil cause and joined the ranks of famous martyrs like Abraham Lincoln, Mahathma Gandhi, Martin Luther King, Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi.
C: You knew closely. How do
A: Mr. Yogesw, and pleasant con ardent champion His special conce and the downtr darling of the you to him for help handed. He gave tice. He was a risi political firmamer
Q: How did the TULF leaders an affect the party following years?
A: Certainly th two senior leader the party. In the d am, not only the people lost a grea less fighter for the most well known both nationally a The Indian politic cit faith in him. tragic departure ances in which the attacked certainly pact on the party. aware that we ha there were some v even to talk to u When the politics normal democrati back seat. Yet our
flying.
Q: You were capable lawyer.
TAML Tigers
The LTTE arreste men in the sea off recently. They wen thivu — a small isl situated between Valaichenai lagoo treated them we them on the necess amity in the east. lim fishermen we soon after. The m reported in the Tal
The LTTE's atte Muslims once mor for some time. It b a respectable relat leader in Batticalo village of Oddam some people know the LTTE wante village and that Muslims to come cultivate or bring

TAMIL TIMES 11
Ir, Yogeswaran very Vou assess him?
aran was an amiable panion. He was an for the Tamil cause. rn was for the poor Idden. He was the th. No one who went came away empty leadership by pracng star in the Tamil it.
assassination of the it the attack on you S activities in the
e untimely death of s was a big blow to eath of AmirthalingTULF, the Tamil t leader and a fearir cause. He was the f the TULF leaders und internationally. al leaders had impliHis untimely and and the circumstTULF leaders were had an adverse imHaving come to be lve become targets, who were frightened s or talk about us. ; of the gun rules, c politics takes a flag has been kept
a Well-known as a sou do not practice
the law as a profession now. When and why did you give up practice?
A: During the July 1983 violence, my house in Colombo together with all my law books were set on fire. The Sixth Amendment to the Constitution which was enacted within two weeks of the riots required even lawyers to take an oath of allegiance to the unitary state of Sri Lanka and criminalised the advocacy of separatism. I gave up practice then.
Q: You were a respected MP, a one-time Deputy Speaker of Parliament and known as a Skilful debater. do you miss being an MP?
A: It will be hypocrisy on my part if I say I do not feel flattered about what you are saying. But my greatest satisfaction is that I always did my duty by the Tamil people, and that I did not stoop to dirty tricks in either my professional career or political life. I would very much like to be an MP, but only after a legitimate victory in a fair and free election.
Q: How do you see the future of the Tamils in Sri Lanka and chances of a settlenent of the conflict?
A: If we Tamils remain united, if we are firm in our convictions, if we know our friends, if we do not senselessly offend our friends, if we treat others as fairly as we would like them to treat us, and if we honestly think that every Tamil is entitled to the freedom to live and work, then the Tamils have a bright future, and this conflict can be brought to an end with justice to all concerned.
- MUSLIM RELATIONS Trying to Make Amends?
d 18 Muslim fisherthe Batticaloa coast e taken to Nasivanet of coconut groves the sea and the n. There the Tigers ll and lectured to ity of Muslim-Tamil The surprised Musre safely sent back atter was promptly mil daily Virakesari. mpt to befriend the e has been going on egan last year when ive of a senior LTTE a visited the Muslim avadi and informed n to him there that d peace with that they would permit into their areas to imber. The Muslims
of Kattankudy have also been apprised recently that they also can come into LTTE dominated areas and carry on with their cultivation, and that the Tigers would ensure that no harm would come to them from Tamils. There are reports that the LTTE has made peace with Eravur as well.
The government is alarmed and worried by this development. Although Muslim-Tamil relations in the east have not improved in general, the small openings that may become available to the Tigers among the Muslims can affect the military balance there. Supplies for the LTTE from almost all the main Tamil population centres have substantially dwindled following special operations by the army to debilitate the LTTE's logistics in the east. In addition to this Continued on page 12

Page 12
12 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 11
the military intelligence has recruited and made use of a large number of ex-militants to permeate all levels of Tamil society in the east with a view to neutralise potential sources of supply. Therefore it has become absolutely necessary for the Tigers in the east to make peace with the Muslims. But both sides are not so naive as to think that the bitter and deep mistrust between them can be removed in months or even in years. The LTTE is approaching the problem with its customary pragmatism - the Muslims can resume their economic activities in areas dominated by them and that there would be no attacks on the Muslim community in return for their friendship and therefore - supplies.
Tiger Approach
There seems to be a much broader reason as well for this change in attitude on the part of the LTTE. It is connected to pressures emanating from the LTTE's Tamil nationalist support base in Tamil Nadu. Therefore the Muslim-LTTE relationship can properly be grasped only when it is
examined in its social and historical
setting.
There have been attempts in recent times to pin down the precise reason for the LTTE's repeated and bloody attacks on the Muslim community in the eastern province and areas bordering it. At one extreme there are those who see a Zionist anti-Muslim conspiracy that has acquired the services of the Liberation Tigers, and at the
other, there are those analysts who
are labouring to establish for their own ideological reasons, that it is but a manifestation of Tamil "narrow nationalism' and fascism. The Zionist conspiracy theorists such as Ashraff are usually prompt in claiming that they are aware of an Israeli intelligence official's connection with the Tigers in a western capital. An expatriate leader of an anti-LTTE group insists that the Tigers were given weapons through this official in return for carrying out orders to regularly massacre Muslims! But as with so many other things about the LTTE, no one can substantiate their claims with anything but hearsay. The Tigers have systematically made their organisational structure so impervious that today even intelligence gathering on them seems to depend more on hearsay. The grenade attack on Pottu Amman is a case in point. Hence, it would be more sensible to place the LTTE's attitude towards the Muslim community in context, than to advance and corroborate a unique and therefore politically interesting cause
which might please amuse one's readers.
The attitude of the II of Thamil Eelam towa has to be examined in
a) the political-cult Muslims in the agend uistic nationalism.
b) the history an Tamill-Muslim relatio province.
c) the IPKF's inter lim politics in the east
d) the evolution of province leadership.
The Tamil Nadu
The Liberation Tige of Tamil linguistic n secessionism which ar dia and gradually shal ary of Tamil regional Lanka. The historical al specificities apar LTTE's Tamil nation: constituted by the bas Dravidian movement. igency of appealing to aspora has made the to the movement's ide:
The Muslims were culturally an importar Tamil linguistic nation time it took on a milit: the thirties. The Dravi found common caust Muslim League in it Hindu-Brahmin domir dian national indepe ment. The founder of movement, E.V. Ran once declared that could not become an il sovereign nation, it sh Pakistan rather than dia. (Ariya Mayai, C. p.36).
The Muslims of sc Nadu had under the trade based little king rulers and chieftains, c que and rich tradition i ture. Hence, Muslims and the Muslim Leagu role in the anti-Hindia Dravidian movement i not only for political ri cultural reasons as wel bic, Persian and Urdu, the few languages in w produced an impressive gious poetry ranging f to the folk. The Dravid enshrined that corpus agenda. The two main ties have sustained to political and cultural ba lim component in Te nationalism. In fact aft

15 APRIL 1993
an editor and
liberation Tigers rds the Muslims
terms of:
ural status of the a of Tamil ling
d dynamics of hs in the eastern
vention in Mus
LTTE's eastern
Dimension rs are a product
ationalism and
ose in South Inped the vocabul| politics in Sri and geographict, the core of alist ideology is
sic tenets of the ;
The political ex) the Tamil DiLTTE lay claim als and legacy.
politically and ht component of halism from the ant character in dian movement e with Jinna’s s opposition to lance in the Inendence movethe Dravidian nasamy Naiker if Dravidastan hdependent and puld come under independent InN. Annathurai,
outhern Tamil
patronage of doms of Tamil ultivated a uniof Tamil literaof Tamil Nadu e took a major gitations of the in the thirties, easons, but for l. Besides AraTamil is one of hich Islam has corpus of reli"om the mystic lian movement in its cultural Dravidian parthis day the sis of the Musamil linguistic er the demoli
tion of the Babri Masjid the most powerful and compelling attack on Hindu chauvinism came from the Dravidian camp. Pirapanjan, a respected columnist in Tamil Nadu, told the R.S.S. V.H.P and the B.J.P. that "the Muslim League is a democratic movement; it is not, like your organizations, one given to bigoted chauvinism and murder... If you say that there was no Masjid, I will say that Ram's temple was only a toilet'.
Linguistic Nationalism
Therefore, when linguistic nationalism began to articulate itself as a force among the Tamils of the north and east of Sri Lanka, the Muslims who lived there - a large number of whom knew no other language but Tamil - had reason to see themselves as an integralpart ofthe project. The Federal Party adopted a resolution at its Trincomalee conference in 1958 that there should also be a separate federal unit for the Muslims. The Tamil nationalist leadership assumed at that time that the sentiments of Tamil linguistic nationalism would preserve the Muslim community of the north and east within its fold. It had been so in Tamil Nadu. Federal Party politicians began using the term "Tamil speaking people' on this assumption.
The armed Tamil groups, when they took up the cause of fighting for a separate state, inherited the notion that linguistic political identity would somehow overwhelm the Islamic consciousness of the Muslims living in the Tamil homeland. While it was in India, the LTTE went even further and adopted the concept of Islamic Tamils' from the vocabulary of the Dravidian movement. In doing so the Tigers seem to have thought they were being more faithful to the Dravidian tradition than the others.
However, all Tamil nationalists including the ideologues of the LTTE failed to mark the fact that the Muslims and their leaders in Tamil Nadu had and continue to have common cause with the Dravidian movement against Hindi-Hindu hegemony in the Indian polity. Whereas in Sri Lanka the possibility of profitable collaboration with Sinhala majoritarian politics has always been open to Muslim elites from the time of independence.
Contrary Trend
There was another trend that was running counter to the Tamil ideal of inclusive linguistic nationalism. The prosperous middle class which emerged among the Muslims of the Batticaloa and Amparai districts from the ruins of Tamil absentee landlordism became increasingly attracted to

Page 13
15 APRIL 1993
wards pan-Islam as an internationally assertive force. This post seventies economic prosperity saw Muslim villages expanding and buying up substantial chunks of land in bordering Tamil villages. Many Tamils in the villages of Karaitivu, Pandirippu, Periyaneelavania, Araipattai, Manjanthoduvai and Eravur were alarmed at what they saw as a distinct possibility of their traditional homes being swallowed up by Muslim expansion. The word “Soni” -Muslim- that had been a rather neutral term in the Batticaloa dialect of Tamil rapidly acquired a virulent connotation in the politics of Muslim-Tamil village border tensions.
Many Tamil groups further aggravated these tensions by treating the Muslims in the east as part of Tamil society and by making harassing demands on Muslim traders and farmers as they were wont to make on Tamil traders and farmers. Yet the Muslims in the east remained quite undecided until 1985 whether they should throw in their lot with the Eelam Cause in their long term interests or whether they should remain neutral spectators.
The covert intervention of the Ministry of National Security changed this attitude into one of inveterate hatred in 1985 - a detailed report by a neutral Sinhala observer on the first large scale Tamil-Muslim conflagration in the east revealed the role played by a section of the security forces in organising and backing some Muslims into attacking Tamil villages.
All the Tamil groups except the LTTE demonstrated their solidarity with the affected Tamil villages, from where a large number of their cadre were derived, by undertaking retaliatory attacks on neighbouring Muslim villages.
LTTE's Principled Stand
The LTTE which in 1985 had a very small following in the east took a very strong and what it saw as a principled stand - true to its ideals of Tamil linguistic nationalism - that any Tamil caught attacking Muslims should be punished. The Tiger leader for the east at that time, Basheer Kaaka of Ariyalai in Jaffna, attempted to campaign among the other groups to follow suit. He was scorned as being an insensitive northerner. Kumarappa who succeeded Basheer Kaaka as LTTE's military commander in the east followed the same strict policy of punishing Tamils who were seen as 'acting in a manner detrimental to Tamil-Muslim harmony'. Although the LTTE was very much aware at that time about the activities
of various "fund such as Hishbull; generally endeav good relations wit lages — particularl their regular pat excellent dividend out with the IPKI came to believe in Tigers were able to because of the M Tamil groups cont measure, usually a deflect criticism ab methods, to streng
Many Muslims, who were being reg the local Indian c men for cheap or f — which were, alor and spices, being through military t sympathised with against the IPKF.
Role of Other
The IPKF in the the best way to se giance of the Tam LTTE groups in t Ampara districts wi them permission t revenge on those which were identific part in the 1985 in LTTE groups made opportunity to wre lages which had b towards the Tamils published book cal Moolai” gives an ac the Sammanthurai view).
The Sri Lanka (SLMC), meanwhi suaded by the Ind sion in Colombo to cial council electic northeast. The SLMC's leader, As and accused him large bribe from th SLMC ignored th veloped a strong re EPRLF in general, manabha in partic United Liberation this situation as ai to encroach and ca political space in t cash in on the anti Indian army amor and with that in m understanding it ha LTTE in Madras. Tamils was used with the MULF). exposed the SLMC' the Tamil National

TAMIL TIMES 13.
mentalist' groups and Jihad, they ured to maintain many Muslim vilthose which lay on . This policy paid then the LTTE fell The Indian army ue course that the survive in the east uslims. The other buted in no small a handy pretext to but their bungling hen this belief.
in the other hand, ularly harassed by mmander and his 2e electronic goods g with coconut oil muggled to India ansport - quietly the LTTE's war
Tamil Groups
rast also found that cure the full alleils and the antihe Batticaloa and as to tacitly grant' o take out their
Muslim villages 2d as having taken cidents. The antiample use of the ak havok on vileen very friendly in '85. (A recently led Eelathin Dru count of this from
Muslim point of
Muslim Congress e had been peran High Commisontest the provinin to the merged TTE denounced hraff as a traitor f having taken a Indians. But the LTTE and deationship with the nd its leader Padular. The Muslim ront (MULF), saw ideal opportunity ture the SLMC's e east. It had to athy towards the many Muslims; hd it renewed the reached with the he term Islamic this agreement Thus the MULF role in setting up rmy (TNA).
Targeting SLMC
The LTTE's main objective when it emerged from the Kanjikudicha Aaru jungle in the Ampara district was to wipe out the TNA and all its constituent groups. The SLMC, therefore was one of them. The MULF was hoping to be the political beneficiary of the LTTE's military drive to eradicate the SLMC as part of the Indian backed TNA. The LTTE's antagonism towards the SLMC at this juncture arose purely from its perception of that party as an Indian stooge; and therefore inimical to its security in the east.
Hence, even when the Tigers had successfully destroyed the TNA in the east, they, with the assistance of Muslims who had joined them during the IPKF war, wanted to make doubly sure that the SLMC was totally wiped out in all the major villages and towns. In January 1990 a Muslim youth of Kattankudy who had become an area leader of the LTTE was murdered in his village; the alarmed Tiges launched a house to house search and arrested many who were suspected to be members of Jihad groups and the TNA wing of the SLMC. Although the MULF acquiesced at what was going on while venturing to suggest some remedies, a large number of Muslims were chagrined at what they saw as
Continued on page 28
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Page 14
14 TAMIL TIMES
A Perspective on Edu
for Peace
Charles R.A. Hoole. McMaster University, Hamilto
In the current climate of heightened tension and open hostilities, the need to develop a new initiative in educating for peace is very apparent. Its aim must be to create a climate of thought within which political leaders will be spurred on to work for the resolution of conflict beween warring parties through non-military means. It must also be a climate conducive to foster reconciliation between estranged communities, so that Tamils, Sinhalese and Muslims can once again live together as neighbours and friends - as they have done for centuries. Indeed, in the present atmosphere in which killing is so routinized, it is no longer adequate to educate toward the goal of avoidance of conflict or warfare. What Sri Lanka needs in this hour of crisis is a new and certainly a more inclusive vision of humanity, which could offer a basis for positive peace making. Parents, teachers, journalists and community leaders have much to contribute to this process.
Peace making on the other hand cannot expect to gain ground, without also struggling against the prevailing, and indeed popular ideology of 'us' against 'them', that is, the collective notions of identifying 'us' Tamils as against all "those' non-Tamils and 'us' Sinhalese as against all “those” nonSinhalese. This ideology continues to inflame the distinctions between the peoples of Sri Lanka, which frequently manifests itself in the "politics of hatred' and the politics of purity', the twin expressions of identity politics." The popularity of this ideology is to be explained by the fact that its proponents use age old materials, for example, the Puranas and the Mahavamsa, in new ways. therefore, to be effective in dealing with this ideology, educators for peace must be able to identify these sources and also the channels through which the ideas are transmitted.
Here I give a Tamil example of how the ideology that underlies the "politics of purity' and the "politics of hatred' is fashioned, by the use of old and new materials, making it a potent weapon wielded by communalists.
Images of them from Ancient Puranas In a recent work Rajmohan Ramanathapillai has shown how puranic and epic symbols of the past continue
to operate intimately an Tamil society, mo shaping their conduct sense of dharma; cons meaning to social actions. One of the
which the puranas anc is the notion that evi mately be destroyed
even with the aid ol dominant idea found ir been disseminated school text books, in cinema, as well as
enactments (curan pu citations (kathapir. theatrical performar nattu kuttu, villu patt
The Tamil puranic v. evil-doers was based Gupta Puranas, com mans. The Gupta Pu) world in decline due to and heretical nature ( In these works we wi and contemptuous di the heretics (nastikas) rians (mlecchias), follo dent assertion that th exterminated at the Age, when Dharma restored. This theme and popularised by the Tamil puranas during tions with the Jains í ists, from the seventh t centuries A.D. We wo find the terms "heretic' being used in a sense tl us today.
First, in the atmospl al, bhakti religiosity, l much in the eye of the the early heretics, the the Jains had large from the Tamil scene that to the Saivites became heretics, and Wendy O’Flaherty ha the sixth century on came to use the tern useful swear word to i who disagreed with th late senator Joseph the term "Communis rent politically charg the same emotional a ing with heretics is bei the Tamil politics o Anyone who politica turned into a heretic: be condemned as a

15 APRIL 1993
cating
)n, USA.
within Sri Lanktivating people, and instilling a sequently giving and political strongest ideas the epic convey doers will ultiby good people, f violence. This the stories, has widely through ewspapers and through ritual r ceremony), reasa nga m) and nces (natakam, a)." iew of the fate of on the earlier posed by brahranas portray a ) the corrupting of the Kali Age. ould find sharp enunciations of and the barbawed by a confiey would all be end of the Kali would again be was borrowed e authors of the g their disputaand the Buddho the thirteenth uld at this time and barbarian' 1at is familiar to
here of emotion
heresy was very ' beholder. Once Buddhists and ly disappeared , we would find the Vaisnavites
vice versa. As s observed from wards, Hindus n "heretic” as a indicate any one em, much as the McCarthy used t'. In the cured atmosphere, pproach to dealng re-enacted in f denunciation. lly disagrees is he or she would
Thesa thurohi
(betrayer of a nation), and be subject to either banishment or extermination.
Secondly, from the tenth century onwards when the caste system had become fully developed in the Tamil country, anyone who did not observe the muraika (the rules), was regarded as ritually impure, an uncivilised barbarian who deserved social exclusion. In following this medieval puranic distinction between the civilised and the barbarian, the Jaffna Tamils, as Bryan Pfaffenberger has shown, regard the veddahs and anyone whose lifestyle resemble theirs, such as the nalavars and the pallars, as kattumirantika (barbarians), 'deemed to be not only low caste but also thoroughly evil and dangerous (ketta varkal, bad people), possessing a propensity to create disorder.
When these vellarlar-brahman standards of civility are pressed a little further, the Sinhalese, Tamil speaking Muslims and Batticaloa Tamils could also become classed as barbarians. Such a development is only to be anticipated. From a Jaffna Tamil point of view:
Sinhala people appear to be very easily angered and potentially violent, a character trait that, in Tamil ethnophysiology, is thought to stem from a lack of sexual and ritual diligence. What is more, Jaffna Tamils believe very firmly that the other Tamil-speaking groups of the island - the Tamil-speaking Muslims, the so-called Indian Tamils of the central highlands, and the East Coast Tamils - are also less diligent than Jaffna Tamils in keeping up the ancient ways, and on this account Jaffna folk rank them lower and refuse to marry them.
It would indeed be surprising if such a powerful concept does not enter into the current political discourse. When, for instance, Jaffna Tamils refer to the EPRLF, an East Coast based militant group, as Eelattu pallar they are in fact saying that “those people are barbarians, kettavarkal (bad people), and dangerous, and not to be politically trusted. The term clearly has powerful religious, social and political connotations. It is this perception that led to, and justified, the savage attacks on them in Jaffna, in December, 1986; when a large number of them were killed and the rest expelled from the peninsula.
images of “us’ from Modern Historiography While the Puranas have been useful in defining "those' non-Tamils, modern historiography, since the publication

Page 15
TsAPR 993
of Rasanayagam's Ancient Jaffna in 1926, has served to define 'us' Tamils, by presenting a separate and distinct past, often in conflict with the Sinha lese past." Rasanayagam, through selective use of available data, tried to prove that not only was Sri Lanka's Tamil history the history of Jaffna, but that practically the whole history of the island was Tamil-Hindu or Dravidian history, or at least widely influenced by Tamil history'. Also, by connecting the Aryacakravarti rulers of the Jafna Kingdom to brahmans, he bestowed Tamil ancestry with a sacred and prestigious origin."
Padmanathan's claims were more modest. In the Kingdom of Jaffna (1978) he too, presents a Tamil Hindu past, although it is a version of the Tamil past that is separate from the Sinhalese Buddhist past, and from this premise, he made an important claim that “the Hindu tradition, along with the Tamil language, forms the bases of Tamil identity”. To This same image of 'us' was propagated more vigorously by Satyendra: to be a Tamil is to speak Tamil, and to be a Saivite; which for him is echoed in the saying, Thamil и т. Sa i v a n и т., Sa i v а п и т, Thamilum”.
It is difficult to avoid the feeling that Tamil nationalist historiography has in so many ways been directly influenced by Sinhala Buddhist nationalist writings and speeches, where it is frequently affirmed that Sri Lanka is Dhammadipa and Siha dipa, the alleged historical bases of Sinhalese identity. On the other hand there are definite limits to such influences. The Tamils have no written document along the lines of the Mahavamsa to authenticate their singular and separate historical identity, and therefore, the Tamils are in one sense, free to choose and to present many versions of their past.
So far, however, the history of Sri Lankan Tamils has been written from a Jaffna vellalar perspective which authenticates their distinctive values and the prestige of their institutions. The independent traditions of the mukkuvar, vanniyar, karaiyar and the weddhas has been either excluded or made subordinate to the vellalar his
tory.
Educating for Peaceful Co-existence and Co-operation
We have noted how historical and mythical materials are currently being used to construct stereotypes of 'us' and "them', a distinction which offers a basis for the politics of purity and the politics of hatred. Identity politics in turn is reordering Sri Lanka's pluralistic cultural landscape, and in consequ
ence reinforcin stereotypes.
Despite these cators for peace ment from the fi and not homoge) istic expression traditions. As st serve us as mode co-existence. Ta Rajarata civilisa Sri Lanka's trad intersect, presen cant model of existence. Ra. embraced most agricultural zone al province, cer adhapura (and and several more outer principalit centre exercised overlordship. This tralised state is 1 temporary states east Asia.' As a accommodate a Buddhists, Hindu lims and also the dhas, who would retaining their and lifestyles, wh operating with oth mon civilisation.
For many Tami ample simply reit that there have pluralistic elemen speaking people. where most Tam live, religion and been considered e of the Tamil ident Buddhists, Jains, and Dravida-athei majority Hindus, tial contributions of the Tamil tradi The best know Tamil literary tI veloped over a per years through the all these groups ( sample of their wo (i) Tirukkural (1 most celebrat work. The aut probably a Ja reflects Jain r theology. (ii) Manimekala well known E heroine Manim Buddhist ideal beings with det (iii) Cilappatika An account of Pattini cult, throughout Sri

these homogenous
minous trends, educan take encourageat that heterogeneity eity is the characterif Sri Lanka's many ch they continue to s of co-operation and ke for instance the ion,' where many of tions did at one time ing us with a signifio-operation and coarata civilisation of the dry zone, an comprising the capittred around Anurlater Polonnaruwa), or less autonomous es over which the symbolic or ritual sort of highly decenypical of many conin South and Southresult it was able to variety of peoples; is, Christians, Muse unforgettable vedhave no difficulty in corporate identities ile also actively cohers to create a com
ls, the Rajarata ex(erates the obvious: always been strong ts within the Tamil
In Tamil Nadu, il speaking people erritory have never ssential components ity. In part because Dhristians, Muslims sts in addition to the have made substanto the development ion.
n example is the adition, which deod of two thousand collective efforts of f people. Here is a
kS.
)0-400 A.D.): The ed Tamil ethical or, Tiruvalluvar is n, since the work oral code and its
(200-550 A.D.): A uddhist epic. The kalai preaches the f serving all living chment.
m (200-450 A.D.):
Le rise of Kannakiwhich is popular anka, particularly
TAMIL TIMES 15
in the East Coast. (iv) Tempavani (1720 A.D.): An epic dealing with the legendary life of St. Joseph. The author, Beschi, a Jesuit priest, is known to the Tamils as Viramamunivar.
(v) Cirappuranam (1715 A.D.): The author Umaruppulavar gives an account of Prophet Muhammad's life in a Tamil setting. Regarded as the basic text for Tamil Muslim religious life in Sri Lanka.
(vi) Iratcaniya Yattirrirkam (1882 A.D.): A Tamil adaptation of John Bunyan’s: The Pilgrium’s Progress, written by Krishna Pillai.
This literary evidence shows that the Tamil tradition, when taken as a whole, remains a powerful witness to the multiculturalism that has always been the hallmarks of the Tamil heritage. The educator's task is to make this tradition of co-operation and co
existence more explicit and obvious to
all Sri Lankans, by exploring creative methods of expressing those models, and in consequence to challenge those who are in actual fact inventing a monocultural tradition which never existed.
Notes.
. Edward W. Said, "The Politics of Modernity and Identity' The Bertrand Russell Peace Lectures no.2, McMaster University, December 4 1992.
°. R. Ramanathapillai, Sacred Symbols and the Adoption of Violence in Tamil Politics in Sri Lanka, M.A. Thesis, McMaster University, 1991. 8. Ibid., p.33. 4. W.D. O’Flaherty, “The Image of the Heretic in Gupta Puranas', in B.L. Smith (ed.), Essays on Gupta Culture Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1983, p.116. 5. B. Pfaffenberger, Caste in Tamil Culture, Syracuse: Syracuse University, 1982, pp. 121-122; R. Thapar, “The Image of the Barbarian in Early India”, Ancient Indian Social History, Delhi: Orient Longman, 1990, pp.152192. 6. B. Pfaffenberger, "The Cultural Dimension of Tamil Separatism in Sri Lanka, Asian Survey vol. XXI no.11, Nov. 1981, pp.1149-1150. ". Dagmar Hellmann-Rajanayagam, "The Politics of the Tamil Past, J. Spencer (ed.), Sri Lanka. History and the Roots of Conflict, London: Routledge, 1990, pp.107-124. 8. Ibid., p. 111. 9. S. Pathmanathan (1978) and S. Gnanaprakasar (1928) have on the other hand favoured a ksatriya connection. All these discussions on
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16 TAM TIMES
Human Rights Situ
Continued from last issue
The Working Group also has highlighted the problem of repeated transfers of persons taken into custody as an element that facilitates disappearances:
Example 1: In a 1991 case, a student was detained and taken to the Kaburupitiya police station in the Matara district in the southern province where he was seen by his mother. Two days later the mother was told that her son had been taken to the Matara police station; however, the Matara police denied having him in their custody. Months later, she was informed that it had been necessary to take her son to Colombo for further investigation. The mother continued to make inquiries and was finally told by the Assistant Superintendent of Police in Matara that "her son was no longer among the living' and that she should stop her efforts to locate him. (E/CN.4/1993. Add. 1, para 83).
Example 2: In a recent notable case that was initially regarded as disappearance, on 9 October 1992 the Supreme Court granted compensation, under a petition alleging infringement of fundamental rights, to a student who had been illegally detained for three years. He was abducted on 10 October 1989 in Kegalle by a group of uknown persons. He was taken to the Kegalle army camp, then to the Kalapaluwawa army camp, and some time later to the Boosa army camp. From Boosa he was taken to the Pallekelle army camp where he was held until 7 August 1992. Although at some point during the three years the case became an acknowledged detention, and although the missing person has been among the very few who have survived a disappearance to initiate a fundamental rights petition, the pattern of continual transfers through 1992 demonstrated that this case is of Substantial Concern to the Working Group. Other facts of this case are demonstrative of ongoing patterns that facilitate the phenomenon of disappearance: it appears that the person was never, during the entire three years until August 1992, produced before a Court of law. The petitioner was not told the reason for the detention, nor of the charges supporting the continued detention. The Court determined that he had never been involved in any illegal activities. (E/CN.4/1993/25/Add.1, para 85).
In the east where large scale arrests take place following cordon-and-search roundup operations carried out frequently by the military, neither fact of the arrests nor the whereabouts of those arrests are made known to the relatives. Given that thousands of "disappearances' in military custody have occurred in eastern Sri Lanka to date, it must be expected that relatives and others would fear the worst when arrests which had been witnessed are subsequently denied. (ASA37/1793). The primary elements responsible for disappearances have been identified as the security service personnel including the Special Task force, Muslim Home Guards and the LTTE.
Example 1: On 30 April 1992, the army battalion from the Pullumalai army camp in Batticaloa conducted a search and Cordon operation in and around the Rugam village in Batticaloa district in easten Sri Lanka. They detained over 40 persons from their homes or farms, 20 of whom were released the same day and others within 48 hours, except for 17 persons, who remain missing. (E/CN.4/1993/25/Add.1, para 80).
Example 2: Over 40 men had 'disappeared' following a cordon-and-search operation at Kakkachchivaddai in the eastern Batticaloa District on 19 October 1992. After the men had

15 APRIL 1993
ation in Sri Lanka
been taken into custody, they had been taken to the Paliadifaddai army camp. Relatives who followed them there were ired at and chased away by soldiers. The military continued to leny that these men were taken into custody. It was only after he Member of Parliament for the area raised the matter of the disappearances' in Parliament and the relatives contacted the Ocal office of the ICRC, it was learnt that the 40 men were being held at a military Camp at Hardy College in Amparai. ASA 37/1/93, p.7).
Example 3: On 23 October 1992, army personnel took into :ustody three persons, named Karthigesu Sothilingam aged 32, Samithambi Gunasekaram aged 20, and Sinathambi Rajavarodayam aged 28 from the village of Kakkachchivaddai n eastern Sri Lanka, but their arrests have been denied by the Lrmy, and their whereabouts are still not known. (ASA37/1/ 993, p.13).
Example 4: 25 young men were detained by the army in the ciran area, Batticaloa District, in January and February 1992. 1 of them were later released and the military denied that it iad detained the remaining 14. Two of the 14 were later found o be in detention and two more were later released, but 9 'oung men and a 12-year-old boy named Manikkam SiventhirIn have not been accounted for. (ASA37/1/93 p.11).
Example 5: On 24 August 1992, 13 persons in or around the illage of Thiyavaddavan, Batticaloa District, were allegedly letained by the Central Camp police officers believed to be hembers of the Special Task Force and who were accompaied by a group of the Muslim Home Guard attached to the welfth Colony, Navithanveli, of the army. Witnesses reported ) the local army Commander, who denied knowledge of the etentions. These persons remain missing. (E/CN.4/1993/25/ dd.1, para 75).
xample 6: In December 1992, during a cordon-and-search Dundup operation at Pullumulai in eastern Sri Lanka, several Oung Women were raped. Following complaints, although 13 oldiers were reportedly transferred, there is no indication that ny disciplinary action had been taken against them. (ASA37/ '93, p.3).
'. Unacknowledged Detention
Amnesty International has found evidence (including dmission from senior military officers) that security forces old certain persons in unacknowledged detention, even idden from ICRC representatives who visit prisoners at rmy camps. Secret detentions continue for prolonged eriods, and it was admitted that records of detentions would e falsified to hide the true date of their arrest. (ASA37/1/93, .7).
xample 1: A person was detained at the Plantain Point army amp in the Trincomalee district since 1991. Whenever latives went to the camp, the army denied that he was being eld there. While being held there, he was subjected to various rms of torture. (See Section 4, Examples 4 and 5 for details). e was held with 14 other persons. At about 6am each uesday, when the ICRC visited, most of the detainees were lained together and taken deeper into the Plantain Point my camp in a truck, to a place where only the army had :cess. Only a few prisoners remained at the usual place of stention in the camp for the ICRC representatives to see. fter the ICRC visitors had left, the detainees would be ought back to the previous place and threatened that they

Page 17
15 APRIL 1993
would be killed if they told the ICRC about their treatment. (ASA37/1/93, p.12).
Example 2: A person, reported to be a brother of a LTTE area leader, was held in detention over a period of one year in the Batticaloa district. He was wrongly reported to have been killed in Custody. During the time he was held in detention, he was moved to the changing rooms at Webber Stadium which had been taken over by the army whenever independent visitors like the ICRC came to the prison. (ASA37/1/93, p.19).
Example 3: Another person from Kaddaiparichchan in the Trincomalee district was arrested by the army on 2 January 1992 and released on 1 July 1992. During the period of his detention, he was held secretly in a bunker at an army camp located about one-and-a-half hour's drive from Kaddaiparichchan. (ASA37/1/93, p.12).
8. Abuses by the LTTE
The armed conflict between government forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE and also known as Tamil Tigers) which resumed in June 1990 has continued ever since. The LTTE has held effective territorial control of the northern Jaffna peninsula, although government forces have regained control of small coastal areas including some of the offshore islands. The government also has regained control of the main towns in the north-east, but the LTTE is able to operate with ease in the surrounding areas of the countryside.
LTTE cadres have continued to commit numerous gross abuses of human rights, including deliberate killing of hundreds of non-combatant Muslim and Sinhalese civilians, the arbitrary killing of civilians in bomb attacks on buses and trains, the torture and killing of prisoners and abductions for ransom. Within the Tamil community itself, the LTTE executed persons accused of being traitors. (ASA37/1/ 93, p.14).
9. Incommunicado Detention and Torture by LTTE
Among the thousands of persons believed to be held by the LTTE and at risk of ill-treatment are police and security service personnel, Tamils perceived as traitors to the LTTE's cause, Tamils who had criticised LTTE methods and policies, Tamils who had been members of other political parties or militant groups, and Tamil and Muslim hostages held for ransom. Relatives of LTTE deserters who have escaped, or of people who have fled to evade conscription have also been detained. (AI p.14).
Furthermore, a rising number of abductions alleged to have been committed by the LTTE and the existence of growing numbers of undesignated LTTE detention centres in the north-east were reported to the Working Group by some of the sources which have been reliably providing the Working Group with individual cases of disappearance'. (E/CN.4/ 1992/25/Add.1, para 9).
The number of prisoners arbitrarily held by the LTTE is estimated to be over 2,000. The invariable practice of the LTTE is to hold its prisoners in incommunicado detention and the whereabouts or fate of those held are not known to relatives. Although the ICRC has been present in Sri Lanka for the last two years, the LTTE has consistently refused to grant access to the ICRC to its detention camps. Individuals prisoners held by the LTTE, and whose whereabouts and fate are not known include a university student and writer Thiagarajah Selvanithy and dramatist Thillainathan, both of whom were arrested on 30 August 1991. (ASA37/1/93, p.14).
The LTTE routinely ill-treats and tortures its prisoners, and quite often kills them. According to the testimony

TAMIL TIMES 17
supplied to the Amnesty International in November 1992 by a former LTTE member, there were about 250 “traitors' held prisoner in a camp in the Vanni (south of Jaffna peninsula). According to him, the prisoners suspected of being informers were routinely beaten and tortured during interrogation until they "confessed', and some were thereafter shot dead. (ASA37/1/93, p.14).
10. Public Executions by LTTE
Executions, including public executions, by the LTTE of alleged traitors continued to be reported in 1992. Prisoners sentenced to death in Jaffna were paraded before the public before their execution, sometimes with notices around their necks, and their alleged crimes and sentences were publicly announced.
According to testimony given to amnesty International by a witness to the public execution often persons that took place near Thandikulam, north of Vavuniya, on the morning of 6 July 1992, a group of armed LTTE cadres brought ten prisoners, including two women, to the road junction at Paranthan. A large crowd of people who were travelling to Colombo from the north were gathered there, and forced to watch the proceedings. The prisoners had been accused of giving information to the army. They were taken down from a vehicle and told to stand on the sandbags which had been placed ready 'so that their blood would not stain the soil. They were told to publicly proclaim their guilt. When two of them said that they had confessed falsely because they had been beaten during interrogation, a member of the LTTE ordered the shooting to start. The ten were shot in the back. An LTTE member then cut off the head of one of the executed prisoners, who the witness identified as a lorry driver called Nagarajah from Omanthai. The head uvas put in a box and a woman traveller at the scene was told to take it to the sentry point at the Vavuniya army camp. The LTTE took her documents, including her National Identity Card, away from her, so that she had no choice but to deliver the box and return for her papers before she could continue with her journey. The LTTE removed the bodies. (ASA37/1/93, p.15). The LTTE's official organ "KALATHIL' (18.09.92) published by its London Branch gave a detailed account of 9 “traitors' shot dead by the LTTE in northern Sri Lanka for having allegedly engaged in 'spying activities for the security forces':
(1) Mrs. Murugaiah Mary Manimalar, aged 52, trader, of Omanthai, Vavuniya;
(2) Ramiah Sivapragasam, aged 40, trader, of Omanthai, Vavuniya;
(3) Chellaiah Ambikaipakan, aged 38, trader, of Adampan, Mannar,
(4) Ariyaratnam Sivanantham, aged 31, trader, of Pavatkulam, Vavuniya;
(5) Visvalingam Nagarajah, aged 44, trader, of Uyilankulam, Mannar;
(6) Alfred Dominic Arulsegaram, aged 48, trader, of Omanthai, Vavuniya;
(7) Nallan Suppiah, aged 40, lorry owner/trader, of Ward No. 1, Walluwarpuram, Kilinochchi;
(8) Pederick Santhan, aged 48, farmer/trader, Adampan, Mannar;
(9) Parajasingham Maheswaran (Mohan), aged 27, farmer/trader, of Adampan, Mannar.
In January 1992, the LTTE in Jaffna announced that it had taken into custody three persons for having been "traitors' in the past. According to the announcement, two retired police officers, Inspector. Thamotharampillai and Sub-Inspector Perinbanayagam and another person named
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8 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 17
Chelliah were 'executed' for having been involved in th investigation in 1975 into the murder of the former Mayor o Jaffna, Mr. Alfred Duriappah - a murder attributed to thi LTTE. At the time of their 'execution', all three victims wer over seventy years and had been living in Jaffna ever sinc their retirement. During the same period, the LTTE announced that it had 'executed' two civilians Ramiah Ramalingam and Joseph because of their alleged connec tions with the army.
11. Abduction and Detention for Ransom
Numerous people have been held for ransom by the LTTE as part of its fundraising effort. The hostages included S Sivagnanam, an 84-year-old retired lawyer from Chank anai, Jaffna, who was detained on 9 September 1992 with a ransom demand of Rs.2,500,000 (about US$ 600,000), who is believed to have been selected because he has relative, living in Europe who could pay the ransom. Relatives living in Jaffna were refused permission to see him and given n information about his place of detention or state of hi. health. (ASAL37/1/93, p.15).
Amnesty International has gathered evidence from a former member of the LTTE as to how funds were extractec from the public by force, including by taking childrer prisoner for ransom, and from a Tamil person from Battica loa (in eastern Sri Lanka) whose wife had been abducted anc detained for ransom, and released after the demandec ransom was paid. (ASA37/1793, p.15).
Muslim Hostages: Civilians belonging to the Muslim community have also been held by the LTTE for ransom Forty-three Muslims were taken hostage in the Jaffna and Vavuniya districts between June 1990 and May 1991 Twelve were released in March 1992 after 18 months ir detention with no ransom having been paid. One had died ir detention and nine others had been released in 1991 afte) the demanded ransom had been paid. The fate of the other is not known. (ASA37/1/93, p.15).
According to testimony collected by Amnesty Internation al, the Muslim hostages had been held in chains at a LTTE camp at Usan in northern Sri Lanka. During the day, each individual had his ankles chained; at night, they wer chained to each other. During questioning, they had been assaulted. While they were in detention, almost the entir Muslim population from Jafna were driven out of th peninsula under threat of death, and therefore the relative of the hostages had no opportunity to see or even mak enquiries about them. The hostage who died, Abdul Cader was 68-years-old when he died on 16 October 1990 at th LTTE's Usan camp. He had been assaulted the previou evening and had been taken to his house to fetch six pieces C gold. After his return, he was ill during the night, collapse and died the next morning. (ASA37/1/93, p.15).
12. Arbitrary Killings by LTTE
"In addition to reports of abductions, the Working Grou was informed of numerous cases of alleged killings, includ ing mass killings, by the LTTE. Reports indicate that ofte elderly persons, civilians and women and children ar among the victims. This information indicates that th
Muslim communities are recurring victims of LTTE vic lence.” (E/CN.4/1993/25/Add.1, para 10). The LTTE ha continued in 1992 to target Muslims for several attacks Some commentators having examined the pattern of attack against Muslims by LTTE, beginning with forcibly drivin out nearly 50,000 families from the Jaffna peninsula an other areas of the north, are of the view that the LTTE i engaged in the systematic practice of ethnic cleansing in th north-east of the island.

15 APRIL 1993
e
In apparent retaliation to alleged collaboration of Muslim Homeguards with the security forces, the LTTE has subjected the Muslim civilians to collective punishment in the form of arbitrary mass killings. The LTTE often carried out terrorist operations whose victims were hundreds of innocent people not involved in the war, mainly Muslim villagers. In fact, the LTTE had undertaken an "ethnic cleansing” in certain areas with a miced population of Tamils, Sinhalese and Muslims, who had lived together peacefully in the past. LTTE terrorist acts were aimed at instilling terror in the non-Tamil population and driving them out so that only Tamils would remain. This in turn would reinforce the LTTE's demands for a separate, enlarged territory. Thousands of Muslims and Sinhalese displaced persons had been forced to leave behind all their possessions in order to save their lives.” (E.CN.4/1993/25/Add.1, para 110).
Example 1: 'On 29 April 1992, a group of about 150 persons led by some 40 LTTE members attacked the Muslim village of Alinchipatana (in eastern Sri Lanka), which has a population of 825 persons. Fifty-four persons were shot or stabbed to death in their homes...The LTTE then proceeded to attack civilians in their homes, thus murdering entire families of up to 13 persons.' (E.CN.4/1993/25/Add.1, para 11). However, the Amnesty International puts the figure of those killed during this attok at 62 persons. This incident apparently led to retaliatory attacks predominantly by Muslim Home Guards on the Tamil villages of Karapola and Muthugala in which a total of 88 persons were killed and about 150 homes were burned down.' (Ibid).
Example 2: On 15 July 1992, 18 Muslim men, women and children were shot dead when the bus they were travelling in was reportedly attacked by the LTTE at Kirankulam in the Batticaloa district.
Example 3: On 21 July, a train was stopped outside Batticaloa on its way to Colombo by an armed gang, allegedly belonging to the LTTE, and according to witnesses Muslim passengers numbering about ten were separated from the others and killed.
Example 4: In September 1992, 22 people most of who were Muslims, were killed when a bomb believed to have been planted by the LTTE exploded in a crowded market place at Sainthamaru in the east of the island.
Example 5: The biggest massacre by the LTTE against Muslims was carried out on 15 October 1992. Over 190 villagers, including small children, were killed in a massive early morning attack by the LTTE on four adjacent villages near Paliyagodella in the Polonnaruwa district. According to two survivors, the attack began at 4am, while the villagers were sleeping and ended about three hours later. The villages situated in the border area of the east were guarded by 26 policemen, 10 soldiers and 10 homeguards. Hundreds of LTTE cadres descended on the villages and opened fire. People who woke up to the sound of gunfire fled in all directions in panic, and they were shot dead as they ran.
13. Violence and Intimidation Against Freedom of Expression
Though the Government has claimed that peace and tranquility have been restored in the south of the country (meaning those areas other than the north-east), there has been an increase in the incidence of violence, intimidation and politically motivated acts of thuggery. During 1992 and the first two months of 1993, a sustained and persistent campaign of violence, harassment and intimidation has been undertaken against freedom of expression and association, and target of this campaign has been members and activists of opposition political parties, media personnel and repor

Page 19
15 APRIL 1993
ters, printers and newspaper distributors. Press reporters and photographers including foreign correspondents have been subjected to physical violence.
The Civil Rights Movement of Sri Lanka in a comprehensive statement dated 28 August 1992 stating that it was 'appalled at the new dimension of violence that is disfiguring our society. This is the most serious portent for the future peace and democracy in Sri Lanka', listed some 35 incidents of violence that occurred within a period of just nine months.
In February 1993, government officials of Inland Revenue, Electricity, Water, Labour and Municipal departments descended upon the offices of all newspapers and journals which were perceived as not supporting the government and threatened to cut off supplies if all dues up to the date of the visit were not paid in full. It is not without significance that most of the journalists from these papers have been closely involved with the "Free Media Movement' which has been campaigning for a freer press with less government control.
"Outside the established war zones, in the peaceful part of the country, the year 1992 has witnessed increased levels of political violence. Its perpetrators include both proGovernment elements as well as members of State agencies. Violence or threats of violence have been directed against participants of political rallies or demonstrations of one kind or another, against members of the academic world, the media, the legal profession, human rights groups and Buddhist priests. (E/CN.4/1993/Add.1, para 13).
14. Climate of impunity
The climate of impunity that has for more than a decade characterised the landscape of the law and order situation and the functioning of law enforcement agencies, and which became more transparently obvious in recent years has been one of the main factors facilitating gross human rights violations including the phenomena of arbitrary killings and disappearances.
"The Working Group has repeatedly stated that perhaps the single most important factor contributing to the phenomenon of disappearances is that of impunity. Perpetrators of human rights violations, whether civilian or military, become all the more brazen when they are not held to account before a court of law. Impunity can also induce victims of this practice to take the law into their own hands, which in turn exacerbates the spiral of violence. The Working Group feels that steps taken by the Government to deal with the question of disappearances have failed to address sufficiently the question of accountability, which is the most important means for the prevention of human rights violations.” (E/CN.4/1993/25/ Add.1, para 87).
In Sri Lanka, where there has been evidence against a specific and identified police or military officer on allegations of gross violations of human rights, including arbitrary killing, disappearances or torture, experience and the invariable practice shows that the officer concerned has been left in position of power and influence even while investigations have been pending or being carried out in regard to his conduct. What is obvious is that in Sri Lanka the basic requirement set out in the UN Principles for the Effective Prevention and Investigation of Arbitrary, Summary and Arbitrary Executions has been consistently disregarded:
"Those potentially implicated in extra-legal, arbitrary or summary executions shall be removed from any position of control of power, whether direct or indirect, over complainants, witnesses and their families, as well as over those conducting investigations.”
The considered view among specialists in the field of human rights is that the above quoted principle is equally

TAM TIMES 19
applicable to other cases of serious abuse of human rights including disappearances and torture.
There have been a number of cases in Sri Lanka in which police officers against whom proceedings had been instituted in courts on behalf of victims of abuses had not only been left to remain in their powerful positions while the proceedings were taking place, but had also been rewarded with promotions even after the court had found them guilty of having infringed the fundamental rights of citizens, and ordered compensation to be paid to the victims together with costs that had been incurred in bringing the proceedings. In some such cases, the government authorised the payment of compensation and costs from public funds. The impunity with which State agencies and their personnel behaved was further encouraged by such conduct on the part of the government.
One would expect a government which claims that it is trying hard to improve the human rights situation in the country to publicly acknowledge and condemn when and where abuses occur, set up appropriate and effective procedures to expeditiously investigate such abuses and identify those responsible, and thereafter vigorously pursue action to bring the culprits to justice. Two well known cases of abduction and murder, one a reputed journalist Richard de Zoysa, and the other a human rights lawyer Wijedasa Liyanaratchi, demonstrated most dramatically the prevailing climate of impunity in Sri Lanka, and the way in which the government dealt with these cases revealed the lamentable lack of resolve on the part of the government to take remedial measures to alter the situation. (Please see Annexes 'A' and 'B').
In its report of 1992 (E/CN.4/1992/18/Add.1, para 204), the Working Group recommended, inter alia, that:
'...The Government should prosecute more rigorously those responsible for disappearances and require that severe disciplinary punishment be meted out to government officials who have failed to take adequate measures to prevent disappearances. . Acts found to involve grave violations of human rights, such as disappearances, should not benefit from indemnity legislation, Human Rights records of members of the armed forces and the police should be taken into account in the consideration of promotions...Members of these forces under investigation for involvement in cases of disappearances should be suspended from active duty until inquiries are completed...'
One year later, the Working Group in its latest report (E/CN.4/1993/25/Add.1, para 91/93) stated:
'91. An important example of the prevailing climate of impunity is the Embilipitya case, in which 31 students were detained and subsequently disappeared in 1989 and 1990.
'92. During its recent visit to Sri Lanka, the Working Group received further testimony regarding this case. The Working Group was told by the Government that these 31 students were not suspected of being JVP supporters and that the detentions were carried out for other motives, possibly personal. According to sources, the disappearances were made possible by the instructions of local authorities to purge the schools of JVP supporters through the use of informants.
'93. In 1992, the Human Rights Task Force conducted an investigation into this case. Subsequent to this investigation, the principal and seven membes of the army, including a high ranking official, were identified as those allegedly responsible. None of them has been brought to trial, arrested, held as suspect or questioned. The Working Group was told by the Government that as a matter of strategy in the case, the principal had not been arrested in order to
Continued on page 21

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20 TAMIL TIMES
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Continued from page 19
question the high-ranking military officer first. The officer, however, had not been arrested or even questioned because he had been sent to the conflict in the north. Four of the other army personnel were also said to be in the north. It was not known where the other three allegedly responsible persons were. The principal, though brieflyy removed from his post on charges of accepting bribes, is now reinstated and is said to be in line for promotion."
And at paragraph 97, the Working Group said: "The Group is compelled to express its disappointment concerning the follow-up of a number of important cases such as those of Richard de Zoysa and the disappearance of 31 students at Embilipitiya. These cases demonstrate that the authorities tolerate the underlying question as to how disappearances occurred to remain without an answer and to retain those responsible within the system, unpunished.
15. Recommendations
(a) The Government of Sri Lanka should implement in full the 14 recommendations of the UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances contained in their 1992 Report (E/CN.4/1992/18/Add.1) and the 4 recommendations of the Group in their 1993 Report (E/CN.4/1993/ 25/Add.1). Υ
(b) In view of the fact that the Working Group has noted that few of its recommendations had been implemented as yet by the Government, the Commission on Human Rights V should follow developments closely in this regard from year
Sanmugathasan - Unrepentant Commi
by N. Shanmugaratnam
Sanmugathasan, a veteran of the left and the father of the Maoist movement in Sri Lanka, died in Birmingham, UK, on February 8, 1993 at the age of 73. I was told that Shan passed away peacefully in sleep. However, the last days in a place far away from Sri Lanka and spent in political isolation must have been painful for a man who joined the Communist Party as a fulltime cadre in July 1943, barely two weeks after sitting his final examination at the University, with the conviction that the socialist dream would become a reality in his lifetime.
Shan recalls in his Memoirs how he answered his mother whose dream of seeing him as a colonial civil servant was shattered by the son's decision to pursue another dream. The disappointed but concerned mother asked her son what he would do in his old age. The young Marxist replied, "By then we would have had socialism.' .
The tragedy is just not that Sri Lanka had not become socialist at the time of Shan's death but that the socialist movement itself had ceased to be an actor of any political significance in a country gripped by a protracted multi-faceted crisis. Unfortunately,
the left movement set largely consumed by The general defeat 0. marginalisation may
memory of the Sri about the contributi parties and leaders ir
However, the dep who had unswervin than fifty years of his communist movemen consistently against t chauvinist waves th Lankan left can not g in a world afflicted amnesia. Sanmugat been in the political li years but the news likely to evoke in the Lankans - Sinhalese, lim - memories of the struggles of the 1960s is unforgettable to thc tion who joined the l their youth and saw h his political life in the
Shan the party ac unionist, the Marxi logue and leader, and al spokesman for Mac a controversial figur

TAMIL TIMES 21
) year, and for this purpose call upon the Government of Sri anka to invite the Special Rapporteurs on Torture and xtrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions and the Working Group on Disappearances to visit Sri Lanka in 993 and thereafter yearly until there has been a substanal improvement of the human rights situation in the Ountry.
(c) In view of the fact that the Working Group has eiterated its serious concern about the present status of the ody of security legislation in Sri Lanka, the Government hould be invited to undertake a review of all legislation elating to security with a view to bringing into effect such hanges as are deemed necessary so as to conform with Sri anka's international obligations.
(d) The Government of Sri Lanka should be invited to ecome a party to Protocols I and II Additional to the eneva Conventions relating to the laws of war. (e) The Government of Sri Lanka should be called upon to atify the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, nhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment including haking the necessary declarations under Article 21 and 22 ecognising the competence of the Committee set up under he Convention to receive petitions.
(f) The Government of Sri Lanka should be invited to atify the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant n Civil and Political Rights.
(g) The Government of Sri Lanka should be urged to igorously pursue a course of action to bring about a egotiated political solution to the ongoing ethnic conflict.
The unist
ms to have been the same crisis. the left and its have blurred the Lankan public ons of the left
the past.
rture of a man
gly given more active life to the t and stood out he reformist and at engulfed the unnoticed even y general social nasan had not nelightformany of his death is minds of many Tamil and Musleft politics and and 1970s. Shan se of my generaft movement in m at the peak of
1960s. ivist, the trade t-Leninist ideothe internationsm may remain among leftists
Mr. Sanmugathasan
and political historians. Shan himself had pronounced his self-assessment in the title of his last book published in 1989: Memoirs of An UNREPEN. TANT Communist. Unrepentant he remained to the last. It is not my purpose here to undertake a critical evaluation of Shan. Yet, in paying tribute to a departed revolutionary like him, one can not avoid referring to some of his contributions for which he will be remembered and, I think, deserves to be remembered.
Shan became widely known beyond the left circles in the sixties when he led the struggle within the CP against the pro - Moscow faction and spearheaded the Maoist movement in Sri Lanka. He founded the Communist Party of Ceylon (CPC) with the comContinued on page 22

Page 22
22 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 21 rades who left the old CP with him. In the almost twenty years that preceded the split in the CP, Shan had worked hard as a full-timer and earned a good reputation as a trade union leader and political educator. He was an 'organic intellectual' in the full sense of that Gramscian term. During the inner party struggle against the KeneumenWickremasinghe leadership, Shan's strongest supporters came from the trade union wing of the party. The split in the party was inspired by the ideological dispute between the Chinese and the Soviet CPs and their subsequent parting of ways. The SinoSoviet dispute impacted on all the existing CPs in the world and in most instances the parties split in two into pro-Peking and pro-Moscow wings. The most hotly debated issue was: how can the working class and its allies capture political power and establish a socialist system - by revolutionary means or by parliamentary means through reforms? Maoists advocated the revolutionary road while in countries like Sri Lanka the pro-Soviet liners advocated the parliamentary road.
Unfortunately, the question of the road to power was not a seriously debated issue in the Sri Lankan Party until it was externally imposed on it by the Sino-Soviet ideological dispute. Once imposed, the debate took a rather classical form: revolution versus reformism. The Bolshevik and Chinese revolutions provided the broad frames of reference for the advocates of the revolutionary path. Shan and his comrades defended the Chinese revolutionary model as the most appropriate for third world countries. They tried to root the debate in Lankan reality, but with limited success. However, a noteworthy achievement of the sixties was the spread of socialist ideas and an unprecedented interest in Marxist theory among the youth. In this period, Shan spent a lot of time conducting political classes for workers and youth in all three languages. He travelled all over the country giving lectures, addressing rallies and organising party groups. He wrote numerous articles in the party's newspapers and the mainstream press and engaged in public debates on the nature of the Soviet system, the Bolshevik and Chinese revolutions, and the feasibility of the revolution in Sri Lanka. He was equally active internationally and enjoyed the confidence of famous leaders of the world communist movement including Chairman Mao himself. Shan was not only a great polemicist in the Leninist tradition but a witty public debater with a
ܘ̈ܬܡ̈ܚܝܵܝ̈
great sense of humc earned him both a mies. When he ch his powerful, cunni tioner from the 'o replyingto a questi lectual arrogance face while some ol tured.
Shan's political many students. H. student organisatio versity campuses a He was always luci the many young pel Shan’s political clas the CPC. Many ye early eighties, in a tion a political acti reminisced about S socialist guru par people attended hl basic Marxism-Leni guru tributes for el Some of them joined others proceeded to Maoist groups or jo parties where they warded with high 'socialist guru' was impatient youthul CPC for not making only talking about jeweera, who was an the CPC, succeeded impatient youths ( breaking away alo) form the JVP which tive 1971 insurrectic the JVP tendency fr for its narrow natio bourgeois romanticis that broke away fr was the “Peradiga su tendency which beli the model of the Chi the Lankan conditio saw further defectic split led by Shan's lo Watson Fernando. the history of CPC a may say that those grounds that it was enough did not succ superior revolutionar JVP degenerated fu up a chauvinist coun force. We hardly hea of the other groups t the aim of building in
Political education activity in which Sha were some moment political action unde Of the struggles led are most remarkabl historical perspectiv happened to concern the struggle against c and the mobilisation

۸۰۱ بهعلامعبه:X:
ur. These qualities dmirers and eneckled and turned g eyes on a quesher camp' before n, some saw intelripping from his hers were enrap
classes attracted was invited by hs at all the unia guest speaker. as a lecturer. Of ple who attended ses, not al joined ars later, in the private conversarist of the sixties han: "He was the Excellence. Young s classes, learnt hism and paid the lightening them. the CPC while the found their own in other political were often repositions'. The criticised by the supporters of the the revolution but it. Rohana Wiactive member of in mobilising the f the CPC and ng with them to staged the aborn. Shan criticised om the beginning nalism and petty m. Another group om Shan’s party lang' (East wind) eved in applying nese revolution to ns. The seventies ons including the ng time comrade Looking back at und its splits, one who left it on not revolutionary eed in building a y movement. The rther and ended ter-revolutionary r of the existence hat defected with ew movements.
was not the only un excelled. There is of memorable r his leadership. by the CPC, two 2 from a politicoe. Both of them the Tamil society: :asteism in Jaffna of the plantation
15 APRIL 1993
workers by the Red Flag Union in the 1966-70 period. In both these struggles, the CPC championed the causes of two of Sri Lanka's most deprived communities. The mass movement against untouchability was a challenge to the Saiva Vellala orthodoxy and the centuries-old caste structure of Jaffna. It succeeded in getting temples and some other public places open to the depressed castes. But the most significant achievement was the confidence and militancy it instilled in the minds of the youths of these castes. Similarly, the Red Flag Union gave the thousands of disenfranchised plantation workers a sense of belonging and a spirit of militancy, at a time when the other left parties had turned their backs on them because they did not have the vote. One may rightly point out that these two phenomena were short lived. However, one can not miss the point that only a leadership which cared for social justice and had no thought of courting popular acclaim or votes could have dared to launch such struggles.
Shan's death coincided with the end of the era into which his generation of socialists was born - the era of the Soviet socialist experiment. Shan also witnessed the end of the Chinese road to socialism. He was a Maoist who was firmly rooted in the Bolshevik tradition. As a Marxist-Leninist, he believed that the October revolution was not only the continuation of what began in October 1917 but also provided the model for the third world. He believed that Maoism had the answer to the revisionist reversals of the Soviet Union and that China would never turn capitalist. Recent history has falsified his belief. Yet, at the end of his career as a revolutionary, he declared that he was unrepentant. He had no regrets about the choice he made in July 1943 to the disappointment of his parents. Perhaps, he regretted that the first great era of socialist experimentation came to such a shattering end. But that failure has provided a stimulus for Marxists to explore new approaches to socialism. Shan had his misgivings about the new trends but he died with the firm belief that socialism has a future.
N. Shanmugaratnam,
Kyoto, Japan, March 1993.
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Page 23
15 APRIL 1993
THE SUB-CONTINENTAL Behind the Congress-AIAD
by N. Ram, Editor "Frontline'.
That the cohabitation between the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) and the Congress(I) in Tamil Nadu has come to an embittered and messy end - there is a nagging question, of course, whether this is the final and irrevocable end - cannot be a matter for any real political surprise. Over the past year or so, the relationship has been continually tense, nasty and self-destructive. Several factors, current and historical, explain why this has been so: why, in fact, the relationship has been so volatile and also why it has endured at all.
For one thing, this was a unique ‘alliance’: there is no political relationship in any other State which can hold a candle to it. The basic character of this relationship was determined in 1971 - a critical juncture in national politics when the oldest party in the country had split yet again and the Syndicate' was at the throat of the Indicate'.
It was four years after the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by C.N Annadurai had swept to power in the State (winning 138 out of 234 Assembly seats and reducing the Congress to a status of 50). What happened then between the DMK led by Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi and the Congress of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi put the relationship in a mould that permanently altered the character of Tamil Nadu politics.
The Dravidian movement, it turned out historically, had replaced the Congress on a permanent basis as the party of government in this southern State, but this was by no means clear in the early 1970s. (It is another question whether Jaya litha’s AIADMK has anything at all to do with the 'Dravidian Movement' aside from the MGR-bequeathed label and aside from the following entry in the movement's Book of Trivia: did you know that V.R. Nedunchezhian, No. 2 formally in Jayalalitha's Council of Ministers, held the same slot in C.N. Annadurai’s Cabinet a quarter century ago?)
After the film star, M.G. Ramachandran, acting in league with the Congress Centre, split the DMK In 1973, appearances proved illusory. While weakening the Dravidian movement and injecting tremendous confusion within its ranks, the split did not in the
least mean the dec offshoots of the orig corollary of a trium turn to Fort St. Ge(
The Emergency obviously a crucia equation. The Kar ment was dismisse 1976 on trumpedEmergency regime found themselves i 1977 electoral conte and swept the field himself installed as But since the Congr at the Centre - for three decades afte those in power in t Centre (MGR's AI. Janata Party coaliti tion, those out of pow the Indira Congress) nistically to come to the logic of what had
Thus the 1980 Lol found the Congress(I) an electoral embrace real sweep for the picked up 36 of the 3: few months, following his Government, MC popular verdict in an back.
It was no surprise t moderate strains an AIADMK-Congress( dured for the bulk oft the death of MGR in which caused a tempo AIADMK ranks betw litha and Janaki Ran tions'. During the Jan and a year of fraudu President's rule, the C Rajiv Gandhi develop tical illusion: that it w emerge if not as the r Tamil Nadu, at leas largest party able to c
This anti-alliance as its face in the Januar contest in which the II nidhi, now a constitue al Front spearheaded won in a big way. chastened, the Congre the AIADMK fold - re-united behind Ja this piece of opportun reinforced by the Co.

TAMIL TIMES 23
CENE
IK Split
nation of the two hal DMK and the hal Congress re
ge.
experience was variable in the
५ष्अष्»
nanidhi Govern
the first time in up charges. The nd the AIADMK alliance in the st in Tamil Nadu and MGR found
Chief Minister. 2ss was displaced the first time - r Independence, e State and the ADMK and the bn), and in reacer (the DMK and tended opportugether - defying happened before. k Sabha election and the DMK in
which meant a two allies who 9 seats. Within a the dismissal of R reversed the mpressive swing
nat despite some d tensions, the ) alliance enhe decade - until December 1987 rary split in the een the Jayalaachandran “facki interregnum 2ntly prolonged ngress(I) led by d a major poliuld, on its own, ajority party in as the single ctate terms.
umption fell on 1989 Assembly MK of Karuna, of the Nationby V.P. Singh, umiliated and (II) returned to hich had now lalitha - and Lic wisdom got ress(I) experi
ence of being out of power at the Centre for over a year from late-1989.
It is clear that so far as Tamil Nadu politics is concerned, it is the alliance factor that has been critical and decisive in post-1971 electoral outcomes. Twice the 'sympathy factor' - the popular wave of sympathy in 1984 following the assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and supplemented by the serious illness of MGR, and the extremely powerful sympathy effect following the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) at Sriperumbudur in 1991 — has magnified the power of the alliance factor, giving the electoral antagonists virtually no chance.
All this recent political history means one thing: the alliance between the regional party, the AIADMK/ DMK, on the one side and the Congress on the other has been a profoundly unequal relationship. The objective fact is that in the highly mobilised Tamil Nadu electoral arena, the Congress(I) has, post-1971, been reduced to permanent junior partner status - a highly galling state of affairs for any Congressperson.
The basis electoral arithmetic in the State has been remarkably constant, or rather stagnant, since the 1977 popular contest in which the post-1971 reality manifesteditself. The Congress(I) is only the No. 3 player in the arena. For much of the MGR era in the politics of the State, his AIADMK (originally called the ADMK) was No. 1, with the DMK led by Karunanidhi clearly No. 2. After MGR's death, the No. 1 and No. 2 positions got reversed; and today the DMK seems ahead of the AIADMK (by every political indication, including the results of public opinion surveys) in terms of independent electoral support.
The Congress(I)'s leverage in this peculiar situation is two-fold. First, the No. 3 player is, as a strong rule, in a position to make the direct difference between electoral victory and defeat. However, there is no question of the No. 3 player being in any position to make any worthwhile run on his own. Secondly, and this is at least as important, a Dravidian movement party in power tends to depend on, and lean on, the Centre - its politics and policies. It can rarely assert any basic independence in course. Thus, accepting the hegemony of a Congress Centre is the other side of the coin to the AIADMK ruling the roost in Tamil Nadu.
There is not the slightest pretence that ideology or an agreed programme has been the basis of the 'alliance'. But
Continued on page 29

Page 24
24 TAMIL TIMES
READERS
FORUM
TAM PEOPLE’S STRUGGLE IN CRISIS
In the January 1993 issue of the Tamil Times, Mr. Shanmugaratnam's essay on the Tamil people's struggle and his solutions reminds me of "Pie in the Sky, Head in the Clouds, Pot of Gold at the end of the Rainbow, Ostrich' type of person with positive signs of cretinism.
To believe that the Sinhala people will give up the Lion Flag, unlearn the rubbish taught them by the UNP, SLFP and other chauvinist groups that Federalism is not secession, reach an understanding on how to work out viable units of devolution, take part in a lot of confidence building and in the larger exercise of reconstructing the whole country as a Federal State.
I also have the Brooklyn Bridge for sale.
Mr. Shanmugaratnam must have seen too many movies where people hold hands and walk into the sunset.
We have a head, it is not only to keep the ears apart.
Get Real Mr. Shanmugaratnam.
Kail. T. Rajah, 77 First Ave., Trenton, Ont, Canada.
THE NEED IS ACCOMMODATION
While most of the Sinhala parties want a separate Eastern province, the Tamil parties want to ensure that the North and Eastern provinces are one
and the fight continues creating un:. told suffering to the ordinary people. I,
feel that both parties have to accommodate and create a federal
structure so that there will be an
Eastern province consisting of the Kalmunai District while Batticaloa and Trincomalee districts will be part of the North-Eastern province. If we take
into consideration the communal trous bles in 1914, 58, 77 and from 1983 to
date such an arrangement is very, necessary so that there is a safe haven for each community in times of trouble, while all communities can live in each and every province and have the multiculture we have been used to before 1948.
There has to be accommodation in.
regard to the armed forces, so that there will be real democracy in all places, so that people can decide with
ܬܪ
out fear of armed
ities are represel forces and police, the total percental group if not more. army for Agricult Development or iu with army discipl said of a famous f he gave him a c that "if he is not in will be a headache The same situatio. and the best way t of all militants and minorities and to real democracy ir Government and
accommodate eacl peace and relief to without the interf ties, who will onl their own benefit.
2419 Kirstie Court Burlington, Ontario L7P3Y9, Canada.
EELAM AND
I was surprised to karan’s BBC inte your journal ( Ta '93), in which he a the LTTE would be a federal system of The Tamil Unite (TULF) also stood. for the Tamils of S was prepared to a federalism. Now th years valiantly sto separate state ofE seem to be going all It is in the name LTTE called upon fice and thousanc sacrificed their yo thousands of Tami in this struggle.M. forced to leave the been incalculable Tamil areas in the All this sacrifice w Eelam, a homela people to live with and separate from have oppressed ut years. To settle would mean that would have been it I hope the LTTE the cause of Eela federalism. If it doe the same betray accused of earlier.
Brisbane, Australia.
 

15 APRIL 1993
nen and the minorted in the armed t least to represent e of their language ; can be even a land ural and Industrial the regular army ne. As one rector Irmer D.I.G., when haracter certificate the police force, he to the police force. is here right now utilise the talents give security to the nsure that there is the country, the he militants must other and bring the ordinary people rence of third pary be interested in
K. Mailivaganam,
FEDERALISM
read Mr. Prabharview published in mil Times, March ppears to say that prepared to accept government. 'd Liberation Front for a separate state Sri Lanka and then ccept some form of e LTTE having for od and fought for a elam for the Tamils ong the same path. 2 of Eelam that the the people to sacrils of Tamil youth ung lives. Tens of ls have been killed iny more have been country. There has destruction in the course of this war. as made to achieve nd for the Tamil dignity and honour the Sinhalese who s for the last 40 for anything less
all this sacrifice
i vain.
would not give up m in the name of s, it will be guilty of ll the TULF was
S. Karunakaran,
TAMPERING OF MAIL
Sri Lankan Tamils living in Jaffna are undergoing utmost hardship due to lack of medical care, electricity and most necessities of life. It has become incumbent on those living outside Jaff. na to try their best to come to their rescue. The only way they could help is by sending remittances to their kith and kin. Some of the relatives have no other income whatsoever and are totally dependent on their remittances for the basic living. While people in Jaffna are facing such difficulties they are not allowed even this little help that is being provided by those living outside Jaffna.
Postal orders that are being sent to Jaffna from UK are not received by their relatives. This is a deplorable anv disgraceful situation. Letters that ar sent from the people in Jaffna to UK are being opened. It is generally mentioned that the Sri Lankan Army is responsible for this unscrupulous action.
I received a letter from my mother from Jaffna which was received by me in UK on 3/3/93, which had been opened and the contents were fortunate to reach me. This is a very important matter for the authorities to take note and rectify immediately.
S. Sunderam,
Cheshire, U.K.
LTTE AND INDIA
I refer to the article titled "The Tragic Saga of M.V. Ahat' in the February issue of Tamil Times in which the LTTE spokesman Anton Balasingham is reported to have said at a meeting in Jaffna that Indian rulers have suppressed the rights of various races in their own country. The whole world is aware of the atrocities committed on the minorities in India. The LTTE in the future will support the struggles of the communally oppressed people in India amidst their own struggle'.
It looks as if Mr. Balasingham is unaware of the present plight of the Tamil people. I do not know whether it is because of ignorance, which I doubt very much, or because of the world of make-believe in which he and his co-leaders of the LTTE are living.
Under the leadership of the Tigers, the Tamil people have become totally isolated within the country and outside. India's support which helped to strengthen their struggle to win back lost rights is no longer there because of the shortsighted and criminal activities of the LTTE. Their infamous and opportunist collaboration during 1989

Page 25
15 APRio
90 with President Premadasa, whom they now denounce as carrying on a genocidal war against the Tamils, and the subsequent assassination of Rajiv Gandhi has alienated India for good. The sympathy and support from many foreign governments and internation
al organisations for the Tamil cause
have evaporated because of the notorious human rights abuses, including the mass scale killing of civilians of other communities by the LTTE. Their forcible expulsion of thousands of Muslim civilians from Jaffna, Mannar, Mullaitivu and Vavuniya, and the continuing massacres carried out against defenceless Muslims have totally alienated the Tamil speaking Muslims.
Today, hundreds of thousands of Tamil people remain displaced. Tens of thousands of Tamil people have fled from the north-east to live in the south - the so-called enemy territory. The LTTE which boasts about its total control of the Jaffna peninsula and its "civil administration' can't even ensure the supply of the basic necessities of food and medical facilities to the people there.
In these circumstances, Mr. Balasingham's rhetoric about taking on India and supporting other people in India to fight their struggles is the height of political irresponsibility.
N.T. Joseph, Toronto, Canada.
LTTE LEADERS BBC
INTERVIEW AND MUSLIMS
Now we have from the very Supreme Commander and leader of the LTTE, Mr. Velupillai Prabhakaran, the reason why Tigers expelled the Muslim population from the northern areas in September 1990. In his interview with the BCC, republished in Tamil Times (March 1993), he says: In the Amparai district, communal riots broke out in 1990 in which a considerable number of Tamils were killed, and following this there was the danger of riots breaking out in Jaffna also. In those circumstances, in the interest of the security of the Muslim people, we requested them to temporarily leave Jaffna. But once the war ends and peaceful atmosphere prevails, we will permit them to settle in Jaffna.'
I am a Jaffna Muslim and at the time the Tigers expelled the Muslim population, I was a teacher in a Jaffna school. My parents, their parents and all their ancestors, and my wife's parents, their parents and all their ancestors were born in Jaffna. We did not have any property outside Jaffna. Except for a few acquaintances, we
had no relatives ( peninsula. Our ho has been and is th and we still believe day when we can r and our homeland. in Colombo having some of our Jaffna also live in Colombo
Now that Prabha and given the reasc hear from other lead Jaffna and their h ombo and their exp; the infamous story p Muslim people of expulsion was beca suspicion that some lims in Jaffna had b of the Sri Lankan se
Now let us examin er's reason for what the claim about the that broke out in 199 district and that ther about riots breaking - no doubt after the mid-1990, there wel tension, killing and c the east, and in partit ai district. There we Muslim Home Gui Tamils and Tigers at even in mosques. Du we were living in Ja was hardly any tens between the Muslims in Jaffna, and in fa reason for such tensi Although divided by r lim population to a I have always shared social and economic those of the rest of th tion. We regarded ou same Tamil speaking were forced out of Jaf ly say that none of us evidence of “the dang ing out in Jaffna also
Mr. Prabhakarans expelled in the inte security. Until all m the Muslim commun on that fateful day gather at the Jinna Jaffna, we never felt a security. Is he saying the so-called riots i ordinary Tamil civil ready to attack the M Is he also saying that not force us out of Ja we as Muslims woulc jected to widespread Jaffna Tamil brethr least, it is an insul civilian population to getting ready to attac Jaffna. And for the '

TAMIL TIMES 25
x*خحہ ۲۰۰۰ - حجۃ... ء ۔ بعد حمیہی عجسحeعمحب۔
tside the Jaffna 2 and homeland Jaffna peninsula and pray for the urn to our home ow we are living
been helped by .
amil friends who ,
aran has spoken , let us no more rs of the LTTE in nchmen in Coltriate supporters ddled against the affna that their se of the LTTE among the Muscome “informers’ urity forces.
the LTTE leadit is worth. First communal riots ) in the Amparai 2 was the danger but in Jaffna also war broke out in e reports about ounter-killing in cular the Amparre reports about ards attacking tacking Muslims ring this period affna, and there on or animosity and the Tamils it there was no on or animosity. eligion, the Mushan and woman their political, aspirations as e Tamil populaselves as part of people. Until we ha, I can honest2xperienced any r of riots break
ys that we were est of our own le members of y were ordered y the LTTE to Mydhanam in ly danger to our that because of Amparai, the n was getting slims in Jaffna? the Tigers did na as they did, nave been subttacks by our ? To say the to the Jaffna ccuse them of the Muslims of tional Leader'
of the Tamils to make such a blatantly false accusation and insult the people whom he claims to lead in this manner in a BBC broadcast with a worldwide audience is beyond belief and is an act of shameless betrayal of a people who have had to endure so much hardship, suffering, death and destruction in recent years. What this demonstrates is that the Tigers, even at the Supreme Commander level, are prepared to lie to save their own skin even it means betraying and insulting their people.
The other point which the Tiger leader has to answer is this - if there was a danger of 'riots breaking out in Jaffna', then why was the Muslim population living for generations in Mannar, Vavuniya and Mullaitivu also forcibly driven out by the Tigers? Does it mean that the Muslims were expelled from these areas 'in their own interest' because they would have been subject to attacks by Tamils in these areas too?
If there is any justification in the claim of the LTTE leader that the Muslims were requested to leave Jaff. na for their own security, then would it be right for the Sri Lankan government or its security forces to order all Tamils living in Colombo and other areas in the south to leave "in the interest of their own security’ if and when there was a threat of "riots breaking out? If that were to happen, the Tigers and their supporters would be the first to shout about genocidal attacks and forcible evacuation of Tamils”.
The tragic story of how and in what manner the Muslims of Jaffna were cruelly driven out would constitute one of the most brutal outrages in the history of the present conflict. On that fateful day in September 1990, all male members of the Muslim community were ordered by the Tigers to assemble at the Jinnah Mydhanam. Thereafter, armed LTTE cadres went to each and every Muslim home, and forced their way in and ransacked and removed every item of value mostly gold jewellery and in the process the protestations from Muslim women who were in their homes were summarily dismissed, and they were shabbily treated. It was only after the raids in all Muslim homes were completed that the assembled men at Jinnah Mydhanam were told that they would have to leave Jaffna and the north within two hours failing which they would face 'severe punishment'. Most of the people were herded into pickup trucks and dropped off beyond Vavuniya. Many had to find their own transport. They were not allowed to take any of their valuables. Within a
Continued on page 29

Page 26
26 TAMIL TIMES
CASSFED ADS
First 20 words 210. ach additional word 60. Charge for Box No. 3. (Wat 17/2% extra)
Prepayment essential The Advertisement Manager, Tamil Times Ltd, PO Box 1.21,
Sutton, Surrey SM 3TD Phone: 08-644 O972
MATRMONAL Uncle seeks suitable Tamil partner willing settle Australia for culturally and religiously oriented girls; Hindu, 28; Catholic, 27; both professional degree, Australian Universities. Box 1229, Carindale 4152, Brisbane AuStralia.
Jaffna Hindu parents seek professional qualified partner for Computer professional son, 29, working in States. Send horoscope details M 650 C/o Tanni lines.
Respectable Jaffna Hindu parents, residents of Canada, seek professionally qualified bride around 24 years for their engineer son, 26, 5'7", religious, sober habits, Mars not afflicted. Please send details, photo and horoscope. M 651 c/o Tamil Times.
Aunt seeks professional Hindu partner for attractive niece, 26, slim, 5'6", living States. Please send horoscope, details and photo. M 652 C/o anni lireS.
Aunt seeks suitable partner for nephew, 39, mechanical designer, 5'6" in States. Horoscope immaterial. Reply to P.O. Box 763, Hilliard, OH 43026, USA.
affna Hindu mother and brothers seek
professionally qualified partner for cultured, attractive daughter/sister, 26, working as accounts assistant in U.K. Horoscope and other details please. M 654 co Tamil Times. Christian mother seeks partner from Sri Lanka for son, 30, following engineering degree course in U.K. Please send details. M 655 C/O farni firmeS. Jaffna Hindu parents seek partner for engineer daughter, 27, M.Sc., handsome, 5'5", educated Colombo, States. M 656 C/o Tamil Times.
WEDDING BELLS
We congratulate the following couples on
their recent wedding. Gandeepan, son of Mr. Krishna Waikunthavasan and Mrs. Maheswary Vaikunthawasan and Anna, daughter of Mr. & Mrs. Gotstaf of Jarnvegsgat. 5. E 45335 Wyseril, Sweden. The wedding took place in Amsterdam. - 55 Warren Road, Colliers Wood, London SW19 2HF.
Ganeshan, son of Mr. & Mrs. M. Maheswaran of 63/1 Hill Street, Dehiwela, Sri Lanka and Vanitha, daughter of Mr. & Mrs. N.S. Kandiah of 48 Connaught Road, Sutton, Surrey, U.K. on 4.4.93 at ADT College Hall, Portinscale Road, London SW15.
Anapayan (Jeeva), son of Mr. & Mrs. Kanthapillai of Uyarapulam, Anaicoddai, Sri Lanka and Nilani, daughter of Mr. Rajathurai and the late Mrs. Rajathurai of Potpathy Road, Kokuvil, Sri Lanka on 4.4.93 at Cedar Brook
Community Centre, 91 E borough, Ontario, Cana Maheethan, son of Mrs. and the late Mr. K. Anan Block, Bambalapitiya F Lanka and Vidya daug Kugananthan (Kugan & 1 ley Road, London SE24 Great Hall, Bromley Cit Kernt.
OBTUA
Professor Karunanath (Professor Surgery, U loving son of the late Vanniasegaram of Mall: loved husband of Kanna of Rohini (Oman) and
da), father-in-law of Dr.
brother of Sivamany, Th many, Dr. lyngaran (Lon and Sivanathan brothe Manickam Nadarajah (C Gnana suntharam, A Priyadharshini expired. ( On 24th March 93 af Kati Rohini road, Colombo 6,
Mr. Cheliah Pathm Richard Peiris & Co.,
husband of Sugirtham, dakumar(Path) Canada, Associates Ltd., Colomb Subadhra (Hatton Natiot Colombo), and Dillidhra of Gayathiri (Air Lanka, Sabendran (UK), Sivati ates Ltd, Colombo) anc (U.K.) passed away or Funeral took place in K 4th April 1993. – 9 New London N18 îJB. Tel: 0
 
 
 

15 APRIL 1993
ast Park Blvd., Scarda.
M. Anandanadarajah danadarajah of 1/1 E ats, Colombo 4, Sri hter of Mr. & Mrs. Meena) of 381 BrockI 2PH on 10.4.93 ailt vic Centre, Bromley,
RIES
潑簽 沒 an Vanniasegaram niversity of Jaffna), 2 Dr. & Mrs. C.M. akam, Sri Lanka; beawathy, loving father Vanniakumar (CanaN. Sivakugan; loving avamany, late Navadon), lyrani (Sydney) er-in-law of the late hartered Valuer), Dr. nanda kumar and 2remation took place nate, Colombo. - 22
Sri Lanka.
anathan, (Retired .
Colombo); beloved
loving father of Nan
Suriyakumar (S&S 2), Yasodhara (U.K.), all Bank, City Office,
(U.K.), father-in-law
Canada), Kamalini, pasan (S & S Associi Vjith Dharmasena 3 fsf March 1993. anate, Colombo on fon Way, Edmonton, 31-803 1454.
Rev. Nesakumar Kadirgamar, Minister, Church of South India, beloved husband of Ranee, father of Romila, much loved youngest son of the late Rev. J. W.A. Kadirgamar and Mrs. G. N. Kadirgamar, loving brother of Lila, Rajan, Alagan, Padma, Silan, Sita, Sathian and Kumaran; brother-in-law of late Arasakone Solomon, Mahilmalar, Ranee, late C.E. Anandarajan, Sakuntala, S. V. Chandran, Vathana, Suvendrini, Son-in-law of Ratmakumar, Thangaratnam, Manorani and Devi passed away 28 November 1992, Christian Medical College Hospital, Vellore, india, Funeral and interment services led by his nephew the Rev. G. D. Anandarajan took place in Vellore. Services of thanksgiving were held in Maruthananmadam, Jaffna, Colombo, Tokyo, Toronto, Sydney and Singapore. Remembered with affection, Easter 1993, by the members of his family, nephews, nieces, grand-nephews and grand-nieces. inserted on behalf of Mrs. G.N. Kadirgamar “Welsh lillan", Maruthananmadam, Chunnakam, Sri Lanka; by Silan Kadirgamar, 5-4-22 Minami Aoyama, Minato-Ku, Tokyo 107, Јарат.
We regret that the following Obituary appeared incomplete in the last issue. It is repeated below.
ivananthy. beloved daughter of the late Mr. & Mrs. Sivarajah of Chavakachcheri, Sri Lanka, wife of G. Sritharan, loving mother of Sai Bavane; sister of Mrs. Sivashanthy Perinbanayagam and Mrs. Sivayogi Sivayogaiswaran passed away in U.K. on 6. 1.93. We thank all for their messages of sympathy and support during the period of grief. - Mr. & Mrs. Sivayogaiswaran, 3 New Leasow, Sutton
Mr. Murugesapilai Maheswaran (55), formerly of British Railways; son of the late Mr. Visvanathan Murugesapillai and Mrs. Ponnammah Murugesapillai of 11 Lily Avenue, Wellawate, Colombo 6, dearly beloved brother of Gunawathy Ammal (Australia), Dr. Sri Ranganathan (Ireland), Pathmaneswary (Wella watte), Dr. Koneswaran (U.S.A...); brother-in-law of Ketheswaranathan, Chelvy, Dr. Velauthapillai and Dr. Saroja Koneswaran

Page 27
15 APRIL 1993
passed away peacefully on 10th March 1993 at 1 Clanricarde Gardens, London W2. The funeral took place at the residence of his beloved nephew Sithsabesan and niece Radha at 30 Brumfield Road, West Ewell, Epsom, Surrey KT10 9AP on 193.93.
IN MEMORAM
in ever loving memory of Mr. Velupillai Nadarajah, formerly Director, Ceylon School of Social Work, son of the late Mr. & Mrs. Velupillai of Chetty Street, Nallur, Sri Lanka; son-in-law of the late Mr. K. Muthulingam and Mrs. Muthulingam of Tellipallai, Sri Lanka, on the second anniversary of his passing away Orገ 4.4.91,
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by is beloved wife Muthu Ambikai; daughter Dr. akunthala, Son Dr. Ravindran, Son-in-law Jr. Suresh Thayalan, daughter-in-law Meera; randchildren Arjun, Nisha and Satha — 43 folymead Close, Turner Road, Colchester, SSex CO4 5JU.
FORTHCOMING EVENTS lay 1 630pm Eastern Fine Arts Promotions resents Carnatic Flute Recital by Sri K. ananayagam at Wembley High School Hall, ast Lane, Wembley, Middx., Tel: 081-205 214. lay 1 7.45pm Natha Vidyalaya presents iolin Solo Concert by Smit Kalaivani inrakumar at Pump House Theatre, Local oard Road, Watford, Herts. Tel: 0925 41362. ay 2 Ekathasi
y 3 Pirathosam. ay 4 Blessed Martyrs of England & Wales ау. ay 5 Full Moon Day. ay 8 6.3Opm Jesudas in Concert at Westinster Central Hall, Storeys Gate, West*, inster, London. Tel: 081-672 9942.
ay 9 5.00pm Arumuga Nawalar Day
elebrations and release of book 'Some ininent Tamils' by the late Mr. V. MutucuTaraswamy at Merton Hall, Kingston Road, -Ondon SW79. Tel: 081-675 3698.
bakary 14 St Matthias's Day.
ukay 17 Ekathasi
bilary 18 Pirathosam.
tary 20 The Ascension of the Lord Day. tay 21 Amawasai.
May 25 Chathurthi. bakary 27 Shashti, St. Augustine of Canterbury lay. day 30 Pentecost Sunday, Whit Sunday.
hy 31 Ekathasi. Festival of Cricket at Maori Park, Worcester Park, Surrey.
At the Bhavan C. Road, London W1 308.6/4608.
May 3 6.30pm Bhar Nina With North India May 8 & 225.30pm L by Sri Mathoor Kris
May 22 7.00pm Sarc May 28 7.45pm Tala ar Ray.
May 29 7.00pm Hir B.K. Chandrashekh May 31 7.00pm B Concert in aid of Bh Sivanesan 8 her stL
New LOnc for Ai
Airlanka will be reloc new "Sri Lanka Centre ly known for many ye. Centre' in Regent Stre new Centre will also Tourist Board, the C Export Development, Ceylon.
Airlanka will be fully premises from 15th A and telephone numbe Airlanka Limited, 22 SW1 Y 4QD. Telepho tions. O71-93O4688; 2099; Cargo. 071-93 5626.
New Count Pass
Airlanka has opened ombo Katunayake ain all in the immigration transit requiring conn
The new counter w Coming into Sri Lank but whose connecting over 8 hours from th Such passengers wo nodation and other a Service Centre will C, ments more speedily.
Sabanathar Of Year 1
Mr. Sabaratnan Sa Thoracic Surgeon, B. has been awarded th year 1992 Medal for pioneered to reduce The award is spons Westminster Bank.
 
 
 

ntre, 4A Castletown
| 9HQ. Te: O71 381
ta Natyam by Kumari n Music. ecture on Mahabharata hnamurthi.
d by Partho Sarathy. sarang by Shib Shank
dustani Vocal by Sri
.
nefit Carnatic Wocal avan by Smit Sivasakti dents.
On Offices rilanka
ating its offices in the ' in the building formerars as The Ceylon Tea et, London SW1Y. The be home to the Ceylon bylon Tea Bureau, the Board and the Bank of
operational at the new pril 1993. The address rs from this date will be Regent Street, London ne numbers: ReservaAdministration: 071-930 O 3766; Fax. 071-930
er for Transit engers a new counter af Colport in the arrival terrnin
area for passengers in ecting services.
fill handle passengeres 3, who will be in transit flight out of Sri Lanka is he time of their arrival. uld need hotel accomSsistance, and the new ater for these require
Wins Doctor 992 Award
banathan, Consultant adford Royal Infirmary Hospital Doctor of the the innovation he had post operational pain. ored by the National
S.
:
îF
TAMILTIMES 27
Mr. Sabanathan has developed the continuous extrapleural intercostal nerve block (CEPINB). The results of CEPINB at the Bradford Royal Infirmary have not only saved patients much pain but also led to huge financial savings. Mr. Sabanathan works in a Sub-regional specialty dealing with patients from a wide Catchment area with an estimated one million population, spread through Bradford, Airedale, Halifax, Huddersfield, Dewsbury, Rotherham, Settle, Liverpool and North Yorkshire. CEPINE has enabled the length of patients' stay to be reduced from ten or eleven days to six days.
A Lively Mridanga Arangetram
Of the different carnatic musical instruments the mridangam seems to be the favourite among the Sri Lankan students in London. This is because rhythm comes naturally to them rather than sruthi which demands long term training and constant practice. There have been quite a number of mridanga arangetrams here in the past and the recent One which we witnessed at the Commonwealth institute auditorium on Saturday, 10th April, showed a difference in performance. This is because, we understand, the fourteenyear-Old debut artiste Nirshanthan Nagarajah is learning, in addition, vocal and violin music. It is well known that any instrumentalist, to acquire proficiency should have sufficient training in vocal music to execute the various grace notes and tonal variations on his instrument. Young Nirshanthan was privileged to have along with him on the stage all three teachers of music: Smt. Ambika Thamotharam, his vocal teacher, leading him through a variety of thala impregnated songs and capping them with a labyrinthian pallavi; his violin teacher Dr. Lakshmi Jayan equally assisting with melodic support, and his main Guru and mentor Muthu Sivarajah keeping a benevolent watch over his protege. Sivarajah as a percussionist and kindly teacher in London is reputed to have the highest number of students taken through arangetram. Ambika has selected a good repertoire of pieces to draw out the talents of the debut artiste and he too responded with equal enthusiasm.
There is a regrettable tendency among students of music and dance in London to pack away their art and practice once their
Continued on page 28

Page 28
28 TAM TIMES
Continued from page 27
expensive arangetram is over, Parents and teachers should see that their wards continue . to further their hard earned art and it is not
thrown away to the dust. Since Nirshanthan is ,
continuing with his music and violin we are
sure he would find vocal or instrumental
partners to cultivate his mridangam playing to higher levels.
- S. Sivapatha Sundaram:
Sri Lankan Medical Symposium
The Medical Institute of Tamils held their annual symposium on current health prob
lems on Saturday th Postgraduate centre, tenham. An impress comprising mainly Me Sionals based in the this occasion. The a two sessions. The fi. by Professor N. Sre Vascular Research Beecham. Speakers panel of eminent St Currently in active se
Mr. R. Sathananth cian from Glasgow speaking on the 'co replacement therapy
Continued from page 13 LTTE's roughshod treatment of their community. The death of a popular youth leader of the SLMC at Sammanthurai allegedly under LTTE torture further embittered them. A large number of SLMC youth and members of the assorted Jihad groups fled the east promising dire revenge. (These were the youth who accompanied the Army when it moved into the east in June-July 1990).
The LTTE meanwhile was planning to strengthen its alliance with the MULF and recruit a large number of youth among the Muslims to consolidate its position in the east, little realising that their Muslim members were displaying their newfound power in their villages much to the silent irritation of their community.
Teaching a Lesson
At this juncture the eastern command of the LTTE passed into the hands of a group of boys from Batticaloa who shared the view of their fellow villagers that the 'Soni' should be 'shown his place in the east. The ideals of Tamil linguistic nationalism which their predecessors Basheer Kaaka and Kumarappa stood for, made very little sense to them; their experience and environment taught them to mistrust the Muslims. Karuna, Reagan, David, Nithy and Karikalan were the new leaders - more alive to local Tamil sentiments and perceptions - who argued within their organisation that the Muslims should be taught a good lesson for collaborating with the army when it moved in, after Eelam War Two began in earnest. They also clamoured with the leadership in Jaffna that if they were to retain their support among the Tamils in the east they had to avenge the death and destruction caused by Muslims who had followed the army into the Batticaloa and Ampara districts. They asserted that it was an absolute priority. This was the same stand taken by the local leaders of the other groups in 1985 (and under the IPKF) which the LTTE strongly opposed at that time.
It was also beli of Muslims were local LTTE leader that time to offse formance in the e War Two.
Review of T
However, such east appear to LTTE to review it dating a liberated the first phase of tion. The Muslims in the eyes of th potential source f their liberated zc Tamil linguistic east as a binding i pointing in that the massacre of h Muslims in retalia LTTE in the Batti an ideal pretext ership in Jaffna t of Muslims with Later the activiti guards against T. east which furth Muslim feelings created an atmos LTTE assumed moral approbatio! to engage in a lal Muslims which t terrorize that com all, making then terror, any harmf Tamil communit LTTE leadership to the conclusion innocent Muslim achieved that pu
Today, the ne east together wit claim to the D) legacy in order leadership to secessionist tren aspora has made towards the Mus
But given its never say with change is for rea

15 APRIL 1993
20th of March at the t. Anns Hospital, Totgathering of invitees ical and Dental profesnited Kingdom graced enda was divided into Session was Chaired aran, director Cardio of Smith Kline and cluded a distinguished Lankan Medical men ice in the UK,
a consultant Obstetriopened the session roversies of hormone Dr. B. Thalayasingam
ved that massacres carried out by the hip in Batticaloa at poor military per
rly stages of Eelam ' ?
liger Strategy i
levelopments in the ave prompted the i strategy of consolizone in the north in its war for separa
in the north, could e Tiger, become a or destabilisation in ne. The failure of nationalism in the deology was seen as direction. Therefore undreds of innocent tory attacks by the aloa district became for the Tiger lead'cleanse' the north ittle or no violence. es of Muslim home mil civilians in the er aggravated antiamong the Tamils phere in which the it would have the
of the local Tamils ge scale massacre of
hey expected would munity once and for shun, out of sheer ul design against the in the east. The ppears to have come hat the massacre of in Medirigiriya has pose. d to survive in the a compulsion to lay vidian movement's cultivate and offer the nationalistin the Tamil Dihe LTTE rethink it
S. ack record one can certainty that the and for all time.
a consultant Paediatrician from Durham outlined the recent advances in immunisation. This was followed by an illustrated talk on the diagnostic pitfalls of dental pain, by Miss B. Sivalingam who is a recent dental graduate from Bristol. Mr. Ravi Saravanamuttu, Consultant in Restorative Dentistry from Guy's Hospital concluded the first session highlighting the various periodontal diseases with the back-up of some brilliant colour slides taken in his practice.
With a brief interval for tea the final Session commenced with a talk on the "Management of Health Services' delivered by Dr. S. Thiagarajah, a consultant Paediatrician and Medical Director, Family Health Service, West Yorkshire. This was followed by an impressive approach on the 'Ethnic influence on Diabetes in Primary Care" by Dr. R. Namasivayam who is Croydon's Diabetes Advisor for MAAG.
The symposium was presided over by Mr. V. Sivapathasundaran a consultant Obstetrician attached to the Royal London Hospital who outlined MOT's activities. A vote of thanks was proposed by Dr. A. H. Y. Rajendram who was the chief organiser of this symposium,
Dr. K.C. Rajaslingham.
Returns to Philippines
Richards Karunairajan who was Production Editor of Edenbridge Chronicle with Surrey & South London Newspapers has returned to the Philippines as the new Editor of the Manila-based Asian magazine IMPACT. Mr. Karunairajan who first went to the Philippines in 1964, is a Searsolin graduate of Xavier University in Cagayan de Oro,
Mr. Karunairajan who was earlier Editor and Information Officer with the Government of Seychelles for six years, has been a regular Tamil Times contributor, "IMPACT will not only be a magazine in Asia but will also speak the mind and aspirations of the thousands of Asians in North America and Europe," stated Mr. Karunairajan in a recent letter to us.
island in Dire Peril-impact
IMPACT, an Asian development through human transformation magazine is publishing an 8-page feature on Sri Lanka titled Island in Dire Peril, in its May 1993 issue. The feature exhorts the urgency of the need to seek an immediate solution to the ethnic Crisis in this South Asian stafe.
The feature is in the form of a Centre section magazine with views from a wide section of the island community that have been expressed from time to time including those of the world's first woman prime minister, Srimavo Bandaranaike when she visited the northern city of Jaffna to open the then Jaffna Campus of the University of Sri Lanka.
The May issue also contains features on plastic waste exports to the Third World, child prostitution in Taiwan, the struggle of the people of East Timor, the religious frenzy in India, ecology for children and peace demonstration by women in Japan,
Copies of this issue will be available on request with Tamil Times (Tel: 081-644 O972), at £1.50 each. Tamil Times will also accept orders for subscriptions for IMPACT at £18 per annum.

Page 29
15 APRIL 1993
Continued from page 23. the inherent, irremovable contradiction lies in the absence of equality in the relationship. At best, there is an uneasy quid pro quo which requires trade-offs, crude and hidden, all the time. This feature has operated over the long term.
You have only to graft on to this base the considerable superstructure of Jayalalitha's volatile, authoritarian, personalised, populist and akratic politics, the details of permanent factionalism within the Tamil Nadu Congress(I) and the wanton humiliation of the State Congress(I) leaders - and
you can understar. tion has been such mutually damagin able affair. The A awhile with a BJP pressure on its p and to sting it inti gress(I) has its ow) back.
Apart from the h tional politics oftl based campaigns Left parties, in p munist Party of Il the plethora of corr power charges,
Continued from page 25 few days of their departure, all the valuable property including electrical items, TVs etc. were put up for sale in Jaffna at cut-price!
Most of those Muslims driven out from the northern areas are still in refugee camps in the Chilaw and Puttalam districts and some in Colombo. You can see many begging on the streets near their refugee camps. Having done this to an entire community of people, the LTTE leader has the temerity to say: “We are of the view that, while the identity and land rights of the Muslim people are preserved, it is by living together with the Tamil people that their social, political and economic life will be enhanced. It is the Tigers who have by their actions caused divisions between the Tamils and Muslims. Rather than enhancing social, political and economic life of Muslims, the LTTE has simply destroyed it and that is the simple and honest truth that those who believe in Tamil-Muslim unity should realise, and impress upon the Tigers to rectify the historic and barbaric cruelty inflicted upon the Muslim people. Until the Muslims are allowed to return to their homes and carry on their normal lives, any talk of Tamil-Muslim unity amity will remain plain rhetoric.
Mr. Prabhakaran has stated in his interview that "once the war ends and a peaceful atmosphere prevails, we will permit them to settle again in Jaffna'. So, the Muslims of the north must have the permission of the Tigers to go back to their own homes and settle again in Jaffnal May we ask the LTTE leader: When will the war end? When will a peaceful atmosphere prevail? When will you permit us to settle again in Jaffna? Should the expelled Muslims live in refugee camps and beg on the streets until the Tigers give them permission?
A.M.H. lsmail,
Bambalapitiya,
Colombo 4, Sri Lanka.
Continued from pa
proposal to conver ary constitution in
10. On 14th De Political parties iss giving an elabora manner in which ated from the tasks lly intended and ho" ly failed to recon grievances and a Tamil people.
11. Almost on cu the PSC, in a note Parliament on 16.1 a "majority decisio de-link the present Eastern Province a ers to these two d the lines of the Indi was also announce Report would be COLSe.
12. The CWC, developments, decic self from partakir
Continued from pa
genealogy and varr speculative, but a r would seem more r of linguistic and The Aryacakravar also known by the meaning, the lord connecting Mannan The Cetupatis of R tionally acknowlec the bridge, not only but have been kno the title Aryacakra giance, and servici kings. These Cetu dants of maravar dators dominant i trict, who have alc ing in predatory v See E. Thurstan (1 9. S. Pathnanathal ty in Sri Lanka: C. ing, J.R. Carter (el

d why the cohabitaa volatile, loveless, g and indeed unlivIADMK may dally beau, if only to put olitical cohabitator jealousy; the Conmethods of hitting
i d
eavyweight opposie DMK, the issueconducted by the articular the Com
dia (Marxist), and i uption and abuse of
he single-minded
TAMIL TIMES 29
activism of an alienated Subramanian Swamy who has campaigned for the ouster of Jayalalitha and her stable of yes-men suggesting an intention to enter into a liaison with the BJP, a virtual non-entity in the State electoral arena, has brought the Tamil Nadu Congress Committee(I) and both its factions to the end of their tether - and driven the Chief Minister into a precarious corner. Tamil Nadu politics appears to be on the verge of a major, and perhaps radical, change and the implications for national politics could be significant.
(Courtesy of Frontline, April 9, 1993).
ge 6
, the existing unito a federal one.
cember, the Tamil ued a press release te account of the the PSC had devithat were originalw it had consistentize the legitimate spirations of the
e, the Chairman of
to the Speaker of 2.92 indicated that n' was reached to tly merged Northnd to devolve pow
istinct units along
an Constitution. It d that an Interim submitted in due
in view of these led to dissociate itng in any future
proceedings of the PSC. The EPRLF and TULF, despite these provocations and intransigent conduct of the Sinhala majority parties, opted to wait for the Interim Report before deciding on the future course of action.
13. On 11.1.93, at the meeting of the PSC, the Chairman circulated what was called a "Draft Interim Report. This was basically an elaboration of the earlier note that was handed over to the Speaker and reflected a purely Sinhala sectarian opinion, disregarding the Tamil consensus.
14. Accordingly, the EPRLF took the decision to dissociate itself from the PSC and convened a meeting of all Tamil political parties on the same day. At this meeting, unanimity was reached that the Tamil political parties should reject the so-called “majority agreement' and that a written response be forwarded. In addition, the Tamil political parties represented in the PSC took the decision to dissociate
themselves from any future delibera
tions of the PSC.
ge 15 ... E." a status are highly naravar connection ealistic in the light istorical evidence. tis of Jaffna were title Cetukavalan, of the bridge - and Ramesvaram. amanad, the tradiged guardians of bore the same title wn to have earned varti through alleto the Pantiyan patis were descen, the martial prethe Ramanad disng record of engagvars in Sri Lanka. 909) on Maravar. , “The Hindu Socielanged and Chang.), Religiousness in
Sri Lanka, Colombo, Marga Institute, 1979, p.158. for a different view on this issue of identity see R. Coomaraswamy, "Politics of Ethnicity' The Ethnic Conflict (1984), p. 179.
''. Cited in R. Ramanathapillai, 1991
7-8. For a critical analysis of this issue see S. Ratnajeevan Hoole, "The Tamils: A Definition and their Religion and Culture through Change', Indian Church. History Review, Vol. 36, 1992, pp. 88-135.
''. An account of Rajarata civilisation from a non-sectarian, non-colonial perspective is, to my knowledge, still to be written. This is a probable outline of that account. '. B. Stein, 1980: 23, S.J. Tambiah, 1976: 113. “. Mu. Varadarajan, A History of Tamil Literature, Delhi, Sahtya Akademi, 1988., K. Zvelebil, Tamil Literature, Wiesbaden, 1974.
s

Page 30
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