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Vo XIII No.5 ISSN 0256-4488
 

"I do not agree with a word
of What you say, but I defend to the death your
right to say it."
- Woltaire
Picture Changes with Permodass Murer
Political Implications
| | - - -
Le Challenge for
Neeside
O Salasao DIGITA
OSub-continental scene

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2 TAMIL TIMES
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15 MAY 1993
CONTENTS Tari
The Assassinations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. I Political picture changes with ISSN Premadasa's murder. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 ANNUAL The New President speaks. . . . . . . . . . . 6 UK/India/Sri La
Australia, . . in the aftermath of the assassination. . . .7 Canada. . .
All other court Assassination Condemned. . . . . . . . . . . 9 Pu Political implications of assassinations. 11 Tಣ್ಣ Setback for Sri Lanka ruling party. . . . . 12 $UTဖူး
Phone):
Views expressed by contributors are not necessarily those of the editor or the publishers,
THE CHALLENGE FACIN
Sri Lanka seemed teetering on the edge of a precipice towards anarchy, turmoil and an outbreak of another round of communal violence following the brutal murder within a week of two of the country's most formidable politicians, the leader of the opposition Democratic United National Front, Lalith Athulathmudali and the country's President, Ranasinghe Premadasa. Both were struck down as they were actively engaged in a busy campaign in the run-up to the Provincial Council elections,
As executive President invested with enOrmous powers, Mr. Premadasa had developed a style of highly centralised and personalised regime in which he Occupied a pivotal and powerful position, Brooking no opposition from within and outside his party, he virtually ran a 'one-man show' in which he was the sole performer. During his rule, he surrounded himself with pliant yes-men as his Ministers of whom no one dared to aspire even to be the pretender to Premadasa's throne. It was not, therefore, surprising that when he was assassinated leaving a perceived vacuum at the top, there was a genuine fear of anarchy and generalised chaos. However, the smooth transfer of power Soon after the President's assassination strictly in accordance with constitutional provisions with the swearing-in of Prime Minister D. B. Wijetunga as Acting President saved the county from the instability and anarchy that many had predicted.
In the aftermath of the murders, and particularly that of President Premadasa, there was genuine fear both within the country and outside that a communal conflagration of the type that occurred in July 1983 when Tamils living in the south were set upon in their thousands would be repeated. Particularly after reports began to appear to the effect that the Tigers were responsible for the murder of the President, Tamils went through a period of hellish fear and anxiety as to the prospect of a backlash by angry Sinhalese until Premadasa's funeral was over. To the relief of all, the anticipated backlash did not occur. To give the entire credit to the government for the prompt security measures adopted to prevent violence is to ignore two Significant elements - firstly, the widespread violence unleashed against Tamils in July 1983 was the end result of a well organised effort on the part of some sections within the then government, including Cabinet

I AMIL TIMES 3
CONTENTS
Jaffna fast turning into a desert. . . . . . . 13 268-4488 The meaning of Trincomalee and UBSCRIPTION Sri Lanka's future. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 . . The Sub-Continental Scene. . . . . . . . . 18
S35 isited. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
.နှီဇိဒo Jaffna Revisited. . . . . . . . . 21 ished by News Round-up. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
MESTD Ox r) Readers Forum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 RRE 1
" Book Review. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
81-8440.72
The publishers assume no responsibility for return of unsolicited manuscripts, photographs and artwork.
GTHENEw PRESIDENT
Ministers like Cyril Mathew, and not a spontaneous response to the death of 13 soldiers; and secondly, the people have come a long way having learnt the bitter lessons from the adverse consequences that directly flowed from the traumatic and tragic events of July 1983.
Although having been a very loyal and obedient Prime Minister under President Premadasa, the new President Mr. D.B. Wijetunga would appear to have decided to jettison some of the authoritarian and controversial legacies of the former President. Though catapulted to the highest office as a direct consequence of a brutal assassination, his unanimous election as President by Parliament would appear to have produced a new political climate in the countryy. There appears to be a wind of change and the political atmosphere lacks the acute tension and fear that gripped the country in the immediately preceding period. Extreme confrontation characterised government-opposition relations during Premadasa's regime. Parliament became a battleground of raucous behaviour and rowdy scenes among ruling party and opposition MPs. While the ruling party endeavoured to prevent legitimate debates on issues of national importance, opposition MPs often sought to disrupt proceedings and there were frequent walkouts. During the last several months, the main opposition SLFP MPs and the Opposition Leader Mrs. Bandaranaike boycotted all meetings and functions in which Premadasa participated. This state of confrontation seems to have come to end with the new President already having initiated discussions with Mrs. Bandaranaike soon after assuming office.
The new President also has given expression to views that might make the 'one-man-show' of Premadasa a thing of the past. He is likely to move in the direction of more sharing of power with his Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe and other cabinet ministers. Indications are that the hitherto exercised presidential de facto control over senior appointments to government departments and state corporations are likely to be passed on to Ministers in charge of those institutions,
One of the much commented and criticised aspects
of the Premadasa presidency was his capacity to turn Continued on page 12

Page 4
4 TAMIL TIMES
THE ASSASSINAT
The assassination of Sri Lanka’s tuvo pouverful politic late last month sent shockwaves throughout the count first victim was a former Minister and at the time of the leader of an opposition party challenging the inct party's near total hold on power, and the second
President himself.
Reports that speculate on the possibility of an LTT these murders have been strenuously denied by the T
Athlulathmudali
The leader of the Democratic United National Front and former Minister of National Security, Mr. Lalith Athulathmudali, aged 58, was shot and killed by a lone gunman on 23 April as he was addressing a Provincial Council election meeting at Kirullopne, some 6 miles from the capital. The gunman who had waited in front of the assembled crowd moved forward three or four yards and at the moment of his choice fired three shots at his victim directly hitting him. One of the bodyguards on stage shot at the assailant who was hit, but escaped into the night running through a shocked and shattered crowd. Athulathmudali was promptly taken to hospital where he soon succumbed to his injuries.
Mr. Athulathmudali was expected to be appointed as Prime Minister when R. Premadasa became President in late 1989, but was given the relatively unimportant portfolio of Education and Agriculture. He had held the powerful portfolio of Minister of National Security under former President J.R. Jayawardene and mas
terminded the military operations.
against Tamil rebels in northern Sri Lanka between 1984 to 1987 until the arrival of the Indian Peace Keeping Force following the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement of July 1987.
He soon fell out with President Premadasa for what he described as "running a one-man show' ignoring his cabinet ministers. He along with another former Minister Gamini Dissanayake, who was also sidelined by Premadasa, and a few others conceived the ill-fated impeachment motion against President Premadasa accusing the latter of a series of misdemeanours of criminal nature. The charges listed in the impeachment motion included treason, abuse of power, intentional violation of the Constitution, moral turpitude and coverup of murders.
And when the attempt to oust Premadasa failed and he was thrown out of the ruling United National Party, Mr. Athulathmudali formed the DUNF last year becoming its leader.
He and his party serious challenge madasa and the of Mr. Athulath tion, the DUNF opposition partie achieve substanti coming Provincia scheduled for 17
The Alleged Kil
The day after . shot, around nool alleged by the poli was found lying c lan Road with a Identity Card “Appaiah Balakri, sion. A post mort ried out later by Officer revealed gunshot injury, cyanide poisoning the police allega mudali's killing w LTTE.
The police whi body as that of nan' on the basis subsequently sta belong to the dea fied the assassin found on Mugal Kandiah Ragum According to the was found to ha lodge at Sri GT Kotahena for sev the killing. Detec keys in a trouse man claimed tha front and rear d lodge.
While the go police sought to the murder of opposition partie Premadasa and having been resp despite the Presic the killing as a some act that d mned by all. Sos widespread were government first million rupee ret

15 MAY 1993
IONS
ans uvithin a uveek y and outside. The is untimely death
‘mbent President's
uvas the country’s
E connection with igers.
gradually became a to President PreJNP and at the time mudali's assassina
along with other s were expected to al gains in the forthCouncil elections May.
ler
Athulathmudali was h, the body of a man ce to be the assailant on the nearby Mugapistol and a National bearing the name shnan' in his possesem examination carthe Judicial Medical that the man had a
but had died of ; giving credibility to tion that Athulathas carried out by the
first identified the "Appaiah Balakrishof the identity card ited that it did not d person, and identi
and the dead body an Road as that of athan from Jaffna.
police the assailant ive been living in a unananda Mawatte, 'eral months prior to tives who found two r pocket of the dead t the keys fitted the bors of his Kotahena
vernment and the accuse the LTTE of Athulathmudali, the es acused President
his government of onsible for his killing
lentos denunciation of
“cowardly and grueeserved to be condeevere, vehement and the accusations, the t announced a five ward for information
fe severed head and face of the suicide-bomber
leading to the arrest of Athulathmudali's assassin and was later forced to call in detectives from Scotland Yard in London to carry out the investigation into Athulathmudali's murder in an obvious attempt to show its readiness to conduct an independent investigation.
The Paris-based international spokesman for the LTTE, Lawrence Thilaker, denied any Tiger involvement in the murder of Athulathmudali saying that there was nothing for the LTTE to gain by killing an opposition leader in Sri Lanka. “Of course, we considered him as an enemy when he launched the Vadamarachchi military operation in 1987 when he was Minister of National Security, but we lost interest in him after he lost his position in the Sinhalese government', he added.
Killing of the President
On 1 May, the island's 69-year-old President, Ranasinghe Premadasa, was assassinated by a suicide-bomber around 12.45 pm, the President had alighted from his jeep at a road junction at Armour Road in Colombo to mingle with the crowd and direct a feeder procession approaching from a side road to join the ruling party's main May Day procession. A young man riding a bicycle suddenly
appeared on the scene and rode direct
ly towards the President breaking the security ring around him. When he was stopped, he apparently detonated the explosives strapped to his body. The President was blown to pieces, as was the 23 other victims who were also killed in the blast. In fact it took almost an hour to confirm the death of the President. The blown up pieces of bodies that were lying strewn around at the scene of the crime had been gathered and taken to the police morgue at the General Hospital. Among this mass of pieces of human flesh and

Page 5
15 MAY 1993
bones was one which was identified as that of the President - his wrist watch was still strapped to his hand. Eight of the President's security personnel, including Senior Superintendent of Police, Ronnie Gunasinghe, 3 Assistant Superintendents of Police and Special Task Force Commandos, were among those killed and 38 others were injured.
Tigers blamed
Shortly after Premadasa's killing, the Sri Lankan police formally accused the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam LTTE) with responsibility for the assassination. The Director of the Colpmbo Detection Bureau, Lionel Gunailleke told journalists that the LTTE was the "prime suspect'. "According to the investigations so far, His Excellency's assassination was carried out by the LTTE; the modus operandi was theirs.' He recalled the similarity between the murder of Rajiv Gandhi and that of Premadasa.
In an obvious attempt at giving credence to his claim he added that the assassin's mutilated body had the oroken part of the cyanide capsule embedded in the flesh of its neck. It is a well known fact that LTTE cadres wear a cyanide capsule around their necks ready to be consumed to prevent being captured alive. He further said that the assailant could be identified by his head and face which had remained intact after the blast. The following day the island's TV network and newspapers (and some foreign
Lawrence Thilaka newspapers) carrie the head and fa assailant.
The President's identified as K Veerakumaralias youth from Gurun had been living clos private resident, Kehelwatte in Col nearly two years. E der having the be funds at his disp given a large sun landlord to set up During this perio quite friendly wit valet named Mohid according to some ] only become a clos the President him visited Sucharith: estate in Yapahuw also reported to h
POlitiCal PiCture Chá With Premadasa's N
by Rita Sebastian
The cameras clicked right through the interview. But when the questions were over, the two photographers, both foreign, made a request. Would President, Dingiri Banda Wijetunge step out into the garden for a photograph in the natural light. 'No' he said smiling. 'You have taken enough pictures. That should do. No amount of persuasion made him change his mind.
A few minutes earlier he had dismissed the popularly accepted assumption that he could be "easily manipulated'. No that wasn't correct. He interpreted it differently. "There must be give and take. There must be some flexibility'.
The silver-haired Wijetunge, softspoken and gentle has another side to him too. As he says he can be stern when the need arises'.
Don't underrate rat who has wat functioning. Wijetu the drive and the vi sa. He may not pl punishing work scl no way lessens his a job done.
At "Temple Trees was sworn in as Wijetunge reiter: ment’s commitmen island's ethnic con to the Tamil Tiger negotiating table.
"Our doors are them come and let lem’ Wijetunge said ernment position th dialogue with the T
 

TAMIL TIMES 5
house run by the suspect Babu at Wellawatte.
Denial by Tigers
Despite widespread speculation and direct accusations by the Sri Lankan police, LTTE have denied any responsibility for the assassination of President Premadasa. In an interview broadcast over the Tamil service of the BBC On 2 May, the international Tiger spokesman, Lawrence Thilakar, said: "No one would deny that Premadasa had many enemies. The killing of Premadasa could have been r carried out either by those in the d the photograph of opposition who accused him of being ce of the alleged responsible for the murder of Athulathmudali or by those within the killer was later any who remained loyal to Athulathulaveerasingham mudali.” Babu, a 23-year-old Mr. Thilakar said that one should agar in Jaffna. He not be surprised that it was carried out e to the President's by even a suicide-bomber. “One of Sucharitha' in those among the many thousands of ombo at a lodge for people who were adversely affected by He was a free spen- Premadasa's actions could have come nefit of unlimited forward to sacrifice his life. We must Osal and had also also realise that it was not an ordinary of money to his matter that more than sixty thousand
) a grocery store, young men were brutally killed in d he had become south Sri Lanka.
h the President's We must also take note of the fact een through whom, that peoplein many areas in the south
reports, he had not celebrated Premadasa's death by
se acquaintance of lighting crackers. Therefore, there is self, but also had no substance in accusing the Tigers by .
and his family merely pointing to the aspects of
a. Detectives were suicide and technique employed in his
ave traced a safe killing, he added.
for a political solution.
2 geS The military option will be pursued
only to the extent of maintaining
Mu rder peace and stability in the northeast, Wijetunge says.
He however is quite sure as to how
he will deal with violence. "Meet violence with violence if you want to
-: -
nim says a bureauc- reduce it. Not with bana preaching or ched his style of the Bible' he says.
Inge may not have Wijetunge refused to nail the assasgour of a Prenada sination on the Tigers, inspite of press
ursue Premadasa's reports that the police had identified hedule, but that in him as one.
capacity for getting While a criminal investigation is on,
there should be no speculation about two days after he who did it, Wijetunge says. acting President, But Wijetunge is just as embittered ated the 驚 as the late President Premadasa was, it. to resolving over the violence that erupted followflict, and appeale ing the breakdown of peace talks with 's to return to the the Tigers, in June 1990.
We tolerated them on our laps. Any other leader would have destroyed l, outlining the gov- them' he says, referring to what he lat it was willing to describes as the generosity' of Presi
igers in the search Continued on page 6.
always open. Let us settle this prob

Page 6
6 TAM TIMES
Continued from page 5
dent Premadasa of dialoguing with them.
Wijetunge does not seem to have any problems with the mantle of leadership that has now fallen on him. It is something that has happened, and which he has accepted. Did he believe in horoscopes. Did his predict that he would one day lead his country? He laughs at my question. A horoscope is 50% positive and 50% negative'. that was his answer.
“We were friends for over 40 years and struck a first class balance in the exchange of views and thoughts', says Wijetunge of his relationship with the late President.
He shrugs off the charge that President Premadasa centralised all power in himself. How can you say that. He was a dynamic administrator who decentralised public administration by taking the government to the people'.
And what of the country's economic policies. Would there be a change in the aggressive industrial policy that President Premadasa set in motion?
"He put the correct stamp on it. It will be difficult for anybody to change that, and there is no reason to change policies for they are best policies in the national interest says Wijetunge.
He doesn't see a reason why the assassination of the President must affect investor confidence. Violence was not peculiar to Sri Lanka alone. It happens in other countries as well'.
Paying tribute to President Premadasa, Wijetunge said: "What he was trying to do was to bridge the gap between the rich and the poor, remove the disparities', and to that end, Wijetunge believes that Premadasa succeeded.
How would he compare himself with his two predecessors, Presidents Jayewardene and Premadasa?
"One doesn't make comparisons. It is unbuddhistic'. For him it is like saying you are the better man. And that he will not do. He lists vanity, anger, hatred and jealousy as those unbuddhistic' feelings which he tries to distance himself from.
He is not all mildness and softness. He can be a man of steel when occasion demands. We talk of media freedom. “Have your freedom' he says, "but don't try to destroy governments. Anything to weaken a government is immoral. Your action is against the people's integrity, for it is the people who have chosen their government.'
"My hands are clean' he says, spreading out his palms. I follow the middle path which will save and take the nation forward.'
The N
"Assassinate my Don't assassinate I have treasured was a heart-rendil Ranasinghe Prem directed at his acci once again had pl charging him v 'murder'.
This time it w Democratic Unite (DUNF) leader, La li who had spearhe to impeach him i reason had to be f Athulathmudali ha profile opponent of the Provincial poll 17.
The DUNF was at the electorate fo] it broke away to f Athulathmudali wa date for the chief Western Provincia
It was the last p dent Ranasinghe make. Two days la a suicide bomber, v ing the ruling part sion.
This was not the opposition pointed But this time it affected him more Not even his callin to help with the in to appease the opp
And then the p matically with Pre assassination. He able as other leade were trying to des President Premad any of Sri Lanka’. leaders. A man oft man’s President” a described, most ( strategies were di viating rural pove sued with almost (
As Prime Minis dene government, wings as it were, \
But then when him to be his succe power the executi him. The same ex that gave Jayewar sign the controv Accord with for Minister, Rajiv w parliament, now g same authority.

15 MAY 1993
lew President Speaks
from Rita Sebastian
body if you want. my character which since childhood'. It ng cry by President adasa. And it was users. At those who ut him in the dock, with yet another
as the murder of d Liberation Front lith Athulathmudaaded the campaign In 1991. If another ound it was because ad become the high the ruling party at
scheduled for May
testing its strength r the first time since orm the DUNIF and as the DUNF candiMinistership of the
Council.
public speech PresiPremadasa was to ter he fell victim to when he was directy's May Day proces
first time that the the finger at him. seemed to have than other times. g in Scotland Yard vestigation seemed osition.
icture changed drabsident Premadasa's was just as vulnerrs to the forces that tabilise the country. asa was different to s post independence he masses, "the poor she has been aptly if his development rected towards allerty, which he purrusading zeal. ter in the Jayewarhe remained in the irtually powerless.
Jayewardene chose ssor, he had all the ve Presidency gave (ecutive Presidency dene the freedom to ersial Indo-Lanka mer Indian Prime ithout recourse to ave Premadasa the
It is in the execution of that authority that Premadasa was bitterly criticised. The opposition, as well as dissidents in his own party, described it as an authoritarian 'one-man-show'.
But the Tamil minority saw Premadasa differently. They were sympathetic to him because they believed he was the leader most likely to resolve the island's bitter and bloody communal conflict that, in a decade of unprecedented violence had claimed thousands of lives.
President Premadasa made a very valiant effort to resolve the conflict, when he invited the Tiger leadership for talks, causing problems for himself in the government, the opposition and the security forces.
He once told a Tamil political leader that he felt a certain instinctive empathy for Tiger leader Vellupillai Prabhakaran, in view of his singleminded dedication to his political cause and his fierce independence.
Later however he became quite embittered when the peace talks collapsed, fighting began, and he had to face the political backlash from hardline Sinhala opinion.
President Premadasa also relied on key Tamil advisors to run the government and showed he was above narrow ethnic prejudice. This was in sharp contrast to most of his predecessors including former President J.R. Jayewardene.
He also encouraged minority busi. ness men and traders in an open economic environment. However, he failed to make any significant progress on the political resolution of the national question.
If President Premadasa was in creasingly disillusioned with the Ti. gers, he had only contempt for ali other Tamil formations who he believed were either mercenaries or were politically bankrupt.
Contrary to what was expected the UNP showed a remarkable solidarity and affected an orderly transition of power following Premadasa's assassination. The shock of two brutal assassinations in a fortnight, of two formidable men in the island's political arena, Athulathmudali and President Premadasa could well be a turning point, and as Anura Bandaranaike of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party said: 'a halt to political parlour games and confrontational politics.’

Page 7
15 MAY 1993
ബ
Opposition Reactions & Tami
In the Aftermath of
Assassination
by Our Special Correspondent, Colom
Not in the sky, in the mid-ocean, nor in a mountain cave, is found that place on earth where abiding, one will not be overcome by death.'
The State run Daily News had this quotation from the Buddhist scripture, Dhammapada, on its front page on the day of President Premadasa's funeral. It reflected precisely the mood in the corridors of power in Colombo. Although not proved clearly the impression or belief that President Premadasa was assassinated by an LTTE suicide bomber inevitably gained ground as the funeral approached. And hence, this apparent unease among the political and military leaders in the south about the lurking doom of the Tiger suicide squads in the city. On the other hand panic mounted among the thousands of Tamils in Colombo as the police and the media focussed attention on the purported suicide bomber, convincingly describng him as a member of the Liberation Tigers, who had been sent from the north two years ago to meticulously plan and prepare for the assassination.
Very few Tamils in the city were prepared to believe that the Sinhala people were going to view the blowing up of the President with equanimity. Violence against the Tamils had erupted in July 1983 following the funeral of the thirteen soldiers slain by the Tigers. And the violent anger of the mourners had marred the funerals of General' Kobbekaduwa some months ago and Lalith Athulathmudali only a week before. Against this background many Tamils could not but note with a terrifying unease the prospect of mass fury originating from the funeral site and spreeading elsewhere.
They feared that there might be a repetition of the violence unleashed against the Tamils a decade ago in July '83.
Large numbers of Tamils who had taken up temporary residence in the south started leaving for Vavuniya to stay there till the funeral was over and everything was back to normal. Buses to Batticaloa were also packed as the day of the funeral approached. Joseph Pararajasingham, MP for Batticaloa, met the acting President, D.B. Wijetunge on Tuesday 4th May, to seek an assurance from the government
that it would do its communal backlash rites of President Pl Colombo-based Ta Motilal Nheru, who the UNP bandwago entrusting his polit mercies of Presiden the acting presiden day to voice the conc almost panic strick ombo; Sitharthan, o PLOT, for his part with General Ham about the security city. Many westerr were obviously wor that was spreading Tamils in the south Wickramesinghe - player in the post P and the top brass in and the police with a government more taining order until
OVEY.
The arrest of thil the city - fifteen Wellawatte - contr creasing anxiety. Hic dent that the gov taking any chances ployed at key point where there were Tamils. Premadasa'. be concerned about itself which could fi ideal pretext for dest regime and its hold ( was declared to 8.00pm after the fun next morning as a p sure (later as there of any violence eve the curfew was shif
Contrary to Tam: city was back to nor May - the day after clear from the day o that the governmen the situation. This the smooth transi accordance with co sions despite specula the foreign media aftermath of the instability could fol ping in of many pow the army into the v the sudden death

TAMIL TIMES 7
the
OO
best to prevent a following the last emadasa, and the mil lawyer, Mir. had jumped on n only last month,
ical future to the
t Premadasa, met on the following ern of anxious and en Tamils in Colthe leader of the held a discussion lton Wanasinghe of Tamils in the missions which ried by the fear rapidly among the contacted Ranil manifestly a key remadasa UNP —
the security forces
view to make the vigilant in mainthe funeral was
ty Tamil boys in from a hotel at ibuted to the inwever, it was eviernment was not . Troops were deis and in suburbs concentrations of s successors had to forces in the south nd the funeral an abilising the UNP in power. A curfew take place from eral to 5.00am the recautionary meawas no indication ) on a small scale (ed to 10.00pm).
l fears, life in the mal on Friday, 7th the funeral. It was the assassination t was in control of was mainly due to ion of power in nstitutional provition by sections of in the immediate ssassination that ow with the steper players such as acuum created by of the incumbent
President. But the prompt adherence to the procedure prescribed in the constitution in the case of such an eventuality within an hour of confirming the death of the President decisively precluded all such possibilities. In fact life had returned back to normal on the day following the assassination. Public and private concerns were open and business was as usual. People were seen setting about their business as though nothing had happened.
The panic among the Tamils arose only after the police and the press began to point the finger at the Tigers. The fear was rooted in the feeling that the assassination of the President, if done by the Tigers, was sure to be the last straw for the Sinhala people; that hence it would be foolish to complacently expect the government to ensure the protection of the Tamils, and that the Tigers had gone too far for the Sinhalese to take the whole thing lying down. Hence, the Tamils in the city were evidently assuming that it was only logical and "reasonable' for the Sinhalese to react as they did in 1983 at least on a minor scale.
But it was obvious by Thursday (6 May) morning, when the anxiety among the Tamils peaked, that the Sinhalese had come a long way since July 1983. They had other concerns on their minds than bashing up the Tamils. And the chauvinist premises of their attitude towards the Tamil question, propagated and sustained by the Jayewardene, Cyril Mathew, Gamini Dissanayake combine in the eighties, have been gradually but inexorably exploded by the grim march of events since 1987 which did not conform to the logic and expectations of the Mahavamsa mind set in the south.
It was clear from the day of Ranjan Wijeratine's death that the chagrin of the Sinhalese caused by the great setbacks in Eelam War Two was turning inwards - towards its own leaders. The chagrin was building up into mass anger from the time of General Kobbekaduwa’s funeral. It reached a climax when Lalith Athulathmudal was killed. the UNP government was compelled to concede the loss of its public credibility when it had to bring down a team of Scotland Yard police to investigate the murder. There were very few who were prepared to buy the story put out by the police that the LTTE was behind Lalith's killing. The opposition firmly held on to the view that the government and certain ellements in the police were behind it. The mood was such that the LTTE could kill anyone in the south and the blame surely and inevitably would have been put on President Premadasa. The imContinued on page 9

Page 8
8 TAMIL TIMES
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15 MAY 1993
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Page 9
15 MAY 1993
Continued from page 7
petuous chant “Premadasa Minimaruwo (Murderer Premadasa), which erupted first at Kobbekaduwa’s funeral, reached an ominous crescendo as Lalith was laid to rest amidst tear gas and mob violence.
One could not help but notice that this seemingly irrational impulse to blame all evils that befell Sinhala society on President Premadasa, also in a way appeared to be rooted in perceptions of social hierachy among the Sinhalese, which as in many other parts of South Asia were not even cosmetically tempered by modernist political movements which rejected Homo-hierachicus as the central cultural paradigm of their societies. That the President, as a man who belonged to the lower rungs of the caste order, was inherently given to evil and was therefore not fit to rule, was a belief that one could detect lurking beneath the rhetoric of his more virulent detractors.
A few days before Premadasa's death a senior TULF leader remarked with utter revulsion how an oppostion leader had disparagingly referred to President Premadasa as a dhobi's dhobi. The fact that this belief, as an insidious undercurrent in the opposition's portrayal of the man, found some resonance in the public psyche in the south, has to be underscored in examining the political life of Premadasa in the role of Sri Lanka's President. It can be said with certainty that he was the first leader in South Asia who came from an underprivileged background - the first one who did not belong to the South Asian post-colonial elite on whom the reins of power devolved from the British Empire. Yet one came across Sinhalese who were not ready to feel proud of this fact - but on the contrary were ever ready to attribute to him many a lowly deed traditionally associated with his caste (such as the preposterous story of his bathing in the breast milk of abducted virgins!). Then of course there was the charge that he was working hand in glove with the LTTE against the interests of the Sinhala nation and the heroic efforts of its armed forces. When Lalith the man who was still seen as the hero of Vamamaradchi (a reference to the military operations in northern Jaffna in May 1987), as the one who along with General Kobbekaduwa upheld the Lion flag - was assassinated, it became easy logic for the President to be accused of being responsible for his murder. The white flags and other signs of grief which appeared in the city and in all parts of the country were spontaneous; and the
anger was also UNP meetings addressed by th cancelled follow The unfortunate tant group) w thrown its lot in to pack up and li a plush suburb leader Douglas ported to have Trincomalee. Ev, hard UNPers w faith by the ( Lalith's death.
Athulathmuda hand, seen by t an unblemished man, and on the dered by the Sin as one who trod cally on the JVP UNP's chances a were seen to be r Lalith's death. addressed by the poorly attended. at Kiru) appon apparently shake and mindful of th the opposition's p diabolic creature refusal of Sinhala morally despite a for the poor an pleaded, from t anguished heart, a ate me by whatev, do not assassinate asset I have tre hood'. The next d pieces by a suicide As the news o crackers were lit i
The London-basea tee of Tamil Speal has condemned t, President R. Pren Lallith. A thuilathm, the Democratic Un In a press stater President, Dr. K. said:
The violence tha the Sri Lankan po many years reach the recent assassir Minister for Nat leader of the D National Front, M mudali, and Pre Premadasa. there these assassinatic motivated, and we reservedly for wha do not believe th; serve to solve polit

TAM TIMES 9
ontaneous. Several which were to be President had to be g Lalith's funeral. EPDP (a Tamil miliich had brazenly rith Premadasa had ve their mansion in of Colombo and its )evananda was rebeen despatched to In the traditional die re shaken in their lamity caused by
i was, on the one aditional UNPers as and staunch party other, he was consihala rural population softly and diplomatiissue. As a result the the provincial polls pidly dwindling after The last meeting President was very t was at this meeting e the President, n by the poor turnout e venomous effect of ortrayal of him as a and the perverse society to accept him ll that he had done d for the religion, the depths of his as it were, 'Assassinær means, but please my character - an asured since childay he was blown to -bomber. f his death spread h the city and many
other parts of the south by those who despised him. It abhorred the civilised sensibility to see people celebrating the assassination of their country's President - the hatred was so deep and vicious that they were not prepared to forgive him even ip his death. But if it is definitely proved that he was killed by the LTTE, Premadasa's death would help the UNP resolve the crisis he is accused of creating for it by talking to the Tigers. The UNP in fact has been able to revive its fortunes in the days following his assassination - the wind was taken out of the opposition's sails, when reports of the suicide bomber were put out in the press.
Yet the oppostion, confident of securing a victory at the provincial polls, decided not to rock the boat for the UNP by challenging D.B. Wijetunge's election as President when Parliament met the day after the funeral. Stability was uppermost even in the most radical sections of the opposition. And D.B. Wijetunge had always been considered by the opposition as well as the UNP as a "harmless' deputy to the President. Except for Gamini Dissanayake's undiplomatic statement that he would not "rule in or rule out' his rejoining the UNP - a statement which was contemptuously dismissed by the government and was resented by the opposition - the transition of power was exceptionally smooth. The famils in the city heaved a sigh of utter relief the day after the funeral.
And it was ironic indeed that the funeral of a man who was accused by his people of colluding with the Tamils to the detriment of the Sinhala nation, should have evoked such terror among the Tamils of a communal backlash.
Assassination Condemned
Standing Commiting People (SCOT) e assassination of adasa and Mr. R. dali, the leader of led National Front. ent issued by its Sivakumar, SCOT
has characterised tical landscape for a new high with tions of the former nal Security and mocratic United Lailith. Athulathdent Ranasinghe is no doubt that s were politically ondemn them unthey are - and we such acts would al problems.
Accusations and counteraccusations, have been made as to the identity of the persons or organisation that have been responsible for these killings. In a country where thousands of killings have gone unaccounted without the culprits ever having been brought to justice, one does not know whether the truth as to the circumstances and the persons responsible for the latest killings will ever come to light. These killings do not constitute the first of their kind, nor do we think that they would be the last. The climate and culture of violence sponsored and nurtured over the years by the state and its agencies as well as by non-state entities has produced in the country a situation in which the language of patient democratic discussion has been replaced by the violent lan
Continued on page 10

Page 10
10 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 9 guage of the gun and the bomb.
The continued failure to solve the Tamil national question by political means and the resultant conflict as well as the progressive and gradual erosion of democratic rights with little or no tolerance shown to any with a dissenting view have driven Sri Lanka into a situation of political turmoil and instability. The problems of the ethnic question and democracy in Sri Lanka have to be addressed and solved as soon as possible if further tragedies are to be avoided, and peace and tranquility restored in the country.
Muslim Delegation
Meets German Ambassador
If the human rights violations and
abuses against civilian Muslims as well as Sinhalese and non-compliant Tamils are committed in the Northern and Eastern provinces, it is not by the Sri Lankan government but solely by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) which claims to be the champion of the Tamil speaking people, and the international community should take a serious note of these inhuman acts, a delegation of the Muslim Information Centre (MIC), the Sri Lankan Muslim human rights watchdog body, told Mr. Klaus M. Franke, the Ambassador of the Federal Republic of Germany in Colombo.
Engaged in a global disinformation campaign, the LTTE and its sympathisers seek to sideline the Muslim aspect of the ethnic crisis and throw a smokescreen over their killings of Muslim civilians. It is only through international pressure upon and isolation of the LTTE that its onslaughts on the civilians could be brought to a halt, or at least minimised. The opinionmakers, particularly in the West, had a major role to play in this respect. They should compel the LTTE not to turn its guns against unarmed civilians, the delegation stressed.
In response, the German Ambassador said that there did not appear to be sufficient information abroad about the Muslim aspect of the problem and not enough attention for the plight of the many affected Muslims and that he understood the Muslim anxiety
over this.
Stating that it was the first time
that he was meeting a comprehensive and representative Muslim delegation and hearing views from a broad spectrum of the Muslim community, the Ambassador lauded the Muslim community for its restraint and moderation despite the massacre and sufferings of their brethren.
“NO Mil
New President o of Sri Lanka, l blamed politicial finding a just so East issue.
At a dinner ho Colombo Branch Association of Ha in his honour, M delay on the pari find a just soluti ing changes i approaches of the who formed the la of the country.
Mr. Abeykoon Hartley College father was Magis said: "I rememb Soulbury Comm Pedro. We were House to receive missioners. They The Tamils plac mand. But it faile with the Soulbur
Mr. Abeykoons cians had evolve able solution reco the Tamils, then not have come to He said the Tam rights originated Donoughmore Co
Emer
The Sri Lankan A Tilak Marapan press that mo) Emergency Reg force would be re. would include t. Inspectors Genel detention orders restricted to 7 da
Among the ot revoked were off session of arms, I possession of sub maps, displaying ing statements, and causing disa incitement agai Though these pr voked, persons : ting any of the tried under the
The Attorney ment appers tc severe criticism session of the Human Rights, Mareh this year.

15 MAY 1993
tary Solution to Ethnic Conflict
says BASL President
the Bar Association ).W. Abeykoon has ls for the delay in Lution to the North
sted recently by the
of the Past Pupils' rtley College (Jaffna) ". Abeykoon said the of the politicians to on led to correspondn the modes and agitation by Tamils Irgest minority group
who was a student of , Jaffna when his strate of Point Pedro r the day that the ission visited Point paraded at the Rest the Soulbury Comcame one hour late. ed the fifty-fifty de2d to carry conviction y Commission.
said that if the politia just and reasongnising the rights of the country would this sorry pass today. il agitation for their at the time of the mmission.
Mr. Abeykoon said "This national question was left uncared for far too long. This led to the revolt of the Tamils. This is a justifiable revolt. But it cannot be contained by military actions. It can only bring untold havoc in its wake. Even a military victory cannot last long because the causes of the revolt have not been removed.'
He further said: "This necessitates an immediate negotiation - a meaningful negotiation that will not be protracted - a negotiation that will put the heart and soul to a solution which will take into cognizance the sins of war and the ruinous effect it has brought on the national economy, the consequent degradation of the living standards of all the people and above all the future of posterity.
"No solution will be worthy of its name unless it is acceptable to the aggrieved Tamils of this country. We have known by experience that attempts to force the will of the majority community on the minorities have been counter-productive. Let us not waste the nation's wealth on fruitless exercises and impoverish the people for no fault of theirs. The politicians have faltered by the nation in not having the will to find a just solution.'
The function was chaired by ViceChancellor of the University of Jaffna, Prof. A. Thurairajah.
gency Regulations to be Relaxed
Attorney General, Mr. a recently told the re than 20 of the ulations presently in laxed shortly and this he power of Deputy ral of Police to issue
for 60 days to be
ys.
her provisions to be enses relating to pos
making death threats, versive literature and of slogans, fabricatspreading of rumours ffection, sedition and nst the government. ovisions would be resuspected of commitse ofenses would be hormal criminal law.
General's announcebe in response to levelled at the 49th UN Commission on held in Februaryand also partially in
keeping with assurances he gave on behalf of Sri Lanka.
The Attorney General said that the government's proposal to relax these regulations would apply to areas other than the Northeast, and this would be an initial step to lift the state of emergency in all areas except the Northeast.
Further safeguards like requiring the officer-in-charge of detention centres to submit names of the detenus every fortnight to the Magistrate for the area would also be introduced, and the Magistrate in turn would display the names on the notice board within the precincts of the court.
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Page 11
15背AY1993
Political implications ASSassination
by Jayadeva Uyangoda
The sudden demise of President Premadasa in a violent explosion has certainly created a vacuum in Sri Lankan politics; but, as it appears for the moment, no room for lingering political instability.
If the ruling UNP and the Opposition can act wisely and intelligently, new possibilities are already opening up for better political relations in Sri Lanka. Of course, to be wise and intelligent, they should be able to manage the bitter memories of the killings of Lalith Athulathmudali and President Premadasa and to control the volatile passions generated by the departure from politics of the two leaders. But, this will require, first of all, sobriety in the post-Premadasa UNP administration and maturity in the post-Athulathmudali opposition.
When Mr. Premadasa was killed on May 1, the political implications of Mr. Athulathmudali's assassination just a week before had not even begun to surface with any clarity. With accusations and counter-accusations exchanged by the government and the opposition about the culpability of the killing of Mr. Athulathmudali, the politics in Sri Lanka was in extreme chaos. Probably, nobody but Mr. Pre
madasa's killer and his superiors knew
that was the best conjuncture of events to kill the head of state as well. Unwittingly, all politicians in Sri Lanka, in their supremely acrimonious and utterly irresponsible behaviour during the last week of April created conditions that the killers were patiently waiting for. If one were to see a pattern in these two killings that occurred within a brief space of one week and sixteen hours, first to be removed from the scene is the strongest possible successor to President Premadasa. Targeted immediately after was the President himself. Who, then, carried out the two assassinations? The government blames the LTTE while the Opposition wants to believe that the UNP had a hand in the killing of Mr. Athulathmudali.
The killers of Mr. Athulathmudali and Mr. Premadasa have, meanwhile, left not-so-negative ironies as well. The losses, however agonizing they may be, are not one-sided; the Opposition lost one of its frontline leaders while the UNP its foremost leader and
the President of the victims to a particul culture characterize tolerance, partisan f dividualized power p
If the UNP's the volvement in these t political killings ir accepted, then it will enormous political i UNP, while advocati probably unaware o means. It in fact mea: the politics in Colom mined by the politics other words, the L. Colombo's politics, all politicians in the gov as in the Opposition a ing to an agenda craft executed by Velupilla The Tiger involveme means that chaos ol South is inextricably li and/or peace in the No
The bottom line, the difficult to deduce: tin all Southern politicians and sober and to have all political mistakes years.
D.B. Wijetunge's office as the President tial for creating condi ing the turmoil in Sri provided that the UNI the DUNF consist of p gent men and women his predecessors, Mr. mot appear to suffer f man syndrome. He doe having a political ager his own persona. Henc an activist President madasa. Sri Lanka enough at the hands and women at the top dent with no personal is Sri Lanka's need of
Mr. Wijetunge's inc executive president ca ly last till December een months ahead a characterized by an a and possibly a stronge this happens, excessiv of state power, the h Jayewardene and Prer trations, is likely to di

TAMIL TIMES 11
Of the
ountry. Both fell kind of political by violence, innaticism and inbjects. ry of LTTE ino most stunning Sri Lanka is
invariably have nplications. The g this theory, is what it really is primarily that bo is overdeterof the LTTE. In TE is deciding ld the Colombo 2rnment as well re merely reactily designed and i Prabhakaran. nt theory also r peace in the nked to the war orth.
n, is not all that
ne has come for to be moderate a critical look at of the past 15
assumption of has the potenions for reducanka’s politics, , the SLFP and litically intelliUnlike two of Wijetunge does om the strong3 not seem to be da, centered on , he will not be s was Mr. Prehas suffered of strong men a weak Presiakes in politics he hour.
mbency as the constitutional94. The eighte likely to be ertive Cabinet Parliament. If personalization lmarks of the adasa adminisinish.
An honest and dispassionate look at Sri Lanka’s recent politics will convince us that personalization of political power has led to the decay of political and administrative institutions at every level. Similarly, the excessive personalization by the Opposition of its critique of the Premadasa administration has also negated the political efficacy of both the SLFP and the DUNF as alternatives to the UNP.
The leadership of the UNP, the SLFP and the DUNF represents different segments of the ruling class of Sri Lanka. It is their adversarial fragmentation that has prevented them from reading the writings on the wall. It is the atmosphere of political acrimony that has created conditions for the deaths of both Mr. Athulathmudali and Mr. Premadasa... What we have witnessed over the past few years is an acute crisis at the top, at the level of the ruling class. If this trifurcated ruling class fails to have a self-critical look at its own words and deeds, due to mutual hatred and animosities inherited from the recent past, it would be sheer bad luck for everybody. Good luck, if such a thing exists at all, demands the commitment to rebuilding of political institutions, reinforcing institutional checks - and - balances of power, reconstitution of Government-Opposition relations in a competitive but not rancorous atmosphere, and even constitutional reforms.
A national government, as being proposed by some, is perhaps not the best mechanism of addressing the crucial issues of Sri Lankan politics. Only a reformed UNP, a reformed SLFP and a reformed DUNF should form a national government. What is necessary at the moment is the formulation of a general political strategy aimed at (i) democratization of the political process, (ii) a political solution to the ethnic problem, and (iii) constitutional reforms. It is a collective responsibility of the ruling party, the opposition, the intellectual and business communities, and the religious leadership.
The Writer is a senior lecturer in political science at the University of Colombo. He was also a politbureau nenber of the JVP in 1971.
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Page 12
12 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 3 ܥ any event in which he participated into an extravaganza accompanied by all the stately pomp and pageantry resulting in the expenditure of vast sums of public funds. His village re-awakening (Gamudawa) festivals and the mobile presidential secretaria service periodically conducted in provincial towns were more like carnivals. The less publicity seeking new President is expected to discontinue this rather profligate practice. One of the less publicised characteristics of the Premadasa regime was its proneness to setting up of unorthodox, unofficial, secret investigatory bodies' which had no statutory basis for their existence and functioned autonomously free from control by official law enforcement agencies, but reportedly remained accountable to the former President. In One of his first moves, the new President ordered the dismantling of a special security agency housed on the fourth floor of the National Housing Authority. This agency, headed by two retired senior high ranking police officers, was
Setback for Sri Lankan Rulin
Provincial elections have ensured an end to hegem
John Rettie in Colombo
Sri Lanka's ruling United National For more than 10 Party has suffered its first big defeat has had its way, larg since it swept to power in the 1977 lence and fraud. Buto elections. struck back. Worst O
The results of Monday's provincial jewel in the provincial council elections, announced yester- province - the richest day, are certain to prove a watershed lous which includes 1 in the country's political history. ombo — where it w
ულურუ-ურო-იურულულულუ-ლუო second place. It also lo אלהמסקאהל"ל. אייזי> τAMIL TIMES
the North-Western pr
The UNP held on seven contested emerged as the larges
The mainly Tamil province did not take the war with the Ta some Colombo Tamils happy at the first re devolving power from
For the UNP, whicl used by President J. and then by his su Ranasinghe Premada ment of authoritariar were shattering.
The political scene matically since the Premadasa and his cl Athulathmudali. As a tions passed without I fraud, both of which h; teristic of most polls s
The main opposit Popular Alliance, did v especially in Western ) the chaotic organisati party, the Sri Lankar (SLFP) of Srimavo Ba
It won 45 of the prov including the two bon the party winning the
 
 

15 MAY 1993
reportedly responsible for carrying out a multitude of Cloak-and-dagger covert operations including gathering of information about ruling party and opposition politicians, senior government officials and professionals and executives in the private sector. The funding of this agency came allegedly from a state corporation, but its existence remained a Secret.
These are welcome and necessary moves in the ight direction - and there are many more to be indertaken if the authoritarian trends and erosion of democracy and the rule of law that permeated the previous two presidential regimes are to be remedied. However, what the new President must realise is that he most important question facing the island and its people is the unresolved ethnic conflict. Mere expresson of his willingness to negotiate - in fact that is what is predecessor also said for many years - would mean nothing until he takes concrete action towards he resolution of the Conflict. That will be the true test and challenge for the new President.
g Party
ony writes
years the UNP ely through vion Monday voters f all, it lost the crown, Western and most poputhe capital, Colas beaten into ost southern and ovinces.
to four of the provinces and t party in six.
North-Eastern part because of mil Tigers. But said they were al step towards Colombo.
after 1977 was R. Jayawardene :cessor the late sa as an instru
rule, the losses
as changed draassassination of ief rival, Lalith result, the elecnuch violence or ve been characnce 1977. on group, the tell everywhere, rovince, despite on of its leading Freedom Party ndaranaike. ince's 104 seats, s seats given to largest number
under proportional representation. It came second in the other six provinces.
The Democratic United National Party (DUNF) which broke with the UNP under Athulathmudali's leadership in protest against Premadasa's repression, was a little disappointed by the result. Some who might have voted DUNF against the late president are thought to have returned to the fold after his death.
The enfranchisement of most plantation Tamils, given Sri Lankan citizenship by Premadasa after decades of denial, helped the UNP considerably in the central hill country.
The loss of Athulathmudali, the DUNF hero, also had its effect, as did "the KGB factor', which in Sri Lanka stands for "Kandy Goygama Buddhist'.
The goygamas form the majority upper caste, and President D.B. Wijetunge, elected by parliament after the assassination fulfils all the requirements.
Although the DUNF's new leader, Gamini Dissanayake, is also a KGB', he does not have the attraction of being president.
The DUNF, however, won nearly 15 per cent of all the seats and in the three provinces lost by the UNP holds the balance of power, a position from which it is expected to bargain for the post of chief minister in NorthWestern province.
The councils raise taxes and control the police and education.
With a potentially hostile opposition province based on the capital, the UNP central government will now have to negotiate and bargain. Whether or not violence continues, Monday brought normal politics back to Sri Lanka.
(Courtesy: The Guardian, 1975/93).

Page 13
15 MAY 1993
Jaffna Fast Turning into a
In the Jaffna peninsula in northern Sri Lanka, the unprecedented increase in refugees and unemployment, since the war broke out, particularly in the last two years, has resulted in deterioration of the environment and depletion of natural resources.
Due to the non-availability of natural gas and other fuel-alternatives, the demand for fuelwood has increased. Although the residents have had some access to food supplies, water, medical assistance and education, they lack ready access to fuelwood.
The forest resource of the Jaffna peninsula covers an area of 7100 hectares or 7 percent of the land area of the peninsula. The forest includes natural plant communities both tropicall thorn forest and dry evergreen forest but is essentially of a very mixed composition and a secondary forest.
The forest is a low open thorny scrub with scattered trees and patches of trees. There are two main places where forest has heavily been destroyed. The first is the east coast of the peninsula, particularly Nagarkovil area which covers 3750 hectares of the
scrub land and peninsula. Thes and eastern pal which covers 1 forest land of the There are mol as refugees who the peninsula a people have lost Crowded into c situated on mar den large concer speed up the di vironment an hardships for li compete for scar Refugees who unoccupied land age the near g) cook their eme Sudden increas and demand for poor refugees int from their camp fuelwood busine mers, fishermen and others.
Most of the n day collecting f
Call for End to Human Rights
in Sri Lanka
At a public meeting in the Council Chamber of Walthamstow Town Hall on 23 April 1993, people gathered to discuss human rights in Sri Lanka and the British government. Lord Ennals chaired, and the speakers were Professor Michael Moore of the Institute of Development Studies at the University of Sussex, P. Sangaravel, a former senior civil servant in Sri Lanka, on behalf of the Tamil Information Centre, Will McMahon of the Campaign Against the Arms Trade, Philip Spender of Index on Censorship and Neil Gerrard MP. The Mayor of Waltham Forest attended.
The meeting was jointly organised by Human Rights in Sri Lanka, Committee for Democracy and Justice in Sri lanka, Campaign for Democracy and Human Rights in Sri Lanka, Lawyers (in Exile) for Democracy in Sri Lanka and International Tamil Foundation.
Hundreds of people "disappear' at the hands of the Sri Lankan government each year, the speakers said. Journalists face obstruction, threats and violence; and throughout the island freedom of expression is stifled. Civilians in the North-East Province are bombed and the supply of food and medicines to them is impeded by the government. Though the mass media
in Britain are c coverage to the tion, major abus human cost.
The former UK David Gladston cause of his co rights violation British govern weapons and trai an security forces decided to step armaments to t other repressive quantities of ove be supplied to th ities by various i and government Japan. Many pe lence have beer status in Britain asylum-seekers worse under nev
A resolution v the Sri Lankan bombing civilian prisoners or bri speedy trial an expression; the review its policy and the interna put pressure on ernment to be human rights vi

TAMIL TIMES 13
Desert
open forest of the cond is the southern its of the Palai area 360 hectares of the
peninsula. e than 120,000 people live in the interior of ud more than 100,000 their jobs by the war. amps or settlements, ginal lands, such sudtrations of the people gradation of the end pose additional cal people forced to ce natural resources.
settled on previously in the peninsula raveens for fuelwood to rgency food rations. e in unemployment fuelwood pushes the o the forests far away s. Those who do this ss were earlier farcarpenters, masons
hen spend the entire uelwood. They spend
Abuses
... vexes
urrently giving little
human rights situaes continue at a high
High Commissioner, 2, was expelled bencern about human s. Nevertheless the ment is supplying ning to the Sri Lank, and appears to have up sales of surplus he Sri Lankan and governments. Large rseas aid continue to e Sri Lankan authornternational agencies s, especially that of ople fleeing the viodenied full refugee , and the situation of is likely to become
legislation.
tas passed calling on government to stop s, release all political ng them to fair and restore freedom of UK government to of arms sales and aid; tional community to the Sri Lankan govmade accountable for olations.
about fifteen hours to go to the forest areas, to gather wood and to return to Jaffna. There are more than 3000 people involved in wood business.
Before the war broke out fuelwood was brought from the mainland areas such as Kilinochchi, Vavuniya and Mullaitivu for hotels and bakeries in Jaffna. Now the entire demand for fuelwood depends on the forest cover of the peninsula.
The presence of underground water is ablessing to the people and has been the most important condition for human activities in the Jaffna peninsula. If deforestation continues the underground water level will be affected. Along the east coast of the peninsula, there are extensive areas of sand. The scrubs and the trees prevent the sand encroachment on the cultivated land as the wind sweeps it landward. g
With the increasing deforestation, evaporation will be great and the moisture available for plant growth will greatly be diminished. The land's capacity to retain water will be reduced. When rains are scarce, soils dry up and soil erosion, salinization and the loss of organic matters are increased.
In the long run there will be a climatic change, particularly in rainfall and temperature in the Northern part of Lanka. - - - A. Antonyraja Lecturer, Dept. of Geography, Jaffna University.
Norway to Deport Asylum Seekers
The Norwegian government recently decided to deport a batch of 50 Sri Lankan Tamils whose applications for asylum or refugee status had been rejected. The decision said to have been taken by the Norwegian Ministry of Justice after extensive investigations carried out by a team of officials both in Sri Lanka and elsewhere is expected to be implemented on a stag. gered basis shortly by the Norwegian police, according to T.R. Aatlo of the Justice Ministry.
With a total of about 5100 Sri Lankan Tamils resident in Norway, they represent a leading group seeking asylum every year. 556 Tamils sought asylum in Norway in 1991 and 403 in 1992. The Norwegian authorities claim that their decision has been taken in consultation with the officials of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in Geneva and in Colombo. They also claim that there are thousands of Tamils living safely in Colombo and elsewhere and that there is no legitimate reason for them to seek asylum in Norway.

Page 14
14 TAMIL TIMES
Mahajana College Old Students' Association (U.K.)
O PEN DAY
on Saturday, July 3rd 1993, 11.00am to 10.00pm
at Wembley High School, East Lane, Wembley, Middlesex.
Chief Guest: Mr. P. Kanagasabapathy, Principal Emeritus
Events:
Cricket: 7-a-side
Mahajana A Vs. Mahajana B
sk Union College Vs. Skanda Soccer:
A London Mahajana Vs. Paris Mahajana Netball:
k Mahajana Vs. Union Indoor Games, Ladies Sports, Children Sports and many more events Tickets: Adults £5, Children age 5-14 and O.A.P. £2 For Further Information please contact:
Mr. G. Natkunan Te: O81-8415186 Mr. W. Thayalan Tel: O81-399 7848.
Calling Old Students of Stanley College, Jaffna
It is proposed to form an Old Students' Association, U.K. Branch of J/Stanley College (CMMV). All old students are kindly requested to contact any one of the following early so that steps may be taken to inaugurate this association as SOOn as possible.
Mr. A. Manoharan Te: O81-803 8920 Mr. S. Yogarajah Te: O81-679 1094 Mr. S. Kaneshalingam Te:081-569 9416 Mr. S. Suntharalingan Tel: O81-554 4199 Mr. P. Thavanathan Te: O81-864 5865 Mrs. Nirmala Nithiyanandan Tel: 081-451 5429 Mr. S. Ratnarajah Tel: O81-364 4566
Mr. Ratnarajah whose address is 7 Elmer Close, Enfield, Middx. EN2
7EE will receive all correspondence regarding this matter. The college
Logo is urgently required. Any old student who has it, please send it to the above address.
Ruby’s Food Store
One Stop Sri Lankan Stores with Car Park Facilities சவுத்கோவில் ஒரு தமிழ்க் களஞ்சியம்
இது ஒரு உங்கள் ஸ்தாடலம்
மளிகைப்பொருட்கள் மரக்கறிவகைகள்
7 Days A Week s Off-Licence ဖီဖါး - 10.30pm மீன்வகைகள் SriLankan Specials
Audio,CD556it தமிழ்ப்பத்திரிகைகள்
மனநிறைவோடு உங்கள்தேவைக்ளைபூர்த்திசெய்ய சவுத்கோலில் நாடவேண்டிய நம்பிக்கையான ஸ்தாபனம்
Ruby's, 52 High street, southam, Middx, Tel: 081-8139663)

15 MAY 1993
THE STANDING COMMITTEE OF TAMIL SPEAKING PEOPLE (Founded 1977, U.K. Registered Charity 274499)
Presents
Voca Recital of Carnatic Music
By
Shri 0.S. Thiagarajan
Shri Thiagarajan commands prime performance slots during the Madras Music Festival in all important centres
:3 錢
Accompanied by: Violin - Shri M. Manjunath, Mridangum - Shri R. Ramesh
The Conway Hall, Red Lion Square, London WC1 on Sunday 27th June 1993, at 6.30pm
Doors open 5.30pm
Tickets; £10. £5, £3 (Balcony)
Telephone: 081-764-7912, 081-870-9897,
081-468-7181, 0277-223981
"O.S. Thiagarajan has a style that is relaxed, yet rivets the listeners' attention.”-Times of India, Jan 14 1992.
Shri Lankan OBAs in the UK
Organising Committee
FESTIVAL OF CRICKET
Sponsored by S.R. Gent, Intl., Ltd.
MAORI CLUB Worcester Park, Surrey ON BANK HOLIDAY MONDAY 31ST MAY 1993
Offers are invited for the following:
1. Major Sponsor: Name of Sponsor will be incorporated to
Title of Event. 2. Minor Sponsors: To sponsor select parts of the
Festival, e.g. Souvenir, P.A. System, Charity Marquee etc. List application . Trade Stalls: Cost £175 for 10ft by 10ft stalls in bazaar. . Caterers for the Day: Only two main caterers. . Advertising Banners & Hoardings: to mark boundary line.
Maximum 12ft by 1.5ft. at £100 each. 6. Advertisement in Souvenir (Circulation min 1000) Full Page
£100. Half Page £60.
Note: TRADE 8 OBA STALLS GIVEN ON
FIRST COME FIRST PAID BASIS
Apply to:
Secretary F O C Mr. Joe Navin Te: O81-567.2352
Fax:081-644 4180 For Trade Stalls: Mr. Perry Perera Te: O81-391 0351 Sponsors: Mr. A. Karunaratne Tel: 081-668 8903

Page 15
15 MAY 1993
The Meaning of Trinci and Sri Lanka's Fu
by Rajah Hoole
The Ferry crossing
The region south of Mutur punctuated by rivers has been commended for its unequalled beauty. A young woman was clutching an infant on a ferry making a brief crossing between lush green banks. She was going to her village of Korukkamam. Asked if anyone was killed in her village during the current war, her large eyes darted furtively at the uniformed men with automatics on either bank. 'No', she replied hurriedly, “no one'. Asked if she lost any near ones, she hesitated. After weighing the matter she said. "I lost my brother Marakathan and my brother-in-law Ganeshan'. "Then there were many killed?' 'Yes', she replied. Fear and anxiety writ on her dark, wan face gave it a beauty that is born of patience in the face of suffering. There are perhaps other secrets that she would not divulge to a stranger, like how many of her brothers, cousins or nephews joined militant groups. Although there is a surface of calm with disappearances and killings by the forces in Trincomalee District at an all time low, a deep sense of foreboding among Tamils remains and is perhaps greater than ever. The explosive potential of the corrosion that is building up below the surface is likely to be missed by those anxious to give Sri Lanka a clean bill of health for human rights.
ldeologically motivated violence
The young woman on the ferry symbolises a decade and more of ideologically motivated state violence against Tamils and the Tamil response to it, both having their centres outside, in Colombo and Jaffna respectively. From just before and during the aftermath of the July 1983 holocaust, Tamils in Trincomalee were attacked by Sinhalese hoodlums, settled in Trincomalee during the two previous decades, backed by the Sri Lankan forces. As the civil war escalated from late 1984 the forces systematically destroyed Tamil villages while the civilians fled northwards to Jaffna and to India as refugees. Many Tamil youth who physically witnessed the violence joined one of the several militant groups. In mid-1986 the LTTE became the dominant group by laun
ching fratricidal v The LTTE's milita. malee was then no that of some of the weakening of the strength, throug groups out of action consequences for t. Lankan forces gain of the area and polit Tamils were greatly ing the Sri Lankan f of the question. Ar chief means of appl the government beca of attacks on Sinha. the Tamils it was demoralisation and hundreds of young I arms to defend their clared traitors and LTTE.
The IPKF presen 1987 to March 1990 relative respite for th comalee. Many of t turned and tried to re With the outbreak 1990, the Sri Lankan the course once halt Once more Tamil vill thing and fled as ri Lankan forces again ing, looting Tamil v troying houses built of hard work, using explosives.
Laying the founda permanent conflict
On the one hand t public relations men world that conditions return of Tamil refug But many refugees w. India found their lanc and even houses buil hands, occupied mos brought from their ar In one instance that land conference in la Buddhist priest had v for his temple, a piec following the outbr nearly 50 Muslim an The priest had then families on the land. disputes the official st the position that it. .

TAMIL TIMES 15
lee Through Colonisation
malee Ufe
lence on others. , base in Trincoas significant as ther groups. This Tamil militant putting other had far reaching e East. The Sri d greater control cal options for the reduced. Defeatrces was now out long the LTTE's ying pressure on me the launching ese civilians. For also a time of division, when men who took up people were dehunted by the
ce from August was a period of e people of Trinhe refugees rebuild their lives. of war in June forces resumed 2d by the IPKF. agers lost everyfugees. The Sri went about killllages and desthrough decades bulldozers and
ions of
e government's are telling the are right for a es now abroad. o returned from , town property with their own y by Sinhalese as in the South. ame before the e December, a ngled officially of land vacated k of war, by Tamil families. tled Sinhalese nearly all such ce amounts to impractical to
evict Sinhalese squatters. In many cases official moves to regularise illegal acquisitions of lands is well under way.
There are other conspicuous signs of moves to Sinhalasise the district. New Sinhalese settlements are sprouting up along the Habarana - Trincomalee Road. Traditional Tamil names are being replaced with Sinhalese names. Even a church-based NGO has been coaxed into building houses for Sinhalese, who had lived on encroached land. Such people are being speedily given the government rehabilitation housing allowance for returning displaced persons. But Tamils who were indisputably displaced and had their houses destroyed by the state are mostly in refugee camps. In the Mutur area Tamil refugees who returned to to their villages had not received their housing allowance for nearly two years. The army's plans for giving security clearance for Tamil refugees to return to their villages are not such as to inspire confidence. For instance in February this year, refugees from Kuchaveli, north of Trincomalee town, were being urged to return. But there were huge gaps of about 5 miles or more between Trincomalee and Nilaveli on one hand and between Nilaveli and Kuchaveli on the other, where security clearance had not been given for a return of refugees.
In Thambalakamam, a mostly Tamil Hindu village, the army officer in charge of the local camp had taken the intiative to build a sizeable Buddhist temple –yetanother step in dotting the place with Buddhist shrines. This is in keeping with the old recipe - first an army camp, then a Buddhist temple and then a Sinhalese colony. In effect it is, destroy Tamil houses, damage or hamper worship at Hindu temples, build Buddhist temples and houses for Sinhalese colonists.
Thus conditions of the civil conflict have been manipulated to prevent Tamils from exercising rights over their property and in turn under the umbrella of military occupation, Sinhalese brought from the South are being encouraged to encroach on these lands. Then an administrative bludgeon, wielded by hand picked officials, is being used to regularise these encroachments. In fact the Western countries and India pressing for a return of refugees has become something of an embarrassment to the government. For, its policy was not about giving Tamils confidence as
Continued on page 16

Page 16
16 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 15
equal fellow citizens, but one more akin to the treatment of a vanquished foe.
An old story
In the wake of the anti-Tamil violence of July 1983, the ministry of lands and Mahaveli development by extra-ordinary gazette notification acquired lands bordering Manal Aru dividing the Tamil speaking Northern and Eastern provinces. These lands in Tamil administrative units were placed under Sinhalese administrators at Anuradhapura. Thus began the Weli-Oya scheme to settle Sinhalese in the area. Like the developments after June 1990, this scheme was originated at a time when Tamils, reeling from violence, were at their weakest. The 6th amendment to the constitution of August 1983 had excluded the Tamil opposition from parliament. The new improvisation to age old government policy was given verbal expression by the minister for national security in December 1984. He said that it was the government's intention to settle the Tamil question by planting Sinhalese toughs such as fishermen and ex-convicts among Tamils. The Weli-Oya scheme is today a military district under a co-ordinating officer, subject to attacks by the LTTE.
The settlement of migrant Sinhalese fishermen in Trincomalee on land acquired by the ministry of fisheries has been going on for several years. The Air Force farm installed in Mudalikulam (Morawewa) in the late 60s made the Tamils subject to isolated incidents of violence whose gradual displacement recently became a full retreat. Another strategy is to increase the Sinhalese population in an area, create a new Sinhalese administrative (AGA's) division, which then becomes virtually a no-go area for Tamils.
The most conspicuous testimony to the state's intentions came in the form of tremendous activity in the late 70s and early 80s uniquely focused on the Trincomalee district, almost none of it, notably, was intended to benefit the local people. Trincomalee became the only district with communally based special appointments, with Sinhalese officers appointed as additional AGAs and GSs in predominantly Tamil divisions. Procedures were begun to vest vast extents of private and crown lands with state corporations, including all lands east of the Trinco-Kandy Road from the edge of Trinco town to Monkey Bridge with the Ports Authority, and 11 miles of coastal land north of Trincomalee with the Tourist Board. The sort of thing intended could be discerned from the case of Prima Flour
Mills, a Singapore
pany which opened malee. All appoi quired to have be Government Agent reasons of security. of the employees brought from outsic
The most curiou programme to resto ist temples launchec ter of industries an and vested by him bodies. These shrine shrines, were testi trict's plural past. trict's folklore and c Koneswaram Hindu Frederick. An old Rajaraja Perumpali is believed by seriou, been a shrine of Buddhists. The equa Buddhist backed by scholarship, was use acquisition. With the botrees with Buddhis came to fear the sigh The bo tree is a tree all Indian religions a found near Hindu sh
Roots of Chauvini and implications
During the colonia elite consisted of clan holdings, who were successful entrepre them had close links sentatives of colonial frequently party to i local interests. They v their positions with t age. Since independel er has effectively bee Although deprived ol huge personal land hc reforms of the 70s, th arbiters over land & new UNP governmer close to multi-natio agriculture and lease of lands, for exampl panies in Moneragal elsewhere. These me tests in the early 8 groups. The Norththrough the deteri situation, although p land acquisitions we Trincomalee for mult ment. A combination which included large the South leased outt or devoted to cash cro exacerbation of pover ger in the South a challenge posed to t lishment, provided a to send Sinhalese
 

GaG
ised private com
plant at Trincoments were recleared by the
Trincomalee for onsequently 80% were Sinhalese
of all was the 2 ancient Buddhoy the late minisscientific affairs, ith various state like other Hindu ony to the disMuch of the dislture derive from
temple at Fort Buddhist shrine (Vilgam Vihare) scholars to have Tamil speaking tion Sinhalese = orce rather than as a formula for state identifying m, the minorities t of any bo treee. of meditation for nd are commonly rines.
st ideology
l period the local s with huge land later joined by neurs. Many of with the reprepowers and were ntrigues against Tere confirmed in itles and patronce in 1948, powh in their hands. several of their ldings due to the ey remained the nd wealth. The
t of 1977 moved
hals dealing in out huge tracts to sugar com1 and to Nestle with huge pros from peasant ast was spared rating security eparations with e underway in national investf circumstances racts of land in multi-nationals , a concomitant r and land hunl the resulting 2 ruling estaburther impetus or into Tamil
15 MAY 1993
areas. In addition this served the ruling class as a possible means of pacifying the Tamil areas, where its authority as well as its economic interests were under challenge. An assertion of the Sinhala-Buddhist ideology came in useful as a means to secure short term ends, though disastrous in the long term as we have seen. How this ruling class views the ordinary Sinhalese, whose cause it ostensibly champions, is evident in the ferocity with which the JVP led rebellions of rural Sinhalese youth were put down in 1971 and the late 1980s.
The human face of this contempt for ordinary Sinhalese, resulting from fear and insecurity, appears in a story related to me by a clergyman in Vavuniya during the 1971 uprising. An office in the volunteer regiment was a planter by profession, educated at St. Thomas College. His men received a consignment of automatic weapons to replace their old outmoded rifles. The officer tested his weapon by mowing down a group consisting of a dozen Sinhalese prisoners.
It is in the light of this reality that the colonisation of Sinhalese in Tamil areas in the name of defending the Sinhalese nation must be examined. Other ruling establishments through history, faced with discontent at home, have used colonies as an outlet. Oliver Cromwell, the leader of the English revolution, 1640-1660, who was backed by the landed gentry, faced with demobilising his huge army, gave them lands confiscated from Irish Catholics. The Irish example becomes useful in understanding some of the key issues involved. These are the English or Scottish Protestant vs Irish Catholic cleavages played up and used to deprive the latter; the self generating emotions and zeal fuelled by the ideology and settler mentality. Several of these aspects are also evident in the poignantly tragic story of Palestine. We thus get some insight into the origins, functions and roles of the ideologies involved.
As long as such an ideology retains its force in whatever form, the other must remain second class citizens. It becomes an offence to admit any mark of distinction among those being deprived as a group. The expression "Irish nobleman' became a term of derision. One of the messages of the state inspired violence of July 1983 was that it was an offence for Tamils to own wealth or indeed even houses. The Sri Lankan state badly needs borrowed money, and does feel much more vulnerable than Israel about the commitment of donors. For this reason its public relations machinery has worked hard and has been fairly successful in

Page 17
15 ΜΑΥ 1993 ~
giving the impression that the legacy of July 1983 has been buried. It is precisely this legacy that is so much in evidence in Trincomalee. Only the violence at present is potential and growing rather than starkly physical as in July 1983, 1985-87 and the latter half of 1990.
It must be recognised that there is also land hunger among Tamils and Muslims in Trincomalee, many of whom do not even own residential land. Further, most Hill Country Tamils do not own any land at all.
The Tamils do not and cannot boast of a class comparable in size, wealth or influence to the Sinhalese ruling establishment. Few Tamils enjoyed close social ties with or shared in the intrigues of colonial rulers. A sizeable class of Tamils took to education and secured a very modest wealth from positions such as clerical servants or professionals in the lower rungs of government service, particularly under British rule. Even this was used by the Sinhalese elite to misdirect the anger of ordinary Sinhalese, resulting in bouts of communal violence. Many of those Tamils now losing their land in Trincomalee are those with very modest holdings of 2 or 3 acres and they are about the richest in Trincomalee. They do not bear the slightest comparison with the wealthy of the South and are constantly becoming poorer.
Aspects of the Tamil response
Like in the Irish instance there have been a variety of Tamil responses ranging from the parliamentary, to one anticipating international socialism that would subsume ethnic and national divisions, to one advocating, at least on the surface, uncompromising separatist violence such as that of the LTTE. Which one is dominant at a particular time and which would determine the outcome will depend on changing internal social prerogatives, whether the state is becoming enlightened or not and many largely accidental external factors. There is no logical necessity about a particular outcome.
A federalist (home rule) resolution to the Irish question which would have been the healthiest outcome and which was advocated by the Irish Parliamentary Party, came close to success, when it also became the policy of the Liberal government of H.H. Asquith. It ultimately failed because of peculiar exigencies and the national mood surrounding the First World War (1914-18). The result was civil war and separation.
While the oppression from the Sri
Lankan state w, ence attained by owes much to th of Jaffna society the militant ca lucidly argued b Thiranagama in ah Vol II, Chap areas who feel callousness of th that the Tami finished if not fo
But the LTTE wise. Its singula led it to destroy mitted to the thing however b if it challenged t tions of the L were the intelle people shackled weakened, the the patronage Lankan states. them mindless ple. These quar and when it be not suit these offer the LTTE Again as time ment placed em on the manner i cise power, as ev ance towards M
Consequently IPKF's plans t Trincomalee di Lankan forces period of conniv ment and its ta particularly th without effecti liamentary repr critical hour. As LTTE’s self-infli challenge the attacks on Sin rather strengthe colonisation by ideology and pla under pressure, to redirect resou
The LTTE's il against Sinhale it extremely diff ple among the stand the probl To their minds in the south, wh move in Tamil unable to pel tragedy.
A response t sympathy amo Sinhalese but is is one that giv rights and its ( appeals to theil the pressing in have to live tog

TAM TIMES 17
as harsh, the prominthe LTTE's response internal compulsions and Indian tutelage of use. (This has been y the late Dr. Rajani The Broken Palmyrter 6). People in rural powerless against the estate tend to believe Ls would have been r the LTTE. 's record speaks otherr obsession with power anyone however comamil cause and anyeneficial to the people, he totalitarian aspiraYTE leadership. Thus ct and energies of the 1. The cause thus so TTE by turn courted of the Indian and Sri It then fell out with pf the cost to the peo"els arose only because came clear that it did would-be-patrons to power on its terms. went, internal resentbarrassing constraints in which it could exeridenced in the intoleruslims.
y it obstructed the o resettle Tamils in isplaced by the Sri during 1985-87. Its ance with the governarror left the Tamils, ose in Trincomalee, ve political or paresentation during this mentioned earlier, the cted weakness led it to government through halese civilians. This ned the move towards reinforcing anti-Tamil acing the government however unwelcome, |rces to this end.
hdiscriminate violence se and Muslims made icult for ordinary peolatter to even underems faced by Tamils. they see Tamils living ile they are unable to
areas, and are thus "ceive the complex
hat has considerable ng both Tamils and not yet a political force es primacy to human oncomitant values. It common history and eeds all communities (ether. They are after
all, third world peoples and nonpersons in global terms.
The future still lies very much open and will depend on what people are willing to work towards and make sacrifices for. The Irish struggle did last about 250 years, and for nearly 200 years the Irish Catholics were legally second class citizens. During those years the Irish language nearly died and is being revived today only through a conscious effort at bilingualism. The Tamil crisis too may eventually blunder into the birth of a separate Tamil state, with its attendant problems like the six counties of Northern Ireland having a protestant majority. Such would have a slender basis in history and would be a tragedy rather than a triumph. The alienation of the Muslims by the LTTE through massacres and expulsion would make the division of the country a nightmare, to say the least.
The cost to the people
For an impoverished country Sri Lanka spends, together with the inevitable supplementary estimates, nearly Rs. 24 billion (US $550 million) on defence - or about 20% of the annual budget. A close examination of what is happening on the ground in Trincomalee and the Weli Oya region would strongly suggest that sizeable unaccounted funds from the defence ministry, Mahaveli Authority, rehabilitation ministry, fisheries ministry and the Coconut Cultivation Board, to name some obvious examples, are being covertly misdirected to further Sinhalese colonisation of Tamil areas. These projects are under selected officials and Tamils are generally, if not as a rule, barred from access to information. These funds are also loosely accounted for. The cost therefore of keeping the Tamils second class citizens, though unknown, is over 20% of the government's budget plus collateral costs.
That an operation of such proportions has to be conspiratorial and shrouded in secrecy reveals two things. One is, contrary to official professions, the persisting anti-Tamil character of the state. The second is the closed nature of government and its proneness to corruption on a massive scale. Corruption in the defence ministry has invited much press comment. It comes as no surprise that this poor country has produced ministers spoken of by the people as among the richest in Asia.
Thus the very anti-Tamil ideology of the ruling elite has, besides squandering a sizeable portion of the state's resources, contributed to the under
Continued on page 29

Page 18
18 TAMIL TIMES
Bleak Prospects for Dem
in Pakistan
by Aabha Dixit
The climax of the power struggle between President Ghulam Ishaq Khan and his Prime Minister, Nawaz Sharif, ended with the latter's unceremonious dismissal.
Using the powers bestowed on the presidency by the infamous Eighth Amendment, Ishaq Kahn in less than three years packed off a second democratically elected government in Pakistan. In the process of ejecting a former political ally, the septuagenarian President may have actually weakened his own position in the long
.
Internationally, Ishaq Khan's terminal action has given the impression of being anti-democratic, and it will take a herculean effort by the President to convince observers at home and abroad of his democratic credentials and sense of fair play.
Army Back in Limelight
The army has again come back into the political limelight as the most significant power institution. There is little doubt, notwithstanding an assertion of "non-interference' by the Army chief, Gen. Abdul Waheed Kakar, that Ishaq Khan could have taken that drastic stand without the Army’s conCUlrrenCe.
The Army's under publicized role has all along been evident, with Kakar's visits to Washington and Paris postponed so that he could be on hand for any eventuality.
In a series of swift political actions, following the dismissal of Sharif, the President appointed a nonentity,
Balkh Sher Mazari, as the caretaker
Prime Minister and announced that elections would be held on July 14.
Charge of Corruption
The new government, in an obvious bid to restrain the dismissed leader, has brought cases of corruption against his family and the various businesses it controls.
Former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, who suffered a similar fate at the hands of Ishaq Khan in August 1990, has mended her fences with an adversary and formed an anti-Sharif alignment with the establishment. Although Benazir has not taken up any formal position in the caretaker
government, she has a members to join it.
In the short run, Bl of splitting the troika cessful, but it would be believe that the estab sense of suspicion towa would be overcome by act.
Problem for E
In the process of ma to the ruling elite, Bh succeeded in having thi against her husband, A but has angered her er: members who contin stoutly opposed to Ish tions.
In Pakistan's cheque judicial probity and ind reprieve won by Bhutto al cases is temporary. T easily be revived if she from the unelected dominate the political s
On the other hand, fused to take the hur down. While beginning campaign, he has declar not only challenge the court, but also will see support in repealing Amendment if voted ba in the July 14 elections, The amendment, ins Consitution in 1985, h troversial for years. It by the late dictator Ziahim leverage while dea lian governments. It allows the President ti government, both at t provincial level, and di assemblies, if he is satis are unable to function e
The powers assumed dent are so wide-ranging he could become a dictat provisions of the amen Zia used the provisions Junejo government in Khan, who inherited Zia used it with greater te removing Bhutto and both held majorities in Assembly.
Zia's use of the amen was a last-ditch measur
 
 

15 MAY 1993
owed her party
utto's strategy has been sucnaive for her to shment's deep "ds the Bhuttos this one single
hutto
king overtures utto may have cases dropped sif Ali Zardari, stwhile alliance ue to remain aq Khan’s ac
red history of ependence, the on the criminhe charges can falls out of line lements who tructures. Sharif has remiliation lying a mobilization ed that he will dismissal in k the people's the Eighth ck into power
rted into the as been conwas implanted ul Haq to give ing with civiunilaterally dismiss any he federal or solve elected lied that they ficiently. by the Presithat in effect r by invoking ment. While o dismiss the 1988, Ishaq smantle, has ing effect in Sharif when the National
ment powers while Ishaq
Khan has used them to refashion Pakistan's political destiny according to his liking.
Considered an insider
When Bhutto was dismissed in 1990 and replaced through a controversial election later that year, there was a general feeling that the establishment had tightened its grip over the country beyond doubt.
Sharif, who was brought into politics by Zia, was considered an insider and rated a reliable leader who would carry out the establishment's wishes. But being ambitious, as Prime Minister he felt it was time to step out of his benefactor's shadow, a decision that Ishaq Khan viewed with disfavour.
There were several reasons that both contestants felt the time was opportune to take precipitate measures. The unexpected and controversial death of the Army chief Gen. Asif Nawaz Janjua, removed from the political scene an actor who had just begun playing a greatly visible role in national politics.
Signals His intentions
Janjua's thinking was at variance with the other members of the troika, and it was a matter of time before he would have initiated a purge.
But by bringing in a relatively unknown as the new Army chief, Ishaq Khan signalled his intentions of heading with the troika, and in the process unleashed the power struggle that was to claim Sharif as its most prominent victim.
The intention of choosing Kakar was obvious. He would require time to assert his position within the military establishment, giving Ishaq Khan the necessary manoeuvreability to consolidate his position by sewing up a second term at the President's Palace.
His Sense of Timing
Ishaq Khan had banked on Sharifs inability to take a public stand against him, given the treasure trove that the President had on the corruption scandals. But the feisty strongman from Punjab had his own sense of timing.
Realizing that a presidential reelection would allow Ishaq Khan another five years to dominate him, Sharif obviously viewed the current political situation as favourable. The President, he hoped, could be neutralized by repealing the Eighth Amendment.
In that endeavour, he hoped to get Bhutto's support, as together they had the necessary two-thirds electoral strength to repeal the amendment.

Page 19
15 MAY 1993
The new Army chief was just settling in and the President, with less than a year left in his term, was about as weak as he could possibly get.
Launching the Campaign
Ishaq Khan used his annual address to the National Assembly last December to unofficially launch his candida
cy by attacking the UI government,
while Sharif decided to attack Ishaq Khan in a roundabout manner by demanding repeal of the amendment, calling it an anti-democratic and antiparliamentary insertion.
Sharif's reasoning was that without the powers bestowed by the amendment, the President would not have the stomach to fight a re-election bid. But he underestimated the President's retaliatory capacities. He went on record to say that it was his duty to defend every article of the Constitution and he would prevent any subversion of it.
In a bid to build counterpressure on Sharif, Ishaq Khan began activating his supporters in most political parties, pushing Sharif into a corner. The distrust between the two had failed to bring them into any solid alliance, leaving Sharif exposed and in the lurch.
Sharif's Tactical Retreat
While Sharif made a tactical retreat by having his party nominate the President for a second term, Ishaq Khan was in no mood to relent as he sensed his chance to crush an emergent power centre. He continued to encourage ministers and advisers to resign from the Sharif cabinet and ventured into attacking Sharif within the Pakistan Muslim League.
He pushed the candidacy of Ghulam Khan Hoti for the party presidency to deny the Sharif nominee, Abdul Sattar Laleka, a cakewalk. The Pathan, at the same time, also contained any bid to outflank him by having the provincial Chief Ministers of Sind, Baluchistan and the Northwest Frontier endorse his candidacy and support Sharifs dismissal.
He thus forced the Sharif protege in Punjab, Ghulam Hyder Wyne, to softpedal the issue of support. Eventually, Ishaq Khan was able to dislodge Wyne from the chief ministership too.
Sharif's television speech was more than a tacit admission that the President had won the battle. It pleaded for political survival by taking the issue to the people. Sharif hoped to pre-empt any decisive action by the President by making the power struggle public.
But he grossly miscalculated and revealed for the first time that he not only was politically beleaguered, but
also had lost his appealing to the p ing at straws. Th been able to save from the establish
Having created tical fissures, Ish the political opp( the bait of office By selecting Bal Baloch tribal chie he hoped to satisf Punjabis and othe can capitalize on political base to political front.
A Diffic
The most difficu dent, however, politician equally semblance of a po to rub out th democratism, ho must, and given in seeing Sharif dust, it is unlike either to return t
Herein lie the lems for the Pre: major political pi power, he would and provide 'adr during the electio
Conca
Shocked by the fi Ayodhya's Babri rowing repercussi feeling of concer South Asian For lands. In the succ munal violence a have occurred in infamous Sunday thousands have di been injured, hu uprooted, and a v. and business hous ing many wors Muslim troubles accompanied with Bangladesh and F in Sri Lanka also the Sinhala-Tam ugly communalis: cious politics of n of an ethnic group that of another, increase. In this, the spectre offas ogy in India and South Asia as a v In these develo able has been insensitivity, and

TAM TIMES 19
political acumen. By people, he was graspe people have never any political leader ment’s juggernaut.
. the necessary poliaq Khan splintered osition and dangled to keep it that way. kh Sher Mazari, a f residing in Punjab, y the demands of the 2r ethnic groups. He
Mazari's lack of a make him act as a
uit Issue
ultissue for the Presiwould be to find a pliable but with a litical base. If he has e stigma of antilding elections is a his personal interest and Bhutto bite the ly that he will want o power. seeds of future probsident. To prevent a arty from coming to need to break it up ministrative support”
S.
Could Be a Boomerang
If he were unable to do either, the whole exercise could boomerang on him. It could lead to the repeal of the Eighth Amendment or force the Army to take over to prevent the politicians from getting the upper hand.
Ishaq Khan's late decision to dismiss Sharif proved again that democracy in Pakistan was at best a gilded interlude between direct martial law or backseat. driving by the praetorian guard.
The decision, in the wake of disclosures that Ishaq Khan favours acquiring the atom bomb, is bound to generate much scepticism in Western capitals. His hardline views on contentious issues like Kashmir, Afghanistan and support to terrorist groups are bound to make neighbouring capitals view the reversal of democracy with alarm.
Without a major political party backing him the way the Pakistan Muslim League did during the Bhutto. dismissal, he may have bitten off more than he can chew at the moment.
He faces the problem that without a National Assembly, his re-election for a second term cannot be held, and unless he rigs the promised elections, he cannot keep out Sharif or Bhutto.
(Courtesy India Abroad).
ernon Communalism
in South Asia
enzied demolition of mosque and the harons, there is a great n among us of the um in the Netheressive waves of comnd vandalism, which the region since that of 6 December 1992, ied, many more have ndreds of thousands ast number of homes ses destroyed, includhip-centres. Hinduin India have been communal scenes in akistan. In addition, has been witnessed il ethnic strife. The m, that is the perninobilising the people ) or a religion against , is clearly on the , most dangerous is istic Hindutva ideolits implications for vhole.
pments, most deplora clear evidence of often connivance, of
the law-enforcement agencies in not providing protection to the people, nor curbing the communals. This was clear in the eruption, persistence and : recurrence of the scenes of violence and vandalism. State and central governments, civic and police authorities, and even the judiciary, all showed their social prejudices and or political opportunism. There have been clear instances of a partiality for the majority community by the officials and politicians, and also of the promotion of sectarian politics.
On the one hand, there is a clear exposure of the secular farce, in according the religion(s) a place in the polity. This started early during the anti-British struggles for independence. Even the left parties have remained victims of practising the farce and aggravating communal divisions among the people. That led to a partition of the Indian subcontinent in 1947 in the historic compromise patronised by the British imperialism. A communal holocaust accompanied a massive displacement of peoples, divided
Continued on page 21 s

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20 TAMIL TIMES
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15 MAY 1993
Continued from page 19
by religion, across into the new entities of India and Pakistan. It was no solution with the latter country breaking again into two co-religionist entities. In Sri Lanka also, the seeds of ethnic tensions were apparently sown during the colonial period in the Tamil-biased bureaucracy built by the British for ruling the country. In all these countries, since birth, the tensions have remained simmering, and even new ones emerged, due to the aggravated antagonism in the majority community against the local minority or minorities.
On the other hand, also is exposed the reality of Parliamentary vote-bank politics, practised in all the countries. One-person one-vote system of elections was, and remains, transplanted on to the people accustomed to the
community-centred social relations. It
has become a vehicle for the politics of getting block votes. Frustrations of real life make people to recede into the clutches of communal leaders exploiting the faith or ethnicity and, in turn, led by the latter and the illusions, born from false hopes, throw them into the fold of the political opportunists. It is most glaring in India, where mainly Congress has been benefiting in this game, first a secular farce of favouring Muslims to capture their block votes and then clear swerve for Hindu votes. Lately, this has only helped the Hindutva's forces, politically in the BJP and socially in the Siva Sena and RSS etc., which have led the anti-social criminals in recent waves of communal violence and vandalism.
The rise of Hindutva communalism holds dangerous portents: chain reactions of violence and terrorism in the subcontinent, and a take-over of India's central government by the fascistic Hindus. It has clearly alarming consequences of socio-political anarchy and instability within India, and in South Asia, due to the expansionist and hegemonistic designs of India’s ruling classes. This must be a warning to the democratic forces in all countries of South Asia.
No doubt, there is an abundant evidence of secular affirmations of the people at large, witnessed since that ignominious Sunday. However, we can not remain complacent and this new challenge of the right has to be taken seriously. Checking communal violence remains in the local domain in mobilisation of the neighbourhood and appropriate law enforcement. A community alert and concerned for local peace and harmony can stop rumours and prevent clashes. Also it can demand apt law enforcement.
The communal more serious. In I in its grip the wid. psyche. This may India, as the mid victims of frust Growing econon hardships and ins munal divisions : which are promote tunism. The latte divisions, and cre abundantly seen masses have faile from their commu and elsewhere. Dalits in India, Tamils in Sri Lank clutches of commu seems not to be fre rising within and tries of the regio virus can be elimir tent struggles oft for a secular and For success in the for a better life, cc
" JA
Mrs. Anandhi Su Tamil programme BBC in London, ac bers of the Medical at a seminar hel Queen Ann's Hosp rendered an emoti help' speech, outli and the mounting on the Tamil popu Lanka.
Anandhi was ar latest information cently on a fact fin Tamil Eelam. In was discouraged to the Island by Mr. koon (advisor to th BBC journalist she (BBC representa sought the necessa the Sri Lankan D motor down to th nochi. She said: "A the BBC my coll allowed entry into army control post move was to get to bribe her way, pla arrive in Periyani about 3 miles from nochi). Here they head to catch asma boat to ferry then This is when their danger, as search the Sri Lankan di ning these coasta power to spot, stop

TAMIL TIMES 21
virus is, however, India, it seems to hold e middle class Hindu I not be peculiar to le classes are ready ations everywhere. nic crisis, causing ecurity, breeds comand social tensions, ed by political opporr has sustained old 2ated new ones, as all round. Muslim d to free themselves nal leaders in India Hindus, Sikhs and and Sinhalas and ka have fallen in the unals. Even Bhutan ke. New tensions are between the counon. The communal nated only by persishe suffering people democratic society. 2 peoples' struggles ommunal peace and
harmony are vital in all countries of South Asia. This new challenge of the right can be opposed only by a new strategy of the forces of the revolutionary left.
South Asian Forum has a role to play in this struggle by helping in the free flow of information and unrestricted movement of the peoples of the region, by exposing and opposing the obstructions imposed by the antipeople governments; and by placing correct information before the Dutch and European people, and by exposing biased publicity and all politicoeconomic interventions from outside into the countries of the region.
Amsterdam: 15 April 1993
Amrita Chhachhi, Khalid Hameed,
C. Pathmamanoharan, Narendra Singh Ali Khanquan Mirza and others.
South Asian Forum c/o, BPSC; P.O.Box 40066 1009 BB Amsterdam The Netherlands
FFNA REVISITED
uriyaprakasan the s producer of the ldressing the memInstitute of Tamils d recently at the ital in Tottenham, onal and a 'cry for ning the atrocities
suffering inflicted lation of North Sri
med with the very having returned reding mission to the Colombo, Anandhi visit the North of Bradman Weerahe President). As a and her colleague tive in Colombo) ry permission from efence Ministry, to e borders of KilliAs journalists from 2ague and I were Killinochi by the , there.' Her next Jaffna. She had to y hide and seek to llam (coastal area the centre of Killipaid Rs. 150 per ll motorised fishing h across to Killali. lives were in real lights operated by 2fence forces scanareas have the and shoot innocent
people travelling to Eelam. Several such boats have been intercepted and shot at, in the recent past, at the cost of many innocent lives. As the boat could not come ashore in those shallow waters she had to walk knee deep with her belongings on the head and slippers in her hands, to board the vessel
which was almost half a mile away at
sea. With 20 people in that boat, the boatmen had to push the vessel further into deeper waters until they were neck deep in water. The motor was started and like a 'slow boat to China' it commenced its onward journey at midnight, amidst a roar of sporadic firing of artillery in the inland areas by the Army and possibly by the Tigers, she said. From the time she set foot in the boat Anandi said: "I was reciting the Kantha Sashdi Kavasam to take me safely to my motherland.’ Her prayers answered, they all alighted safely, offshore in Killali and waded their way across to the mainland. From there, they caught the only bus (running on Kerosene and vegetable 3 oil) operating to Jaffna town. '^ BBC journalists we were able to get through No Mans Land without any
hitch'. Jaffna town she said was like a
cemetery, “buildings shattered, concrete structures and girders lying twisted, piles of rubbish all over, schools partly damaged and many houses demolished by bombs.'
She visited the Jaffna hospital and found it was under-staffed, inadequate Continued on page 22

Page 22
22 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 21
water supply, no electricity, only a
small generator to carry out minor surgery in a make-shift operating theatre. She found only a single general surgeon on duty. Casualty doctors' vacancies have not been filled for sometime. The doctor in charge had told her that many lives could have been saved if they had a neurosurgeon. She was told that medical supplies have been short for some time now, that essential medicines and vaccines are not available, in addition to inadequately trained nurses. She observed that the wards were overcrowded and there was poor patient care. "Mothers in labour are brought to the hospital on bicycles or bullock carts. Patients with heart problems are also transported in a similar manner. Many of them die enroute to the hospital or on arrival there.' The doctor in charge had appealed to her to request all the Sri Lankan Tamil doctors and Medical men in the U.K. to come to their aid and help their people in this dire time of need. ‘Please go there and train some of our own people. Please, please. It is your own blood, your sisters, brothers, sons and
daughters. They Please I beg of you. and goto Jaffna, tra cope with emergenc. of our own people, w ate need of your sk this point could ni emotions. She burs gradually composed
Her next stop was versity Campus when of undergraduates w (sister) we can study ity, burning oil lamp with the minimum ( stationery, but when copters) fly over us da we run for our live bunkers. We keep doi as we do not know v. shell us down. Perha you come here we ma you may find us as m an asylum.'
Anandhi could not (fat person) in the Most of our people nourished and starvir children she had seen ‘worse state than til Somalia we see on te. ing to her estimate,
NEWS ROUND-UP
O THE CONDUCT of the statecontrolled media would be monitored by a special bureau during the forthcoming provincial council elections, according to senior officials of the Free Media Movement (FMM). Previous experiences showed that the statecontrolled media, particularly the radio and television, were exploited unfairly by the government. The information gathered by the bureau they proposed to set up would enable the movement to create an awareness about the biased conduct of state controlled media, and the information gathered could be used as evidence whenever legal action was possible and would be submitted to the Commissioners of Elections weekly until they were over, the officials of the FMM said.
O THE GOVERNMENT has directed the army high command to ensure that army deserters do not get involved in political activities in the forthcoming provincial council elections. The directive was to take effective steps against the involvement of thousands of army personnel who had deserted their posts during the last two years in the election campaign. This is the first time in Sri Lanka where the army has been alerted against possible sabotage and attacks
and counter attacks ters. The government) ted to take these step possibility of the oppo army deserters in elec O THE TAMIL PEOP separate government after they found that t ruling this country v senting the Tamil s) There is nothing wron the necessity arises government, land bec tant factor to implem context, the Tamils their struggle. The onisation and the lan government in the l affected the Tamil pec of State-aided colonisa only stop forthwith, bu which have already ta be withdrawn. The should not give their type of State-aided co Victor Ivan, Editor Weekly Ravaya, said in view given to the T monthly Sarinihar.
O VASUDEVA NANA leader of the Nava Saı ty, has called upon the release from detentio the Up Country P Periyasamy Chandr stated that specially
drasekaran has alread

eed your help. lease take turns some of them to is and save lives no are in desperlls.” Anandhi at t constrain her into tears and erself. the Jaffma Uni2 she met a bevy o told her 'Acca without electrics, we can study f textbooks and the Heli's (heliy in and day out to the closest ng this routinely hen they would }s the next time y not be alive or antal patients in
spot a "kundan' whole of Jaffna. here are underg she said. Many appear to be in a hose children of levision.” Accordthere are more
15 MAY 1993
than two lakhs of Tamils in refugee camps in the North. "Although the TRO (Tamil Rehabilitation Organisation) is caring for 600 families in camps the organisation is unable to meet the demand for more help that is urgently needed.'
When I spoke to Anandhi on a subsequent occasion, she did tell me of her meeting with Prabhakaran (leader of the Tigers). She asked him whether he could fight 80,000 men of Sinhala forces armed with modern weapons with only about 10,000 of his men. An astute Prabhakaran's spontaneous reply was: "Sister, aren't you aware of what happened to America in Vietnam and don't you know what befell in Afghanistan when the Russians fought them with sophisticated modern weaponry and many a thousand armed personnel.” Prabhakaran also told her: "My people must live in dignity and not as slaves'. When she posed the question: "Do you genuinely want peace?" His reply was: "I am not laying any conditions. It is the Government of Sri Lanka. We are prepared to talk and negotiate. It is up to them. The ball is in their court', he added.
by Dr. K.C. Rajasingham.
by army deserhas been promps in view of the isition engaging tion work. -E thought of a for themselves he governments vere not reprepeaking people. g in this. When for a separate omes an imporent this. In this are justified in State-aided cold policy of the North-East has ple. This policy tion should not tthose schemes ken place must Sinhala people upport for this onisation,' Mr. if the Sinhala a recent interamil language
AKKARA, the la Samaja Pargovernment to
the leader of oples Front, sekaran. He because Chan
been in deten
tion for over two years, he should be released forthwith and given full freedom to participate in the forthcoming provincial council elections. Chandrasekaran was taken into custody and held under the Prevention of Terrorism Act for allegedly harbouring Varathan who was wanted in connection with the bomb attack on the the Army Joint Operations Command headquarters in Colombo in June 1991 and the assassination of former State Minister for Defence Ranjan Wijeratne. Varathan committed suicide by consuming a cyanide capsule when his hideout was surrounded by police personnel.
O ARULNESAN SURENDRAN was recently sentenced by the Colombo High Court to imprisonment for a term of 18 months suspended for ten years and a fine of Rs. 7,500 in default for a further two years after pleading guilty to the lesser charge of failing to give information to the police about the conspiracy to murder the former Minister of State for Defence, Mr. Ranjan Wijeratne. In this case A. Surendran alias Zaheer was indicted under the Prevention of Terrorism Act with being a member of the LTTE and receiving military training in Jaffna between 1 January 1989 and 30 June 1991 and for failing to give information to the authorities that Pottu Amman and Pren of the LTTE had conspired to murder the minister.

Page 23
15 MAY 1993
O INDICTMENTS filed against hundreds of JVP suspects under emergency regulations for relatively minor offences such as pasting posters, failure to give information to the police, obstructing roads, collecting identity cards, issuing threatening letters and attending JVP classes are being withdrawn on the orders of Sri Lanka's Attorney General, Tilak Marapana. A total of 3,070 indictments have been filed after the 1988/89 JVP uprising and 2,011 suspects were discharged on grounds of lack of evidence. In respect of another 198 cases, the AG has advised the police to file charges. He has also instructed his State Counsel prosecuting in the High Courts to agree to imposition of suspended sentences in cases where the defendants plead guilty to lesser charges to enable these persons to be released from custody. O GOVERNMENT is maintaining 26 refugee camps in the Trincomalee district with 4730 families. In addition there are 3362 refugee families living outside the welfare camps. Government spends Rs.8 million monthly for dry rations to feed the refugees. There are 5 refugee camps with 1181 families in Trincomalee town and Gravets division, 6 camps with 1175 families in Muttur division, 2 camps with 149 families in the Kinniya division, 5 camps with 782 families in the Kachchaveli division, 5 camps with 722 families in the Morawewa division and 3 camps with 721 families in the Tampalakamam division. The total number of people displaced in 1990 was 51,398 and up to now 35,849 families have been resettled.
O RESPONDING to criticism that the government was starving the people of Jaffna in northern Sri Lanka, Mr. Christy Silva, Secretary to the Ministry of Rehabilitation, Reconstruction and Social Welfare, said that around 26,509 metric tonnes of food and other essential items were sent to the Jaffna
peninsula during the last three
months through the Government Agent. In addition to these items, the government had also sent 6,500 barrels of kerosene to the Jaffna GA, whomhe had met on7 April. Mr. Silva claimed that the GA, while requesting for 5,000 more barrels of kerosene, was satisfied with the quantum of supply sent in the past three months and that prices of most of the commodities had come down in the peninsula. O IN THE ASIAN SUB-CONTINENT, Sri Lanka was second only to Pakistan in spending the highest amount of money on defence and the government had spent in excess of Rs. 2200 millions in the last ten years to carry on
the war in the N Pararajasinghal cent meeting he the eastern pro was continuing money in purch weapons includi Unless the gov the Northeast solved militarily seek a political would go bankr at least 40 pers on an average C civilians, milita over 60,000 h about 5,000 wi added.
O THE DEMOC (DUNF) in its Si national Monit the Provincial
accused the ru "blatant malpra measures that fair election. It number of go
S.
SCOT (The Stan Speaking People) primarily committe dards and secure Tamil speaking pe actively engaged rights and the pror and equality.
During the last Lanka has been (totalling almost £ tions who despite against them ha determination to work which offer ni Suffering people.
The organisatic who are current SCOT. They cove such as providin placed persons, r peoples homes, and educational held ventures, se litation projects. assist anyone wis SCOT - PF
DURGA DEVI D Contact - Miss T SRI SARADHA S Contact - Swami TRINCOMALEE OF YMHAs, 3 Street, Trincoma pathasundaram. JAFFNA GENEF MENT ASSOCl Jaffna. Contact - RAMAKRISHINA ann, Batticaloa. nanda.

TAMIL TIMES 23
rth-East, said Joseph , TULF MP, at a red at Periyakallaru in nce. The government o spend vast sums of lsing more and more g bombers and tanks. rnment realised that roblem could not be and made efforts to solution, the country pt. In the Northeast, ons were being killed aily, and they include Its and soldiers. Well d died already and re missing, the MP
RATIC United Front lbmission to the Interoring Committee for Council elections has ling UNP of alleged ctice and oppressive would affect a free and has alleged that a vernment employees
have been transferred to distant places on the mere suspicion that they were supporters of the DUNF. It has also : cited blatant exploitation of the government-controlled media to publish and broadcast only news relating to the ruling party. The other complaints by the DUNF include that opposition parties had been denied permission in many instances to hold public rallies and while they are prevented from putting up posters in public places on the ground that they are in contravention of the law, supporters of the ruling party and its candidates are freely permitted to put up posters as the police turn a blind eye.
O THE NAVA SAMA SAMAJA PARTY (NSSP) has brought to the attention of the Commissioner of Elections that electoral lists were not available in many areas including Kandy. Party Secretary Dr. Wickremabahu Karunaratne in a letter to the Commissioner has told him that he doubted whether these lists would be available to the voters before the elections were held.
C.O.T. Projects Receive £150,000
ding Committee of Tamil
is a UK based charity, d to raising the living stanthe social upliftment of the ople of Sri Lanka. It is also in the protection of human notion of inter-racial justice
17 years its work in Sri sustained through grants 150,000) to local organisaall the constraints ranged ve had the courage and carry out programmes of uch neededhope to a long
ns listed below are those y receiving support from r a wide range of activities I emergency relief for disinning orphanages and old maintaining health services acilities, encouraging Selfting up small scale rehabi'COT would be pleased to hing to support them.
OJECT PARTNERS
EVASTHANAM, Tellipalai атgaттah Appacuddy. EVASHRAMA, Point Pedro. Childrupananda. DISTRICT FEDERATION 3 Thirugnanasampanthar 3e. Contact - Mr. S. Siva
AL HOSPITAL DEVELOPTION, General Hospital, Dr. N. Sivakumaran.
AISSION, RamakrishnapurDontact - Swami Jivana
ROTARY CLUB, 'Vimalam" Nallur Cross Road, Jaffna. Contact-Rtn S. Ruthiralingam. JESUIT REFUGEE SERVICE, 1, Jesuit Road, Batticaloa. Contact - Brother A. Richard. SR SHANMUGA TRUST, 54 Vidyalayam Road, Trincomalee. Contact - Miss V. Nadarajah. LIONS CLUB OF JAFFNA, (temporarily
based in Colombo), 22 Nimal Road, Colombo
4. Contacts - Lions Chatlie Kulanayagan/ David. JAFFNA UNIVERSITY, Thirunelvely, Jafna. Contact - Prof. A. Thurarajah, Vice Chancelor. EASTERN UNIVERSITY, Vantharumoolai Chenkalady. Contact - Prof S. Sandanam, Vice Chancellor. ORGANISATION FOR EELAM REFUGEES REHABILITATION (OFERR), 11 1rd Floor, 14 Sait Colony, 1st Street, Madras 600008. Contact - Mr. S.C. Chandrahasan. THE REFUGEES REHABILITATION ORGANISATION (TRRO), 106, 4th Cross Street, Jaffna. Contact - Prof. K. Sivathamby. OXFAM, 274 Banbury Road, Oxford, OX2 7DZ. Contacts - Janet McRae/Mark Davis. NAWA UTHAYAM, 203 Temple Road, Jaffna. Contact - Prof V. K. Ganesalingam. ANBU ILLAM, 167 Central Road, Trincomalee. Contact - Mr. S. Sundarallingam. SANMARGA SABHA, Kurumpasiddy, Tellipalai. Contact - Mr. P. Balakumar. NAVAJEEVANAM FELLOWSHIP, Murasumoddai, Paranthan. Contact - Mr. T. Kirupanantharajah.
If you wish to find out more about S.C.O.T. and Contribute towards the work with these groups please contact: SCOT, 7 Gossington Close, Chislehurst, Kent BR.7 6TG. Tel: 081 - 468 7181.

Page 24
24 TAM TIMES : ***
READERS
ENOUGH OF THIS BLOODSHED
Mr. W. Thampu's article that appeared in your February issue, reflects the opinion of a good majority of Tamils I believe. As he says what the Tamils want now is a "Safe Haven' and nothing more.
We are alarmed at the extent of human rights violations and the enormous cost of human lives, that has been caused by this ongoing war. The crisis has escalated to the highest level and shows no signs of being resolved.
There seems to be no creditable alternative between the Government and the L.T.T.e.
The Tamils feel that it has almost paid its debt to the L.T.T.E. for using it as a pawn. The problems facing the people in the North and East are innumerable. No infrastructure, no food, no medicine, no money, no laws, no justice, no employment, no education - nothing whatsover and most of all has deprived them of the freedom of speech. All these factors have forced a great number of people to flee from their homeland and seek asylum in foreign lands.
The deep tragedy of this conflict is a threat to our land and future generations. There's very little doubt that the situation in our homeland is very very serious. The atmosphere of mistrust and fear as well as the hopelessness experienced by the youth who see a bleak future for themselves has prompted thousands to find accommodation in alien lands.
People continue to suffer abuses of basic human rights that are shocking. They are not subject to norms of international human rights and humanitarian law and no one seems to have a conscience to condemn these abuses. The old and the wise dare not open their mouths to express their feelings in fear of execution.
It's very distressing to find that the severity of the situation is so little known to the international community. The world's conscience was pricked by the pictures of starving children, like walking skeletons and in the hands of death, very often seen on TV. Graphic images were provided of Somalia and Bosnia but none of our people's plight has been given so much publicity in the foreign media.
We don't want our country to go to the extent of Somalia, but if this war continues there's little doubt that we
may take the place o near future unless so. Time is running ol urge the leaders of bo a new strategy to end an end to the lasting ethnic conflict and re justice to the Tamils day by day.
We deserve a bette better alternatives th getting now.
The continuing viol ance of the warlordst - best exemplified by arms destined for the intercepted in India the leaders are deter the wear.
How much of Jaf been destroyed so far
Where are the in academics and the gone? What's the stat only university and th ty? How much of effo ence had been put in up? They've been dev state of collapse. Thos serve their country possibilities they ha haven in other land behind and now wh Some of them are eith Haven or dumbfound their turn to an unkn Now the people are about survival and They have had eno enough. They cannot It has driven them frustration.
It's quite clear th cannot be solved milit ing to intensified war be only a massive trag life and nothing more impossible for both p. to arrive at a mutu agreement.
For the sake of all tinue to suffer, the co: it's essential that ther ate internationally in fire and then come t Tolerance and compro on both sides.
Why can't the for Tigers who champion the North and East a selves the starvation C the situation prevailin agony amd misery thrust upon them.
I think the time h Tamils as a whole na part of the world to : "Enough of this bloods
 

15 MAY 1993
f Somalia in the mething is done. ut and we must th sides to adopt the conflict, find resolution of the store peace and ... It's worsening
r leadership and lan what we are
ence, the relucto end the conflict the ship-load of North that was recently, shows mined to prolong
fna society has p
ntellectuals, the
master brains e of the one and e Medical Faculrt and perseverorder to set them astated and in a e who wanted to
despite all the d in finding a s opted to stay lat's their fate? er in heaven not ed and awaiting own destination.
only concerned
nothing more. Lugh. Enough is stand any more. to that stage of
at this conflict arily. By resortfare there would sic loss of civilian 2. It appears it's arties concerned ually acceptable
those who const of the conflict, e be an immedinonitored ceaseto a settlement. mise are needed
eign based prothe cause go to nd see for themif their brethren, g there of untold that has been
as come for the tion from every say in one voice
hed’.
The saviour of the Tamil Nation, Mr. V. Prabhakaran, the champion of Buddha Tharma Mr. Premadasa, we beg of you to lay down your arms, come to the table, talk over and put a halt to this war which is going to make neither of you a winner nor a loser.
Just for a moment, think of the innocent lives that are dying without even seeing the light of sunshine in their lives.
Life is precious. It's worth living, please do let them enjoy the fruits of life.
Let us all plead wholeheartedly to both of them on behalf of all who are crushed in our sweet homeland. Please do have mercy on them.
The quality of mercy is not strained
Rajes Sampantar,
5-14 Bonila Avenue, Winnipeg R2M1J1
ASSASSINATIONS IN SRI LANKA
As Sri Lanka continues to mourn the sad deaths of the late President and the late DUNF leader, it would naturally be difficult for such a politically conscious society to forget the recent political rifts between the two leaders which arose primarily from differences in their social origins and consequent political bases.
It would however be inappropriate to forget the late President's and the late DUNF leader's joint and respective contributions to Sri Lanka, particularly in connection with opposition to outside interference into the internal affairs of the country.
Amongst the various disturbing features and consequences of the whole episode is the fact that the public was conspicuously bombarded with misleading rumours and wild allegations as to who were the most likely culprits behind these two assassinations. No sooner the late DUNF leader was assassinated, the Government was accused of being behind the crime, despite the undisputed fact that the Government was the biggest consequent loser. Once this allegation undermined the late President and made him politically weak, it enabled a successful assassination attempt to be made against him.
Thereafter, both assassinations have been blamed on the LTT. This is despite the that the LTT is one of the biggest losers from the late President's assassination. Regarding the so-called evidence which point to one or both of the assassinations having been carried out by the LTT, one must differentiate between an assassination planned and

Page 25
15 MAY 1993
implemented by the LTT and one which any Tamil youth could have been hired for, or even tricked into carrying out.
Another relevant fact is that both the late President and the late DUNF leaders were firm believers of Sri Lanka's ability to resolve her problems internally. The late President's position on this count and his determination to pursue a political rather than a military solution to the problem in the North were also reiterated by him in a
recent BBC I programme. It
the late gener also assassinat ternationally pl the war which the late Preside
The above ci the chronolog assassinations ate subsequen military offensi a well planned
BOOK REVIEW
At The CrOSSroads
A Critique on the Hindu way of Life by K. Rajasingham - Colombo 1993
This is a very interesting book. Written by one who was a DeputyCommissioner of Inland Revenue and had been serving in Zambia as Tax Consultant, it is symbolic of the dilemma that has confronted the middleclass professional Tamils of Sri Lanka since 1983. Given the inescapable truth that Hindus in Sri Lanka are largely Tamils, the book could as well have been subtitled 'A Critique on the Tamil Hindu way of Life'.
The book opens (see Introduction) and ends (Chapter IX — pp.145-6) with the provocation' for writing the bookthe riots of July 1983, the suffering the Sri Lankan Tamils underwent and how the problem continues unsolved even after a decade.
The Introduction reveals the author, his background and the aim of the book:
"... the unforeseen catastrophe of the July '83 ethnic uproar threw the complacent Tamil, both young and old, completely out of gear. While the young ones reacted very emotionally and turned to militarism as the only option for their vindication and future survival, the elderly and the infirm, some of them at least, thought it fit to do some rethinking of the cherished values, our beliefs and customs and Hindu philosophy as such' (p.iv, emphasis by the reviewer.) To Mr. Rajasingham, a religion is its philosophy' and not the rites and ritual that are part of the faith. He sets out to identify the basic cause for all the Human problems and locates them in Desire and Contentment. He refers to the philosophical answers given in Hinduism relating to these and says that these high ideals were beyond the reach of the common man, who in his inability to comprehend the philosophy went into ritualism (p.32),
which led him o inequalities.
After discuss tentment and a Eastern philo have resolved f living his life in and contentme ly needs' and ir religion has do religion than p to discuss the who kept the p
The author meditation and religion and sp power achieve There is a very Baba.
He contrasts tion with the i within Hinduis argument on meditation. Th the “Hindu Vis relating it to tl At the end of fulfilment of w impossible, cor after as the pa the mind and t into vogue as t bring contentmr desires good an what begins as life here on ear the opposite ob In chapter eternal happir been achieved denial, renunc Commenting o "In evaluati the world c. spect him mains a sell It cannot be has all to di and happin soul and c. experience qualified.

TAM TIMES 25
ternational phone-in s also significant that l Kobbekaduwa was d shortly after his Inblicized comments on rere similar to those of nt. 'cumstances including cal sequence of the nd the almost immedicall to escalate the re could in fact point to :onspiracy to carry out
the two assassinations.
One could also see a similarity between this conspiracy with how the Anuradhapura massacre was carried out and blamed on the LTT and how Hitler arranged for a gang of red shirted people to set fire to the Reichstag and made it an excuse to massacre the leftists.
Bernard Wijedoru, P.O., Box 90866, TST, Hong Kong.
in to casteism and other
ng the position of conrguing that none of the sophies 'successfully or man the problem of this world, finding love ht that he so desperatedicting that 'organised ine more disservice to comoting it he goes on Great Hindu Savants hilosophy alive.
discusses the role of the place of magic in eaks of the intensity of d through meditation. useful discussion on Sai
the devotionalist tradintellectualist tradition m. He concentrates his liberation through ere is a discussion on ualisation of Divinity', he needs of meditation. it he says that when "orldly desires became tentment was sought nacea for all the ills of ne Renunciation comes he accepted solution to ent by the denial of all l bad. . . . . . So much so an aid to a successful h seems to end up with ective.' 9 he speaks of how ess in Hinduism has through arduous selfation and meditation.
it the author says: ng his effort therefore n only revere and rehilst the exercise reseeking effort, no less. otherwise either, as it with the contentment ss of that individual's n never be a shared r the less daring, less
"Is this then what the Hindus really want?”
The most revealing part of the Book is understandably its final chapter wherein he says:
"If (the process of liberation) soon became such an arduous job that only a few dedicated souls could achieve it whilst the vast majorityy had fallen by the wayside disgruntiled, and disillusioned by their conduct and the beliefs to which they had subscribed for so long. No doubt then he is at the crossroads.'
The author ends his book with a quote from Alistair MacIntyre:
"Religion needs to be translated into non-religious terms and not simply rejected. This is the atheism of Feurbach, of Frederik Strauss and Karl Marx. Its task is not a purely intellectual one, it is rather to transform society, so that men will no longer need to resort to religious forms of expression.” (p.161 emphasis by reviewer). So the Critique ends up with the realisation that the transformation of society is the most crucial one. People have talked of the ills of the world, “the point however is to change it said Marx.
Mr. Rajasingham adopts an intellectualist approach to religion and seems to hold on to the view that the philosophy of a religion is more important than its rituals. In fact he seems to ascribe a low position to rituals. But the problem is, for the average man religion is faith and ritual and both anthropology and sociology hold it as fundamental to religious behaviour.
While discussing the problems of desire and contentment in the Hindu view of things, the author refers to Buddhism too and makes some pithy comments on what goes on in the Buddhist fold.
It would not be correct to subject a work of this type to the type of academic criticism that is reserved for works written for and by the academia. The value of a work lies in
Continued on page 29

Page 26
26 TAMIL TIMES
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MATRIMONIAL Jaffna Hindu parents seek fair, pretty, preferably professionally qualified gird in twenties for their medical doctor son, Canadian citizen, practising in Canada. Send details and photo. M 657 C/O Tamil TimeS.
Reputable Jaffna parents seek qualified girl with good family background for their U.S. citizen son, 35, holding Masters degree, enjoying reputable position in US, horoscope immaterial, religion no bar. Ratnam, Flat 11, 26 Dartmouth Road, London SE233XU.
Jaffna Tamil parents seek Hindu doctor or other highly academically qualified bride for doctor son, 31, British citizen, practising in Australia at present. M 659 c/o Tamil Times. Jaffna Hindu parents seek professionally qualified partner for their CIMA finalist daughter, 30, presently in Canada, willing to settle in U.K. Send details M 660 C/o Tanni Tirnes.
Aunt in London and parents in Colombo, seek groom for pretty Jaffna Hindu Tamil niece/daughter, 27, only child, qualified lCIMA accountant working in Colombo. Please send horoscope, details and photo. M 661 C/o Tamil Times.
WEDDING BELLS
We congratulate the following couple on their recent wedding.
Jivitkumar son of Mr. & Mrs. C. Viyakesparan of 2 Oaklands, 787 B Kenton Lane, Harrow, Middx. HA3 6AH and Roshanthi daughter of Mr. & Mrs. T. Mahendran of 29 Haig Street, Lower Hutt, New Zealand on 1st May 1993 at Old St. Paul's Church, Mulgrave Street, Wellington, New Zealand.
OBTUARIES
We regret that the following Obituary appeared incomplete in the last issue. It is repeated below.
Rev. Nesakumar Kadirgamar, Minister, Church of South India, beloved husband of Ranee, father of Romila, much loved youngest son of the late Rev. J. W.A. Kadirgamar and Mrs. G. N. Kadirgamar, loving brother of Lila, Rajan, Alagan, Padma, Silan, Sita, Sathian and Kumaran, brother-in-law of late Arasakone Solomon, Mahimalar, Ranee, late C.E. Anandarajan, Sakuntala, S. V. Chandran, Vathana, Suvendrini; son-in-law of Mr. & Mrs. G. Gunaratnam, brother-in-law of Ratnakumar, Thangaratnam, Manorani and Devi passed away 28 November 1992, Christian Medical College Hospital, Vellore, India. Funeral and interment services led by his nephew the Rev. G.D. Anandarajan took place in Vellore. Services of thanksgiving
were held in Maruthanan ombo, Tokyo, Toronto, S pore. Remembered with 1993, by the members of h nieces, grand-nephews inserted on behalf of Mrs "Welsh llam", Maruthan kam, Sri Lanka; by Silan I Minami Aoyama, Minata Јарат.
Mr. Elangaiyar Gurusal Ceylon Government Rai Chairman, Town Council beloved father of Dr.
(Trichy), Navukarasi Pon late Shanmugavadivu Pai uvil, Sri Lanka), Parimalaka athan, Vijayalluxmy Paran Colombo), Kanchanamal (Switzerland), Thangalux singam, Yogambihai Gajen and Gnanambihai Shanm passed away in Inuvil, Sril ary 1993. We thank al for Sympathy and support dut grief - 24 Mill Ridge, Ed HA87PE. Tel: O81-9584O
ythilingham Elampo mer Area Manager, Britis/ son of the late Sinathamby Kathirkamu Parupatham Vý da); beloved husband of F ing and precious father of Sangeetha, loving broth Veepoushanan (Canada), ikumar (Canada), Elanth (UK), Elango (Canada)
(USA), brother-in-law of Senthilkumar, Amalakum Elango and Dr. Indrani Ela away peасеfully on 19th / Westmorland Road, Nor dlesex, UK. The crematic
 
 
 

15 MAY 1993
dam, Jaffna, Coldney and Singaaffection, Easter family, nephews, nd grand-nieces. , G. N. Kadirgamar nadam, Chunnaadirgamar, 5-4-22 Ku, Tokyo 107,
ny (86), Retired way and former
Kankesanthurai, Langainarayanan nampalam (U.K.), 7chadcharam (lininthy Pandithavarhasivam (both of a Puvanenthiran my Tharmapaladra (both of U.K.) Igaraja (Canada) anka f7th Februtheir messages of ing the period of ware, Middlesex 36.
ornar (Elam), forTelecom, loving Vythilingham and hilingham (CanaIvanambikai; lovSalaiyarasan and er of Elavarasy lanchelvy Senth'vy Amalakumar and Elanchenny Veepoushanan, hr, Chithiradevy >henny-passed pril 1993, at 57, Harrow, Midtook place at
Golders Green Crematorium, London NW11, on Sunday the 25th April 1993, Telephone: O81-427 2726.
Elam was a keen promoter of Tamil language and culture in the U.K. and has been the key founder and organiser of various Tamil schools.
We, the Tamil Union of Herts and Herts Tamil School join everyone in conveying our heartfelt condolences to the family and salute this ever pleasant great man of the community.
Saravanamuthu Appathurai Subramaniam (60), formerly Chief Cashier, Mascons Ltd., Colombo, beloved husband of Seethadevi, loving father of Sathiabalan (Canada) and Sathiakala (UK), father-in-law of Suganthy and Asogan; grandfather of Sharanya and Niraniya passed away on 27.4.93 in Tooting, U.K. after a brief illness - 129 B Seely Road, LOndo SMV179CQX. Tel 081-677 6182.
Parameshwari Sabanayagam Retired teacher, Kopay Govt. School, Vembadi Girls High School and Our Lady of Refuge, Jaffna. Beloved wife of Spencer Selvadurai Sabanayagam; mother of Kamalini, Padmini, Sivakumaran (all of U.K.), Dr. Nirmala, Sugumaran, Kalaivani, Damayanthi (all of Canada), Karunakaran and Wijeyakumaran (both USA); mother-in-law of Rajendran, Dr. Nagarajah, Dr. Sivaji, Mohan Jeremiah, Sivadas, Vasuhi, Rahini, Rathika, grandmother of Nirooshan, Yalini, Nirshanthan, Parthiban, Maithili, Arun, Jivakan, Nirrethana, Tanya and Diviya; sister of Kanagasabapathy, Nadarajah and Thilagawathy, passed away. Funeral took place in Highland Memory Gardens, Ontario, Canada on 1st May 1993. - 172 Fairlawn Park, Sydenham, London SE26 5SD. Tel: 081-778 9013.

Page 27
15 MAY 1993
IN MEMORAM
in loving memory of Dr. Manohara Nadarajah, formerly of Katsina, Nigeria and later Bedford General Hospital, U.K., On the first anniversary of his passing away on 25.5.92.
You are always in our hearts and in our thoughts.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by your wife Indranee and sons Suthaharan and Vaseeharan - 52 Marnham Crescent, Greenford, Middlesex, UB6 9SW.
Mrs. Ratnadevi Mandalanayagam, Chunnakan, Sri Lanka.
Born: 1 s. 1. 1918 Died: 75.88.
Your love and affection we will ever Cherish.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered on the fifth anniversary of her passing away by her children, grandchildren, sons-in-law and daughters-in-law. - "Greenacres', 63 Sandown Park, Tunbridge Wells, Kent, TN2 4RT, U.K.
lin everloving memory of Dr. Parameswaran Kandiah on the third anniversary of his passing away on 125.90. Sorrowfully remembered by his beloved wife Pathmasany and loving children Thayalan and Pathanjali - 29 Mounston Close, Hartside Grange, Hartlepool, TS26 OLR, U.K.
ln everioving memo! Sabaratnam who pa:
Times may change, t Memories of you nev in Our hearts you will Loved and remember
Sadly missed and daughters, Menaka, Sons-in-law Thanaba lingam; grandchildre. Sriram, Sinanee, Sut Tilly and Arjunan a Gajan, Kumaran, Lu, Jennifer, Jason, Sa Maheswary Jannanie Winchester, MA 0189
An App
News of the untime Wanniasegaram Ka of Surgery at the U. received with great
professional Colleagu the hundreds of his
trainees who had bee kind and loving surge for the past three de place at Kanate, Col.
1993.
Professor Karuna medical background, the late Dr. & Mrs. V. kann. He had his ear the premier institution, - Royal, St. John's selected, not surprisir great ability to relate medicine. Having gr, versity of Colombo in Surgical training at During a brief assigni of Health, Chilaw, he for outstanding publi early indication of hij remain with and Care Lanka.
Having completed the United Kingdom, c of the Fellowship of Surgeons, Karu returr in Sri Lanka that span, years. He served as a many of the major p hospitals - Trincomal '75), Kandy ("75-81) wards). Such dedicate length and breadth c made hin Wel known people of all the Comm fact that was clearly attendance at his fune
 
 
 
 
 

AMIL TIMES 27
y of Mrs. Maheswary SSedaway on 21.5.89.
Dit
er fade always stay ed everyday.
fondly remembered by i, Sarojini, Sakuntala; l, Sothi and Sivaraman Sumathy, Sritharan, )ethira, Shanthi, Vanee, nd great grandchildren xmi, Radha, Jonathan, rangan, Dharshini and 2 - 23 Arthur Street, O, USA.
reciation
:ly death of Professor runanathan, Professor niversity of Jaffna, was sadness by his many es, friends, relatives and patients, students and en the beneficiaries of a on and surgical teacher Cades. His funeral took Ɔmbo on the 24th March
nathan hailed from a being the eldest son of amniasegaram of Mallay education at some of Sin Colombo and Jaffna S and Hartley - and gly for someone with a
to people, a career in aduated from the Urmi
1955, he continued his its Teaching Hospital. ment as Medical Officer
Was awarded a medal C health Service - an s total Conrnitinent to for the community in Sri
his surgical training in 'ulminating in the award
the Royal College of led to a surgical career ned the next twenty five Consultant Surgeon in rovincial and teaching ee ('68-'71), Galle (”72and Jaffna ('81 ond service extending the of Sri Lanka no doubt and well loved by the unities in Sri Lanka - a underscored by the bral.
The pinnacle of his career was his appointment to the Foundation Chair in Surgery at . the University of Jaffna. Karu was not a " flamboyant personality, but his quiet mannerism and humility masked an inner drive of intense commitment to the University and to his students and patients. He was a source of strength to his colleagues, many of whom often turned to him for both professional and personal advice. This was sought knowing very well that what would be offered was genuine and sincere, and delivered with a Sense of humour and Wit that WaS SO Characteristic of his inimitable style. His immense and deep intellect and analytical mind was ever so valuable in the context of dealing with the trials and tribulations of directing a medicall curriculum and the delivery of health care in a community moving towards catastrophic political and Sociological changes. The life and job of a surgeon during this period, catering to the needs of the militants and the military alike, was a balancing act that required immense courage and tact.
Karu was also closely involved in Post Graduate medical activities and Was a nember of the Boards of Studies in Surgery and Otolaryngology and an examiner for the M.S. (Surgery). In his early days, he also played an active part in the emerging medical Trade. Union movement and was elected President of the Kandy and Galle branches of the GMOA and later as Vice President of the national body. The esteem in which he was held by his colleagues resulted in his election to the Presidency of the Clinical Societies of Galle and Kandy and the Jaffna Medical ASSOCiation.
Professor Karunanathan is sadly no more but he will be remembered above all as a wise but humble individual who treated and served all alike with respect and dignity.
N. Sreeharan.
FORTHCOMING EVENTS
May 31 O.B.A.'s Festival of Cricket at Maori Park, Worcester Park, Surrey. Tel: 081-567 2.352/.391 O351/6688903.
June 2 Pirathosan.
June 3 Waikasi Visakan.
June 4 Full Moon,
June 6 Trinity Sunday. June 10 Corpus Christi.
June 6 Ekathasi.
June 17 Pirathosan. June 18 7.15pm Malaysian Friendly Club presents Cultural Evening of Carnatic Music & Bharatha Natyam at Commonwealth Institute, High Street Kensington, London W8.
e O81-679 6095. June 19 Amavasai. 6.30pm Kana Kuyil Contest backed by Band Rainbow and featuring Special Guest singer Kulaseelanathan at Brent Town Hall, Forty Lane, Wembley, Middx Tel: O81-9O4 9227/205 O397. June 19 6.30pm Tamil Performing Arts Society presents Tamil Drama Festival '93 - at South Norwood Centre, Sandown Road, London SE25 4XE. Tel: 081-459 4335/470 7883.
June 23 Chathurthi. June 26 Aani Uththiram.
Continued on page 28

Page 28
28 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 27
June 26 Vembadi Old Girls' Association (U.K.) presents Summer Dinner Dance at Lola Jones Hall, Tooting Leisure Centre, Greaves Place, off Garratt Lane, Tooting, London SW17 ONE. Tel: 081-647 9069/349 ፲ 172
June 27 SCOT presents Carnatic Vocal Recital by O.S. Thiagarajan at The Conway Hall, Red Lion Square, London WC1. Tel: O81-764 7912/870 9897/468 7181 & 0277 223981.
June 29 St. Peter & Paul Day. June 30 Ekathasi,
July 11 6.30pm Meihandan Athlenam presents Carnatic Vocal recital by Sangeetha Vani Nageswari Bramananda at the Conway Hall, Red Lion Square, London WC1 in aid of the educational needs of deprived Saiva children in Sri Lanka,
At the Bhavan Centre, 4A Castletown Road, London W14 9HQ. Tel: 071 381 3O86/4608. June 5th, 20th, July 3rd, 17th, 31st & Aug. 7th (Concluding session) 5.30pm. Lecture on Mahabharata by Sri Mathoor Krishnamurthi.
June 6 Bharata Natyam by Padma Murali. June 12 Sitar by Partha Chatterloe, June 13 6.30pm Flute by Raghunath Seth.
June 18 7.00pm. Hindustani Vocal by Sharad Sathe,
June 195.30pm. Lecture on African Experience by Dr. Habib Zuben. (Former UNESCO Scientist).
:M MODHT: Highgate Murugan Temple, a
London N6
Vaikasi Visakam (Lord Murugan's birthday) will be celebrated on Thursday, 3rd June '93 commencing at 7.00pm with Abisekam fol-’ lowed by Pooja and Shanmugar will be taken . out in procession.
The Annual Festival will commence on 12th June '93 and continue for 15 days culminating on Saturday, 26th June '93 which is Aani Uththiram day. Arrangements are being made to have traditional Natheswaram performed. An outstanding lecturer from India is expected to deliver a series of religious discourses (Kathaprasangams) every day. For details please contact the Administrator on Tel: O31-3489835.
A vacancy exists for an Assistant Administrator on a rota baSiS. Those intereSted ShOllod apply in writing immediately to the undersigned. Applicants should preferably be vegetarians with a practical knowledge of Hindu (Saiva) Temple management customs and rituals according to traditions in Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka. Possession of a U.K. driving licence is an added qualification. For further information please ring Vama on 081-3986078 after office hours,
.
N. Vanadevan,
200 A, Archway Road, Chairman.
London N6 5.BA.
Subathra’s AI
Subathra Subramanian's performed in lively tempo, y her Bharata Natyam arang 10th April at the Bhavan immediately followed by a nam choreographed by the
She brought cheerful vil easily communicating here to the audience, and he rhythm and ability to main contributed to the impressi
Her Alarippu in Raga l Tala ("Tishram Tala' is neatly executed, and with movements she did full ju! waram in Ragamalika, Choreographed by her g Yadagudde - who also ChC other items mentioned bel
She entered with enthus nan about a maiden s se Lord Muruga, although sł allow herself that moment would have added greate very capable rendering, beautifully composed and Subathra to Show her tale The Keerthanan about L. Kannada language Was sh the Padam in Raga Todi, A young maiden's anger and na 's mischievous pranks, C lying mood of affection.
The Thillana was cha, brightness and Verve whic to Subathra, although the benefited by the inclusion The Managalam brou evening to a close - a reaffirmed the value of
 

angetram
Pushpanjali, ably was a bright start to 2tram on Saturday Centre. This was Ganesha VandaDhananjayans.
ality to the stage, njoyment of dance r keen sense of ain a good speed or of liveliness.
latai, Tishra Eka misnomer) was lear and graceful tice to the JathisMisrachapu Tala uru Sri Prakash eographed all the MV.
aSirm info the Varparation from her 2 did not always y lingering which strength to her The jathis were ave fine scope for
rd Nataraja in the rt and Sweet, and 'i Tala, showing a despair at KrishDtured the under
cterised by the comes naturally ten would have more Koraves. it an enjoyable evening which e guru shishya
15 MAY 1993
tradition and showed what results can be achieved with a good teacher and gifted student,
The fine quality of the musical accompanirrert Contributed to the SCCeSS of the OCCasion. Musicians were: Prakash Yadaguddenatu vangan, Sivasakti Sivanesan - vocal, K. S. Bhavani Shankar — mridangam, B.K. Chandrashekhar - violin, and Joy Sudharshini-veena. The compering was competently carried out by Subathra herself,
Subathra came to the UK from Malaysia, and has been studying Bharata Natyam with Prakash Yadagudde of the Bhavan Centre since 1988. She is his eighth student to have given her debut performance.
Venu Gaanam in London
A recital was organised by 'Eastern Fine Arts Promotions at the Wembley High School Hall on 1.5.93, in which the main artiste was Sri K. Jananayagam on the flute.
The recital commenced with the Varnan 'Evvari Botha' in Abohi raga followed by "Vinayaga in Hamsathvani which he played with vibrance and included Creative Swara. The song beginning with 'Saraswathy' in raga Saraswathy was played with musical elegance and the kachcheri got warmed up when he tastefully played one of Sri Thiyagaraja Swami 's Pancharatna pieces, Shathiyangene in Arabi raga.
The recital continued with the song 'Samaja Vara Ramana' in Hindolam and alapana in Kamas delighting the audience with an expert rendering of the famous song Proseva, a composition of Mysore Vasudevachcharya. He played two more pieces in raga Nagakaanthari, Mohanam and rendered the raga Hemavathi with extensive alapana and played the piece Sri Kanthimathim composed by Theedshithar. He softly and ably played in raga Vasantha, a piece beginning with Seethamma' and "Kanagasabapathyiku' in Adana and the thevarem 'ldarinum thalarinum' in Kethara gowla.
After the interval, he rendered in traditional carnatic style Ragam Thanam Pallavi in Amruthawarshini raga. The palawi was on Misra Jathi Jembali tala. Towards the end the ragamaliga consisting of Ananthabairavi, Mayamala Gowla, Sahana and Nilambari was like a crown of the programme of the evening played eloquently and melodiously. The kachcheriended with Thiruppugal and Mangalam,
On the whole the recital was in unadulter

Page 29
15 MAY 1993
ated carnatic style with richness in laya. I would recommend the programme to all rasikas of classical South Indian music. Two and a half hours of his music took us to a high plane of enjoyment.
I must refer to the able support given by Dr. Luxmi Jayan on the violin. I have watched her performances steadily progressing over the years. She was a Source of great strength to the artiste of the evening. The young duo miruthangists Jason and Jonathan Pararajasingam showed calmness and dexterity typical of very experienced percussionists. Bangalore Prakash on Gatam was very able and rhythmic and blended well with the rest of the team. Selvi Vathani Varatharajan on the Thambura was patiently keeping the Sruthi during the whole concert.
Nageswari Brahmananda.
The Face'
Prakash Yadagudde's dance ballet "The Face, in which he and Kumari Nina take the leading roles, was performed again at the Bhavan Centre on Sunday 25th April, the last date of its spring tour.
The show is an enjoyable one with plenty of variety, and follows the life of the young dancer Anand. Three scenes are particularly outstanding:
The dance-drama in the village square - the original source of Anand's inspiration to be a dancer - gives scope for a lovely sequence between the demon Bhasmasura, played by K.S. Bhavani Shankar, and Mohini, played by Kumari Nina. The demon in striking Yakshagan costume is a wonderful foil for the beautiful enchantress, who leads him to be the cause of his own death, and the episode has great visual impact.
The scene where Anand takes dance classes from the young student Charu is beautifully portrayed in the Natyadharmi tradition - the many stages of learning being condensed into a short space of time - and we discover that simple adavus, performed to unaccompanied spoken jathis in practice dress, can be
both effective and e unuSual and memora a sense of humour.
The dance Conte Charu at the end of of the Show. Charu w dance after being dance, and she has Sioned Anand of he opportunity for both talent as they take other.
Nina, dances with the Sitar, while Praka Pakhawaj bols, has that his movement beautiful sculptural held. His sequence the dynamic quality t danced with passion performance at this
The ballet is well st dancers trained by Tina DaS, Anusha Khan, Deepa Rebe Subathra Subraman played by B.K. Chan Murad according to
A major source of i of Course the music and directed by T. V. guides the story anc great skill and ima pression of variety w The project has re Arts Council and Li support from the B where Prakash is Natyam Department.
Continued from p mining of efficier nistration. This is needed to stabilis on which the si hinges. The less. tervention and th have been readily
The Irish armi
Continued from that it reveals sensitive and th that are confront that disturb and quil' life. In typica tend to look for "texts and the ph the empirical rea
But the logic started, will end Rajasingham hin from Alistair Ma Mr. Rajasingha book for anyone lectual historyy c Lankan Tamils riots of July '8 after-effects ther Kal
Professor of Tam University of Ja
 

fĀMītīMts 29
oyable. The duet is an ble one, and not without
* between Anand and he ballet is the highlight ints to return to Classical ured into commercial 'o persuade the disillu* sincerity. It is a fine dancers to show their in turns to outdo the
grace and accuracy to h, dancing to the strong a chance to remind us can have extremely utlines, however briefly : a rare occasion to see at nritta Can have when - anger almost- and his Oint is brilliant. pported by Seven young Prakash: Gita Cambow, Gurunathan, Pinache iro, Snehal Shah and am. Acting parts were drashekhar and Shahed he venue.
spiration for the ballet is , which was composed 3opalkrishnan in India. It ' reflects its moods with Jination, giving the imithin unity.
ceived funding from the Dndon Arts Board, and havan Centre, London, Head of the Bharata
A Novel Musical Exercise
Lovers of Carnatic music in South London were treated to an extraordinary musical exercise - an exposition of PALLA VI, an essential component in major Carnatic Concerts - on Sunday, 25th April, at the Willis Road Hall, Croydon. Smt. Manorama Krishna Prasad, eminent vocalist and a trained musiCologist, unravelled the mystery lying in this musical frame and demonstrated the structural beauties and time measures in Selected nine different types of Pallavi. Her easy style and sureness in swara grouping and tala variations, together with the dexterous handling of the mridangam by the well known master of rhythm, Sri Karaikudi Krishnamurthi, kept the full house audience spellbound. It was a pleasant sight to watch three great musicians of high rank - Manorama Krishna Prasad, Karaikudi Krishnamurthi and the expert violinist Dr. Lakshmi Jayan - in an unusual conviviality exchange their own points of view to the delectation of the audience.
The exercise was superbly novel and , served as an informative exposition on the mysteries of our musical system. Kalabhava- . nam deserves congratulation for arranging such instructive, at the same time entertaining musical features for the benefit of Our London audience. At the same time the cooperation offered by the top ranking artistes is com
fnendable. - Kalyani. ?
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