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15 SEPTEMBER 1993
I do not agree with a word of what you say, but I'll defend to the death y
ssssssss Vol.XII No.9 15 September 1993
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CONTENTS
Thondaman resumes peace moves. 4 Govt. makes hasty retreat on
elections in the East. . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Call for Sustained and accelerated реaceplan. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 NeWS Review. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Obstacles to peace. . . . . . . . . . . . 12 Navy suffers major losses. . . . . . . 16 Sinhalese and Tamils should be equal partners. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 Problems cannot be solved by force or subterfuge. . . . . . . . . . . . 19 Lost opportunities and shattering experiences of Muslims. . . . . . . . . 21 Tamil Nadu newsletter. . . . . . . . . . 23
Readers Forum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
The summary
denunciations il put forward by Council for Gilc response over ethnic Conflict a in the internal a particularly in i Whether State-C conflict by the S nOnSense and S
Every year th pilgrimage, with Countries who h recent years. Th imposed by dor and other intern Already, the lnternational Co problems of inte nitarian tasks Commission or themselves and Country. Fact-f international hu reports critical C However, whe who raise their mediation. The been unable to thousands and fled the country thousands. The on not only neig to people terror Other Countries Lankan authorit. the island is air A realistic as: must Convince cannot impose negotiations bei the parties to th nothing wrong, mediators or t negotiating pro Recently the referred to the armed Conflict war-making eff profits they der between the pa were various pa prolongation of COntinuation of the aspirations people who are
President Wi the governmer billion) annually the forthcoming 'senseless war ColoSSal wastel negotiated resc men and Womé The war-mong from the peace
 
 
 
 
 
 

1sha
WAR AND PEACE
rejection by the Sri Lankan government and the vitriolic the Colombo-based national news media of the "Peace Plan" our Nobel prize winners belonging to the Canada-based World bal Co-operation are characteristic of the patently negative he years of those in authority and influence to the continuing d the war. The angry reaction with claims of 'foreign interference fairs of the country' and infringement of national Sovereignty, he editorial columns of the so-called national newspapers, ontrolled or otherwise, to the suggestion of mediation to the ecretary General of the United Nations is nothing but jingoistic anctimonious humbug. 9 island's Finance Minister and his officials make their annual cap in hand, to Paris to beg for aid and grants from donor ave, on an average forked out 900 million US dollars annually in ey subject Sri Lanka and its people to draconian pre-Conditions or countries, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank ational agencies in the process of seeking aid and grants.
United Nations High Commission for Refugees and the mmittee of the Red Cross are heavily involved in dealing with the rnally and externally displaced people and undertaking humawithin their mandates. In recent years, the United Nations Human Rights and its subsidiary bodies have concerned adopted resolutions in regard to the human rights situation in the nding missions by UN human rights agencies and other man rights organisations have visited the island and issued f the abuse of human rights in the country.
an it comes to the ethnic question, there are those in the country hands in horror at the prospect of foreign or international act is that Sri Lanka has over the years neglected, failed and has resolve the Conflict which has resulted in the death of tens of displacement of hundreds of thousands of people. People have and sought refuge in various parts of the world literally in their spill-over effects of the conflict in the island have had their impact hbouring India, but also other countries which have given asylum sed and displaced by the ongoing war. The flow of refugees into from Sri Lanka continues unabated as the fighting intensifies. Sri es and the editorial Connentators must realise that the Conflict in eady internationalised. sessment of the progress of the war during the last three years 2ven the Congenital optimist that the government and its forces a military solution to the conflict. The only course open is ween the parties in direct conflict and other concerned parties. If a conflict cannot get together to talk for any reason, then there is and in fact there is great merit in obtaining the services of outside e Secretary General of the United Nations to help in the eSS. Secretary General of International Alert, Dr. Kumar Rupasinghe, growth of vested interests in the course of protracted internal !. He said that there international forces which promoted }rts in various countries; these forces thrived on the enormous ved from the sale of arms to both sides; there was a strong link rties to a conflict and the illicit drugs and arms network; there rties inside the country who were making vast profits through the the war; and there was a strong lobby working overtime for the he war. The views of the editorial Commentators seem to reflect of this war-making lobby rather than those of the vast mass of the yearning for peace and restoration of normalcy.
atunga recently lamented while speaking at a public function that had been spending a staggering Rs. 25,000 million (Rs.25 during the last few years and had to allocate a similar amount for year for the purpose of prosecuting what he described as the in the Northeast of the island. If he wants to bring an end to this tl expenditure, he ought to concentrate his efforts to bring about a ution of the Conflict, and not hesitate to seek the assistance of of goodwill and peace whether they be in Sri Lanka or outside. rs will soon lose their ill-gotten profits and the people will benefit dividend.

Page 4
Thondaman Resumes Moves Amidst Govt. Rel
from Rita Sebastian, Colombo
Minister Thondaman has swung back into the role of mediator between the government and the Tigers by announcing that he is ready to go to Jaffna to meet with the Tiger leadership, to negotiate a peace settlement.
It seems most unlikely that the government will avail itself of his services in view of the howl of protests from hardline Sinhala chauvinists, when he did offer his services on an earlier occasion.
Moreover, the government has, on more than one occasion made it quite clear that there has to be a consensus solution to the northeast issue if it is to endure.
No government will be able to ram down a settlement on the country to which the majority community has not been a willing partner. And it is for this reason that both the government and the main opposition Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) have to agree on a devolution package to the northeast of the country that will also meet Tamil demands.
Thondaman, once a critic of federalism as a solution to the northeast conflict seems to have changed his mind. The main proposal that has been discussed, in the now much publicised discussions between Minister Thondaman and Tiger spokesman in Paris, Lawrence Thilagar is a federal arrangement for the northeast.
Thondaman who opted out of the Parliamentary Select Committee because he did not subscribe to the de-merger of the northeast provinces, or for that matter was strongly against federalism as a solution, seems to have been won over to the idea by the Tigers.
The picture looks bright. But everything depends on whether the government is ready to snatch the opportunity to meet the Tigers at the negotiating table,' says Ceylon Workers Congress President and Government Minister, S. Thondaman.
"The ruling United National Party (UNP) and the main opposition Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) accepted Jaffna MP Srinivasan's proposal to the Parliamentary Select Committee for a federal arrangement for the northeast. So what is needed now is somehow to co-ordinate and bring about a solution', says Thondaman.
Thondaman is yet to present his
"peace package' to Banda Wijetunge a Ranill Wickremesin The Tigers, acc Thondaman, had ir they were turning member of the go' Tamil leader.
"They were disap to Jaffna the last t earlier offer to med
Thondaman tal arrangement in th the Tigers will pl “Anyone else who ha be included' he say
The only two pe peace to this troub to Thondaman, is tl the Tigers.
Thondaman dism that the Tigers are and this another ploy.
"They have enou hands. They fough and continue to fig army. They don't re Says.
Rival Tamil gr however are angry by Minister Thonda “irrelevant” and coi any negotiated se northeast.
However irreleva thinking of Thondal who opted to ent process cannot be carpet. For all inte they are the elected
the Tamil people in
Tigers who boycot until another elect representatives fair chosen, the people the Tamil represent in parliament.
As the war gets casualties mount, brought home that able war. Yet both refuse to make the have been pious m sides that they are the negotiating tabl has translated that action.
Meanwhile there cant developments Following the devas sea Tigers on Sri L.

лезертемвентge.
Peace UCtanCe
President Dingiri und Prime Minister ghe. brding to Minister dicated to him that to him not as a fernment but as a
pointed I didn't go ime” he says of his iate in the conflict. ks of an interim e northeast where ay the lead role. as a role to play will
S.
ple who can bring led land, according he government and
isses the allegation trying to buy time, well orchestrated
gh time on their t the Indian army ht the Sri Lankan 'quire any time', he
oups in Colombo at the stand taken uman that they are unt for nought in ettlement for the
nt they are in the man, Tamil groups *r the democratic swept under the ents and purposes representatives of the absence of the ted elections. So tion is held, and ly and legitimately Mill have to accept atives who now sit
bloodier and the the fact is being this is an unwinnsides stubbornly first move. There (outhings by both ready to return to e, but neither side
into any positive
have been signifion the war front. stating attacks by ankan naval craft
in the northern seas, the government has taken, what defence analysts describe as some very positive steps.
President Dingiri Banda Wijetunge promulgated emergency regulations to declare the territorial waters extending from northwest Mannar to eastern Trincomalee as a prohibited zone, disbanded the Joint Operations Command (JOC) and in its place set up a small security coordinating committee.
This in effect means that the JOC, considered a millstone around the necks of the three service commanders, preventing them mapping out strategy at ground level has been removed.
A government at the receiving end of bitter opposition criticism of having not taking any effective steps, either politically or militarily, to resolve the on-going conflict seems to be gearing itself for some positive action. But what form that action will take is still unclear.
k In LOndOn & PariS
Sri Lanka's Tourism and Rural Industrial Development Minister and the President of the Ceylon Workers Congress, Mr. S. Thondaman visited London during late August as the Chief Guest of the "Festival of India' organised by the Mayor of the London Borough of Lewisham, Mr. Sinna Mani.
Mr. Sinna Mani, the first Sri Lankan Tamil to become a Mayor of a London Borough, gave a reception in honour of Mr. Thondaman which was attended by many Sri Lankans. During his visit, Mr. Thondaman addressed a meeting held at Conway Hall attended by a cross-section of expatriate Tamils living in London which was organised by the Tamil Information Centre and was presided over by Dr. Pasupathirajah.
During his speeches and in answers to questions, Mr. Thondaman's main message was that his main responsibility in politics had been to serve the plantations Tamil to win back their lost rights. He was able to remove the status of 'statelessness' of his people and regain their voting rights by a combination of struggle and cooperating with the government as a Minister.
Mr. Thondaman declined the invitation by some in the audience for him to assume the leadership of Sri Lankan Tamils living in the Northeast of the island also in the context of the continuing war and the plight in which
Continued on page 5

Page 5
15 SEPTEMBER 1993
Govt. Makes a Hasty i On LOCal ElectiOnS in t
(by our Special Correspondent in Colom
The sudden decision of the D.B. Wijetunge administration to call for local government elections in eastern Sri Lanka and in northern Vavunia and its equally hasty decision to cancel them within the course of a week, demonstrated beyond all doubt that Premadasa's successors were also set to cluelessly bungle in the ethnic morass. The decision to hold the polls caught every one by surprise - including the pro-government Douglas Devananda's E.P.D.P., which had been supremely confident only the day before that the government would soon implement its proposal to set up, an
Continued from page 4 they were placed. He said that it was up to the Tamil political parties and their leaders to play that role, they all should unite to speak with one voice and they should know when to fight, when to stop fighting and when to begin talking. However, he was willing to help in any mediatory efforts and he was ever willing to visit Jaffna and talk to the Tiger leadership.
Mr. Thondaman also visited Paris where he met and spoke to the LTTE's international spokesman, Lawrence Thilakar. “We discussed new initiatives to resume talks and break the present deadlock between the LTTE and the government, Mr. Thilakar said after his meeting with Mr. Thondaman. “ is
The state-controlled Daily News' of 31 August reported quoting Minister Thondaman that he would place before the government a peace plan offered by the Tigers to end the ethnic conflict. The present climate appears to be conducive and there should be consensus among the parties concerned at arriving at a workable solution. Lawrence Thilakar and others of the LTTE met me in Paris during my visit there. They talked to me at length about the issues relating to the northeast and made some proposals', the paper reported quoting Mr. Thondaman.
However, Mr. Thilakar denied reports in the Colombo newspapers that he had submitted any peace proposals on behalf of the LTTE to Mr. Thondaman. However, knowledgeable sources believe that Mr. Thilakar might have reiterated the LTTE's previous offer to consider any proposals by the Sri Lankan government that offers a federal structure for the resolution of the conflict.
interim council for
Government s. tight-lipped about which had promp Many senior politic were apparently ni reasons were attrib ment's unusually ment to hold electi the army which suggesting to the last year to hold ele order to facilitate t. of their counter-in in that province, h vailed upon the E Prime Minister. A necessary adjunct t task of counter-ins tions, it had been a boost the sagging m It could be uphe achievement in ord much needed sens enthusiasm into t troops at the warf could not for long w ary stalemate. And professional concerr also well known in n such an election, is ducted, could boos standing of Maj. G ma, head of the Sı eastern command, v analysts believe w next army comman
The other reason to the move is tha was anxious to shov could apply the elect north-east - at lea avert unfavourable Geneva where the U on Human Rights w it was feared, could U.N. intervention ethnic conflict. One Lanka's diplomatic top alert on Augus draft resolution on was to be taken upt U.N. Sub Commiss ment, it is claimed, what was considered tion, that announcin government bodies immensely help its ( Geneva to bolster t things were indeed normal in Tamil are: was not necessary tc ance of the U.N. Se

TAMIL TIMES 5
રetreat he East
ibo)
the northeast.
ources remained the exact reason ited the decision. ians of the U.N.P. ot privy to it. Two uted to the govern
hasty announceons. One was that had been strongly government from :tions in the east in he political agenda surgency program ad ultimately preresident and the part from being a o the multi-faceted urgency, the elecIrgued, would help orale of the army. ld as a positive er to re-inject the e of purpose and he ranks of the ront whose morale ithstand the militin addition to this in the army, it is nilitary circles that successfully cont the image and en. Luxman Algai Lankan Army's who many military 'ould become the der.
that is attributed it the government w the world that it toral process to the st by stages – to developments in TN Sub-Committee as meeting, which eventually lead to
in the country's report said that Sri service was put on t 19 to counter a
Sri Lanka which he next day by the sion. The governhad assumed, in il a knee jerk reacg elections to local in the east would liplomatic corps in heir position that getting back to as and therefore it obtain the assist
cretary General to
: Áij به : فی ف۶۹ ه . .
find ways for resolving the conflict.
It appears however that the government had acted both in deference to the concerns of the military leadership as well as to alarms which had been raised about an imminent U.N. intervention, as it was widely believed, to strengthen the ulterior motive of effecting a de facto separation of the north and the east. It should be pointed out here that from the time. the Canada based World Council for . Global Co-operation called for U.N. Intervention, there has been a steady. build up of opinion in the south that "the whole thing' was being manipulated behind the scenes by interested parties in the west who were in cahoots with the 'secessionist expatriate Tamil lobby.' Almost overnight, the U.N. came to be portrayed as an insidious threat to Sinhala sovereignty in the island.
The Prime Minister, Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe and the President, Mr. D.B. Wijetunge are patently keen to show the Sinhala electorate that they are sensitive to and share in its concerns and apprehensions. Their decision to hold local government elections has to be viewed in this context. Whatever its consequences, it was clear that opinion in the south would have solidly been behind them on this issue had it transpired that the elections were in the first place held in the interests of safeguarding Sinhala sovereignty and giving the army a boost.
The Tamil parties were caught by surprise. And so were the Muslim and Tamil leaders of the U.N.P. in the eastern province. Douglas Devananda who had just begun enthusiastically to canvass support among the Colombo based Tamil groups and parties for his proposal to establish an interim council to regulate affairs in the north-east, was embarrassed'. He had believed that the government would, come what may, stand by his proposal. Even on the day the Elections Commissioner called for nominations, he was insisting that he was in a position to make the government change its mind! And the same morning S.L.M.C. leader Ashraff spoke in Parliament saying that the LTTE would certainly disrupt the elections and that the government will be held reponsible for the loss of lives in the ensuing violence. The Tamil parties raised strong objections as soon as the announcement was made. In the public stand they took on the issue they were all unanimous that Tamils should boycott the local polls altogether. Many Tamil leaders who happened to be in Colombo that week
Continued on page 6

Page 6
6 TAMILTIMES
Continued from page 5
said that it was going to be a sham
election in which the army was in a position to determine the outcome in many places of the east.
The Tamil parties and groups in Colombo immediately sought an appointment with the Prime Minister and methim tvo days later, on Saturday 21. They pointed out that condi
tions were far from normal in the east
and argued that they could not participate in any election in the northeast in the absence of a political solution to the ethnic conflict on the basis of an adequate devolution package. Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe explained the government's views on the need to hold the local government polls and informed the Tamil delegation that he would apprise the President about their concerns.
Some groups which have been operating closely with the army and hence had reason to believe that in certain areas they could 'ensure' results in their favour, were unwittingly thrown on the horns of a sticky dilemma. On the one hand if they contested the election they, in principle, would be accepting the status quo — particularly in the east where thousands are still displaced and land grabbing by Sinhalese is going on - and thereby give the government a convenient pretext for legitimising it which in turn would have meant that a political solution was redundant. This simply was political suicide. On the other hand, if they boycotted the election the government could withdraw many special privileges and financial assistance they had been receiving. In addition there were many benefits in controlling local government bodies such as building up a grass root level system of political patronage and exploiting local government resources to facilitate political projects.
By Sunday 22, it was obvious that some groups had found a way to surmount the problem. Moves were afoot to form independent groups on the part of those 'ex-militant organizations' which had been bothered by as many good reasons for contesting as there were for boycotting. There were strong rumours that the PLOTE which had been long confident of securing the Vavuniya urban council attempting to put together an independent group while moves in Batticaloa to form an independent grouping under Chezhian Perinbanayagam were attributed to behind the scene manoeuvres of the TELO and its M.P. for Batticalao, Govindan Karunakaran. The Muslim Congress leader who had denounced the idea of holding the
elections in Parliam earlier, decided the as soon as the ma and nominations
leader of the EPDP would contest direc be done on the ba seat sharing arrang be negotiated with about the confidenc Mr. Devananda sol there were certai which he had to co sion to fall in lineal in collaboration wit
The squabble branch of the UNP ting hard to pull i was clear that they to utilise all availab state to show their ombo that they we salt. This was im because the results increase their pati and enhance prosp appointments.
But senior UNP east such as cabine Munsoor, Minister tries, M.A. Abdul Minister for Sh Mahroof were not government's decisi tions; the governme place not consul them.
However as soor opportunity, they i dent that condition: at all in the east ta their opinion, the influence in most areas to directly o and scare potential were well aware tha recent times s established contact villages and town province. And mo: including those i evidently desirou peace with the LTT long term interests ity, by not engagi that can be interpr This was the main : ted them to steer c ment's ambitious referendum. M.A. also informed the gradual withdrawa several Muslim and Amparai district c more difficult for ward and participa eastern province M the UNP had also President that the easily be hinderec

15 SEPTEMBER 19)
ent only four days ext day to contest tter was gazetted were called. The said that his party
and that it would is of an electoral ement that was to
the UNP. Asked
he had expressed, mnly replied that n "circumstances nsider in his deci
ld contest the polls.
the UNP.
idden Batticallao
was also attempis act together. It were determined le resources of the leadership in Colre worthy of their portant for them if favourable could onage and power
ects for lucrative,
politicians of the t minister, A.R.M. for Textile IndusMajeed and State ipping, M.E.H. happy with the on to hold the elecent had in the first or even informed
as they got the Informed the Presis were not suitable hold elections. In LTTE had ample Wuslim and Tamil r indirectly coerce candidates. They ut the LTTE had in uccessfully re
in many Muslim s in the eastern it Muslim leaders in the UNP are of maintaining E in the east in the of their communng in any activity 2ted as anti-Tamil. eason that prompear of the governplans to hold the Abdul Majeed had President that the | of the STF from Tamil areas in the luld make it even eople to come fore in elections. The uslim leadership of pointed out to the ir members could
by armed Tamil
groups which were operating with the army. The only UNP leader from the east who had suggested that it was possible to hold the local government elections in his area was Mr. P. Day. aratne, Minister for Rehabilitation and Reconstruction. But his view was not given serious consideration mot only due to the objections of Muslim leaders but because intelligence reports from most parts of the east had indicated fresh Tiger troop movements from the north to the east (the Police camp at Thampalagamam had come under attack recently to clear the main road for a contingent of about 300 Tigers to pass over into jungles leading to the northern hinterlands of the Batticaloa district).
And above all the President himsel: was in no position to counter the arguments put forward by the Muslim leaders in favour of postponing the elections because not even a month had passed by since he had abruptly cancelled his visit to Batticalao to attend the Mobile Presidential Secretariat for which the best and maximum security had been provided, ir. view of his safety. Therefore after a final and formal meeting with MPs and Minister of the eastern provincewhich was also attended by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe anc UNP General Secretary, Sirisena Cooray, the Presidential Secretariat issued a communique stating that "The President in deference to the wishes of all the political parties and independent groups which intend contesting these elections has decided to postpone the nominations and the elections. The President promulgated emergency regulations rescinding the notices issued earlier.
The communique added that representations had been made to the President that the “time given for nominations and elections was inadequate. It is understandable that more time is required to reactivate the cadres, reestablish the branches and make preparations for the elections. Needless to say the communique sounded as preposterous as the affair itself. The Sinhala nationalists in the press and in the opposition who are ever watchful of moves which in their eyes could compromise the interests of the Sinha. la nation, missed the main and crucial point in the government's new stand. While calling off the elections the President also made an announcement that a referendum would be held in the northern province as well to determine whether the northeast should remain merged as a single administrative unit
Either the government feels that this can be a good pretext for not

Page 7
15 SEPTEMBER 1993
getting entangled in the vexatious and uncertain issue of holding a referendum in the east or it is acting in sheer confusion. If one were to assume that it may be possible to have a referendum at some point in the future in the north to decide whether people there want the east to merge with their province, then it would simply be a cake walk for the parties and groups that have for long sought an autonomous Tamil Homeland within altered constitutional parameters of Sri Lanka. In fact the EPRLF, in objecting to the idea of holding a referendum floated by army hawks through the PSC, had stated that the government should have a referendum in the north as well to seek a solution to the problem of merging the north and the east. ,
But there can be no doubt that if and when the Sinhala Buddhist lobby finds the catch in D.B. Wijetunge's new
approach to the qui can come down h the fact that no po in the north may keep the lobby at b long.
In the meantime tee which met o discuss the final dr to postpone the m quorum. The rep members of the PS of the army's strate east (so that it ca troops from there north). The report The development realistic approach peace.” The milita been harping on th year.
The inability of required quorum is of the growing apa circles arising from
Call for Sustained & Acc Peace Plan to Resolve C
by Ameen izzadeen
Former United Front activist and radical Jana Vegaya Gr Rupasinghe, now serving with a conflict resolution body in Alert, has called on the Sri Lanka government to launc accelerated multi-sectoral process to restore peace through a In an interview with The Sunday Times', Mr. Rupasingheu machinery here had nouv developed vested interests on all si international forces which promoted war and thrives on enorr, both sides.
There were also chauvinistic groups which wielded much p could not drauw even 1,000 people to a meeting. In this situ government must boldly present a peace package which discussed and made acceptable to the people through an auvar by the mass media, NGOs and citizens groups.
Mr. Rupasinghe said he believed the Indo-Lanka Peace A negotiated by J.R. Jayewardene and Rajiv Gandhi still framework for a solution.
Regarding the recent appeal by four Nobel laureates for U. Lanka'e ethnic conflict, Mr. Rupasinghe said the initial reject the adverse publicity had created an unfortunate situation wh was misunderstood. He believed the call was presented to the in a wrong way. Excerpts from the interview.
has produced Se undertaken a fact
Q: Your organisation, international Alert (IA), is mainly concerned about
resolution of internal conflicts. Does it have any plans for Sri Lanka?
A: IA was founded in 1985 and its objective is peace, conflict resolution, preventive diplomacy and ensuring human rights. To achieve this goal, it collaborates with several world bodies like the UN.
LA had developed a worldwide network and one of the countries it is involved in is Sri Lanka. As far as the Sri Lankan conflict is concerned, IA
has also commis peace and reconst been some involv country's efforts f nised that the con an internal mattel
We would be b assisting those making. छे
Q: But in thes the main actors

TAMIL TIMES 7
estion of merger, it eavily on him. But ling can take place help the President ay, although not for
the Select Commitn 26th August to aft of its report had eting for want of a prt sent to all 45 C is simply an echo egy for pacifying the in pull out enough ! to recapture the recommended that
of the east is a
to the process of ury leadership has is refrain since last
the PSC to get the clearly a symptom thy in ruling party the feeling that the
LTTE's military power, with which it
backs its claim for Eelam, cannot be significantly impaired by the army in . the near future.
The deteriorating military situation in the northeast is uppermost in everyone's mind. How can we sit and discuss autonomy while we are actually
closing our sovereignty?' asked a UNP
politician recently. In the final analysis this seems to be the mood that's causing the confusion in which the government muddles on, bearing a dangerously immense fiscal burden for prosecuting the war, though no end is in sight. V− D.B. Wijetunge and Ranil Wickremesinghe are losing thei grip on the political dimension of the ethnic conflict as the army struggles without much success to prevent morale damaging setbacks and as the fear that the government may lose its naval dominance in the northern wa
ters becomes real.
ellerated Onflict
oup leader Kumar amed International a sustained and
multi-ethnic vision. .
Jarned that the war des and there uvere nous sale ofarms to
ouver although they lation, he said, the
must be debated, eness campaign led
ccord of July 1987 provided the best
N mediation in Sri on of this move and ere the whole effort Sri Lankan people
veral reports and -finding mission. It isioned reports on uction. So there has ment of IA In this or peace. IA recogflict in Sri Lanka is
asically involved in involved in peace
r Lankan conflict, hre politicians and
LTTE leaders. How can you assist
then?
A: There are two aspects to this problem. One is the actors themselves who are parties to the conflict. The other is the environment in which the actors perform. That means there are also policy makers, NGOs and other citizen groups which could influence the peace process. The training is
primarily concerned with developing a
constituency for the peace process. For, it is our view that peace is not merely a question of the government and one other party, but there are so
many other actors who need to be
identified and frameworks should be designed to obtain their participation in the peace process.
Q: Most analysts here say whatever all these peace formulas, if there is no political will in the corridors of
power, nothing will work. What is
your view?
A: Political will, I define as the single-minded commitment and investment of enormous personal and material resources to bring about a negotiated settlement. In this context,
since 1977, there has been a political mandate given by the people to these
leaders to resolve this problem. In 1977, the UNP said in its manifesto that it would involve all sides to the conflict in an all-party conference to
seek a negotiated solution. Since that
time, politicians have attempted to seek a negotiated settlement. But that thrust has not been a sustained one and has not been accompanied with an accelerated peace package. But at this
Continued on page 9

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8 TAM TIMES
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15 SEPTEMBER 1993
Continued from page 7
moment, I do not see a package presented with peace being debated, discussed and sold. Whatever the military option is, eventually all parties agree this is a political question requiring a political solution. There has to be a solution which should be acceptable to the majority. It should not threaten their identity. It should also be acceptable to the minority communities - Tamils and Muslims. In this regard, I think the Indo-Lanka peace accord established some of the major parameters for the solution, to the credit of J.R. Jayewardene. And it is within those parameters that a negotiated settlement is possible. I think many issues which were of concern had been sorted out. For instance, the language problem. There is no national division on the language question any more. But the unit of devolution is still an intractable problem.
C: You said the indo-Lanka accord provided a framework for a negotiated settlemeny. But most Lankans are highly critical of it. For example, the Muslims say they had been left out of the whole process. The accord also speaks of a temporary merger of northern and eastern provinces. But the LTTE and other Tamil parties now favour a permanent merger and a federal set-up. In the south there are forces which are not ready to compromise. In this situation, what is your view?
A: The essence of the Indo-Lanka accord provides a framework for the subjects to be discussed. It is obvious that there are many gaps which need to be filled up. But the premise of the accord is a commitment that Sri Lanka should be a plural democratic society which recognised inalienable rights of all communities to co-exist in this country. The second major contribution of the accord is the commitment by India not to interfere with the territorial integrity of Sri Lanka.
The third important aspect is the recognition by the government that there has to be a devolution package with serious consideration given to the unit of devolution.
But the proper unit of devolution and other issues like rights of the Muslims have still to be defined. Are these insoluble? How should one approach this? The LTTE has made public statements that it is interested in a federal form of government.
One important move by the government has been the select committee. The international community is waiting anxiously for the outcome of deliberations of this committee, though Tamil parties had withdrawn from it.
From these del able to find o community has may provide a b of the most com merger, irrespec consensus is re issues can be sc sell this packag mass media, op sional bodies sh volved in makin
CSSS.
Q: The go' perimented with like the all-part parliamentary : solve the prol approaches ha' the government of the media opposed UN m by four Nobel p think the UN CO role as it had do Cambodia?
A: It is extren the appeal of fou provoked advers UN Secretary G from various par way in which affected the sens Because they sav of foreign inte pointed out the i lobby abroad. T sode took people debate - that is negotiated settle the misunderstal unfortunate beca which the UN keeping forces to because it is a there has been I the government decision is taken cil. But this doe good-office funct General should b But before every a package. And the negotiations this stage, somet be useful. The g the Secretary G effective. This h Salvador, Liber countries. In th eventually one r disinterested thi be kept in mind negotiations, set tabling, framin times require p experience and government may tional body or provide these se

TAMIL TIMES 9
berations we will be it what the Sinhala
to offer. The outcome
asis to deal with some licated issues like the tive of the war. Once a ached, a lot of other lved. But how do we e to the people. The inion makers, profesould be effectively ing this package a suc
Wernment has exseveral approaches, conference and the Select Committee to blem. But all these ve failed. Meanwhile : and some sections
have vehemently ediation as proposed rize winners. Do you uld play an effective ne in El Salvador and
nely unfortunate that r Nobel prize winners e publicity here. The eneral gets petitions ties all the time. The they were presented
ibilities of the people.
v this as another form rference. They also nfluence of the Tamil his unfortunate epiaway from the real how does one reach a ment. In this context nding of the episode is use there is no way in could provide peacethis country. Firstly, serious question and o request for that by , Moreover any such by the Security Counis not mean that the ion of the Secretary e permanently closed. thing there should be based on this package, should take place. On imes a third party can ood office function of
eneral has been very
as been proved in El ia and many other 2 negotiation process, hay be interested in a rd party. This should because the subjects of ting the agenda, time the agenda, somerofessional expertise, know-how. Here the call upon an interna
a neutral party to vices. But it is impor
tant to remember that neither the UNo nor any third party is interested in imposing a solution. They will be providing a technical service to help the parties to start talking. .
Q: Does it mean that the UN role could help solve the Lankan problem?
A: At the moment, given the sensitivity regarding this matter, the international community is anxious to see how the government would solve this problem now that the Nobel prize. winners' offer had been rejected.
This means the government has a package, and the international community is waiting to see what this package is. I should also say that the situation in Bosnia and Somalia and the UN role in these countries are quite different to what we experience in Sri Lanka.
Q: The recent UNatitude towards, Bosnia has raised a credibility question in the Third World. Moreover, it is alleged that the United States is hi. jacking the UN. In this context, what, would you say about the UN role? .
A: The entire Third World is deeply; hurt by the UN double standard. But : one should not judge the UN by its' Bosnia operation alone. Look at Cam bodia, a Buddhist country. One of the most brilliant UN operations has helped Cambodia achieve relative peace. The role of the US, of course is a cause for concern. Undue influence by , the US on the UN has given rise to a deep suspicion that the UN was merely a tool in US foreign policy. But, I think this view is too simplistic. There, is much debate taking place in the UN on the democratisation of the UN system, expansion of the Security Council and a standing peace-keeping force under UN command.
Also we must not forget that the UN is the only body we have internationally, interested in the collective security of all people. In that sense the democratisation of the UN is very important. Also one cannot deny the role of the non-governmental organisations in the international level.
The UN has introduced the concept of preventive diplomacy. That is how to prevent a war from breaking out. Here International Alert and other NGOs are helping the UN with the involvement of citizens-based groups and professional bodies - in a true global agenda.
C: You stress on the role of citizens groups. In Sri Lanka, we had citizens committees in the war-torn a reas and nobody took them seriously.
A: The biggest problem in war-torn Continued on page 10

Page 10
10 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 9
societies is that eventually the civilians of both sides become passive. Some leave the counrtry, some get internally displaced, and some continue their lives as if there had never been a war. So there is a fragmentation of society during war. In the meantime the war machinery continues to reproduce itself overtime. It develops vested interests of all sides. There are international forces which promote the war-making efforts of which little is talked about. We are talking about intervention for peace but we ignore the other aspect - intervention for war. These forces thrive on enormous sale of arms to both sides. There is a strong link between parties to a conflict and the illicit drug network. There are various parties inside the country, who are making profits. These forces have to be identified. There is a lobby for warmaking. The President the other day admitted that 30 billion rupees was spent on the war effort last year. Calculate this sum for ten years. Add the money the other side has spent on this. Just imagine, how this enormous sum could have been invested, for the education and employment generation and for the development of the country. The money could have been invested in promoting national harmony, in promoting multi-linguality - teaching all the three languages to the youth - in changing textbooks so that they could reflect the multi-plurality of this country. This money could have
been invested in pl sure that violence this country apartag ly the peace process these resources. Th mented. It is spori sustainable accelera peace. The peace multi-sectoral. The l ity, the entertainme. strategic constituen deeply involved in p is only then that th changed and pea fashionable.
Q: What is your v the media in conflic
A: Sri Lanka is country. We readne the radio and watch say Sri Lankans responsive society. C people in general i really tired of this w want to go about doi business and seeing education and so on section of the medi blackmailed by a sm population who do the aspirations of th mean the more ext forces. They are no gather more than public meeting. But influence. They do the policy-makers. T to be seriously addre alternative, multi
NEWS REVIEW
# THE TAMILTIGERS have rejected the proposal to establish an "interim administrative council’ to run the wartorn Northeast of Sri Lanka. Their Paris-based international spokesman, Lawrence Thilakar, said: "The government is trying to install this mechanism to achieve the objective of finding a military solution with the assistance of anti-LTTE groups'.
The non-LTTE Tamil parties and groups and some Muslim politicians have recently been raising the question of installing an "interim administrative council' to run the Northeast which is currently directly ruled by Colombo through a Governor appointed by the President after the EPRLF-dominated provincial administration collapsed following the departure of the IPKF and the elected Provincial Council was dissolved shortly thereafter at the behest of the LTTE which was then having negotiations with the government of former
President Premadasa ombo-based non-LT which find themselve ginalised as the figh LTTE and governme unabated for over seeking to regain a f sert their position in through the vehicl council in which the leading role.
While the EPRL firm in its anti-gov other Tamil grou TELO and EPDP ha selves with governm tarily combatting th Dewananda, lead government Eelam tic Front, said: "We council comprising I political parties activ run the province an order so that electic subsequently.' The S ment, Mr. M.H. Mo raised the prospect ( an interim Council.

15 SEPTEMBER 1993
ogrammes to enwould never tear gain. Unfortunatedoes not have all erefore it is fragdic. There is no ted effort to bring rocess should be pusiness communnt world and other ies should also be romoting peace. It he balance can be ce will become
iew on the role of it resolution? a highly literate wspapers, listen to television. I would are a mediain the other hand, n Sri Lanka are ar. They basically ng their everyday to their children's ... But somehow a a continues to be all segment of the not really reflect he entire people. I reme chauvinistic t in a position to l,000 people in a they have undue influence some of his problem needs issed. How can an ethnic vision be
promoted in this country? This is the challenge the media faces.
G: You also talked about text books. Some allege that history books in Sri Lanka are inflammatory and kinde racia hatred. What Would you say?
A: In the long-term, the text book is the primary source of information for children. It is mainly through the text book, that children are socialised into their communities. There is a struggle over the text books in many nations. Take for instance, the United States, where the black community is challenging the Anglo-Saxon interpretation of American history. Because of this, history is being re-written in the United States. . . . : . . . . : : ۶۰ از
The black community wants their contribution to art, science, economy, music and other fields to be told in text books. People there today question the consequences of the Columbus episode of America. Even in India, the authorities are reviewing the text books for the sake of national harmony. I would suggest, that for the long-term peace building process between communities, there be a re-examination of the myths which surround our history whether it is the concept of chosen people, whether it is the concept of demonising the other or how we detail the traumas of the people, how we interpret wars between people in the long-distant past. All these things need to be re-examined and reevaluated when a country is moving from war to peace.
. The mainly ColFE Tamil groups es politically marting between the nt forces continue three years are oothold and reasthe Tamil areas e of an interim y hope to play a
F has remained fernment stance, ps like PLOTE, lve aligned thement forces in milie LTTE. Douglas er of the proPeoples' Democra
should set up a epresentatives of re in the region to d restore law and
ons could be held
Speaker of parliaohamed, also has of setting up such
As the military stalemate continues in the fighting between government forces and the LTTE, it is believed that the government has been giving active consideration to the proposal, but has not come to any conclusion. Political circles both in Colombo and in the Tamil areas are sceptical of the practicality of the move. They observe that the militarily dominant LTTE which claims to be the 'sole representative' of the Tamil people will not permit such an interim council to function.
In the meantime, the island's Minister of Constitutional Affairs, Mr. K.N. Choksy, has ruled out the proposal on the grounds that there is no provision in the Constitution to establish such a Council.
år THE BISHOP OF CHILAW, Rev. Marcus Fernando, warning that the Voice of America project was turning Iranawila into a “Punchi Americawa” (Little America') and a super power colony, has appealed to the government to suspend all VOA operations and place before the people the facts

Page 11
15 SEPTEMBER 1993
regarding the VOA project it had signed with the US government.
In a statement issued on behalf of the Chilaw Diocese Pastoral Council, the Bishop also called upon all people of goodwill who cared for our country and loved our poor people to take note of the serious developments at Iranawila and respond meaningfully.
The statement said that the government had paid no heed to several months of protests and eventually the VOA work was initiated. Now its true face was emerging with the cutting down of several thousands of coconut palms in full bearing, the large scale infrastructure works, the increased presence of foreigners, interference with the fishing rights of the people, the strict security measures barring outsiders from approaching the no-go zone, the break-neck speed at which the operations were going on made everyone feel that the actual reality of the VOA was far removed from the innocent sounding "Relay Station' previously spoken of by the concerned parties.
The Bishop disclosed that an official of the VOA had asked the parish priest to inform his people that they should not use the waterway leading from Thoduwawa to Pambala lagoon as it was the property of the VOA. This was the area used by poor fishermen for fishing. Many fishermen had complained that VOA staff had chased them away when fishing as it was the 'security zone' of the VOA.
Many families had complained that parts of their properties were to be acquired and that high tension cable lines were to be installed over their properties. There was a persistent rumour that a high-powered plant for producing electricity with environmental ill-effects was to be set up in the Madampe area.
# A DRAFT RESOLUTION sponsored by four expert members (France, Belgium, Norway and USA) of the United Nations Humans Rights SubCommission which met last month in Geneva sought to make adverse references to the human rights record of the Sri Lankan government and condemn the Tamil Tigers for arbitrary executions and detentions and torture. The draft also urged the government and the parties in conflict to enter into a cessation of hostilities and to seek the 'good offices of the Secretary General of the UN to resolve the ongoing ethnic conflict through negotiations.
The move at Geneva received wide publicity in the Colombo newspapers, some of them concentrated only on that part of the text referring to the
LTTE while conde tion to involve General in peace ranted interventic affairs of the coun ments particula controlled newspap their condemnatic attempts by weste: pose their own sti rights on 'poor thi like Sri Lanka.
Although experi Geneva felt that til (which was eventu the sponsors) did no of being adopted b Sub-Commission, Lankan delegation Attorney General, made frantic efforts members of the Su Colombo, the newly ign Minister, Sah moned heads of fo countries whose ex Sub-Commission wi fluencing the outcor
Strange as it mi Lankan delegation h ally in the LTTE Geneva who too ca NGOs against the because of its critica to them. In responc ment made by Tilak Sub-Commission tha seeking negotiated p of the conflict in the i Parliamentary Selec cess, the London off statement said: " mechanism provides government with a "reasonableness' for i sumption, whilst it c cidal military opera' Tamil people.' The T charges by Mr. Mal had turned down UNHCR to open a sa the lagoon in the peninsula to enable t. tial supplies to the pe to travel to and from
Accusing the Sri ment of responding t for direct negotiatio mediatory efforts by parties, the LTTE s The leader of the Lib Tamil Eelam, Velupi has declared that th pared to consider a with the Northeast f homeland. But it is government of Sri L dividing the Tamil Northeast. The Libe Tamil Eelam have :

ning the suggese UN Secretary fforts as 'unwar
in the internal y'. Editorial comy in the staters were vitriolic in of the alleged l countries to imhdards of human world countries'
nced observers in e draft resolution lly withdrawn by have any chance y the 26-Member an anxious Sri ed by the island's Tilak Marapane in lobbying other b-Commission. In reappointed Foreul Hameed sumeign missions of berts were on the th a view to inhe in Geneva. y seem, the Sri ad an unexpected representative at mpaigned among draft resolution al reference made ling to the stateMarapane to the this country was eaceful resolution sland through the t Committee proice of LTTE in a The Committee the Sri Lankan useful cover of nternational conontinues its genoions against the igers also denied apane that they offers by the fe passage across northern Jaffna
ansport of essen
bple and for them the mainland.
Lankan governthe LTTE calls ns and to other other interested atement added: eration Tigers of llai Pirabakaran,
LTTE was pre
ederal structure rming the Tamil
clear that the inka is bent on omeland in the 'ation Tigers of epeatedly made
TAMIL TIMES 11, it
their position clear - if the government persists in its determination to subjugate the Tamil people, the Tamils will have no alternative but to fight to restore their own sovereign state.'
J. SPECULATION IS RIFE relating to two top leaders of the LTTE. Gopalasw am y M a h en drar ajah ( a l i a s Mahathaya), the deputy leader of the Tamil Tigers and the leader of its political wing Peoples Front of Liberation Tigers (PFLT), and Yogaratnam Yogi (alias Dilip Yogi) who held the post of General Secretary of PFLT.
A Reuter report datelined 30 August said that "Gopalaswamy Mahendrarajah, former deputy leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), was taken on August from his home in the rebel-controlled north on the orders of Velupillai Prabakaran. Mahattaya (Mahedrarajah’s nom de guerre) and 100 of his supporters were arrested in 10 different locations in the north on August 2 and 3', according to a spokesman for the government's northern military forces. Mahendrarajah had been kept under observation at his home for the past several months before his recent arrest. The spokesman who did not want to be named said that his information was based on 'army intelligence'.
攀

Page 12
12 TAM TIMES
THE TAMIL NATIONAL QUES
SIR ANKA: SOME "REFLEC
Obstacles to Pea
by N. Shanmugaratnam
The Lankan society is in the grip of a protracted crisis which has become militarised. Many have observed that Sri Lanka is at war with itself. In fact, there are several wars going on at the same time in Sri Lanka. The war between the state and the LTTE in the North-East has been going on for more than ten years. There are the constant internecine armed conflicts between different Tamil militant groups. There are ethnic pogroms unleashed by Tamil militant groups. The government has been at war with the JVP for some years. The JVP was at war with not only the government but the left movement in the South as well. Thousands of people have died, most of them innocent civilians. The population of the North-East has dropped from 1.7 million in 1987 to 900,000 in 1992, i.e. it has dwindled by about 47% in a matter of five years. Of the 800,000 who are not there, about 50,000 are dead or missing, 500,000 have left the country and most of the others are living outside the region in refugee camps. The people of the North-East are suffering from an inhuman economic embargo imposed by the government besides the loss of
their livelihood due to the war. In the
South, thousands have died or disappeared. The state and the violent anti-state forces have terrorised the Lankan masses and silenced them.
Our society has been brutalised and barbarised.
Understandably, peace is the first thing many people yearn for in such a situation. But peace in Sri Lanka is inconceivable without solutions to the conflicts which have become militarised. This is a basic premise for any movement genuinely concerned with peace in Sri Lanka. Thus, any moralist condemnation of violence per se without a demand for just solutions to the basie problems of our society is empty and meaningless. We cannot get anywhere near peace merely by condemning violence if we have no stand on the causes of the violence and the possible solutions to the problems. This paper deals with the national question and the ethnic conflict generated by the Lankan governments” failure to solve it. It begins with a summary of the author's main thesis on the obstacles to peace in Sri Lanka and proceeds to elaborate the main
points and conclud more vigorous m movements for se democracy and peac
The main obstacl Lanka lie in the co society and the sta quent transformatic question into an eth confrontation betwe the state. The mil national question is the politics of ethr violent means. Sinha ruling ethno-natio secularised and co state at the cost of legitimacy among til North-East, the di Lankan state, is nationalist movem. ership too is commu rian and militarist become a common cr involved in the war.
De-militarisation : the ethnic conflict linked not only to a f full recognition of t Tamil and Muslim p secularisation of th public domain and de of civil society. All achievement of the obstacles to peace in more fundamental level, they are roote and extremely weak cess and the social, re disparities it has e the auspices of the s that a more dynam development proces: need to ensure peace peace process presu ditional cease-fire ar of mutual trust. Past that even these preli) are hard to achieve a is no third party wit bility and stature fulfillment of these p peace movement in unable to fill this rol that limit the grow movement are them internal barriers to the ethnic conflict , such a situation, ex solutions are not lik
 

15 SEPTEMBER 1993
es with a call for ulti-ethnic mass cularism, people's
e,
es to peace in Sri immunalisation of te and the conseon of the national nic conflict and a en the Tamils and itarisation of the
a continuation of
no-nationalism by
ala Buddhism, the nalism, has demmunalised the the latter's loss of he Tamils. In the e-secularised Sri confronted by a ent whose leadInalist, authorita. Militarism has 'eed of the parties
and resolution of
are inseparably ormula based on a he rights of the eoples but to the e state and the 'communalisation obstacles to the se conditions are Sri Lanka. At a political economic od in the uneven development progional and ethnic ngendered under tate. This implies ic and equitable is an essential in the long run. A oposes an uncond an atmosphere experience shows minary conditions nd sustain. There n sufficient credito facilitate the reconditions. The Sri Lanka is still !. The constraints th of the peace selves part of the the resolution of und to peace. In ternally imposed aly to succeed as
shown by the fate of the Indo-Lanka Accord. Among the more basic requirements to promote peace are mass movements for secularism and multiethnic people's democracy. A major long-term political and cultural task of these movements should be the creation of an alternative hegemonic consciousness, by challenging the currently popular communalist world views.
Communalization of Politics, Civil Society and the State
It is widely believed in our subcontinent that communalism is a colonial legacy that continues. However, it is in the post-independence period that communalization of politics and society became a major process. We may be justified in blaming the British for starting the dirty business of communal politics, but we cannot go on fooling ourselves by blaming them for its continuation and metamorphosis into militant and barbaric ethno - nationalist forms in the postindependence period. Communalization transforms a multi-ethnic society into a hotbed of competing communal identities whose ideological consolidation relies on targeting the "Other' as the "real enemy'. As this leads to an unequal distribution of power between the different communal blocs, there is the real danger of those with power victimising the powerless. The Lankan society has become an extreme case of a vicious circle of communalization and imagined enemies, beginning with the majority Sinhala Buddhists and inevitably engulfing the Tamils and Muslims.
Historically, from the latter part of the 19th century, Sinhala Buddhist identity was defined not only with reference to some "internal' attributes based on myths of origin and the uniqueness of Sinhala Buddhists, but also by targeting the non-Sinhala Buddhists, in the country as aliens and enemies. In the days of British colonialism, Sinhala Buddhist nationalism displayed a peculiar duality: it was more readily willing to compromise with the British imperialists but was hostile toward the minorities - the “Others' within. A manifestation of this hostility was the anti-Muslim riots of 1915. The revival of Sinhala Buddhist n a tio na lis m in the postindependence period was catalysed by targeting the Tamils as "Outsiders' and as the major threat to the progress and well-being of the Sinhalese.”
The dominant politics of postindependence Sri Lanka can be called the politics of ethno-nationalism. The majority ethno-nationalist parties have been utilising the Westminster model of parliamentary democracy

Page 13
is SEPTEMBER 1993
and universal franchise to further the communalization of the Sinhala society as a short-cut to power. The disenfranchisement of the upcountry Tamils was the first major instance of using the parliamentary system to manipulate the electoral balance of forces in ethnic terms to enhance the relative strength of the Sinhala electorate. In hindsight, it signalled the coming of a powerful current of ethno populism which would sweep the South and systematically undermine the politics of class and the left movement, and promote a narrow ethnic consciousness.
In 1956, the newly elected MEP (Mahajana Eksath Peramana) government initiated two key processes: desecularisation of the state and statisation of the economy. Indeed, these were the major instruments of a larger project of fashioning an integral system of governance to serve the following aims: a) reconstructing and consolidating an exclusivist Sinhala Buddhist national identity, as co-terminus with a Sri Lankan identity. In effect, this meant the making of a Sinhala Buddhist state.
meeting the social and economic aspirations of the propertyless (or
b
)
petty bourgeois) but politically in
fluential Sinhala nationalist intelligentsia. c) asserting a popular anti-imperialist position within the ethnonationalist discourse, and
d) implementation of distributive social policies to maintain popular support for the regime. This scheme, described by some as 'Sinhala Buddhist socialism', was intended to operate within a parliamentary democratic framework with the support of the Sinhala constituency. Obviously, it relied on the direct subordination of the economic to the political - as it happened in the 1956-77 period. However, as discussed below, the ethnic and class conflicts generated and/or exacerbated by this grand project contributed to the authoritarianism, state terrorism and civil war that unfolded in the post-1977 period.
*The SLFP (Sri Lanka Freedom Party) - the leading partner of the MEPunder the leadership of the late Mr. Bandaranaike entered the election campaign in 1956 with the promise of ushering in the "Era of the Common Man' by giving the language and religion of the Sinhalese people their due place' and by granting social ustice to the Sinhala masses. The deprivations suffered by the Sinhalese people were attributed to the continuing dominance of English as the
× × **
official language a tion of power in English-speaking particularly the Ta'
beneficiaries of the
policies of the Brit Bandaranaike’s et enhanced by its soc which rested on a
social welfare and p) to the unemployed. articulation of the tion in an evocative rhetoric that gave th
tage. It may be re
same year the (Lanka Sama Sama bid for parliamenta testing a majority C manifesto which pri cial justice. Nevert MEP that swept th ence between the
seems to lie in the
populism of the latt successfully used : ideology to cement Buddhist constituen It is this power to er nationalist integra quently made Sinh hegemonist ideology society and set the m legitimation of state
Along with the
came the rise of the
based mainly on ní state monopolies. Th state sector at the private sector and til cies created antagor two. The private sec was reduced to an depended on the pol the ruling party. ciaries of these polici Sinhala petty and in and the elite strat bureaucracy. The la from the property) which played an role in reconsti nationalist identity ofanti-imperialist rh of the economy gave control over vital re allocation through p banks becoming a capital lending to became subject to p. The political elite ha trol over distributic public sector which source of waged-em new skilled and uns Another key resourc trol was state-owned which they distribut ing to political criter middle peasants.
All governments ci
3.

لم 8 ش"ش3 . . من 5 نة تمغة من مع منتخب منتج عنة
nd the concentrahe hands of the elite. Minorities, mils, were seen as 'divide and rule' sh. The appeal of no-populism was al justice platform pledge to increase ovide employment However, it is the ocial justice quesethno-nationalist le MEP the advancalled that in the Trotskyist LSSP ja Party) made a ry power by conf the seats with a mised greater soheless, it was the polls. The differLSSP and MEP passionate ethnoer. Bandaranaike an ethno-populist a broad Sinhala cy across classes. hable a cross-class, tion that subsehala Buddhism a in Sinhala (civil) hain parameters of
power.
se developments state-led economy ationalization and e expansion of the expense of the ne regulatory polilisms between the tor that remained appendage that itical patronage of The main benefies belonged to the middle bourgeoisie um of the state atter came partly ess intelligentsia ctive intellectual tuting Sinhala with a liberal use etoric. Statisation : the political elite sources and their ublic policy. With
state monopoly, private borrowers olitical patronage. d almost full conon of jobs in the was the main ployment for the killed job seekers. e undertheir con
agricultural land ed largely accorda to landless and
Dntinued the poli
TAMIL TIMES 13
స్య-జ్వ్య: "$2 -
cy of state-aided Sinhala settlements in the North-East with the intent of changing the ethnic composition of some areas in favour of the Sinhala electorate and to the political detriment of the Tamil and Muslim communities. Then there were the other forms of discrimination against the minorities in public sector employment and higher educational opportunities which affected the lower middle-class Tamils of the North most seriously. The Tamil and Muslim business communities felt severely constrained due to lack of political patronage to obtain capital credit and business licenses. Overall, the cumulative effects of official policies and practices led to the political, cultural and psychological alienation of the Tamils from the Lankan mainstream.
All these provided a sustained impetus for the rapid communalization of . the Tamil and Muslim societies. The communalization of the North-East Tamils took a qualitative turn with their ethno-territorialisation initiated by the Federal Party (FP) in 1952. This gained momentum after 1956 with the rise of Sinhala Buddhism as the ruling ethno-nationalism. FP's Tamil nationalism tended to exclude the Muslims while paying lip-service to a larger unity of Tamils and Muslims in the North-East as a people with a common homeland. The Muslims sought a communal identity on the basis of their religion. In more recent times, the anti-Muslim violence of the Thamil Eelam chauvinists has embittered and alienated the Muslims in the North-East and further reinforced the communalization of that society. The Lankan society has become politically partitioned into four communalised constituencies along a hierarchy according to their electoral strengths: Sinhalese, North-East Tamils, Muslims, and up-country Tamils. Of course, each communal bloc has its internal hierarchies, sub-divisions and power struggles. With the perversion of the democratic principles of "rule by majority' into rule by Sinhala majority, the ethnic minorities were relegated to the status of permanent losers, or of temporary clients of the Sinhala ruling party, in the game of parliamentary power. Once in the political arena, Sinhala and Tamil ethnonationalism had each other to feed on. Of course, the former was, and is, privileged as the ruling ethnonationalism.
Barriers to Resolution Institutionalised
The desecularisation of the state exacted a heavy price from the Lankan polity. The state progressively lost
Continued on page 15

Page 14
14 TAM TIMES
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Page 15
15 SEPTEMBER 1993
Continued from page 13
its legitimacy among the Tamils. This loss of legitimacy became almost total in the North-East with the militarisation of the ethnic conflict when the Tamil people saw that the state's military was completely Sinhalese and behaving like an army of occupation. The desecularised state, presenting itself as the Sinhala Buddhist state. Lost all semblance of neutrality and the authority and autonomy to rise above the Sinhala electorate and enforce a solution to the national question. It was evident, even before the
militarisation of the conflict that, on
the national question, the state had become a creature of Sinhala ethnonationalism. This was seen in practice on more than one occasion. Whenever a ruling party attempted to redress Tamil grievances through an agreement with the Tamil political leadership, the main Sinhala opposition party was able to mobilise Sinhalese public opinion against it by branding it a betrayal of the interests of the Sinhala Buddhists. In response the ruling party of the time chose not to use the state power at its disposal to defend and implement the agreement so as not to lose popularity in its own constituency.
This happened as early as 1957 when the B an dar a naik e - Chelvanayakam Pact was signed. At that time, J.R. Jayewardena was able to mobilise the Buddhist clergy and masses of the Sinhala people against the Pact and have it unilaterally torn apart by Bandaranaike. It happened again in 1965 to the Dudley Senanayake-Chelvanayakam Pact, but this time it was Mrs. Bandaranaike's turn to raise the chauvinist cry of betrayal of the Sinhala nation and Buddhist religion. In 1966, we witnessed the sad and shocking revelation that the main left parties in parliament, LSSP and CP (Moscow), had also succumbed to Sinhala Buddhist hegemony. These two parties, which were bastions of secularism for a long time, had become infected by communalization. Their leader's participation in the march against the second Pact symbolised the capitulation of the left to ethnopopulism and the collapse of the main bulwark against communalism in Sri Lanka.
The failure of the governments concerned to implement the two Pacts clearly showed that obstacles to a resolution of the national question had become structural due to communalization. The political parties seeking power competed for support within the communalised constituency of the majority ethnie. The ruling party related to the minorities not in the
liberal democrati ment of all people ment of and by majority. Any ag. government and faced the prospect by the Sinhala C spiracy hatched ir ment of the Sinh instances, the op were able to mob ance from below Sinhalese populat disinformation.
In its election m UNP pledged to fi to the ethnic prol to take the first s ated settlement ir cedented four-fift The UNP govern liamentary power constitution and a These were maj However, the ru. prepared to intro changes to accom tions of the Tam the fear that the Sinhala nationalis cuse the governme Sinhala nation’. ) government econd tion to the nati ethnic peace shou priority. Indeed, l that this was mo constitutional cha the government if cerned to create a environment for However, it was period that the n ethnic conflict wa full-scale war in tl
The events of Ju an inherent contr ernment between its new economic gical hegemony of The former req freeing of the ec direct state conti and free markets decommunalisatio general. The lat promote confidenc among the priva irrespective of eth This also demand of the state to res' degree of neutral authority as the order and protecto and, the interests irrespective of el non-class consider
But history does so mechanistically to the political

TAMIL TIMES 15
2 spirit of a 'govern2' but as the govern
the communalised eement between the the Tamil leadership , of being interpreted pposition as a consecrecy to the detrihala nation. In both ponents of the Pacts ilise effective resistfrom among the ion by a campaign of
anifesto of 1977, the nd a lasting solution plem but failed even tep toward a negotih spite of the unpreh majority it had. iment used its parto introduce a new presidential system. Or changes indeed. ling party was not duce any legislative modate the aspirails. The reason was SLFP and the other st groups might ac2nt of 'selling out the However, given the omic policy, a soluional question and ld have been a high ater events showed re urgent than the nges introduced by it was reallay conun enabling political its economic policy. in the post-1977 nilitarisation of the s established into a he North-East.
uly 1983 highlighted adiction in the govthe imperatives of policy and the ideoloSinhala Buddhism. lired not only the onomic realm from ol via privatization , but an ideological n of civil society in ter was needed to e in the government te business people nicity or nationality. d the secularisation ore to it a sufficient ty and enhance its 2nforcer of law and r of private property of the capitalist class hnic or any other ations.
not move so neatly,
from the economic is dictated by the
former. In reality, more often than not, politics commands the economic. This was revealed by the events of July 1983 when the contradiction between the economic and the ideological as stated above exploded in the form ofan anti-Tamil pogrom." It soon became abundantly clear that the systematic destruction of the means of production and other properties owned by Tamils, and hence the demolition of a part of the country's economic base, was engineered by forces within the government with the connivance of the state's agents of law and order. This clearly showed that the ruling party, was still deeply communalised and the state remained de-secularised and, therefore, could be used by ethnonationalist forces to undermine the economic policies of their own government. The ethnic violence of the post1977 period cannot be fully explained without reference to the above contradiction. Until that time, the economy was "closed' and state led. There was no political economic compulsion for the secularisation of the state or decommunalization of civil society (or, in other words, the dismantling of the integral system of governance of 195677) until the adoption of the liberal economic policy. But what happened after 1977?
Here was a government that had just introduced a liberal economic policy and was busy dismantling the old structures of protectionism and controls. It was offering special economic incentives to promote private investment irrespective of the ethnicity or nationality of the investors. Tamil and Muslim businessmen welcomed the new economic policy as it enabled freer. competition and provided easier access to credit. Exuding a new confidence, they praised old J.R. Liberals believed that their dream of freeing the economy from state control would now be realised sooner or later, although they did not have the courage to openly demand the real separation of the state from the Sinhala Buddhist establishment. For a moment, it appeared as if J.R. Jayawardena was an enlightened bourgeois leader who wanted to take the economy onto the road of high growth rates and the country away from the era of ethno-populism and bigotry into the new world of capitalist competition and rationality. There were those who hoped that if authoritarianism was necessary to run Sri Lanka, then Jayawardena would choose to follow Singapore's Lee Kwan, Yew and adopt the tough measures needed to maintain the rule of law, "discipline' the Lankan workers and promote economic growth.
Continued on page 16

Page 16
16 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 15
The export sector did not perform as expected but the economy's growth record impressed the main donors in the 1977-83 period. In Colombo, many believed that the imperatives of economic growth and capital accumulation were asserting themselves over the parochial, populist anti-growth values perpetuated by the regimes of the past. Thanks to UNP's economic policy, Colombo-based Tamil businessmen found new opportunities of accumulation. They were not handicapped anymore by the lack of political patronage as the capital market had become liberalised. Though disturbed by the anti-Tamil riots of August 1977, they believed that the government would maintain law and order in Colombo to attract private investment. Of course, in the North-East, it was another reality. There, the government's ethnic policy was leading to a military confrontation which had its repercussions in Colombo in July 1983 when the economic lost out to the ideological and shattered the optimism of the Tamil capitalists and middle class in Colombo. It was a demonstration of
the relative autonomy ist ideology.
Notes:
Paper presented at t Promotion of Peace in S 1993, Toronto, Canada.
* For a collection of anal history of ethno-nationalist tists Association, Ethnicity in Sri Lanka, Colombo 19 Rational developments, Sr Conflict, Delhi 1984. Jaya Ethnic and Class Conflict o Propertyless in the ser means of production to
accumulate capital. The
intellectuals came lar bourgeois or lower middle
The late S.W.R.D. Banc up this cross-class bloc in of the "five great forces': -Buddhist monks -Teac physicians. With the su buddhist monks, Sinhalas ayurvedic Physicians, the makers and leaders in the stirring ethno-populism, able to reach the Sinhala largely remained unpolitici Indeed, in any society, att traditional leaders are the
identity. The buddhist
Navy Suffers Major L
Rs. 300 Million Super Dv Gunboat Sunk by Tige
The Sri Lankan Navy suffered a major military loss when S. LTTE sank an Israeli built Super Dvora fast patrol craft, estin 300 million, on 29 August off the coast of Point Pedro in northe the craft sank the Tigers seized the weaponry on board the vesse two 23mm cannons, one fifty calibre gun, sophisticated equipment, personal weapons and a large quantity of ammuniti navy men on board, 11 were killed and one was reportedly captur In previous encounters with the Navy at Kilali in the lagoo Jaffna peninsula and the mainland, the Tigers attacked and rep two naval boats on 25 August. One officer and 8 men on board th killed. In the second encounter, one officer was reportedly kille wounded, and the Tigers got away with two fifty calibre guns fi
The following report in connection with the sinking of the boat Sunday Times' (Colombo), on 5 September.
An Israeli built Super Dvora fast patrol craft, one of the most efficient vessels in the Sri Lanka Navy's fleet, was cutting through the blue waters of the Indian Ocean, North East of Sri Lanka on a calm, sunny morning, last Sunday (August 29).
Having left Trincomalee, the patrol craft which has the capacity to carry missiles, was barely an hour ahead of COMNORTH area - the parameters which came under the purview of Sri Lanka Navy's Commander in charge of the Northern Sector.
The clock was closing in on 9.30am
when the radio in Room of the Naval gar, the Navy's mai the North, crackled. from the Sri Lanka Palaly — the LTTE launch an attack o Intercepts of messag plans although wh assault was to tak known.
The men at Ka promptly by alerting in their area com COMNORTH was u

of the hegemon
a Conference for i Lanka, 3-4 April
tical works on the see Social Scienand Social Change 84. Committee for Lanka: The Ethnic fardena V. Kumari, n Sri Lanka, 1985.
se of not owning 2xploit labour and activist nationalist gely from petty class background. laranaike Summed his famous slogan Peasants -Workers hers- Indigenous oport of the rural chool teachers and traditional opinion Countryside, and a Bandaranaike was rural masses who sed for a long time. he grass-roots, the architects of ethnic monk and School
15 SEPTEMBER 1993
teacher were the traditional 'organic intellectuals' in rural society. Bandaranaike co-opted them to reconstitute Sinhala Buddhist nationhood for a major political project. He was also shrewd and imaginative enough to form a united front of all the Sinhala ethno-nationalist political formations and raise the "right slogans' such as 'Sinhala only' and Rights to the Common Man'. His eloquence and charisma proved to be great assets for his party. Moreover, the presence in the MEP of the Viplavakari LSSP (a breakaway group from the LSSP) led by Philip Gunawardena, regarded as a founding father of the socialist movement in Lanka added to the radical image of the united front. The failure of the Lankan left to politicise and organise the peasantry, turned out to be Bandaranaike's populism which promised to uplift the downtrodden Sinhalese.
it would not be correct to assume that the government economic policies were always aimed at benefiting Sinhalese only. For instance, the import substitution policies of 197077 benefited the Tamil farmers of the North. Also Tamils and Muslims benefited from subsidies on food and transport and from free education and health.
Gunasinghe discusses some of the impor. tant class and ideological dimensions of this contradiction in "Open Economy and its limpact on Ethnic Relations in Sri Lanka', in Committee for Rational Development, 1984
bid.
osses
ΟΕ
'S
2a Tigers' of the nated to cost Rs. 'n Jaffna. Before which included соттипications on. Of the twelve 2d by the Tigers.
separating the rtedly destroyed first vessel were and five others led to the vessel.
appeared in "The
the Operations ase at Karainainstallation in t was a warning Army base in was poised to a naval craft. s had bared the re exactly the place was not
'ainagar acted naval craft withland. Evidently laware that the
Super Dvora was heading into their area to join the fleet.
Hardly an hour later, the Super Dvora came under attack by Sea Tigers. There were nine crew members including four officers. Also aboard were three Navy men, all attached to the Navy outpost at Kankesanthurai, who were being given a lift.
Of the 12, all were killed except one who has been taken POW (prisoner of war). His identity is not known and this has fuelled hopes in the kith and kin of those who were aboard the Super Dvora that the survivor is their dearly beloved one.
Security top brass are still unaware how the Super Dvora came under attack and sank later. The only chance of their knowing the real truth would be if and when the Navy POW is released from captivity by the LTTE.
The Tigers had their own version of the incident. According to them, four of their Sea Tiger boats mounted with fifty calibre (five zero) guns virtually surrounded the Super Dvora whilst one of them packed with explosives, surged ahead and rammed it. Two Sea Tigers, Major Puvindran and Captain Manirasan, were killed in this suicide mission.
The only witness to the incident, besides those of the two warring factions, were the crew of a cargo vessel which had carried food and essential cargo from Colombo to Point Pedro.

Page 17
5 SEPTEMBER 1993
They were a long distance away but saw balls of fire and dark clouds rising skywards during the incident.
Whilst the deaths of the two Sea Tigers are known, highly placed Navy officials discount the LTTE version as highly impossible'. One senior official said: "The officers and men in the Super Dvora would not have permitted all these vessels to come near them. It is more likely that just one boat rammedit during what appears to be some diversion.'
The Tigers seized the weaponry on board the Super Dvora before it sank. They included the two 23 mm cannons, one fifty-calibre (five zero) gun, personal weapons and ammunition.
Evidence of this came in the form of a front page photograph in Eela Natham' of August 30. It showed LTTE leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran inspecting the weapons on Sunday afternoon, the same day the incident occurred. "Eela Natham' the tabloid Tamil daily printed in Jaffna is one of the official organs of the LTTE.
Once again, through intercepts, the security forces learnt that the attack on the Super Dvora, an opportunity target, had been ordered by head of LTTE's Sea Tigers wing, Soosai, apparently in retaliation for a security forces offensive on Thursday (August 26). It seemed a cycle of tit for tats.
On August 25, Sea Tigers had laun
ched an attack on waters of the Jaffn Zone through whic ates a hazardous b civilians to and fron prohibitive sums of tails of this incident midnight, will neve
According to sk available, a boat sives is said to have naval craft patrol mooring point Sout na peninsula. One sailors were killed reported missing bu discovered later brir to nine.
Undaunted by aboard a second 40 docked into one of sufficient ammuni swiftly to confront ensuing encounter, killed and five othe This boat too was h
The Sea Tigers g fifty calibre (five zer confrontation.
The Kilaly incic General Hamilto General Officer C Joint Operations Co on leave. Navy C Admiral Mohan promptly flew to thi
'Sinhalese and Tamils S be Equal Partners and Political POWer for Sol
Excerpts from an interview with the former Chi North-East Provincial Council and EPRLF Le Varatharaja Perumal by the Sunday Island correspo
Sahabandu.
How do you view Sri Lankan politics from a distance in India?
Yes, it is true that I have been living as a political exile since March 1990. But before I proceed, I wish to make this following clarification. I have been constantly briefed by my Party of the situation back home, either in the form of reports, or through direct intacts with our Secretary-General, Comrade Suresh Premachandran and ...ther senior Party members, who visit he whenever possible. In addition, I also have access to the Sri Lankan chainstream papers. Therefore, my trotracted absence from Sri Lanka oes not mean that I am living in
isolation or immun in Sri Lanka.
Now getting back what bothers men violence which seen an uncontrolled spi sinations and violen leaders, under "my ances, has come ti Lankan politics.
In the North-Eas tion and deprivatio fore. The North-Eas cil, following its d today degenerated nistrative fiat from 13th Amendment t

TAM TIMES 17
naval craft in the dent to make a full assessment of the lagoon, the No Go situation. He conferred with Army and h the LTTE oper. Air Force top brass in the Northern
at service ferrying Command. h the peninsula for The result was a counter-offensive money. Fuller de- on Thursday (August 26). SLAF airjust an hour after craft bombed LTTE targets. This inbe known. cluded over 50 boats and known landing points. Troops also undertook atchy details now ground offensives in Madagal, oaded with explo- Elephant Pass (towards Iyyakatchchi) rammed a 40 foot and Pooneryn, Soosai, it appeared, was ing off Kilaly, a reacting to this. h West of the Jaff. The past months of the Eelam War officer and four II appears to have taken a somewhat Four more were serious turn compared to many pretheir bodies were vious months. This is particularly in ging the death toll terms of the prohibitively costly losses for the security forces and the correshis attack, men pondingly high gains of weaponry by
foot naval vessel the terrorists. heir bays, took in First it was on the ground at Janation and moved kapura Camp on July 25. An estihe enemy. In the mated Rs. 50 million worth of military one officer was hardware and other material were rs were wounded lost. A Military Court of Inquiry, it. however, fixed the loss at Rs. 30 ot away with two million. b) guns during this And now the loss of the Super Dvora alone is over Rs. 300 million not to lent came when mention the cannons, fifty calibre in Wanasinghe, guns, personal weapons and the patrol Sommanding the craft – a grim reminder that the mmand was away prolonged war is continuing to bleed 3ommander Vice the economy and now increasingly Samarasekera underscores the urgent need for more e area of the inci- concerted and decisive action.
A virtually reduced to a non-entity.
Shou ld attribute the above developments mainly to the short-sightedness of the
S h 26) Sinhala political leadership and the
nihilist character of the LTTE.
uti O y in your perception, how do you envisage a way out from this protracted Conflict?
ef Minister of On the one hand, the Sinhala politicader, Mr. A. all leadership must liberate themselves from the mind-set that giving too
ndent, Prabath much to the Tamil-speaking people is a stepping-stone to Eelam. They must realize that by following a policy of to developments Sinhala-Buddhist exclusivism, they have only succeeded in excluding the to your question, Eelam Tamils from the process of lost is the cult of nation-building in Sri Lanka. It is that is to have got into exclusion which compelled the Tamil n. Political assas- people to think in terms of separation.
, deaths of political If this is to be rectified, then it is iterious circumst- important that the national communicharacterize Sri ties be given the status as equal
partners in shaping the collective dest, death, destruc- tiny of all People's of Sri Lanka. This continues as be could only be done through funt Provincial Coun- damental constitutional reforms. stabilization, has Essentially, this involves mechanisms into rule by admi- and guarantees, which are irreversiColombo with the ble, that concedes substantial devolu
the Constitution Continued on page 18

Page 18
18 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 17
tion of powers to the merged NorthEast and an appropriate form of sharing of power at the centre.
On the other hand, the Tamil polity should be prepared to reach out directly to the Sinhala masses and assuage any fears that they may have as regards the legitimate aspirations of the Tamil-speaking people. It must be
made clear that the satisfaction of the
legitimate aspirations of the Tamilspeaking people would not in any way impinge on the legitimate aspirations of the Sinhalese people.
As regards the LTTE, given its claim that it is the 'sole' representative of the Tamil people while systematically undermining the interests of the people that they claim to 'solely' represent, and given its inherent fascist and nihilist character, any advice that II may offer it would be of little relevance. This is something that selfproclaimed intermediaries of the LTTE should also understand.
Could you outline the issues that later snowballed into the EPRLF declaring UDI?
I am glad you have asked me this question, since what transpired during the tenure of the North-East Provincial Government remains shrouded in mystery and intrigue in the public perception.
Firstly, what is commonly called the UDI was only a declaration of intent. A Resolution was passed in the NorthEast Provincial Council which declared that if the 19-Pt Charter (dealing primarily with devolution, law and order and a transitional government prior to the holding of fresh elections) earlier formulated by the EPRLF and unanimously adopted in the legislative council, was not implemented within a year, then the North-East Provincial Council would be compelled to sit as a constituent assembly to draft a Constitution for a free and sovereign State of Eelam.
While such a declaration is seen by many as unconstitutional, our motive was precisely to expose the extraconstitutional measures adopted by the Premadasa Government aimed at destabilizing the North-East Provincial Government. This was partly in response to conditions laid down by the LTTE during the so-called "talks' between LTTE and Colombo and also partly due to the inability on the part of the Centre to come to grips with the reality that they had to deal with a Tamil Provincial Government with its seat of administration in Trincomalee.
This nexus between LTTE and Premadasa led to the rearming and the
unleashing of LTT
elected EPRLF-led ment. This advent by Colombo was a diction with the
between the Cent the Provincial G level of the Sec Group, aimed at
transition during
drawal of the IPK
In short, the d East Provincial CC ing under a state o by Colombo and th the deal hatched the LTTE. Our su al, following the should be seen in 1
Your organizati People's Revo (EPRLF) and in organization itsel called “Eelam Tag in the Sinhala c both you and the category. How W. ate the EPRLF fro
I am somewhat question pertainin I am not aware th issue amongst the ple — as the quest However, let me ta to explain as to wh means to me and
“Eelam” symbol identity of the Ta. of Sri Lanka who c though a minority Lanka with the N ing their tradi However, we do r demand for a sepal state of Eelam a from that collecti birthright. It gains the Sri Lankan ic clusively Sinhala-l tent of denying the own distinct identi
The above is a irrespective of whi EPRLF view it. T between the EPR however, is that th trying to shape { following the Indo where the Tamil could be resolve identity preserved democratic and a The LTTE, on th been trying to sl Eelam, as a separ, comes a self-fulfil their absolute h permanent and

15 SEPTEMBER 1993
E-terror on the duly
Provincial Governurist policy pursued lso in stark contraagreement reached al Government and overnment, at the urity Co-ordination ensuring a smooth and after the withF
uly elected Northuncil was functionf siege imposed on it e LTTE, as a part of by Premadasa and Osequent withdrawconditional UDI, that context.
on is termed "Eelam utionary Front' the name of the f you have the so'. This has resulted community placing LTTE in the Samme ould you differentiin the LTTE?
taken-aback by this g to our name, since at this is a burning broad Sinhala peoion seems to imply. ake this opportunity hat the term “Eelam’ my Party. izes the collective mil-speaking people :onstitute a distinct, y nationality in Sri North-East compristional homeland. lot believe that the late and a sovereign utomatically stems ve identity or as a potence only when lentity becomes exBuddhist to the exEelam Tamils their ty and heritage.
concrete reality - at the LTTE or the he crucial difference LF and the LTTE, he EPRLF has been events, particularly -Sri Lanka Accord, National Question d and the Eelam within a united, secular Sri Lanka. Le other hand, has hape events where ate nation-state beling prophecy, and hegemony over it unshakeable. The
irony is that the conduct of the Sinhala political leadership, which stubbornly refuses to concede to the legitimate aspirations of the Eelam people to live as equals with the Sinhalese people within a united Sri Lanka, is only serving to strengthen the LTTE tendency, while marginalizing the more progressive and secular Tamil opinion represented by EPRLF.
Recently there have been reports of Colombo approaching Delhi for assistance against the LTTE? What exactly would your role and EPRLF's role be under these circumstances?
Yes, I have read such reports in the media, including reports that the IPKF would be back. Most of these reports, in my opinion are purely speculative and sensational. Although, I and EPRLF are of the opinion that the withdrawal of the IPKF was premature, I do not see any indications whatsoever of New Delhi sending Indian troops in the near future, even if Colombo were to request it.
In any event, the political role and tasks of EPRLF is not determined by these factors alone.
However, as regards India's involvement, what we expect is a clear distinction between an Indian response to the LTTE menace and an Indian response to the festering ethnic relations in Sri Lanka. As a matter of fact, this is what we expect of Colombo as well. Both, Colombo and Delhi, will be making mistakes if they confuse the two. The priority today is to evolve a broadly acceptable political package that satisfies the legitimate aspirations of the Tamil-speaking people. If such a package could be evolved and if LTTE were to reject it, then at that stage, the LTTE will stand isolated from the Tamil people and the military factor will be decisive leading to the annihilation of the LTTE - not otherwise.
What is your attitude to the NorthEast merger? Do you think it is reasonable to demand that the Eastern Province where the Sinhala and Muslim communities taken together outnumber the Tamil community be made an appendage of the Northern province which is predominantly inhabited by Tamils?
It must not be forgotten that one of the most contentious issues behind the ethnic conflict is the state-sponsored colonization of predominantly Tamil areas with Sinhalese settlers. This policy was carried out by successive governments with the objective of undermining the contiguity of the traditional habitat of the Tamil-speaking people and their collective identity.
Continued on page 19

Page 19
15 SEPTEMBER 1993
ETHINC CONFLCT: 198
Problem Cannot be
by Force or Subte
by R. Sampanthan, Secretary-General, Tamil Unitec
Much has been said and written about the horrible happenings of July '83. If the actions of the rampaging mobs were unimaginably atrocious, the manner of its execution revealed that it was part of a diabolical plan. There was nothing to indicate that the Government or some influential section within it was at least covertly not part of the plan. The total paralysis of governmental machinery and the lack of even a semblance of remorse from those in authority rendered such conclusions irresistible.
- Ten years have gone by
A decade is a short term in the history of a country, but events in a given decade can be so tumultuous, so ominous, yet so significant and far reaching, that if one has to learn from the lessons of the past decade, and endeavour to ensure that the future holds hope, a deep introspection by all concerned is the least that one can expect.
1983 to 1993, could be characterised as -
(i) A decade in which a fierce war has continued to rage in the NorthEastern part of the country, and an insurrection had rocked almost the rest of the country for some length of time.
(ii) A decade in which over a hundred thousand citizens of this country whether they be members of the
armed forces, youth engaged in armed
combat, or non-combatant civilians have been killed and many more maimed incapacitated or otherwise physically injured.
Continued from page 18
The population of the Sinhalese, in the Eastern province, increased from 9.5% at the time of Independence to 25% at present. This was by no means the result of voluntary migrations, but a state policy wedded to the principle of Sinhala-Buddhist exclusivism. The demerger of the presently merged NorthEast will only serve to heighten the fears and insecurity of the Tamilspeaking people which will go counter to the on-going attempts at national reconciliation.
(iii) A decade iu private property been devastated c North-East score been razed to the are in near ruins.
(iv) A decade in citizens of this ( rendered destitut homes, the breac families deprived life, the younger of adequate educa and have becom country or in sever world.
(v) A decade in v of the country has nished in the fiel Torture, cruelty, i unjustified detenti and the suppressic have become an a
OESO
(vi) A decade majority of people North-East, who peace and an ho experienced huma ing of an unpreci The fear of immin and a deep sense ( traumatised the that its impact on be harmful in the
Thousands of y( nurtured in an upbringing, cult family values, who made an industry with immense p( have been channe nefit of themselves ety and the cour such a state of de being sucked into combat.
(vii) A decade in billions of rupees h in the prosecution in the pursuit of which can acquire the pursuit of methods is charact seriousness and hc
(viii) A decade horrendous events for the future, but

TAMIL TIMES 19
3-1993 |
Solved rfuge
Liberation Front
n which public and worth billions has r destroyed. In the s of villages have ground, many towns
which over a million ountry have been e deprived of their winners of these of their vocations in generation deprived tional opportunities, e refugees in this all other parts of the
which the reputation s been severely tard of human rights. nhuman treatment, on, disappearances, on of other freedoms ll too frequent phe
in which the vast particularly in the are yearning for nourable life have n misery and sufferedented magnitude. ent death or injury of insecurity have so young and the old, society cannot but extreme. buth, boys and girls 2thos of disciplined ural religious and for long had almost y of education and otential that could led towards the be, their families, socihtry, have reached spair that they are the vortex of armed
which hundreds of nave been expended of war, purportedly peace, an assertion credibility only if peace by peaceful erised by a sense of nesty.
in which its many had many lessons tragically were not
adequately learnt.
(ix) A decade of several missed i opportunities.
The Government of Sri Lanka must inevitably stand largely indicted in respect of these depredations. Though other players in the political arena and in the area of military conflict are not free from blame a Government which has been in power for a considerable length of time cannot absolve itself from responsibility.
The view that seeming economic progress could be a panacea for all serious ills afflicting the country's body politic would seem misplaced.
The view that the rest of the country could be insulated from the tragic situation prevalent in some other part of this small country would also seem myopic. Many tragic events have proved the fallacy of such views.
An irrational disinclination to evolve an acceptable political solution, cannot be an excuse for the continuance of a War in which ultimately there can be no winner only losers all around, as indeed has been said before. The view has been expressed that the fact that the vast majority of the victims of the War, whether they be combatants or civilians, hail from the underprivileged sections of society or alternatively the fact that the privileged sections have not been the real victims of the War, have made the powers that be, insensitive to the urgency of peace. The view has also been expressed that vested interests of varying hues being given precedence over the common good, has contributed to the continuance of the War. The series of missed opportunities only serve to buttress these views.
The events of the last decade cannot be viewed in isolation from certain landmark events of the previous decades.
The Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam Pact did provide a framework in the 50s which could have been built upon. That was not to be. The Dudley Senanayake-Chelvanayakam Pact in the decade of the 60s was yet another effort in the same direction. That too was not to be. These pacts accepted and addressed fundamental concerns of an aggrieved people during a given period. The abrogation of these pacts and non-redressal of these concerns inevitably aggravated the situation and introduced into the whole equation new and even more complex dimensions.
If the broadest possible consensus should be the hall-mark of constitution making, the 1972 and 1978 constitu
Continued on page 21

Page 20
20 TAM TIMES
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Continued from page 19
tions were regrettably exercises in constitutional brow-beating. The erasure of the meagre safeguards enshrined in the 1948 constitution drafted by the departing British Colonialists, in the somewhat futile expectation that such safeguards would adequately compensate for the unification of administration, so as to give it a distinctly hegemonistic character and pre-empt legitimate claims for Autonomy, had only contributed to greater rigidity on either side and the renunciation of flexibility as a means of resolving conflicts. The stage was set for the intensification of the conflict. The 1981 District Development Council exercise was a feeble attempt to retrieve an almost hopeless situation. That elections could be held to these Councils in the North and East and that they could be constituted was yet another opportunity offered to the Government. The government itself has subsequently accepted responsibility for the collapse of these institutions. The victims of injustice were prepared to the very end to be the votaries of peace.
The Referendum of 1982 rejected in the North and East did not contribute to political stability in that region or for that matter in the rest of the country.
The pogrom of July 1983 was folllowed by the acceptance of the good offices of India. The All-Parties Conference of 1984 and the Thimpu talks of 1985 ended in a fiasco. Not merely did the Government fail to offer anything substantial, it even retracted from its earlier commitments. During a critical phase, valuable years were lost, and the country slipped further into the mire. Participants in Constitutional processes were being perforce driven into the back seat. Armed militancy was on the ascendancy.
1986 and 1987 witnessed the Government accepting pro-forma the concept of Provincial Councils. The IndoSri Lanka Agreement, the 13th Amendment to the Constitution and the Provisional Councils Act followed. The main Opposition party too, has come to accept the concept of Provincial Councils. The 13th Amendment to the Constitution and the Provincial Councils Act, were however, not the products of consensus between the contending parties particularly on contentious issues. The 13th Amendment to the Constitution and the Provincial Councils Act were not even the products of Consensus between the Governments of Sri Lanka and India. Commitments made by the Government of Sri Lanka to the Government
of India, after the the Constitution Councils Act wer ment, for further c in respect of vit scheme of autonc filled.
The duly electe the most populous vince in the coun proper to state tha Chief Minister oft parable to that clerk. Her remar. believe relates to and common conc related to matters a region such as t parison of the po Minister to that of ger would perhaps арt.
If the 50s and abrogation of agre matters of vital c the 70s by effortst tic redressal of the tic and internatio) 80s has influenced provisions, which basic element of provisions meant some of these con lated into actual pr genuine opportuni these concerns.
The All Parties Parliamentary Sel up after the constit Parliament, one re. constructive contr solution of the con The failure to e solution, but the r policies long resist people, and in creasingly, throug rammes, in violati of earlier agreem ments, and in tota rent legal provisic tended to remedy raises the question
LOS Shatteri
by Uvais Aha
The decade 1983
doubtedly been thi
this century for irrespective of thei guage and cultura important that a
nificance should no without having a h series of events th

TAM TIMES 21
13th Amendment to and the Provincial e tabled in Parliaonstitutional reform all aspects of the my remain unful
d Chief-Minister of and prosperous protry, has deemed it ther position as the the Province is comof a glorified head k I am inclined to matters of general ern. If her remark of special concern in he North-East comsition of the Chief a glorified messenis have been more
60s witnessed the ements in respect of oncern, followed in o preempt democrase concerns, domesnal pressure in the the passage of legal however, lack the efficacy. The legal to offer solutions to cerns, when transactice, do not offer a ty for a redressal of
Conference and the lect Committee set ution of the present grets, have made no ibution to the reflict.
volve an acceptable elentless pursuit of ed by an aggrieved recent times, in
h deliberate prog
on of the substance ents and commital disregard of curons purportedly inthese grievances, of whether the lack
of political will to evolve an acceptable solution, is attributable to a determination to pursue such policies, under the smoke screen of political dialogue and attempts at compromise. In other words, is there an attempt to thwart in advance, the possible benefits of later political resolution by altering ground realities. This would be tragic, as such an attitude can sadly only lead to the intensification of the conflict, and immense harm to the whole country. One cannot but ask, , whether the present situation, in which the country is being bled, in every sense, has to continue.
Aggrieved people reach a stage when they need a solution that will be effective and will endure. It has to be commensurate with the sacrifices they have made, and the sufferings they have borne over a period of more than four decades. The coming decade must surely not be a re-enactment of the one gone by. If drift, delay, and a lack of honest purpose are to be continuing : features, the possible consequences could perhaps be only deeply sorrowful to all of us.
Just grievances can only be resolved by just means. They can never be and indeed have never been resolved by force or by subterfuge. The Tamil people need to be offered a just effective and enduring solution, not a specious one. They need to feel safe, to feel secure and have an effective say in the management of their affairs. To ask for as much as is necessary to live in safety, in peace and honour, is not to ask for too much. The people are sovereign and the Tamil people should have the opportunity of sharing this sovereignty. Ultimately, it is the Tamil people, and the Tamil people only who have a right to be final arbiters of their destiny. Given a genuine choice, I have not the slightest doubt that they will decide prudently and wisely.
It is up to the political leadership of this country to show courage and statesmanship and make such an offer to the Tamil people.
st Opportunities And ng Experience of Muslims
amed, former Principal, Zahira College, Colombo
— 1993 has une most traumatic of
all Sri Lankans r race, religion, lanl backgrounds. It is decade of such sigbt be allowed to pass lard long look at the lat unfolded on the
socio-political stage of this country and the impact they have had on every segment of Sri Lankan society. All categories of Sri Lankan society, whether they were the young generation still going through the processes of schooling, or the young men and women who have entered the Univer
Continued on page 22

Page 22
22 TAM TIMES
Continued from page 21
sities and other tertiary institutions dreaming scenarios of their own preferred futures or the older folks with family and other responsibilities trying to make ends meet faced with a spiralling cost of living or the champions of commerce and industry efficiently harvesting the returns of an open economy or even the politicians, some of whom would have regretted, specially during the JVP days of 1989/ 90, their decision to enter the political arena inspite of all the perks and power it engendered, they have all seen and experienced the impact of the events that took place during this decade.
That this seminar is being held in the early part of August 1993 is in my opinion of special significance because it tacitly informs us that the decade under discussion is in fact from July 1983 to July 1993. Due to the scheming machinations of a few chauvinistic individuals the entire Colombo and other urban areas in this blessed country were set ablaze ten years ago turning it into killing fields where innocent men, women and children from the Tamil community were mercilessly killed and properties plundered and destroyed. The period between this month of shame and the Janakapura disaster two weeks ago has seen the snuffing out of innocent Sri Lankan lives, lives belonging to all communities in this country. We have now come to a stage when it is imperative that we face realities and search our collective conscience as to why this destructive tendency has been allowed to continue for ten long years transplanting a gun and bomb culture into the placid and peaceful life styles which all communities of this country had been accustomed to.
Young children between the age of 5 and 15 who were attending school at the time this decade began have since grown into adolescence and adulthood with vivid memories of July 1983 and all that followed during the next ten years. This would have not only resulted in various conflicts and contradictions in their minds but also one could easily surmise that the value systems they had imbibed from their peers, parents and religious leaders too would have received a severe beating. I am sure every parent whether Sinhala, Tamil or Muslim would have been concerned about the impact the gory images of this decade would have had on the impressionable minds of their charges.
An important question that has to be asked is what action have the elders in society, who themselves had been
traumatized by thes help the younger pec bitter memories of t and other killings a of Muslims in the ques. It is important be addressed in all cause it is incumbe whether they are religious leaders or one way or the ot responsibility for th decade, to take me ensure that the yo sheds whatever ne they may have devel with the right fram with a spirit of good standing in an es ethnic, multi-religi lingual country. This the elders and leader ties if we are serious tions that our only sa anarchic situation is in terms of a Sri Lan Sri Lankan society.
The unfortunate tr ever since we receiv from the British h compartmentalization this country who h freely with each othe the community to whi and who were able t wage a struggle agail win freedom began t their private enclav living fully cloistered ences and interaction develop with parochia al interests uppermos The country saw a Muslim Associations, ciations, Hindu As Buddhist Associations way decrying the imp organizations which men service to their r, cultural entities, but able is that not ma taken the initiative nizations which coul between various eth groups in the country. of such linkages tha' different communities contentious issues con they become easily unscrupulous, self-see and parties.
It is indeed a sad col times that generally North is unable to co the man from the Sou two national languag that we have to talk years after attainin from the British. W some of our teledram

events, taken to ble to get over the he July riot, JVP ld the massacres illages and Mosthat this question earnestness beht on the elders, arents, teachers, oliticians who in her should take e events of this iningful steps to Lnger generation gative attitudes oped and grow up of mind to live
will and undersentially multious and multiis a challenge to s of all communiabout our asserlvation from this to think and act kan identity and
end in Sri Lanka ed independence as been one of . The people of ad been mixing er irrespective of ch they belonged o close ranks to st the British to o withdraw into es of communal from other influis, and began to land not nationt in their minds. proliferation of Christian Assosociations and . I am not in any ortance of these have done yeoespective religiowhat is lamentny people have o develop orgaforge linkages ic and cultural It is the absence had made the easy prey when e to the fore and manipulated by king individuals
nmentary of our
man from the mmunicate with th in any of the ls. Is it not sad in this vein 45 independence
have seen in s when a Mus
15 SEPTEMBER 1993
lim man's role is played by a Sinhala person, he is made to mispronounce the Sinhala words like the way my grandfather or great grandfather would have spoken that language during their times, and this is done presumably to provoke humour and laughter among the audience and sadly enough at a time when there are many Muslims who could speak and perform better in Sinhala than the Sinhalese themselves. Very often Muslims are portrayed in teledramas as unscrupulous traders or as gem merchants prone to cheat others. Considering the fact that the period we are discussing will be remembered as the decade in which television has got deeply entrenched in the national ethos of this country, is it not a great pity that the national media should give its blessings to such activities which are extremely inimical to national interest and would in no way help to bring about national integration.
While it has to be conceded that all three communities in this country have had their share of the privations and suffering of this decade, there is no doubt whatsoever that this period will go down in history as the worst the Muslims have experienced ever since they settled down here several centuries ago dating back to pre-Islamic days when evidence of the presence of Arabs has been established with the excavation of Arabic coins in ancient cities like Anuradhapura.
There had been a Ceylon Moor settlement in the heart of Jaffna which had seen several generations growing up in harmony with the Tamils. This harmony and understanding had been so pronounced that at one time a Muslim was elected the Mayor of Jaffna. The Jaffna Muslim Community had been able to produce the first Muslim civil servant in the country and also the first Muslim graduate who went on to become the first Muslim lawyer. Today there is hardly any trace of Muslim existence in Jaffna. Every one of them had been driven away from the land of their birth and are now scattered around Sri Lanka as refugees. They are now making a valiant effort to build anew their broken lives and looking forward to the day when they can go back to the land in which they and their ancestors were born. Their plight is as bad as that of the Palestinian refugees, but there is hardly any concern international or national expended on them. Muslims who had been living in Mannar for several centuries were given only a few hours notice to leave their homes sans any of their belongings. They are now languishing in refugee

Page 23
15 SEPTEMBER 1993
camps all over the country. It is said that gold ornaments were grabbed from them at gun point and taken away in gunny bags. They had to enter refugee camps penniless and are now living a miserable life depending on the charity of a few kind individuals. Several Muslim villages in the Eastern province and the Polonnaruwa district have been attacked by the marauding Tigers and hundreds of innocent men, women and children have been mercilessly massacred. Those who escaped are living as destitutes. The most shattering experience the Muslims had to undergo during this decade was when two Mosques in the populous Kathankudi village were desecrated by the Tigers. More than 100 innocent God fearing Muslims who were deep in prayers in the Mosques were mauled down by these heartless creatures in human form turning the House of God into a mass graveyard. What more could you expect a community to suffer apparently for no rhyme or reason except perhaps the political bungling of those who call themselves leaders.
During the last ten years numerous meetings have been held among political parties and NGOs. Independent individuals have taken the initiative to talk to the parties involved in the sonflict. The Government has had talks with the LTTE both in Sri Lanka and elsewhere. A Select Committee nad been functioning to help resolve the conflict, and religious dignitaries from the South have had talks with the LTTE in the North. But still as 2videnced by the Janakapura disaster of a few weeks ago and the Bambalapiiya Kovil bomb blast only last week, :he culture of violence that had gripped our nation ten years ago still seems to be the order of the day. Inspite of all the pious pronouncenents of politicians and others declarng their intention of conflict resolution, there does not seem to be any light at the end of the tunnel and innocent lives are continuing to be ost.
Whatever the antecedents of the wnflict may be, Sri Lankans as a whole will for a long time repent the missed opportunity five years earlier. in 1977 thanks to economic debacle and mismanagament of the previous egime, the UNP was elected to Parlianent with a %rd majority, a position that could have strengthened the albow of any regime to fearlessly address the disillusionment of the
Tamil youth and resolve the con
inuing conflict, if only they had the colitical will to do so. While the disaffection and frustration of the Tamils specially that of the youth of that rommunity were simmering beneath
the surface with all si at anytime, the regi power, without usin opportunity to mars sources and resolve
and for all, began to selves with two oth were of no immed These were the acti deprive Mrs. Bandara rights and (b) to cha constitution using th set up an Executive of government givir almighty powers. It h said to the credit of
they set in motion
recovery programm momentum in 1988
unabated even to thi tunately they were
sensible enough to un any form of developm there should be fir peace and harmony Perhaps they though tion would in the ful diluted or resolveitse
ΤΑΜΙ
O Repatria
The Jayalalitha gove be patting itself on it. has succeeded in arm Centre into agreein, phase of the repatria of Sri Lankan Tam though the Lankan : the LTTE are still lo clashes in various pa East.
Ever since the Raji 1991, Ms. Jayalalitha tently calling for the Lankan Tamils from Nadu. In the first Cong-II and the AIA) fectly amicable relat government gladly a of repatriation, and going in January last families of Lankan cials - who were f changed situation in hoped normalcy had the 'cleared areas' of volunteered to go bac
But soon in their ze cy certificate' from the camp administra parts of the state browbeating and bull willing refugees into repatriation. Inevitab

TAMIL TIMES 23
gns of blowing up me that came to ; this marvellous hal all their rethe conflict once preoccupy themer issues which ate significance. ons taken (a) to naike of her civic Inge the existing %rd majority to Presidential form g the President as of course to be that regime that a vast economic e which gained and is going on s day. But unfornot sensitive or derstand that for ent to take place st and foremost in the country. t the Tamil quesliness of time get lf, along with the
acceleration of economic development. When the entire economic machinery got stalled as a result of the aftermath of the July 1983 riots, aided by the relentless propaganda of the Tigers which was of no match to that of the Government, the realization had come a little too late. The lost opportunity of 1977 and the miscalculations that followed had resulted in the most agonising decade of 1983 to 1993.
The lives that have been lost on both sides of this senseless war and the colossal amounts of money that has been spent by the Government to keep their war machines in operation represent useful human resources on the one hand and scarce material resources on the other. It is indeed tragic both to Sri Lanka and its citizens that it has not been possible to come to terms with the basic issues involved in the conflict and bring about a lasting solution so that all resources could be channeled to make our dear land a better place to live in for us and the generations to come.
(Courtesty: Lanka Guardian).
L NADU NEWSLETTER
ation of Sri Lankan Refugees
rnment seems to s back - at last it -twisting a weak g to the second tion of thousands il refugees even armed forces and cked up in fierce rts of the North
assassination in has been persisdeportation of all the soil of Tamil flush, when the DMK had a perionship, the Rao greed to the idea the process got year. Mainly the government offied up with the this country and been restored in the North-Eastk. all to get 'efficienthe government, tions in various started coercing, dozing many unvolunteering for ly protests arose
and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees intervened. The repatriation process was suspended in October. Thereafter the government of India and the UNHCR entered into an agreement on the issue. But meantime the relationship between the alliance partners soured up, and the Centre was not all that keen on humouring the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister. But the latter would not give up and even succeeded in roping in the UNHCR on her side. Finally 1129 refugees left the Indian shores in M.V. Nicobar on August 12 to an uncertain future.
There were virtually no protests from anyone, barring a solitary instance, on the blatant injustice and inhumanity involved in the action.
The Indo-Sri Lanka Friendship Society, with the redoubtable Justice V.R. Krishna Iyer as its patron and which has undertaken many peace initiatives in the past, organised a one-day token fast in Madras protesting the deportation on the very first day of the commencement of the second phase of repatriation. Leaders of the DMK, CPI, PMK, CPI(M-L) and a number of other human rights organisations addressed the demonstrators and denounced the state government.
Continued on page 24

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24 AML TIMES
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British Tamil Directories
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Tel/Fax: 081-471 2348
British Tamil Directories will be publishing a commercial and Social directory of Tamils in Britain, this November.
The Directory will be the only authoritative reference on Tamil enterprises.
The Directory will include categories ranging from artistes to retailers and travel agents to tutors. Tamil organisations and individual enterprises should send their name, address, telephone and fax numbers, Service category and a brief description of their activities to the above address.
All listings are free
Advertising and general enquiries should be made on O81-47. 2348.
Closing date for entries is 30 September 1993.
Late entries up to 14 October 1993 may be considered.
Don't lose Out. Act NOW and avoid disappointment.

Page 25
15 SEPTEMBER 1993
Continued from page 23
The CPM even passed a resolution at its state-level conference pleading for a humane treatment of the refugees and an end to their harassment.
The Madras office of the UNHCR, with its absurdly low staff strength of three to four- to monitor the repatriation process, that is, - was allowed some access to the refugees at a transit point near Madras. By that time the volunteers, most of whom had gone through several bouts of humiliation at the hands of the camp authorities, had made up their minds to risk a return to the island rather than put up with the sufferings in the camps. So then the UNHCR was convinced of the “voluntariness' of the entire process.
But then there were also a number of refugees who had been bundled into lorries and buses and taken to Madras despite strong protests. According to the Organisation for the Protection of the Tamils of Eelam from Genocide and Other Violations of Human Rights (PROTEG) refugees in five different camps, at the very least, had been coerced by high-handed officials. The inmates had been threatened with dire consequences if they did not play ball. Among the threats held out were - stoppage of doles and rations after September 9, closure of camps, denial of education and medical facilities, no permission for them to go out to work and even detention in special camps.
The UNHCR started sitting back and taking notice. In quite a few cases the Madras office put its foot down and refused to allow the unwilling refugees to be thrown out.
Ironically the Jayalalitha government has only helped put the Lankan Tamil issue back on the agenda of the Tamil Nadu political parties by its clumsy handling of the refugee issue. Those forces which had all preferred to take a low profile thanks to odium brought about by the Rajiv assassination are now making bold to speak up on the refugee issue, to start with that
s
Efforts are on to get a joint statement of senior opposition leaders demanding an immediate halt to repatriation. DMK President, M. Karunanidhdi is very exercised about the matter, it transpired during a chat this correspondent had with him last week, and could come out with a strong statement sooner rather than later.
For the records in the current phase the state government is planning to send back around 4,000 refugees, most of them belonging to the Mannar mainland. But already the camp au
thorities are scrap the barrel and ther any more volunte bullying and intimi
Assuming the o achieve their targ
O BC
A powerful blast or on August 8 rippec storeyed headquar triya Swayam Seva the heart of the c
persons, includi perished and five ot injured.
Incidentally non injured, who were under the debris, h a bomb splinter.
To this day the explosion, the bom identity of the culp ter of intense cont blast has kicked off bitter exchanges b and the state govel making the com rather tense.
The blast sent shi Coming as it did in catastrophic explosi Calcutta, people whether it was all a destabilisation eff some inimical regin is a blatantly com abashedly working ism, the suspicion i) on Muslim fundam To make matters before the blast, Pa Al Jihad, a one-ma who makes frequel the PMK platform, demoliton of the R like as a fitting rev Masjid outrage of D Yet again the bla the very day of the in which most of the part. Fortunately t had been shifted t ditorium and th reached the state after the explosion. It was time for a indignation and br Hindu communalis anti-AIADMK par government for the Chief Minister face some embal since she had left an hour after the campaign in Din Tamil Nadu. She v the next day and c

TAM TIMES - 25
ing the bottom of e is not likely to be ers whatever the dation held out.
fficials manage to get of 4,000. that
should leave around 79,000 refugees in the camps and an equal number, even more, outside. So then Sri Lanka is bound to engage the minds of the Tamil society in this country for a long longtime to come.
Dmb Blast
a quiet afternoon through the twoters of the Rashak Sangh (RSS) in ity. Altogether 11 ng two women, hers were seriously
e of the killed or all rescued from ad been pierced by
actual nature of b used as also the its remains a mattroversy. Also the yet another bout of etween the Centre rnment apart from munal situation
ock waves all over. the wake of more ons in Bombay and began to wonder a part of the grand orts initiated by mes. Since the RSS umunal outfit, unfor Hindu revivalnevitably zeroed in entalist groups. worse, only a week lani Baba, heading n organisation but nt appearances on had called for the SS offices and the enge for the Babri December last.
st had occurred on annual Guru pooja è state leaderstake he function venue o some other auhe functionaries headquarters well
lot of self-righteous east-beating by the its and also for the ties to berate the
security lapses. Jayalalitha had to rassing moments Madras more than blast for election digul in southern isited the site only laimed that at the
in RSS Office
time of her departure, she had had no idea of the tragedy. She had only been told of some blast and a "house collapse'. Her adversaries made the best
use of this 'communication gap', point
ing out that far away in New Delhi the union ministers had come to know of the blast within an hour.
There was more politics to come with Ms. Jayalalitha demanding a CBI probe and the Centre saying that the state police was quite competent to handle the issue. One began to doubt whether both the governments were fighting shy of the issue for some extraneous reasons - like they would not like to own responsibility for probe results which could prove politically very hot.
The first shot was fired when Cong-I Legislature party leader S.R. Balasubramanian wondered whether the explosion was an inside job, meaning explosives stored by the RSS itself had gone off accidentally. After all the Vinayaka Chathurthi procession was to follow in a month's time.
Further there was no crater. The intensity of the explosion, the extent of damages did not make point to the use of the dreaded RDX, an imported stuff. besides since it was the first floor portion which had caved in, the chances were that the bomb(s) had been secreted in a first floor room - with the RSS office generally guarded as a fortress by the swayamsevaks (RSS cadres) and hence there was little access for outsiders, even senior intelligence personnel started speculating on the “inside job' line.
However, subsequently the state police personnel told the press that RDX (Research and Development explosive) and PTN (Penta Erythritol Tetra Nitrate) known as a plastic bomb) had both been used, probably in a "mixed state', the PTN acting as a booster to the main charge. The finding was arrived at after an analysis of the debris, victim's clothing, furniture, electrical fittings and so on.
There was no crater found possibly because the explosives had been kept on a stool, the experts felt.
Further two strangers were said to have visited the RSS office twice shortly before the blast on August 5 and
Continued on page 26

Page 26
26 TAMIL TIMEs
READERS
FORMULA FOR SOLUTION OF SINHALA-TAMIL CONFLICT
God alone knows the desperate need of the Tamils for a fair and honourable peace settlement, after nearly 3 decades of discrimination, added to a
decade or more of unbearable violence,
deprivation, devastation and atrocities. Eelam War II began at the the tail end with open war on all sides, together with a cruel blockade and aerial shelling to torment the suffering Tamils still further. Despite the horror and the suffering, it inured the Tamils to hardship past all imagination, and a stoicism, which could well endure for further decades. Such sustained militancy despite vast inflicting forces, is perhaps similar to the Intifada spirit which has sustained Palestinian resistance. Despite the hideous reprisals, against stone-throwing teenagers, the spirit of resistance has not been cowed, until at last, the Israelis have been worn out with a never ending scenario of danger and hostility.
On the other hand, the heedless bravado with which the Sinhalese mobs let loose the holocaust of 1983, has given place to anxiety and thought as to the terrible cost in men, materials and cost, apart from the spiritual degradation resulting from bestial violence. With over a decade of war behind, the prospect of an unending war has now to be reckoned with by the government. C.V. Wedgewood's appraisal of the 30 year war in Europe,
centuries back wou present context of th being waged, heedl fering: “The war so Its effects both in direct, were either
astrous. Morally su
cally destructive, s confused in cause: course, futile in re time the governme folly of it all.
Hence the urgenc formulate possible could be implemente tical complexities amendments to the have thwarted every solutions could byp. fixed positions and national problem cal stitutional forms ne jorities, are subject vills of populist poli emotions. Proper g( hindered by democra emotions. This has democracy.
It is in this conte now being formula Palestinian problem considered. The ba conflict has much in Tamil problem. Israe armoured competen effective in the 6-day military hardware, ha futility of reprisal an the Palestinians and lated a solution stil apparently on the fol Israeli withdrawal fri and Jerico. (2) A P. not to declare an sovereign state. (3)
Continued from page 25
again a few hours before the explosion. Based on the description provided by the RSS witnesses, the police released to the press two pictures of the suspects drawn on a computer by the National Crime Records Bureau personnel.
Ms. Jayalalitha, never found wanting when it comes to playing on Hindu sentiments, promptly announced a reward of RS.2 lakhs for those providing information on the suspects and also
Private Tuition Pure/Applied Mathematics, Statistics, Physics O/A Level, Homes visited. Tel: O81-8643227
Matching Horoscopes For marriage compatibility contact M. Sivarajah. Tel: O81-7678699.
offered to foot the b struction of the RSS
Still doubts persist elaborate put on sta government to bale sed RSS, we cannot will have to wait fol for firmer evidence t ble ‘outside links”.
Meantime after al bravado, the Chief sioner, T.N. Selsha hold Palani Lok Sa Assembly by-electio week of September. help assess the curre The Centre which is up its mind on the Jayalalitha regime a before it after the dis decide one way or tl two by-elections.
 

15 SEPTEMBER 1993.
ld be apt in the e Eelam wars now ess of civilian suflved no problems. mediate and in
negative or disoversive, economiocially degrading, s, devious in its sult'. It is indeed nt considered the
y to consider and solutions which d without the poliof referendums, constitution that solution. Interim ass the need for legal stands. No n besolved if coneding heavy ma
to the opposing ticians and mass overning is often cy subject to mass
been the bane of
xt, that solutions ted to solve the might usefully be :kground of this common with the l with its mighty ce, so brilliantly war, and its vast as at last seen the d brutality to cow
has nov formul to be ratified, lowing basics: (1) om the Gaza strip alestinian pledge independent or P.L.O. participa
bill for the reconbuilding.
... Whether it is an ged by the state out an embarrassay for sure. One some more time O decide on possi
ot of bullying and Clection Commishas agreed to pha and Ranipet ns in the third The results will ht electoral mood.
unable to make dismissal of the nd on the options missal is likely to e other after the
tion in the vacated areas, as Israel withdraws. (4) Selection of a Palestinian Government to administer the West Bank and the Gaza strip. Residents of East Jerusalem would be able to vote and run for office in the election. (5) Israeli settlements in the West Bank, would be under Israeli jurisdiction for an interim period; eventually Israeli settlers would be given the option of remaining in their communities under the Palestinian Government or being repatriated. (6) Negotiations on a 'final status' of all territories would begin in two years, and not three as originally envisioned - likely to be the most difficult issue of the talks - will be postponed until then.
If the names P.L.O. and Palestinians be replaced with LTTE and Tamils, and the names West Bank, Gaza Strip, and Israel by North and East and Sinhalese, the above scenario could be equated to suit a solution to the Tamil problems, generally based around the concepts outlined above.
Such a solution could probably be manipulated without much opposition, since it would be primarily an interim solution without the permanence of constitutional edicts. It would give time for both parties to try out the solution, honestly and in good faith to justify trust on both sides. Though interim unpromulgated concepts and proposals would be contrary to LTTE requirements, yet the right to retain its defensive equipment, could add up to a position better than the state of fluidity and war which has precluded practical Solutions, however pragmatic. Such an interim solution would leave out the squabbling and arguments on the varied constitutional concepts practiced in other countries, such as federalism, the Indian States system, Cantons, etc., etc. What is important is that the spirit of a fair and honest deal with the Tamils, respecting their present claims be honoured, without attempts to sabotage or pervert through stooges and administrative complexities. Once the heat of battle and passions of hate and rancour are quietened, wiser counsels could prevail, and a spirit of give and take on the basis of trust and honest dealing.
An interim workout would put both parties on trial as to intentions and the spirit of compromise. What is urgent is to break the stalemate which serves the chauvinists and political opportunists. The above mentioned IsraeliPalestinian proposals are still in the secret discussion stage, but provide directions for adaptation to suit local conditions.
T. Balasingham.

Page 27
15 SEPTEMBER 1993
CLASSIFIED ADS
first 20 words ei10. Each additional word 60p. Char
Box No. 3. (Vat 17/2% extra). Prepayment essential The Advertisement Manager, Tamil Times Ltd. PO Box 121, Sutton, Surrey SMt 3TD
Phone: 08-644 0927. Fax: 081-244.557
MATRIMIONAL
Jaffna Hindu seeks professionally qualified groom for her graduate sister, 32, Mars afflicted, in employment in London. Telephone 081-504 1363.
Parent seeks bridegroom between 35 and 40, doctor, engineer or accountant for doctor daughter. M 679 c/o Tamil Tines.
Jaffna Hindu parents seek educated, fair, homely bride with good personality for their son, 26, British citizen, vegetarian, good personality, professionally qualified and employed. M 680 C/o anni innes.
Jaffna Hindu seeks professionally qualified groom for 32year-old attractive, accountant daughter. Horoscope immaterial. Box 87.14, Northridge, California, USA.
Uncle seeks bride for nephew, 30, American Bank employee earning over £25,000 annually. Telephone 081-441 2791 or write to M 681 C/o Tamil Times.
Uncle seeks for niece, British citizen, 24, ACCA finalist, groom in similar position, Telephone 08-44, 27.91 or write to M 682 C/o Tamil Tirnes.
WEDDING BELLS We congratulate the following couples on their recent wedding. Harindra son of the late Dr. A. Rajiyah and Mrs. Pushpa Rajiyah of 45 Rosmead Place, Colombo 7 and Sahana daughter of Mr. & Mrs. A. Kathirmalainathan of 209 Sloane Avenue, North York, Ontario M4A 2C5, Canada On 27.8.93 af leaside Memoria Community Gardens, 1073 Millwood Road, Toronto, Ontario, Canada.
Rajanbabu son of Mr. & Mrs. R. Sivanithy of 181 Torbay Road, Harrow, Middx., HA2 2CRF and Suhanya daughter of Mr. & Mrs. W. Skanthan of 39 Ravensbourne Park, Catford, London SE64XY on 5.9.93 at The Civic Suite, Wandsworth Town Hall, London SW18.
Registration of Marriage
The marriage has been registered of Dr. lyngaran son of the late Dr. & Mrs. C.M. Vanmiasegeram of Mallakam, Sri Lanka and Sivakami daughter of Mr. & Mrs. S. Porniash of hirunelvely, Sri Lanka at the Marriage Registry, Camden, London WWi 2RX om 14.993.
OBTUARIES
兹*签。蕊 Miss Thanaluxmi Thambiappah (61), Retired Teacher, Kokuvil Hindu College and Wootton School, Kotagala, Sri Lanka, beloved daughter of the late Thambiappah and Mrs. Thambiappah of Kandermadam, Sri Lanka, Sister of Maheswari (Hatton), late Ratnam (Editor, Dinapathy, Colombo), Balasingham (Hatton), Vijeyakumaar (Hobart Sheraton, Australia), Krishnakumar (Royal Oman Poice), Saratha devi (St. Anthony's, Colombo), Shanthakumaar (Ocean Accounting Tax Consultants, Scarborough, Canada); sister-in-law of the late Elangarajah, Maheswari, Pathmadevi, Manohari, Selvaranjithan, Sivarajah (Rusai Catering Oman) and Jayadaya; with several nieces and nephews passed away on 24.4.93 at 'Siva Bhavanam, Kokuvil West, Sri Lanka - V. T. Vijeyakumaar, Tel: (6102) 35451 1; V.T. Krishnakunar, Oman; T. Shanthakunaar Tel: (416) 754 2182
Mrs. Nallamma Arumugam of Veemankamam, Tellippalai, Sri Lanka - Relict of S. Arumugam, Teacher, Mahajana College, beloved mother of Vimalachandra (California) and Mahendran (Washington); mother-in-law of Gnanambikai and Balagowri; loved grandmother of Bahirathan, Sanjeevan, Dushyanthi, Gadjen and Mayoorathan passed away in Seattle on August 23, 1993. The funeral took place On August 25, 1993. Relatives and friends please accept this intimation - 23206, 82nd Place West, Edmonds, Washington 98026, USA.
P. Sabaratnam, Attorney-at-law, Retired Legal Advisor, Times of Ceylon, dearly beloved husband of Rasammah; father of Man
 
 

TAM TIMES 27
gayarkarasi(Pt. Pedro), Punithavathy (Vavuniya), Sivapathaviruthayar (Jafna), SundaramoOrthy (Melbourne, Australia), Arunanthy (Sydney) and Dr. Sivaneswary (General Hospital, Colombo); father-in-law of Nadarajah (Hartley College), Siva kolunthu (Vavu niya), Maheswary (Jafna), Ranjini (Melbourne), Dr. Shalini (Sydney) and Easwaran Selliah (ColOmbo) passed away peacefully on 99.93 aged 89 years. Funerall took place in Jaffna, Thamil Eelam on the same day.
Mrs. Yogeswary Wallooppiilal, beloved wife of Dr. N.J. Wallooppilai, loving mother of Mala, daughter of the late Mr. & Mrs. V.A. Kandiah, Sister of Gnaneswari, Yogendran & Mangayakarasil (Arasi) Mahadevan passed away peасеfully от 3.993 and was Cremated at Kanate, Colombo. - Mrs. Arasi Mahadevan, 67 Chesterfield Road, Epsom, Surrey KT19 9CR. Tel: O81-3933882; Dr. NJ. Wallooppillai, 20/1 Pedris Road, Colombo 3. Tel: 573857
IN MEMORAM
in loving memory of Dr. Saravanamuttu Paramanathan on the second anniversary of his passing away on 26th of September 1991. Greatly missed and fondly remembered with love and affection by his wife Vallambihai, his
children Lohini, Mohini, Wicknes waran, his son S-in-law
Ganesharatnam and Fatnasabapathy (Napo), daughter-in-law Bernada, his grand children Kumaran, Vanathy, Haran and Dhakshila - 30 The Ridgeway, Kenton, Harrow, Middx., HA3 OLL.
in loving memory of Mr. Cheliah Kanthasamy, Telecommunication Engineer of Kaddudai, Manipay, who passed away on
119.88. Life is not measured by the years, But the happiness and love you gave, A smiling face and a heart of 9οία: These are precious memories for us to hold No words can truly comfort us; When the one we love departs; Days of sadness still loom over LIS, But memory of you, will live for ever, Sadly missed and forever in the hearts of his wife and children - 58 Magowar Road, Girraweena, NSW2145, Australia.
Mrs. Josephine Gunapushanam Varman (nee Manikkavasagar), Retired CEO (English), Jaffna departed on 21.9.92. Rest eternal grant unto her, O Lord, and Let perpetual light shine upon her.
From her everloving husband Alex and loved ones in Ceylon, England and USA.

Page 28
28 TAM TIMES
ever ry of VathSala devi on the third anniversaryy of her passing away on 99.90.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by her grieving parents Mr. & Mrs. Ponnudurai, brothers andsisters Mrs. Nageswary Thiruna vuk karasu, Kalyanasundram, Mrs. Kamalade vi Tharmalingam, Mrs. Vimaladevi Vijayakumar, Nirmaladevi, Vimalendran, Balendran, Yogendran, Raveendran and Puvanendran - 37 Burnhan Road, Dartford, Kent DA 1 1AY. Tel: O322 28O685.
ln ever-loving memory of Deva Rajan N. F.S.I., Licensed Surveyor, Leveller & Valuer of 257 Arasady Road, Kantharmadam, Yarlpanam. Fondly remembered on the second anniversary of his passing away on 11.9.91 by his beloved wife Padma, Children Suјthan, Siva Kumaran, Rajam, Jeyaraman, Rengan, Raj lswari; Sons-in-law Threventhiran, Nirthanakumaran; daughters-in-law Jeyadevi, Suhanya, Thangalogini, Helen, grand children Jamuna, Karthika, Bharathan, Uththami, Luxmanan, Sri Ram, Vaitharani, Vithuran, Devarajan and Poorani; sister Saraswathy Panchacharam; brother Punjakshar
an; sisters-in-law, brothers-in
tlaw, relatives and friends. - Flat 4, 24 Mansfield Road, Ilford, Essex G1 3AZ.
A Rare Find
August 24, 1944. . . That was the day / met Devarajan, Deva' to his friends, for the first time. It is 49 years now; a long period of enduring friendship with him and his family. He was a friend who never got on your way unless you are on the way down, a precious being, simple, humble and gentle. Generous to a fault, he always stretched his hand to
aid anyone. He was well-read; well-groomed; an exempler; his one distinct quality was never to use 'two words' when 'one' would suffice.
A principled fighter, he would not hesitate to step in and stand firm closing his ears, come what may, against a howling mob. His words and deeds were wise and Correct and I remember one of his many quotations to this very day, 'Never buy a house; buy a neighbour'. At times he used to fell me that a certain amount of opposition helps, quoting again that 'a kite rises against the Wind and not with the wind; he did much comforting and consoling; he belonged to only one race and that was the human race; he was a mixture of all religions.
He was a loving father, a dutiful husband. The most important thing a father could do for his children is to love their mother, Deva did just that. The result: he has children who are his living images.
He served the Survey Department for 20 years and made a name as a model surveyor, Once while serving in Colombo, under Cross examination in a land dispute by the eminent civil lawyer Mr. E.B. Wickremanayake, G.C, Deva had to elucidate with legal clarity in the District Court of Colombo the distinction between a Colombo City Survey Plan" and 'a landmarked Revenue Plan. The Judge agreed with Devas contention that a town survey Plan is not valid in a civil dispute in a court of law. Again when the Millers Building was acquired by the State, differences of opinion arose on the method to be adopted to survey the building. It Was Deva's method that the Survey-General accepted. These were two instances of the many feathers to his cap!
Deva proved to be an honourable member of an honourable profession. Besides being a Land Surveyor, he was a Visiting instructor in Surveying and Levelling at the Jaffna Poly Technical College and was recognised by his students as an able teacher. Two leading advocates ofJafina considered Deva a consultant civil lawyer as well in land disputes.
Deva was a flowering branch of The Namasivayam's of Agilesar Clan' that has its roots at Neervely and Navatkuli respectively.
thank God that SUCH A MAN AS HE EVEF LIVED AND BEFRIENDED ME TO THE VERY END.
W.F. NaWaratman.
lavalai.
(
 
 

15 SEPTEMBER 1993
n fond memory of Mr M.A. Rasiah (former Head master, lavalai, Ceylon and teacher at ferts, Tamil School, Watford, JK) on the first anniversary of is passing away on 18th September 1992.
You will always be missed and Iffectionately remembered by 'our beloved wife, loved ones, elatives and friends for the fine lend of natures you possessed pf being a strict disciplinarian but ind, sportive, religious, highly ntertaining and above all your riendliness towards everyone without bounds.
A requiem mass in remembrInce and for blessings Will be eld in the 'Our Lady and St. Michael's Church, Garston, Watford on 25th Sept. '93 at
30a.
May God Bless You. Sathiananthan (Watford), Packarajah (Colombo), Stella Devenfra (Dubai), Shankar (New Mallen), Theresa Nagarajah Mathagal), Logan (Watford), Emilda Ranjini (Canada).
Viswalingam Shanugavadivel, Rtd. SPH of Valvettiturai BOT 3107 1922 Departed: 28.09. 1990
Sadly missed and fondly remembered on the 3rd anniversary of is passing away by his loving wife Ratnaganthi children Amirakala (Madras), Ratnakumar V VT), Premkumar, Uthayakunar (both of Germany); Sivakunar, Sugirthakala (both of UK); ons-in-law Subashchandraose (Canada), Ponnambalan Switzerland) and Gobiratnam
(UK); daughters-in-law Chandraleka (V. V.T.), Atputhamalar (Madras), Yogamathi, Yogasarojini (both of Germany); grandchildren Kavitha Janitiha, Ja Wagar, Sitharth, Ara vinth, Anusha, Kousigan, Shobana, Pradipa, Thushyanthini, Priyanthini, Sһаттиgapriyan, Satheesап, Prashanthan, Nivedita and Mahison. - 9 Portland House, High Trees, London SW2 3PD.
NEVERLOVING MEMORY OF
OUR BELOVED DADO
T.J. Rajaratnam (Retired High Court Judge)
Caled to Res 159793
Forget you Dad we never will For in our hearts we love you still Silent thoughts bring many tears For the one we loved and miss so dear,
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by your wife Arul, children Rohini, Renuka, Rajiv, sons-inlaw Vijayan, Sriharan; grandchildren Vasi, Ravi, Prathi, Jayanthy and Ajit,
FORTHCOMING EVENTS
October 1 Feast of St. Theresaa of the Child Jesus.
Oct. 2 Puradasi third Sani, Feast of Guardian Angels, 7.00pm. Jaffna College Alumni Association Dinner, Dance, Variety entertainment and A.G.M. at Lola Jones Hall, Tooting leisure Centre, Greaves Place of Garratt Lane, London SW17. Tel: 081 -942 6643/599 8162/361 3931.
Oct. 27.00pm London Murugan Temple presents Rukmani Kalyanam - A Dance Drama - by Kamini Kalidas at Logan Hall, 20 Bedford Way, London MVC 0A. Tel: 081 -478 8433/ 2O4247O/904. 9799.
Oct, 3 5.3Opm Kalabhavanam presents Bharatha Natya Recital by Anuradha Jagannathan at South Norwood Centre, Croydon; 6.00pm Smt. Rudrani Balakrishnan presents her students in Musical Ensemble of Violin, Veena & Flute Recitals at London Murugan Temple Kalyana Mandapam at 78 Church Road, London E12. Tickets 2. Childrefn free.

Page 29
sept 993
Oct. 4 Feast of St. Francis.
Oct. 5 7.30pm Shobana Jeyasingh presents 'Romance...in footnotes' in Bharatha Natyam at Nottingham PlayhOLSe. es: O6024 1949. Oct. 7. 7.30pm Shobana Jeyasingh presents 'Romance...in footnotes' in Bharatha Natyam at Darlington Arts Centre, Tel: 0325 483168. Oct. 8 7.30pm Shobana Jeyasingh presents "Romance...in footnotes' in Bharatha Natyam at Newcastle Playhouse, el O91-232 7079.
Oct. 9 Putraddasi fourth Sani. 7.00pm Jaffna Central College OSA & Vembadi Old Girls' Association joint Social, Dinner & Dance at Lola Jones Hall, Greaves Place off Garratt Lane, LOrdo SMV 7 Tel: 08-742 1139/6479069/349 1172.
Oct. 11 EekathaSi.
Oct. 1 2 & 1 3 Shoba na Jeyasingh presents 'Romance...in footnotes in Bharatha Natyam at Laban Centre, London SE14, Tel: 08-692 4070.
Oct. 13 Pirathosarn. Oct. 14 6.00pm Lecture & Discussion on Sri Lanka . How it evolved through the ages' at School of Oriental & African Studies. Tel: 071-278 3990 (S. Wijesinghe).
Oct. 15 Amavasai.
Oct. 16 Puradasi fifth Sani. Navarathiri starts. Oct. 16 & 17 3.00pm Bharatha Natyam Dances at Commonwealth Institute, Kensington High St., London W8 6NGQ. Tel: 071 - 602 0703 (Karen Dale).
Oct. 18 Chathurthi. Oct. 18 & 19 Shobana Jeyasingh presents "Romance...in footnotes' in Bharatha Natyam at Guibenkiam Theatre, Canterbury. Tel: O227769075. Oct. 24 Vijayathasami
Oct. 25 Feast of Forty Martyrs of England & Wales. Oct. 26 Eekathiasi. Oct. 27 PirathoSam. Oct. 28 Feast of St. Simon & Jude Apostle, 6.00pm lecture & Discussion on "Religion & Racial Facts in Sri Lanka' at School of Oriental and African Studies. Tel: 071 -278 3990. (S. Wijesinghe).
House for Sale Vivekananda Road, ColombO 6 - 2 unit house, each With 3 bedrooms ensuite bathrooms, kitchen, servant quarters, garage, built on 20 perches land — £90,000. Telephone O736 65910 after 7.00pm.
Oct. 30 Full Moon. 700pm Lakshmi's A.S.I.A. presents "Ramayana' (Ballet) in aid of SCOT at Logan Hall, 20 Bedford Way, London WC1. Tel: 081-870 9897/845 7900 At the Bhavan Centre, 4A Castletown Road, London W14 9HQ. Te: O71-381 3086/ 4608. Oct. 27.00pm Gandhi Jayanthi. Lecture & Bajans. All welcome. Oct. 9 & 23 5.30pm lecture on Bhagavad Gita by Shri Mathoor Krishnamurthi. Oct. 10 Sitar by Subroto Roy Chowardhury. Oct. 17 Bharatha Natya Recital by Indhumathi Srikumar. Tel: 0277 223981, O322 666330 & O81-51855O1.
Oct. 31 6.30pm Karnatic Vocal Recital by Smit Sivasakti Sivanesan.
Menaka's Arangetram
Menaka, 16-year-old daughter of Mr. Sri Pathy and Sudha Thillaiampalam, presented on the 4th of September 1993, one of the most spectacular Arangetrams Boston, in Massachussetts, USA has seen.
in the tastefully decorated Winchester High School Auditorium, the audience was captivated with the performance for the full two and a half hours. Menaka began her dance training from the tender age of five under her mother, who is also a dancer, and then under Neena Gulati for the past six years.
Menaka on this occasion performed 9 different items in Bharatha Natyam and Kuchipudi. The introductory piece was an invocation to Lord Ganesha. This was followed by Jathiswaram and Krishna Sabdan. She , showed remarkable facial expressions during the Krishna Sabdam, where she played with Krishna offering him sandalwood paste, flowers and betel leaves. The Varnam, most complex and demanding dance revealed her flawless footwork and her mastery of exquisite expressions. Followed by Paras Ragam Natarajah dance, where Menaka depicted various sculptures of
 

1s2
poses of Lord Natarajah. Meera Bajan and Kunthalavarali Thillana was followed in which Menaka demonstrated a variety of Cross rhythmic patterns.
The Arangetram started on time and kept the audience spellbound by fast rhythmic pieces till the very end. The young artiste showed her rare ability when she did the final piece in Kuchipudi when she amazed the audience dancing on the edge of a brass plate. It was a feat that would have been extremely difficult, but Menaka went through the number with great precision and expertise. These and the Mangalam Completed the scintilating evening of entertainment which showed the dedication of this young dancer.
The young artiste was blessed by the chief guest Mrs. Padmini Ramachandran well known actress and dancer and the galaxy of supporting artistes: Mr. Arawindakshan Vocal T.K. Ramakrishnan Mridangam, Mrs. Durka Krishnan Veena, Dr. W. V. Panchacharam and Murali on flute.
Jaffna Hindu Wins Cricket Trophy,
Chundikui Girls
Are Netball Champs
Jaffna School Sports Association (UK) staged their second annual Cricket festival on the 30th of August at the John Billiam sports grounds in Harrow, Middlesex. Jaffna Hindu College emerged as this year's champions beating the favourites - Jaffna Central College (last year's winners) in a nail biting final encounter. An added attraction at this year's festival was the inclusion of a Netball tournament, where eight schools clashed vigorously for the championshship trophy which was clinched by Chundikulli Girls College. Play commenced at 9.30 with 13 cricketing schools (Chithambra College, Jaffna Hindu, Manipay Hindu, Hartley, Kokuvil Hindu, St. Henry's, Jaffna Central, Mahajana, St. Johns, St. Patricks, Skandavarodya, Stanley and Union College) taking part in a seven-a-side tournament. Jaffna Hindu College beat Hartley College in the first semifinal to play Jaffna Central College who beat Manilpay Hindu in the other semi-final. It was now more or less dusk and the clock had already struck 8pm. With rapidly fading light and poor visibility Jaffna Central went to bat first in the final encounter. The over rate was cut down to 5 balls per over. Jaffna central lost one wicket for a total of 36 runs. Jaffna Central's skipper Manodarmaraj had to retire hurt in
the second over, having been struck by a quick delivery on his unguarded face. This of course turned out to be a sad loss to Central who had entered the tournament with two of their top players on the sick list. When Jaffna Hindu padded up, the light was poor by any cricketing standard. However, they braved the attack creditably and emerged as champions for the first time, beating Jaffna Central by 3 runs and an over to spare. The final encounter was scheduled for 17.30 hours but it was rather unfortunate that the organisers were unable to get the various matches played on time and there also appeared to be an unnecessary delay between matches, resulting in a very late start to Conclude the final match. Jaffna Hindu was led by Prabananthan.
The Netball Tournament was enthusiastically contested by lavalai Convent, Union College, Vembadi Girls High School, Chundikuli Girls College, Stanley College, Hindu Ladies College, Mahajana and Holy Family Convent Jaffna. Holy Family Convent Conceded defeat to Chundkuli Girls in their semi final by 5 to 29 and went on in the final to meet Hindu ladies College who had already beaten Wembadi Girls High School, rather convincingly in the second semi-final by 2 to 6. The final encounter for the challenge trophy was well fought by Chundikuli Girls and Hindu Ladies College. A younger and experienced side with a good skill of shooting power, put Chundikuli Girls to annexe the first JSAA (UK) Netball Challenge Cup by beating the Hindu Ladies by 32 to 20.
The Tournament was declared open by Dr. T. Raj Chandran, Commissioner for Racial Equality and a past pupil of Kokuvil Hindu College. Councillor Sinna Mani, Lord Mayor of Lewisham distributed the various prizes.
The results of the raffle draw are as follows:
1st Prize, Return Air Ticket to Colombo: yellow ticket 3207.
2nd Prize, Return Air Ticket to New York or Toronto: white ticket 7724.
3rd Prize Return Air Tickef fo Paris white ticket 95.43.
Consolation Prizes: 1. Answer Phone: white ticket 9581. 2. Case of Lion Lager: white ticket 97.31. 3. Case of King Fisher Lager: white ticket 7725. 4. Bottle of Brandy: yellow ticket 3245. 5. Bottle of Whisky: yellow ticket 4617.
Dr. K.C. Rajasingham.

Page 30
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