Page 1
År 1 Lura Bandar a laike
Chief Ministers Removed by Court Order
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Crisis in the DMK
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Obstacles to Peace
 

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Page 2
2 TAMIL TIMES
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Page 3
15 OCTOBER 1993
I do not agree with a word of what you say, but I'll defend to the death your right to say it.
– Voltaire,
ISSN 0266-4488
VOXI NO.10 15 October 1993
Published by
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CONTENTS
Parliamentary Select Committee Chairman interviewed. . . . . . . . . . . . 4. "Operation Yal Devi' stopped in its tracks. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Battle of No Victors. . . . . . . . . . . . 6
News Review. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Ethnic Conflict 1983-1993. . . . . . 12
Obstacles to Peace. . . . . . . . . . . 15
Sub-Continental Scene. . . . . . . . . 19
Tamil Nadu Newsletter. . . . . . . . . 22
Readers Forum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Classified Advertisements. . . . . . . 27
COU
The judges of th the appointment Councils by the illegal and orde have, by the act There was a tim public perceptio, massaged by ex that some of th dictated to by thi past, and Certai Ministers, the jug independent jua nakes Clainn to
The action o elections in May United National either of these power vested in
lin the Southe Alliance and the United National Provincial Cound UNP had 25 See documentary evi of Chief Ministe elected member Chief Ministers fernbers. Their undemocratic in
There is no di tainted by politic has begun to ch One expects pers used for the pub capable of perfo with the parame not have Satisfi Markar, the Gov belonged to the They had outlive Their appointme the ruling party. elevated position a partisan mann.
Besides the pe elected, the Gov an extraordinary the President M Constitution the the executive po the Province sh, Ministers of the E is thus an unsev Council depende exercise of any e Therein lies a fur devolution of po presidency which presidency is it COnstitutional de by the people.
 

TAMIL TIMES 3 &
RTS AND PROVINCIAL
COUNCILS
e Court of Appeal who delivered the recent judgement declaring of Chief Ministers to the Southern and North Western Provincial Governors of the respective Councils as unreasonable and ing their removal deserve special mention and praise for they on, enhanced the image of integrity and impartiality of the Court. 2 when, in the post-1977 era of executive presidency, a creeping n was gaining ground that the judiciary in Sri Lanka was being ecutive interference, director otherwise. There was also a belief e then sitting judges were ready to be prevailed upon to be 2 executive. However, by some of their judgements in the recent nly with the latest judgement on the appointment of the Chief iges seem to have redeemed their reputation as belonging to an iciary which is a prerequisite for any democratic society that be governed under the rule of law.
f the Governors of these Provincial Councils following the this year in appointing two Chief Ministers belonging to the ruling Party when that party did not possess an absolute majority in 2ouncils was an act of outrageous abuse of the discretionary then.
rn Provincial Council, the combined strength of the Peoples Democratic National Front was 28 elected Councillors while the Party had secured 27 seats. In the case of the North Western cil, the total strength of the PA and DUNF was 27 whereas the its. The PA and DUNF had jointly provided the Governors with dence to substantiate their claim that their nominees to the posts r of these Councils possessed the support of the majority of s. But the governors chose to appoint the UNP nominees as who had the support of less than 50 per cent of the elected action was plainly unreasonable and illegal, and above all that it sought to frustrate and subvert the will of the electorate.
oubt that the action of the Governors of these Councils was all partisanship. It is an example of the political corruption that aracterise the way in which the country has been governed. If sons vested with discretionary power in trust for the public, to be lic good" to act with propriety, they must be persons of integrity rming their functions with impartiality and strictly in accordance ters set down by law. The Governors of these provinces could 2d that test. Mr. Montague Jayawickrema and M.A. Bakeer ernors of the North Western and Southern Provincial Councils UNP and they were Ministers in previous UNP governments. ld their usefulness as political heavyweights of a bygone era. nt as Governors was a form of reward for their past services to In return, the expectation of those who put these men in the they held was for them to act in the way they did, that is to act in ar infurtherance of the interest of the ruling party.
2rsonality of the holder of the office of Governor, although not ernor's position in the Provincial Council system in Sri Lanka is one. He is appointed by and holds office during the pleasure of sho is the leader of the ruling party. Under the Sri Lankan executive power of the people' is vested in the President. And wer in relation to the matters which are within the competence of all be exercised by the Governor either directly or through oard of Ministers, or through officers subordinate to him'. There 'erable Constitutional umbilical Cord that makes the Provincial nt through the office of the Governor on the President for the xecutive power in relation to all matters within its competence. ldamental infirmity in the democratic character of the system of wers in the island. Basic to this anomaly is the executive ! is the repository of all executive power. And such an executive consistent with the concept of a democratic system of solution of autonomous powers to a Provincial Council elected

Page 4
4 TAMIL TIMES
PARLAMENTARY SELECT CO
Chairman Sees a Federal S on the Indian Model
The interim report of the Parliamentary Select Committee, ma, consensus solution to the national question will be presented to October 15. In an interview with Rita Sebastian Chairman o Mangala Moonesinghe, for the first time since he chaired the disc questions ranging from why he moved the motion for a Select C overall achievements of two years of deliberations, he sees fe Indian model as a possible constitutional solution to the conflic
Q: What made you move the motion in Parliament for a Select Committee to find a consensus political solution to the national question?
A: I felt the country was in the mood for a peaceful resolution of the national conflict, having judged the tempo in Parliament even among extremist groups. For the first time there was an opportunity to get the elected representatives, of all shades of opinion, to collectively pursue the possibility for a peace through discussion. Had I moved this motion 5 years ago it would not have been accepted unanimously by all parties. That alone is an achievement. Not since independence has the opposition and government sat down to find a solution. Earlier attempts, first in 1957 when the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) reached agreement with the Tamil parties it was opposed vehemently by the United National Party (UNP) in opposition. In 1966 when Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake with S.J.V. Chelvanayakam came to an agreement the SLFP in power sabotaged it. So you the Sinhala parties have been playing politics with the national question.
Q: How did the public respond to your appeal for their participation in the deliberation?
A: 300 or more memoranda came in. We classified them under political parties, other organisations and under those who came before the Committee and gave evidence.
Q: Did the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) as reported submit a proposal?
A: No all other Tamil parties responded but the LTTE maintained a noble silence. So it was clear that the LTTE was not prepared to participate in any negotiations. It is unfortunate that the LTTE did not make use of this body comprising both government and opposition, for any agreement with
such a body would have been an
agreement with both government and opposition. So it was now very clear that with the LTTE not participating
there would be no ea the conflict.
Q: How then car peace when the mai conflict hasn't parti peace negotiations?
A: The Committee out for other options t which would take lon also meant devising n
Q: How successful Cise ?
A: That mainly was of the area of conflict ) and try to return tha and normalcy.
Q: How were you go
A: Jaffna MP, Mr. S osed 2 separate units, o with its 98% Tamils,
multi-ethnic east when representation of all ties, within a federal st stage 40 of the 45 r Select Committee agre Provincial Councils an similar to that of the The Committee also agreed to diminish th concurrent list or elin and devolve them to Councils. This was one centre and the provi powers. Invariably the to itself all the power Provincial Councils at lifying the whole pur tion.
Q: What were the agreement?
A: Having heard evidence, the commit view, that wherever p the north and east, must be held.
Q: What purpose W.
tions serve?
A: Both in the north have been no election years. People are mo camps. Only a Governo these areas. So it woul

olution
dated to find a Parliament after the Committee, ussions ansuvers ommittee, to the leralism on the
sy resolution of
you achieve n party to the cipated in the
had to now look o achieve peace, ger, and which ew strategies.
Was that exer
to free one part namely the east t area to peace
ing to do that? rinivasan propne for the north and one for the e there is equal hree communiructure. At that members of the ed to 2 separate d a constitution Indian model. by a majority, e powers of the hinate it totally
the Provincial area where the nces had dual centre assigned s depriving the ud thereby nulpose of devolu
Other areas of
he army give ee was of the ossible, both in local elections
puld local elec
and east there for the past 6 tly in refugee * administrates be healthy for
15 OCTOBER 1993
people to participate in the elections so that they once again get used to administering their own affairs, and also throw up some new leadership. For instance a Tamil Pradesheeya Sabha, which is an entity of governance could elect its own representatives to govern its own area. So by bringing in a civilian democracy like what happened in the south with the Janatha Vimukti Peramuna (JVP).
Q: When did the Tamil parties together with Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC) President S. Thondmanan move Out of the Select COmnmittee?
A: When it was agreed to have two Provincial Councils for the north and east.
Q: What about the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC)?
A: They agreed at first to the delinking of the two provinces, but later changed their mind and moved out of the Committee. But there are a number of Muslims and Tamils in the Select Committee. The idea for 2 separate Councils came about when some of the Sinhalese and Muslims gave evidence before the Committee. Their contention was that the controversial merger had taken place without asking the people. So they wanted a referendum to decide the issue.
It is unfortunate that these parties should have taken a negative attitude and moved out while the whole purpose of the exercise was to see whether other options could be looked into like a re-demarcation of boundaries where you can still achieve a merged north east. Or you could have a separate constitutional structure where you have 2 separate Councils and an Apex body elected by the 2 Councils with administrative powers over the northeast. It would thus satisfy both demands, a merger and de-merger. None of these parties were willing to explore the possibilities.
Q: How would your Committee seek to achieve peace given these constraints?
A: Since the LTTE has not come forward peace will have to take a more protracted and circuitous route. There is peace in the south and economic
activity is on the uptake providing jobs
and income to the population. The strategy of the Select Committee therefore is to provide the infrastructure for development in the east. There is on hold 580 million US dollars already pledged for development of the north east by the international community.
There is a possibility of 2 highways,
Continued on page 6

Page 5
150CTOBER 1993
“Operation Yal De Stopped in its Tra.
In the pre-conflict days, the Yal Devi train service operated twice a day starting from the Fort railway station in Colombo to its most-northern destination Kankesanthurai (KKS) through Jaffna. Since then, except for a brief period when the IPKF managed to enable it to operate, train services to the north have remained totally disrupted - even the rail tracks have been uprooted and used in the cause of the war effort.
If the code name: “Operation Yal Devi' assigned to the recent military operation - one of the biggest in recent times - launched by the government against the Tamil Tigers is anything to go by, the eventual destination of this effort must have been the capture of the Jaffna peninsula from Tiger control. But the operation was not only stopped in its track; the forces retreated after suffering heavy losses,
Over three thousand troops backed by the might of the country's Airforce and Navy set out on their journey on the morning of 28 September, not from Colombo 250 miles away as the Yal Devi train did in pre-conflict days, but from their base camp at Elephant
Pass, just about 3. from Jaffna town. preceded by clamp. the-clock curfew toc Kilinochchi, Mulla districts and indi bombardment an mainly in the Jaffn In the face of fier and amidst heavy li on the third day t aged to advance ju Palai and on the f located on the no Jaffna lagoon from ran a boat servic wished to travel ti
and the mainland.
the Defence Minist. forces had destroye ing points, and hun at Kilali, and elimi and infrastructure resume their boat reported that the t dating their positi advancing towards lowing day, insteal wards Jaffna as t. intended, the force
The Sunday Times (10 October) editorially questioned the rationale for the launching of "Operation Yal Devi' posing some embarrassing but relevant questions: "Military operations can be counterproductive and costly. As the true picture of the recent “Operation Yal Devi" emerges, it would seem that the clash of interests between political need and military strategy has produced more questions than answers, especially in view of the loss of some 400 lives including one of the heaviest casualty tolls for the army in what is described as a “limited operation".
"The main question being asked by the people of Sri Lanka and military analysts is why this operation was launched...If the military objective of "Operation Yal Devi" was to destroy LTTE boats, could not this have been carried out by the Airforce and Navy? Some reports from the North indicate that most of the boats destroyed were old and unserviceable ones. Why were more than three thousand soldiers thrown into this limited operation where a miscalculation
on Wednesday, September 29 led to
the death of more t and heavy materia
When the troops Kilalion Thursday sealed the LTTE army faced the opti to Chavakachcheri base at Elephant lacked the men a hold the captu ...Consequently Devi" was called of returned to Elepha over the weekend the LTTE was agai services from Kila lagoon.’
But the title oft article in the gove flagship, The Sunc October) by its ed Mahindapala reac mortar fire raine heavy casualties stood their grounc to-hand battle forc to flee, clearing th THE DAY WHEN FOUGHT AND RA
One wonders w editors were com outcome of the san

TAMIL TIMES 5
Wi ck
) kilometres away.
The operation was
ng down a round
cover the Jaffna, tivu and Mannar
scriminate aerial
d naval shelling a district. :e Tiger resistance, osses on both sides, he army had manzt 12 kilometres to furth day to Kilali thern side of the where the Tigers e for people who and from Jaffna
On the fifth day,
ry claimed that the Tiger bases, landdreds of their boats nated the capacity
of the Tigers to service. It was also roops were consolions at Kilali and Jaffna. On the fold of proceeding tohey had originally s made a hasty and
m-im han 110 soldiers
losses?
finally reached and temporarily sea route, the on of proceeding or returning to Pass, because it nd material to red territory“Operation Yal , fand the troops: nt Pass. Reports indicated that operating boat i on the Jaffna
he main feature rnment's media ay Observer (10 tor, Mr. H.L.D. : "While heavy and claimed the soldiers and, in a handed the terrorists way to KilaliTHE TIGERS . hether the two henting on the e battle.
ignominious retreat to their base camp at Elephant Pass. Just four days later on 5 October the Tigers announced that they had resumed their boat. service,
Operation Yal Devi was launched in the wake of the much publicised statement by President Wijetunga that the problem in the north-east of the island was not an ethnic problem, but one of terrorism and therefore must be dealt with as such. This is the first major military operation undertaken since Mr. Wijetunga assumed office and certainly had his approval as Commander-in-Chief of the island's armed forces.
The stalemate on the military front in the recent past has been punctuated by spectacular Tiger attacks resulting in enormous losses in men and material for the armed forces as demonstrated by the overrunning of the Janakapura army in which the Tigers not only destroyed the camp and killed scores of soldiers, but also got away with over Rs.50 million worth of weapons. Not many moons later, the Tigers successfully mounted a suicide attack and destroyed an Israeli-built naval gunboat and again got away with a large quantity of weapons in-, cluding sophisticated equipment. On the contrary, except for indulging in indiscriminate aerial bombardment and shelling from the sea, which had little adverse impact on LTTE's strength, but resulted in incalculable damage to the civilian population, the armed forces have failed to make any significant headway against the Ti-' gers. s
The armed forces have to date not recovered from the major loss they suffered when ten of its most experienced and senior commanding officers including Major General Denzil Kobbekaduwa, fell victims to a Tiger landmine in August last year. Since then, the country's President, Mr. Premadasa, and a formidable opposition Sinhala politician, Mr. Lalith Athulathmudali who was once a Minister for National Security, were assassinated and the Tigers have been blamed for these.
The role played by the Joint Operations Command (JOC) located in Col
ombo which was in overall charge of
the prosecution of the government's
war effort was a matter of grave
controversy within the armed forces at senior level, and President Wijetunga recently sought to end this controversy by dissolving the JOC and replacing it with a Joint Council consisting of all three service commanders and the Defence Secretary. The President con
Continued on page 6

Page 6
6 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 5
tinues to hold the ministerial portfolio of Defence in addition to his constitutional position of being the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces.
In the backdrop of the heavy losses suffered in recent months by his security forces at the hands of the Tigers, his rejection of recent peace moves by concerned international mediators and his characterisation of the northeast problem as one of terrorism, the presumption is that President Wijetunga himself took a deliberate decision to break the stalemate on the war front by confronting the Tigers militarily. Hence, the responsibility for the authorization and the ill-fated outcome of "Operation Yal Devi' must fairly and squarely lie with the President himself.
The operation was launched on 28 September and expected to last 15 days. It lasted just five days. Its stated aim was the capture of Kilali and then advance and capture Chavakachcheri within the Jaffna peninsula. But having advanced up to Kilali and destroyed some old and dilapidated boats, the troops not only failed to remain and consolidate their hold on captured territory, but retreated back to from
Continued from page 4
one to Trincomalee and one to Batticaloa. This would immediately generate plenty of jobs for people in the province as well as attract Tamils from the north to the east in search of jobs. Already as a result of the Mahaveli development strategies in the east new agricultural exports all adding to the incomes of the rural people. The Australian government has already started building an international airport in Hingusakgoda to service the new exports and once tourism develops the east will naturally benefit. Trincomalee can also be made into an export processing zone and an industrial enclave which will attract foreign investment and provide the foundation for an economic take-off. So if peace cannot be hammered out at the table, peace will be brought to a greater geographic area which will generate new employment and increased incomes leaving terrorism without the people.
Q: Will the proposals of the Committee be debated in Parliament? and, will some of them be inplemented?
A: It is possible that Parliament might appoint a smaller group of MPs to sit with a technical team to implement a constitutional change with a concept of federalism on lines similar to the Indian constitution.
where they started,
failed to achieve th moving the ability
running their boats As many as 125 sol officers, were killed them were seriously quantity of weaponr. tanks and armoure either destroyed or ) In this connection th pondent of The Su October) lamented:
man casualties, the ment worth million loss of equipment is
the gain to the enem
As for the Tigers, of their men includi were killed in batt losses, the Tigers ha played their capacity
| OP Bat
Internatational crick pell, Ian Botham, an would have been mo they knew that their known not only to gentleman's game, b weeks, to those run machine against sepa
At least by name among the assortme) Army Commander, Waidyaratne, gave h were executing "Oper a major military offe of Elephant Pass.
Greg Chappell was Major General Rol General Officer C northern sector. His mander, Brigadier W (Brigade Command Pass), was Ian Botha
The Colonels who brigades involved il were Col. Sarath F Col. Shantha Kotego Col. Sarath Munasin
Just before the cr September 28, the ported by air cover a leading their troops eration whose specific in the operation orde the fleet of boats an Base at Kilaly - then where the LTTE ope: vice to ferry civilians peninsula in open defi ment declared "no-go'
This was also an

Elephant Pass. It e objective of reof the Tigers of rvice from Kilali. diers, including 8 and over 250 of injured. A large 7, including battle d vehicles, were ost to the Tigers. Le defence corresnday Times (10 'Apart from huarmy lost equips of rupees. The costly in terms of y.' over one hundred ng senior cadres le. Despite their ve no doubt dis, in terms of men,
ERATONYA DEV
15 OCTOBER 1993
material and determination, to resist the onslaught of the Sri Lankan armed forces. The fact that the troops having captured Kilali thought it prudent to abandon it and return to base would appear to point to the recognition by the forces of the ability of the Tigers to come back and mount merciless guerrilla attacks. Not without justification, the LTTE has claimed that the troops advance into Jaffna was halted in the face of fierce Tiger resistance and counter-assault.
Although the main areas of the battle, Elephant Pass to Kilali, were sparsely populated, the indiscriminate aerial bombing by attack aircraft, and shelling from navy gunboats covered a much wider area and as the bombs and shells rained down hundreds of civilian deaths and injured and destruction of property were reported.
tle of No Victors
eters Greg Chapd Richard Hadlee ire than happy if names were well the lovers of the but in the recent ning the military aratist terrorists. , the trio were nt of code names Lt. Gen. Cecil his top men who ation Yal Devi'- nsive north west
the code name of nan Daluwatte, ommanding the Task Force Comasantha Perera ær at Elephant
headed the three the operation onseka (Namal), da (Vikum) and ghe (Hadlee). ack of dawn on three men supnd artillery were in a military opaim, as spelt out , was to destroy d the Sea Tiger erve centre from ated a boat serto and from the ance of a governZOe.
important base
from which the LTTE moved men and material from the Jaffna peninsula for its guerrilla campaign in the mainland. Tigers considered this as one of their strategic locations and fought fierce battles to keep it under their control.
For the Government it was a significant military operation. It came not only in the wake of the disbanding of the Joint Operations Command (JOC) and vesting the war effort in the hands of the service and police chiefs, but also in the immediate backdrop of President D.B. Wijetunga's declaration that there is no Tamil ethnic problem but only a "terrorist problem'.
Like the Yal Devi express train from Colombo to Jaffna in the peaceful yesteryears, one would have expected "Operation Yal Devi' to be on rails throughout the various stages of its execution. Day one, with little or no resistance except sporadic mortar fire from the terrorists buoyed hopes and fuelled visions of a major victory. So much so, media accounts are glowing.
But, just the second day, the exercise suffered a major setback. Colonel Sarath Fonseka was advancing with an infantry column from Pooneryn towards Chavakachcheri when they faced an unexpected ambush. This was after they had moved four kilometres out of Elephant Pass. They were attacked in strength. The men who moved on foot protecting the advancing Czechoslovak built Main Battle Tanks (MBTs) were fired upon, many of them at close quarters. As they

Page 7
15 OCTOBER 1993
dropped dead, the Tigers took on the isolated MBTs.
As women cadres provided fire support, their male colleagues fired Rocket Propelled Grenades (RPGs). Two tanks were soon ablaze with the men
inside. One more was damaged but
was still battleworthy. This single encounter left more than 70 soldiers, all from the same battalion, dead. An equal number including Col. Fonseka were wounded. He was promptly flown to Colombo and is now recuperating at the Army Hospital. Col. Susil Chandrapala (code name Arjuna) immediately took over his tasks.
As the battle hotted up, Tigers also attacked a moving column from the flank. But relentlessly the officers and nen, undaunted by the fate that befell their dead colleagues, pushed ahead with the week long operation to arrive at Kilali. . . . . .
When the exercise ended, 111 soldiers were killed and seven were missing in action. The latter included Captain Nanayakkara, a one time Aide de Camp (ADC) to Major General Y. Balaratnarajah. He had been nominated to be ADC to the Army Commander when the incident occurred.
Besides the two MBTs that were destroyed, security forces lost among others, ten Machine Guns, four Light Machine Guns (LMGs), 72 personal weapons (carried by soldiers), four RPGs two 16 mm mortars, grenade launchers, grenades and a large quantity of ammunition.
By their own admission Tigers lost 126. The number included five Majors' — Nahayan alias Nanen Singarasa Arulnayagam, Major Thushyanathan alias Dharmalingam, Suthanya alias Nadarajan Subashini, Senthuran Premnath alias Sithambaram Pillai Sivaruban (the Vadamaratchchi leader) and Yalisai alias Mano Thirulogasingham Selvarani. Around 40 civilians and an equal number of irregular ranks involved in casualty evacuation and other tasks were also reported killed. Security forces have established the identities of 91 of the Tigers killed so far.
Senior officers who took part in the operation said SLAFaircraft and helicopters had inflicted the most number of casualties and caused damage to hide-outs by their pin-point bombing.
SLAF's Director Operations, Air Commodore Anslem Peiris, a veteran of the terrorist war and Wing Commander Jayalath Weerakody, were working round the clock with the Army top brass who were directing operations from a crowded command room at Elephant Pass.
With the serious second day necessiti dead and the injure command room wer on the original aim There were sugges the aim should be m victory in the back pected debacle. Twi were inducted to th begun with six.
It was proposed th had seized Kilali further in an eastwa thus seize control o mass - a delicate 1 troops would have hi the enemy on theirl whilst ensuring th routes. Accomplishi brass argued, woul victory.
Government leade
from the battlefield á
a top level confere There were conflictil the outcome.
Some senior M argued that Govern approved the move t original aim of th wanted troops to ret tical sources, howeve such “military decisi political level. These ernment leaders told to make a decision af field commanders an ity in the somewhat is not disturbed by t)
The result was a w on October 4. At mid day, the LTTE res Kilali. The next day ance flights spotted boats. It is now know had removed a large from the area presur ance knowledge that under attack. Hence had been saved. T. confirmation yesterd service for civilians Kilali to Sinna Para
"Operation Yal D Times learnt, had be boards for almost thr was executed. At on ence held to make officer who was ask men to launch an flank was sceptical. pointed out that he to undertake what missions.
But in the days brass knocked into ational orders for "O One of the main

TAM TIMES 7
s debacle on the ating airlifting the d, top brass at the e soon re-thinking s of the operation. tions on whether hodified to clinch a drop of the unexo more battalions Le task which had
hat the troops who
should advance irdly direction and if a broader landmanoeuvre where ad to contend with eft and right sides Leir main supply ng this task, top ld signal greater
rs were consulted and the result was ence in Colombo. ng accounts about
ilitary officials ment leaders diso deviate from the e operation and urn to base. Polir, insisted that no on' was taken at sources said Govthose responsible ter consulting the ld ensuring securconsolidated east roop withdrawals.
rithdrawal at 6pm night on the same umed activity at
SLAF reconaissmore than 300 in that the Tigers number of boats nably on the adv, they would come a large number here was formal lay that the boat had resumed from nthan.
evi' The Sunday en on the drawing ee weeks before it e top-level confer
plans, a senior zed to deploy his assault from one
He had politely was not prepared he called suicide
that followed, top
shape the operperation Yal Devi'. deceptions when
troops moved out of Elephant Pass on September 28 took place from the Palaly Camp.
Under the command of Brigadier Anton Wijendra, troops moved out from Palaly and fought their way through for some five kilometres towards Atchuvely. Five soldiers were killed in the fighting that ensued and the troops returned to base later that evening.
Whilst these battles were raging in the north, commandos of the Special Forces Brigade under the charge o, Brigadier Janaka Perera, laid a suc. cessful ambush and killed ten terror. ists when they were establishing camps in preparation for the oncoming monsoon. The incident occurred on the Mullaitivu-Trincomalee border in an area named Angoda. Three weapons and a communications set were recovered.
The security forces expedition to Kilali has been at the expense of 111 dead, 187 wounded and seven missing in action. Apart from human casualties, they have lost equipment worth several million rupees. The loss of equipment is costly not only in terms of money but also of the gain to the enemy. What were the strategic gains of this costly exercise?
As a result of the operation, the sea route was temporarily denied to the LTTE. However, the withdrawal of the Army from Kilali has enabled the Tigers to re-establish the Sea Tiger Base and resume boat services between Kilali and Sinna Paranthan.
The Sunday Times learnt that defence experts assisting the Government were asking what has been the tactical and strategic value of "Operation Yal Devi'? They say that any successful military operation must achieve a tactical advantage which in . turn contributes to the strategic military and political aims. They contend that an operation not designed for such purpose is an ad hoc exercise and in the overall context meaningless.
Undeniably the operation has demonstrated the political will to resort
to a military solution. Apart from this,
what tactical advantage the operation has accrued to the conduct of the war is not clear. Also not clear is how such tactical advantage contributed to the overall war strategy.
It would appear that the whole aim of the operation in its tactical concept was to primarily destroy the LTTE base at Kilali. A secondary objective would have been to draw out the LTTE and to inflict maximum casualties.
The destruction of the LTTE would
Continued on page 9

Page 8
8 TAMIL TIMES
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Page 9
"1SOCTOBER 1993
NEWS REVIEW
Court Orders Removal
of TWO UNP Chief Ministers
The judgement of the Sri Lankan Court of Appeal delivered on 8 October has shattered the ruling United National Party's hopes of continuing to hold on to power in the southern and North Western Provincial Councils despite its failure to obtain an overall majority in elections held in May this year. The Court held that the appointment by the Governors of the UNP’s nominees as Chief Ministers of these Councils was unreasonable and illegal and directed the respective Governors to appoint the new Chief Ministers in accordance with the law.
The judgement of the Court was in the cases filed on behalf of Mr. G.M. Premachandra of the Democratic United National Front (DUNF) and Mr. Amarasiri Dodangoda of the Peoples Alliance (PA) - the two Councillors nominated for the post of Chief Ministers by the PA and DUNF which had contested the May elections as a coali
tion – in which t the legality of the Governors of the Chief Ministers.
On being presen copy of the judger led by the forme Gamini Dissanaya the NWP Provincia tagu Jayawickrem: tive but to swearDUNF's General S Premachandra on er, the Governor o vince, Mr. M.A. B; initially seen to be cuses for his reluct PA's Mr. Amarasi had the backing of Councillors - whi overall majority - a the SP Provincial after popular prote Mr. Dodangoda wa Minister of the Sou
With the admir two Councils fallin the opposition part ern Provincial Cou the control of the
Continued from page 7
certainly have dented the military credibility of the Tigers to some extent. In terms of human casualties, there has been a balance on both sides. In terms of equipment, not unnaturally in this type of warfare, the Army has suffered severe losses.
In this situation, had the army sustained itself in Kilali and held on to the territorial gains made, the military loss of face to the LTTE would have been more credible. It would certainly have lowered their esteem in the eyes of the populace and in turn had an impact on the drive to recruit more soldiers.
These long term disadvantages to the LTTE have been negated by the Army withdrawal as indeed the LTTE contention that the Army were unable to sustain themselves in the extended territory they secured - the corollary of which is that they will be unable to do so anywhere else. At least for the immediate term the Army will be confined to hit and withdraw operations.
Understandably the Army lacks the manpower to saturate any more territory than what they hold now. Hence the question is being asked: could not the Kilali Sea Tiger Base have been destroyed by aerial bombardment?
Much has been said that the Army cannot sustain itself in Kilali because of logistic dificulties encountered dur
ing oncoming mons the most flimsy a to make. This facto considered when planned. To repen ness in planning.
Last Tuesday, to Elephant Pass Cal the operation. Man the troops should Kilali which they se The pullout was SOE 8S E 88STE
But for the LTT machine was work footage shot by Ti tiously passed on and made news the York, where the U bly is in session, Na one-time Ministry campaign that Sri I attacking civilians tirade whenever th against it.
As the Sri Lank its 44th anniversa will undoubtedly l who sacrificed thei Today's celebrat tight security preca amidst reports tha ducting surveillanc which it had identi attack.
(Courtesy of Th.

TAMIL TIMES 9
hey had challenged
appointment by the UNP nominees as
ted with a certified ment by the DUNF r cabinet minister ke, the Governor of il Council, Mr. Monla had no alternain and appoint the secretary, Mr. G.M. 9 October. Howevf the Southern Proakeer Markar, was offering 'lame exance to appoint the ri Dodangoda who 22 PA and 6 DUNF ch constituted an as Chief Minister of Council. However, est demonstrations,
s sworn in as Chief :
thern Province. histration of these g into the hands of ies, and the Westİncil already under opposition led by
soons. This surely is hd naive statement or should have been the operation was t now shows weak
p brass gathered in
mp for a debrief of ly were agreed that have remained in 2cured at great cost. acknowledged by of failure. E, the propaganda ing overtime. Video igers was surreptito CNN television world over. In New N General Assemdesan Satyendra, a Secretary was on a Lankan troops were - the usual LTTE nere is an offensive
a Army celebrates ry today, thoughts inger on the men r lives.
ions come amidst utions countrywide t LTTE vas cone on some targets fied for retaliatory
e Sunday Times, 10.1093).
Background
In the elections held in May this year, the UNP secured overall majori ties in four of the seven Provincial. Councils, and its nominees were duly appointed as Chief Ministers. In the Western, North Western and Southern Provinces, none of the parties had an overall majority. In the Western Provincial Council (WPC), the party position was: 45 for the Peoples Alliance (PA), 43 for the UNP and 17 for the DUNF. The 17 DUNF Councillors in sworn affidavits submitted to the Governor of the Province, Mr. S. Sharvananda, declared their intention to support the PA nominee, Mrs. Chandrika Kumaranatunga to form the administration, and the Governor duly appointed her as Chief Minister.
In the North Western Province, the party positions were: UNP 25 seats; PA 18 seats; and DUNF 19 seats. In the Southern Province, the party positions were: UNP 27 seats; PA 22 seats; and DUNF 6 seats. Despite the fact that the UNP had no overall majorities in these two Councils, UNP nominees were sworn in as Chief Ministers. This was done in spite of the fact that the party managers of the PA and DUNF supported by individual affidavits from elected members of the two parties (who together constituted a majority in these Councils) had informed the respective Governors that the two parties were ready to jointly form the administration. They also had given the names of their nominees for the posts of Chief Ministers. Thus the Governors of these two provinces had acted differently from the course followed by the Governor of , the Western Province. t
The appointment of the UNP nominees as Chief Ministers in the Southern and North Western PCs produced predictable anger among the opposition parties and they accused
Continued on page 10
Mrs. Chandrika Bandaranaike, the UNP’s monopolistic hold on the political and administrative power at the provincial level has been broken substantially. The UNP, which held sway over all the seven Provincial Councils in the south of the island following the first PC elections held in 1989 which i the SLFP boycotted, now controls four Councils and the opposition parties control three Councils including the most populous Western Provincial : Council which covers the country's capital city, Colombo. The Northeast: Provincial Council was dissolved in March 1990 and it has been under, direct central government rule through the Governor and where no elections have been held ever since.

Page 10
1o TÄMs. TIMEs
Continued from page 9
the ruling UNP of bring pressure upon the Governors to act in the way they did. The opposition alleged that the Governors of these provinces had acted unlawfully in swearing-in the UNP Chief Ministers when the UNP did not control a majority in those Councils.
A delegation led by Opposition Leader, Mrs. Sirima Bandaranaike met President Wijetunga to urge him to advise the Governors to change their mind and appoint the persons chosen by the PA and DUNF as Chief Ministers. The President had pointed out to them that the Governors were empowered by the Constitution to call upon whoever, in their opinion, had the most support to form the administration, and had expressed his unwillingness to interfere in the exercise of their constitutional powers.
Article 154B of the Constitution provides as follows:
"The Governor shall appoint as Chief Minister the member of the Provincial Council constituted for that Province who in his opinion is best able to command the support of a majority of the members of that Coипcil: Provided that where more than onehalf of the members elected to a Provincial Council are members of one political party, the Governor shall appoint the leader of that political party in the Council as Chief Minister.' In plain words, the position is that where a political party had secured more than fifty percent of the seats, the Governor had no option but to appoint its leaders as the Chief Minister. If no party secured more than fifty percent of the seats, he should appoint as Chief Minister a Councillor who in his opinion is best able to command the support of a majority of the members of that Council. In the case of the Southern and North Western PCs, as none of the parties had secured more than fifty percent of the seats just as in the case of the Western Province, the Governors should have acted in the same way as the Governor of the Western Province did in appointing their Chief Ministers.
In the SPC and NWPC, although
the UNP was the single largest party, it had the support of less than fifty percent of the Councillors. The Councillors belonging to the PA and DUNF had in writing notified the respective Governors of their intention to support the PA nominee in the SPC and the DUNF nominee in the NWPC to form an administration. In these two PCs, the UNP although being the single
largest party, had ni be able to 'command majority of members
these circumstances ernors formed the UNIP could commar these Councils was
hension, and their act UNP Chief Ministers nothing but perverse what the Court of A recent judgement in
tions of the respecti unlawful.
k Anura’s R From S
The euphoria in Sri L ranks in capturing p Provincial Councils in island following the order removing the U tions in these Counci Anura Bandaranail announcement on 1. resignation from Sr opposition Sri Lanka Naturally overjoyed tical bonanza that his bring to the ruling Party and its prospe power at next year party's General S Sirisena Cooray, lost tending an open inviti join the UNP.
Anura’s resignatio not look like a polit The critical issue wa allegiance of the mot) to the daughter. An former Prime Ministe groomed by his moth Minister and curren SLFP, Mrs. Sirima B the future leader of th by his own father, ha heads for the last tw mother over the incre role that his sister, Bandaranaike, has b the affairs of the party the SLFP and becom. ter of the Western Pr and having won ove her side in the battle v Chandrika's position leadership has becom assailable and with th Anura, every indicat would take over the l party once her mothe up.
Anura was suspend ty some three months pline – criticising the the leadership in the affairs were being run of lack of democracy v
 

) such support to the support of a of the Council. In how the Govpinion that the d a majority in beyond compreion in appointing was described as . That is exactly ppeal said in its declaring the acve Governors as
esignation LFP
anka’s opposition ower in two more the south of the
Supreme Court NPʼs administrals was marred by ke’s unexpected October of his i Lanka's main
Freedom Party. by the likely poliresignation may United National cts for regaining 's elections, the Secretary, Mr. , no time in exation to Anura to
n certainly does ical resignation. as the switch of her from the son ura, son of two rs, himself once 2r, former Prime t leader of the andaranaike, as he SLFP founded s been at loggero years with his asingly powerful Mrs. Chandrika egun to play in 7. Since rejoining ing Chief Minisovincial Council, her mother to with her brother, within the SLFP ne virtually unhe resignation of ion is that she eadership of the r decides to give
ed from the par} ago for indisciparty leader and way the party's . He complained vithin the party.
15 OCTOBER 1993
No charges were served on him although press speculation referred to some 17 instances of indiscipline in respect of which the party's central committee would hold an inquiry. It is said that what annoyed Anura more was that, during his suspension and consequent inability to attend the party's central committee meetings, an anti-Anura group which has entrenched itself at leadership level was engaged in a witch-hunt against all those who were known to be Anura loyalists. They were being removed from all positions of influence in the party even at branch level. By removing himself from the party, he thought that he could put a stop to the witchhunt against long standing loyal party loyalists.
In his resignation letter, Anura said that he was forced by events engineered and manipulated by a few conspirators who have taken absolute and total control of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) to take this decision. I cannot suffer this humiliation any longer and the most honourable thing left for me to do is resign."
The resignation of Anura has shocked the party. Even those who wanted Anura out of the party never imagined that he would resign. Mrs. Bandaranaike is reported to have reacted as if she had been struck by a thunderbolt. Seventeen of the 65 MPs in the SLFP contingent would appear to have offered to resign from the party in solidarity with Anura, but he had dissuaded them from doing so.
Many who constitute his right-ofcentre wing within the party feel that Anura should be persuaded to withdraw his resignation and that his suspension should be removed and he should be reinstated in his position as All Island Organiser of the party, a position he held before his suspension. They feel that with his departure "the moderate and liberal image' of the party will suffer and the ruling UNP would capitalise on the issue which will seek to portray the SLFP as being in the grip of 'extremist left forces.’
On the other hand the anti-Anura forces within the SLFP see no alternative but to let him go his own way. To them he represents the faction which is moving towards the right and he is out of tune with the left leaning substantial sections both at leadership and grassroots level. With his continuing to remain within the party, they see continuing factional fighting rendering the party incapable of becoming an effective anti-UNP force. They believe that unity and stability within the SLFP can be restored only without Anura.

Page 11
帘gó6föäbg3
Anura is not known for his hard work. The main complaint about his lack of activism is that he wakes up too late in the mornings. But he had led the party and functioned as Opposition Leader when his mother was in the political wilderness after she was deprived of her political and civil rights during the regime of former President Junius Jayawardene. He has been an effective and able parliamentary debater. He is no mean public speaker at mass meetings. Being a Bandaranaike, he cannot be said to have no support at all from the people. His departure from the SLFP would have an impact on the SLFP's chances of returning to power. Worse still is if he were to respond positively to the UNP's invitation, joins it and campaigns against the SLFP.
Although the mother-son relationship has been at a highly strained level in the past, those close to Mrs. Bandaranaike confirm that she is "extremely saddened by the turn of events' which has resulted in her son having to leave the "party founded by his father'. There are moves being made behind the scene by family members of the Bandaranaike clan to bring back Anura into the fold.
Ar Crisis in the DMK Over Tiger Threat
The Dravida Munetra Kalagam (DMK), the main opposition party in the State of Tamil Nadu in south India, is facing a major crisis set off by recent reports based on intelligence information passed on from New Delhi to the State government that the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was planning to assassinate the DMK leader, Mr. Muthuvelu Karunanidhi with a view to promoting the chances of its populist and relatively younger parliamentarian, Mr. V. Gopalaswamy becoming the party's leader.
The State government led by Chief Minister Ms. Jayalalitha Jayaram, who is also reputed to be on the hit list of the LTTE, passed on the intelligence received from Delhi to the DMK leader who promptly accepted special security arrangements offered by the State government to protect him from possible threats to his life. The Tamil Tigers strenuously denied the allegation characterising the intelligence reports as a deliberate campaign by the Indian intelligence agency, RAW, to discredit the LTTE in the eyes of the people of Tamil Nadu. There is no doubt that the news of the alleged threat to the DMK leader from the Tigers has aroused much consternation among many sections of the Tamil Nadu
-ബ v
population. This react have adverse conseq plight of Sri Lankan T the State.
Whether there is a truth in the reporte DMK leader from th tainly has brought ou the long simmering ! DMK between its Karunanidhi and V. G the centre of this d question of the success leadership. It is not a Karunanidhi was aspirations of his son to succeed him as th party. A powerful ma darling of the party's Mr. Gopalaswamy w have developed his ow succeed the ageing DM recent past, there has of forces as between Git Stalin supporters in contest.
On receiving the ir the State governmen nidhi himself revealed alleged threat to his LTTE, and the party' by the leader himself publicity to what was conference together w the DMK’s office ha with telephone calls from anxious party me of the public about the of the leader.
Faced with these re complicity on his par wamy went public wit ment openly disavowi tions with the Tamil T ing unflinching and ab his leader Karunan promised to lay down guard his leader. Butt paper did not give hi. publicity it deserved.
What intrigued mos why Mr. Karunanidh public with the thr allegedly from the Ta cially when one of th own party, who was implicated without ev self of an opportunity matter with him.
Mr. Gopalaswamy in the past to have advocate of the LTTE a separate state of Ee fighting between the Tamil Tigers in 1989. sited the Tiger leader Prabhakaran who was jungles of Mulaitivu Lanka incurring the Central Governmen

TAMILTIMES 11
"تن= ܣܘܣܩܡ ܣܢܝܩܝ̈ܣܩܫܩܡܚ̈ܝ̈ܘܣܝܘܡ̈ܢ̣ܗܲܝ̈
on will certainly uences for the amil refugees in
ny substance or
d threat to the 2 Tigers, it cerut into the open feud within the veteran leader opalaswamy. At
ispute was the
sion to the DMK secret that Mr. promoting the Mr. M.K. Stalin Le leader of the iss speaker and youth sections, ould appear to 'n aspirations to IK leader. In the been a rallying opalaswamy and this leadership
formation from t, Mr. Karunato the press the s life from the s journal edited gave front page said at the press rith reports that d been flooded and messages 2n and members
physical safety
ports of alleged t, Mr. Gopalash a press stateing any connecigrs and swearsolute loyalty to lidhi. He even
his life to safehe party's newss statement the
it observers was ii, himself went eat to his life mil Tigers espee leaders of his also an MP was an availing him
to discuss the
nas been known
been a strong and its cause for lam. During the
IPKF and the , he secretly vi', Mr. Velupillai holed up in the in northern Sri hostility of the t and causing
much embarrassment to the DMK leader.
While partymen loyal to Karunanidhi continue to accuse Gopalaswamy of being actually in league with the LTTE to bring down its leader, Gopalaswamy's supporters emphasise that the whole thing is a plot invented by . the RAW, Jayalalitha's AIADMK and Karunanidhi to oust Gopalaswamy from the DMK.
The irony is that in 1991, it was the alleged close connections between Karunanidhi's State government and the Tamil Tigers and his turning a blind eye to LTTE's alleged criminal misdeeds in the State that led to his government being dismissed and central rule being imposed. The subsequent assassination of Rajiv Gandhi, widely believed to be by the LTTE, reduced the DMK to a virtual nonentity in the State Assembly in the elections held in 1991 and brought to power the AIADMK with Jayalalitha at its helm.
Since then, Karunanidhi who earlier used Gopalaswamy to build bridges with the LTTE at a time when the Sri Lankan Tamil issue was occupying a higher profile in Tamil Nadu's political agenda, began to distance himself from the Tigers and has been relatively silent on the issue of the Sri Lankan
Continued on page 19

Page 12
12 TAMIL TIMES
ETHNIC CONFLCT: 1983
Root Cause: Undepend
of the State
by Izeth Hussain
(Continued from last issue).
I come now to the question preoccupying the public mind ten years after 1983. Where do we go from here?
There is apparently a broad national consensus in favour of a negotiated settlement and against attempting a
military solution. Accordingly the
Government's strategy is to see that the LTTE's support base among the
Tamils gets more and more eroded as a consequence of increasing economic
hardship in the North-East, which will
hopefully lead to the taming of the
Tiger making a negotiated settlement possible. At present there seems to be no sensible alternative to that strategy, considering the impasse to
which we have been brought by post
1977 UNP folly.
However the consensus is being increasingly challenged by the demand that the economy and the country be placed on a war footing. The demand seems to have behind it illusions about a possible military solution. Such illusions have firstly to be got out of the way in answering the question, where do we go from here?
Our soldiers can certainly take Jaff. na, probably with heavy combatant and civilian casualties. The problem is what happens thereafter. Guerrilla warfare can be expected to continue, and here we have to take into our reckoning the fact that the LTTE is internationally recognized as the best guerrilla fighting force in the world today, and further we have to remember the discomfiture of the superpowers in facing guerrilla warfare in Vietnam and Afghanistan as well as the IPKF experience in taking Jaffna and eventually losing over a thousand men. The problem is that a guerrilla war has to be won by taking the minds and hearts of the people, not by taking territory. We can take Jaffna and find that our difficulties are compounded.
The experience elsewhere in the world of trying military solutions for ethnic conflicts has not been encouraging. For many years the Kurd rebellion was fuelled by Iranian support. In 1975 the Shah of Iran withdrew that support in terms of a quid pro quo arrangement with Iraq, and the Kurd rebellion quickly collapsed. It looked
like a successful milit ethnic rebellion. Bu still continues as a st not for the fact that tute a problem in | including Turkey the US, we can be sure math of the Gulf Wa would have set up a tan state. It is not th allow an ethnic conf finitely.
The case of Nigeri lion in the latter ha also instructive. In a to three years ovel killed, and the rebell the blocking of food ensuing famine. Sinc Biafra have lived their fellow Nigeria look like a military ethnic conflict. Whi pened was that the North as well as othe groups showed a sen tiveness towards eac war was over, havin from their ethnic fo well remembered, as that recently Gen aborted democratic fear that the folly oft again lead to ethnic
The hankering aft tion, in spite of an national consensus a understandable beca ating to find after te that we are nowhere settlement, and also sional humiliations li an irrational hanker We can take Jaffna, ing that we milita LTTE, we may still fi problem cannot be negotiated settlemer the Kurd rebellion ( with periods in whic practically over, shou instructive for us.
I want now to arg lem of reaching a ment has proved in mainly because we h should be an obvious solution to a proble

15 ΟOTOBER 1993
ability
ary solution to an it revived, and erious problem. If the Kurds constiseveral countries NATO ally of the that in the afterur the Americans separate Kurdise wisest policy to ict to go on inde
a's Biafran rebellf of the sixties is brief period of two a million were ion was ended by supplies and the e then the Ibos of contentedly with ns, which might solution to an at actually hapMuslims of the r Nigerian ethnic sible accommodah other after the g learnt a lesson ly. The lesson is shown by the fact eral Babaginda elections out of he politicians will problems. er a military soluapparently firm gainst it, is quite use it is exasperyears of conflict near a negotiated because of occake Weli Oya. It is ing all the same. and even assumrily defeat the hd that the ethnic ended without a t. The phases of ver the decades, it seemed to be ld be particularly
ue that the probegotiated settletractable so far ave ignored what premise that the n should address
the problem, or it will not be solved. We have over-simplified the problem as a whole by recognizing only the problems caused by the intransigence and undependability of the LTTE, and the supposedly excessive claims to federalism and a North-East merger made by the other Tamil parties. We have been ignoring the root problem from which those other problems derive, which is the undependability of the State. We have to ask whether the post-1977 UNP State can be expected to respect the sanctity and inviolability of agreements.
The record of the State in reneging on commitments has been dismal. That record includes going back on the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayagam Pact and the Dudley Senana yake - Chelvanayagam understanding. It is arguable that both those Sinhalese leaders were honourable men who meant well, and certainly wanted to implement those agreements but could not because of popular opposition.
It is an argument that does not apply to what happened after 1977. There was no popular opposition to the District Development Councils, which could have gone a long way to appease the Tamil demand for devolution. But the Jaffna DDC polls of 1981 were blatantly rigged, and the operation of the DDCs was thereafter made a farce. After the IPKF came here in 1987, the Indian side complained that the Peace Accords were not being implemented. On the occasion when a Special Envoy was sent to Colombo, the Indian complaint was that the Sri Lankan side had gone back on an agreed position by the time he returned to Delhi. The Provincial Councils could have been used to show that further devolution is unnecessary, if only they had been made to function properly. Instead they have been made farcical as shown by Chandrika Kumaranatunge's complaint that as Chief Minister she is no more than a glorified Chief Clerk.
In the preceding para I have referred only to matters directly relevant to the ethnic problem. Equally relevant to the problem of the undependability of the State is the pathological drive shown by the post-1977 UNP against standards of public morality, meaning not just the age-old hypocrisies of governments but actual attacks on public morality, as shown by the immediate promotion of police officers convicted by the Supreme Court of human rights violations, and the famous case of the convicted rapist who was pardoned and then made an all-Island Justice of the Peace. Evidently he could have said with Shakeseare’s Othello: “I have done the State some service and they knowe.’

Page 13
15 ocTOBER 1993
Under the present Government the
Udugampola affair has provoked a spate of outraged letters and editorials in the non-Government press. In this context of blatant disdain for the most elementary standards of public morality, it is questionable whether many Sinhalese have confidence that the Government will stand by its commitments. Can we really expect the Tamils to show confidence that the State will abide by the terms of a negotiated settlement?
It is certainly arguable that the LTTE has proved so intractable a problem up to now because of the sundependability of the State. It may be that the LTTE itself has not been serious about a negotiated settlement because it really wants nothing short of Eelam. However its support base can be eroded because of the economic costs of its strategy to the Tamils in the North-East, and it can be progressively isolated as shown by the fact that practically every other Tamil party has turned against it. In other words, it is theoretically possible to force the LTTE into a situation where it has to accept something short of Eelam.
Why has that not been possible so far? It is obvious that the LTTE continues to have substantial support among the Tamils. Otherwise it cannot possibly function as the redoubtable guerrilla force that it is. Very probably the support is largely negative support, meaning that many Tamils cannot see an alternative to the LTTE because they believe that should it be completely destroyed the Tamils can expect to get little or nothing from the State. The LTTE can certainly argue that all the very terrible sufferings inflicted by the rebellion on the Tamils as well as others will go for nought if it lays down arms and negotiates a settlement while none can be sure that the State will abide by its terms. It can be argued therefore that the State's undependability stands in the way of the total erosion of support for the LTTE.
The insistence of the other Tamil parties on federalism and a NorthEast merger can also be explained in terms of the undependability of the State. We can ask why a minority should want anything more than fair and equal treatment when the majority itself wants no more than that. Why the Tamil insistence on devolution and a homeland when fair and equal treatment can be given without any such special arrangements? The Sinhalese belief is that the Tamils want such arrangements as steppingstones towards Eelam. A more plausible answer is that the Tamils want
special arrangem and equal treatm well, not just at p.
The term feder in different ways. important behind for federalism is t.
at the centre shi
dismiss the Prov just as it likes, an Under India's qua state government sed willy-nilly, to gard for democrat 1977 UNP State
over-bearing, unp democratic than t the Tamils obvio system of devoluti ism will be made
Hence what looks able demand for f Tamil parties exce man’s CWC. The ence on a North-E. have for its rati sufficient living-s) Tamils in the Sc should the State g ated settlement. T hind the intransig and what might
demands from the is the undependab
I have argued in ethnic problem in form is not the re communalism oft) but of State or UN which is the proble chical drive in the by the anti-democr UNP. I have argu root-problem prev settlement is the the State, which m whether it will re and inviolability terms of those arg problem has to be peculiar character UNP State. To sol lem, therefore, we problem of the Sta
In looking for present imbroglio, tral importance to make it decisive. I the ten years after people have intera Tamils in the Sol most extreme pr view that fact go invalidate the cla what is really ir lishing the claim to is not the debatab for it but the ques two communities ( not. The Sinhales

TAMILTIMES 13
2nts to secure fair their answer. However, while the fact !nt in the future as of peaceful interaction goes a long way esent. to invalidate the claim to Eelam, it 2 ------- * does not go the whole way because W there is still the problem of the State. the Tamil demand The Sinhalese and the Tamils may be at the Government able to live together, but the Tamils uld not be able to may not be able to live with the State. incial governments It might seem to some Sri Lankans d nullify devolution. that the way out of the present imsi-federalism system broglio would be to negotiate a settles have been dismis- ment under international auspices, ino often without re- cluding guarantees for its observance ic norms. The post- by the UN, SAARC, or the Commonhas been far more wealth. They may be willing to offer' principled, and un- themselves as mediators, but it is very : he one in India, and doubtful that they will accept the role usly fear that any of guarantors as that will require an on less than federal- undertaking that they will intervene farcical in practice. to force the State or the LTTE to like an unreason- observe the terms of the settlement. 2deralism by all the Furthermore, in agreeing to any such 'pt for Mr. Thonda- thing we will be agreeing in advance to unanimous insist- a serious compromise of our sovereignast merger seems to ty. Yet another point is that such onale a desire for agreements could misfire badly for the pace to which the reason that should the State be seen to uth can gravitate be going back on commitments other
o back on a negoti- countries may come to feel that they he root-problem be- should recognize Eelam. gence of the LTTE There is no alternative to our deal
look like excessive ing with the problem of the State if we other Tamil parties are to get to grips with the ethnic ility of the State. problem. In terms of my definition of this article that the the ethnic problem as the problem of its present militant the State and not of the people, the sult of the alleged conclusion can be drawn that the he Sinhalese people people's will must prevail over the, P terrorism, behind State if the ethnic problem is to be em of a mad hierar- solved. We have to assert the supState compounded remacy of the civil society over the acy of the post-1977 State. In other words we must restore ed further that the a fully functioning democracy, mean2nting a negotiated ing not just that there are free and fair iš undependability of elections but also that the people have akes it questionable democratic rights enabling them to aspect the sanctity control, or at least influence, the State of agreements. In in between elections. uments, the ethnic However, democracy may not by seen in terms of the itself make the State solve the ethnic of the post-1997 problem. The difficulty is that the ve the ethnic prob- power of the modern State, which we have to solve the must remember has in its hands the
te. means of legitimate violence against a way out of the the people, can be very dreadful. We we must give cen- may have a fully functioning democra
one fact and try to cy and yet fail to control or influence t is the fact that in the State to any significant extent. 1983 the Sinhalese Democracy is the best conceivable cted peacefully with answer to the age-old problem of uth in spite of the tyranny. It is not a nostrum for all the ovocations. In my ills of mankind. Democracy may help, pes a long way to but we have to go beyond it if we are to uim to Eelam. For really promote a solution of the ethnic nportant in estab- problem.
separate statehood I believe that the crucial desiderle historical ground atum is public morality. As I have tion of whether the argued the essential problem is the
{#if: ဖူးငုံဂိ† Continued on page 23

Page 14
14. TAM TIMES,
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Page 15
15 OCTOBER 1993
THE TAM NATIONAL QUES
SRI LANKA: SOME REFLECT
Obstacles to Pea
by N. Shanmugaratnam
Continued from last issue.
imposition of the Military Option and Geo-Politicisation of the National Question
The behaviour of the government in the wake of the violence of July 1983 once again showed that the government had failed to learn the lessons from the point of view of its own economic model and more importantly, the future of the Lankan society. Seeing its Sinhala Buddhist legitimacy at stake, the government went as far as it could to please the Sinhala chauvinist lobby which did not appear to be satisfied with the seven days of destruction and the exodus of more than 100,000 Tamils as refugees into India. The government amended the constitution to ban the demand for a separate Tamil state and unseat the TULF MPs from parliament. With this act of monumental temerity, the government closed the only direct channel of communication it had with the Tamil community. Thus was sealed the parliamentary road for the Tamils and any possibility of a negotiated solution. Now, the conflict's militarisation became inevitable. So was its more explicit geo-politicisation. By its short-sighted moves, the Lankan government had provided greater degrees of freedom and legitimacy to the Indian government to intervene in the conflict.
The anti-Tamil violence of July and the belligerence of the government drove thousands of Tamil boys and girls into the militant movements. These movements enjoyed support from the people and government of Tamil Nadu and the patronage of the central government to varying degrees. In the aftermath of July 1983, the Tamil liberation groups saw military training and arms as the immediate and the most important priority. This made them relegate basic politicall issues to a secondary or tertiary status. Putting the military above the
Dr. N. Shanmugaratnam is a Senior Economist, Noruwegian Centre For International Agricultural Development, Norway, and Visiting Professor, Ryukoku University, Јарат.
political, and therefol and act politically to tion of a united front program, all the mail compete with each ot from the Indian sta tion was one of the f oted internecine con of their political u and disunity, the m tions became easy machinations of th which sought a resolu an conflict in a way did not undermine, terests.
The signing of Accord was preceded devastating war in th some failed attempts settlement. The Acco fail due to reasons obvious from the be preceding years, w nationalism had deel la-Tamil divide. The riers that prevented ments from honourin Pacts had become Moreover, the situati side had changed di pared to that of 1957 government had to parliamentary party but with movement militarily, which we time locked in inter The TULF had been vion, partly as a resu ment's ban and partly ity to enter the arm LTTE had gained sup hilating or militarily other groups. Unlike instances, when the Pacts came only from now Tamil nationali more intense and mili was now the decisive militant Thamil Eela ary supremacy, it was effectively oppose an which it was not a p people themselves hac the Sinhala leadershi reneged on its comm previous occasions. T was not a product negotiation and peace
 

TAMIL TIMES 15
C0
te, failing to think yward the formawith a minimum h groups began to her for patronage te. This competiactors that promlicts. As a result nderdevelopment ilitant organisavictims of the he Indian state ution of the Lankhat promoted, or its national in
the Indo-Lanka by four years of e North-East and at a negotiated rd was doomed to that were quite aginning. In the var and ethnopened the Sinha! structural barLankan governg the earlier two
even stronger. on on the Tamil *amatically comor 1965. Now the deal not with a
like the TULF s challenging it re at the same 'necine conflicts. driven into oblilt of the governdue to its inabiled struggle. The remacy by anni
weakening the
in the previous resistance to the the Sinhala side, sm had turned itant. The LTTE force. With its mism and milits in a position to y agreement to arty. The Tamil become wary of p because it had itments on two he Accord itself of a process of -making involv
ing the Lankan government and the main Tamil organisations. Instead, it was signed by the Indian and Lankan governments without the participation of the LTTE or any other militant
groups or the TULF and presented to , the Tamils as a fait accompli. The !
Accord and the coming of the IPKF led
to a war between the LTTE and IPKF
in the North-East, a beleaguered Provincial Council with dwindling popularity at Trincomalee, and a new opportunist alliance between the Lankan government and the LTTE.
The JVP, SLFP and the Jathika Chinthanaya fringe attacked the gov. ernment for signing a pact with "expansionist India' and began a virulent
ly chauvinist campaign. Predictably, the government openly sabotaged the . Accord to appease the Sinhala
chauvinist lobby. India found itself entrenched in an unpopular war in the Tamil speaking areas, and unable to keep its side of the bargain. India took upon itself a dubious dual role: as the grand patron of the Tamils and an "honest broker' at the same time. At the end of the Accord-phase, its credibility was highly diminished in the first role and almost totally lost in the second. The outcome of the Accord -
although it contained some of the basic
elements for a viable solution to the national question - turned out to be disastrous for the Tamil people and for Peace in Sri Lanka. The war continues and with it the structural barriers to resolution of the conflict.
The Parliamentary Select Committee: A Prisoner of Sinhala Buddhist Hegemony
A more recent attempt came in the form of the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) appointed by the government to find an all party consensus on a political solution to the national question. However, the two main Sinhala parties-UNP, i.e. the government itself, and SLFP - avoided pre
senting their proposals to the PSC and
engaged themselves in moves behind
the scenes to sabotage the whole pro
cess by flirting with the so-called Srini
vasan proposal. Finally, when the exasperated Chairman decided to take a
vote on the merger of the North and East, they demanded in one voice the de-merger of the two provinces against
the consensus of the Tamil parties that
had stated their case for the merger. At last, the UNP and SLFP took a
united stand but, alas, only to make
the whole exercise of the PSC futile. The point is not that the two regions should be merged without a Tamil
Muslim consensus but that the UNP and SLFP failed to offer any positive
Continued on page 16

Page 16
10S. TAM TIMES
Continued from page 15
alternatives and participate in an open dialogue. The deliberations of the PSC showed that neither the UNP nor the SLFP had changed its old position or attitude even after all these years of bloodshed and destruction. They seem to be playing the same old cynical game of not giving a chance to the other to cry "foul".
Limits of Sinhala Ethno-nationalism
The Lankan society is well into the fourth decade of Sinhala Buddhism as the ruling ethno-nationalism. In 1956, Mr. Bandaranaike announced the coming of the era of the 'Common Man', of course. He and his successors promised to rectify the "historical injustices' suffered by the Sinhalese people and to give them a better life. However, the majority of the Sinhalese people continue to suffer from inadequate and/or declining entitlements to varying degrees. The numbers of urban and rural poor have been growing in the Sinhala areas. The frustrations of the Sinhala rural youth have been growing in intensity due to unemployment and a deepening feeling of alienation from the mainstream of Sinhala politics. These frustrations found a violent expression in the JVP-led insurrection of 1971. The JVP phenomenon revived with greater violence in the 1980s. The Sinhalese people have experienced the brutal nature of the Sinhala-Buddhist state on many occasions since 1971. Since 1977, human rights violations have been increasing in the South. The Sinhalese society has been terrorised and brutalised by the state and the anti-state forces. All this shows that the ruling ethno-nationalism has failed to solve the basic problems for them and for their imagined enemies, i.e. the Tamils and Muslims.
The UNP seems to be adopting a strategy of not allowing a repeat of July 1983 in Colombo and of continuing the war in the North-East without letting it seriously damage the investment climate in the south. This is an attempt to continue with the economic policy without taking any decisive step to solve the national question. The price paid by the government and the society for this shortsighted opportunist option is tremendous. It includes reduced investment and economic growth rates, rising military and relief expenditures, loss of human lives, destruction of capital assets and loss of production in the North-East, loss of people's confidence in the government, and the continuation of authoritarianism and brutalisation. Experience shows that the war in the North-East cannot be
isolated from the re and that the whole co The current economi four per cent is moc the targets set by
itself. It is a decla government to transf Newly Industrialisin like the southeast As year 2000. This is sin at the present rate industrialisation. Om preventing the go achieving its aim e time-frame than it h the political instabilit caused by the war a solution to the nation the price the Lankan is not for an economic take it into the famill; or later but to keep
counter-productive and communalism in to be in power and fo arms dealers, to acc This is a most telling
UNP government wh ing for sixteen years.
However, the cur does not provide any al of the populist ec( the past. On the othe up the challenge of and development wi which the SLFP, JV ethno-nationalist ol are not capable of secular, forward lool opposition can face ul challenges.
Thamil Eelamism Disunity, lintolerant of Liberation
The Tamil Libera been plagued by int. chauvinism, sectaria ism. It has been cyni by the Indian state t al interests. Tamil ch divisive tactics of t have created a seric conflict. In the postTamil nationalism going modifications i coercive operations ( state and the heg competing Tamil From the early Than (1972-83), the mair had failed to reform discourse on Tham! communalist terms dence of the Muslir progressive forces in leading groups were ing the Muslims "Isla out breaking away Tamil ethnocentrism

15 OCTOBER 1993
st of the society .
untry is affected. c growth rate of lest compared to the government red aim of the Orm Lanka into a g Country (NIC) ian states by the ply unattainable of growth and e of the factors vernment from ven in a longer as set for itself is y and disruptions ind the lack of a al question. Thus society is paying miracle that will y of NICs in 2000 the structures of authoritarianism tact for the UNP r a few, including 'umulate wealth. indictment on the ich has been rul
rent conjuncture space for a revivonomic policies of er hand, it throws democratisation th social justice, P and the other pposition groups meeting. Only a cing multi ethnic to this and other
and Militarism:
ce and Negation
tion struggle has rnecine conflicts, nism and militarcally manipulated O serve its nationauvinism and the he Lankan state us Tamil-Muslim July 1983 phase, has been under
n response to the
of the Sri Lankan emonic needs of militant groups. il Eelamist phase
militant groups ulate the political l Eelam in nonto win the confin people and the the South. The content with callmic Tamils' withfrom the narrow of the past. They
were not able to do away with the traditional Jaffna-centred practice of Tamil politics either; with time and with the rise of the LTTE as the de facto state in the areas under its control, Thamil Eelamism has turned into an exclusivist, chauvinist and militarist ideology within growing intolerance toward Muslim and Sinhala civilians. The chronicle of ethnic pogroms commited by Tamil militants from the Anuradhapura massacre of 1985 to the more recent Medirigiriya killings and the expulsion of the Muslim people from their traditional homelands in the North-East are among the most dangerous manifestations of a militarist Thamil Eelam chauvinismo
The anti-Muslim violence has created deep feelings of insecurity among the Muslims and estranged them from the Tamil community. This has catalysed the growth of communalist forces among the Muslims. The Tamil people in the North-East have become the unfortuante captives of LTTE's coercive and ideological power apparatus. The vast majority of them have been forced to be the traumatised and silent spectators of a war in which the LTTE is claiming to be fighting on their behalf for their liberation. With the same apparatus of power, the Muslim people have been excluded from the homeland they have shared with the Tamils for centuries. All these constitute a negation of the liberation struggle and derailed the struggle from its appointed course and rendered the whole project of a free Thamil Eelam unfeasible. The Tamil-Muslim conflict has severely undermined the most vital Tamil demand for a merged North-East homeland, and created new obstacles to peace. After forty years of demanding a homeland and a decade of armed struggle, the Tamils of North-East are left with an irreparably damaged case for a merged territorial unit. It is a sad irony of the Tamil liberation struggle that, after ten years of a bloody war for Thamil Eelam, the Tamils have lost their moral and political grounds to claim a merged North-East territory. This self inflicted wound is the result of the failure of the Tamil leadership to unconditionally accept that the NorthEast is also the homeland of the Muslims.
However, Tamil nationalism will continue to thrive as long as the Tamil people remain oppressed by the Lankan state. The other side of this is that, in the present circumstances, the Tamils will remain repressed by the very nationalist forces claiming to be their liberators. A growing number of people in the North-East and their kith and kin residing outside yearn for

Page 17
15 OCTOBER 1993 -
an early political settlement that will put an end to the gun-culture that has taken over the Tamil homeland. A distressing aspect of the war in the North-East is the continuing depopulation of the area. Death, displacement and the Tamil Diaspora are depleting the human resources of the Tamil society with serious socioeconomic consequences. It seems that this demographgic disruption is irreversible in the short-run."
The progressive forces in the NorthEast are violently suppressed by both the Lankan state and the LTTE. The latter's sectarianism and militarist liquidationism have driven the politically more underdeveloped Tamil groups into collaborating with the state. By choosing to ally with the state, these groups have alienated themselves from the Tamil people and their cause and shown their inability to raise themselves to a higher political level and contribute to the growth of an alternative force in the North-East. A decade of Tamil struggle shows that the idea of a united front against the common enemy, i.e. the state, is totally alien to the main militant groups. The LTTE has eonsistently worked against a broader unity of the liberation forces and usedall the force it could to thwart any move toward unity. The leftist groups that advocated a united front and a democratic program were very small, and physically constrained by the 'warlordism’ of the dominant groups. However, the rise of a secular opposition in the South will provide a great stimulus for the activation of the progressive forces among the Tamils, and both of these in turn can be expected to inspire the forces fighting communalism among the Muslims. This link should serve as a basis to build a mass movement for decommunalizing the Lankan society.
Toward Peace and Resolution
Two broken Pacts, one failed Indo-Lanka Accord and a Parliamentary Select Committee that could not even find a consensus on a political solution, and almost four decades of lost time and opportunities – has it become impossible to find a solution to the Lankan national question?
Certainly, the national question has been rendered more intractable by the politics of ethno-nationalism as discussed above. Neither the government nor the main Sinhala opposition party has come forward with any viable proposition for a solution. The international community has virtually forgot
ten the Lankan conflict. The major donors have not gone beyond verbal
expressions of concern while granting
almost normal “deve Lanka. External pro ernment for a sol negligible. This sit breed despair amon individuals workin peace within the ( the current crisis ha limits of ethno-nat military option, an signs of a new conj
The limits of th have begun to imp several ways contri birth of a new conju of the state's milita steadily declining in is evidenced by the desertions. The gov to find enough new riotic appeals to the join the army and d land' are not receive any more. The fir costs of the war are able. In the Northdays when Tamil bo ed in their hundred movements. Intern fratricide have disil Tamil youth and dreams of a free T dominant trend am emigration. Most o cruits belong to the et. The people ha weary. Of course, t outcomes that pus. peace to the forefro themselves inspiri However, there a signs too. Progress and Sinhalese grou build alliances to st democratic solutior question. The prese hundreds of thousa Muslims displaced East gives an op: progressives to wor communities to re. mony and mobilise ple to join the strugg solution. Signs of ho ing from the grass dedicated work of o
Grass-roots Acti
The power of eth communalist ideolo, ly be challenged w alternative plurali and a freer civil s views of Sinhala, communalism hav by popularising all and secular world major task for the p the country. In tl some organisation the challenge of p

TAMIL TIMES 17 ;
lopment aid to Sri ssures on the govution seem to be uation can easily g those groups and g for justice and :ountry. However, s also revealed the ionalism and the d there are clear uncture emerging. e military option ose themselves in buting toward the ncture. The morale ry forces has been recent times. This high incidence of ernment is unable recruits. It's patSinhala youth to efend the 'motherd with enthusiasm ancial and social becoming unbearEast, gone are the l bys and girls flock- . s to join liberation 2cine conflicts and lusioned the older shattered their Tamil Eelam. The ong them is one of f LTTE's new re12-16 years brackave become warhese are negative h the question of nt. They do not in e any optimism. re some positive ive Tamil Muslim ps are striving to ruggle for a viable to the national nce in the South of nds of Tamils and from the Northportunity for the k among all three build ethnic harthe displaced peole for a democratic pe are also emerg-roots due to the ur peace activists.
vism no-nationalism as gy cannot effectiveithout creating an st political culture ociety. The worldTamil and Muslim to be challenged ternative pluralist views. This is a rogressive forces in le last ten years, s have addressed romoting pluralist
4
values and launched their campaigns. at the local level. The Movement for Inter-Racial Justice and Equality (MIRJE), social movements linked to Christian organisations and human , rights groups in different parts of the country are among the more active bodies. The left political formations that have successfully resisted the corrupting influence of ethnonationalism have been holding aloft the banner of secularism and equality. against many odds.' Some members of the Buddhist clergy have dared to go against the Buddhist establishment and join movements for justice and peace. In the South, opposition newspapers, mostly Sinhala weeklies and monthlies, have become alternative sources of information for the public on the war in the North-East, human rights violations, economy and other important questions."* Some of them (for example Yukthiya and Ravaya) are actively campaigning for a just . solution to the national question, for peace and against communalism. These activities, taking place within a communalised civil society which is highly constrained by state interventions, are attempts at challenging the hegemony of ethno-nationalism. Their experiences need to be analysed with reference to their impact and to the political and cultural needs of decommunalizing society and secularising the state. They have to be linked to the major project of resolving the national question and reconstructing Lanka as a multiethnic people's demo: cracy.
Toward a Multi-ethnic Democracy
The crisis has exposed the demerits of the unitary state which has been put to much abuse by majoritarian communalism. The minorities view the unitary state as an instrument that has served the Sinhala ruling parties to condemn them to second class citizenship with the consent of an ideologically manipulated Sinhala electorate. Recognition of this reality is one of the preconditions for a dia- : * logue toward resolving the current conflict. It implies that we need a macro institutional framework to allow autonomy for the North-East to meet the aspirations of the Tamils and the Muslims. The framework should provide for institutional mechanisms to safeguard the interests of the Tamils and Muslims in the South and the Sinhalese in the North-East. Federalism has re-entered the debate although the two main Sinhala parties have shied away from it under various pretexts. The peace movement and the left and social movements should seize
Continued on page 18

Page 18
18 TAM TIMES ? .
Continued from page 17
the opportunity to relate federalism to the larg er que s t i on of de - communalisation and secularisation, democratisation and social change and work for a popular consensus on these issues. They should actively challenge ethno-nationalism and evolve a more dynamic concept of pluralism going beyond mutual tolerance toward equality of ethnies and a higher common Lankan identity as a basis for a new consciousness. Otherwise, federalism may remain an abstract framework without clearly stated contents. Furthermore, autonomous units for Tamils and Muslims in the NorthEast can only be a part of the solution. For the challenges are even greater in many areas of the South and in parts of the East where the society is multiethnic. In short, the conditions are ripe for a multi-ethnic agenda for peace and reconstruction.
In a country like Sri Lanka, people's democracy takes us to the heart of the question of empowerment of men and women to command the resources needed to satisfy their basic needs and to meaningfully involve themselves in the political life of the society through participation at local community or work-place levels and in larger movements. Such empowerment involves material and intellectual components as well as individual and collectivist
pursuits. The material component in
cludes defensible access to productive assets, remunerative work and other
entitlements that enhance the econo
mic security of persons. The intellectual includes access to education and means of developing one's personal capabilities. Given its class, ethnic, caste, gender and community dimen
sions, this empowerment can not be.
facilitated by the "free markets' advocated by liberalism. The latter in its conventional form rests on the reductionist idea of the atomised selfinterested individual - the "rational economic man' - and fails to recognise the importance of collective action and altruistic behaviour in building a social order. As an ideology, it obfuscates real inequalities in society by positing an abstract equality of individuals as free economic agents in the market place and maximisers of utility or profit.
Instead of the unreal "rational economic man', people's democracy takes
the real human actors in their particu
lar settings as subjects of history and
seeks social change through them by
political awareness creation and action. Among the immediate concerns of this political learning process are de-communalisation and secularism. The questions that loom large are
related to the re-politic ers, rural producers a velopment of people cultural movements;
feminist movement. A vities located in civil so at liberating it from th of the state and chang of political forces in alternative popular, c
tical culture. Our no
democracy gives deep meanings to self-det national, sub-national levels as it means dec power and decision ma ate discrimination ( ethnicity, religion, ca Here, self determinatic lar sovereignty and which can not be re recognising the fact t find themselves incor multiplicity of power c. mezo and macro leve family, work-place, c other social networks and developing appro power-sharing at all th People's democracy ( without dynamic, su equitable economic dev cannot be achieved b economic policy of the ment by the populist ec the past. That can society backward. To need to think creativel a development strate thorough understandin dictory and compleme between the state, ma munities within para values of people's demo no valid empirical reason to eschew mar permanently evil. Mark as a part of the institu isms to empower in groups within a peop framework. The presen economic policy needs evaluated in this ligh populist-nationalist pl These issues should be the debate on the curr
Notes: 7 in the wake of the President and his ministel console the victims. Instea
y chauvinist public Speec the slogans linking the T mand for rights and the history of South Indian modern Indian expansionis This growth rate does n material and human degra that Continue. And it is in well-being of the people.
For a long time, there \
Some of these massacres \

15 OCTOBER 1993
cisation of workind students; de's science and and building a ll these are actiIciety and aimed he strangle-hold ing the balance
favour of an lemocratic poli
tion of people's
ær and dynamic termination at
and individual 'entralisation of
aking to elimin
on grounds of iste or gender. on implies popuaccountability 2alised without hat individuals porated into a entres at micro, ls (such as the ommunity and , and nations) priate means of nese levels.**
annot progress ustainable and velopment. This y replacing the present governonomic policy of only take the go forward, we y and arrive at gy based on a sg of the contrantary relations rkets and commeters set by ocracy. There is or theoretical kets per se as kets can be used tional mechandividuals and le's democratic it government's to be critically it without any re-suppositions. come a part of ent crisis.
July violence, the rs did very little to d, they made rabidhes. They revived amil people's deir struggle to the invasions and to
Sr.
ot account for the dation and losses io indicator of the
Nere rumours that
Nere carried out by
Tamil militants at the command of RAW, the intelligence arm of the Indian state. There is growing circumstantial evidence to suggest that RAW had a hand in, at least, one major massacre. Rajan Hoole, the eminent human rights activist, chronicler and analyst, says: "there is testimony from other militant leaders as well as circumstantial evidence to suggest that the LTTE carried out the Anuradhapura massacre of April 1985 at the behest of the Indian RAW,' (Pravada, February 1993).
The gravity of this problem becomes more evident when one Considers the needs of reconstruction of the North-East after the war. The re-development of the devastated infra structure and economy will require human resources of various kinds. The physical structures lost due to the war are more easily replaceable than the skilled human resources lost, especially when the loss is too big in scale for a population as small as the Lankan Tamils. Loss of skilled persons in a situation where the education and training infrastructures have become dysfunctional implies a temporary stagnation or even regression of the productive forces of the society. On the other hand, the productive forces may progress faster if a large number of the expatriate skilled persons returned to participate in reconstruction.
These groups include the Maoist CP led by the late Sanmugathasan, NSSP led by Vasudeva Nanayakkara and several Smaller Marxist groups mostly of Trotskyist and Maoist orientations. In the South, they have admirably withstood the murderous onslaught from the JVP. In the North-East they continue to face the fascist violence of the LTTE which has killed or imprisoned some of the best Tamil Marxist revolutionaries who fought for the rights of the Tamils while at the same time opposing the narrow nationalism of the LTTE. Regarding the old left, it may be noted that the LSSP has recently taken a firm stand in support of the merger of the North-East and an early political solution and against Sinhala Chauvinism.
* These include Yukthiya, Ravaya, and Lakdiva. "o Popular sovereignty should not be confused with the notion of popular will" which implies the consent of a numerical majority irrespective of the class, ethnic, caste, racial, gender or regional differences that may remain uncaptured by that so called popular will. Popular sovereignty is exercised through decentralised participation and involves accountability at all levels of decision making. The following critique of actually existing democracy in the developed capitalist countries by Bowles and Gintis illuminates our point: 'Democratic institutions have often been mere ornaments in the social life of the advanced capitalist nations, proudly displayed to visitors, and admired by all but used sparingly, the places where things really get done - in such Core institutions as families, armies, factories, and offices - have been anything but democratic. Representative government, civil liberties, and due process have, at best, curbed the more glaring excesses of these realms of unaccountable power While often obscuring and strengthening underlying forms of privilege and domination." (Bowles and Gintis, Democracy and Capitalism, Harper Collins 1987).

Page 19
5 OCTOBER 1993
The agreement between India and
China on Maintenance of Peace and
Tranquility along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) is significant in many respects.
The agreement signed on September 7 in Beijing, during Prime Minister Narasimha Rao's visit to China, marks almost a formal end to the Cold War between the two countries, stretching back to the late fifties.
Secondly the agreement, with all its limitations, has demonstrated to the outside world that two Third World nations can try and sort out the problems between them by entering into direct negotiations, obviating the need for brokering by any major power.
Even more important, the pact should come as a whiff of fresh air for the beleaguered Rao government. It may be noted here that the two-yearold minority regime led by the ageing P.V. Narasimhao Rao has been singularly lack-lustre - apart from the liberalisation drive it has embarked upon, the Centre has not done much to
AL
O New Turn in Indo-China R
endear itself to the the intelligentsia.
If anything ever Masjid demolition Harshad Mehtaʼs s tions against the P government has ol from one crisis to ar clues on the way ou
In the circums agreement could be significant achieve government in any domestic. It does m of a new phase in tions based on mutu better political und strengthens India's cise its options in II and security.
Pending a final ment, the two count. respect and observe cutting down on 1 along the LAC in co principle of "mutual ity'. Finer details o
Continued from page 11
Tamil problem. According to Gopalaswamy's supporters in the DMK, now Karunanidhi is using the Tiger issue to jettison Gopalaswamy with a view to promoting his son's elevation in the party's hierarchy.
Karunanidhi now says that the Sri Lankan Tamil problem could and should be settled among Tamil groups and the Colombo government by negotiation and that he was in favour of self-rule for Tamils on the pattern of the agreement between the PLO and Israel.
Another fallout from this dispute has been the number of immolations. At least five people have attempted to immolate themselves following the eruption into the open of the wrangle between Karunanidhi and Gopalaswamy. These attempts were a show of support by loyal party men to the party's leader and his main detractor.
Three attempts at immolation by setting fire to themselves came in the
wake of Karunanidhi's announcement
on 7 September to retire from politics and devote his time to literary and -ocial activities. However, following protests and appeals from his party tolleagues and supporters he withirew his reported retirement within .6 hours. Answering pressmen, he regretted that some partymen should
have doubted the g alleged LTTE threa acceptance of securi persons had nothin Tamil Nadu Congre K. Ramamurthy al president, Dr. Sub were provided persc makes me feel th concerned about my nidhi said.
A fifty-year-old m set himself ablaze fered severe burns cued from death. secretary of the DN bear the pain at Kar all to retire from p 35-year-old man fro lai did the same th reason. He was sav and taken to hospit; Dhanapal made an : the residence of K. he was saved by oth
Pannerchelvam japuram village, a Gopalaswamy, dou kerosene and lit it the attempted expl wamy from the DM porter of Gopala Udayan, set fire to umanoor bus static Tiruchirapalli. He v sengers and taken t
 
 

TAMILTIMES 19
elations
masses or even to
since the Babri
and stockbroker ensational allegarime Minister, the nly been lurching other without any it.
tances the LAC termed as the first ment for the Rao sphere, foreign or ark the beginning the bilateral relaaal confidence and erstanding. It also
capacity to exermatters of defence
boundary settleries have agreed to the LAC besides the armed forces onformity with the and equal securf the reduction in
ty protection. Such g to say when the ss(I) president Mr. (nd Janatha Party ramanian Swamy onal security. "This at they are not life', Mr. Karuna
an Krishnaswamy at Salem and sufbefore he was resHe was a branch MK and could not unanidhi's propospolitics. Murthi, a m Thiruvannamaning for the same ved by bystanders al. A youth named attempt in front of arunanidhi before her party workers.
from Kamaarakeen supporter of sed himself with in protest against ulsion of GopalasMIK. Another supswamy, Idimalai himself at Thiron, 30 miles from Vas saved by paso hospital.
tenuineness of the t and criticised his
by T.N. Gopalan, Madras
forces are to be worked out in due COUrSė.
Yet again the pact provides for prior intimation of military exercises above thresholds and adequate measures against air intrusions.
It also explicitly states that the references to the LAC do not prejudice the respective positions of the two countries on the thorny boundary issue. Efforts for a lasting solution in this regard would continue.
It may be recalled here that since the devastating armed conflicts between these two countries in 1962 - which so completely demoralised Mr. Jawaharlal Nehru and perhaps even hastened his end - this is the first time they have sought to grapple with the problems before them.
Incidentally it has been claimed that the three-and-a-half page agreement. containing eight articles - apart from a brief preface - has been entered into in consonance with the five principles of Panchsheel, propounded during Mr. Nehru's visit to China in 1954.
In his talks with his Chinese counterpart, Mr. Li Peng, Mr. Rao even
suggested that the two countries,
observe the 40th anniversary of Panchsheel next year. The latter's response however, is not known.
Some observers are of the opinion that the supervision and verification of force reduction from the border areas could prove a tough time for India. Anyway the exercise bristles with a number of difficulties, it is felt.
But then the fact remains that apart from the LAC itself, the agreement is quite noteworthy for the parallel pledge by the two sides to renounce force as well as threat of force as an instrument of State policy in their bilateral relations.
The potential of the accord to afford India a new opportunity to review, if not plan, its future political and economic development strategies is extremely alluring.
The 1962 war perhaps marked the beginning of the decline of India's economic development and the marrowing of its political options. Its defence budget in 1963 soared to more than Rs.1,100 crores from a measly Rs.350 crores the previous year and this has steadily escalated ever since. One can easily imagine the impact on developmental work, especially for a resource-strapped nation like India.
Politically too, the conflict with China has cost India a lot. The estranged Continued on page 21

Page 20
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Page 21
15 OCTOBER 1993
Continued from page 19
neighbour, a major power in its own right, inevitably looked around for allies in its manoeuvres against India. Today China is a major supplier of not just arms, but nuclear and missile technology to Pakistan which will continue to remain daggers drawn against India for a very, very long time to come. In this sense too the defusion of tension between China and India, even if to a very limited extent, should come as a ray of hope for the Indian policy-makers.
For instance the LAC agreement implies Chinese acquiescence on the annexation/incorporation of Sikkim into India. After the signing of the accord the Indian spokesperson would only say: "The Chinese response was balanced, flexible and constructive.' But abiding by the LAC does mean that China will not seriously dispute the Indian position on Sikkim - thus far it had taken the stance that Beijing and Gangtok would settle the issue for themselves.
Since the 1962 conflict, China has actually claimed some 90,000 sq.km. of Indian territory and India still stakes its claim to 30,000 sq.km. ceded to Pakistan by China.
In this context the accord is indeed a breakthrough. From LAC to Sikkim to Kashmir and arms supply to Pakistan is not an impassably long distance.
Since China is, after all, known for its hard-headed pragmatism, especially so in this unipolar world in the wake of the collapse of the Soviet Union and its allies, it could be trusted to work for further improvement in the bilateral relations. As if to stress this point, the two countries signed three other agreements at the same time, on environmental co-operation, on radio and television co-operation and a protocol on extension of border trade.
There are dissenting voices nevertheless. While asserting that there is nothing historic about the accord - since it only formalises the informal arrangement in existence since 1979– the BJP has contended that given the differences in terrain and access to logistical facilities, there cannot be a symmetry in the reduction of forces by the two sides. It has also protested against any attempt at recognising the LAC as the formal border.
But a surprising spoil-sport is Mr. George Fernandes, MP. A senior Janata Dal leader and an old socialist, he was always known for his antiimperialist, anti-jingoist stance. For him to shoot down the accord as a betrayal' of Indians, as he has done now, is a bit disturbing.
He has found fault not doing anything chunk of Indiam ter China' returned. H. that China has nev nachal Pradesh as pa tory.
And quite a few o Mr. Fernandes, hav India did not take an on the human righ
A.
Crimii
NEW DELHI-Top-r the Bharatiya Janata pro-Hindu organizat charged with a crimi
demolish the Bab Ayodhya last Decemb
The charges were tral Bureau of Inves 40 people in a specia now, capital of Uttar
Among those acc President, L.K. Adva dent Murli Manohal Hindu Parishad lead Dalmia and Ashok S Thackeray, chief of th
"Politically M The BJP called the cally motivated' and timed to influence vo northern states that tive elections next ms Uttar Pradesh, M Rajasthan and Hir were ruled by the mosque, which Hind originally a temple, W by mobs, allegedly at militant Hindu leade) The BJP leaders the demolition was a tion of the crowd ar been planned. But a said that investigato substantial evidence case of conspiracy.
Soon after the den state governments we the areas brought dir Delhi's rule.
Among others cha U.P. Chief Minister who had pledged in co mosque; a BJP Memb Uma Bharati; Bajran Katiyar; a Shiv Sena Save; former Faizaba trate R.N. Shrivasta" senior police superint bad, D.R. Rai.
Besides criminal

with Mr. Rao for
to get the “vast ritory grabbed by 2 has also noted er accepted Aruurt of Indian terri
thers, along with e regretted that by clear-cut stand hts violations' in
TAMIL TIMES 21
ఒక
Tibet.
But then as the President of the Communist Party of China, Mr. Jiang
Zemin, put it: "In recent years the two
countries have undergone a good deal of suffering...The population of the two is two-fifths of the world's total and they have to develop relations not only in conformity with their basic interests but in the overall interests of peace and stability in the region...'.
Ihya: BJP Leaders Face nal Conspiracyo Charge
anking leaders of Party and other ions have been thal conspiracy to pri mosque in θΥ. illed by the Centigation against l court in LuckPradesh.
used were BJP
ni; former Presir Joshi, Vishnu ers Vishnu Hari Singhal, and Bal he Shiv Sena.
otivated 2 charges politisaid they were ters in the four will hold legisla}nth. Eadhya Pradesh, machal Pradesh party when the us believed was as brought down the instigation of
S. maintained that spontaneous acld denied it had CBI spokesman rs had collected to establish a
olition, the four
re dismissed and
ectly under New
ged were former
Kalyan Singh, urt to protect the er of Parliament, gDal chief Vinay MP, Moreshwar d district magis7 and the former 2ndent for Faiza
conspiracy, all
were charged with intentional destruction, defiling of a place of worship, criminal trespass and intimidation of public servants, the CBI spokesman said, after 850 witnesses and 705 documents were examined.
BJP spokesman Krishanlal Sharma said the government had taken this step out of frustration' after failing in attempts to force through a bill delinking religion from politics. He added that it automatically made Ayodhya an issue in the coming elections.
In April the CBI raided offices of the Shiv Sena and VHP in 10 towns in three states and Delhi. The raids, it said, led to much corroborative evidence of a 'criminal conspiracy' and 'large-scale involvement of the organized leadership' in the mosque's destruction.
The Congress Party has denied that the CBI acted with an eye on the elections. Party spokesman V.N. Gadgil said:
"Everything is not election-oriented. Certain things are done when they ought to be done.'
Asked whether the leaders charged were likely to be arrested, he replied: "They can be summoned by the court, It is not necessary to arrest them.'
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Page 22
22 TAMIL TIMES
Tamil Nadu NeWSletter
by T.N. Gopal
O Jayalalitha Humbles DMK 8
In an unexpected turn of events, the embattled Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu has come up trumps - her party, the AIADMK, has won both the byelections held in the state on September 20, one for the Palani Lok Sabha constituency and another for the Ranipet Assembly seat.
What makes the victories significant is that she won in the face of all round allegations of corruption and the rupture in her party's alliance with the Cong-I.
For Ms. Jayalalitha who is facing a possible threat of disqualification, the electoral triumph should be doubly sweet - for the unequivocal assertion that her popularity with the masses is still very much intact and for the bloody nose given to the Cong-I and the DMK. While the former was claiming that without its support the AIADMK would be humbled at the hustings, the latter was crowing that Ms. Jayalalitha was a fading star and it was time for the genuine Dravidian forces' to get back to the centre-stage of Tamil Nadu politics.
Of the 10,12,516 voters in the Palani Lok Sabha constituency, as many as 66.31 per cent had exercised their franchise, 3,50,134 of them being men and the rest women. Even though 47 candidates were in the fray, the main contenders were from the AIADMK, the DMK and the Cong-I.
Ever since the creation of the constituency in 1977, the Cong-I had been bagging it without fail - in all the five elections held earlier - of course with the support of either the DMK or the AIADMK. This was the first time the party faced the electorate on its own, and it fielded a son of a local landlord who had won four times from the same constituency, and with a huge majority every time. It was the death of this landlord which had caused the byelection. Perhaps the Cong-I hoped to cash in on the "image of the father. But then, as it turned out, the party fared miserably, coming a poor third in all the six Assembly segments. Its tally of 1,30,699 votes against the AIADMK's 2,78,877 is a glimpse of its stock with the electorate. Only two years ago the Cong-I candidate had triumphed by a whopping margin of 2.5 lakh votes, albeit with the AIADMK support and in the wake of the assassination of Mr. Rajiv Gandhi.
Certainly it is a moment of reckoning for the Cong-I, which has been riding piggy-back thus far on either of
the two major Dravi AIADMK or the DM started nursing ambit to Fort St. George (th ment secretariat) on lapse of 25 years and had fielded Mrs.
Jagadeesan, a minis Karunanidhi cabinet detained under the al for her alleged role
escape of the perpetra massacre of 14 EPRL ing Mr. Padmanabha
It has indeed acqu since it lost the race b votes against the h previous elections. St loss of face to Mr. M. DMK chief, that ever battle he should be u better of the charism litha.
In the case of R: voters, 71 per cent o had cast their votes candidate, a local fun home by a margin ofo defeating the former senior DMK leader samy. The Pattali (PMK), a party of V: nant backward caste parts of Tamil Nadup ive 26,481 votes, only that the formation of four years ago) is a the DMK - both the PMK seem to be app nationalist sentiment used to form a majc DMK constituency til
The Congress did pu in the first instance, from the contest mid-v speculations of a taci between it and the D.
In fact after the
were out, Mr. A. Nall of the Tamil Nadu uni ally of the DMK, wo perhaps the latter ha at some such understa Cong-I would support it would reciprocate Palani. Noting that stages the DMK can slow and lack-lust “perception” of a Con standing proved the
DMK.
Predictably Mr. K missed such allegati and sought to draw si

15 OCTOBER 1993
Cong-l
dian parties, the IK has suddenly ions of making it e seat of governits own after a more. The DMK Subbulakshmi ster in the last , and who was nti-terrorist laws in enabling the ators of the cruel F leaders includ
in May 1990.
litted itself well by a mere 44,843 uge margins of ill it is a serious Sarunanidhi, the h in a three-way nable to get the a of Ms. Jayala
anipet, 1,47,692 f the electorate, . The AIADMK ctionary, romped ver 12,000 votes, minister and a Arcot N. VeeraMakkal Katchi anniars, a domiof the northern olled an impressgoing to prove the party (only great setback to DMK and the bealing to Tamil s, and Vanniars or chunk of the
recently.
ut up a candidate , but he retired way, sparking off t understanding MK.
election results asivan, secretary it of the CPM, an ondered whether d indeed arrived anding - that the it in Ranipet and
the gesture in , in the initial paign was very e, he felt the g-I-DMK under
undoing of the
arunanidhi disons as baseless Ome cold comfort
Tamil Nadu Chief Minister, Jayalalitha
from the fact that there was an 11 per cent decline in the AIADMK votes in Ranipet and that in Palani the DMK had made a lot of strides since 1991.
Of course the one-time-MGR's screen-flame-turned-Chief Minister is too elated for words. When every kind of poll pundit was claiming that her popularity had taken a nose-dive and that sans the Cong-I support she would come a cropper, she threw herself with zest into the campaign and surprised one and all by her victories.
It may be recalled here that during the run-up to the elections there were widespread speculations that the Centre had made up its mind to sack the AIADMK government on charges of corruption and for allowing the LTTE to "re-infiltrate' into the state.
Also there were those like Dr, Subra man y am Swamy, the arch - manipulator of the Indian politics, who were believed to have advised Prime Minister Narasimha Rao against testing the electoral waters but to first dismiss the Jayalalitha government keep the Assembly in suspended animation and then engineer a split in the AIADMK. Mr. Rao with his famous indecisiveness kept humming and hawing, to his own grief as it has turned out now. Any attempt to destabilise the state government at this juncture could prove very unpopular and also unproductive for the Cong-I.
But then it is not as if it is the end of the road for the party. There are those like Mr. G.K. Moopanar, a respected state Cong-I leader, who feel that only by ploughing a lonely furrow could the Congress rebuild itself and offer itself as a viable alternative before the people. Never mind the defeats in the
Continued on page 23

Page 23
15 OCTOBER 1993
interim, they seem to feel, when both the Dravidian parties stand discredited, the Congress will stand to gain.
As for the DMK it is really puzzled. It cannot figure out how the AIADMK managed to win, and with a comfortable margin at that, in a constituency like Ranipet with a strong Muslim presence when Ms. Jayalalitha has been seen to be pandering to the Hindu revivalist sentiments, witness her pro-Kar Seva speech at the National Integration Council (before the Babri Masjid demolition in December - the Kar Seva was organised by
the Hindu fundamer at demolishing the overtures to the BJ could be some rethin alliance with the PM Finally it is not go for the AIADMK. bete noire, Chief Elec er, T.N. Seshan co election to the Asse inquiry into charges coal import deal col few skeletons in the More important th the Cong-I and the
Continued from page 13
undependability of the State, which can make the Tamils question whether there is any point in reaching a negotiated settlement when they know that the State can with impunity go back on it. What is required is a thorough-going ethnical cleansing of the UNP, and respect for standards of public morality to the extent that it becomes inconceivable that there will ever again be another Udugampola affair. It is only in that situation that we can expect to reach a meaningful negotiated settlement, backed by trust and confidence on all sides that it will be properly implemented.
The ethnic problem in its present militant form is the consequence of the collapse of public morality under the post-1977 UNP State, and it will never be solved without a restoration of that morality. As I have shown, the problem took on a militant form after the post-1977 pogroms, the expression of State or UNP terrorism. There was a terrifying collapse of public morality behind those pogroms of the period between 1977 and 1983. That collapse had to lead to the disintegration of the State, because no society can hold together without standards of public morality. Anyone looking at the literature on moral theory will find that that point is not argued in full because it is taken as self-evident.
I will provide only a quotation from Bertrand Russell who was always a hard-headed rationalist in his philosophical writings. In his book Human Society in Ethics and Politics published in 1954 he pointed out that ethical beliefs throughout recorded history, have had two very different sources, one political and the other personal. He went on to write: 'Without civic morality communities perish; without personal morality their survival has no value. Russell would not have been in the least surprised that Sri Lanka has been in a state of disintegration for several years, the
writ of the State not Vavuniya. And he w with laughter at the to put the pieces tog out trying to restore dards of public mora
The public must de ethical cleansing of mass Party backed ordinary decent folk it has at its highe: politicians of fine hu mean well by this co ably understand th purging the 1977 UN politic of Sri Lanka i party of the Senana lawela. However the political life since 1 great that their task will be uphill. The p fore back them in ethical cleansing. might be the final dis Lanka under the a 1977 UNP State.
The solution of the the State in relatio problem requires bot the restoration of pu addition, it will help v functions of the Stat much as possible. F Tamil interaction ol suggests that the gr that interaction the pects for ethnic harr therefore move in the is called "limited C wards an ideal situat functions of the Go mited to the maintel order and the buildi public lavatories.
It may be that wha tant for the health, w ness of humankind i. government but the ment. All Sri Lan actually experienced post-1977 UNP Stat

TAMIL TIMES 23.
talists and aimed
masjid) and her P. Anyway there king on forging an
bing to be all rosy Ms. Jayalalitha's ction Commissionuld still hold her mbly invalid. The of corruption on a
uld reveal quite a
cupboard.
an anything else, e DMK could in
course of time, enter into a pact. Fort the two by-election results conclusive
ly prove that the Cong-I is still a
crucial factor in the elections - whichever party it aligns itself with would be a sure winner in any election. If the DMK bows to such an understanding of the situation and goes in for an alliance with the Cong-II, unmindful of the criticism such a step might provoke, it will be tough times for Ms. Jayalalitha. Anyway the intelligentsia is highly disenchanted over her style of functioning, and it wil" not be too very long before such feelings percolate down to the masses.
extending beyond ould have hooted idea of our trying ether again withelementary stanlity.
amand a thorough the UNP. It is a by millions of the of Sri Lanka, and st echelons some man quality who untry. They proble importance of NP from the body and restoring the yakes and Kotadegeneracy of our 977 has been so k as regenerators ublic must therea programme of The alternative integration of Sri egis of the post
problem posed by on to the ethnic h democracy and ublic morality. In tery greatly if the te are limited as eaceful Sinhalautside the State eater the area of greater the prosnony. We should direction of what Government', totion in which the vernment are li1ance of law and ng of roads and
it is really imporealth, and happis not the form of degree of governkans who have the horror of the
te, and who are
still in their right senses, will agree.
The principle of "limited government' is relevant for ethnic problems, because the experience of several South East Asian and other countries shows very clearly that the less the extent of Government the greater the prospects for ethnic harmony. I will not expand on that point as this article is already too long. I leave it to the interested . reader to consult the books of the black, American economist Thomas Sowell which are available in the American Library in Colombo. c The paradigm shift proposed in this article does not include a blue-print for a solution. One can think of several
possible solutions, with or without
devolution and with or without merger, that are thoroughly equitable for all our communities. There will be no
spoint in them as long as there is no
confidence that the State will respect the sanctity and inviolability of agreementS.
The paradigm shift proposed here is based on the principle that to solve a problem we must address the problem, not something else. The core-problem is the undependability of the State, not just what many Sinhalese see as the intransigence and excessive demands of the Tamil parties. Therefore the
o pre-condition for a solution is the cor
rection of the State through democracy, the restoration of standards of public morality, and I believe "limited government.
Very probably the historians of the future will write of our ethnic conflict
as a tale of two tigers. We have been
preoccupied with the tiger which has been on the rampage in the North and East, with occasional forays into the South in the form of bomb-blasts and assassinations. We have failed to recognize the tiger within the gates, the State. For a solution to the ethnic problem we certainly have to defang the tiger in the North-East. We also have to defang the State.
(Courtesy: Lanka Guardian).

Page 24
24 TAMIL TIMES :
SkylinkTrais
COLO
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Call us on 071-3969933,071-396 9922 10-16 Rathbone Street, London W1P1AH
Skanda Varodaya College
Old Students' ASSOciation
... (U.K. Branch)
Annual Reunion Dinner, A.G.M. and DisCO at Holy Cross Convent School Hall,
Sandal Road, New Malden, Surrey KT35AR on Saturday, 20th November 1993 at 6.00pm
Tickets: Adults £5, Children under 12 £2 For tickets and information please telephone: O727823871,081-681 2052,081-692 0823 & 0892 824661
MMGRATION SOLICTOR
Applications for: Early Visas for those in the Home Office
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Nearly 500 Tamil clients acted for up to now
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Page 25
15 och
O MP Opposes Repatriation of
Mr. Vasudeva Nanayakara, the Nava Sama Samaja Party leader and a member of the Sri Lankan parliament, has strongly denounced the repatriation of the Tamil refugees from Tamil Nadu.
Addressing a meeting organised by the Indo-Sri Lankan Friendship Society at Madurai on September 4, the fire-brand MP noted that there were more than six lakh 'internally displaced' Lankan Tamils in the North and East and that the so-called welfare centres meant to shelter the displaced wire almost a farce.
To send back the innocent refugees at a time when the conflict between the LTTE and the Lankan armed forces was continuing was totally inhuman, he further said, and called upon the opposition in Tamil Nadu to take the matter seriously and fight the injustice meted out to the refugees. For his part, he promised to raise the issue in the Lankan parliament.
Justifying the Lankan Tamils' struggle for justice, the MP said it was the unabashed chauvinism and unmitigated perfidy of the Sinhalese leaders down the years which had set off the fratricidal conflict.
However, he cautioned the Lankan Tamils to realise that there were large sections of Sinhalese masses who were sympathetic to the Tamil problems and wanted them to identify those political forces which represented those sections. Only an alliance with the fair-minded and progressive Sinhalese political forces could bring about the liberation of the suffering Tamils, he felt.
The NSSP leader had several rounds of talks with leaders of some left political parties at Madras, it is learnt, in an attempt to chalk out a common programme of action on the Lankan Tamils' issue.
Mr. Thirunavukkarasu, a member of the politbureau of the NSSP, who accompanied Mr. Nanayakara, told this correspondent that his party would shortly release a white paper on the conditions in the refugee camps and welfare centres in the island.
Meanwhile the state government continued to crack down on Lankan Tamil refugees living outside the camps. The latest to face its wrath is Mr. R.R. Sivalingam, a retired Lankan government official and one who has been ceaselessly striving for bettering the lot of the plantation Tamils repatriated under the Sirimavo-Shastri расt.
At the time of his arrest he was
actively involved in problems of the rep Nilgiris. He had app. of the district admi process and he has into custody under til However, informed cials hostile to his ef up false charges of banned militant grot government to get r course no evidence ( on this score.
He was subsequen Special Camp (an eu on) in Chengalpattu Lankan Tamil refu
Round-Up After Recover Bomb-Kit in Scores of young Tam female, have been da cordon-and-search C ombo and its subu recovery of a suici found by a 16-yea Modera beach on 7 newspapers daily re which sometimes ru dreds.
According to po bomb, containing 3 plastic high explosiv of neatly packed sewn into a special pair of shorts. The b in an aluminium b surf and informed turn informed the p Luckily for the b neither of them had two switches founds of short trousers. E. the bomb would ha blowing them to pi explosion", said Dete dent Lionel Gunati the Crime Detectic officers are investig According to Mr. discovery of the bc worn by either a suicide bomber, follo search operation car area by police on th October. “We believ bomber or someone panicked and threw kit fearing a search by police', he said.
“This is the first ti bomb of this nature either in India or Sr former Indian Prim

TAM TIMES 25
Refugees
attending to the atriates settled in arently fallen foul inistration in the
now been taken he Foreigners Act. sources say, offiforts had trumped his links with a up and advised the id of him fast - of could be proffered
tly removed to the uphemism for priswhere around 150 gees are already
detained.
Justice V.R. Krishna Iyer and many other human rights activists have already appealed for his release. Following a writ in the High Court Mr. Sivalingam has since been admitted to a government hospital in the city for treatment for his coronary problems.
The Organisation for the Protection of the Tamils of Eelam from Genocide and other Violations of Human Rights (PROTEG) has also protested the 'summary withdrawal of refugee status' to many inmates of the refugee camps in the state and pointed out that no specific charges have been framed against them. Still they were languishing for nearly two years now, it said and demanded their release.
) of Tanis ty of Suicide Colombo
ils, both male and aily rounded up in perations in Colrbs following the de body-bomb-kit r-old boy at the October. Colombo port these arrests un into their hun
lice sources, the 3.5 kilos of RDX es and abouta kilo pall-bearings was ly taillored denim oy found the bomb bx floating in the his uncle who in olice. oy and the uncle, meddled with the titched to the pair (ad they done so, ve been activated 2ces in a massive ctive Superintenlleke, Director of n Bureau whose iting the case.
Gunatilleke, the imb meant to be male or female wed a cordon-andried out in Modera e previous day, 6 e that either the who sheltered him away the bombfhis/her premises
me that a suicidewas found intact i Lanka. Both the e Minister, Rajiv
Gandhi and President Premadasa were killed by suicide bombers of the LTTE using similar bombs', a senior Defence official said. He said that the only difference in the bomb-kits used in both these assassinations was that they were worn round the chests of the bombers whereas the one found at Modera was in a pair of shorts.
"It was to be worn as an undergarment by a member of any sex and was specially tailored with elastic bands to fit anyone of any size', Mr. Gunatilleke said. It appeared to him that the "terrorists' were changing their tactics to avoid detection and concealing their explosives in trousers instead of wearing round the chest.
The bomb, which could have been activated by either one of two pulldown type switches hidden in the trouser pockets was powered by two nine volt mini-batteries. Two spare batteries were also found along with a light emitting diode (LED) which was used to test the circuit.
A team of Indian investigators are reported to be already in Colombo to examine the bomb-kit found at Modera with a view to comparing it with the remnants of the bomb-kit worn by the assassin in the Rajiv Gandhi killing and to study the LTTE's technology in bomb-making.
Meanwhile the police are hunting for a 35-year-old ex-policeman, identified as PC 15995 Muthukumar Mahendran, who vacated his post in 1984 after serving in many police stations in and around Colombo. Police believe that he too was involved in the plan to assassinate President Premadasa and Lalith Athulathmudali. “We believe that he not only knows the identities of some of the suicide bombers in Colombo, but also where the bomb-kits have been stacked away for future use', a senior police officer said.

Page 26
26 TAM TIMES
READERS FORUM
EDITORIAL
In the Editorial of the July issue of the Tamil Times you have stated that "with the enactment of the Sixth Amendment to the Constitution which required Members of Parliament to forswear the advocacy of a separate state, the TULF MPs who refused to take the required oath were literally ousted from Parliament.
I do not think that this passage reflects a correct statement of facts. I have not known of any instance when the TULF MPs refused to take the oath and were therefore ousted from Parliament. I have discussed this aspect with a number of others who also do not know of any instance when this is supposed to have happened. I shall be deeply grateful if you would give an instance when the TULF MPs, or anyone of them did refuse to take the oath in Parliament.
I know of a decision that the TULF took on the 23rd of July 1983 (before the fateful incidents of that day) at their Mannar Convention, not to go to Parliament after the 22nd of July 1983, consistent with their position at the Referendum of December 1982, where they took a stand to oppose the extension of Parliament. The Sixth Amendment was passed much after this decision.
If what is stated here is incorrect, I shall thank you to correct me through your columns and I shall be equally thankful if you would correct your Editorial if the facts are otherwise.
G.G. Ponnambalam (Jr.),
General Secretary, All Ceylon Tamil Congress, 120 Main Street, Jaffna.
REFERENDUM
I AM grieved to see that the Government and some parties are trying to have a referendum whether the North-Eastern province should be one or two provinces. If the Government is really interested in knowing the wishes of the people, then they should be given the choice to choose one of the following:
1. Whether they would like to separate the two provinces or,
2. To have it as one province with full autonomy for the Muslims by having a council to manage their own affairs.
3. To have Amparai-Kalmunai area
as Eastern province a North-Eastern provin
The voters should their preference as choice. All those who the Eastern province i given the right to vot you really want to wishes of the people w the people of the Non vince whether they w; Sri Lanka or as a se would further make th real if the referendu under UN supervision will of the people can
Instead of solving peaceful means, this aggravate it. If not fighting the Indian a pened in the beginni \century when Britain Ceylon as part of th Tamils opposed it vehe they would have made would have lot of infl country. Instead of bril talks to solve the probl have a referendum : would worsen the si Lanka, unless it is har Nations to know there people of the North an
2419 Kirstie Court, Burlington, Ontario, L7P 3Y9, Canada.
Dr. Indra
"Epics in S
The "Thinakaran' news Lanka has commenced K. Indra Kumar's forth Tamil, "Winnveliyil Ve ("Epics in Space'), in i tion. It is expected to
Sunday till December
Focusing on the hist space flights (1961 to da a tribute to the unpar of the men and wor Rakesh Sharma from Ir willingly risked their l the hostile environmen
The previous book search by Dr. Indra Kur ciled in UK), Mannil I
 
 

ld the balance as
ce. be asked to give first or second were natives of h 1947 should be e. In addition if know the real hy not you give th-Eastern proant to be part of parate state. It e people's choice m is conducted so that the free pe known.
he problem by eferendum will for the LTTE rmy (as it hapng of the last wanted to make Le Madras, the mently) by now their stay and uence over the nging real peace em, the move to ut the moment tuation in Sri l by the United 'al wishes of the d East.
c.Maivaganam,
spaper from Sri serialising Dr. coming book in erakaviyangal’ ts Sunday edicontinue every
993.
ory of manned ate), the book is alleled courage men (including ndia), who have ives to explore t of space.
on Space Remar (now domirunthu Vinnit
15 OCFOBER 1993
ku’ (‘From Earth to Space’) published
in Sri Lanka in 1973 received the Sri
Lanka President's Sahitya (Literary) Award for an outstanding publication of that year. The late Professor K. Kularatnam (Geography) had hailed the book as a "landmark in Tamil writing. The late Professor A.W. Mailvaganam (Physics) had expressed amazement at the fluid and facile style in which the author, a medical doctor, had put across the extremely complicated, multi-disciplinary subject of Cosmonautics and paid a stirring compliment to him for pioneering the first book in Tamil in that subject. Twenty years later, Dr. Indra Kumar continues to be the sole pioneer in the field in Tamil, either in Sri Lanka or even in India.
Dr. Indra Kumar, a Psychiatrist by Profession, is also the author of "Firewalking - The Burning Facts' (Parapsychology, English, 1972) and “Witness to a New Epoch' (Soviet Travelogue, Tamil, 1976). While in Sri Lanka he had been a prolific writer in Space Research and Parapsychology to “Virakesari”, “Thinakaran”, “Chinthamani”, “Sunday Observer”, “Sunday Times' and "Daily News'. He had also been a popular broadcaster in Science and Medicine over the "Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation', having done programmes for UNESCO and also having provided live radio commentaries, in Tamil for the famous USA-USSR, “Apollo-Soyuz rendezvous in Space' in 1975.
REMEMBERING
MAHATHMA GANDHI Born on 2nd October 1869)
by . Professor Kopan Mahadeva
The little lamp that Lord Ram lit Made the mighty British quit, Leaving India free in own right To pursue her developmental fight.
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, it was With his spiritual satyagrahic force, Sweetness, simplicity and spinning wheel Truth, ahimsa, self-suffering and appeal To conscience, that claimed Independence For Bharat from the British-yet friends.
He was offered the sceptre and crown Which he, with persistence,
Turned right down, ニ
And rejoined his Ram with all his light Spent in the struggle for human rights.
(From The Pearly Island & Older Poems, 60pp, £3.75 plus p&p, ISBN: 1-873265-00-X, 1991, Century House.

Page 27
15 OCTOBER 1993
CLASSIFIED ADS
First 20 words £10. Each additional word 60p. Charge for
Box No. 23. (Wat 1772% extra). Prepayment essential The Advertisement Manager, Tamil Times Ltd. PO Box 121, Sutton, Surrey SM13TD Phone 081-644 0927. Fax: 081.241 4557
MATRIMIONAL Jaffna Tamil parents seek Hindu, fair, fall, Slim bride, academically qualified, preferably accountancy for their accountant son, 28, employed in Sydney, Australia. M 683 C/o ai lineS.
Jaffna Hindu parents seek brides under 30 for their two sons, postgraduate teacher and supervisor, oil factory, Nigeria. Prepared to migrate. Send photo details, M 684 c/o amil 7 innes.
Jaffna Tamil mother seeks partner for accountant son, 32, employed in London. Send details, horoscope, photo. M 685 c/o Tamil Times.
Hospital practising Sri Lankan born doctor, British citizen, Catholic, widower, 56, no children, seeks professional lady partner, 32-40, non-Catholics considered, photo M 686 c/o
armil Tires.
Jaffna Hindu professional parents, Australian Citizens, seek qualified partner for daughter, 29, fair, pretty, holding good position, divorced soon after marriage, innocent party. Send details with horoscope. M 687 c/o Tamil Times. Y
Jaffna Hindu parents seek groom for doctor daughter, 33, practising in Colombo. Details, horoscope to M 688 co Tamil
lines.
Sri Lankan Tamil Hindu parents, American residents seek suitable partner for daughter, Tid-forties, never married, young looking and homely with green card M689 co Tarnil Times. Jaffna Tamil father seeks educated, good looking bride less han 29, for accountant Son, 34, Canadian citizen. Send hOrOscope, photo, details. M 690 C/o Tamil Times.
Jaffna Tamil uncle seeks profes
sional partner from good family
background for niece, 32, British citizen, owns house in London, London graduate, works as accountant in London. M 691 C/o Tamil ilinmes. Jafna Hindu parents seek professionally qualified bride, preferaoy doctor, for doctor son, 31, orking in U.K. Send horoscope, details. M 692 C/o Tamil Times.
- 1 Please Note ! Tami TimeS Fax. N0.
O81-241 4557
WEDDING BELLS
We congratulate the following couple on their recent wedding. Raguraj son of Mr. & Mrs. K. Dharmaratnam of 45 Alfriston Avenue, North Harrow, Middx. and Sivamanohari daughter of Mr. & Mrs. T. Jeyakumar of 7 Exeter Road, Walthamstow, London E17 on 17th October 1993 at Northwood College Assembly Hall, Maxwell Road, Northwood Middx.
OBTUARIES Mr. Murugesu Ganesharingam, Retired Divisional Irrigational Engineer, beloved husband of Mangayatkarasi; loving father of Jeyanthy (Canada), Vigneswaralingam, Jeyarathy (U.K.), Jeyanalini, Jeyavathany; fatherin-law of Balasuntharam, Santhini and Sukumar, grandfather of
Sanjutha, Sanjeevan, Jayanthan :
and Sutharsan passed away on 26th August 1993, Funeral took place at hmayanan, Udupiddix, Sri Lanka. - 26 Oxford Road, Ilford, Essex IG† 2XG. Tel: 081 553 2293.
Mr. M. Murugupillai (70), of Palai-Ma viddapuram, Retired Assessor, income Department, and Auditor, formerly of Ramakrishna Road, Wellawate; lately resident of Melbourne, Australia; dearly beloved husband of Rajarajeswarinee Paper Nadarajah; loving father of Kamala Jothi (Rugby, U.K.) and Sivakumar (Melbourne); dear father-in-law of Dr. N. W. Vijeyapalan (Rugby) and Priyakanthi (Melbourne); adored grandfather of Prabhani and Shivani (Rugby) Vignesh and Kapilan (Melbourne); brother-inlaw of the late Wairavapillai and Chelliah, Sellammah Kasiviswanathan and Sinnathurai (Retired
ዘዝ
ی
 
 

TAM TIMES 27
Central Bank) both of Palai passed away in Rugby, whilst on holiday with the daughter, on 22nd September, and was cremated at Coventry on 27th September. The members of the amily Convey their very sincere hanks to all relatives and friends who assisted in the obsequies, attended the funeral, sent floral ributes and messages of sympathy. They regret their inability to hank them individually - 129 3rawnmore Road, Bilton, Rugby 2V226. Tel: O788817301.
Wrs. Selvaranee Suntharalingam, beloved wife of V, Suntharaingam, formerly of inland Revenue Department, Sri Lanka; mother of Skantha ku mar U.S.A.), formerly of the staff of he Department of Physics, Universities of Peradeniya and Jaffta, Vasuhi (New Zealand) and Mythili, mother-in-law of Parananantham (New Zealand); randmother of Janani; daughter if S.T. Kandah (Kokuvil West) ind sister of Indranee Balasubramaniam (Sri Lanka), Ramesvaran U.S.A.) and Thyalnayaki lyatamby (Canada) passed way on 17th September and the
remation took place in Trinidad
n 21st September 1993. - 13
ealspring Avenue, Valsayn Tri
dad.
IN MEMORAM
loving memory of Mrs. Thanaratnam Thangarajah (Retired rincipal, Sri Shanmuga idyalayam, Trincomalee and avaly Maha Vidyalayam, Jafina) the first anniversary of her assing away on 2nd October
92.
Greatly missed and fondly reembered with love and affection herchildren Manohari (Austra), Dr. Maheswaran (U.K.) and malarajan (Australia); son-in/w Sivashanmugam (Abu Dha; daughters-in-law Bhavani and 2ethanjally; grandchildren Pranth, Sharmila, Dhanusha, dhya, Bharghavi and Sindhura 61A Stanley Street, Burwood, SW2134, Australia / 7 Audrey ardens, North Wembley, Middx. \03TF/3/6 Ray Road, Epping, SW2121, AUSTRALIA.
Mrs. Nagamma Thambirajah departed on 31.10.92. Fondly remembered of her passing away by her lowing children Dr. Gunasuntharam (Streatham, London), Sivalingam (Sri Lanka), Muthulingam (Toronto, Canada), Mahalingam (Wembley, UK), Ratnasingam (Toronto, Canada) and Selvamalar (Mississauga, Canada); daughters-in-law Rajini, Malar, Vicky, Vasanthi and Kala; son-in-law Ganeshathasan; grandchildren Nimalan, Kavitha, Sivaranjini, Sivaruban, Thariini, Theepan, Partheeban, Aarani, Samanthi, Rohan and Fahavan – 48 Leigham Avenue, London SW16. Tel: O81-6775633.
IN MEMORAM Lovingly remembered on the 4th Anniversary of the passing away of
Daniel Selvarajah Sanders, Ph.D., ACSW, Sept. 28, 1928 - Oct. 14, 1989
Dean, Professor and Director of international Program, School of Social Work, University of Hawaii, Honolulu, Hawaii, USA 1971-1986;
Dean, Professor and Director for the Center for Study of International Social Welfare Policies and Services, School of Social Work, University of Illinois at Champaign-Urbana, USA 19801989.
Founder and First President.
Continued on page 28

Page 28
28 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 27
Inter-University Consortium for international Social Development, (UCSD) USA 1980-1989.
The Third Annual DANIEL S. SANDERS PEACE AND SOCIAL JUSTICE LECTURE (April 1993) at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign was given by Dr. James Midgley, Dean, School of Social Work and Associate Vice-Chancellor for Research, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, Louisiana USA. Dr. Midgley's memorial lecture was on THE CHALLENGE OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT THEIR THIRD WORLD AND OURS.
Dedication: Profiles in international Social Work edited by Professors Merl. C. Hokenstad, Shanti K. Khinduka and James Midgley.
"This book is dedicated to the memory of Dr. Daniel S. Sanders in recognition of his leadership in the field of International Social Work. Dan was a man of ideas and energy whose mission and approach transcended national boundaries. His scholarship and organizational leadership made him a pivotal figure in advancing international Collaboration both in social development and social work. His life, work, and friendship continue to inspire those of us who strive for greater international understanding and collaboration in our profession."
Christobel Chelvathy & Harriet C. Sanders, Sanders/Niles families, 614 West Florida Avenue, Urbana, lllinois 61801 USA.
FORTHCOMING EVENTS November 1 All Saints Day.
Nov. 2 All Souls Day. Shobana Jeyasingh presents 'Romance. . . with footnotes' in Bharatha Natyam at the Junction Theatre, Cambridge. Tel: O223412600.
Nov. 63.00pm Sri Lankan Dance Drama at Commonwealth Institute, Kensington High Street, LOrdon VV8 6NC). Tel: O71-602 0702 (Karen Dale). 7.00pm. Wesley College O.B.A. (U.K. Br.) presents Double Blue Ball at Vivian Simmons Hall, 326 Preston Road, Harrow, Middx. Tel: 081-946 9220 (Wimal). Shobana Jeyasingh presents 'Romance... with footnotes' in Bharatha Natyam at The Alhambra Theatre, Bradford. Tel: 0274 752OOO.
Nov. 10 Eekathasi.
Nov. 11 Pirathosam, 6.00pm Lecture on "Tamil Self-determination and the role of the L.T.T.E. at School of Oriental & African Studies. Tel: 071-278 3990 (S. Wijesinghe) Shobana Jeyasingh presents 'Romance... with foot
لمخافتتحسسسسسسـ
notes' in Bharatha Natyam at Taliesin Arts Centre, Swansea. Tel: O792296883.
Nov. 12 Shobana Jeyasingh presents "Romance. . . with footnotes' in Bharatha Natyam at Aberystwyth Arts Centre. Tel: O970 623232,
Nov. 13 Amavasai. Deepavali.
Nov. 14 Skanthashasti Viratham
starts, Nov 17 Sathurhi.
Nov. 19 Skanthashasti Viratham ends.
Nov. 20 6.00pm Skanda Varodaya College Old Students' Association (U.K. Branch) annual Reunion Dinner, A.G.M. and Disco at Holy Cross Convent School Hall, Sandal Road, New Malden, Surrey KT3 5AR. Tel: 081-6812052/692 0823. Nov. 20 6.00pm Northern Tamil Association, U.K. presents Bharatha Natyam and Instrumental Music Recital at Rainhill Village Hall, Rainhill, Prescott, Liverpool. Tel: O724 86O329/O254 2O89O7V 07O6229666. Nov. 20 6.30pm News Media International presents Bharatha Natya Recital by Chitra Visweswaran at Winston Churchill Hall, Pirn Way, Ruislip, Middx. Tel: O81-96f 5962/470 7883/864 5962/639 7503. Nov. 21 Feast of Christ the King. Nov. 24 EekathaSi.
Nov. 25 6.00pm Lecture on J. V. P. - Origin, Objectives & Strategies at School of Oriental & African Studies. Tel: O71-278 3990 (S. Wijesinghe). Nov. 26 Pirathosam. Shobana Jeyasingh presents "Romance... with footnotes' in Bharatha Natyam at Contemporary Music Festival, Huddersfield. Tel: 0484 43O808. Nov. 28 Sunday in Advent.
Nov. 30 St. Andrew's Feast.
At the Bhavan Centre, 4A Castletown Road, London W14 9HQ. Tel: O71-381 30864608, Nov. 6 & 20 5.30pm Lecture on “Bhavagad Gita” by Shri Mathoor Krishnamurthi. All Welcone. Nov. 76.30pm Dance Ballet from Tagore play directed by Mrs. Shyamalia Basu.
Norway and Jaffna Universities Cooperate
Ападreетеnt of cooperation between the University of Jaffna and the University of Tromso, Norway (The Northernmost University of the World) was signed on 30.8.93 in Tromso. The universities have agreed to promote such academic exchange and coop
 

research fields of fisheries, al development and environAntal studies through approprimeans such as (a) Exchange faculty members and graduate dents (b) Conducting joint rearch in areas of mutual interest Exchange of scholars for leces, conferences, coloquia, nposia and sharing of experize (d) Exchange of information ields of interest to both parties. epicture below shows Prof. A. urairajah, Vice-Chancellor of University of Jaffna and Pro. ? D. Mios, Rector of the Unisity of Tromso signing on bef of their respective Universi
The British Tamil Directory
mils involved in social and tural activities have felt the 9d for a social and cultural ectory for Tamils. The British rmil Directories offer to provide e listing of all Tamil organisa7s and individuals such as neral Medical Practictioners, stes and tutors. This would ich the database and make Directory comprehensive. 2 Directory is expected to be based in the later part of vember. For further informa' please contact British Tamil ectories, 180 Shrewsbury ad, Forest Gate, London E7 ዚ Tel: 08†-47† 2348.
Canadian Lawyer "rites to Sri Lankan
President
Max Berger, Canadian Barrisand Solicitor has written to Sri kan President, Mr. D.B. Wiinge protesting against the trasituation in Northern Sri ika. He states: 'l am a Canalawyer who has represented usands of Tamil refugee mants who have been granted vention Refugee status in ada. I have heard too many sonal histories of death and ering at the hands of your ernment's army and police. latest round of fighting in the na Peninsula represents a e against humanity, innocent il Civilians, not the L.T.T.E. most severely affected, Your is are bombing Tamil homes, »les and Schools. There is a
15 OCTOBER 1993
serious shortage of food and medicine for infants and young children. The Conflict in Jaffna Peninsula must be resolved through negotiation not through warfare. Your government's many promises to achieve a peaceful solution to the problems in the north of Sri Lanka ring hollow. Mr. Wijetunge, the world is watching you. The world is watching not what you say, but what you do."
Bhrindha’s Delightful Debut
šYMMMM
The Arangetram of Bhrindha Selvarajasingam, disciple of Menaka Raviraj took place at Carshalton High School Hall on Sunday, 12th September. The reception at the entrance by young girls with the traditional Penner chembu and sugar candy was heartwarming and made us wonder why many other organisers treat their invitees differently, as if at a public theatre. This Arangetram, we understand, is not only Bhrindha's debut but also for her Guru Menaka in presentation. Another novelty here was the introduction of a male voice along with that of the well known singer Ambika Thamotharam, it is encouraging to find the well known light music singer Sathiamurthy taking up to dance music which would give him scope for deep vocal expression. Bhrindha showed full involvement in her abhinaya
sequences and her jathis and tempo were remarkably coherent.
One wonders what the purpose was for reciting the Abhinayadarpana slokas for Pataka hasta
viniyokams and the Navarasa slo
kas like a lyric with instrumental support. This did not convey any meaning to the audience. It would have been better if it was Conducted as a demonstrative exer
cise with proper planning. As a
maiden exercise for Menaka it is a very successful effort and her

Page 29
15 OCTOBER 1993
disciple Bhrindha deserves allencouragement and support for further progress. She had a full orchestra at the Arangetram, with Sivaraja's mridangam, Kothandapani's violin, Saraswathi Nataraja's veena and Angelo Kumaradasan's Ghatam and Morsing.
Kalabhavanam’s Varied Presentations
Lalgudi Heritage
In their monthly feature of Chamber music Kalabhavanam presented on 29th August, the well known musician Dr. Lakshmi Jayan with her son Arvind in a special violin concert at the Willis Road mini auditorium before a select knowledgeable audience. The performance was interspersed surprisingly with vocal renderings by Lakshmi whose classical style and swara credibility remains perfect still unspoilt. In her Karaharapriya alapana one could find the age old nathaswara mode, which fortunately has kept the purity of Our ragas unspoilt.
The occasion was to young Arvind a memorable one. In the full repertoire of krithies, varnam, ragam thanam palavi, and thilana, Young Arvind, just a week of obtaining four A's in his academic chase, exhibited his brilliant handling of the violin in the well known style of Lalgudi Jayaraman, whose stamp of virtuosity is well known. Both mother and son playing in unison enthralled the audience. Arvind proved that he has a bright future with his violin and his yearly visit to Lalgudi Jayaraman in India should provide higher achievemertS.
Anuradha’s Solo Bharatanatyam
In between the Crowded Bharatanatya Arangetra celebrations it was a pleasant thought on the part of KALABHAVANAM to have arranged a typically traditional and authentic Bharata Natyan and Abhinayam by a well known artiste from Madras, Anuradha Jagannathan, a very senior exponent of the art who was trained by the Vazhuvoor school maestro Swamimalai Rajaratnam. Additionally she has been specially trained in the Abhinaya styles by the famous exponent Kalanidhi Narayanan. The concert was on 3rd October at the South Norwood Centre, Croydon and the packed audience was treated to a wholesome dance and abhinaya sequences. The lady who is well versed in English and the science of dance presented her programme first explaining the meaning of
each item and demonstrating some of the meanings through gestures, it was a pleasant experience for some of the students of dance who attended this programme. It was a novel production and if all professional dancers adopt this method of presenting their programmes our children will be benefited immensely.
Kuttalam Nagarajan
The young Karnatic singer Kuttalam Nagarajan who is on a second visit to London delighted the members of Kalabhavanam on Sunday, 10th October at the usual Willis Road nini auditoriurn with a full orchestra. Sponsored by Mridangam Maestro Karaikudi Krishnamurthi, Kuttalam Nagarajan was in his best and the audience was thrilled at the performance. Besides the Chosen classical numbers he sang some popular lyrics with full verve and the audience was mesmerised. Karaikudi Krishnamurthi played the mridangan, Thiruvarur Kothandapanion the violin, Bhaskaran Ghatam and as a special invitee Krishnamurthi's disciple Selvi Kavitha Devarajah also played on the mridangam with exceptional skill and competence.
Mr. Rasa Rajendra of Bishop's Stortford, Herts, U.K. has been elected President of the Bishop's Stortford Lions Club. Picture above shows him receiving the Chain of Honour.
Ds. Award to Tamil Academic
Professor Ratnajeevan Hoole of Harvey Mudd College, California, has been awarded the degree of Doctor of Science by the University of London for his contribution to Computational Electromagnetics in Electrical Engineering. This prestigious degree is awarded on the basis of substantial internationally recognised
fir?
of 9iε ዙ†6
ãዘገ Jai
 
 
 
 
 
 

lications in the chosen field of arch. Professor Hoole, who 0 is relatively young for this rd, has over 80 research papto his credit and his book mputer-aided analysis and ign of electromagnetic des' is the first of its kind and is g widely used by universities research establishments. rofessor Hoole received his degree from the University of lon, M.Sc. from the University ordon and Ph.D. fronn CarneMellon University, Pittsburgh. s the third Son of the late Rev. Mrs. R. H. R. Hoole of Nallur, a.
Kumudini's Arangetram
e Bharatha natya arangetram Kumudini, daughter of Dr. and s. Visuwaratnam was pre7ted by Lakshmi Arts Centre on 4 September 1993, at the Jan Hall, University of London. e Guru Smt. Selvaluxmy makrishnan has a reputation of ing produced a string of excel'artistes and Kunihad alot fo
up fo. fter the initial pieces Kumi ved on to the more demanding is of the repertoire. The song the Varnam was 'Saamiyal 2 choladi.... in the Raga rvikalyani set to Adi thalam, demands of this itern in terrns ombinations of pure rhythmic Ce with the more expressive 2cts, were met With ConfiXe. The admiration of the lic deeds of Lord Kumarny, amusement with the way hich He set out to lure Valli the irritation that He had not Onded to her own pleas, were ortrayed with commendable Detence. Blemishes Such as inadequacy of araimandi, cropped up occasionally, led to be more than compenf for by the excellent exSive quality of the dete's performance.
e Patham “Meenakshi e..." in the Raga Abohi, set
TAML TIMES 29
to Adi thalam followed, The Sahitya of the piece gave plenty of scope to convey both bhava the emotional content and the picture content and Kumi brought these out very well.
There followed a lullaby in Neelambari by Murugan thalattu. The crowning Patham was for the
song Atputha chipiyed...' in a
Ragamalikai set to Thisragathi in praise of Nataraja the Creator and the presiding deity of Chidamparam. It was apposite that some of the karunas (postures) derived from the sculpture of Chidambaram, were depicted in an unhurried manner in this dance.
The music was provided by Smt. Sivasakthy Sivanesan. The combined efforts of Selvaluxmy's nattuvangam and Sivasakthy's singing drew the best from Kumi, SivaSakthi is Kumi's music Guru and this, no doubt, was a bonus. All contributed to the success of the Arangetram -- Muthu Sivarajah on the mridangum, Lakshmi Jeyan on the violin, Dr. Nimalraj on the flute and Kalpana Srinivas On the thanbura.
The program concluded with the Thilana followed by mangalam. he Thillana vas in Kathanakuthukalam and was a scintillating finale. The organisers had included in the invitations not only a starting time but had broken tradition in daringly stating a finishing time. They managed to keep to both. Was this further evidence of the rigorous preparations that must have gone into the Arangetram? The Chief Guest was Mr. A.T. Moorthy, former High Commissioner for Sri Lanka in the U.K. In his speech he referred to the Tamil Classic Silappadikaram and its contribu- și tion to Dance, it is incumbent on youngsters like Kumi to continue , to help preserve this ancient form of art.
Saarukesl.
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