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IAITra Eagaranake'S Political Long-Jump
President Wijetunge's Shift
O SeaWinS
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|Reflections On ami Refugees in Switzerland

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I do í lot igrec vitfi v ( ) í ( )
of what you say, but it defennaf to the death your
right to say it
-. Virre
ISSN 0266-4488
VOXI NO.11
15 NOVenber 1993
Published by
TAM TIMES LTD P.O, EOX 121 SUTTON, SURREY SM13TD UNITED KINGDON
Phone: 031-0644 0972 Fax: 08-241 4557
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CONTENTS
Anura's political long jump. . . . . . . .4. Indiscriminate arrest Of Tamils. . . . .5
News Review. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Pres. Wijetunge's shift to strident Sinhala-Buddhist Chauvinism. . . . . 9
Ethnic Conflict - Fallacies
and Responses. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Sri Lanka's ethnic conflict. . . . . . . 13 Politics of Colonisation
and the minorities. . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Agreement that remains unsigned.19 The Sub-Continental Scene. . . . . 23
Reflections on Tamil refugees
in Switzerland. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Classified Advertisements. . . . . . . 27
LET THE
litls three years sin northern districts o displaced. For the l families have been situated mostly in t foreign journalists V plight' of these unfo parties have done niserable existence
in late Septembe residing in the north forcibly driven out 7 assemble at design deposited outside th
AM nenbers of ea old and the infirm, til They did not know done anything that c that had visited then Carried out this mas
Even by standard conflict, one cannot peneditated Collect A few months ago, t British Broadcasting befell the Muslins: which a considerable the danger of riots interest of the securi leave Jaffna, But onc permit then to settle Unserable, What wa inhuman and innor
Now after three ye. North (ORMON) hav (LTTE), who control their hones and live ORMON is absolutel has politically profite population. It has gr. communities. The g these communities tc the Muslims. Becaus purporting to act on th fo portray it as an a platform of the Tani linguistic region was spoke the Tamil lang By driving out the Mu the Muslims of the ea alienated and the C. weakened,
it is time that the population in Septem proportions committed responding to the apg to return to their home should not be compe now. The LTTE has f where they were upro displaced Muslims to be guaranteed.
 

MUSLIMS RETURN HOME
e the entire Muslim population of Jaffna, Mannar and other Sri Lanka numbering over 75,000 people were forcibly st three years, the overwhelming majority of these Muslim living in appalling conditions in makeshift refugee camps Je Puttalian and Chilaw areas. Humanitarian Workers and tho visited these camps have commented on the pitiable tunate people. Neither the government nor Muslim political anything meaningful to rehouse them or alleviate their
r 1990, all the Muslim people who had been traditionally in areas, especially in the Jaffna and Mannar districts, were hey were given just two hours notice to leave their homes, lated places, herded into pickup-trucks, transported and 69 "frontiers of Eelam’.
ch and every Muslim family, including women, children, the Ie sick and the poor were victims of this forced evacuation, why they were being uprooted for they themselves had not 'ould even remotely be described as provoking the tragedy . Nor were they given any reason by those who ordered and s forcible displacement of people. s of brutality that have characterised the Sri Lankan ethnic ind another previous example of this type of deliberate and 've cruelty perpetrated upon an entire community of people, he LTTE leader in an interview with a correspondent of the
Corporation (BBC) gave an explanation for the fate that In the Amparal district, communal riots broke out in 1990 in number of Tamils were killed, and following this there was breaking out in Jaffna also. In those circumstances, in the ty of the Muslim people, we requested them to temporarily ‘e the war ends and a peaceful atmosphere prevails, we will again in Jaffna." This excuse is as unconvincing as it is s perpetrated upon the defenceless Muslim civilians was all in the extreme.
ars, the Organisation for the Rehabilitation of Muslims of the e recently appealed to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam most of the northern areas, to allow the Muslims to return to in the land of their birth which they regard as their homeland. y right when it says that it is the Sri Lankan government that d from the consequences of what was done to the Muslim avely affected the relations between the Tamil and Muslim overnment has been able to exploit the division between its advantage and to the detriment of both the Tamils and e it was done in the name of the Tamil people by those heir behalf, propaganda-wise the government has been able ct of 'ethnic cleansing, and thereby undermine the moral I cause. The case for an autonomous merged Northeast justified on the basis that Tamil and Muslim people who 'uage considered this region as their traditional homeland. slims from the north and carrying out physical attacks upon st substantial sections of the Muslim community have been ase for a merged Northeast region has been seriously
act of enormous inhumanity perpetrated upon the Muslim ber 1990 and the historic political blunder of monumental d then are rectified. Rectification can be by way of positively Jeal by ORMON and allowing the displaced Muslim people is without delay. These people have suffered enough. They led to continue to live in intolerable conditions as they do he power and the duty to restore to them their homes from oted. It should make a public announcement inviting all the return to their homes with an assurance that their safety will

Page 4
4 TAM TIMES
Anura Bandaranai Political Long-Ju
Anura Bandaranaike, once groomed by his mother to become leader of the SLFP if and when she decided to step down, has not only resigned from the party founded by his late father Mr. S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike. Now he has joined the SLFP's traditional political enemy, the United National Party (UNP), and will become one of its front bench spokesmen as a cabinet minister in President Wijetunge’s government. From the front benches in parliament, Anura will be directly facing and confronting his mother, the Leader of the Opposition.
UNP National List MP, Dr. W.I. Fernando has already tendered his resignation. In his place Anura is to be nominated and he is expected to take his oaths as a UNP Nationalist MP on 11 November. He will join the cabinet as Minister of External Resources, Investment and Plan Implementation.
Had he not made this political longjump, with his mother at his side and laying claim in his capacity as the one and only direct male descendant of his
father to whatever is left of the Ban
daranaike political legacy, Anura would have been in the frontline of the political battle for power in next year's elections on behalf of the SLFP and against the UNP. On the contrary, the UNP will now for the first time since 1951 be able have a Bandaranaike on its side and will seek to squeeze every ounce of political benefit from the Bandaranaike name. The UNP can also be expected to field Anura as one of its own frontline battle commanders to fight the SLFP in the electoral arena. It is most likely to deploy Anura who, with his inside knowledge of the workings of the SLFP including its factional and family squabbles, will be uniquely placed to politically expose and do battle with his mother's party. Therein lies the political significance of Anura's resignation from the SLFP and joining the ranks of the UNP. Whether one agrees with Anura's politics or not, by whatever political calculation, to put it at its mildest, the step that he has taken represents a loss for the SLFP and a gain for the UNIP.
is .
'
*, *
Though Anura's resignation from
the SLFP shocked Mrs. Bandaranaike and many others in the party, few believed that he would favourably respond to the shrewdly timed invitation extended to him by the UNP's General Secretary, Mr. Srisena Cooray. When others close to her broached the pros
pect of Anura joi: said that Mrs. Ba her belief that no l ever join the UNP S.W.R.D. had res founded the SLF before resigned fi had later rejoined was that he would There was also t up politics altoget come fed up with bles among the fan cularly with his mo Chandrika Kuman appears to have b by the way he was manner in which h. the party were bei close to him disc considering taking transnational com tant. These rumol discount the prospe the UNP.
Having submitt from the party on left for London and incommunicado exc close touch with s personal friends in this period, relative Bandaranaike fami ists made frantic € Mrs. Bandaranail situation by ma. moves to enable Ar party. The formula Anura should with tion and the party promptly remove h he be restored to hi in the leadership a niser of the party.
On her own voli suasion, Mrs. Band. make conciliatory interviews to the n expreessed the v should rejoin the p attack on the UNE plotting to create a manipulating the ( resignation. The U. son to join it not him, but because t
destroy both the S
am warning the me and the people O beware of the UNP SLFP and remain told the press. Rea invitation to Anura Today the UNP

15 NOVEMBER 1993
ke's тnр
ing the UNP, it is .
daranaike asserted andaranaike would rom which the late gned in 1951 and . Anura had once om the party, but it. The expectation do so again. ilk of Anura giving her as he had behe ongoing squabily members, partiher and sister Mrs. anatunga. He also en extremely hurt suspended and the s supporters within ng treated. Sources osed that he was up a post with a pany as a consulurs also helped to ct of Anura joining
ed his resignation 11 October, Anura remained virtually ept that he kept in ome of his closest Colombo. During s and friends of the ly and Anura loyalfforts to persuade ke to defuse the
ting conciliatory
ura's return to the suggested was that draw his resigna
leadership would is suspension and sprevious position
3 All Island Orga
ion or due to per
ranaike did in fact (estures and gave edia in which she
ish that Anura
rty. In a scathing
she accused it of ift in her party by isis over Anura’s P had invited her 2cause they liked
e UNP wanted to
FP and Anura. “I nbers of my party this country to
game to split the
power, Mrs. B. ing to the UNP’s ojoin it, she said,
praising Anura.
But you should not forget what the great leader Mao Ze Dong once wisely said: "If your enemies praised you, then you have to be careful because you are on the wrong path. If your enemies destructively criticise you, then you should be happy as you are on the right path'.
Asked as to why Anura was kept waiting for 89 days without an inquiry or even being issued with a charge sheet following his suspension, Mrs. B. said, “as a mother II did not want to submit a charge sheet or to take any disciplinary action against my son. Instead I gave him time to settle all his problems amicably. I am sure that any mother would do that to her child. In fact several party members accused me of being biased towards my son. Anura blamed me after he resigned. But he did not know that I was compelled to listen to allegations by party members because I had acted in the way a mother should towards her
SO.
If and when Mrs. B. decided to step down as leader of the SLFP, Anura wanted to succeed. With the more ambitious and capable Mrs. Chandrika rejoining the party, there was a faction engaged in promoting her to become leader. Then there were others who wanted Lakshman Jayakody to take over the party leadership. Even Mrs. B.'s three Ratwatte brothers, on whom she depends for advice, are said to back different contenders for the leadership. The infighting in the SLFP leadership in recent times and the eventual resignation of Anura were a manifestation of this struggle for leadership of the party. Immediately upon Anura's resignation, the factions owing allegiance to the different contenders were seen to be engaged in the race for succession. Asked about this race, Mrs. B. said that it was not one or two persons who were expecting to become leader of the party. "There are those within the family and those outside who are eyeing the post. There are some others who help our family members and in turn expect to be appointed. I know about all of them, and I will never favour them', she said.
Even as Mrs. B. was making conciliatory gestures to enable Anura’s return, there were others in influential positions in the SLFP who were alleged to have been engaged in activities which would prevent his return. According to sources inside the party, there was a 'cabal' at the centre which was determined to get rid of him. This cabal included the party's General Secretary, Dharmasiri Senanayake, Nimal Siripala De Silva. S.B. Dissanayake and Anurudha Ratwatte.
According to those who discussed

Page 5
15 NOVEMBER 1993
with Mrs. B. The question of Anura's return to the party, the arrangement was that the SLFP would desist from formally sending the letter informing the Secretary General of Parliament of Anura's resignation. The effect of such a letter being received by the Secretary General would have been that Anura would have ceased to be a Member of Parliament with immediate effect, and the SLFP would have been entitled to nominate another in his place. However, while Anura was still in London, he learnt that the party's General Secretary Dahramasiri Senanayake had on 22 October formally informed the Secretary General of Parliament about Anura's resignation. Apparently this had been done without the prior knowledge of Mrs. B.
Upon his return to Colombo, Anura met President Wijetunge and his joining the UNP was announced. At a press conference, Anura said that his final decision to join the UNP was taken on 24 October after he learned that the SLFP General Secretary had written to the Secretary General of Parliament notifying him of Anura's resignation. "As far as I am concerned
this was the last thought they wo compromise, but He promised th return to the Sl offered the SLFP It is said that t within the SLFF joining the UNPl rest assured of hi SLFP. They genu defection of Anur stability within other hand there lieve that his jC dealt a body blow from which the p time to recover.
What of the A. still within the parture from th supposed to hav least 20 MPs of mentarians. The UNP will bring to use his influ towards the UN they would not defection provis tion, the govern about a move to
| Intensified Indiscrii Arrest of Tamils in C
Almost every week since the assassination of President Premadasa in May this year, Colombo police announce a new LTTE threat including the arrival of Tiger hit squads, and they declare a security alert to cover the entire city. Since May, over 8,000 Tamils have been taken into custody in Colombo, and arrests following cordon-and search operations have been intensified during the last two months in many areas of the capital. Newspaper reports recount almost daily roundup of Tamils.
Recently the Sunday Times reported that police in the city now have a quota system for the arrest of Tamils and that they are targeting wealthy youths at leading schools and prosper
ing businesses as the LTTE threat in
the city continues. The police deny that patrols were expected to make a certain number of arrests every day, and assert that the overwhelming majority of those who are taken into custody are released within 24 to 48 hours after investigation relating to their innocence, and that only those with alleged Tiger connections are detained for longer periods.
With the recent intensification in the number of arrests, informed
sources say that Tamil persons re at any given tim arrests, approxir held in Kalutara many without b two years. A r government app Task Force (HR army has deta mostly Tamils ir
Midnight corc tions in Colomb Tamils are knc numbers have b Police knock on and take into cl women, young O rich or poor, th vans and take th ing. Those Tami residence in gu house, lodgings similar treatn National Identit tee from being a friends find it locate where th tained.
Reliable repo) unidentified arn ing in unmark

TAM TIMES 5
, nail in the coffin. I uld do something to nothing happened'. at he would never LFP even if he was
leadership. he anti-Anura faction " is jubilant over his because they can now s not returning to the inely believe that the a will bring unity and the SLFP. On the are others who beining the UNP has directed at the SLFP arty will take a long
nura loyalists who are SLFP Before his deLe SLFP, Anura was 2 had the loyalty of at the SLFP's 65 parliare is no doubt that the pressure upon Anura uence to wean them P. And to ensure that fall foul of the antiion in the Constitument may even bring amend this provision
thus facilitating defection of these MPs to the UNP. However there are those while having been loyal to Anura so long as he was in the SLFP and stood by him even after his suspension, who are intensely anti-UNP. The fiery and irrepressible MP for Hambantota, Mr. Mahinda Rajapakse is one such example. Those like Rajapakse will never countenance Anura joining the UNP. A well known Anura loyalist, the Trincomalee SLFP MP Mr M.K.A.D.S, Gunawardene said, "I am prepared to go with Anura Bandaranaike even to hell. But I will never join the UNP.
With Anura joining the UNP, there is no doubt that Chandrika's claim for the mantle of SLFP leadership will be difficult to resist. The full weight of her mother's support will be there to promote her. But there are those within the party who want to rid the party of the Bandaranaikes who they believe have used the party as if it is one of their inherited aristocratic fiefdoms. They might join forces in what some describe as a coalition of convenience with the Anura loyalists who are still within the party to elect a nonBandaranaike as the leader of the SLFP.
minate 'olombo
at least 1000 to 2000 main in police custody e. In addition to these mately 950 Tamils are and Colombo prisons, eing charged for over ecent report by the ointed Human Rights TF) reveals that the ined 2,224 persons,
the North-east. lon-and-search operao and suburbs where own to live in large ecome common place. doors of each house, lstody Tamils, men or r old, employed or not, row them into police
em away for question
ls who have taken up est houses, boarding also are subjected to hent. Possession of y Cards is no guaranrrested. Relatives and extremely difficult to lose arrested are de
its also indicate that ned personnel travell
ed and un numbered
vehicles are abducting Tamil youth in and around Colombo in the same way that security forces carried out abductions during the 1988-89 period of JVP insurgency.
Since the resumption of war between government forces and the Tamil Tigers in June 1990, an estimated 125,000 Tamils have fled from the northeast and taken up temporary residence in Colombo with friends and relatives, in lodgings and in rented accommodation. The primary reason for this large scale movement of the Tamil population is the horror of the ongoing war and the draconian conditions subject to which they are called upon to live under in the Northeast of the island. There are tens of thousands of young Tamils hanging around' in Colombo only until they finalise 'arrangements' through agencies to ge abroad. The Tamils living in and around Colombo have become targets for the police because they believe that the Tamil population provide a conve nient cover for Tiger hit squads to operate with ease without being easily detected.
However, those in the know even within police circles concede that the situation is being used to extort large sums of money for the release of detainees. Even persons known to be innocent are being taken into custody with a view to extorting money for their release.
Continued on page 19

Page 6
6 TAMIL TIMES
NEWS REVIEW
Northern Muslims Appeal to Tigers
In a recent appeal addressed to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), the Organisation for the Rehabilitation of Muslims of the North (ORMON) has stated that it was only the Sri Lankan government that had politically profited by the forcible driving out of the Muslim people from northern Sri Lanka. At least now the LTTE must realise this fact and allow the northern Muslims to return to their homes and live in the land of their birth.
The statement of appeal made by
the Secretary of ORMON, Mr. A.C.,
Iqbal, said: "It will be three years on 30 October 1993 since the Muslim people were driven out from the north. Words are inadequate to describe the enormous hardships and suffering they experienced during this period. Even today the overwhelming majority of these people are living in refugee camps. Those who live outside cannot really understand the misery they are undergoing in the refugee camps. Only those who live in those camps can truly feel the sheer suffering and agony they are going through.
It is only the government of Sri Lanka that has politically profited from this situation. Those who lost are the Tamil Tigers who drove away the Muslim people. We hope that they have now realised this truth. Therefore, ORMON requests the LTTE at least now without any more delay allow the northern Muslim people to return and live in the land of their birth. We ask them to consider for a moment as to how the deprivation of the basic civic rights of one minority
community by another minority com
munity can be regarded as just.
37 Muslim young men who were
taken into custody and detained since January 1990 by the Tamil Tigers have not yet been released. Those young men had never acted against the aspirations of the Tamil people. Their parents who live as refugees in the south do not know as to why these young men are continuing to be kept in detention. Nothing fruitful has resulted in spite of the fact that the intervention of Amnesty International, International Quaker Peace and Service and the International Committee of the Red Cross has been in regard to the plight of these 37 young men. We appeal to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam to extend their hand to rebuild Tamil-Muslim relations by re
Z
leasing these young m ing the northern M return to their home land of their birth.
der Drastic Cut il
to Jaffna U
The University Gra has directed an unpr. reduction in the adm to the Jaffna Univer 1992-93. Although versity authorities ha UGC that they could dents to all their fac decided to allow the a 408 students.
The Senate of the J. while expressing deel UGC's decision, has UGC to reconsider i allow the admission C in the context of the tions prevailing in the ongoing violence and
What has incensed versity authorities mc action in reducing admissions to one-thir asked for while allowi ties in the south of the more students tham quested. For instanc Faculty of the Univer had asked for admiss dents, whereas the U rised the admission o Again, in the case faculties of the Perade denepura, Kelaniya ar versities, the UGC has admission of five mo each case than askedf hand, in the case of the of the Jaffna Universit authorised the admis: students of the 200 asl
Rape Case and Tui
Controversy and myst rape case in which an is alleged to have be retired high ranking p Attorney-at-Law Ranahewa who was a charge on behalf of girl, the victim of th withdrew from the cast several death threats. take them seriously, threat was to kidnap that my son's life is therefore I must with case', the lawyer to adding that he regrett because it would be victim, the 11-year-old left with no option. E

15 NOVEMEBER 1993
en and by allowuslim people to and live in the
Admission niversity
nts Commission cedented drastic ssion of students sity for the year he Jaffna Uniindicated to the admit 1180 stuulties, the UGC dmission of only
lffna University, ) concern at the
requested the ts decision and f more students
adverse condinorth due to the
War.
the Jaffna Unire is the UGC's the number of d of the number ng the universiisland to admit they had ree, the Medical sity of Colombo ion of 180 stuGC has authof 185 students. of the medical niya, Jayawarhd Ruhuna Uni: authorised the re students in or. On the other medical faculty y, the UGC has ion of only 60 ked for.
- Twists "S *ry surrounds a 11-year-old girl en raped by a olice official.
Weera sena pearing free of he 11-year-old 2 alleged rape, after receiving At first I didn't but the latest my son. I feel in danger and draw from the d newspapers ed his decision unfair by the girl, but he was ecause of con
tinuing death threats, the lawyer has been compelled to change residence.
A woman lawyer, Srimani Kodikara, who was assisting Mr. Ranahewa, continued to appear on behalf of the victim before the investigating Colombo Magistrate Champa Buddhipala.
In a sudden and unexpected move, the Attorney General withdrew the case filed against the ex-police officer which resulted in a hue and cry by many human rights and women's rights and religious organisations. They alleged that the Attorney General's decision to withdraw the case has denied the little girl her fundamental right to justice. Following a written request by Professor of Law, Savithri Gunasekera, the Bar Association has stepped into the controversy and made representations to the Attorney General regarding the case.
Meanwhile Attorney General, Tilak Marapana, called an extraordinary news conference to defend his department's handling of the case and the decisison to withdraw the case against the ex-police officer. He said that the testimony of the girl and other evidence had been unsatisfactory, and his department could not willingly be a party to prosecuting a person merely to avoid criticism from a prejudiced public. His department acted on credible evidence and not on prejudices, he added.
The Bar Association of Sri Lanka has in the meantime told the Attorney General that the application made by his department to discharge the suspect in the alleged rape case was "wrong in law', and that the BASL would consider 'appropriate action' to have the discharge reviewed by the Court of Appeal if the AG failed to re-examine the inquiry proceedings with a view to reopening the case against the ex-police officer. The Executive Committee of the BASL also expressed its grave concern with regard to the manner in which the proceedings in the Magistrate's Court came to an end.
In another mysterious twist in the handling of this case, the Colombo Magistrate who heard the case, Champa Buddhipala, has received transfer orders with effect from 1 January 1993 to Galle. The Magistrate described the transfer move as a "conspiracy'.
Legal circles described the Magistrate's transfer as very uncommon in that a Magistrate normally held office at one station for three years, but Mr. Buddhipala had served in Colombo for only one-and-a-half years. ۔
Though the rape case was withdrawn on the application by the Attor

Page 7
15 NOVEMBER 1993
ney General, Mr. Buddhipala at that time maintained that there was enough evidence to proceed with his investigations into the case. Reacting to his transfer order, he said, "There is no choice but to accept the transfer. It is quite evident that there is some conspiracy involved in this. But whatever it is I have to accept the decision taken by the authorities.' But he said that his transfer was unreasonable and it did not even come under the routine transfer scheme.
Declining to comment as to whether the reason for his transfer was linked to his stand on the withdrawal of the rape case, Mr. Buddhipala revealed that he had been receiving threats about a transfer from mid-June this year when the case had first come to light.
h Airbus Deal Cancelled
Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe has disclosed that the Rs.35 billion controversial Airbus deal entered into between Airlanka and European Airbus Industries for the purchase of seven aircraft has been cancelled. The World Bank on whose financial support Sri Lanka depends had previously expressed grave concern at the adverse impact this huge deal would have on the country's economy.
The deal also had attracted severe criticism within the country and parliament as to the procedure followed and the financial irregularities involved. Recently, Dr. Wimal Wickremasinghe, Minister for Parliamentary Affairs and Environment, refused to answer questions on the Airbus deal asked by opposition MP, Mr. C.V. Gooneratne on the grounds that it was prejudicial to the national interest to answer such questions.
Mr. Gooneratine's questions related to matters including: (a) In the Airbus deal costing $700 million (approximately Rs.34 billion), the two A320 aircraft already purchased at a cost of $90 million (Rs.4.23 billion) each had no coat hangers, piped music or video film screen and other usual facilities due to which one of the airbuses is not used, and hence attempts were being made to lease it out; (b) Airlanka made a down payment of $74.23 million (Rs.3.7 billion); and (c) While Airlanka had contracted to purchase each A320 Airbus for $96 million, today they are available at approximately $60 million.
A TULF Leaders Murder Case
The sole accused in the case of the murder of the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) leaders, A. Amirtha
lingam and V. Yog attempted murder C param, refused to c. make a statement fr defence when asked prosection case by th to do so. Upon his re Mr. U. Thevarajah si ment of the case to submission on beha which was granted b
In this case, V Mariyadas alias Mas kam in Jaffna and al to the LTTE was ind General with conspir murders of the TUL! the period of June an Colombo.
The substance of case was that Mar along with the three A ra vind han alia Alloysius Leon and maran alias Arivu, w murders. All three g belonging to the L during the incident the TULF leaders.
The gunmen had the residence of th having duped them into believing that th were emissaries of th they wanted to ne; about a reconciliati TULF and the LTTE in a few minutes of ning, the gummen sl leaders at point-bl. Amirthalingam and on the spot and M. S narrowly escaped de serious injuries. Thi initially denied any ir murders, subsequen the TULF leaders we they were "traitors'.
*r Ragging Dean's Re
Professor Carlo Fon Kelaniya Medical university teaching alike with his resig against the continuil ging of freshers' by Some months ago, dent died as a result
Expressing 'shock teaching staff wrote spected professor th vastated by the po may leave us, we sal as it only could hav man of great moral ( a sense of duty not versity system, bu general”.

TAML TIMES 7
eswaran and the f M. Sivasithamall evidence or to om the dock in his at the end of the he presiding judge fusal, his Counsel ought an adjournmake his closing lf of the accused by the judge.
incent William ter from Chunnalegedly belonging icted by Attorney acy to commit the F leaders between ld 17 July 1989 in
the prosecution iyadas conspired gunmen, Rasaiah s Visu, Peter Kandiah Sivakuho carried out the gunmen allegedly ITE were killed by bodyguards of
gained access to e TULF leaders
(TULF leaders) ley (the gunmen) e LTTE and that gotiate to bring on between the leadership. Withthe talks beginnot at the TULF ank range. Mr. Yogeswaran died Sivasithamparam ath but suffered e LTTE, having volvement in the tly claimed that re killed because
Prompts signation
seka, Dean of the Faculty, shocked staff and students nation in protest ng practice of'ragsenior students. a university stu
of ragging. and dismay', the to the much reat 'although deisibility that you ute your decision, been made by a ourage, bound by only to the uniut to society in
Since the Dean's resignation, the students wrote to him giving strong assurances that there would be no ragging of any kind in the future; they acknowledged that the culprits protect themselves from the consequences of ragging by terrorising the victims; and they appreciated the consequences of future ragging - that the Deans and Heads of Departments would immediately resign. w
The university teachers told the professor that the students' response deserved his sympathetic consideraiton, and that they themselves promised to eradicate ragging completely and undertook to carry out necessary
disciplinary action without the slight
est hesitation. They said that the professor's resignation would be disastrous "to this young and vulnerable faculty', and appealed to him to reconsider his decision and withdraw the resignation.
Breakup of FUTA
The powerful Federation of University Teachers Association (FUTA) is breaking up. Already the University of Colombo Law Teachers Association (UCLTA), Faculty of Medicines Teachers Association (FMTA), and University of Colombo Science Teachers Association (UCSTA) have broken away from the FUTA in protest against its questionable role in promoting the interests of Dr. Nalin de Silva at the expense of the interests of the university teachers in general.
Dr. Nalin de Silva, the arch exponent of the chauvinist ideology of Jathika Chinthanaya, was dismissed from his post following the findings of a University Tribunal on charges of gross indiscipline. He was engaged in a campaign of ‘consistent, vituperative attacks on the University of Colombo and its academics'. In spite of his dismissal and thereby ceasing to be a university teacher, Dr. de Silva was recently re-elected as President of the
FUTA.
The member Associations also have
condemned the report produced by a sub-committee appointed by FUTA which sought to denigrate the findings of the University Tribunal that held the disciplinary hearing against Dr. de Silva. The FUTA sub-committee report alleged that the Tribunal's findings contained 'distortions, inaccuracies and misrepresentations”. Rejecting the sub-committee’s allegations as 'a gross insult to our Faculty, the FMTA stated that it is extremely concerned and perturbed about the manner in which individual interests, some of which do not fall within the purview of legitimate trade union activities are being pursued by FUTA.

Page 8
8 TAM TIMES
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Page 9
5 NOVEMBER 1993
President Wijetunge's Strident Sinhala-Buddhist C
by our Special Correspondent
In the beginning it was casually assumed by many in Sri Lanka's political and opinion making circles that President D.B. Wijetunge's views on the northeast problem were a mere manifestation of the temporary difficulties he was facing in trying to adjust himself to a role that was unexpectedly and suddenly thrust upon him. Few indeed took him seriously when he first said that there was no ethnic problem in the country but only a terrorist problem. The western diplomatic community which was slightly alarmed thought that better counsel would prevail on him in due course. For there were many with good access to the presidential secretariat who could reasonably be expected to apprise the new incumbent of the "political etiquette' of adopting an internationally (read western) acceptable rhetoric in addressing the Tamil question.
The politically correct rhetoric which the western missions in Colombo expected of D.B. Wijetunge, was the familiar Premadasa refrain that Sri Lanka is a multi-ethnic society and that a political solution should be worked out in order to satisfy the reasonable political aspirations of the minorities. That it was mere rhetoric did not of course matter. There were people like Presidential advisor Bradman Weerakoon, Secretary to the President, K.H. Wijedasa and the able Nihal Rodrigo of the foreign ministry who were in a position to tactfully venture the right suggestions to the new President. There was also an expectation among some Colombo based Tamil parties and groups that the Prime Minister, Mr. Ranil Wickremasinghe would set things right soon.
Then there was the Liberal Party leader Dr. Chanaka Amaratunge inducted last month to meet and discuss with them a 'new' basis for restarting the dialogue on devolution and peace. Although some Tamil leaders were evidently displeased and privately annoyed that the Prime Minister, Mr. Ranil Wickremasinghe, should have sent the rotund but suave Dr. Chanaka around to find their views instead of calling them direct as had been the practice during the early years of the Premadasa administration, they waited in hope of another round of talks. Wickremasinghe however, did attempt, for his part, to extract a positive interpretation from the President's statement that there was no
ethnic problem, need to compel ombo based Ta. to contest local in the east. Net pretation was No amount of s construe the P there is no eth terrorist proble convince the wi Tamil communi actually saying solution should problem. The have to regularl and western cor rassed but persi efforts to offer planation to ti ment. A weste turned to Colo long holiday, o dent's pronounc cally "I got back was pleased to di ethnic problem terrorist probler been so blind?
It soon tran there were plent ready to unequ whole hearted taken by the Pr parliamentary second week of endorsed the sta Wijetunge that rorist problem. : articles appeare press which expi earnest, driving there was no nee to the Tamils in has confirmed th problem.
The leader of Sanvidhanayas about the wisdo bold' stand. Wh his “Jathika Chi of a Sinhala lea the very first tim President who stated what the sors have been S. Anagarika Dha Jayasuriya, obvi enthusiasm at t fall, called D.B Sinhala father very sensitive m. Jayasuriya — Mahabhodi Soci

| AML TIMES 9
shift to hauVinism
in view of the pressing or persuade the Colmil groups and parties
government elections.
dless to say, his interwkward and clumsy. ophistry can help one "esident's stand (that ic problem but only a m in the island), to stern donors and the ty that what he was
was that a political pe found for the ethnic President’s men who y meet with diplomats sultants were embarsted with their feeble a more charitable exhe President's statern diplomat who rembo recently after a n hearing the Presiement noted sarcastitwo weeks ago and scover that there is no in Sri Lanka, only a n. How could I have
spired however that iy of people who were ivocally extend their support to the stand esident. The U.N.P.'s group met in the September and fully tement made by D.B. here was only a terSeveral editorials and d in the state run inded on the theme in home the point that d to concede anything w that the President at there was no ethnic
he Sinhala Arakshya oke in glowing terms m of the President's t more could he and tanaya' clique want ler? In fact this was that they have got a has unequivocally
and their predeces
ying from the time of .
mapla. Mr. Gamini usly carried away by is unexpected windthe son of a true ld mother. It was a tter indeed that Mr. he leader of the y and the S.A.S. -
had touched on. The implications of that statement were not lost on the Sinhalese. It sought to indirectly attribute former President Premadasa's 'great betrayal' of the Sinhala nation to his doubtful parentage.
It will be remembered that the shrill litany in the south which all but finished Premadasa's political career arose from the belief that he was sabotaging the Sinhala nation by killing its war heroes Kobbekaduwa and Lalith while soft-pedalling on the Tamil question and dragging his feet on an all out military offensive on the peninsula. In the Sinhala mind this belief was essentially associated with stories about his caste status and birth. Furthermore he was seen as a man from the ethnically "impure' slums of Colombo. In contrast D.B.'s social credentials are presented as almost impeccable. The leader of the S.A.S. and the Mahabhodi Society is, therefore, asserting that the Sinhala nationalism of the President could be taken as being genuine and effective because he is of good Sinhala stock. In fact the SLFP M.P. for Puttalam, S.D.R. Jayaratne went a step further and said in parliament on 18 August, "I was told by a person that President Wijetunge is a descendant of Keppitipola”. The memory of Keppitipola Dissawe is, as everyone knows, powerfully inscribed in the annals of militant Sinhala Buddhism as the great hero who courageously rose in bloody rebellion against the British in defence of the faith and the Sinhala nation. Thus every ingredient that is necessary to prepare the heady concoction of strident Sinhala nationalism which seems to animate the pronouncements of the President is being identified with him by the Sinhala enthusiasts who had not so secretly rejoiced at Premadasa's violent end.
As months went by it became increasingly clear that the President's stand on the ethnic question was not merely an ephemeral phenomenon which could be casually attributed to a phase of political adjustment in which a new incumbent gets his bearings right, but one that arose out of his convictions and ideology. A close examination of his regular statements on the problem in the northeast would lucidly reveal that his views are well grounded in a coherent political ideology. It is this that makes him confidently advance his "thesis' that there is no ethnic problem but only a terrorist problem in Sri Lanka. His Ratnapura speech (28.10.93) smashed to smithereens the fragile hopes of the Colombo based Tamil parties and groups that he would ultimately see reason and at least pay lip service to the frayed

Page 10
10 TAMILTIMES
concepts of multi-ethnicity and political solution. Addressing a meeting of public servants working in the Ratnapura district at the Ratnapura Town Hall he said: "It is very important for the world to know that there is no ethnic problem in Sri Lanka. It is purely a terrorist problem. It is unfortunate that the terrorists belong to one racial group. Many people ask me what package I have to offer to the Tamils. There is no question of a package. We will hold elections at the proper time.'
Again he had told the U.N.P. Balamandlaya meeting at Hanguranketha in Kandy on November 11, “A certain group is trying to tell the world that there is a racial conflict in this country, but we say there is only terrorism here. We have given everything that they asked for - schools, roads etc., what more are we to give them'. The 'We' in his speeches emphatically refers to the Sinhala Buddhist nation. It also asserts the hierarchy of the majoritarian order. There is absolutely no question of devolution and autonomy. They are totally irrelevant to the scheme of things in this conception of Sinhala Buddhist nationhood. It is a virulently exclusivist conception, characterised by the dominant 'We' defining the political order.
What more do the Tamils want than roads and schools? the question posed by President D.B. Wijetunge resounds in the Sinhala heartland with great cogence, pregnant with those very feelings which many moderates fondly believed had waned in recently years for the better towards a multi-ethnic nation they always dreamed of. The Tamil political parties and groups based in Colombo would seem to have gained the impression that only federalism is anathema to hard line Sinhala opinion, while wittingly or unwittingly overlooking the fact that it is not just federalism but the very concept of devolution itself is considered pernicious. Sinhala sovereignty and the unitary structure of the Sri Lankan state are inextricably interwoven ideas. Devolution in any form is a threat to the unitary structure and therefore to Sinhala sovereignty. In a hard hitting speech at Talatu Oya recently the President stated: “Provincial Councils are meant to execute policy decisions taken by the central government and not to frame policies of their own. Neither are they expected to sue the government. The Provincial Councils have to put into operation what they are told to do, in order to make it easy for the government to implement its decisions. There is only one government in this country. There are no governments within
governments'. It shot credit that D.B. mak what every other Sin Lanka attempted to ling the possibility o the incurably hopef ates.
It has become alm Colombo based Ta groups that the th ment to the Sri Lank a solid foundation ol ultimately rest their guarantees the provi tem that had given a for regional rule -hC - to the Tamils. How who permitted them their faith in the th ment had preferred criticism that hac against the Indo-Lar had entailed the ame ticism was this: Alth ment is an unprece tional basis for devo system which is esse on the inviolable so parliament and an ex cy could easily deb. that basis if a Sinhal not subscribe to th ethnicity became P comfortable majority Many Tamil leader looked or deliberate criticism because th themselves that India ly be on their side against such an even
Today they find to ernation that Delhi for them and is doing ble to cementa stron the Colombo governn High Commission in scrapped a post in it that was created aft exclusively deal wit. Delhi is watching wit cy as D.B. boldly stati the P.C. system it h so great a cost. The most pro-Indian gro was rudely awaken f slumbers' by the P. Oya speech, but they little but send off a statement taking D. seemed to care. A took up the matter Prime Minister wh parried the issue.
It has now becom that the President is on the ethnic questi with a clearly defi thinking. There ar observers who attrib tionship with the fi

15 NovEMbcn svJ
ld be said to his s no bones about hala leader of Sri isguise by dang
dialogue before Il Tamil moder
ost a dogma with mil parties and irteenth amendun Constitution is which they can political hope. It ncial council sysbrief opportunity wever precarious ver those Tamils selves to indulge irteenth amendto overlook the been levelled ka Accord which ndment. The criough the amend'dented constitulution, a unitary ntially predicated vereignty of the ecutive Presidenlitate or negate a leader who did e idea of multiresident with a 7 in parliament. 's naively overaly ignored this ley had deluded a would constantas a guarantee tuality. their utter constlas no time at all everything possigfriendship with hent. (The Indian Colombo recently s political section er the Accord to h Tamil affairs). h cool complacenes his views about ad established at E.P.R.L.F. - the up of them all - rom its 'dogmatic "esident's Talatu could do precious hastily drafted ... to task. No one vestern embassy briefly with the ) had as usual
quite apparent expressing views on in accordance lable pattern of some political ute it to his relaunding-father of
the Jathika Chintanaya school of Sinhala nationalism, Dr. Gunadasa Amarasekera, who also happens to be D.B.'s dentist. Their view appears to be more or less correct in view of the ideological consistency which underlies the President's pronouncements on the ethnic question.
The ideology of the Jathika Chintanaya was set in the book Ganaduru Mediyama Dakinemi Arunalu which Dr. Gunadasa Amarasekera published in 1988. Dr. Nalin de Silva who is a senior lecturer in mathematics in the university of Colombo is his associate and an important exponent of this ideology. (Dr. Nalin is very active in student politics and was recently sacked from the staff accused of fomenting student unrest on the campuses). Both have written regularly in Sinhala dailies - especially the Divaina - expounding the ideology of Jathika Chintanaya in relation to various issues which from time to time attract the interest of the Sinhala people. In recent months Dr. Nalin de Silva and his followers have arranged meetings in many parts of the south to propagate their views about revitalising the sense of Sinhala national dignity and placing it on the solid bedrock of an indigenous or homegrown thinking and culture (which is the rough English equivalent of the term Jathika Chintanaya).
They argue that Sri Lanka must have a national culture which should be strong enough (politically) to assimilate other cultures. This nationall culture, they say, should be based on the way of life that has emerged over two and a half millenia through the fruitful blending of Buddhism and elements of a purely indigenous culture (read Sinhala). The "natural historical process' had over the years successfully assimilated peoples of various ethnic and religious origins into this culture. Now this process, according to them, was arrested by the British who in order to promote a divide and rule policy, created conditions deliberately to foster a Tamil consciousness in certain parts of the island. Hence, they point out, the historical process of assimilation by which the descendants of Elara and countless other invaders and immigrants became Sinhalised failed to produce, in the twentieth century, a true national culture.
Dr. Nalin de Silva would draw one's attention to the fact that Tamils who settle down in America would become English speaking Americans who identify themselves as such during the course of a generation rather than insist on their ethnic-political identity. Similarly, says he, Tamils in Sri Lanka

Page 11
15 NOVEMBER 1993
should strive towards becoming one with this national culture. (The irony is that he himself belongs to a social group in the south the Dravidian origins of which has been demonstrated by Professor Michael Roberts).
The Jathika Chintanayaites also propagate the belief that the British deliberately depopulated the eastern province by massacring its 'original' Sinhala inhabitants and settling in their stead Tamils who were brought from elsewhere in the nineteenth century. They add that Sinhalese were driven out thus from various parts of the northern province as well. The Tamil homeland, according to them, is a fiction - a product of the British conspiracy against the Sinhala Buddhist nation. These views have naturally led them to insist that the characterisation of the problem in the northeast as an ethnic problem is a deliberate ploy by the enemies of the Sinhala people to further undermine and destroy the historical process of assimilating other racial groups into the PanSinhala culture of the island.
The characterisation of the war as an ethnic conflict, in their opinion, is part of a larger western conspiracy to
ag
enfeeble the nationalist as countries, bec what they se Sinhala sover can be said tha la leaders hav ideas in the p jetunge has be spokesman of represented by Chintanaya. A as a surprise Gunadasa Am the S.L.F.P. in Sunday Divair ty in nouncert devolution pac its newly pre also took to ta anaike for sayı a military solu C8 enSUB I devolution to communities northeast coul answer to a qu Ponnambalam (J.R. who was issue in his r pointed out th
Ethnic Conflict: Fa
and Respons
by Rev. Paul Caspersz
But for those in the arms industry and in the arms trade for whom violence is livelihood and war is money, there is no one anywhere in our land or in the whole world who does not ardently desire inter-ethnic peace to return to our land.
The arms industry is the most profitable of all industries in the world. There are people who sell arms to both sides and may be there are people who buy arms for both sides. The US and 'great Western countries do not want China to sell missiles to Saddam Hussein, but fight with one another to be at the top of the queue of deadly arms sellers to other countries of the Middle East and even to Iraq, if they can keep the deals secret.
We have lived together in the past: Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims and Burghers; Buddhists, Hindus, Muslims and Christians. The times when we had trouble in living together can be counted in days; when we lived peacefully together - a poor but happy people in a beautiful land - can be counted in years.
There is no insuperable reason why we cannot do so in the present and
continue to live When inter-eth land, the viole will be a bad dı want to reme ethnic peace to have to stop t conflict which assumed the pr
But there ar. that prevent o conflict and he ethnic peace purpose of this these fallacies: made to list th ance, because person to perse and from time there will be a
T
Fallacy: Wha not an ethnic terrorist proble North should and hey presto land.
Response: T vestigation of

digenous cultures and irations of third world use it basically denies
as the 2500 year old ignty in Sri Lanka. It although many Sinhabeen inspired by such st, President D.B. Wiin the most unequivocal the cause that is today the ideology of Jathika nd hence it did not come
to anyone when Dr. resekera lashed out at an article written to the a condemning that parin terms for outlining a kage for the Tamils in ared policy paper. He sk Chandrika Bandarng that she was not for tion but for one which adequate package of the satisfaction of all and under which the run its own affairs, in estion posed by Kumar
at a recent seminar also present dodged the ply). The good doctor at the SLFP has bet
TAMILTIMES 11
rayed the principle which SWRD Bandaranaike stood for. He also chided the party for covering up the fact that 1956 was the culmination of a historical process of the Sinhala national liberation struggle begun by Anagarika Dharmapala. The SLFP he said does not see it as such but falsely presents '56 as the result of a personal decision taken by SWRD. This is nothing but a deracinate, anti-national interpretation, he added.
In saying all this Dr. Amarasekera was clearly attempting to denigrate the Sinhala Buddhist credentials of the SLFP, which has been a traditionall source of strength to that party. The ultimate beneficiary of his "intellectual” labours, of course is President D.B. Wijetunge.
Instead of countering "terrorism', the recent trends in the south of the island with President Wijetunge at the helm can only serve to reinforce the Tamil nationalist ideology in its most militant form. Velupillai Prabhakaran, the leader of the Tamil Tigers can congratulate himself that he has found a friend in President Wijetunge for advancing the cause of Eelam.
llacies
BeS
together in the future. nic peace returns to the nce of the recent past eam which no one will mber. But for interreturn to our land we he violent internecine
in some areas has oportions of a real war. a number of fallacies delay the end of the ce the return of interind justice. It is the article to list seven of No attempt has been em in order of importhe order varies from n, from place to place o time. To each fallacy 'esponse.
errorism
, we have in our land is problem but only a n.The terrorists in the alt their terror tactics eace will return to our
he fallacy prevents inhe causes of what is
called the terrorist problem. There is an ancient Latin aphorism which, when translated, reads: the cause of the cause is the cause of the thing caused. The thing caused is in our case a devastating bomb blast or a murderous run on an army camp. The cause is then said to be terrorist activity. But what is the cause of the terrorist activity?
If this cause can be discovered, it will be possible to work diligently for its removal.
Let me first quote from a letter just received from a friend: 'You will remember our late President saying that Prabhakaran was "born” on the day the Jaffna Municipal Library was burnt down. I would add that he was "conceived" when (according to an Indian journalist) he watched helplessly, as a child of four, his favourite uncle being hacked to death by a thug in 1958. Be that as it may.
Tracking the causes of terrorist activity we are fortunately on firmer ground. The ground was opened for us by Prime Minister J.R. Jayewardene himself, when he read out the Statement of Government Policy in Parliament on August 4, 1977, soon after the UNP had won a stunning victory at the polls.
"My Government accepts the position that there are numerous problems confronting the Tamil-speaking people. The lack of a solution to their Continued on page 12

Page 12
12 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 11
problems has made the Tamilspeaking people support even a movement for the creation of a separate state. In the interest of national integration and unity, so necessary for the economic development of the whole country, the Government feels such problems should be solved without loss of time and will take all possible steps to remedy their grievances in such fields as: (1) Education. (2) Colonization. (3) Use of Tamil Language. (4) Employment in the Public and Semi-Public Corporations.'
The cause of the cause of the bomb blast or the armed raid could not have been set out with any greater clarity.
Lest it be argued that this was only Mr. Jayewardene's personal and private opinion, it needs to be known that JR was only repeating nearly verbatim the section on the "Problems of Tamil-speaking People' written into the UNP manifesto for the 1977 elections.
This manifesto was, we take it, the work of all the stalwarts - then and now - of the party.
Language Fallacy: The language problem has been solved by the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution. So the Tamils have now nothing to grumble about.
Response: First, the statement in Parliament cited above is quite clear that language was only one of four main areas of grievances of the Tamil people.
Second, even the Thirteenth Amendment shilly-shallies about giving Tamil really equal status with Sinhala as one of the two official languages. A much clearer enunciation of the equality of status of both languages is needed to undo the damage done by the biggest act of political short-sightedness in the twentieth century history of our country, namely, the Language Act of 1956.
Third, implementation of the Thirteenth Amendment, even as it stands, lacks moral and political determination. Go to the Railway Stations of Colombo Fort or Kandy and listen to the anouncements on the public address system, or go to the bus stands of big cities and read the destination boards or read many important communications sent out by Government Departments. Or, for that matter, listen to the ball-to-ball commentaries on cricket test matches. Compare with Switzerland where every government
notice, even every leaflet that is pack
ed into a tube of toothp languages: German, F. lian. And we could so e the Switzerland of the
Inter-ethnic rejoicing
Fallacy: The Sinhale live peacefully in the So enjoy themselves toget cricket at Khettaram there is no ethnic pi country.
Response: Since C Muslims live peacefully Lanka, can it be said tl trouble in Bosnia or iI Revelry in the South is r dispel mourning in the was much revelry on th until after midnight:ye April 15, 1912 the prou with a loss of 1513 lives
Impotenc
Fallacy: We can't do it, but have just to wa lines and see the count the Gadarene slope to c
Response: "Impossil me hear that foolish (Mirabeau). “The only t for the triumph of ev people to do nothing.
Fallacy: Tell the Tar the demand for a sepal all will be well.
Response: The troub before the Vaddukodda 1976 which put forwar We should note that e 1970, the Federal Party manifesto stated clearly conviction that division in any form would be b er to the country nor speaking people. Henc the Tamill-speaking pec their support to any ment that advocates th our country'.
The 1976 turn-arour last-ditch stand, meant convince the Sri Lanka the urgency of a just today, it is the firm b{ students of the ethnic ( country that, if the Ta justice, the demand f state will be increasing finally disappear into t of old history books.
Stop!
Fallacy: It is up to the people of the North, th South to tell the Tigers Response: The day is Tamil Tigers will sit with Tamil civilians. T.

15 NOVEMBER 1993
aste, is in three rench and Itaasily really be East
in the South
se and Tamils uth. They even her at floodlit a. Therefore, oblem in the
hristians and together in Sri hat there is no East Timor? lot sufficient to
North. There he luxury liner t at 2.20am on d Titanic sank
Ce anything about it on the sidery going down lisaster. ple! Never let word again'
hing necessary vil is for good
mils to give up rate state, and
oles began long i resolution of d the demand. ven as late as y in its election r: "It is our firm
of the country eneficial neith
to the Tamile we appeal to ple not to lend political movee bifurcation of
hd was thus a , above all, to Government of solution. Even elief of several uestion in our
mils are given
or a separate gly muted and he dusty pages
'i Yok
Tamil civilian e East and the , Stop!
spast when the to talk turkey he only way to
stop the Tigers in their tracks is to be fair and just, if not also kind and generous, to the Tamil civilian people. The way to stop Tiger guns is not to stop food and medicines and kerosine to Jaffna. The Tigers get them anyway and live, it is the civilians who do not and die.
The Army
Fallacy: Let's leave it to the Army. They will wipe out the Tigers and we can all live happily ever after.
Response: The first time we heard the phrase, wipe them out, was when President Jayewardene sent Brigadier Weeratunga to Jaffna in July 1979 with the clear mandate, "eliminate the menace of terrorism in all its forms from the island and more specially from the Jaffna District'. It will soon be fifteen years after this order was first given. It has been repeated many times since, promises have been headlined in the newspapers that war would end by the end of each successive year. But the war, terrorism, landmines, maimings and killings of Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims continued unabated and the Country Beloved bleeds to death.
We have to get our act together and save our country and our people.
Continued from page 5
Many Tamil politicians and human rights organisations have protested against the practice of widespread indiscriminate arrest of Tamils in and around Colombo. The situation is such that even Cabinet Minister, Mr. S. Thondaman, wrote to President Wijetunge seeking his intervention and an urgent meeting with him. Reminding the President that he raised the question of the large scale indiscriminate arrest of Tamils in Colombo at a recent cabinet meeting, Mr. Thondaman in his letter states that the arrests are still continuing.
“I receive several reports daily, even now, about indiscriminate arrests. I am told that a large number of persons are still being arrested and locked up straightaway in the cells in the Pettah Police Station where about 200 persons are locked up in a cell at a time. The size of the cell is about 30 x 15 feet.
"You will appreciate that any person taken into custody should not be treated as a criminal until inquiries are completed and until found guilty should be treated respectably and humanely. In the event there is no sufficient space, arrangements should be made to find a larger place to accommodate such persons arrested on suspicion until inquiries are completed, Mr. Thondaman states

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15 NOVEMBER 1993
SRI ANKA’S ETHNIC C0
Ethnic Fairness and
Approach to Resol
by Dr. Jayadeva Uyangoda
The following are excerpts from this year's S.W.R.D. delivered by Dr. Jayadeva Uyangoda, Senior Lectur
Colombo University.
Mr. Bandaranaike's place in the history of ethnic relations in the postcolonial Sri Lanka is a controversial theme. The nature of that controversy is too well known to mention here. His appeal to the Sinhalese-Buddhist society, and the translation of some aspects of that appeal into public policy have had a lasting impact on the course of Sri Lanka’s economic, political, social and ideological relations. The interpretation and evaluation of this change can even today lead to sharp differences of opinion.
The concept "Federalism' has been one of the keenly contested notions in Sri Lanka's political debates. Mr. Bandaranaike was convinced, as far back as the 1920s, that Sri Lanka needed a federal set up. Incidentally, the political demand for a federal system came to be formulated in the Tamil society much later, in the early fifties.
Federalism
The Morning Leader, a Colombo newspaper of July 17, 1926 reported Mr. Bandara nai ke's federalist speeches as follows:
"The minorities looked with mistrust at one another. It was wrong to think that the differences were not fundamental. A hundred years ago there were no such differences. They did not appear because the Englishmen sat on the heads of the Tamils, the lowcountry Sinhalese, and the Kandyan Sinhalese. The moment they began to speak of taking the government into their hands, then the differences that were lying dormant smouldered forth.
"If they consider past history, they would see that these communities, the Tamils, the low-country Sinhalese and the Kandyan Sinhalese have lived for over 1,000 years and have not shown any tendency to merge. They preserved their customs, their language and their religion. He would be a very rash man who would pin his faith on the gradual disappearance of these differences.
"In a federal government each Federal Unit had complete powers over themselves. Yet they united and had one or two assemblies to discuss
matters affectir That was the f the U.S.A. All ions like Canad Africa had the land afforded Ceylon. It was three races lived Germans and Switzerland was Federal form of successful.
"In Ceylon, have complet should be one or with special rel thousand and o raised against t objections were of Federal Gove only solution.'
My second cit which has enter lo re aS Chelvanayakam Bandaranaike h from the Pact, certain forces th had lost control be seen, in rel serious attempt define post-color relations. It was that the legitim ist demands we nized by the S. following are th Bandaranaike-C (a) The crea Regional Counc vince was to fo while the Easte divided into tv areas; provision enable two or m mate beyond pro (b) Direct ele Councils.
(c) Regional C powers over subj ture, cooperativ velopment, col health, industric ing and social se ter schemes and

Justice' lution
Bandaranaike lecture er Political Science,
ng the whole country. Orm of government in self-governing domina, Australia and South same system. Switzera better system for a small country, but there, the French, the the Italians. Yet, s a country where the Government was very
each province should e autonomy. There two assemblies to deal venues of the land. A ne objections could be
his system, but when '
dissipated, some form ernment would be the
-C Pact ation is the document ed Sri Lanka's political Bandar anaikePact.; Although Mr. himself had to retract when challenged by hat Mr. Bandaranaike of, this document can trospect, as the first to democratically renial Sri Lanka’s ethnic also the first occasion acy of Tamil nationalre about to be recog: ri Lankan state. The e main points of the helvanayakam Pact.
tion of a system of ils'; the Northern prorm one regional area rn province was to be vo or more regional s were to be made to ore regions to amalgaovincial limits.
tion for the Regional
souncils were to have
ects including agricul
es, land and land de
onisation, education,
es and fisheries, hous
rvices, electricity, wa
roads.
TAMIL TIMES 13
(d) Regional Councils were to have powers to select allottees for land alienation and also to select personnel to be employed in colonisation schemes.
Consociational Democracy
I would now like to interpret these two attempts made by Mr. Bandaranaike, in terms of contemporary political science categories. Mr. Bandaranaike envisaged a consociational solution to the ethnic conflict.
Arendt Lijphart, a Dutch political philosopher, began to use the term ‘consociational democracy” in the early 70s to propose a set of steps appropriate for societies which were ethnically divided and facing problems concerning democracy. As Lijphart accurately observed, the central problem of democracy in ethnically divided societies was the phenomenon of majoritarian democracy. Particularly in societies which had parliamentary governments of the Westminster model, majoritarian democracy had meant the rule of ethnic majorities. Lijphart also noted that the ethnic majoritarian democracy had tended to exclude ethnic minorities from the political process. To manage the conflicts that have arisen out of the contradictions of the majoritarian democracy, Lijphart suggested a four-point formula on which the governments could be rearranged. They are:
(a) The creation of a grand ethnic coalition of all ethnic groups. This meant to facilitate coalitions not among political parties, but among ethnic groups with the aim of managing ethnic conflicts,
(b) Powers and the offices of the government should be proportionately shared and distributed among ethnic groups.
(c) Each ethnic group in the coalition should have the power to veto public policy, in order to safeguard its own ethnic interests.
(d) The guarantee of ethnic autonomy in a system of federalism or devolution
Conflict Resolution Models
Lijphart's original idea of consociational democracy has been later revised and expanded by a number of political scientists who were keen to develop conflict resolution models. Eric Nordlinger, for example, provides five conditions for a model of ethnic conflict resolution:
(a) The presence of a stable ethnic coalition.
(b) Proportional representation in the government for each ethnic group. Continued on page 14

Page 14
14 TAMIL TIMES
continued from page 13
r&#
(c) Mutual veto' available to each ethnic group in the coalition so that it could vote against unfavourable government policy.
(d) Agreement among coalition partners that the government would not directly participate in public debates on controversial matters, in order to "de-politicize' such controversies.
(e) Commitment of the majority community to a policy of working towards the benefit of minority ethnic groups through compromise and concession on particular issues or on a package of issues.
To understand the consociational approach in its conceptual totality, we need to move towards the margins of political theory. The conflict management approach - which emerged as a branch of social sciences in the 70s is premised on a very important assumpion. It is exceedingly difficult, according to conflict management-ists, to resolve conflicts in deeply divided societies where conflicts are often seen as intractable. Should enlightened or pragmatic leaders wait for all favourable conditions to emerge for the final resolution of conflicts? The conflict management perspective answers this question in the negative. It argues for the management of the conflict, in'stead of waiting for the unrealistic
final solution.
Bandaranaike’s Perspective
It is now possible for us to view Mr. Bandaranaike’s federalist proposals of 1926 and the provisions of the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam Pact of 1958 from a new and contemporary perspective. Mr. Bandaranaike was the protoconsociationalist, if I may use the term in its most positive and secular sense. When he proposed federalism in 1926, Sri Lanka's ethnic question was at a rather preliminary phase. Yet, Mr. Bandaranaike was perceptive enough to realize that mutual ethnic mistrust was on the way to becoming a major political question.
The theoretical essence, meanwhile, of a federalist solution is to account for, to accommodate, and to come to grips with deeply felt ethnic cleavages, rather than wishing them away. It intends to share and distribute political power among ethnic groups on the strength of the fact of ethnic divisions. Mr. Bandaranaike’s federalist speeches of 1926 were perhaps interventions of mere intellectual nature. It was not all that difficult for a person schooled in the liberal political philosophy to quickly see in those days the merits of the federal model. | The provisions of the Pact of 1958
too had intentions til called consociational. posited regional cour of power-sharing groups; it promised to degree of veto power public policy. Howev anaike-Chelvanayak crucial premise of a project proper: it was for "a Grand Ethnic confined to Mr. Ban Sinhalese society and Tamil leadership.
Select Committe
Sri Lanka’s recurr arriving at a con arrangement are am the parliamentary S too. Paradoxically th culties have become able for the Moones which began its searc a conjuncture most consociational-type deed, the Moonesingh in the political backd ingredients for a con prise. Provincial C place as constituti bodies for devolutic system had proporti although it needed forms; the notion ortionality in politic general acceptance issue that taxed most the Committee was t unit of devolution. El ly minor issue coul magnified presence tions, due, I think, to There was no politi country for a "Grand Sri Lanka’s ethnic yet ready for a cons coalition.
With these difficu drop, I would not pessimism. I want to today for a moral provide the normativ consociational democ At this point, permi the case for a conso tive, from the perspé theory.
Maximalist
There exists a vari 'solutions' to Sri La flict and all of them c two main categorie nating from 'maxir tions, solutions su “rational choice” pers
The maximalist dominant model of Sinhalese and Tami

15 NOVEMBER 1993
hat can easily be . The agreement ncils as the mode
among ethnic ) Tamils a limited in the sphere of ver, the Bandaram Pact lacked a
consociationalist s not a pact of or Coalition'; it was daranaike of the d a section of the
he Difficulties
ent difficulties in sociational-type ply represented in Select Committee ough, these diffiso insurmountinghe Committee h for a solution at conducive for a intervention. Inle Committee had |rop all necessary sociational enterouncils were in onally accepted n; the electoral onality principle, democratic reof ethnic propall office found a in society. The of the energies of he question of the ven this seemingld find a highly in the negotiaa crucial reason. cal space in the Ethnic Coalition.' leaders were not sociational ethnic
ties in the backadvocate political argue in my talk pact that would e framework for a cratic alternative. it me to examine ciational alternaactives of political
Approach ety of prospective nka's ethnic conan be divided into s: solutions emamalist consideraggested from a pective. approach is the solutions in both il societies. Max
imalist solutions are many. Extreme nationalists of all ethnic formations think and act in terms of maximalist totalities. Arguments for a total military victory over Tamil separatists as a pre-condition for peace are of max
imalist nature as is the LTTE's claim
that the Tamil people have no option but establishing a separate state. The LTTE’s military campaign for separation is a maximalist strategy. Similarly the position now being ardently advocated that “there is no ethnic question in the North-East, but only a terrorist menace' smacks of outright maximalism. ”No merger-No solution”, and 'No merger at any cost are also maximalist formulations.
In the maximalist mind, there is little or no room for negotiation and reconciliation of conflicts; even when negotiations are initiated, they are merely designs to continue to conduct the war by other means. The paradox, and of course the tragedy as well, of maximalism is that one's enemy is one's foremost ally in reinforcing and protracting the conflict.
Rationalist Approach
The rational choice approach: seeks a negotiated political settlement to the conflict based on a reform package to be included in this category. Negotiated settlement means the working out of a solution which falls much short of any maximalist solution. It envisages compromise among ethnic leaders and communities and a commitment to redress ethnic grievances that have led to the conflict. The basic moral premise in the rational choice approach is that the protraction of the conflict runs counter to the vital interests of all communities in the conflict. Working out of a system in which violence is reduced, political institutions and processes restored and reformed, and conflict controlled or reconciled is the goal of the rational choice approach to conflicts.
It is my considered view that in Sri Lanka we have general conditions to create space for a rational-choice alternative to the ethnic conflict. This space exists irrespective of the fact that the center stage of the political debate is occupied by ethnic maximalists. The main obstacle, however, to a rationally choiced political alternative is the inability and unwillingness of Sinhalese political leaders to arrive at a consensus among themselves on a reform package that cangenerate confidence among the minorities.
A recurrent lesson of Sri Lanka's past experience - and this includes Mr. Bandaranaike’s own attempt of 1958 — is that for any consociational alternative to work, a reform consensus

Page 15
15 NOVEMBER 1993
among Sinhalese political leaders is both a necessity and a pre-requisite. A reform consensus should precede all the other details regarding constitutional provisions, electoral arrangements and sharing of government office.
A New Social Contract
The notion that the authority and legitimacy of the state are defined in an original social contract has found many expressions in Eastern as well as Western political thought. Contract as the basis of the state came to the center of European political thought in the seventeenth century. John Locke presented the most democratic representation of the contractarian theory of social and political association while Emmanuel Kant argued for normative and ethical dimensions of the contract. The essence of the Lockean contractarianism is the limited government organized on the representative principle: and the Lockean contract posits the government as a trusteeship arrangement among equal citizens.
The classical contractarian theory, particularly the one formulated by Locke and Kant has received a new impetus in recent years with some new interpretations. Professor John Rawls of Harvard University, the leading contractarian philosopher of this century, initiated the new discussion on justice-based contract with his seminal work, A Theory of Justice, published in
97.
Modern contractarian formulations are addressed to people who are deeply persuaded on the point that there are standards of justice for judging institutional arrangements in a polity.
The contractarians are also egalitarians for whom an acceptable theory of justice must reveal a sense in which all individuals and communities owe equal consideration. Imagining society as the product of a social contract is the principal philosophical technique for putting rights-based equality to work in the evaluation of basic social and political institutions. The framework of my own contractarian ideas are posited in this tradition.
Let us briefly consider what it should mean by a social contract in today's context. The classical theory said that men and women formed the state after arriving at an agreement among themselves. The conditions of the pre-state society were so chaotic and disorderly that men and women as rational and equal beings decided to end that state of non-state. The “contract' in this theory is a conceptual imagination, a metaphor to signify the moral bases of the state.'
In the contractarian imagination,
the state is a membership o individuals - v groups too - equally valua should be an á fair and just and ethnic gr right to them ty compatible others. Using the General C may argue tha polity-liberty and wealth, respect - are unless an une or all of these advantage.'
Redefining $ Borrowing John Rawls, reasons for et to constitute t social contract
I would at briefly what tion, ethnic order to mana a's ethnic con the terms of Lankan state ethnic minori ethnic groups equals and eq ethnic groups the state thro do not conside be equals an they disrega Sinhalese, Ta.
The commu with the privi ethnic identit philosophical modification, 1 to the contrac ignorance. Th ance enables ciples of ethn being in a po untainted by judices. And ethnic identit tract for polit gous to the ' classical cont “Original Posi justice.
EtՒ
The second define 'ethnic of fairness ethnically di justice is ofte reted in ex Ethnicized inc political and extremely v

TAM TIMES 15
political association the which is obtained by all e may add, by all ethnic
as moral equals and ble agents. The state ssociation which is both so that each individual up is to have an equal Ist extensive basic liberwith a similar liberty of John Rawls' notion of onception of Justice, we t"all social values in the nd opportunity, income and the bases of selfo be distributed equally qual distribution of any values is to every one's
State-Ethnic Relations
rom the above ideas of
will now explicate two hnic fairness and justice he moral bases of a new
this point like to define ( mean by my formulaairness and justice. In ge and resolve Sri Lankflict, it is essential that association with the Sri are re-defined for the ties. It means that all in the polity are moral ually valuable. When the join the association of ough this contract, they r their ethnic identity; to d of equally valuables, rd whether they are mils or Muslims.
nities enter the contract ege ofignorance of their y. To use John Rawls'
language with some hey become participants t behind a veil of ethnic us, the privilege of ignorhem to choose the prinic justice/injustice while ition to define "fairness' ethnic interests or prethis stage of ignoring esto enter into the concal association is analoState of Nature' in the ract theory and to the ion' in Rawls' theory of
nic Fairness
task of the contract is to justice' from the position Ls described above, in ided societies; notion of understood and intreplusivist ethnic terms. ions of justice makes the public policy processes latile and exceedingly
contentious. The task then is to arrive at norms and standards of justice by which (I am using the Rawlsian language): each ethnic group is to have an equal right to the most extensive total system of equal basic liberties compatible with a similar system of liberty for all: social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are both (a) to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged, and (b) attached to offices and positions open to all under
"conditions of fair equality of opportun
ity; and all social goods - liberty and opportunity, income and wealth, and the bases of self respect - are to be distributed equally unless an unequal distribution of any or all of these goods is to the advantage of the least favoured.
In this perspective of ethnic justice, the insistence is that just institutions and practices could be the object of a unanimous agreement among affected communities. In a grand ethnic coalition of this kind, each contractor is represented as having a veto over any institutional configuration of society unresponsive to its vital interests. This approach to group justice will help us to de-ethnicize the notion of social and political justice.
My plea is that at this stage of the contract, ethnic groups need to formulate just institutions by ignoring their ethnic identities and perhaps by locating each group in the ethnic identity of another. For example a Sinhalese agent to the contract may think as a Tamil or a Muslim, and a Muslim agent as a Tamil and a Sinhalese. If this capacity to claim for oneself the ethnicity of another is achieved by all ethnic groups in their search for just political institutions, I am sure that new and hitherto unknown possibilities for justice and reconciliation can emerge. Once the ethnic justice is defined and just institutions identified, ethnic groups can go back to their respective identities.
As I said earlier, a social contract is not a document that all individuals and groups put their signatures on. It is a liberal philosophical metaphor of imagining the society as a political association of equals. The contractarian approach to politics and society strengthens the moral, ethical and normative bases of conflict management and resolution efforts.
Forthcoming Events
at the Bhavan Centre Dec. 4 & 185.30pm Lecture on 'Bhavagad Gita” by Shri Mathoor Krishnamurthi. All Welcome. Dec. 23 7.00pm Bhavan's Christmas Celebration - Al Welcome. Chief Guest Rev. Michael Roden.

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16 TAMILTIMES
Politics Of Colonisa and the Minoritie:
by Rajan Hoole
The issue of state-aided colonisation of lands in the north-e Sri Lanka has been one of the central factors in the escalatio conflict in the island. This issue has been more acute in the composition of the population belonging to the Tamil, Muslim communities is mixed. 'Colonisation schemes' introduced governments under which lands have been settled by people b. majority Sinhala community are perceived as having re transformation of the demographic composition of the eastern detriment of the Tamil and Muslim communities.
Beginnings of Dislocation: The Cases of Allai 8. Kanthalai
Commenting on the disquiet felt by the minorities over colonisation schemes, an irrigation official observed thus: "I would not like to describe this as a communal problem in the first instance. In all irrigation systems in this country, irrespective of area and the ethnic groups involved, there is a tail end problem. For various reasons those at the tail end, as time goes, tend to receive insufficient water. This results in some localised conflict. I would describe this as a farmer - farmer problem and not as a majority - minority problem. But I would add this. In a particular local situation when one ethnic group wields a greater hold on the levers of power, through MPs, ministers or officials, then politics could enter to the disadvantage of the minorities. It also so happens that in all major schemes (e.g. Mahaveli, Gall Oya, Allai and Kantalai) the minorities are at the tail end.'
A senior Tamil political leader with many years of farming experience in eastern Sri Lanka described the beginnings of dislocation: "Take a channel feeding a particular village in a scheme, which is tapped through a small channel to feed some encroached plots. If the encroachers wield political, or other, influence, and as encroachments increase, the channel becomes broader and becomes regularised as part of the scheme. To ensure a better supply, the encroachers may even block the channel built to serve the village for which it was designed'.
He went on to describe the fate of the Kantalaischeme of the 1950s: "The original Tamil village of Kantalai and the Muslim village fell in the middle of the scheme. So there was no room for them to encroach and expand. Sinhalese encroachment was helped in many ways. The introduction of 10,000
acres of sugar cane by the State Sugar
Corporation had already placed a
strain on the water tional farmers down-s palakamam and Kini consequence. Corpora encroached adjoining cultivation. Corpora was used to level sor Extra water was let fields and allowed t encroached lands. Giv ence, the extra wate pense was not a probl ing was hardly the Sugar Corporation. ment is proceeding ea Allai — Kantalai Road of the Mahaveli river the land takes, genera slope.'
He went on to de tures of the Allai sch 1950s, and of the fa Tamil and Muslim far the Allai tank used Mutur Veli and Thop Kanguveli and Peruv tanks. Menkamam ta to feed 300 acres 0 seasons. Peruveli ta one. This was a natu system, capable of m affairs. The Allai scl ported to bring in modern engineering all features natural a The idea behind the construct a channel based on the Kalla pleted under the Br tion in 1928, which from Verugal Aru through Mavil Aru. water was availabl Aru, the existing l made theoretically Alai tank was redu the water level to cli land for the scheme. in the upper reach broken up into three land so obtained was scheme. Much of the of these village tank

15 NOVEMBER 1993
tion
S
lstern areas of in of the ethnic east where the and Sinhalese
by successive 2longing to the sulted in the province to the
esources. Traditream in Thamniya suffered in ation employees
lands for rice tion equipment me of the lands. into sugar cane o flow out into en political influr at others' extem. Profit makobjective of the Today encroachstward along the in the direction , towards which illy, a downward
scribe some fea
eme, also of the te of traditional mers: "Originally to feed fields in pur. Menkamam, eli had their own nk was sufficient paddy for two nk was a large al self-contained anaging its own Leme which purthe benefits of cience destroyed ld self-contained.
scheme was to network system
diversion comtish administrahannelled water
to Allai tank Since Mahaveli from Verugal cal system was redundant. The ced by lowering im 2000 acres of he Peruveli tank es of Allai was small tanks. The alienated in the catchment areas y including Allai,
became settlements, whence the tanks no longer filled up. In the old villages people lived in small hamlets which expanded with natural increase.
The Allai scheme blocked up the facility for natural expansion of old villages, now trapped between the scheme and settled areas on land sloping down northwards towards Cottiar Bay. Settlers on the Allai scheme were each given 4 acres of paddy land and 3 acres of highland for housing. They can therefore cater for several generations of natural increase. But people in the neighbouring Tamil village of Kiliveddi live as though in a crowded quarter of Trinco town.
"The traditional Tamil and Muslim villages now ceased to be selfcontained and became dependent on Mahaveli water channelled and distributed through a centralised administration no longer directly accountable to them. When this system failed to deliver, for reasons inherent to this state of affairs, it is the traditional farmers from the minorities who suffered most.'
Asked if some of the difficulties of traditional farmers could be remedied, he replied, "If the civil war ends, urgent maintenance work can be done on some of the silted channels. It is now too risky for workmen and engineers to go into these areas. There will for instance be some relief for Mutur which has a feeder from the Left Bank Main Channel of the Allai scheme. But any substantial long term relief would require rehabilitating the Allai tank by getting settlers and encroachers out of the tank bed as well as much of the catchment areas and giving them land elsewhere.
As for the Kantalai scheme, its settlements have expanded to perhaps double the designed capacity of 20,000 acres, taking into account augmentation from Minneriya tank. If this unplanned expansion is to be catered for without constant friction between colonisers and traditional farmers in which the latter inevitably lose, Kantalai must be further augmented with Mahaveli water from Minneriya and its capacity increased through raising the bund by about six feet'.
The next question is what would be the consequences of doing so? Minneriya gets its water from Amban Ganga (a tributary of the Mahaveli), which in turn receives its water from the Polgolla diversion conveying 2000 cusecs of Mahaveli water. This water is sufficient to irrigate up to about the order of 150,000 acres, of which 70,000 acres of new lands are in System H in the Anuradhapura District, in addition to

Page 17
15 NOVEMBER 1993
old lands. Through the influence of a powerful MP, an unplanned diversion through a channel was made to 10,000 acres in the Huruluwewa scheme, where the tank was failing to fill up. The channel which is now tapped by others, also wanting water, is a subject of dispute. Hence plans to augment Kantalai to feed another 20,000 acres will run into disputes involving minimally the water users in the Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa districts.
Colonisation, as a Tool of Politics
The drift of the course of events, in which the developments above are part, leads to political as well as administrative dislocation, and during war, also military dislocation. Whatever the wishes of the leaders, they lose the ability to mould a coherent government policy taking into account the interests of peace and the interests of the country. What passes for policy is dictated by the actions and ambitions of disparate elements that blend into the broad framework of dominant state ideology. Among these are: Powerful individuals wanting to encourage and patronise Sinhalese settlements in minority areas for reasons of ideological empathy or wanting a solid electoral base; Buddhist monks or politicians with a crusading zeal wanting to plant shrines and capture territory (e.g. Trincomalee - 4th Mile Post and Uppuveli & Amparai - Digavapi and Pottuvil); Military officers for reasons above or simply wanting a civilian shield (eg. Trinco - Habarana Rd and Maha Oya); and the requirements of increasingly potent multinational agribusiness, for example, in the Polonnaruwa District. A crusading obsession with the East, supported by the myth that the East has plenty of unused land and water into which deprived Sinhalese populations could be pushed, blends into the disorganised drift.
With the build-up of this ideologically guided, but disjointed, state machinery now in place, it becomes powerful to destroy, but too incoherent to build. The use of state power by individual ministers as part of a buccaneering, land grabbing exercise can be disguised as development. The use of state power where the victims are concerned, is something about which they are left in no doubt. Unlike in the Allai and Kantalai schemes, the pretence of benevolence is now lifted.
"Land Grabbing' in Amparai
The Gal Oya Scheme brought a number of Sinhalese settlers mainly into the area which became the Amparai electorate. When the Amparai District was carved out in 1962 the
majority of the pop lim. Like in Trinc interests had decided the final putsch had
The Ceylon Sugar started in the early into Hingurana in t trict. The Corporatic ers. Initially the a cane cultivation was
This area had a pattern during the n. or even earlier. Tow were scattered Sin villages which were The fall of the Kan 1815 and the suppr revolts which followe have influenced this. was inhabited by sca Muslim villages, wi Muslim population thurai Division. The of the Kandyan King plural polity. Sir Pi notes in the Ceylon "The decline of popu manthurai is attribu of the inhabitants te vicinity of the large mam and Amparai, Tank and Irrakamal paired by the Dutch nand under the latt administration of Va subsequently by the tration in 1891.
There was thus mig areas of Muslims, a sr Tamils, as well as lar to Tamil and Musli. land itself consisted and park countryside a time cultivated a doned). In the currel lowing significant so tion, and the Paddy L. ing direct benefits of o to 50 acres, the status became mixed - regist er's name, under the or encroached crowr istered but whose own ly recognised. Much o was in land near t having village tanks, Gal Oya or other rive
Among these villa, dichchal, Kondavaddu chenai, Norucholai Reasonably confident lims will be unable t rights to the land, tained that the land crown lands and we sugar cane cultivatio similar to that attribi ish colonial governm lands. Thus deprivir

TAM TIMES 17
lation was Mus- right of ownership, some were issued malee, powerful temporary permits by the River Valthat the time for leys Development Board to do only arrived. "Manavari' (Rain fed) cultivation for a Corporation was few years. Other farmers had more 60s and moved dramatic experiences. They harvested he Amparai Dis- the rice, and before they came for the
n had wide pow- next sowing, Sugar Corporation bull ea under sugar dozers had arrived, flattened the land small. and broken the bunds. Even protests
by those with documents of legal pos2rtain migratory session were ignored. A senior Muslim neteenth century representative described this exercise ards the interior not as land acquisition, but as "land talese or mixed grabbing. ∆† ိုရိုးမျို"ို Grabbing Muslim Lands ssion of the two Leaving aside inducements given to i probably would Sinhalese to encroach in the East, The coastal area such treatment of occupants even on ttered Tamil and encroached lands in the East was h a substantial unprecedented. The Muslim repren the Samman- sentative pointed out that if it was a se two were part matter of finding land for sugar cane, dom which was a uncultivated land in the Amparai In Arunachalam electorate could have been used, conCensus of 1901, sidering that cane required a smaller lation in Cham- quantity of water than rice, rather ted to migration than taking over productive lands villages in the used by Muslims. Sinhalese peasants
tanks of Irraka- were also similarly treated elsewhere. The Amparai But that was to find 56,000 acres for m dam were re- sugar multinationals in Moneragala in
engineer Bun- the 80s. er 18th century During the SLFP government of n de Graff, and 1970-77, Hector Kobbekaduwa’s British adminis- ministry of lands gazetted its intention
of taking over lands in places including ration into these Irakkamam, Dhamana (a Sinhalese maller number of village), Varipottanchenai, Hingurana ld being granted and Kondavadduvan, for sugar cane. m Podiars. The Mr. Kobbekaduwa then reportedly mostly of jungle suggested to a committee that they lands once upon would now acquire, in effect, the lands
nd then aban- in Muslim areas and put off Dhamana t situation, fol- for a future date. A Muslim MP felt cial transforma- that the gazette notice was meant only. ands Act confin- to make the acquisition look impartial.
wner cultivation He responded, he said, by telling the of land holdings late minister that he could take all or
ered under own- leave all, ca u sing him some name of a proxy, annoyance. The plan was dropped.
land not, reg- The takeover of lands used by Mus2rship was local- lims proceeded in stages from the this cultivation 1960s over about two decades in the le coastal belt, manner described above. Later the in turn fed by Sugar Corporation blocked out these S. lands into 2/2 acre plots and gave es were Kalla- them to its employees, nearly all van, Illukkuch- Sinhalese, to grow cane and sell the
and Neethai. produce to the corporation. Thus land. that the Mus- grabbed from Muslims was effectively establish legal privatised in Sinhalese hands, with he state main- some strings attached for the time involved were being. The total extent of land taken 'e required for over in this manner is estimated as . The ploy was being up to 14,000 acres. Some of this ted to the Brit- land, including around Kondavaddunt in Kandyan wan, was later declared unsuitable for
occupants of Continued on page 18

Page 18
/
18 TAMIL TIMES
wyf,
Continued from page 17
sugar cane and reverted back to rice under the new Sinhalese owners. The extent is estimated at well over 500 acres. But whether in Kantalai or in Amparai, the profitability of sugar cane never seemed to be an issue.
A less publicised fact is the take over of 1000 acres of land in the Muslim village of Irrakamam for the clay requirements of a government tile factory. Now the land is still being used for paddy, not by the Muslim owners, but by officers of the tile factory. Local Muslims say that documentary proof of their ownership has been ignored.
The legal status of lands taken over from Muslims remained a subject of speculation, with the government holding that they were all crown land. One person who pursued the matter was Mr. M.C. Ahamed, former MP for Kalmunai. His land was taken over in the late 70s despite his protests. Getting redress needed patience, a search into documents in the Batticaloa Kacheri more than a century old, and over ten years of legal work. The following is an excerpt of a letter from the Attorney General's office in Colombo, of 3 June 1993, to the Government Agent/Amparai. It concerns Court of Appeal Application No. 49/88: "By my letter of 24/4/91 with copy to the District Land Officer/Amparai, I have already advised the Chairman, Sri Lanka Sugar Corporation Limited, that Mr. A.C. Ahamed has valid grounds upon which he could assert his title and there is no evidence to substantiate the position that it was originally state land. In the circumstances, my advice vas to consider transferring possession of the said land to the said Mr. A.C. Ahamed who, has established his ownership...'
Mr. Ahamed explained that the land in question was part of 1800 acres of land which was a royal grant shortly after the year 1850 by Queen Victoria, then Queen of Ceylon, to be held jointly by Karuththa (Black) Podi of Kallar (a Tamil) and Ahamed Lebbe Podi, under a Certificate of Quiet (Undisturbed) Possession (CQP). He had purchased 40 acres of this land for rice cultivation from a descendant of Ahamed Lebbe Podi. Mr. Ahamed added with some anger, "It took a man like me, with education and means, so much time and effort to obtain redress. Imagine the position of a poor Muslim peasant who could barely sign his name'.
in the Name of Buddhism
The rehabilitation of Buddhist shrines, and take over of land for that
purpose, becar troversial. The occupation of th claimed up to a (nearly 1 squa granted. Later Sinhalese on th by Tamil militan The state took of land, at Perya and cultivated manthurai unde The reason give meant for the l which there wel once been on t nayake, Ministel special vote to a construction of leader of the SLM Those affected w tive lands and a for a withdraw: against Mr. Ash 1986 they receiv end of sugar car cultivation.
As for the 15 there is, accordin deadlock between earlier Minister and Mahaveli I senting Amparai, monk. The forme settle Sinhalese latter, a tank.
During the cor war of June 199 division, containi population of 800 the Pottuvil div administrative ch ject of land alier the divisional sec Muslims who wer area will, almost future be alienat gala division. (Th confronts Tamils Trincomalee Dist the thinly pop adawela and Mor
The most amb the religious genr. off several thousa vil around Dhara Hidayapuram as gical excavation. . only Tamil milita the way of colon archaeological r areas. About 20 were cultivating ( near Rota Kula AGA's division a area intersect wit the Heda Oya ba future colonisatic up to 50,000 acre

15 NOVEMBER 1993
e increasingly conmonk who came into Chaitiya at Digavapi out 600 acres of land 'e mile) which was
attempts to settle
land were thwarted Es.
over about 150 acres Visalai Kandam, held by Muslims of Sama crown land grant. h was that the tank igavapi Chaitiya, of e no signs now, had at land. E. L. Sena
of Lands, brought a locate funds for the tank. Mr. Ashraff, C filed an injunction. ere promised alternae said to have asked l of the injunction, raff's advice. About ed lands at the tail e, of little value for
0 acres taken over, g to local sources, a
Mr. Dayaratne, MP, of Lands, Irrigation Development (repre) and the incumbent er is said to want to
on the land and the .
fusion following the 10, Lahugala AGA's ng a small Sinhalese 0 was carved out of ision. With recent anges and the subation coming under "etariat of Lahugala, e the majority in the certainly, not in the 'd land in the Lahu2 same fait accompli and Muslims in the rict, particularly in lated Gomarankwewa divisions.)
tious plan so far in is, reportedly, to set ds ofacres in Pottunpalaijunction and a site for archaeolouslims believe that nts are standing in sation disguised as search and sacred ) Muslim families n the land, which is m. The Lahugala d the Rota Kulam a large portion of in, designated for a scheme involving of cultivation.
Govt’s incoherent Strategy
On the one hand the government has tried every trick in its arsenal to use the vulnerability of Muslims in the Amparai District to expropriate and marginalise them. But its actions on the other hand reflect its utter lack of coherence as well as strategy. Its agencies have been working hard since the mid-80s to bring a permanent rift between the Muslims and Tamils in the East. Tamil militant groups capped by the LTTE's sensational massacres of Muslims went a long way towards helping the government. This was importrant for the government to legitimise dismembering the North from the East.
But this, the government in its state of disorganisation is unable to do. Events in Trincomalee and Amparai districts have left Muslims and Tamils in no doubt what the demerger would mean. The bitterness felt by the Muslims as the result of attacks by Tamil militants may have been more than counter-balanced by the state's buccaneering over land. The Muslims. orphaned by both the state as well as by the Tamil militancy, are left with a difficult choice. More than thrusting a wedge between Muslims and Tamils in the East, the government may have succeeded in thrusting one between Eastern Muslims and the political leadership of Southern Muslims. For the latter, land is not an issue, and their interests and careers are tied t the "national' parties. The government has crowned even the LTTE among substantial segment of the Muslims as defenders of Muslim lands.
Worst of all, the military leadershi. has repeatedly said that there can b. no military solution. It fell to th: political leadership to formulate package and institute measures t give confidence to the minorities. Ove one year of paper exchanges and burr. ing of midnight oil, all combinationwere discussed. One was a proposal t allow a merged North-East taking out areas colonised by Sinhalese. Theshappen to be the very areas with th: water resources crucial to the econom. of the North-East. A Muslim leade: described what this would mean: "Ev. ery season we go for cultivation, it would mean civil war over water'. The Parliamentary Select Committee finally concluded its long winded deli berations with a proposal to hold referendum in the East to decide the fate of the merger. One observer summed up the laborious anti-climax. Even when the LTTE had gone far down the road of committing suicide. the Sinhalese polity will not allow
them'.
Continued on page 19

Page 19
15 NOVEMBER 1993
The Agreement That Remains U
Free Passage for Pe UNHCR Efforts Thwarte
Ime of the consequences of the ongoing war between governm. relTTE has been the denial of the right of the people to freely
on the Jaffna peninsula and the mainland. After months of net ritiated by the United Nations High Commission for Refugees ( ollowing draft agreement was drawn. This tripartite agreement
be signed by the Government, LTTE and UNHCR. However, it
it the LTTE is unwilling to proceed with concluding the agree
intinues to question the right of the army to carry out checks c it the southern end of the Sangupiddy-Pooneryn Causeway.
'he following is the full text of the
partite agreement reached between. e Sri Lankan Government, the beration Tigers of Tamil Eelam TTE) and the United Nations High ommissioner for Refugees (UNHCR):
TRPARTITE AGREEMENT BETWEEN
/The Government of Sri Lanka,
ereinafter referred to as "the - vernment'
ereinafter referred to as "the LTTE'
d he United Nations High ommission for Refugees, `ဗုးမျိုးဖြိုးမျိုး referred to as “the High
ommissioner' or UNHCR.
alontinued from page 18
Taxing the Environment
Even if the Sri Lankan state can bdue the minorities militarily and insign them to dry patches of land, shat would be far from the end of ubles. All the indiscipline, administive breakdown and waste in the lonies are bound to cause conflicts anong Sinhalese themselves. Water is finite resource to be used with care vind discipline. With rising demand for nplanned uses of water, it seems unlikely that the systems meant to fake Mahaveli water further north (usill ever materialise. Any localised ing of the environment can only d to further dislocation. Taking ple out of the management of their al resources and replacing it with a tentralised system managed by techcrats, bureaucrats and politicians in manner wrongly termed superior, centific and rational, contain the reeds of its own collapse.
PREAMBLE
1.01 Considering the wi Parties to alleviate t the civilian populati continuing conflict b a safe Passage acros Sangupiddi Strait;
1.02 Considering the Ge the LTTE have requ Commissioner to mo of this agreement;
1.03 Giventhat the par the High Commissio . establishment and fü project is in keeping humanitarian and ni character of the Higl Commissioner's offic the objectives of the relief programme in
Many of these scl peopled by transplant ginalised and impove pendent on a central that is increasingly fe Settlements in catchr tlement and encroach bed such as in Allai, a. place a strain on the e sharply reduce the locally. Demand for a from elsewhere, such Mahaveli, cannot be n if it is in conflict with users. The Padaviya sc had only two seasons the last 4 years or so, is an endemic problem. T colonisation in Trincol to placing poor Sinh patches of unproducti maintained directly o state expense. There is development or econo any kind. The run up dum in the east is likel this.

TANIML TIMES 1955
ople
d
ent forces and trave to and gotiations UNHCR), the was expected would seem ment as it on passengers
.sh of the he suffering of on in the y establishing s the
overnment and ested the High nitor the terms
ticipation of ner in the , unding of this ar, with the on-political
h
e and within
emergency Sri Lanka
nenes are n0V ed, socially mararished folk delised machinery liling to deliver. ment areas, setment in the tank nd deforestation nvironment and water available dditional water h as from the net, particularly other powerful heme which has of cultivation in s one instance of he new trend of malee, amounts alese on small lve land, to be r indirectly at s no pretence of mic returns of . to the refereny to see more of
undertaken by the High Commissioner at the request of the Secretary-General; 04. Given that the Parties to this
Agreement have agreed to observe and respect these principles;
it is Hereby Agreed by The Parties:
2.01 To establish a Safe Passage for civilian traffic to and from the Jaffna peninsula across the Sangupiddi Strait. The Safe
: Passage will extend from the shore
on the northern portion of the Sangupiddi causeway to the southern edge of the Governmentcontrolled territory on Pooneryn Peninsula, as shown on the map attached as Annex 1.
2.02 The Safe Passage will be
restricted to civilian personnel only. No passage will be allowed for persons bearing arms.
2.03 The Safe Passage will include
reactivation of the Sangupiddi Ferry, which will operate under the aegis of UNHCR. Depending upon capacity requirements, it may comprise more than one ferry vessel and include use of several small fishing boats.
2.04 As further indicated on the
attached map, the Government will establish two checkpoints on the shore at the beginning of the southern portion of the causeway and one at the southern border of the territory controlled by it. The UNHCR will, in order to carry out its monitoring role, establish a presence at the following places: (a) On the shore, at the beginning of the northern portion of the causeway; (b and c) Adjacent to the two Government checkpoints described
: above.
2.05 The Safe Passage will operate for
a limited number of daylight hours, with the objective of opening it for no less than six hours, five days a week. The operations may, however, upon mutual agreement be extended if this proves practically possible.
2.06 The Safe Passage will be
implemented on a phased basis: during Phase 1, Safe Passage will be provided through the corridor to the following: i. Government officials; ii. NGO and UN staff; t iii. Civilians in need of medical treatment, together with their escort, iv. Returning refugees proceeding
పటిషk Continued on page 21

Page 20
20 TAMIL TIMES
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Page 21
5 NOVEMBER 1993
continued from page 19
to Jaffna peninsula; - v. Individuals proceeding for family reunions; vi. Vehicles carrying the above categories of people; vii. Vehicles carrying relief supplies; viii. Private traders and their vehicles. 07 During Phase II, Safe Passage will be provided to all civilians carrying valid documentation.
General Responsibilities of The 3Overnment
Having by signature of this agreement approved the
astablishment of the Safe Passage, the
ernment will: ; 01 Arrange for the speedy repair of
the northern portion of the Sangupiddi causeway and of the connecting road leading to Jaffna town, through the Government Agent Jaffna. 302 Arrange for the speedy repair of
the southern portion of the Sangupiddi causeway, through the Government Agent Kilinochchi.
acilitate in every way possible the reactivation of the ferry service across the Sangupiddi Strait.
4 Permit the ferry or ferries to -
perate under the aegis of the UNHCRand to fly the UNflag.
5 Designate an acceptable route through government controlled territory south of the causeway and, if necessary, repair and/or construct it so that it is suitable for all weather use.
.6 Provide appropriateshelter,
drinking water and latrines for the use of persons waiting at both government checkpoints.
Permit Safe Passage of all people, vehicles and goods that are allowed through its northern or southern checkpoints through to the other end. 8 If the Government considers it recessary, provide transport through the territory controlled by the Government free of charge for persons referred to in paragraph 2.06 above.
Permit access to the Safe Passage * to casual workers who may be
required to help load and unload vehicles during inspection. These workers would be escorted into the
area by UNHCR and would be paid
directly, on a casual basis, by the
vehicle operators whom they assist.
Permit the UNHCR team
nindered access to the selected
route for the Safe including the sou the causeway, du which the corrido operated, from at before it is due to one hour after it i
3.11. Permit the UN] whenever necess: overnight on the of the Sangupidd.
3.12 Permit the UN] import and store, diesel fuel and ot sufficient for itsu the operation oft
3.13 Permit any veh the safe passage : quantity of fuel fic journey.
3.14 Permit through all goods which a banned under thi Gazette, or bann which a governm been granted. Ift limitations of qua respect, this shou UNHCR in writin that the list ofbau from time to time Gazette.
3.15 Guarantee thes staffin the course monitoring and ei responsibilitiesu Agreement.
3.16 Undertake nom the northern or sc the Sangupiddica the operation oft
3.17 Notify UNHCR ing at least 72 hoc any planned milit might jeopardise the Safe Passage lives of the UNH those civilians pa passage. In res these should be r directly to UNHC JOC.
3.18 Review the effe I within one mo mentation and, reasonable impe to Phase II with the initiation of
Prerogatives of tl
Bearing in mind nitarian objective ol yet recognising strategic interests C it may: 4.01 Request each
her personal di determine whet

TAMIL TIMES 21
Passage, hern portion of ing the days on
is being east one hour pen until at least closed.
CR team rytostay outhern portion causeway. (CR team to ,
er requirements se, as well as for le ferry.
cle allowed into
sufficient r the return
the Safe Passage re not explicitly
Government ld goods for ent permit has here are ntity in this ld be notified to g. It is understood hned goods may be modified in the
afety of UNHCR
of their 3Cort $r nder this
lilitary activity on uthern portion of useway during he Safe Passage.
Colombo, in writurs in advance of ary activity which the operation of , or endanger the 3R personnel or of ssing through the pect of curfews, otified in advance
R Colombo by the
ctiveness of Phase nth of its impleif there are no diments, progress in two months of
hase I.
e Government
;he overall humathe Safe Passage, the legitimate the Government,
individual for his/ cumentation and er he/she is per
mitted to pass through the Safe Passage, in accordance with this agreement. This right does not include the right to intimidate, interrogate or detain, except as provided for in paragraph 4.04 below. if the government judges a person ineligible to use the Safe Passage, it must forthwith request the individual to return from whence he/ she came, with his/her possessions and his/her vehicle. UNHCR will be advised of the reasons for such rejections in each case at the time. 4.02 Search all people, vehicles, luggage and shipments to ensure that no banned item is being carried. This right does not extend to similar scrutiny upon their departure from the Safe Passage. One search only would be permitted, at the entry point. 4.03 If a banned item is found, the government may confiscate it and/ or declare the individual concerned ineligible for the Safe Passage. When such a decision is taken, a UNHCR Officer will be notified of the reasons at the time. 4.04. If, in the course of a search, a weapon of war is found, the government may arrest the individual concerned, on the grounds that the individual has not honoured the principles of the Safe Passage established by this Agreement. Such an arrest will, however, be immediately notified in writing to UNHCR on the spot. UNHCR will also be notified of the place of detention of the individual arrested and will forward this information to the ICRC.
4.05 Fence both sides of the road through government controlled territory which is selected for the is Safe Passage.
General Responsibility of the LTTE
Having by signature of this agree
ment approved the establishment of
the Safe Passage, the LTTE will:
5.01 Permit the UNHCR team unhindered access to the passage, both from the north and from the south. 5.02 Facilitate the UNHCR in its establishment of residential accommodation in Jaffna town, as well as in enhancing its field office in
' . Jafna.
5.03 Clear the access roads at both the northern and southern ends of the Passage of all landmines and facilitate the work of the GAs Jaffna and Kilinochchi in repairing these roads.
Continued on page 22

Page 22
1áb--
22 TAM TIMES
Continued from page 21
5.04 Permit the ferry or ferries to operate under the aegis of the UNHCR and to fly the UN flag.
5.05 Ensure, to the best of its ability, that criteria for admission to the Safe Passage are understood and honoured by those people seeking to pass through it.
5.06 Undertake no military activity on the northern or southern portion of the Sangupiddi causeway during the operation of the Safe Passage.
5.07 Notify the UNHCR Jaffna, in
writing at least 72 hours in adv露 ance, of any planned military activ
ity which might jeopardise the operation of the Safe Passage, or endanger the lives of UNHCR personnel or of those civilians passing through the passage.
5.08 Guarantee the safety of UNHCR staff in the course of their monitoring and escort responsibilities, as well as their travel to and from the Safe Passage.
5.09 Review the effectiveness of Phase I within one month of its implementation and, if there are no reasonable impediments, progress to Phase II within two months of the initiation of Phase I.
Responsibilities of the High Commissioner
Having by signature of this Agreement agreed to monitor the movement of civilian persons and goods through the Safe Passage, UNHCR will:
6.01 Assist in the implementation of this project by making available the services of the High Commis
sioner's staff.
Be responsible for:
(a) The monitoring of the Government’s control and search of all persons, vehicles and goods entering the Government-controlled area; (b) Escorting in groups, by a predetermined route, all persons passing through the governmentcontrolled territory, extending from the UNHCR presence on the shore at the beginning of the southern portion of the causeway to the UNHCR presence at the southern border of the governmentcontrolled territory, and vice versa.
6.03 Permit the ferry or ferries to operate under the aegis of the UNHCR and to fly the UNflag.
6.04 Establish a small office on the southern portion of Sangupiddi causeway to act as the command and concentrate for its team. This will include a pre-fab to accommo
date UN have to
6.05 Establ
Governn Poonery) pose of quiremel as for th
6.06 Streng office Jal
6.07 Ensure tions for posted at traveller read the
Other Pro
7.01. The H
liable to respect O demand mentatio which m. other pal
7.02 The H accept lia the death other ha fered by Passage.
7.03 Nothin ment sha
女 W
Since being 1990, one o. groups, ER Organisatio into several kumar firs' under hous agreed to \ was allocate looking afte There have EROS both
file level. W led by Sha ombo.
Recent r Segu Dawo from the EROS-inde to cross o' National P as a State Dawood ha the Tamil the Muslim ly attacked forcibly dri
Of late h governmen cently he v on the mot emergency

15 NOVEMBER 19
HCR staff members if they vernight. sh a facility within the ent-control territory on
Peninsula for the pur
toring fuel and other rets for its operation as well
ferry. hen appropriately its field fna. that the terms and condi
the passage are clearly each end, at a place where and traders can stop and in at length.
Pisons
igh Commissioner is not indemnify a third party in fany claim, debt, damage arising out of the implen of the Safe Passage and ay be made against the ties to this agreement.
igh Commissioner cannot bility of compensation for l, disability or the effects of zards which may be sufany person using the Safe
g contained in this agreeall be deemed waiver, ex
press or implied, of any from suit legal process or of art privilege, exemption or other ir munity enjoyed, or which may by enjoyed, by the High Commis sioner. 7.04 The UNHCR reserves the right suspend its participation in the sa passage if either of the other Pas ties to this agreement demonstra by their actions, or lack of actic their reluctance to honour both ti spirit and the letter of this agre ment. 7.05 Any of the Parties to this agre
ment may withdraw from th Agreement, or request a modific tion to it, by notifying the oth. Parties in writing, at least 10 da in advance. 7.06 This agreement is valid for
initial period of one year. In t absence of any indication to t contrary from any of the thr. Parties, it will be extended beyo this intitial period by one year at time. On behalf of Government of Sri Lan.
On behalf of Liberation Tigers Tamil Eelam
i On behalf of United Nations HiCommissioner for Refugees
Whither ErOS
disarmed by the Tigers in f the oldest Tamil militant OS (Eelam Revolutionary n of Students) has split
factions. Its leader Balareported to have been e arrest in Jaffna, later work with the LTTE and d the non-political task of r relief and rehabilitation. been other defections from at leadership and rank and hat is now left of EROS is nkar Rajee based in Col
eports indicate that Mr. od who entered parliament Batticaloa District as an pendent candidate is about 'er to the ruling United rty and may be appointed Ainister. It is said that Mr. | become disillusioned with militant movements since s of the east were physicaland those in Jaffna were 'en out.
2 has been supporting the in the voting lobbies. Reoted with the government ion to extend the state of
Ar Mrs. B's Final Solution
In a widely reported recent spee delivered at a public meeting in Ga. paha, the leader of the opposition - - Lanka Freedom Party, Mrs. Sir Bandaranaike said: “We cannot cede an inch of our ການ Lanka. Nor shall we permit anyb else to do so. Even India could a capture Prabhakaran. Neither tibi government nor any other wishes end this war. If we are given di opportunity, the northern problem ugi be finally solved.'
The recently published rehas: : programme of the SLFP did not vide any formula or lay down . policy for the solution of the eth. problem or for ending the war. Neit: - did Mrs. Bandaranaike spell out in : speech how she would solve the pri lem if she came to power. A war-we people may decide to vote her back power after sixteen years if she si out how she proposed to solve it. W. is certain is that her jingoistic rhet about not conceding an inch of motherland' will not help to solve : - . problem.
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Page 23
15 NovEMBER 1993
O Sri Lanka Agrees to Curb
On Indian Fishermen
The Sri Lankan armed forces could perhaps be faulted for making a mess of the Yazh Dev operations or of turning tail in the face of ferocious attacks from the LTTE In Janakapura. Even the Navy too could not cope with the assault of an LTTE suicide squad in the last week of August and lost its Israeli-build gunboat.
But when it comes to targeting the poor Tamil Nadu fishermen in the environs of Kacha Theevu, the Lankan Navy never falters. Time and again, a high-strung Naval patrol, apprehending a surprise attack from the Tigers, have gone on a shooting binge near Kacha. Theevu.
Three such incidents in September ruffled tempers in Tamil Nadu and Chief Minister Jayalalitha, in her continuing war of nerves with the Centre,
seized the opportunity to hit out at its
inability to end the atrocities of the
Lankan Navy on the Tamil Nadu
fisheremen.
But nothing much happened. Four more fishermen had to be shot dead (on Oct. 8) for the notoriously indecisive Narasimha Rao to sit up and take notice.
The Indian High Commissioner in Colombo, Mr. Nareshwar Dayal, strongly protested to Foreign Secretary Bernard Tilakaratne and demanded an end to such "indiscriminate firing on straying fishermen’. Now things started happening. Mr. Tilakaratne rushed to New Delhi for talks with his Indian counterpart J.N. Dixit. At the end of it all the former expressed his understanding of the Indian position, but also stressed that the Lankan naval authorities have always sought to avoid the use of force against Indian fishermen.'
The two sides conveniently glossed over the fact that the trouble this time started with the Lankan Navy's enforcing a no-go zone in its entire northern territorial waters in the aftermath of the gun-boat disaster.
When the Lankan Defence Ministry notified the no-go zone, without bothering to look into bilateral pacts and rights of safe passage, it took some time for India to realise that it too had a stake in the matter and tell the Lankan government that it had better revise the regulations and accommodate the rights and interests of Indian
fishermen. Again t but apparently the i revision did not rea more probably, then to ignore the new g
But then it is not
unnecessary, unpro on the Indian fishe) the dramatic Israeli Ever since the Tami fied in the North Lanka and therewit fic between the sl countries, innocent have been falling a trigger-happy Lank
When it was dis prawn variety hac potential and the especially those fr and to some extent Nagapattinam, inv motorboats and wen Kacha. Theevu was is an important facto in the muddy sea-b Theevu that the p aplenty.
Even when it w Lanka in 1974, ther fishermen to ply th Kacha Theevu was an fishermen and p. access to visit Ka hitherto and will n obtain travel docum
O Mahar
The equivalent of sion,” is how a Bri scribes earthquakes caused by the massi rocked the Latur an tricts in the Marat Maharashtra on Sep to prove that the imagery is no exagg Measuring at 6 on with their epicentre Taluk in Osmanaba tude 18 degrees 2 N 76 degrees East, th spells, lasting in all and 17 seconds, all tween 3.56am and 7. wake a horrendous destruction.
According to Mr. Chief Minister of N total death toll in th
 

-- AAT I USV AKv
Attacks
he latter obliged, implications of the ch the Navy - or, avymen preferred uidelines.
as if the firing - voked and cruel - rmen started with gun-boat episode. l militancy intensiand East of Sri h the militant trafhores of the two Indian fishermen n easy prey to the an Navy. covered that the a huge export Indian fishermen, om Rameswaram from Thondi and ested heavily in nt prawn-hunting, part of India. This or in that it is only ed around Kacha rawns are found
as ceded to Sri ight of the Indian eir trade around guaranteed: ‘Indiilgrims will enjoy acha Theevu as ot be required to ents... Wessels of
ashtra's
a H-bomb explotish geologist de. The devastation ve tremors which d Osmanabad dishwada region of ptember 30 seems Hydrogen bomb eration.
the Richter scale, south of Umerga d district, at latiorth and latitude e tremors in five just two minutes taking place be48am, left in their trail of death and
, Sharad Pawar, Waharashtra, the e earthquake was
by T.N. Gopalan, Madras
India and Sri Lanka will enjoy in each other's waters such rights as they have traditionally enjoyed therein...'. But the subsequent treaty of March 1976 changed all that: "Each party shall have sovereign rights and exclusive jurisdiction over the continental shelf and the exclusive economic Zone as well as over their resources whether living or non-living, falling on its side of the boundary...'. None in Tamil Nadu understood the implications of the new clauses. Even if they had, nothing could have been done about it since Emergency was then in force.
Still they were balmy days for the Indian fishermen. When this writer visited Rameswaram in the wake of a series of attacks on the Indian fishermen in October 1984, they recounted that the Lankan naval personnel had once been very hospitable. 'Sir, they used to exchange their bread and other provisions for our fish, invite us over to their launches for a lavish treat and so on. ...But when militancy reared its head, they thought that every one of us was only running errands for the Tigers....We're here for a living, not for a revolution... But the navy does not seem to understand...', Mr. N.J. Bose, President of the Rameswaram Mechanised Boat Owners' Association, lamented. Still a leading functionary, Mr. Bose notes that raiding of the boats, looting of the catch, beating up and finally shooting of our fishermen have continued to this day.
"Pious platitudes don't work. Only stern warnings backed by support from the Indian Navy alone can alleviate our miseries, he declares.
Hour of Darkness
only 9,748 and not 30,000 as had been widely thought. He felt that some 16,000, very critically injured might have been taken to be dead. Any way they were all caught under the debris of their respective houses as the tremors occurred in the wee hours of the day. A population of 1.35 lakh persons was severely affected in 86 villages which suffered the most. Not a single house survived in 35 of those villages.
The tremors were also felt over the entire south India besides Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh. The maximum damage outside Maharashtra was reported from Bijapur district where several houses caved in killing at least seven persons and injuring more than 100 persons. Ironically the calamity took place right at the beginning of the United Nation's International Decade Continued on page 24

Page 24
24 TAMILTIMEs
Continued from page 23
for Natural Disaster Reduction. To
quote a journalist, "The Uttarkashi quake (in Uttarpradesh in October 1992) was devastating enough, with a toll of close to a thousand. But the Latur calamity makes a mockery of not merely our disaster management systems, but also our relief disbursal mechanism...'.
For the 18,000 residents of Khillari town in Latur district who had experienced some 125 tremors between August 2 1992 and October 29 that year, the September 30 explosions were literally the last nail in their collective coffin. Life will never return to normal here. Khilari and villages around simply ceased to exist as human habitations.
This area lies in the home district of the Lok Sabha (the lower House of the Indian parliament) Speaker Shivraj Patil and also of Mr. Vilasrao Deshmukh, a senior minister in the Maharashtra state cabinet. Still the repeated pleas of the people of Khilari and adjoining villages to the authorities for relocation were all in vain.
But then the findings of the study of the Haridwar earthquake of November 1992 indicated that the DelhiHaridwar region, specially the areas near Rohtak, Gurgaon and Sonepat were seismically active. Subsequent studies suggested that the entire Himalayan region and parts of the Deccan plateau were in the same category, with an 'active fault' running in Moradabad-Mathura region.
The September eruption perhaps in
dicates that a far more sprawling area, almost embracing the entire country is , earthquake-prone, and this calls for a
height en e d s ens e o f qua ke - preparedness. But then, according to an Indian expert, "The current measuring instruments in India are not operated meticulously and three generations behind the sophisticated digital instruments used abroad. If only we had modernised the network, we would not be in this mess.' Not that even the most heightened sense of alertness could avert any natural disaster from taking place, but simply that the consequent human misery could be minimised as much as possible.
Informatively, Mr. S.N. Bhattacharya, a senior geologist, has opined that the earthquake was a
result of the shifting of the Indian
landmass towards the north and north-eastern region. Because of this movement, it is constantly colliding against a stationary Eurasian land
a SS.
The agony of the tremor-hit villa
gers of Umarga v ated when their r State Assembly, died of a massive his way to his con Anyway subse soporofic governm into action, formi ment group under the Union Cabine fence Ministry I Secunderabad, Pu to the affected are and rescue operati Narasimha Rao r from the Prime Mi for providing emer
The army movi columns for rescu engineering equip thmoving plants, arrived on the si hours for extrica under the rubble.
The entire natio out the victims. La pouring in for the over the country. community was r either. US Presic Special Envoy, Ra hand over relief 1 around three mill other countries foll
The work on han ing. At least 35,000 have to be built t victims. The estin
O E
Benazir Bhutto to Minister of Pakist after three year wilderness, pledgir her second opport Muslim country.
“I felt a great sem I was taking my ( time, Bhutto said i she was sworn in Wasim Sajjad.
"I felt that God Prime Ministers opportunity, and Il redeem the pledge tan have placed in Three years ago, sed on disputed ch and misrule.
She took the oa lower house of Paul to 72, for the char mother of three, w ple’s Party emerg National Assembly

as further accentupresentative in the Abdul Khaliq Kazi eart attack while on tituency. quently even the 2nt of India sprang g a crisis managehe chairmanship of Secretary. The Deloved troops from e and Ahmednagar as to assist in relief ons. Prime Minister oleased Rs.2 crores nister's Relief Fund gency relief.
ed as many as 14 2 work. Specialised ment such as earranes and the like :ene within a few ing those trapped
rose as one to help khs of rupees came relief work from all The international ..ot lagging behind lent Bill Clinton's y Flynn flew in to material valued at ion dollars. Many owed suit.
hd is indeed daunt) new houses would o take care of the nated cost of this
15 NOVEMEBER 1993
work alone could work out to nearly Rs... 500 crores.
Incidentally even as debates are
is raging on the right type of design for a
quake-resistant house, the impressive Naldurg Fort, barely 50 km away from the earthquake epicentre, has remained untouched by the tremors. According to experts such old buildings are able to survive because their walls are not long and straight, instead they have bulges in betweer which strengthen the walls. Also the walls of such forts are thick in relation to their height while those of the collapsed houses were narrower in relation to their height.
Over a lakh of lives have been lost in earthquakes during the last two centuries.
Though the toll is the highest in 5 years, the intensity of the September earthquake has been described as "moderate' by Mr. N. Sen Roy, Directo: General of the Indian Meteorologica. Department.
According to him one of the highes: intensity earthquakes was in Assam. in 1950, which read 8.5 on the Richter Scale, but the loss of life then was minimal.
The last heavy loss of life in the sub-continent was in the tremors ir Quetta (now in Pakistan) in which more than 30,000 persons perished and another one the previous year ir Bihar claimed nearly 10,000 lives.
Benazir Back in POWer
ok power as Prime an on October 19 s in the political g to do her best in unity to lead the
se of satisfaction as ath for the second h an interview after by acting President
nas given very few in Pakistan this ope I will be able to the people of Pakisme."
Bhutto was dismisarges of corruption
th hours after the liament voted, 121 smatic, 40-year-old hose Pakistan Peoed with the most
seats in the hung
Parliament elected on October 6.
The first eight ministers in what she said would initially be a small cabine of about 10 were also sworn in.
Dressed in a royal blue tunic and trousers, with her head covered by S. white veil, Bhutto was watched by her young son and daugher, Bilawal anc Bakhtawar, and by Pakistan's most powerful man, Army Chief of Staf Gen. Abdul Waheed.
Waheed forced the resignations of her predecessor, Nawaz Sharif, and President Ghulam Ishaq Khan las July to end their paralyzing power struggle. He said, "I am glad democracy is on the rails. I thought it would be difficult, but it all turned out very well.'
The army has governed Pakistan for most of its 46 years since independence and remains the final arbiter of power.
Bhutto's position was buttressed when her nominee was elected Speak

Page 25
15 NOVEMBER 1993
er of Parliament. He is from Punjab, the richest and most powerful province, once Sharif's power base.
She left after the ceremony on a lightning tour of the North West Frontier and Punjab to help those friendly to her to be elected to rule there. While She consolidated her position on October 20 by taking Punjab, she lost the NWFP to Sharif's Pakistan Muslim League.
"This is an epoch-making moment, Bhutto said earlier in a speech to the National Assembly as PPP members thumped the benches and cheered.
It is only the second time in Pakistani history that a person has been elected twice as Prime Minister, she said, alluding to her late father, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the nation’s first popularly chosen leader.
In a division of the house, smaller parties, independents and allies filed out of one of the two side doors to lend their support to the PPP's 85 elected deputies, enabling Bhutto to defeat Sharif and form a coalition government.
Eight members abstained, including several fundamentalist Muslim clergymen who oppose leadership by a WO.
Sharif congratulated Bhutto on her
49-seat majority W each other on the to take up their st and opposition lea
Analysts warne of her government on the support of 8 her vulnerable to casting doubts on push through maj
Bhutto pledged t to end Islamabad's tion after Ameri this year to place countries sponsori plement reforms tion.
People are wait ple don’t want a n they want a cha said. "My governm ment of reforms.'
But in comment could worsen Ame: Bhutto said on O country would pur ram. We will prol lear program and national interest t said in a recorded
On October 19
Reflections on Tamil R
in Switzerland
Disparagingly, Tamil asylum-seekers have come to refer to their lives in Switzerland as a Pungudutheevan Exile'. The comparison between the island of Pungudutheevu and the Alpine splendour of Switzerland is not a physical one. Well not in the obvious 33 188.
Sitting by a mountain lake framed by gentle meadows Rajendran searched hard for the words which best captured the experience of being a Tamil in Switzerland.
“We Tamils are very conscious of our status. Ambitious. Competitive. But most of all proud. A bird in the sky is doing what he does best. But when he comes to ground he is vulnerable. We Tamils need Jaffna: that is our sky. In London it is almost possible to be a Jaffna Tamil. Think of it this way. Our culture runs on railway tracks. Tracks that have been laid between Ceylon and London. The carriages and all their people with their luggage have been transported from here to there. To Switzerland there are no tracks and no luggage."
No tracks and no luggage. No tem
ples, no lagoon, no professorships, no family, no girls th bird on the groun land feel vulnerab
Pungudutheevu and cultural sen appropriate metal scribed as "God f desolate', 'lonely : the place that e leave. The land is but the hardiest c ed only reluctantly lands.
And in sympath setting the people been imbued, satu: of desolation. As island they have selves into a cult mainlander to c dutheevan and ul married one I car that the first adj 'selfish'.
The people of th constantly reiterat “the other' to the

then the two passed
floor of Parliament eats as house leader der.
ld that the survival would be dependent mall parties, leaving their demands and the PPP’s ability to or new policies.
a start work at once international isolacan threats earlier Pakistan on a list of ng terrorism, to inand to end corrup
ing for change. Peonere change of face; nge of system” she ent will be a govern
is that analysts said rican-Pakistanities, |ctober 20 that her sue its nuclear progtect Pakistan's nucwill not allow our o be sacrificed, she television address.
), two senior PPP
TAMIL TIMES 25
leaders were sworn in, Farooq Ahmed Leghari becoming Foreign Minister. Six more ministers were sworn in on October 21, three of them from minority parties.
Bhutto kept the Finance and Com
merce portfolios but appointed a former Bank of Pakistan governor, V.A. Jafery, as special adviser on finance with ministerial status and businessman Chaudhry Ahmed Mukhtar as Minister of State for Commerce. Naseerullah Babar, a retired general, was sworn in as Interior Minister.
She also allocated portfolios to three members of other parties in her coalition government. She gave Parliamentary Affairs to Sher Afghan Niazi, an independent, and Industries and Production to Mohmmad Asghar, a senior member of a PML splinter. Mohammad Afzal Khan, of a small party from NWFP, was also sworn in. His portfolio is to be announced later.
Parliamentary Affairs Minister Niazi said Bhutto planned to present a bill to amend a martial law-era law that gives the President the controversial power to sack the Premier.
Presidential elections are to be held on November 13 in the first major test of strength for Bhutto.
(Reuters).
efugees
medical practices or brides, no land, no hat dance. Like the d Tamils in Switzerle.
in both a physical se is seen as an phor. Variously deorsaken’, bleak and and dispiriting it is veryone wishes to unwelcoming to all rops. An island linkr to the Tamil heart
y with this physical of the island have rated with this spirit
if in defence of the
} barricaded themural laager. Ask a lescribe a Pungunless he or she has bet my last dollar ective used will be
e island are not, it is (ed, like us. They are Jaffna Tamil, their
hearts are in their pockets, they would cut off their mother's finger to get the gold. For business - and that is what they are good at - they will sacrifice their childrens' education: no Tamil would do that. Doubts are cast on their claim to Wellala status. Some have suggested that they are Singhalese in disguise sent to colonise and sap the north of its resources.
The Tamil cultural train has bypassed Switzerland. Stripped of physical nourishment the essence of the Tamil spirit has withered. To other Europeans, Switzerland is thought of as crushingly dull. A land of bank clerks and housewives. Stable and safe. An exile but a "Pungudutheevan Exile'.
Krishnakumar sat uncomfortably in a cheaply upholstered chair picking at loose threads. His refuge, a container built on waste ground surrounded by Swiss homes of bunker architecture, protected him against what he feared most, the indignity of being uncovered.
"No one knows who I am here. My wife came once. I could not tell her I was washing dishes. She did not ask ... I don't think she wanted to know. She would never sleep by me again if she knew. My daughters will soon be married. No boy of any status would
Continued on page 26

Page 26
26 TAM TIMES
Continued from page 25
come near our family if they knew what I was forced to do.
Individual isolation is the Tamil way of life in Switzerland. For Chandran the choice is a simple one.
"I work at different hours but when ever I finish I come back to my room and watch a video. I never go out. I only talk to those I know and those who know me. It is dangerous to let others know too much about you.'
Four Muslims sit around a newspaper advertising rooms for let. They are prepared to pay more to live in a safe area. Somewhere where they cannot be found, where other Tamils will not urinate through their letter box and throw alcohol against their windows.
The dangers faced are real and not imagined. Their nemeses are not demonic skinheads who find entertainment in firebombing asylum homes. But fear of personal failure and anxiety about a society in decay.
Walking into a room of strangers can be a frightening experience. A certain brashness and self confidence enables some people to walk up to one of those strangers, interrupt a conversation, and introduce themselves. But how do you interrupt a conversation when you do not understand the language? Tamils in Switzerland entered the room but for most timidity got the better, uninvited and unwellcome they turned and left.
But what is the alternative? There is no exile community. No temples only ersatz priests one minute chopping meat the next conducting unecessary expensive rituals in broken Sanskrit. Lonely Tamil boys fast-forwarding love scenes to find the fight and the car chase. And girls, padded against the cold, scribbling letters which barely conceal their desperation. Tiger Boys' touting watches and calendars demanding money not with menace but with dubious concern about those who have remained behind. In Zurich's mainline station two Albanians hold a frightened Tamil by the arms as his brother fatally plunges a knife into his side: a dowry dispute some say. An agent who has abandoned a group of Tamils in Moscow is decapitated in the shadow of a snowy peak.
It is like the word processor on which I am writing this article: you work, you save and you wait. A mechanical life interrupted only occa
sionally by bursts of hope. Plans to
move on, a Christmas bonus, a meal with friends, a cricket match, dreams about return. And bursts of worry, a comment in the wrong ear, money missing from the till, a registered letter from the Swiss government.
But for the money. This mo can send back a I cannot go anc coat. These ch trap the snow a the rain. But it Tamils in Switz
For so long ex stream and look venues Pungud ing back. In 198 come they look posed island, th ombo and west family strategy Suresh, the farı island, Ganakul who understood fort in Colombo turer accompan eldest daughter land. The Pung led into Bern.
Pungudutheev an island where now many "P Switzerland. Un are only seen in dutheevans tra plying for visast tiating deals wit ters, seling dru ferrying hope across the moun gudutheevans ar
It was Pungu held money rai everyone is doir dutheevans w Brahmins to offic
Mista
Opposition MP, recently create allegation that trated the securi a's parliament saying that Ade principal spokes singham was se public gallery, taurant, and as dangerous wom access, posing a Ministers and M On the follow carried the stor line, “Anton Bala ing Parliament u THREAT TO WHIP COMPLA that Mr. Path Adele Balasingh public gallery wl emergency was

15 NOVEMBER 1993
most part life is about onth is a good month II | thousand Francs. But ther winter without a leap Malaysian shoes ind my jacket soaks up is not the same for all erland.
cluded from the mainked down upon as parutheevans began fight4 sensing what was to led back on their exen south towards ColE towards Europe. A was devised in which (mer, remained on the
mar the businessman
l the Sinhalese held and Rajan the advenlied by his wife and
took off for Switzerudutheevan train rol
fans it is said create ver they go. There are ungudutheevus' in like other Tamils who Paris or alone Punguvel as families. Apovisit England, negoih Sri Lankan imporgs on the streets, or ful asylum-seekers tainous borders Pune very much at home.
dutheevans who first ising parties - now ng it. It was Punguho first employed iate at spurious cere
monies - now everyone is doing it. It was Punagudutheevans who first brought over wives and children - now no one can do it.
It is ironic that people from this small island who were for so long excluded from polite society now define the parameters of Tamil social life in Switzerland. They are established and powerful. They protect a territory, sometimes with violence, which they claim as their own, because we were here first'. They are a threat to the militants because they represent independence. They have no truck with the 'struggle'. They are not frightened.
But what is of greater concern to mainland Tamils is that Pungudutheevans are now buying-up land in Jaffna. Of course it is not only Pungudutheevans. Migration and remittances have empowered all sorts of people to do what was previously thought impossible that is to buy much sought after land in the North.
One can be mislead into thinking that the emptiness of life for Tamils in Switzerland must inevitably result in stagnation. But that is not the case. The diaspora of Tamils and the exile communities created is quietly, at times almost imperceptibly, reordering what is at the very heart of Tamil society and culture. Nobody knows what the future will bring but one thing is sure the Jaffna that many left in the 1970s and early 1980s has gone for ever.
Chris McDowell,
University of Zurich, July 1993.
ken identity
Richard Pathirana, d a furore with an the Tigers had penety cordon of Sri Lank. He startled MPs le, wife of the LTTE's man Mr. Anton Balaen in the parliament's MPs library and resked how come such a an was able to gain grave security risk to Ps. ring day, The Island y with banner headsingham's wife enterinnoticed: SECURITY MPs, OPPOSITION INS'. The report said irana revealed that lam was seen in the hen the debate on the taking place, she had
entered the parliamentary complex without an identity card or signing the visitors register. Some parliamentarians had seen Mrs. Balasingham in the public gallery with the Tamil MP, Mr. K. Srinivasan. Mr. Pathirana was joined by some other MPs who demanded an investigaton into the alleged security lapse.
Was Mrs. Balasingham in parliament with a suicide bomb-kit ready to blow it up killing all those within it? If she had succeeded, it would have been a national tragedy. But the feared tragedy turned into farce when subsequent investigations revealed that, af. ter all, it was not Mrs. Balasingham who was seen in parliament. The lady in question was Ms. Elizabeth Philipson, the representative of the Londonbased International Alert which is engaged in a conflict resolution exercise in the island. Ms. Philipson was on a fact-finding mission to promote peace in Sri Lanka.

Page 27
15 NOVEMBER 1993
CLASSIFIED ADS
F壹ö words E10. Each additional word 60p. Charge
Box No. 3. (Wat 17/2% extra). Prepayment essential The Advertisement Manager, Tamil Times Ltd., ,
PO Box 121. Sutton, Surrey SM1 3T.
hone: 081-644 O927. Fax: 081-241 4
MATRIMIONAL
Catholic Tamil professional pa rents are seeking brides for their two fair, handsome sons, one boy a doctor and the other graduating next year. Prospective girls have to be between the ages 18-24, very fair and beautiful. Good morals eSSential. DoctorS, Business Management graduates or aCCountants under 24 are also welcome to apply. All correspondences will be treated confidentially. Please send reply with full details and recent photograph to Boxholder, P.O. Box 9403, New Market, Auckland, New Zealand.
Jaffna Hindu father, retired professional, seeks well qualified fair bride under thirty for son, British Citizen, mid thirties, professional holding high position. M 694 co Tamil Times.
Hindu seeks bride for brother, 31, in secure employment in London, AAT qualified. Send details, horoscope. M 695 c/o Tamil Times.
Jaffna Hindu parents seek kind, homely girl for son, 28, employed in Canada, permanent resident. M 696 Cyo Tamil Times.
Parents seek qualified partner for Doctor daughter, 30. Tamil Catholic, lecturer at Colombo Medical Faculty. M 697 c/o Tamil lines.
WEDDING BELLS We congratulate the following couples on their recent wedding.
Ahilesan Son of Mr. & Mrs. K. Thanabalasingham of 5 Jeremy Drive, Dayton, New Jersey, USA and Subangi daughter of Mr. & Mrs. S. Wijayanayagam of 90 Mossbrook Crescent, Scarborough, Ontario, Canada on 30. 10.93 at Sri Venkateshwara Temple, New Jersey, U.S.A. Gunan son of Mr. & Mrs. S. Sabanathan of 'Brintha van', Westerham Road, Keston, U.K. and Chitra daughter of Mr. & Mrs. Kanagaratnam of "Chitra Giri", Earlalai, Sri Lanka on 31.10.93 at Richard Challoner School Hall, Manor Drive North, New Malden, Surrey, U.K.
Sudhager son of Mr. & Mrs. S. Saravanapavan of 30 Haig Road, Colombo 4 and Sivananthi daughter of Mr. & Mrs. K. Sivanantham of 51/4Alexandra Road, Colombo 7 on 10. 11.93 at "Serendib Ball Room, Hotel Hilton international, Colombo.
BRTHDAY WISHES
Arthavan Manoharan and Birawi Manoharan of 70 Wellington Avenue, Edmonton Green, LOndon N9, celebrated their 2nd and 4th birthday on the 11th and 10th November 1993. Arthavan and Birawi have been blessed and wished by their Mummy and Daddy, Wasuki Aunty, Appamma, Ammamma, Thaththa, Uncles, Aunties and Cousins all from Sri Lanka, Mangalan Aunty and family from Germany, Kumar Uncle and family and Easan Uncle from Canada for their welfare and long life.
OBTUARIES
Mr. Thambo Tharmalingam (75) retired Chief Electrical Engineer, Walkers Ltd., Colombo, and of the Ceylon Electrical Board; beloved husband of the late Thanalakshmi and Thavamani; loving father of Tharmaasokan, Tharmini (Australia), Thanushini (Jaffna University), Tharmavathanan (City University, London); fatherin-law of Pu Veendran and Kumuthavalli (Australia); grand father of Tharshini, Arujunan and Vyshnuvi (Australia); step father of the late Rudrakumar, Premkumar (Colombo), brother of
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 27
Jayadurai (Colombo) and late Rasam, Annam and Yogam passed away on the 6th of October 1993. Funeral took place in Kokuvil, East, Kokuvil on the 7th of October 1993. - 85 Beaty Street, Ivanhoe, Victoria 3079, Australia. Tel: (03)4974794.
Mr. R. Sri Pathmanathan, ConSultant Oral Surgeon, Monklands District Hospital, Airdrie, LanarkShire, husband of Sheila, father of Rohendra, Gehan, Chantal, and Ashita Waterston, brother of Mrs. T. Cheliah (Melbourne, Australia) passed away on 7th November 1993. Cremation at Golders Green Crematorium on Sunday 14th November 1993 at 12 noor. No flowers please, but donations to the Imperial Cancer Research Fund or the Cancer Research Fund - 46 Jackson Lane, Highgate, London N6 5SX (Tel: 081348 1336).
Dr. Kumarasamy Rajaratnam, formerly Registered Medical Practitioner, Chunnakam and latterly of the DHSS London, beloved husband of Saraswathy; loving father of Rajakumar, Mohan, Murugan (USA) and Ranganathan (Duckles), father-in-law of Saro, Jo and Dharnini, grandfather of Tony, Kevin, Venu, Nimalan and Shalini passed away on 30th October 1993 and was Cremated at the Lewisham Crenatoriurn on 4th November 1993. - 60 Exeter Road, Welling, Kent DA 163LA. Tel: 081-8553553.
Mr. M. Murugupillai (70), of Palai-Maviddapuram, Retired Assessor, income Department, and Auditor, formerly of Ramakrishna Road, Wellawate; lately resident of Melbourne, Australia, dearly beloved husband of Ra
jarajeswarinee Paper Nadarajah; loving father of Kamala Jothi (Rugby, U.K.) and Sivakumar (Melbourne), dear father-in-law of Dr. N. W. Vijeyapalan (Rugby) and Priyakanthi (Melbourne); adored grandfather of Prabhani and Shivani (Rugby) Vignesh and Kapilan (Melbourne); brother-inlaw of K. Nadarajah (Colombo) and Dr. Rajabalendran (Alice Springs, Australia); brother of the late Vairavapillai and Cheliah,
Sellammah Kasiviswanathan and Sinnathurai (Retired Central Bank) both of Palai passed away in Rugby, whilst on holiday with the daughter, on 22nd September, and was cremated at Coventry on 27th September, The members of the family convey their very sincere thanks to all relatives and friends who assisted in the obsequies, attended the funeral,
sent floral tributes and messages of sympathy. They regret their inability to thank them individually - 129 Brawnmore Road, Bilton,
Rugby CV22 6lJ. Tel: 0788
817301.
IN MEMORAM
In loving memory of Mr. Vyramuthu Tharmalingam of Urelu East, Chunnakam on the first anniversary of his passing away on 23. 11.92.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by his beloved wife Raninayagam, children Linganayagam (U.K.), Tharmathurai, Tharmachandran, Tharmakunalosana (Colombo), Tharmasekaram (Australia), Tharmakunapooshana (Baduilla), Tharmajeyasooriar, Tharmakunavathana (Germany) and Tharmakunabhavan; sons-in-law Sinnathamby, Arulananthan, Shanmugarajah and Sivabalasundaram; daughters-in-law Vimaladevi, Mangaleswary, Sornalakshmi, Gnaneswary and Roginithevi; and sisters Mrs. Thangaratnam Thambithurai, Mrs. Saraswathy Kandiah, Mrs. Lakshmi Vinasithamby, and Mrs. Sellamuthu Kathirgamathamby. - V. T. Linganayagam, 88 Orchard Street, Kempston, Bedford MK42 7JJ. Tel 0234 856612.
Continued on page 28

Page 28
28 TAMIL MES
Continued from page 27
IN MEMORAM
in loving memory of Mrs. Annamah Rajasingam on the first anniversary of her passing away On 8th November 1992.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by her children Dr. Kanagasingam, Kunasingam (both of U.K.), Poopalasingam (Brisbane, Australia), Jeyakumar (Norway) and Thanaluxmy (Sri Lanka); daughters-in-law Saras, Ranee, Gowri and Saro, grand children Gowri, Ranjini, Mano, Jeya, Jeyanthi, Nirmala, Bhavani, Shanthi, Kumar, Sugu, Ravi, Brahma, Jano, Vasanthi, Baskaran, Mala, Lala, Priya, Vathana, Kanchana, Yamuna and Usha, - 4 Southway, Raynes Park, London SW20 9JQ. Tel: 081-542 S803.
Richard Jeyarajasingam
Born: 20, 11.28 Called to Glory 27, f1.90
All too soon you suddenly passed Beyond our present sight You left us and the world we knew Without your radiant light. But we know that like a candle Your lovely light will shine, To brighten up another place More perfect....more divine. And in the realm of Heaven Where you dwell Free from every harm and pain, You live on for evermore Where one day we shall meet again,
Fondly remembered by Ranie
and Children,
in loving memory of Mr. Kana sabapathy Nagarajah on 1 fourth anniversary of his pass away on 8, 11.90,
Gently with love your memory kept Your affection and kindness will never forget You are always in our thought And for ever in our hearts,
Sadly missed and lovingly membered by his loving w Nagula, children Chandran, K. and Ruby, son-in-law Nichols daughter-in-law Yesmin a grandchildren Selina, Trisha a. Jeevan. - 50 Sandy Lane Soul Malington, Surrey, U.K. Tel 06 647 8384
in loving memory of Mr. V.S.S. Brahmananda on the fir, anniversary of his passing c 4, 10.92.
Merciful Lord, grant him eterna rest and keep him under your care'
Sadly missed and fondly re. membered by his wife anc daughter.
FORTHCOMING EVENTS Sruthi Laya Seva presents Violin Maestro Lalgudi G. Jayaraman and Karaikud R. Man on 21.11.93 at 6.00pm at the Bhavan Centre, 4A Castletown Road, London W14; on 26.11.93 at 8.00pm at Purcell Room, South Bank Centre, London SE1 and on 27.11.93 at 3.00pm at Stanley Hall, 12 South Norwood Hii,
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

15 NOVEMBER 1993
ga
ing
”姆
re seg ala s
d
1
South Norwood, London SE25. Tickets & Information Tel 091470 4393/455 1520/552 2265 & 071-387 O980, December 3 St. Francis Xavier's Feast. DOC. 4 6.00pm London Tamil Centre's Xmas Party at Wembley High School Hall, East Lane, Middx. Dec. 8 immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary. DOC, 9 Eekathasi, DOC 96.00pm Lecture on Left Party Political ldeologies - Origins, Evaluations & Their ReleVance' at School of Oriental African Studies. Tel: 071-278 3990 (S. Wijesinghe). Dec. 11 Pirathosam. 700pm. S.C.O.T. presents Xmas Dinner & Dance at Acton Town Hall, Uxbridge Road, London W3. Tel: O895 257788, O734 429467 & O81 904 6472. DOC. 13 Amavasai, DOC. 17 Sathurhi. Dec. 20. Thiruvembavai starts, Dec. 24 Eekahasi. Dc. 26 Pirathosam. DOC, 28 Full Moon. Doc. 29. Thiruvembaval ends.
Nagulan Selected Young Leader
Nagulan, son of Lanka and Malathi Nerslah of Oman has been selected to attend The National Young Leaders Conference in Washington D.C. from November 16 to 21, 1993. This conference is a unique leadership development programme for outstanding high school students who have demonstrated leadership potential and scholastic merit, Nagulan a senior at Marshall Secondary School, Pasadena, USA will be among 350 students attending the conference from across America,
The Conference provides the opportunity for students like Nagulan to distinguish themselves as tomorrow's leaders, Students not only gain knowledge and experience in the nation's capital, they leave with a sense of accomplishment and an increasing ability to face the changes of the future.
Versatile Nagulan had his Muruthangam arangetram on 25.793 before a large and appreciative audience in Oman.
Yoga Swami Centre in London
Some devotees of Yoga Swami of Jaffina met in East Hann in London On 12.993 to discuss the idea of establishing a centre in London to Propagate Yoga Swami's
teachings and philosophy. The meeting decided to establish such a centre and name it 'Siva Thondar Nilayan' (Yoga Swami Centre).
This proposal received the blessings of Satguru Sivaya Subranuniya Swanni of Hawaii (Yoga Swami's disciple, living Successor and Head of the Saiva Sidthantha Church), when he visited London in June this year. Vidwan K.N. Velan was elected patron and Mr. M. Arumugam, the Conveto,
The devotees decided to hold monthly prayer meetings on the Sunday following the Natchaththiram Aiyillium with Natchinthanai Bajans. The first Bajan was held at the Wimbledon Ganapathy Temple on 19.993.
Those interested are requested to Contact the Convenor. Mr. M. Arumugam, 180 Shrewsbury Road, London E7 8QJl. Tel: 08. 471.2348.
Subothin's Debut in Singapore
The Bharatha Natyam arangetram of Subothini Wendy Sinnathamby, a final year medical student at Guy's Hospital London, took place at the Singapore labour foundation auditorium on the 9th of October, amidst an in pressive gathering of invitees. The curtain raised with the song of Ganesh followed by a beauti. fully poised Pushpanjali. Then, it was a three hour stint of a tantalizing performance, with short breaks, that depicted ten different superb aspects of the various art forms of this great oriental culture, culminating in a "Thilana' which Subothini performed as a professional though it was her debut,
Picture below shows Subothini paying obeisance to her guru Girija, prior to her Arangetran.
Subothini entered the field of Bharatha Natyam at a very tender age in Singapore, under the guidance of Mrs. Shantha Bhasker of the Singapore dance academy. Her last three years no doubt has given her the greatest uplift and reward in this art, having been tutored by Girija Varothayasinghan an exponent of Vazhavoor

Page 29
15 NOVEMBER 1993
tradition and herself a performing artiste in London. Girja accompanied her pupil to Singapore to do the choreography and Nattavangam.
Professor R. Kanagasuntheran of the National University of Singapore and formerly Professor of Anatomy of the Colombo Medical Faculty was the guest of honour.
Subothini is the only daughter of Mr. and Dr. (Mrs.) T.J. Sinnathamby of Singapore and a grand daughter of late Dr. K. and Mrs. P. Cathiravelu of Sri Rana Manthiram, Manipay, Sri Lanka.
A Carnatic Recital of Enjoyment
An enjoyable evening was had by all who attended the Music ReCital by Sangeetha Vani Smt. Nageswary Brahmananda arranged at Conway Hall on 11th July by the London Meikandaar aadheenam.
Smt. Brahmananda has a distinguished musical heritage inherited from her illustrious Gurus like D.K. Pattammal, Dr. Ramanathan, and Maharajapuram
Santhanam, Her repertoire of
songs for the evening were chosen with care and gave us dazzling examples of famous Tamil composers like Gopalakrishna Bharatha, Papanasam Sivan, Arunasala Kavirayar and Uthukkadu Venketa Suppaiyyar. Her rendering of Kaa Vava in Varali was particularly touching.
The Raga exposition in Bhairan and the lyric 'Yaro iwar yaro." brought to mind the mellifluous rendering of the song by M.S. Subhalakshmi. In the second hall of the evening's recital, she ably presented a Ragam, Thanan Pallavi in Kamboji. The lyric "Aadathu asamgatha va' in madhyamavati by Uthukkadu Suppaiyyar brought before Out eyes the little dancing figure of 'Karran”.
Brahmananda was accompanied on the violin by Sri Chandrasekharan who while able fo give fitting repartee to her Swara Prastharas, embellished her singing with the right nuances ana flourishes. His own raga alapana renderings were delightful to listen fo. Sri K.S. Bhavani Sanka with a unique flexibility of styles accompanied Smt. Brahmananda on the mridangam with subtlety and anticipation thereby enhancing the rhythmic patterns set by the singer, Sri R.N. Prakash who played the Ghatam displayed great tonal versatility and Rhyth
POEMS BY SIV
UNTITLED - DREAMS2
I have no words the dreams that give hope of a butterfly and solutions resting delicately Th like a leaflet on the tip in bold print. of a fragile flower
are merely
72 OCCA 7TV2C2. Dreатs A: their теапп3 In my attempts dei S lost to me to be humane Ch who is uncertain I would rather leave that the sun will rise O2 the flowers No tOrriorrozv. on the trees. bu
Nouv, C While a gun the beautiful night pre aims at society's shaped by the day the
umbilical cord,
is only a dream.
 
 
 
 
 

nic varieties, in the thani aavartana by mridangist and ghatan both players showed great Virtuosity and camaraderie.
The evening was memorable not only for individual excellences but for the pleasing harmony of performance achieved by the artistes in unison.
The evening was brought to a fitting close by an appreciative speech by Sri P.P. Kanthan where he highlighted the gems of the evening's repertoire. The title of Tamil isai Mani was Conferred on Smt. Brahmananda by the head of The Me ikan daar aadheenan, which the audience felt was most appropriate,
Narayani Chatterjee, Orpington, Kent.
Thenuha's Arangetram
Thenuha Thiagarajan ascended the stage at the Logan Hall, Uni
M
ARAMAN - 1989 -
UNTITLED THE
LAST INTELLIGENCE
TAM TIMES 29
versity of London on 11 September 1993 and gave a confident and polished debut performance in Bharatha natyam under the guidance of her guru, Smt. Selvaluxmy Ramakrishnan, The cultural Calendar of recent months has been crammed with debut performances by numerous young artistes and Thenuha earned her self a place in the forefront of this array of talent.
Smt. Selvaluxmy had choreographed a varied and interesting repertoire of items, entirely in Tamil, and the young dancer rose to the occasion demonstrating fluent footwork and creditable bhava. Selvaluxmy's natuvangam was accompanied by the melodious singing of R. Visweswaran and the excellent orchestra: Bhavani Shankar on the mirudangam, B.K. Chandrashekar on the violin, Thayaparan on the flute and Kalpana Srinivas on the thambura.
The evening was highlighted by poignant and spontaneous display of guru bakthi Smt. Balasundari Prathalingam, Selavluxmi's own much respected guru, graced the occasion as the chief guest. In her address, Smt. BalaSundari advised Thenuha, having achieved the arangetram standard, not to place the art on the shelf" but to respect, develop and cherish it in the years to come. Such wise words - take heed
Thenuha!
e last く elligence is dying...
Already decided. lavenues. ܪܵ
questions The intelligentsia nied of the land
ildren lie stand ly in darkness. or street corners. thing beyond t Questions
orthodox answers and solutions ture have lost their importance. served by We have failed to live humanely.' 2 draping This is our final a sari declaration/testimonylproclamation.
The answers to the questions are already written. Those to be named heroes

Page 30
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