கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: Tamil Times 1994.06

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Vol XII No.6 issNosses
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15 JUNIE 1994
I do not agree with a word of what you say, but I'll defend to the death, your right to say ቪt...?
, - Voltaire
ISSN 0266-4488
Vol.XIll No.6 15 JUNE 1994
Published by
TAM TIMES TID
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CONTENTS
NeWS Review. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. CWC and SLMC spell out joint plan for Solution. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 The Chandrika Factor and the Ethnic Question. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 The New Political Course t for Tamils. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
The Green Dirt that cannot wash. .16 The New South Africa -
A Lesson for Sri Lanka. . . . . . . . . 18 Sri Lanka: Politics of Majoritarianism. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
Buddhist Betrayal?. . . . . . . . . . . . 21 Dutugemunu Betrayed. . . . . . . . . 24 Sub-Continental Scene. . . . . . . . . 26 S.J.V. Chelvanayagam Remembered. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
A SHAB
The sudden and respected Govern brought into shar Executive Presider
President Wijetu nanda at his resid Wish Of the PreSide forthwith. Taken ab asked for the reaSO none were given. 7 he would not resig the same day, a ne the President had the WeStern PrOVin his dismissal by the any reasons for his
Where a public o by any prospect of exercise of such p public interest. The President and the constitutional powe, G.L. Peiris puts il discretionary powe, reasonably equitab Confidence. The bil represents only th Constitution workab practices and conve these are the issues of Governor Sharva
There is no do attributable to the t Minister of Educatio removing the Minis his Constitutional du not acted in terms C he Would have ac inCurred the Wrath Governor of the W. instance signifies, Governor to act C surprisingly new. Si agencies and funct ment and the ruling President Wijetunga
After his dismissa WOuld not have wat the government dia policy. I am only in Way of removing a
Mr. Sharvananda as Chief Justice oft tenure he was acCl independence and did not deserve the But Mr. Sharvanan integrity unassailed trates is the repeate of political expediet power.
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 3
BYABUSE OF POWER
unceremonious dismissal recently of the much or of the Western Provincial Council has again relief the manner in which the powers of the t of Sri Lanka are exercised.
ga's Secretary telephoned Governor Mr. S. Sharvaance on the morning of 10 June and conveyed the nt that the Governor should submit his resignation ack by this totally unexpected request, the Governor ns as to why the President wanted him to resign, and he Governor advised the President's Secretary that unless he was given the reasons. At 12.45pm on ws bulletin broadcast over the radio announced that worn in Mr. D.M. Swaminathan as the Governor of Cial Council, Mr. Sharvananda received the letter of President at about 1.30pm. The letter did not give removal.
ficial or authority is vested with power untrammelled judicial scrutiny, it is important to ensure that the wer is guided by discretion, reason and above all Governor of a Provincial Council is appointed by the re is no doubt that the President enjoys the ' to remove the Governor fron his office. Butas Prof. , 'one of the core values of public law is that , however sweeping its range, must be exercised ly and in a manner calculated to inspire public ack letter of the law in its substantive provisions e backbones of a Constitution. What makes a le, and indeed worth working, are the assumptions, 2ntions which sustain and buttress it. Unfortunately, that are flagrantly infringed by the cavalier removal nanda. "
ubt that the Governor's dismissal was directly emoval a few days earlier by the Governor of the in of the WPC on the advice of its Chief Minister. In er, the Governor acted in complete conformity with ity and no one has suggested otherwise. If he had f the advice given to him by the Chief Minister, then ed contrary to law, but certainly would not have
of the President and would have continued as PC to this day. What the President's action in this therefore, is that he expected and wanted the ontrary to law. This is not something which is ibversion of the rule of law by itself and through its Onaries has been the stock-in-trade of the govern
party over the years, and the dispensation under is no exception to this practice. l, Mr. Sharvananda is reported to have said that he ted to stick to his post even for a moment longer if
not want him. "I am not interested in government erested in acting according to law. This is a crude governor."
held with much distinction the highest judicial post he Supreme Court of the country. During his judicial imed as having performed his functions with sturdy otal integrity. A person of his standing and stature shabby treatment that the President had meted out. la leaves his office with his reputation intact and On the contrary, what this episode again demonsf recourse to abuse of presidential power at the altar cy and in the interests of the party and persons in

Page 4
4 TAMIL TIMES
NEWS REVIEW
A PRESIDENT SACKS WESTERN PROVINCIAL GOVERNOR
In a move that surprised many, President D.B. Wijetunga dismissed the Governor of the opposition controlled Western Provincial Council, Mr. S. Sharvananda, on 10 June and replaced him with Mr. D.M. Swaminathan as the new Governor. Many consider the President's action as politically motivated.
The newly appointed Governor Mr. Swaminathan is also a well known lawyer with commercial interests, and has been a long standing supporter of the ruling United National Party. He has held many elevated positions in state institutions and presently occupies chairmanships and directorships in many private companies.
Political observers describe the President's move as a pre-emptive strike against Mrs. Chandrika Wijekumaranatunga, the Chief Minister of the Western Provincial Council (WPC), who had ideas of seeking a dissolution of the Council to precipitate a fresh election which she hoped to win for the Peoples Alliance easily.
The dismissed Governor Sharvananda, a former Chief Justice with a wide reputation for his integrity and judicial independence, told the press that he had received the President's letter removing him from his position in the early afternoon on 10 June. The letter did not give any valid reasons for his removal. Earlier on the same day, Presidential Secretary Mr. K.H.J. Wijedasa had telephoned Mr. Sharvanandato convey President Wijetunga's wish that the Governor should resign. Mr. Sharvananda had asked for the reasons why the President wanted him to resign but was not given any reasons, and therefore he refused to resign.
Ever since Gamini Dissanayake, the leader of the DUNF, decided to join the ruling United National Party (UNP), there was a split in the ranks of the WPC members belonging to the DUNF, the majority of whom continued to support Mrs. Kumaranatunga's administration. The attempts by the UNP leadership to wean away a sufficient number of DUNF councillors to topple her administration did not succeed. But she was aware of the
continuing machi ing party to unse that she had p dissolution of th Governor at the thus precipitatin election in which results of the reci for the Southern the Peoples All trounced the U. difficulty.
Recently the l the WPC, M Gunasekera wa office by the Gov. of the Chief Min maranatunga. M longed to the DU was attributed t the part of the ( he had succumbe Gamini Dissanay the UNP.
It is probablet da was removedl all to permit rel interference by ment and its mir of the WPC fall volved ambit an suspicion that Chandrika's req tion of the Coun made it.
However, Mr. the press that h any intention or drika to seek a Council, but exp tional position Minister comma the Council, shi Governor to dis Governor would
While denyin Minister had any the Governor fo the WPC, oppos Peoples Alliance moval of Mr. Shi position as an a misation and a presidential pow
το PE-ENTE
AND
At last, after a p political wildern controversy, the Gamini Dissana parliament as a For some mont National List
pressure from F to resign and m: Dissanayake an President wante

15 JUNE 1904
nations by the rulut her, and it is said Lanned to seek a e Council by the appropriate time ; the holding of an on the basis of the 2ntly held elections Provincial Council, ance would have NP without much
Health Minister of r. Prema ratne is removed from ernor on the advice ister Mrs. Wijekur. Gunasekera beNF and his removal O the suspicion on Shief Minister that d to pressures from ake to cross over to
aat Mr. Sharvananbecause of his refusbeated attempts at the central governlisters in the affairs ling within its ded the government's he might concede uest for a dissolucil if and when she
Sharvananda told e was not aware of the part of Chandissolution of the lained the constituthat if the Chief nded a majority in 2 could advise the solve and that the have to consent. g that the Chief intention of asking the dissolution of tion parties of the condemned the rervananda from his ct of political victiblatant abuse of
er
Y OF GAMINI RONNE
olonged wait in the ss but never out of eader of the DUNF ake has re-entered National List MP. ns now, the UNP MPs had resisted resident Wijetunga ke way for Gamini others whom the │ to bring into par
liament. Reports indicated that offers of alternative positions, bribery and even intimidation constituted part of this pressure. First to yield to this pressure was Mr. M.H. Amit who resigned on 17 May and Gamini was nominated and swornin as MP on 19 May followed by much fanfare. On 14 June, he joined Wijetunga's cabinet as Minister of Mahaveli Development. Mr. Amit has now been rewarded with another post - Chairman of the Sri Lanka-Libya Agricultural Development Corporation Ltd.
Two other National List MPs, Alec Robertson and R.A.D. Sirisena also resigned to enable the former Finance Minister Ronnie de Mel and Gamini Jayawickrema Perera, the former Chief Minister of the North Western Province, to re-enter Parliament. Mr. Ronnie de Mel has now joined the cabinet as Minister for Ports and Shipping.
Ronnie de Mel's toing and froing from one party to another is legendary in Sri Lanka's recent political history. Having been a civil servant in the 1950s, he flirted with Philip Gunawardene's MEP in the 1960s, joined the SLFP in the early 1970s, and feeling disgruntled by not getting a portfolio in Mrs. Bandaranaike's cabinet joined the UNP in 1977 and became Finance Minister in President Jayawardene's cabinet, a post he held for nearly 11 years. He resigned from the cabinet and the UNP towards the end of Jayawardene's term and joined the SLFP in 1988 and campaigned against Premadasa in the Presidential elections held that year and the subsequent parliamentary elections. Following the victory of Premadasa and the UNP in these elections, Ronnie went into a self-imposed exile and spent the last few years in London, but always yearned to return.
The expectation of President Wijetunga in inducting nationally known political heavyweights like Gamini and Ronnie into his cabinet is that it will enhance the political fortunes of the UNP in the forthcoming elections. But their re-entry into the UNP has not been universally welcomed by all sections of the partу.
The Premadasa loyalist faction within the UNP, which had been angered over President Wijetunga's attempts to sideline and at times denigrate the former President's family members and his close associates, has been particularly hostile to

Page 5
15 JUNE 1994
the re-entry into the UNP of these two anti-Premadasa stalwarts. Ronnie had been no friend of Premadasa even when they were together in Jayawardene's cabinet. He accused Premadasa personally of corruption during the 1988 presidential campaign. As for Gamini, Premadasa did not want him even in his cabinet. Gamini was a co-architect, along with Lalith Athulathmudali, of the impeachment motion against Premadasa. Thus their re-entry into positions of power and influence in the party and the government may result in further disunity in an already fractured UNP.
With the rehabilitation of Gamini Dissanayake in the upper echelons of the UNP, his brother-in-law Mr. Wickrema Weerasooriya has also been inducted as an advisor to President Wijetunga and Secretary to Ministry of Policy Planning and Implementation. He played an important and powerful role during the Jayawardene regime, but after Premadasa became President, Mr. Weerasooriya left for Australia where he and his family normally live.
It is learnt that Mr. Weerasooriya considers himself as occupying a special position in the Presidential Secretariat, even superior to the Secretary to the President Mr. K.H.J. Wijedasa and Presidential Advisor Mr. Bradman Weerakoon. This perception on the part of Mr. Weerasooriya has led him to act in a manner which has resulted in much acrimony within the Presidential Secretariat.
In addition to being advisor to the President, Mr. Weerasooriya is also said to be holding (in an acting capacity) several posts held by Secretary to the Treasury Mr. R. Paskaralingam who has reportedly gone abroad for medical treatment. But what has caused much flutter is that Mr. Weerasooriya is going about making appointments and attending to matters as if he has been permanently appointed in these posts. It is also reported that he is to play a vital role in the UNP's electoral campaign, and at a certain meeting with businessmen he is on record as having said that the UNP will win'. The question is whether, if Mr. Weerasooriya is a state employee and is paid as such from the public purse, it is proper and legal for him to play a political role on behalf of the ruling political party.
In the meantime there has been much speculation as to the whereab
outs of the once pov alingam and whet return to his post,
abroad indefinitely indicate that he i Singapore and that gone out to him
Wijetunga to return
yr PRESIDENTIA
Though it has been presidential candid tion Peoples Allian SLFP leader Mrs. S there are those v assert that the cha the UNP at the el enhanced if Mrs. Ch anatunga is nom opposition as its ca.
Even within the been a signature c vincial level urging be nominated. The the candidature of many reasons for Mrs. Bandaranaik feeble to be able to election campaign; enced, she has lost vitality due to old illness which has seeking hospital lacks the organisat is required to fight, and that Chandrika ance during the sou elections had prov the best campaigne tion has.
Victor Ivan, the fluential Sinhala w has through the journal continued t case for the nomina ka instead of Mrs He points out tha better placed to att minorities the over ity of whom have b the SLFP over the
Although Mrs. reiterates that shi opposition preside she has moved to Chandrika as the the party, and ma that in her abser Chandrika who wo her behalf. In cas anaike is affected b wise before the appears to be no Chandrika would who will lead the ol er, Mrs. Bandarana known in recent int still has her mothe

TAM WES 5
verful R. Paskarher he will ever or decide to stay . Recent reports s at present in t a message has from President
to his post.
LCANDIDATE
decided that the ate of the opposince is to be the S. Bandaranaike, who continue to nces of defeating ections would be handrika Kumarhinated by the ndidate.
SLFP there has ampaign at prothat Chandrika pse who support Chandrika give their preference: e is too old and lead a punishing although experiher vigour and
age and recent resulted in her treatment; she ional ability that a party in power; a by her performuthern provincial ed herself to be r that the opposi
editor of the inweekly, Ravaya', columns of his o make a strong ation of Chandri1. Bandaranaike. at Chandrika is |ract the votes of whelming majoreen alienated by years.
Bandaranaike e would be the ntial candidate, formally appoint deputy leader of de it clear to all hce it would be uld be acting on e Mrs. Bandary illness or otherelections, there doubt now that pe the candidate ppostion. Howevaike has made it arviews that she rly affection and
feeling for her son Anura Bandaranaike who crossed over to the UNP. Insiders say that the one reason that prevents her handing over the SLFP leadership to Chandrika is that, if she does that, Anura will be permanently alienated. She is said to be hoping against hope that Anura would soon return to the "family and the party'. It is said that she was pleasantly surprised and extremely pleased that Anura flew to Singapore recently to see his mother who went there for medical treatment.
MUSLM-TAML RELATIONS
The leader of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress, Mr. M.H.M. Ashroff, in a letter recently addressed to the leader of the LTTE, Mr. V. Prabhakaran, has called for a joint effort by the Tamils and Muslims to win back the rights of both communities. In his letter Mr. Ashroff states: "As long as the Tamils put forward one demand and the Muslims another, no solution could be arrived at to the problem of the North and East. It is therefore necessary for a change in the approach adopted by both the communities, and the leaders of both should strive to present a joint demand on behalf of both the Tamils and Muslims.
"The Tamil and Muslim political leaders have been cheated by all political leaders from Bandaranaike onwards. Even present day leaders are not concerned about the continuing blood-letting in the country, and do not even consider the present crisis as a national problem. There was a time when the North-East problem was discussed by the Sinhala chauvinist leadership only with the Tamil leadership. But today the situation has changed.
When talking to the Tamils they would say, 'We accept your demands. But the Muslims would not agree. What can we do? When talking to the Muslims they would say, It is of course necessary to safeguard your identity, but the Tamils have not agreed to share power with the Muslims. Why not the Muslims and the Sinhalese get together and appoint a Muslim as the Chief Minister of the North-East and make the Tamils dance to our tune!
"If this trend is to be changed, then the Muslims and Tamils must be united in thought and action. Of what use will talks be without LTTE
Continued on page 6

Page 6
6 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 5
participation? The LTTE should not isolate itself. It should enter a new era with hope for better relations between Tamils and Muslims.
"The first mighty blow to the Sinhala chauvinist forces will be Tamil-Muslim unity. Although I do not know how far you were responsible for the injustice done to the Muslims, it is your duty to publicly apologise for the injustices committed by the Tigers against the Muslims. You should declare publicly that the displaced Muslims will be resettled in their original places of residence with compensation.
"The Sinhala chauvinist forces would not be able to stomach healthy relations between the Tamils and Muslims. We should identify who our enemies are and who our friends are. Let us not turn our brotherly controversies into conflicts. Instead let us win our rights by forging unity'.
NORTH-EAST MERGER THRO TAMIL-MUSLIM UNITY
The TULF Member of Parliament, Mr. Mavai S. Senathirajah in a recent statement to the press said that the Tamils and Muslims can secure their rights only if the northern and eastern provinces are merged into a single linguistic territorial unit. He added:
It has been suggested that 32% of Muslims in the Eastern Province would be reduced to 17.62% if the Northern and Eastern Provinces are amalgamated. While statistics may be correct it should be remembered that statistics cannot solve social problems. The following matters may be given serious thought:
O Muslims can live in peace with Tamils more than the majority Sinhalese.
(a) Inspite of their being 32% of the population in the Eastern Province, Colonisation and appropriation have taken place and they have lost their paddy lands i.e. Seruwila and Digavapi.
(b) Murder at Puttalam mosque, attack at Slave Island. It is the Tamil leaders who raised their voices of protest.
(c) While Muslims were behind the government, it is the Tamil leaders who raised the issues regarding Tamil areas.
O Although Tamils and Muslims follow different religions, they communicate through the same lan
guage and live chee East.
O Alternate Go harassed the minc the other. The fight is actually a fight restore the lost rig speaking people.
O The minoritie rights only throu understanding amo speaking people. essential that not but the territory in should remain am Ashraff the leader Front had written karan the leader of is a step which shou is only through an between the Tamil and the amalgamati East that the min their rights.
★ CHANDRKA PROPOSALS FO SOLUT
"The ethnic problem which a solution ( There was many a past when a solut been found. But t made no attempt' s drika Kumaranatu interview granted to She also added tha put forward its own near future. Altho been initiated she r what the proposals
Some of the answers are as follo
Q: Do you believ able and sensible s found for the probl East? If so what which the SLFP h action?
A: Yes. We defini a reasonable solutio for the problem. E that it is not going Government which with a 5/6 majority when in power du years, it had ampl solve the problem. reached a criticial therefore be difficu tion to the problem have hardened til adopted extreme v reconcile. The star with regard to the more problems. Th to be interested in

15 JUNE 1994
k by jowl in the
ernments have ities one after or Tamil Eelam in principle to ts of the Tamil
can win their gh a political ngst the Tamil it is therefore only the people which they live algamated. Mr.
of the Islamic to Mr. Prabhathe LTTE. This d be welcome. It
understanding s and Muslims on of the Northorities can win
PROMISES R POLITICAL ION
is a subject for :ould be found. situation in the ion could have he Government said Mrs. Channga, in a special the Virakesari. t the SLFP will proposals in the ugh action has fused to divulge 8ΙΘ.
uestions and WS:
e that a reasonolution could be em in the NorthS the basis on opes to initiate
tely believe that n could be found ut it is certain to be easy. The came to power failed to do so; ing the last 17 opportunity to At present it has uncture. It will t to find a solusince both sides eir stand and ews, difficult to d of the LTTE matter creates y do not appear discussions to
solve the problem. The people in the North-East want a solution to the problem and are fed up with the war. The SLFP in its recent report on its policies has given the basis of the solution to the problem. It can be solved only on the basis of broad based devolution. In addition to extending the principle to other regions it is necessary to consider the necessity to adjust boundaries of certain regions. We have appointed a committee to go into the matter.
Q: No one has the opportunity to serve in the cabinet from the NorthEast. Will the SLFP ensure representation for Tamils?
A: We will definitely do so. When SLFP National List MP, Mr. Rajaratnam passed away I recommended the appointment of a Tamil to replace him. But owing to many reasons this could not be done. The majority of the members in the higher ranks of the party support my view. The main reason for the breakdown in the communication between the centre and the NorthEastern Provincial Council was due to suspicion and mistrust of each other. It is necessary to continue discussions. Institutions should have been created to ensure continued discussions with the leaders of the North-East.
Q: Have you any suggestion to solve the problems between the Centre and the Provincial Councils?
A: This is just what I said. It is necessary to create new institutions. They should ensure continued discussions between the centre and the Provincial Councils without breakdown.
Q: Are you satisfied that the Commission on Official Languages has sufficient powers? How would you help to strengthen it?
A: There are various types of legislation all over the world. It is necessary for Governments to ensure effective implementation of their provisions. Otherwise they will be nullified. Even if the Commission on Official Languages is strengthened, Government should adhere to effective implementation. What the SLFP realises regarding the minorities is the fact that they are equal citizens of the country. They should be enabled to exercise their rights.
CHALLENGE TO PRESIDENTAL CANDIDATES
The leader of the Muslim Congress

Page 7
15 JUNE 1994
M.H.M. Ashroff, has issued a public demand to those candidates who are going to contest the presidential election to place before the people their solution to the ethnic problem. There are only a few hundred days more to the presidential election.
In his demand to the presidential candidates, Ashroff has made the following observation:
Before the presidential election, the candidates from the majority community must do something constructive in order to attract the attention of the minority communities. The problem of the minorities is not only a national problem but has also now become an internatioal problem. Unfortunately, this problem has got entangled with the country's economic problem and become more complicated. The northern and eastern provinces have been neglected for more than a decade with regard to economic develop
ment. Even in t national resources of development pl provinces have not share to which the and rightfully enti The millions ar. with the hope of su is not only going di there are no signs Thousands of Sri have lost their l thousand have bec sides the others wl limbs and have icapped.
Could anyone in economy could be d finding an amicabl solution to the Empty slogans liki "closed economy’ ar at election meeting communal slogans also over. The Sinh
The Toronto based Tamil Resource Centre and Library known as Thedagam located at 566 Parliament Street at Wellesely was subjected to an arson attack shortly after 1.00am on 24 May 1994. The arsonists who had gained forced entry into the building through a window set fire to and destroyed a vast collection of books, journals, newspapers, documents and other literary material and furniture.
A spokesman for the Centre said that theirs was a community organisation that worked to advan ce the ca u se of selfdetermination of the Tamil speaking people of Sri Lanka and generally to advance the cause of human rights and freedom of expression. Its work was done through peaceful and non-violent means to focus attention among expatriate Sri Lankans and others on questions relating to the violation of human and democratic rights. The Resource Centre and the Thedagam Library has been extensively used by Tamils and others in Canada for gaining information and research purposes.
The Centre has also hosted many discussions and seminars on many issues relating to the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka with
ArsOn Attack On Tal Resource Centre 8 Lil
a view to promotin political solution tions relating to f pression, political assassinations.
During its four y the organisation a nel have been threats and intimi ments within th Tamil community come intolerant to dissent. The arson Centre on 24 May hours after a mee there in memory and publisher, Saba lingam, who was two Tamil gunmen Paris on 1 May. A the Centre said th was thatthose elem ble for the arson at to the same netwo who were respon murder of Sabaling
A solidarity den which many repres rights and commu tions participated v May to protest ag intimidation, viole ings which were a pressing dissent all expression and to arson attack on the

he allocation of and undertaking ojects, these two been given their y are both legally tled. d millions spent bduing the Tigers wn the drain but of victory either. Lankan youths ives and a few ome widows, belo have lost their become hand
magine that our eveloped without and satisfactory 2thnic problem? 2 'open economy emere gimmicks s. The days when orought votes are halese people are
1mi
prary
g a negotiated and on quesreedom of ex
violence and
rear existence, nd its personsubjected to dation by elehe Canadian which had be
criticism and attack on the occurred a few ting was held of the writer uratnam Saba
murdered by at his home in spokesman for at their belief ents responsitack belonged k of elements sible for the
al
nonstration in enting human hity organisaas held on 28 ainst political nce and killimed at supld freedom of condemn the
Centre.
TAMIL TIMES 7
as eager as the people of the north and east that a solution should be found to the ethnic problem.
The time when the Sinhalese people thought that the ethnic problem was confined to the north and east only is gone. Experience and knowledge of things have made them realize now that it has come to their door steps as well. The results of the recent elections in the south clearly show that the people cannot be deceived any more by slogans like 'Sri Lanka is the country of the Sinhalese', 'We are the sons of the soil', "There is nothing called ethnic problem in the country but there is only a terrorist problem'.
The fear that "Federalism' will result in the division of the country has now become a thing of the past. At both national and international levels, devolution of powers has now come to mean sharing of powers by the central government and the federated units. Therefore, the minorities are waiting to know what these New Thought', 'New Vision' and "New Approach' mean.
The Sri Lanka Muslim Congress earnestly requests the presidential candidates to commence negotiations with those concerned with the ethnic problem and they should in no uncertain terms place before the people their methods of doing it.

Page 8
8 TAM TIMES
CWC and SLMC Spel Joint Plan for SOut
A set of proposals have emerged from Tamil and Muslim political parties to resolve the ethnic crisis which is plaguing the country for more than a decade.
The move has been initiated by Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC) leader and Minister, Saumya Moorthy Thondaman about one and a half months ago.
Mr. Thondaman has sent his 1991 proposals to resolve the ethnic crisis to a selected number of political parties including the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), Eelam Peoples Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF), Sri Lankan Muslim Congress (SLMC), All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC).
He has invited them to study his proposals and make amendments which they feel necessary to bring about an amicable and a reasonable settlement.
Mr. Thondaman who wanted a critical re-assessment of his proposals fixed up separate meetings with these political parties in a bid to evolve a final set of proposals.
After closed door consultations and deliberations with other parties Mr. Thondaman prepared a document which he would present to the government for serious consideration.
Mr. Thondaman will thereafter have a dialogue with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) to make these proposals a reality.
The highlights are there would be a regional council for North and East on the basis of the demarcations made when Sri Lanka received independence from the British.
In the East there will be a sub region for Muslims with Kalmnunai district as the base.
Ampara district which has a high concentration of Muslims will be bifurcated for this purpose to create the new district of Kalmunai.
Muslim Pradeshiya Sabhas in Batticaloa and Trincomalee districts will be treated as non contiguous areas under this proposal.
The new proposals have their similarities with the Provincial Council system set up the J.R. Jayewardene administration but with more power conceded to the iminorities for regional autonomy.
Some of the propo lows:
A Regional (
A Regional Council lished encompassing tricts specified in the with effect from suc President may appoir lished in the Gazette
The boundaries of Council shall be the time of independence be changed except w of the Regional Coun
The powers devol Regional Council can except at the reque: consent of the Regior
The Regional Cou tuted shall have a Go Minister, a Deputy and a Board of Minis
The Regional Coul its own secretarial sta may by Statute regul ment and conditions such staff.
Treatment of
The Muslim ComI numerically a minorit East Region should position of being equa and in no way being the majority commu. gion. The majority c the minorities should of parity in the sphen ties.
It is however neces ber that a spirit of accommodation and more overpowering til ments. To evolve the out a future of ha tionship is left to th communities of the
glon.
The political and arrangement should terests of the major and those of the mi North-East Region." should inspire conf minorities that their safeguarded and the tered.
To guarantee this safeguards will be

15 JUNE 1994
Out iOn
als are as fol
Council shall be estabthe nine disFirst Schedule h date as the t by order pub
the Regional same as at the and shall not th the consent cil.
ved upon the not be changed st or with the |al Council. ncil so constivernor, a Chief Chief Minister terS. İncil shall have lff. The Council ate the recruit
of service of
Muslims
munity though y in the Northpe assured of a l in all respects subordinate to nity of the Reommunity and have a position e of opportuni
sary to rememunderstanding goodwill will be lan legal enactm and to work rmonious relae genius of all North-East Re
administrative balance the inity community norities in the The settlement idence in the
rights will be r interests fos
constitutional provided and
administrative arrangements duly made.
Sub-Regional Council
Within the framework of a single Regional Council the predominantly Muslim areas shall have their own institutional arrangements.
Divisional Secretary's Divisions which are co-terminus with Pradeshiya Sabhas and have a substantial Muslim majority in the Eastern province share a certain identity and a community of interests. All these divisions may form the territory at the Sub-Regional Council. Though not territorially contiguous, they will be administered by one body to be called the Sub-Regional Council. This body shall be composed of the Muslim members of the Regional Council.
A Sub-Regional Council shall be established for the Divisions specified in the Second Schedule and falling under the area authority of the Regional Council.
This Sub-Regional Council shall exercise executive authority with respect to all subjects set out in list 1 of the Schedule in the area of authority of the Sub-Regional Council.
The Ampara District will be bifurcated into the Districts of Kalmunai and Ampara.
The Kalmunai District will encompass the Divisions with a substantial Muslim and Tamil Population.
Ampara District will cover the territory comprising Divisions outside the Kalmunai District which are almost wholly Sinhalese.
The Kalmunai District listed in the First Schedule encompassing the Divisions of Karavahupattu, Nintavurpattu, Sammanthurai, Thirukkovil, Addalaichchenai, Karunkoddithivu and Pothuvil shall form the base of the Sub-Regional Council. The Divisions of Kinniya, Thampalakamam and Muthur having a substantial Muslim population in the Trincomalee District and the Divisions of Oddaimavadi, Eravur and Kattankduy in the Batticaloa District will coalesce with this base to constitute the Sub-Regional Council.
The Sub-Regional Council established by the Regional Council shall be a Body Corporate and have a Chairman and an Executive Committee. This Council shall be the unit to which executive authority is delegated.
The Sub-Regional Council shall

Page 9
15 JUNE 1994
Ceylon Workers Congress leader S. Thondaman and Sri Lanka Muslim Congress leader M.H.M. Ashraf have proposed a regional council for the North East Provinces in a bid to resolve the ethnic problems.
In their letter to President Wijetunga, the two leaders have said they had successfully arrived at an understanding, and proposed a regional council encompassing the North East Province.
They also say the region should enjoy and exercise extensive, executive, legislative, and administrative powers under the leadership of the Chief Minister and a Board of Ministers.
They have also proposed a territorial council for the Muslim areas which will be a part and parcel of the regional council. The Kalmunai, Sammanthurai and Pottuvil areas will serve as the base of this Territorial Council.
The letter says:
"We are pleased to inform Your Excellency that the Ceylon Workers Congress and the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress have successfully arrived at an understanding which we hope will lead to taking the peace process forward. A clear consonance of views and an agreed plan of action have now emerged. Our commitment to peace mandates a joint effort on the part of all communities. As an initial step in this direction the Tamils and the Muslims of the North East should resolve to work as co-partners and present a joint proposal for consideration by the Sinhala community. It is our perception that an endorsement of our Peace Plan by the Government along with a positive signal from the LTTE would clear the decks to launch meaningful negotiations. Success would lie in expedition.
"For the success of any lasting solution, all three communities should be assured of their politic
Letter to the Presid
al, religious, lin cultural securit provide scope f ment needs.
"It is our view an optimal degr option to end t conflict and to The institution autonomy and and authority sl Council encomp, East Region. appointed by th be the Head Council. The ci powers from t stitution be don such powers distributed betw list and the Re Region should el extensive legisl and administrat the leadership of ter and a Board
"The Regional able the Muslir the region to s extent of powers majority. Howev view that a spel arrangement i assuage the fear Therefore we har create a Territo this purpose.
The Territoria part and parcel Council and shal cial constitution cater to the need living in the are: of the Territori; Kalmunai, Sam Pottuvil areas w base of the Ter The predominant of the North-Ea coalesce with t constitution and the Territorial Co of the Territoria ex-officio be the Minister of the R Minister shall ap
have the authority to decide on the location of its secretariat to service its administration.
The exercise of the executive authority of the Regional Council in the territory of the Sub-Regional Council and in the execution of
policies and prog Regional Council of the Regional C Powers and res be delegated by th cil to the Sub-Re respect of List 1

TAMIL TIMES 9
lent
guistic, social and y and it should or their develop
that autonomy to ee is the singular e current ethnic usher in peace. to receive such o exercise power all be a Regional assing the NorthThe Governor e President shall of the Regional oncurrent list of le present Cone away with and be suitably reeen the Reserved gional list. The joy and exercise ative, executive ive powers under the Chief Minisof Ministers.
Council will enn community of hare reasonable with the Tamil er we are of the cial institutional s necessary to s of the Muslims. ve also agreed to rial Council for
l Council will be of the Regional l serve as a speal institution to s of the Muslims as of jurisdiction al Council. The manthurai and ill serve as the ritorial Council. ly Muslim areas st Region shall he base in the
functioning of uncil. The Head l Council shall
Deputy Chief 2gion. The Chief point two of his
Ministers at the recommendation of the Deputy Chief Minister.
"How best could the Sinhalese community share power in the envisaged power structure. What efforts need be taken to remove their anxieties and concerns are cquestions that deserve paramount consideration and serious attention. We wish to record our sincere and serious commitment in finding out satisfactory answers to these and other questions that may surface.
We also wish to give Your Excellency our assurance to continue our relentless efforts in this regard to achieve intercommunal harmony in the region.
It appears best for a three stage strategy to be adopted. The first stage is for Tamils and Muslims to reach an understanding among them to work as copartners. The second stage is for Governmental support for such an understanding. The third stage is getting a positive signal from the LTTE for these proposals. We concede that the Government while being responsible for all citizens of Sri Lanka has a special responsibility to safeguard the interests of the majority community.
"It is our fundamental perception that a political settlement evolved on the bedrock of TamilMuslim unity accepted by the Government and endorsed by the LTTE after due negotiation will compose the steel-frame of the peace arrangement. We are also emphatic that our ideas, concepts and aspirations should find practical expression through a Constitutional Amendment that would devolve power to the North-East and result in the creation of the envisaged political structure.
"The Ceylon Workers Congress and the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress look forward to a sympathetic appreciation of the minority problem by your government and seek Your Excellency's early response’.
ammes, the Subhall be the agent uncil. ponsibilities shall e Regional Coungional Council in The delegations
made cannot be rescinded without a two-third majority of the SubRegional Council.
The Regional Council shall not have Authority to initiate legislation or formulate policy or implement
Continued on page 10

Page 10
10 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 9
programmes affecting the security, religion, culture, education or any other matter sensitive to the interests of the Muslim Community without the approval of two-third of the membership of the Sub-Regional Council.
Safeguards for the Sinhala minority
The position of the Sinhalese in the North-East Region of Sri Lanka is significantly different from that of other minorities in the Region. The Central Government is both a guardian and an appellate institution for the Sinhala population of the Region. Even so, it is obligatory on the part of the North-East Regional Authority to provide safeguards to the Sinhalese in the context of autonomy being granted.
As a power-sharing arrangement the Chief Minister shall appoint one Sinhalese Minister to the Board of Ministers.
The right of the Sinhalese from any part of Sri Lanka to own property anywhere in the North-East Region shall be considered sancrosanct.
Mahaveli lands shall be alienated as per the formula embodied in the draft proposals of 1986.
The cadre of the Sinhalese Police officers shall be proportionate to the ratio of Sinhalese in the Region.
Deployment of police personnel in predominantly Sinhalese areas will be as per the ethnic ratio in the Pradeshiya Sabha area.
There shall be a Sinhalese DIG for the North-East Region. The DIG shall be responsible to and be under the control of the IGP of the Region.
The basis formulated by the Central Government for the allocation of funds to the North-East Region will be adopted for apportioning financial resources to the predominantly Sinhalese areas. Such funds will be available for development and maintenance expenditure.
The linguistic and cultural freedom of the Sinhalese will be treated as inviolable. Policies shall be framed and programmes implemented to foster their language and culture.
The degree of autonomy would correspond to the quantum of power and authority that is vested and on the spread of subjects and functions that is brought exclusively under Regional purview. In amending the
constitution to V thority in the Re subjects and func cial List, the rese current List as Thirteenth Ame be substantially
unanimity that t be dispensed with functions of this been apportioned List and the Rese
Regio Land.
State land in th in the Regional A
The Regional administer, contr lands within the
The Regional have the power land by way of le
State land wit quired by the Ce for a reserved su with the concurre Authority.
Selection of a ment in irrigati determined by th ity with due rega ethnic balance of time of independ
All people witl the Regional C right to state lan Region.
The Regional have authority gional Land Comr
The Regional shall formulate with the Region. The compositic the Commission by the Board o Regional Author Mahaveli land as per the formu draft proposals o The Sub-Regi administer, cont) land within the t Regional Council the Sub-Regiona by the Regiona used with the Sub-Regional Co able for alienatio be allocated by Council accordin, of the Division.
For land aliena Council, the pe Regional Council

5 JUNE 1994
st power and auional Council, the ions in the Provinrved List and connumerated in the dment require to changed. There is le Concurrent List . The subjects and ist have therefore to the Regional rved List.
nal List
e Region shall vest uthority.
Authority shall ol and utilise state Region.
Authority shall over disposition of ase or sale. hin a Region rentral Government bject shall be used nce of the Regional
llottees for settleon projects will be e Regional Authorird to retaining the the Province at the
ᎾIᏁCᎾ.
nin the territory of ouncil shall have d in any part of the
Authority shall to establish a Remission.
Land Commission policy on land use
in and selection for shall be determined f Ministers of the ty.
shall be alienated la embodied in the
1986. 1nal Council shall ol and utilise state 2rritory of the SubState land within Council required Council shall be oncurrence of the uncil. Land availin a Division shall the Sub-Regional to the ethnic ratio
(ed by the Regional ople of the Subshall be entitled to
allotments, corresponding to their ethnic proportion in the Region. Any extent in excess of this entitlement shall be determined according to ground realities by the Regional Council in consultation with the Sub-Regional Council.
Regional Police Force
The Regional Government shall have the authority to establish a Regional Police Force for the NorthEast Region.
The Regional Police Force of the North-East Region shall consist of an IGP, DIGs, SSPs, SPs, ASPs and other ranks recruited or promoted at Regional level.
The cadre of the Regional Police Force shall be fixed by the Regional Government having regard to the population area and the number of Police Stations that existed in the Region in 1986.
The initial recruitment shall be for a cadre of 10,000 police officers. Thus recruitment should be completed within a specified period.
The Police Force shall reflect the Regional ethnic ratio.
There shall be one Police Force for the whole of the Region. This would include reserve volunteers, special or any other units of the Police.
The appointment, transfer, dismissal and disciplinary control of Police Officers in the Region shall vest with the regional authority.
All Police Officers serving in the Region shall function under the direction and control of the Inspector General of the Region.
The IGP of the Region shall be responsible to and be under the control of the Chief Minister of the Region.
The cadre of Police Officers of the Sub-Regional Council shall be fixed by the Regional Council having regard to the population, area and the number of Police Stations in the Sub-Regional Council. Minorities like Burghers, Malays and others shall enjoy a specific quota as warranted by their population.
Deployment of Police personnel in predominantly Muslim divisions will be as per the ethnic ratio in the division. Deployment in the Districts in non-Muslim areas will be as per the ethnic ratio of the district.
There may be variations to the above principles in accordance with ground realities. These variations will be kept to the minimum.
Continued on page

Page 11
15 JUNE 1994
The Chandrika FaC and the Ethnic Que
by Taraki
A characteristic feature of Ms. Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga's politics is undoubtedly her stand on the minority question. She has successfully impressed the view that she is the best bet for the Tamils and Muslims upon a sizeable number of intellectuals, opinion makers and informed individuals of the two communities.
And one is also truly astonished at the number of young intellectuals, journalists and writers in Colombo who strongly feel that she is the only Sinhala leader who has the steadfastness and acumen to ultimately find a just solution to the conflict in the northeast. Though it is more than certain that the SLFP will, with Mrs. B. at the helm, flounder and fail pathetically in due course, one cannot afford thereby to ignore the personality of Ms. Kumaratunga in discussing the political future of the minorities in the Sri Lankan polity.
The question therefore is "Can she really begin the process to solve the northeast problem on a political footing?” That she is politically correct in her pronouncements on the minority question is, as I am sure she would have realised by now, not enough to keep those who matter among the
Tamils and Musli for too long.
Once all those and definitely bold may say about the become cliches whi where, there will b
This is undersco that LTTE has a saying that Chanc madasa, is trying capture Tamil vote is saying the right Tamil question on measure to WOO favour of the SLFP of the LTTE's “Viduthalai Pulih whole page to anal
The headline to The SLFP has fishing rod whic away.' The strap l trap that Chandrik with new tactics fo The LTTE, it is obv Chandrika will ult doing what Prema politically correct question while not thing in substance view, giving a fre military in the pro war on Jaffna. The that what they call double track polic
Continued from page 10
Absorption of LTTE cadres into the Police Force
The Police Force of the country will consist of National Police Force, Regional Police Force.
The National Police Force shall reflect the national ethnic proportions. The Regional Police Force shall reflect the regional ethnic proportions.
From among the cadres of the LTTE who has the requisite qualifications and training, an appropriate number shall be recruited.
Recruitment to the Armed Forces.
With regard to recruitment to the armed forces at the national level, ethnic ratios need to be reflected.
Planning and eco.
The Regional A have the right to est al Planning Commi The Regional Pla sion shall formulate The Regional Eco Public and Privat ment Programmes. Incentives for For Investment.
A scheme for Financial Infrastruc
The composition : the Commission sha by the Board of M Regional Authority.
The Chairman o Commission shall b the Chief Minister.

TAMIL TIMES 11
tOr StiOn
ns on her side
nice principled things that she ethnic question ch point to noe bitterness.
red by the fact lready started rika, like Pre(o set a trap to s and that she
things on the y as a tactical the Tamils in A recent issue official organ al' devotes a yse her politics.
the article says picked up the in D.B. threw ine reads “The a is setting up ir Tamil votes'. rious, feels that imately end up dasa did: being on the ethnic conceding any: and, in their e hand to the secution of the Tigers thought ed Premadasa's - speak soft
homic affairs. uthority shall ablish a RegionSO. nning Commis
homic Plans.
e Sector InvestGuidelines and ign and Local
eveloping the „Ure.
nd selection of be determined inisters of the
the Planning responsible to
and hit hard - was the most dangerous thing which they could ever face in a Sinhala national leader. And it is quite clear, when considering their views on Chandrika that they see the same attitude in her as well.
On the other hand one must say that the LTTE has, on more than one occasion, expressed their 'appreciations' of D.B.'s politics. Although it might sound somewhat paradoxical no right thinking person can gainsay the fact that 'logically the Tiger needs D.B. and his steadfast line on the Tamil question for furthering its cause with much felicity. On one occasion they contrasted him favourably with Ranil and on another with Chandrika. In the March issue of their official organ, the editorial said, "Although chauvinist fanatics like Gamini Dissanayake and many other local and foreign political analysts and diplomats do not agree with Wijetunga the Sri Lankan President continues to adamantly stand by his policy. In this we can say that he is an honest (Sinhala) nationalist. But Sri Lanka's Prime Minister, Mr. Ranil Wickremasinghe who likes to show himself as a moderate is messing up the ditch (a Tamil phrase which connotes insidious political opportunism) by saying confounding things about bringing the war to an end'.
And again in the latest issue they say contrasting D.B.'s politics, with that of Chandrika and Premadasa that the President’s honest Sinhala nationalist mind does not permit him to engage in the "politics of ambiguousness' which according to them was the hallmark of the former President and is that of the Western Province Chief Minister in their dealings with the Tamils.
Many Colombo based Tamil politicians who are opposed by the LTTE realise very well the logic' behind all this, and hence are quite anxious that Chandrika should become the SLFP's Presidential candidate soon so that she might be able to initiate negotiations on a solid footing. The Tamil politicians who argued in her favour pointed out that she is the only Sinhala leader since independence who has had experience Continued on page 13

Page 12
12 TAM TIMES
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15 JUNE 1994
Continued from page 11
in coping with and struggling against the inadequacies of devolution in her role as the chief minister of the Western Province. Therefore, they averred her empathy could definitely be counted on if the SLFP were to engage in a serious dialogue in drawing up a comprehensive and acceptable devolution package for amicably resolving the northeast conflict. Their argument was by all means sound in itself. True, she was boldly challenging those insidious aspects of the thirteenth amendment (which constituted the provincial council system of devolution in 1987 under the Accord) which are designed as instruments with which the central government can thoroughly subvert the effectiveness of any elected provincial administration which does not belong to the party that happens to be in power at the centre.
She has even gone to the Supreme Court on the question of Centre taking over some schools in her province on the grounds that they fall into the category of National Schools which under Appendix III of the Ninth schedule to the constitution are specified as not coming under devolved subjects of education and educational services (item 3 in the Provincial List). Then there was the sore problem of getting the Governor's assent for statutes passed by the Western Provincial Council, specified under Article 154H.
But does all this mean that Chandrika can take on those fundamental features of the Sri Lankan constitution which, according to most Tamil politicians, make the devolution package envisaged under the Thirteenth Amendment hollow? The question is important because it involves Sri Lanka's unitary status (Article 2), the constitutionally ensured foremost place to Buddhism (Article 9) and the exclusive legislative power of the parliament, (also referred to as the sovereignty of Parliament, Articles 4 a and 76.1) and more important is the problem of amendment. All those who glibly speak of finding a solution to the ethnic question childishly overlook or deliberately ignore the fact that even the slightest improvement to
the framewo
which we alre 13th amendme thirds majority if effectively cl one in the Sup ground that would contrav trenched clause constitution (p, in this context) national refere article 82.
No party can majority, unl were to happen under the pr sentation syste prevails toda would it be re; claim or naiv either the SLF risk a referenc mandate from peall that artic Sri Lanka is a the other whic public of Sri L Buddhism the accordingly its the State to pro Buddha Sasana
The judgeme bench of the Su constitutiona amendment m that one can against an in package on th against the co state and that ture constitute virtue of the fa be dominated rent religion travene Articl
Thirdly, one possibility that the SLFP can i to do so, (an minority MPs proved packag majority in Pal which moves t minimum nun when added v minority MPs third majority. it be pragmati dynamics of t either the UN spite Chandri ership), to allo portrayed by

TAM TIMES 13
rk of devolution ady have i.e. the ent, requires a two in parliament, and hallenged by somereme Court on the such improvement ene, one of the enes of the Sri Lankan articularly 2 and 9 , it would require a ndum as well under
secure a two thirds ess some miracle l, in the parliament 'oportional reprem of election which y. And secondly alistic to make the fely assume that P or the UNP wil lum which seeks a the country to rele which says that
unitary state and h asserts "The Reanka shall give to foremost place and hall be the duty of otect and foster the
. . . .
nt of the 9 member preme Court on the lity of the 13th lakes it quite clear make a valid case mproved devolution e basis that it goes Incept of a unitary , a regional legisla2d under it can, by ct that it is going to by people of a diffeand ethnicity, cone 9.
cannot ignore the t either the UNP or fone of them decide d provided all the agree on an imge) have two thirds rliament if the party he matter has that mber of MPs which with the number of will constitute a two But then again will c, given the political he south, to expect P or the SLFP (deka's putative leadw themselves to be their respective de
tractors as ganging up with the minorities to pave the way for federalism? Furthermore as I have pointed out above a two thirds majority in itself is not a guarantee that the amendments deemed necessary for an improved devolution package envisaged as a solution to the ethnic problem, will be made to the constitution.
In this cor xt therefore it is the bounden duty of all those politicians who are getting quite busy as the Presidential polls approach, particularly Chandrika who insists on her bona fides vis-a-vis the north-east issue and Mr. Ranil Wickremasinghe who is the only senior UNPer engaged in making certain proosals involving regional councils etc. and those among the Tamils and Muslims who may be keen to strike deals with them, to lay down clearly and unambiguously the constitutionally valid and politically feasible modality by which they propose to implement their ideas on devolution. Otherwise such exercises cannot be viewed except as witting or unwitting acts of collusion to hoodwink the Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims in order to achieve certain electoral ambitions both at the Presidential and General Elections.
Fourthly and finally a party can always ask the people for a mandate to introduce a new constitution. When discussing such problems recently, Mr. Gamini Dissanayake said: 'why not have a referendum' while not failing to add that his party was yet to entrust him with the task of opening a dialogue with the minorities, (perhaps he will spell out in detail what exactly he has in mind once he gets ensconced in the cabinet.
Thus we can see that contrary to what was claimed by some Tamil politicians, analysts, the fact that Chandrika is the only Sinhala leader who is capable of a large measure of "fruitful' empathy on the question of 'a new deal' for the minorities, is not in itself a sufficient condition for finding a solutiC)n, but if the relevant issues are earnestly addresed by her and her advisors, it would definitely constitute a moral and political advantage, unequalled in the recent past.
(Courtesy: The Sunday Island).

Page 14
14 TAMIL TIMES
A New Political Co
for Tamils
by G.G. Ponnambalam Jr.
The Tamils must charter a radically new course for themselves politically, and forthwith, if they are not to make their position worse from what it is at the moment, and if the Tamils want to be taken seriously by the Sinhalese and the world in the future. They must abandon their craving for being appendages of the UNP and SLFP, and stand on their own feet and by themselves. By this means, they must learn to live with self-respect and dignity. They must also prove that the 12 percent Tamils of Sri Lankan origin, too, can by their unity and solidarity, create enough strength to get others to come to their heels, just as the five percent Tamils of Indian origin have been able to do. The Tamils must not allow themselves to be taken for granted hereafter. This is the new course the Tamils will have to charter for themselves from now on.
For almost 50 years Tamil politicians, at one time or another, extended responsive cooperation to Governments, had secret understandings between individuals, entered into bilateral pacts with political parties, joined several other political parties to formulate manifestos and did their utmost, one way or another, to be appendages of either the UNP or SLFP. It has led the Tamils nowhere. But it has certainly led the UNP and the SLFP to power several times riding on the backs of the Tamils.
This being Election Year, there are signs that some Tamil politicians might, once again, want the Tamils to be appendages of either the UNP or the SLFP by asking the Tamils to vote for the UNP or the SLFP at the Presidential Elections, in the first instance.
The Tamils have absolutely no reason to support the UNP or the SLFP.
Let us take the UNP, the Government Party, to start with. In their 1977 manifesto for the General Elections, the UNP recognised a Tamil Problem which they promised to settle by convening a Round Table Conference. They did not do so during that term. Instead, they had one of their Commissions and set up District Development Councils, which the UNP stultified from the
very beginning. TULF's alternative to set up Tamil Ee Presidential Elect could show nothin When a Tamil stoo tial Election on as TULF took up the Tamils who were need not interest election to elect a Lanka and official Tamils to vote ag candidate by a deci Trincomalee. They the Tamil proverb ' us whether Ravan rules? But, the TU word round that til support J.R. Jayew ly the Jaffna Distri side down. At the Elections, the UN New Deal’ Manifes so much as even aw Problem. The TU chose to remain sile Indo-Lanka Agree the UNP leader v The unpronounce that if the Tamil Indo-Lanka Agree must vote UNP. T vided the bodygual candidate and spol form. It is known that whilst doing secretly supported they thought Prer petuate the Indo-L and keep the IPKF seen that both the EPRLF were guilt politics. This type o the Tamils must n for all times becau tionist politicians c with Tamils as pav Let us take the Alternate Governn track record? At th tial Elections, some the SLFP because onions, as the SLF Tamil farmer duri) tween 1970 and 1 Presidential Elect went before the pe Manifesto. A Mani complete and com ter on the resolut

15 JUNIE 1994
Se
The DDC were to their mandate Lam. At the 1982 ions, the UNP g for the Tamils. at the Presidenpecific stand, the position that the for Tamil Eelam hemselves in an President for Sri y called upon the 'ainst the Tamil sion they took at even trotted out Does it matter to a rules or Rama ULF did pass the he Tamils should ardene. Mercifulct did not let the 988 Presidential P's "New Vision, sto did not have, ord on the Tamil ULF, this time, int because of the ment, to which was a signatory. d message was s supported the ment, then they The EPRLF prords for the SLFP ke from his platin Tamil circles this, the EPRLF he UNP because madasa will peranka Agreement on. It would be TULF and the y of contortionist fpolitics amongst ow stop and stop se Tamil contorannot play about
S. SLFP now, the ment. What is its e 1982 PresidenTamils voted for of chillies and P had helped the ng its regime be977. At the 1988 ions, the SLFP ople on the DPA esto which hada prehensive chapon of the ethnic
problem.' A manifesto prepared by the leaders of eight political parties – the SLFР, МЕР, SLMC, ELJР, Liberal Party, DWC, JVP and ACTC. This Manifesto was signed by the SLFP, MEP, Liberal Party, DWC and ACTC. The SLMC, EJLP, and JVP did not sign the Manifesto for reasons other than what was contained in the Manifesto. Apart from these eight political parties, the PLOTE took part in some sittings and endorsed totally the totality of the manifesto. The EROS indicated by letter, signed by its leader, its total acceptance of the manifesto. The LTTE, who were kept informed of every point decided upon, did not, at any stage, indicate any reservation to any matter on the chapter on "the resolution of the ethnic problem.' Yet, the SLFP threw this Manifesto overboard, and unilaterally, within 72 hours of the results of the 1988 Presidential Elections.
At the 1993 Provincial Council Elections, both the TULF and the EPRLF called upon the Tamils to support the NSSP. Within hours of the results of the 1994 Southern Provincial Council Elections, both parties changed course, almost midstream and started singing the praises of the SLFP What could be the reason for this volte-face Ms. Kumaranatunga? But she was there even before the Elections because she spearheaded the SLFP campaign. Did any of her actions or pronouncements give hope to the Tamils? The only thing she said before the Elections was that "the Army was no better than the LTTE'. Does this solve the Tamil Problem? In her interview to the Tamil daily Virakesari', published on the 1st of May 1994, all that she says, to repeated questions on the Tamil problem posed by the interviewer, is that the Tamil Problem was very difficult to resolve.
The SLFP manifesto
The answer to a few simple questions will put the whole thing in the correct perspective. Can the SLFP ever do better on the Tamil Problem than the DPA Manifesto which had the blessings of 10 political parties over a very wide spectrum? Is the SLFP for the recognition of the right of self determination of the Tamils, which was one of the 4 points put forward by Tamil parties, including the TULF and EPRLF, at Thimpu? Is the SLFP for full fledged federalism which is the clamour of all Tamil political parties now, including the

Page 15
15 JUNE 1994
TULF and EPRLF, now that Sri Lanka has the substance of federalism through the 13th Amendment? Is the SLFP for the merger of the North and East, as they are at the moment, which was one of the items of the DPA Manifesto, where even the obnoxious and unacceptable provision of the Referendum was not even referred to? Merger formed the corner stone of the 4 points put forward by eight Tamil political parties, including the TULF, and EPRLF, before the Mangala Moonesinghe Parliamentary Select Committee. Is the SLFP for the abrogation of the Indo-Lanka Agreement, as was mentioned in the DPA Manifesto, or is the SLFP for the perpetuation of the Indo-Lanka Agreement, as the TULF and EPRLF would want? Is the SLFP for the perpetuation of the Provincial Council System brought in by the IndoLanka Agreement, or for the abolition of it, as was mentioned in the DPA Manifesto and in public utterances ever since 1989'? Answers to these questions will bring into sharp focus the position the TULF and EPRLF can take vis a vis the SLFP. Are all the postulates of the TULF and the EPRLF on the Tamil Problem, taken before various fora, to go down into history as mere insincere platitudes and gimmicks?
The SLFP's track record on the Tamil Problem is dismal.
The SLFP is wedded to do away with the Executive Presidential system if it comes to power. That process is going to take some time. Then the installation of parliamentary supremacy must take place. And thereafter the handing over ceremony' from parent to progeny, which is also going to take some time. After this matter is attended to, the SLFP. must embark on doing away with the Provincial Councils System. This is also going to take time. These are promises made to the Sinhalese. Not to the Tamils. Charity starts at home. After this is done must come Ms. Kumaranatunga's priorities - the cost of living and violations of democracy. When all these matters are attended to, it will be time for the next Presidential Elections and General Elections With that, the love-making with the minorities will start all over again!
If the Tamils support the UNP or SLFP hereafter, let them be warned that they are only helping to put back the resolution of the Tamil Problem for another six years.
No more can the Tamils afford to
be directed by the people who Tamil Problem that would ad “livelihood”, wa: with every elect business politic
There are Tan UNP has giver Tamils in Colom Tamils must vot is the same argu the SLFP. It is : Tamils can trot forgetting that t a merged Nort about because ( security and sa after all the U roms that the ' and elsewhere su in the 1983 holo famous massacri the Welikada Ja
There are oth that if Tamils in for the UNP, th lums will thrash the Tamils. The gotten that Tam ly voted for the U and General Ele got hammered at ity. This is becau been taken forg have been taken the Sinhalese memory is short of any other nat The Sinhalese ku section of the cringe, crawl a UNP whatever These Tamils are
Some Tamils 'why should a Presidential Ele just cannot win? means business contest, he is not is doing it with a strategy all chal contesting the P he can show the world a number positions vis-a-l Tamil contests a en-bloc for him SLFP will not votes in the first candidate asks h mark a second body else and SLFP supporter second preferenc expected), there tion where a Sil the required voti

TAMIL TIMES 15
Ioliticians who, like
do not want the
resolved because ersely affect their ut to switch sides on in order to be "in lly. ils who say that the
protection to the po and therefore the e for the UNP. This ment trotted out by ad to see that even his argument outhe very clamour for h and East came if the need for the fety of the Tamils NP-instigated pogTamils in Colombo iffered, culminating aust and the world * of caged Tamils in il.
er Tamils who say Colombo do not vote at the UNP hoodthe daylight out of se Tamils have forils have traditionalJNP at Presidential ctions and have yet , the first opportunLse the Tamils have ranted. The Tamils for granted because know that Tamil , Shorter than that ion on this planet. now that there is a Tamils who will ld creep and vote bashing they give. truly a disgrace.
ask the question Tamil contest the :tion, when a Tamil When a Tamil who comes forward to doing it for fun. He purpose and with a ked out. By a Tamil residential Election Sinhalese and the of very important is the Tamils. If a nd the Tamils vote the UNP or the get the necessary round. If the Tamil is supporters not to preference for any rith the UNIP and ; also marking no 2 votes (as must be will come a situahalese will not get s for election on the
second count as well. Thereafter a Sinhalese will be elected only on some simple majority. This is itself an achievement. This itself will show that the UNP or the SLFP cannot ride to power on the back of the Tamils. For, the support of the Tamils will only help the UNP or SLFP to romp home on the first count. If the Sinhalese candidates do not get the support of the Tamils, the Tamils would have established the very important point that the Sinhalese do not have the moral right to govern the Tamils. The Protest Vote of the Tamils, far from being a negative one, becomes a positive thing that will even pave the way and give further validity for the exercise of the right to self determination.
The Tamil candidate
The Tamil candidate can also go before the Tamil people on specific issues and seek a mandate for the Tamil position, to be placed before the Sinhalese, like the recognition of the right to self-determination, demand the drawing up of a federal constitution for Sri Lanka as an alternative to a separate state, demand a merged North East as one of the States under a federal set up, demand a time frame of not more than six months after the Presidential Election to give effect to the issues mentioned above, if there is a political will and real desire on the part of the Sinhalese for a United Sri Lanka. It will be seen, therefore, that these are all very important and vital political positions for the Tamils and cannot be trifled with and can be placed at a Presidential Election to get the Mandate of the Tamils.
In the light of this it is difficult to understand the EPRLF's position that a Tamil candidate contesting the Presidential Election is absurd and will not serve any purpose. For those who are used to contortionist politics, of course, all this will be seen as meaningless. One has to be politically nonest to understand these approaches.
It is very sad to see the TULF position that a minority candidate at the Presidential Election will be tantamount to a rejection of the possibility of getting the Sinhalese to commit themselves to a settlement. This is an absurdly naive way of looking at this problem. Just because a Tamil candidate contests, to place before the world the Tamil
Continued on page 16

Page 16
16 TAM TIMES
Continued from page 15
position, if the UNP or SLFP, through a sense of pique, choose not to have anything on their manifestos on the Tamil Problem, the UNP and SLFP will have to answer to the world for their attitude. It is tragic that the TULF does not realize this and raises a lame argument. It is the duty of those who aspire to govern this country to solve the Tamil Problem notwithstanding a Tamil contesting the Presidential Elections.
The Tamils have played the game that the UNP and SLFP have wanted from us for long enough. They can now be damned. The Tamils have asked the 76% Sinhalese majority to solve the Tamil problem on the lines of the aspirations of the Tamils. It has fallen on deaf ears. What is worse is that some anonymous idiots amongst them want to know in 1994, what the grievances of the Tamils are. They have been met with the advice given by Bernard Shaw that 'silence is the most perfect expression of scorn'. The Tamils are asking the Sinhalese for the very last time, perhaps, that the UNP and SLFP must get together and solve the Tamil Problem. If these two parties do not understand this the Tamils will cease making this request from the Sinhalese. So, let the Tamil Problem be solved before the Rubicon is crossed.
The Tamil Prob priority and, there in the eyes of the Do the Tamils also tion by voting fort in the future? The duped for decades the future. Do the make the same mis Have the Tamils fol saying “He is a foi bending for repeat head. And he is alsc keeps on knocking ery time the other At some time this cess has to stop. T. come. Tamil me change drasticall Tamils cannot fight porting the UNP Tamils must now lesson and learn to UNP or the SLFP.
Detractors maya sent. The ACTC scribed to the Divi theory. Nor did w arrogance to claim sole representative people, as it is now the LTTE, by certa parties in Thimpu the TULF before 1 only my conscienc accountable. I am have placed before
The Green Dirt that Cannot Was
Lucien Rajakarumanayake
It happened many decades ago, even before the UNP was formed. It was the election in 1937, which brought Dudley Senanayake, now held high as the symbol of gentlemanly politics and the epitome of the liberal thinking, to the State Council. The tactic for victory was both crude, vulgar and wholly corrupt.
The Botale Walauwa, through its control over the village headmen, stationed the local thugs of the Dedigama area at the “maha niyaras' along which the rural people came to vote. As groups of village voters, including women, suspected of supporting the other side came along, the thugs raised their sarongs in indecent exposure. As the dirty message of
vulgar intimidati women and m opposed to the S. ferred to stay in Dudley Senanaya Senanayake, the
the Nation, arris Council, and lat father as the sec Minister of indep
It is a story
when there is so about how the UN in a new era of tics in Sri Lanka. such hopes was
Mr. Sirisena Coo. of the political-c) for Soththi Upali ple were forgetti done by Upali ft

15 JUNE 1994
em has lost its ore, its urgency JNP and SLFP. accept this posie UNP or SLFP amils have been ith promises for Tamils want to ake once again? gotten the Tamil l who keeps on d knocks on the a damn fool who on the head evkeeps bending? disgraceful proe time has now htality has to y because the a cause by supor SLFP. The
have learnt a live without the
sk whom Ireprenor I ever subhe Right to Rule e ever have the that we are the es of the Tamil being claimed by in Tamil political in 1985 and by 983. I represent e to which I am
a Tamil and I the Tamils what
my conscience says is correct. My constituency is the Tamils. I stand or fall by their verdict. I have never been afraid to take a verdict nor have I sulked in a corner after the verdict. I have placed before the Tamils what I consider to be very vital issues concerning the Tamils.
My conscience tells me that the Tamils have been humiliated and have had a raw deal in their efforts to solve the Tamil Problem. The Muslims have also been humiliated. I, therefore requested Hon. Thondaman to contest the Presidential Elections as the candidate most acceptable to the minorities. That request was turned down. Hon. Thondaman had his reasons for doing so. I, then, personally requested Mr. Ashraff to contest as the Muslim candidate. It is two months now...He has not come back with his response as yet. I get the message. I had made a request to the TULF that Mr. Sivasithamparam should come forward as the Tamil candidate. The TULF's stand on this matter is clear. I get the message. But one thing is sure. A Tamil must contest the Presidential Election and Tamils must vote en bloc for that candidate. This is the only sanction the Tamils can place against the UNP and SLFP for their callous indifference in their handling of the Tamil Problem.
h
on spread, both en who were nanayakes pretheir villages. ke, son of D.S. illeged Father of ed at the State r succeeded his Ond UNP Prime indent Ceylon.
worth recalling much talk today Phopes to usher entlemanly poliAlmost crushing he comment by ay, at the height minal manhunt that many peog the good work
Cooray, although not party secretary, was still in the Cabinet of Ministers when he made that statement. It was more than a broad hint that a man who was wanted in connection with an attempted murder in a courthouse, should not be hunted because, among other things, he put up posters for the party during difficult times. The times indeed are arresting.
The Soththi episode, if you pardon the cross-lingo pun, is at most a lame expression of the UNP's desire to cleanse itself of the criminal corruption of the past 17 years. It is a corruption from which no section of the party leadership has been left untainted. Which makes the task of the new doctor who has been brought to give it the necessary enema and bowel wash, all the more difficult, nay well nigh impossible.
What is more interesting is that this takes place at a time when some powerful sections of the UNP
the Party. Mr.

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15 JUNIE 1994
are calling for the restoration of the Premadasa policies, and even blaming the defeat in the South on the departure from those policies. One is not surprised to hear such things being said by the family of the late President. The lack of privilege must be terrible. One can also feel a mixture of pity and contempt for the low country dancer and preacher of burgher gratitude, who think their only role as Members of Parliament is to pave the way for their late patron's widow to sit in Cabinet.
Whatever the immediate innerparty objectives of the UNP leadership in getting the police highly activated in the hunt for Soththi Upali, the man who once gave most of their top ranks clear directives on how to soft-peddle on organized crime, and also got them houses through the housing ministry, there is one fact that screams out for recognition. Soththi Upali and all what he is being hunted down for, is what was at the core of the UNP/Premadasa Policies in the politics of Sri Lanka.
As much as the UNP/ Premadasa policies made journalism in Sri Lanka fetid with the hikes of H.L.D. Mahindapala and Anuruddha Thilakasiri, it dragged our politics, which was never very clean, to the worst depths of criminality and corruption. The situation became so bad that today, an inner-party power struggle cannot be conducted without getting the key players of the underworld of political-crime out of the way, and behind bars.
It's time we laid the ghost of these UNP/Premadasa Policies, to rest and went ahead with the task ofstrengthening democracy, much to the chagrin of those who believe that what we need for the liberal economy to bear real fruit is more than a little bit of dictatorship - a ia Singapore. Let's get this straight, the dictatorship of the UNP, of which Premadasa was the last exponent, was one where the wheels of politics were enmeshed inextricably with those of crime, violence and corruption. It was not directed at the welfare of the country or its people. It was one big sham, and there are still not enough people who are ready to admit that in the open.
There is nothing that worked in
that dictatorship ( not even the clo latterly marked th trophe for the c largesse of the Sta the President's change in the liv Poverty was not much for the w wants to set up a alleviation. She s. to the courts, an through the estat from her husband barefoot soccer.
The war in the was not over whe sinated, in fact it there, than when the economy did gures of growth an was not due to a madasa interventi spite him. Even 1 things worse with cavalcade. Prema make capitalism growth in Sri Lank ly and his great d day, made it an eve cronyism than wha Philippines under Imelda Marcos.
Not all the flowe temples, all the off churches, the m broken and ash pu and the fake se Vanithas could hid the policies of Pr those of the enthror ly bandyism and politics. It was cor core. In-laws can n it with flowers on Carrier, but let us it was under the Ranasinghe Prema thi Upali was apl National Executive the UNP.
It certainly follow of extending cleme mned rapist, Gonav making him an alli the Peace: of minist for criminals who roleum from the p Petroleum Corporal the houses of Su judges stoned, al policemen found g courts, of human rig The examples of criminal connection

TAMIL TIMES 17
crime and fear, cktowers which 2 hours of catasuntry. All the .e distributed at ancy made no s of the people.
alleviated. So dow who now und for poverty ould take that d start a fund 2 she inherited who boasted of
North and East he was assas
WaS WOTSe OVer he took over. If lick, in the fid investment, it peculiarly Preon, it was dehere he made the garment dasa did not the engine of a. He, his famiefenders of ton worse form of t existed in the Ferdinand and
rs carried into erings made at any coconuts it on at kovils, rvice of Seva e the fact that emadasa were lement of famicriminality in ruption at the ow miss saying the National not forget that leadership of lasa that Sothointed to the Committee of
s the tradition cy to a condevila Sunil, and land Justice of ers interceding tapped petpelines of the ion. Of having preme Court d promoting uilty, by the hts violations. the politicoof the UNP
leadership require much more space to details. Most recently, it led to the pardoning of two persons from Kuliyapitiya, convicted for culpable homicide even before they began serving their sentence, and despite the repeated demonstration of contempt for the courts, by both the accused and the Police.
The need today is to see the action against the alleged criminality of Soththi Upali, his political patrons and police protectors, not as a great cleansing operation of the UNP, But as the inevitable consequence of thieves falling out. All of thse are people who have robbed our people of their wealth, through the national coffers, and fixed tenders. Through undervalued land and overloaded invoices. They have been through the whole gamut of crookedness, and to make it worse they have robbed us of our decency as well.
Soththi Upali was the contractor for the supply of grass sods for the thousands of acres that covered each Gam Udawa. He won the sod contract for the Gampaha Gam Udawa too. He was also the man who held the contract for the main public restaurant at every Gam Udawa. He may well have been a front for others who made the real money. It is natural that those who lose such great opportunity would lament the departure from UNP/Premadasa policies.
The merry-go-round of crooked UNP politics has come to a temporary halt. The brass band is not playing the same tune to please the "catchers' who ride the wooden horses. It does not mean the UNP is cleansing itself. It may shed a few embarrassments, and tell the band to play a different tune. But the beat will remain the same. The merry-go-round will go on the same rails.
That is the danger of believing in the carnival of the UNP. It wallowed in corruption through 17 years. That is the crisis. Let's not be fooled by the new talk of gentlemanly politics. Even a searchlight won't bring out the gentlemen, who are said to be lurking under the green canvass. Good luck to you Dr. Wijesekera. There is no known emetic that can do the cleansing that is needed. (Courtesy of Counterpoint,
April-May 1994).

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18 TAMIL TIMES
The NeWSOuth A - A LessOn for Sri
by K. Jeganathan, South Africa.
At noon on Tuesday 10 May 1994 Mr. Nelson Mandela 75, took his oath as South Africa's first democratic President. Thirty years ago as an accused from the dock, in a statement that rang around the world, he said that democracy was an ideal he was prepared to die for; and now he vowed to redeem that pledge. During these three decades, much has changed in South Africa but his commitment to democracy has not. It was a commitment that endured the most punishing test-27 years in jail.
The inauguration ceremony itself was a solemn but lavish one costing the nation R.25 million (Rs.350 million). In recognition of its historic significance, princes, presidents, prime ministers and representatives from 151 governments came to witness it. It was the biggest line-up of world leaders since John F. Kennedy's funeral in 1963.
A few excerpts from his inauguration speech are worthy of being quoted:-
"Out of the experience of an extraordinary human disaster that lasted too long, must be born a society of which all humanity will be proud.
"Our daily deeds as ordinary South Africans must produce an actual South African reality that will reinforce humanity's belief in justice, strengthen its confidence in the nobility of the human soul and sustain all our hopes for a glorious life
for all.
. . . .That spiritual and physical oneness we all share with this common homeland explains the depth of the pain we all carried in our hearts as we saw our country tear itself apart in a terrible conflict, and as we saw it spurned, outlawed and isolated by the peoples of the world, precisely because it has become the universal base of the pernicious ideology and practice of racism and racial oppression.
"....We have triumphed in the effort to implant hope in the breasts of the millions of our people. We enter into a covenant that we shall build the society in which all South Africans both black and white, will be able to walk tall, without any fear
in their hearts,
inalienable rightt a rainbow nation a and the world. Le for all. Let thereb there be work, b salt for all. Let ea each the body, the have been freed to
“Never, never, ni be that this beauti experience the op another and suffe being the skunk freedom reign. Th set on so glorious ment!”
A Comparison.
It is not unconn at their inaugurat. lar speeches. As I \ mony live on tele went back to nea when as an invite swearing in (at Ga Mr. J.R. Jayawarc try's first executiv Mr. Mandela, Mr. rode to power w majority. His spee been as inspiring & But the chronicle these 17 years a folded, leaves no ol the oppression, the suffering of th thousands of Tamil hundreds of thous: slaughtered in ma ery and suffering i
Mr. Jayawarder with an unprece But within month sions ran high and the country. Hur lives and propert ombo. Mr. Jayawa licutterances like: you will have war the Sinhala mas assuaged.” Reprisa defence forces on became a common continuing unabat caust was the wors lasted a decade o successor fared no present incumbent the wisdom to say
w

15 JUNE 1994
rica lanka
assured of their human dignityt peace with itself t there be justice e peace for all, let read, water, and ch know that for mind and the soul fulfil themselves.
2ver again shall it ful land will again pression of one by r the indignity of of the world. Let e sun shall never a human achieve
lon for Presidents ion to make simivatched this cerevision, my mind rly 17 years ago e I witnessed the lle Face Green) of lene as the coune President. Like Jayawardene too ith a thumping ch too may have is Mr. Mandela's. of events during is they have unhe in doubt about misery, and the e hundreds of s. At least for the ands bombed and ny ways the miss over! e assumed office lented majority. s communal tenhell broke out in dreds lost their es even in Colrdene made pub"If you want war, "The feelings of ses have to be attacks by the innocent people occurrence and is d. The 1983 holot. His Presidency oppression. His better; and the has suddenly got that the problem
in the North-East is not an ethnic one but a terrorist problem. If ever there was a head of government in Sri Lanka's post independence period who could have corrected the injustices and given the Tamils their minimum rights and liberties and their human dignity as citizens of Sri Lanka, it was Mr. Jayawardene who had such a massive steam-roller majority in Parliament. He however chose to encourage SinhalaBuddhist supremacy and turn a blind eye to anything justiceable. At such an incredible speed he soon dissipated all the initial good will and trust at the altar of his personal arrogance.
Deeds, not just Words.
Turning to the new government in South Africa a different picture emerges. Mr. Nelson Mandela's party, the African National Congress secured a resounding victory at the first democratic Election. The party polled 12,237,655 votes (62.6%) for the National Assembly and for the nine provincial Assemblies (of which it won seven), it polled: 91.6%; 84.4%; 83.3%; 80.7%; 76.6%; 57.6%; 49.7%; 33.0% and 32.2%. The last two it lost to the National Party and the Inkatha Freedom Party respectively. Within hours of his inauguration as President, Mr. Nelson Mandela went into action. He announced his cabinet of 27 ministers. This is when he translated his words (of national reconciliation) into deeds. Having captured 252 out of the 400 seats in the National Assembly, he still had the magnanimity to give six cabinet posts to the National Party (- the relic of the apartheid regime) and three cabinet posts to the Inkatha Freedom Party which had been the cause of the violence and loss of thousands of lives. He went a step further - he gave away some of the key portfolios - Finance, Home Affairs, Provincial Affairs & Constitutional Development, Agriculture, Land Affairs, Mineral & Energy Affairs to these two parties. Bolder still was giving four portfolios - Justice, Transport, Water Affairs & Forestry, Reconstruction and Development, to Indians. Again the Speaker of the National Assembly is a sari-clad Indian lady. These are facts. Would the members of the ruling U.N.P. and its President Mr. D.B.Wijeyatunge believe these? The truth is that Mr. Nelson Mandela is a statesman who places his country first above everything else; he is not a politician with his eyes on the next election.

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15 JUNE 1994
PARTIES
African National Congress National Party Inkatha Freedom Party Freedom Front Democratic Party Pan Africanist Party African Christian Democratic Party Other Parties
ΤΟΤΑΙ και
Languages.
English and Afrikaans were the official languages of South Africa till now. He has allowed these and added eleven other local languages to the official language list. Indeed simultaneous translations have already been arranged for members in the Assembly. Mr. Mandela's vision is: "Many cultures, one nation', and he is committed to make it work. He is firmly in control and has the confidence that the people will follow. Wasn't it Sir Galahad of the Round Table who said: ‘My strength is as the strength often because my heart is pure'?
When the 'Sinhala Only' bill was debated in the Sri Lankan Parliament in 1956, if my memory is correct, it was Dr. Colvin R. De Silva who cautioned saying: "Two languages - one nation; but one language - two nations' How true indeed it has turned out to be
National Anthem.
“Die Stem” (in Afrikaans) was the National Anthem of South Africa of the white minority governments. There was so much opposition to it
Summary of E Votes Poiled Pe.
12.237,655 3,983,690 2,058,294 424,555 338,426 243,478
88,104 159,296
19,533,498
that the South athletes to the 1992 manage without a The indigenous a Sikelel i Africa”. At itself Mr. Mandel that “Die Stem” s. first and then “Nko ca'. It was done. La when he visited th dium where the Africa soccer match ed, he told the 60 that at all functio) anthems ought to further went on to who did not undel national anthem I language. His viev with great applaus
There were man the most horrible l country in the wake Indeed many forecae not be possible to elections on 27 Apr been proved false were peaceful, free crowning success a future lay in Mr. N humility and mag face of such an in
Inflation Set to Rise
In the wake of the defeat of the government party at the hands of the opposition in the recently held southern provincial elections and its continuing unpopularity, President Wijetunga's government has announced a vote-catching spending spree in the run-up to the forthcoming presidential elections scheduled to be held within the next four to five months.
The new welfare handouts and salary increases recently announced are estimated to cost Rs.18 billion ($367 million), and economists in Colombo predict that these would trigger a steep rise in inflation to
about 17 per cent.
The government handouts included tion of free uniforn school children wh drawn last year fo expansion of the po programme, wage sector workers, inct middle class group mers and a prog promotion of 15,000
According to offi spending would ra budget deficit to ab ($1.7 billion) from Rs.65 billion ($1.3 bi

lection Results
No. of Seats in No. of Posts in Nat. Assembly Cabinet
rcentage
62.6% 20.4% 10.5% 2.2% 1.7% 1.2%
0.5% 0.9%
100.00%
African team of Olympics had to national anthem. them is: “Nkosi the inauguration had instructed hould be played si Sikelel i Afriter the same day e Ellis Park StaZambia - South was being play,000 soccer fans ns both national
be played. He ) say that those stand the other must study that v was welcomed
A We
y who predicted bloodbath in the of the elections. st that it would have peaceful il. They have all . The elections and fair and its nd hope for the elson Mandela's hanimity in the credible victory.
TAMIL TIMES 19
252 18 82 6 43 3
There is no doubt that Divine intervention has placed the future of South Africa in the hands of a man who has had a date with Destiny. Here are some of the observations:
"We have been privileged to witness a turning point in the history of a nation. . . . . . South Africa has earned the respect and admiration of all tireless in search of understanding and vigorous in pursuit of peace. You have refused to let the difficulties defeat you', said Dr. Boutros Boutros Ghali, U.N. General Secretary.
"Before our very eyes we see a miracle unfolding, said Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Nobel Peace Prize Laureate.
"I am very impressed by the leadership and the commitment of the leadership at all levels to make it succeed', said Mrs. Hilary Clinton, First Lady of the U.S.
Sri Lanka too sent its own representative to the inauguration ceremony. I wonder what message he took back to his President. It is a pity that Sri Lanka never had a statesman. Will it ever have one?
's vote-catching the reintroducls and meals for nich were withr lack of funds, verty alleviation rises for public ome tax cuts for s, loans to farramme for the
village projects. cials, the extra ise this year's out Rs.83 billion | an estimated illion).
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Page 20
20 TAMILTIMES
Sri Lanka: Politics Majoritarianism
by Nishantha Wickremasinghe
Let us first address the question as to what politics is all about. Isn't it another name for the "Power Game"? The game (a blood sport now) of who rules whom and with what intent and for what purpose, by what means and with what restraint? Into this situation we must introduce the concept of Democracy which has been described or defined in many ways but the core of it is expressed in Lincoln's definition "It is Government by the People of the People. . .”
Democracy is also considered participatory, a form of Government of All the people. But it is also referred to by cynics as a political experiment which seeks to dignify the bludgeoning of the minority by a majority on the basis that they have been elected. This crude understanding of what democracy is all about implies the coercion of all into mediocrities, where the dignity of man has no place.
Ludwig Lewisohn, a German writer has stated “Democracy which began by liberating man politically has developed a dangerous tendency to enslave him through the tyranny of majorities and the deadly power of their opinion'.
Many politicians, particularly in the Third World, do not have an understanding of the concept of democracy. They pay lip service to it repeating it like a mantra. They pay lip service to the Lincoln definition but make a reality of the Lewisohn observation. Most of them certainly understand what democracy is all about - and all its facets - but have such contempt for the people they seek to rule, that they dish out their own versions of it and call them "five star democracies'.
Monkeying around with democracy which began in a trot with the nationalisation of the press, followed soon after by the Attanagalla doctrine and the extension of the life of Parliament removing Mrs. Bandaranaike's Civil Rights and subsequently holding Referendums to extend the life of Parliament, to mention but a few instances. It continues still - recent statements of certain Sri Lankan leaders reveal a limited understanding of the concept of democracy, particularly of democra
cy in a “Secular”, mult religious society.
In stark contrast statements by a giai cians, a living state Mandela. He has not his relief that his ow get a two third mae given the absolute as would be fair by th have for over three repressed his peopl cruel and brutal of v them to the extent left without any dig Buddhist Metta anc was Buddhist comp understanding for f compassion and unc shown to him and hi being Dharmishta in
Our 'temple go Buddhists, who kee Metta Sutra in Pali standing its meanin from Mandela. They from history, from t dhi and Nehru — hav a word of what these wrote or did? I s whether any of our cians other than Bandaranalike or sanayake would h thing. (Thank hea Peiris has come into
The view that th they mono-ethn religious have prior others merely bec and form, the maj concept which can association with On of democracy. This of majoritarianism under which the n ably an ethnic grou won the ballot, in democracy. In the II sing old, real or vances, the minoriti In the case of Sri Lan was victimised for th position they held independence. Thei perpetuate it throu some, such as the 50 provocative but real magnanimous.
in a democracy

15 JUNE 1994
Of
i-ethnic, multi
t stand recent nt among politisman - Nelson , only expressed rn party did not jority, but has surance that he he Whites, who hundred years e in the most ways, exploiting that they were inity. Here was Karuna. This assion and the ellow beings, a lerstanding not speople. This is the true sense. ing” so called p repeating the without underg, should learn could also learn he lives of Gane they ever read great men said, eriously doubt o present politiperhaps Anura Gamini Disave read anyvens that G.L.
politics). Ie majority, be ic or mono - rights over the ause they are ority is not a be dignified by je small aspect is the concept - a crude form hajority, invarip, rules having the name of name of redresimagined grieles are left out. ka the minority Le advantageous at the time of r intention to gh demands of -50 were indeed leaders must be
every citizen
must be equal in every sense to the other with the same rights and enjoying equal opportunity based On no other criteria than merit. The Sooner our politicians understand and practice this precept of giving unto others what they claim for themselves - then we shall certainly have democracy. In a democracy there are no second class citizens.
Majoritarianism is not democracy but naked communalism in its crudest form. The Sinhala revival, from the timing of Dharmapala, and in later years of the Sinhala Maha Sabha, the Eksath Bikkhu Peramuna, Rajaratna and FR. Jayasuriya, thrived on resurrected memories of humilities suffered under the Portuguese, Dutch and British. It is nothing but racism hewn out of mythological and historical memories. To call it “nationalism’ is to dignify it. Not being a Sinhala Buddhist should not be an impediment to being a nationalist. Our Peiter Keuneman, Bernard Soysa, Kaleel Ganeshalingam, Ponnambalam, Shahul Hameed and Bradman Weerakoon are as much nationalists as would be Ven. Madihe Pangnaseeha.
Political mobilization, on the basis of race and religion is like playing with dynamite and fire. Recent history, the Second World War, was the result of the crude racism of the Germans, and also of the Japanese. But why go so far, let us honestly ask ourselves what has caused the horrendous situation that exists in our country today? Is it not the result of racist politics?
Hindu communalism as exposed by the BJP which also claims that Hindus must have prior rights over others, because they are the majority in India, suffered a serious setback at recent elections because the ordinary people though uneducated, realised its dangers. It is hoped that those who advocate Sinhala communalism or majoritarianism in the name of democracy will change course before they plunge the country into yet another blood bath.
The image of Sri Lanka must be as a multi-racial, multi-religious society practising visibly the message of the great Buddha, particularly tolerance, where no one feels insecure because of his or her religion or ethnicity. That is the image we should project to get back our dignity. We should be seen as a country with a civilization that goes back 2500 years, a country where
Continued on page 21

Page 21
15 JUNE 1994
"Buddhism Betray *The Satanic Vers and Freedom of Expr
by Dr. Chanaka Amaratunga the leader of the Liberal P text of his presentation made on January 05, at the
Colombo.
If this had been a sermon, instead of
the address that it is, I would have
adopted as my text for it, the follow
ing passage from the Buddha's Dis
course to the Kalamas:
Yes, O Kalamas, it is right for you to doubt, it is right for you to dissent, it is right for you to
}Q}{2“. Come, OKalamas, do not accept anything on heresay thinking thus have we heard it for a long time. Do not accept anything by mere tradition. Do not accept anything on account of rumours. Do not accept anything because it accords uvith your scriptures. Do not accept anything by mere supposition. Do not accept anything by inference. Do not accept anything by merely considering appearances. Do not accept anything because it seems to the multitude acceptable nor yet because the monk is respected by yои.
But when you know yourselves -- these things are moral, these things are blameless, these things are praised by the wise, these things when performed conduct to well-being and happiness - then should you live and act accordingly. These words and the attitude of mind which they encompass are of profound relevance to the issue which concerns me today. That they were spoken by the founder of a great religion, over 2,500 years ago
Continued from page 20
tolerance is practiced in the daily.
hives of the people, where man lives in dignity, in security and moulds his own destiny in a truly democratic situation.
Let our political leaders raise themselves to the level of Statesmen and lead us back to our dignity. Give the people an image they can be proud about, then the Buddhists can also say that ours is a truly Buddhist country.
is of immense si they were spoken the very religion are the subject of P. biah's critique in rayed one of the generated the cur in Sri Lanka and le at least among th referred to as the cl about when, if ever, banned, adds a d mediacy.
This controversy storm in a tea cup with the global since 1989, followin of The Satanic Ve. brated novelist, S While several Sin ideologues and int attitudes do not ab charge of racism, hi point out that ther clear demand for th ism. Betrayed? the several countries di nic Verses and it n the Government of its shame, among t
Along with the from his Discours another, to my mi secular text must . tion of whether, books ought to be cited this passage contexts and w. observe that a lea Supreme Court ha tion to the freedor the Members of Pa be cited here for it the antithesis of th who would ban an passage I refer Stuart Mill’s cli Liberty:
If all mankind 7 one opinion anc uvere of the contr kind would no in silencing tha, he, if he had thi justified in silen

TAM TIMES 21
ed? Ges” ession
arty. This is the YMCA Forum,
gnificance. That by the founder of whose adherents rof. Stanley Tam
Buddhism. Betworks which has rent controversy d to a discussion, ose who may be hattering classes, a book should be imension of im
is no more than a when contrasted upheaval caused g the publication rses by the celealman Rushdie. hala nationalist electuals whose solve them of the ave been quick to e has not been a he ban of Buddhgovernments of id ban The Satahust be said that Sri Lanka is, to hem.
Buddha's words e to the Kalamas nd no less sacred, inform our reflecand if so, what 2 banned. I have 2 in many other as delighted to rned judge of the s done so in relan of conscience of |rliament. It must movingly asserts emindset of those burn books. The to is from John assic work, On
minus one were of il only one person “ary opinioп тапmore be justified t one person than e power would be cing mankind.
It is now appropriate that I should examine the elements of similarity and difference between the modest Sri Lankan controversy over Buddhism. Betrayed? and the highly-charged global one over The Satanic Verses. From such an examination, I trust I shall be able to discover whethera similar mindset is to be found among the denouncers of both these books and whether they emerge from the same stable.
Buddhism. Betrayed? is a work of sociopolitical analysis while The Satanic Verses is a novel. Buddhism Betrayed? is a publication with a narrow circulation, of little interest to those outside the small group of academics and perhaps a few journalists and politicians in Sri Lanka and South Asia, and has been published as a monograph of the World Institute for Development of Economics Research (WIDER) of the United Nations University. The Satanic Verses, was guaranteed a large circulation in the English speaking world and beyond and the controversy surrounding it served only to further increase its sales. Nevertheless, both Buddhism Betrayed? and The Satanic Verses, one centrally and the other peripherally, stepped on the corns of religion. While Buddhism. Betrayed? angered some militant Sinhala-Buddhist nationalists and chauvinists, The Satanic Verses succeeded in earning the wrath of the more militant elements in Islam.
The authors of both these books live in the West. Stanley Tambiah is an expatriate Sri Lankan who is Professor of Anthropology at Harvard University. He has lived in the United States for several decades. Similarly Salman Rushdie was born in Bombay of an Indian Muslim family and received both his school (Rugby) and university (Cambridge) education in Britain, and is now a British subject.
Buddhism. Betrayed? is a study of Buddhist militancy in Sri Lanka particularly among the Buddhist clergy. It examines the evolution of this militancy from the 19th century; the romanticized renderings of history in the chronicles of Buddhist monks; and the use of the Mahavamsa and other ancient works in shaping the attitudes of contemporary Buddhist militants, principally clerical but also lay. Speeches and writings of the Anagarika Dharmapala and leading Buddhist monks
Continued on page 23

Page 22
22 TAMIL TIMES
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Page 23
* 15 JUNE 1994
Continued from page 21
such as the Ven. Dr. Walpola Rahula, the Ven. Maduluvave Sobitha and the Ven. Muruthetuwe Ananda are subjected to analysis. The Ven. Dr. Walpola Rahula's work in justification of the political engagement of the Buddhist clergy in defence of the nation, the race and religion, Bhiksuvage Urumaya, the report of the Buddhist Commission of the 1950s entitled: The Betrayal of Buddhism; and more recent works such as Dr. Sarath Amunugama's monograph, Buddhaputra and Bhumiputra? Dilemmas of Modern Sinhala Buddhist Monks in Relation to Ethnic and Political Conflict are extensively cited.
The Satanic Verses is a surreal fantasy of a novel that contains a large element of black comedy. Its principal characters are two friends, obviously of Indian origin (here I take India to encompass the borders of the British Indian Empire). They are Gibreel Farishta and Saladin Chamcha “two real, full-grown, living men’ who fall
from a great height, twenty-nine thousand and tuvo feet touvards the English Channel without benefit of parachutes or wings, out of a clear sky.
Much of what follows in this 547page novel (in paperback) is the fantasy the friends have as they descend. What aroused the wrath of militant Muslims, is not these two friends, but one of the objects of their fantasy, the Prophet Mahound, in whom they recognise an unflattering portrait of the Prophet of Islam. As a non-Muslim I am unfamiliar with intimate details of the Muslim sacred texts, but I must say that from a limited, though by no means, nonexistent, knowledge of the life of the Prophet Mohammed, I would not recognize Mahound as a character based on him.
Treading on the corns of the militantly and intolerantly religious (if indeed such persons can be described as religious), is something both Tambiah and Rushdie have done. Being Asiatics in western climes has made them obvious targets to those whose desire to ban and burn books comes among other attributes, from hatred of all that is Western.
What does it mean to tread on the corns of the religious? Why is religion to have a special, hallowed status, that permits it to expect and
to demand that primary texts, it tices, must be ins ism, from ridicul tion - a status c areas which ha vitalized life? Co. losophy, history,
art, music, mat architecture, eco the law and so m human activity the insensate, ra and brutal passio) of religious se evoked. Isit preci are indeed fields
and thus may whereas religion, attributes of the
cases the emanat and therefore mu abuse by puny an
This would cert tion of many of t Satanic Verses an of religious persec centuries gone by, East now. For the Buddhism Betray an argument Buddhism is not a divine revelation attainment. It is standpoint of reco, individual as the own salvation t asserted the value his Discourse to th who claim to be til who invited free ism on his own vi can hardly, in the Buddhism, seek perceived to be cr It is, of course, e biah does not in criticise Buddhis) stood in terms c terms of its princ contrary, the sug ism. Betrayed? s many of the vocif Sri Lanka, cleri during the cours been abominably of Buddhism. Ice cult to associate the intolerance, in spiritedness of loudest in his nau
Salman Rushd said to have insu Islam.
The issue her larger one. Alth religions demanc be insulated fro)

TAMIL TIMES 23
its founders, its clergy, its praclated from criticfrom condemnanied to all other e ennobled and troversies of phiolitics, literature, ematics, physics, Lomics, medicine, iny other fields of lave not aroused v, raucous, brute s that the rousing nsitivities have sely because these of human activity vell be criticised, has about it the divine, is in most ion of the divine, st not be open to d mere mortals? ainly be the posihe enemies of The d of the advocates ution in Europe in and in the Middle Buddhist critics of ed? however, such boses problems. religion based on but on human precisely from the gnizing the human agent of his or her hat the Buddha of free enquiry in le Kalamas. Those he followers of one debate and criticews while he lived name of defending zo suppress books tical of Buddhism. vident, that Tamany way seek to n as it is underf doctrine and in ipal texts. On the gestion of Buddheems to be that rously Buddhistin al and lay, have e of this century alse to the essence tainly find it diffithe Buddha with vective and meanhose who shout
le. e can no more be ted the Prophet of
is, however, a far ough many of the that their religions criticism, ridicule
and condemnation, all religions have been subjected to these, and probably have become more vibrant as a result. While many debates on religious issues have been pointless and immature, many debates on religion, both spoken and written, have contributed enormously to the evolution and reform of religion. It is a feeble and worthless religion indeed that would require the state to use its coercive power to insulate it from criticism. m
What is significant here is the mindset that those excited by Buddhism Betrayed? and The Satanic Verses share. Whether in religion or in politics, the sad reality is that the temptation to suppress that which one does not like, is real. As the brilliant liberal philosopher Sir Isaiah Berlin declared in his moving lecture on the political ideas of the founder of modern liberalism, entitled John Stuart Mill and the Ends of Life:
the periods and societies in which civil liberties are respected and varieties of opinion and faith tolerated, have been very few and far between, oases in the desert of human uniformity, intolerance and oppression. Whether in religion or in politics such a desire, however common it may be, must be condemned without reservation because it is cruel, bigoted and in the final analysis, stupid. To force a human being to live in fear of the expression of his or her opinions, which the repression of opinion entails is cruel. To believe that no one has the right to think differently from oneself is bigoted. To restrict the free expression of ideas, which curtails the possibility of reform is stupid for it converts disagreement into rebellion. As Mill said:
The peculiar evil of silencing the expression of an opinion is that it is robbing the human race, posterity as uvell as the present generation, those who dissent from the opinion still more than those who hold it. − Are there then to be limits on the freedom of expression? What about publications which incite racial hatred? What about the publication of blatant falsehood? What about the advocacy of armed rebellion?
I believe that the only restraints on freedom of expression must be those which can be proved to be necessary to prevent assaults on the
Continued on page 24

Page 24
24 TAML TIMES
Continued from page 23
freedom of others. If someone seeks to publish in Sri Lanka a pamphlet that calls on all Sinhalese to kill Tamils or which calls on all Tamils to kill Sinhalese, such a publication should indeed by prohibited. There must indeed be laws of libel so that the publication of falsehood, should require the payment of just compensation. In a liberal democratic state in which diverse political opinion and electoral choice is permitted, in other words, in which any opinion can be freely canvassed, no one should be permitted in a book or in a speech to advocate the violent overthrow of the constitutionally established order. The right of armed rebellion will, however, justifiably be resorted to if the essential freedoms guaranteed by a liberal democratic state are denied.
By these standards, Stanley Tambiah and Salman Rushdie and their works Buddhism. Betrayed? and The Satanic Versesstand vindicated. One does not have to approve of what they said to uphold their right of publication. One does not have to think their respective books to be magnificent intellectual or literary productions, to defend them against abuse and vilification.
I do not find Buddhism. Betrayed?to be a particularly well-written work even if I am very sympathetic to its esssential thesis. I do not think The Satanic Versesis Rushdie's best novel although I must admit that many, more distinguished figures have thought otherwise. The Sunday Times (of Britain) called The Satanic Verses "a masterpiece' while the St. Louis Post Dispatch called it 'a towering work of fiction; a tour de force... One of the most complex and beautifully written novels in recent memory.'
It is important to remember that though it is my conclusion that those who condemn Buddhism Betrayed? belong to the same stable as those who would burn and ban The Satanic Verses, there is an important difference between them. The criticism in Sri Lanka of Stanley Tambiah even by the worst elements, contains none of the venom of the campaign against Salman Rushdie. Let no one forget that the fatwa of the late Ayatollah Komeini of Iran, sentenced Salman Rushdie to death for the sole crime of writing a novel that he didn't like. Even now Rushdie lives in perill of his life and several translators of his novel have been killed. To my mind such be
Dutu
(f
The Dakkhina Dagoba) in Anura century been po the tomb of Elara. king of a couple ago. It was rever who kept faith wit victor, King Dutu, sers-by should re: the memorial dag for Elara, where combat (Mhv.25-7 gate of the City (Mhv.25-69). The the Mahavamsa the site or scene of adhapurassa dakk the south side of adhapura.
In 1948, Elara’ exist, officially and appeared Dutugen though there is n Chronical of any ment for this Her khina thupa was sign-board at thes publication (eg., a port for 1948; Guu pura 1952) as hav the cremation site The time-honou Elara, enshrined recognised tomb, in chivalrous act of D. destined to be fo unhonoured and u navitana’s new di questioned.
Nine years laten
haviour is redolent gone days, not oft we live. We must a it has no place in C
I conclude with flections.
Only a principle uphold the freedol being to publish a not incite violence bellion in a libera ensure a civilized w special pleading is sistent and hypoc absurdity put forw: words of the enemi its friends:
I demand libert your principles. I refuse it to yo тіпе.

15 JUNE 1994
emunu Betrayed?
by Raja de Silva rmer Commissioner of Archaeology)
hupa (Southern lhapura had for a ularly known as the Just, a Tamil f thousand years d by one and all the orders of the emunu, that paspect and worship oba he had built the latter fell in 3) near the south of Anuradhapura
commentary to (Tika), describes combat as Anurhina disabhage' to he City of Anur
tomb ceased to in its place there unu's tomb, even o mention in the memorial monuo-King. The Dakdescribed by its ite, and in official dministration rede to Anuradhaing been built on of Dutugemunu. red memory of in his popularly ot to mention the utugemunu, were rgotten “unwept, nsung, for Parascovery was not
', Paranavitana's
conclusion was contested, inan article published by me, in the Sunday Observer newspaper of 14 March 1957. Paranavitana did not demolish my reasoning with the scornful pen that he was wont to wield with the dexterity of a rapier against his presumptuous critics. Instead, he was gentle enough to afford me, his former junior Assistant Commissioner, tacit encouragement in scholarship by maintaining an eloquent silence. I do not propose to reproduce here, those original objections of half a lifetime ago, nor do I propose to discuss Elara.
Emboldened, in 1968, action was taken towards reasonable restitution. I had the offending sign-board replaced with one that simply described the monument as the Dakkhina thupa built in that vihara that was founded in the reign of King Valagambahu. There were no reprisals.
Dutugemunu's tomb became newsworthy again in 1978 when the Minister of Cultural Affairs, Hon. Edwin Hurulle, was told by an informant bent on controversy that a parcel of excavated material containing what could well be the ashes of Dutugemunu was lying unremembered in the stores of the Archaeological Museum, Anuradhapura. As instructed, the parcel was dusted with-out, handled with care, and placed in the hands of A.R.L. Wijesekera, then Deputy Government Analyst, for scientific ex
of barbaric longhe world in which ict to ensure that ur world.
the following re
commitment to n of any human ything that does
or advocate redemocracy can orld. To resort to langerous, inconitical. It is the ird so well in the s of liberty to us,
7 in the name of
! in the name of
In this context, I cannot help but recall that among the signatories of an appeal of intellectuals and academics for tolerance to Buddhism. Betrayed? and its author, couched in terms that I as a Liberal find acceptable, was one who presented a paper on the controversy on The Satanic Verses which bent over backwards to sympathize with those who would kill Salman Rushdie, while expressing no support for him or those who defend his right of expression. Such hypocritical special pleading is pathetic.
I stand full square in defense of Salman Rushdie, Stanley Tambiah and all such authors; and against all the banners and burners of books, in the past, present and the future.

Page 25
5 JUNE 1994
amination and for carbon-14 dating. The latter exercise was to be handled by Granville Dharmawardana, Chairman of the Atomic Energy Authority.
A Committee of Inquiry was appointed to study the question of whether the Dakkhina thupa was Dutugemunu's tomb. Deshamanya N.D. Wijesekera was the Chairman. Raja de Silva, Sadhamanghala Karumaratne, Roland Silva, and M.H. Sirisoma, all of whom have served as Archaeological Commissioner in turn, were among the members too numerous to mention here by name. The Secretary was Kalasuri V.V. Abhayagunawardena. In the interests of assisting the Committee with their inquiries, copies of my 1957 article on the
Dakkhina thupa were distributed to the members at the outset inviting them to shoot down my arguments in flames.
After a few meetings of the Committee since no response was forthcoming from my fellow-members, I retired unhurt from its deliberations. I was thus not a party to the conclusions arrived at, nor have I seen the Report submitted to the Minister. Prof. Abaya Aryasinghe was reported to be a dissenting member of the Committee. The Committee is said to have concluded that the Dakkhina thupa was indeed built on Dutugemunu's cremation site the organic material (charcoal and ash) assumed revered proportions as containing the ashes of the national hero-king. With honours due to royalty, the hitherto derelict charcoal and ash fraction from the excavation was brought in motor-procession from Ruhuna to Rajarata to find repose as the ashes of the hero Dutugemunu in his ancient capital, Anuradhapura. What went out in a brown paper parcel came back in a gilded urn. “What mad pursuit? What pipes and timbrels?”
The generality of Sinhala Buddhists was satisfied; the Tamils, especially the intelligentsia, were chagrined. James Rutnam delivered a lecture at the Jaffna University in March 1981 on Elara's tomb, since published (Tirunelveli). Rutnam spared no words of censure in assailing the scholarship of Paramavitana and the role played by the Committee of Inquiry in reporting that the once popular Elara's tomb was the more popular Dutugemunu's tomb. Rutnam felt that Elara was betrayed. In the subsequent elevation
of "fragments of C. of ash to the stat our national hero, betrayed?
Evid In regard to t Committee of Inqu of the Carbon D (said to be a Fre which the organ alleged to have b Granville Dharma report of the scie) said to have be A.R.L. Wijeseker. ment Analyst's D lowing relevant q be answered. Th constitute the evi needs publicity, if fears expressed a versity:
1. Were human
the material exa A.R.L. Wijesekera
2. What was th the organic matel Dating Laborator ville Dharmaward
3. Did the answ tions lend support the Committee of Deshamanya N.D members of his C
4. On what g Abaya Aryasingh Prof. Aryasinghe.
Discu
Paranavitana le to his recognition thupa (ca. rule of 89 - 77) as a monu cremation site (mort. ca. BC 13 that there might ler dagoba set up funeral of the her ted that this ques tled by resorting t tion (Glimpses of C p.18). It is interes the truth was ber Central Cultural to Aпиradһариra, Dakkhina dagaba ment of an earlier the ashes of Du Furthermore, whe na stated that amo in the ransacked di at various levels, "f coal and lumps C Guide Book (doubt Report of the Com replaced the word

TAM TIMES 25
harcoal and lumps us of the ashes of was Dutugemunu
eCe
he Report of the uiry and the report lating Laboratory nch institution) to nic material was een despatched by wardana, and the ntific examination en conducted by a at the Govern?partment, the follestions deserve to eir replies would dence that sorely only to allay the t the Jaffna Uni
ashes present in amined? Over to
l
e date assigned to rial by the French y? Over to Granlana.
'ers to these questo the findings of Inquiry? Over to ). Wijesekera and pmmittee.
rounds did Prof. e dissent? Over to
Ssion
ent verisimilitude of the Dakkhina Valagambahu BC ument built on the of Dutugemunu 7) by suggesting nave been a smallnot long after the o-king. He admittion was not seto further excava'eylon's Past, 1972 iting to note that nt acutely by the Fund Guide Book 1981, p.43 “The was an enlargeconstruction over thagamani (sic)”. reas Paranavitang the discoveries agoba were found, ragments of charfash', the CCF less following the mittee of Inquiry) 'ash' with 'ashes'
when it stated that “traces of charcoal and ashes were found in the centre of the thupa'. It was also suggested that "they were probably the actual remains of the legendary hero”.
Topographical In keeping with his dying instructions, Dutugemunu was cremated at a spot where the Ruvanveli dagoba can be seen, on the terrace for the
ceremonial acts of the sangha (kamma-malaka), Mhv. 32-58.
There would have been various buildings to the south of the Ruvanveliseya such as those of the Tissarama, the royal dwelling of Devanampiyatissa, and the Kala Pasada parivena. The king would have been cremated close to the Ruvanveliseya in a place where the great thupa may be seen, though it was, in fact, outside the precincts' (nissam-malaka) Mhv. 32-80. The precincts referred to may well have been those of this vihara. If, on the other hand, the cremation site was further south, in the (later) Dakkhina thupa premises, the abovementioned buildings would have obstructed the view of the Ruvanveliseya which is situated eight hundred yards almost due north of that site; it is thus topographically ruled out.
Archaeological
The cremation site, later called the royal terrace, raja-malaka, according to the theory of Paranavitana, should be at the site of the Dakkhina thupa. Was this so? The platform for the funeral pyre would have been above the ground level at that time. The burnt and charred organic material from the funeral pyre would therefore be found at this very level. But at what level did Paranavitana find the 'ample traces of the compressed layer of charcoal' from which he had no alternative but to invoke the remains of a funeral pyre as its origins? This was far below the then ground-level and below the underground foundation brickwork of the Dakkhina thupa. This archaeological evidence goes against the proposition that the Dakkhina thupa was built over Dutugemunu's cremation site. On this count alone, it follows that the burnt material, charcoal and ash, could not have belonged to the funeral pyre and person of Dutugemunu.
Continued on page 26

Page 26
26 TAMIL TIMES
U.S. Pressure On Indi Capping Nuclear Progr
by T.N. Gopalan
"We are two great democracies with a great future together, and we emphasised that position today, not in any way not dealing with the issues of difficulty but knowing that it all has to be put in a proper context in the interest of the American people and in the interest of the Indian people...'
That was President Bill Clinton during a press conference he addressed along with Prime Minister Narasimha Rao after their talks at Washington on May 18. Piercing through the lofty sentiments, one realises that the areas of differences between the two leaders remain and that the US has only temporarily decided not to press the matter further for tactical reasons, meaning
for fear that more stage could prc productive.
India's restrictive the human rights s Kashmir valley an proliferation are th areas of discord be countries, and the exercising a lot of pi for quite some time fall in line - lift t initiate a dialogue w a solution for the participate in a mul ence on non-prolifer
In fact so much a parent has been thi plying pressure that
Continued from page 25
Literary
From the point of view of the literature, the siting of the terrace of the acts of the samgha where the cremation took place can be investigated. Paranavitana drew attention to the terrace of the picula tree of the time of Mahinda thera which is the same as the terrace of the acts of the samgha (kamma-malaka) as recorded in the Mahavamsa, 15-27. He also cited the tradition in the late (14th century) Saddharmalankara, that the Dakkhina thupa was built on a terrace known as the great terrace of the pullila tree. He equates this terrace with that of the picula tree/kamma-malaka of the samgha, mentioned in the Mahavamsa. Let us see what the chronicle and its commentary have to say about this latter site in relation to other known monuments and sites.
On the following morning King Devanampiyatissa visited Mahinda thera who had spent his first night in the city in the royal dwelling in the Mahamegha park. This dwelling was situated to the west side of the west gate of the Sacred Bo-tree enclosure (Tika, 15-12). On receiving Jasmine flowers from the king, Mahinda thera went to the royal
dwelling and scatte fulls of blossoms abou standing on the so Mh U. 15-28. Th announced that the which was the kaj the samgha in the former Buddhas on serving the same pu mentary, here, state tree was situated to of the royal dwelling therefore follows tha the picula tree/kar the samgha was cert to the royal dwelli Bo-tree enclosure.
The Dakkhina thu admitted by Paran yards to the souther this area. Thus, notv (late) tradition of t lankara, it is evident ture quoted above, t na thupa could not on the site of the sa the picula tree/raja Dutugemunu was c considerations give a my hitherto undisp of thirty seven yea) evidence brought fo navitana to show tha thupa was built ove site of Dutugemunu port his conclusion.

15 JUNE 1994
a for
anne
pressure at this ) v e coumter -
trade policies, situation in the di nuclear nonle three major tween the two JS is said to be essure on India now to make it he restrictions, ith Pakistan for Kashmir issue, tilateral conferation and so on.
rrogantly transs process of apthere was even
red eight handut the picula tree uth side of it, en, Mah inda picula tree site тта - тalaka of : time of three ce again will be rpose. The coms that the picula the south-east (Tika, p.344). It at the terrace of nna-malaka of ainly very close ng and to the
pa, however, as avitana, is 400 n direction from fithstanding the he Saddharmafrom the literahat the Dakkhihave been built mghasterrace of malaka, where remated. These dded support to uted contention 's ago that the "ward by Parat the Dakkhina the cremation
does not sup
a clamour among certain sections of Indian opinion for cancellation of Mr. Rao's visit to the US, the first by an Indian Prime Minister after the end of the Cold War and seven years after Mr. Rajiv Gandhi's.
Mr. Rao of course strongly denied any arm-twisting by Mr. Clinton. "My arm is absolutely intact. The President has not even touched it,' he observed jocularly at the joint press conference.
Apparently the US has become the wiser after the furore created in the Indian media over the “weakkneed response of the Rao regime to the US pressure tactics. Mr. Clinton did underline his concern on the nuclear issue during his encounter with the Press, but left the matter at that.
Clearly the Clinton administration wants India to cap its nuclear research programme with any military connotations; it wants further a capping of weapons grade fissile material, wants India to stop all space research, not to deploy Prithvi and Agni missiles and become a signatory to the Missile Test Control Regime and so on.
Mr. Rao himself put his foot down firmly in his public statements in the US. While addressing a joint meeting of the US Congress he stressed the need for a global approach and said: "I firmly believe that the way of ridding the world of weapons of mass destruction lies in creating a world order based on the universal principles of equality and non-discrimination as a means of enhancing security.'
Such assertions immediately produced loud acclaims in the Indian press as did his categorical declaration that there was no going back on liberalisation.
Whatever the brouhaha over the Rao-Clinton meeting or the platitudes that emanated from the encounter, the fact remains that the USA is exploring all possible avenues of imposing a cap on the nuclear programme in the subcontinent.
Mr. Lee Hamilton, Chairman of the US Foreign Affairs Committtee and an influential senator, observed in the course of his address to Asia Society, Washington, last month, Later this year the Indian government will decide whether to produce

Page 27
15 JUNE 1994
and deploy the Prithvi short-range ballistic missile. This is an important decision. Since balistic missiles are qualitatively different from slow-moving fixed-wing aircraft, deploying the Prithvi would mark a watershed in the South Asian strategic environment. Given its range limitations, it would have no military use against China, only against Pakistan. Quite likely the latter would respond by deploying a comparable missile system. ...a South Asian ban on the deployment of ballistic missiles is an idea whose time has come. The administration has discussed this matter with both the Indians and the Pakistanis...'
The run-up to the US visit had proved extremely embarrassing for Mr. Rao. His government went red in its face time and again, within the span of a fortnight or so over the decision to defer Prithvi trials, the low profile/secret talks in London with the US on the non-proliferation issue, on whether Agni was going to be inducted into the armed forces and so on. The government had to do a lot of explaining in the face of a furious public reaction which found it “weak-kneed” in the face of unabashed bullying by the US.
As one newspaper observed hysterically on the Prithvi trial deferment, “. . . . (it) is yet another manifestation of this servility...Prithvi, Agni et al, are metaphors for pride and respect...They are essential in India's quest for an honourable place under the sun. . .an ominous signal that the country will succumb even at the cost of its security and sovereignty...'
When a newspaper carried the sensational scoop in the second week of May that the Rao regime had ordered the deferment of the user trials by the army of the Prithvi missile, apparently under pressure from the US, all hell broke loose.
In a belated explanation the Prime Minister said that the temporary deferment had been effected only to avoid any embarrassment in case of a particular result, when the PM is away in another country.” Not many took it seriously but.
Privthi, supposed to be India's answer to Pakistan’s Hatf-II and II and the longer range M-11 (assembled with the help of the Chinese hardware), is touted as being packed with "real punch', valued for its short reaction time, supersonic speed, ruggedness, ability to strike deep into the enemy territory and as being far
more accurate tha: Lance missiles.
Displayed as par armour, in the la parade, Prithvi, In nous guided miss been passed on to 150-200km version was one of those u! ing of a full launc Bengal which was eleventh hour.
Even more gallir hawks, the misguid anti-imperialists, w turn around of the ment over the Agni
The successful th the Agni, an inte ballistic missile, ir had sent hopes soa section mentioned e more sober felt prou ment. It can del payload of one tonn of 1599 km or a sm 500 kg over a longe km and India is sai around for ways and circuiting the Mis Control Regime to c sary launch vehicle
Mr. Abdul Kala Indian Defence Re velopment Organisa an interview recent “is already a proven been developed to c. warhead...let us j very close to the o (in regard to induc Amidst speculatio pressure from the U regime has decided t finitely the inducti government chose t vaunted Agni as me gy demonstration v an experiment, sai one wondered how could be capped.
There was a sim the two-day talks b an and the US o non-proliferation is Again the governm to take the nation il the first instance, found its way into and wild charges surrendered its sov the brow-beating a maining Super Pow Ultimately the talk two days were wour day itself with each its position on non

the SCUD and
t of the artillery st Republic Day dia’s first indigele system, had the army in the for user trials. It er trials consisth off the Bay of postponed at the
g for the Indian ed patriots or the as the amazing Indian governmissile.
ird test-firing of irmediate range February last, ring among the arlier - even the ld of the achieveiver a nuclear e over a distance aller warhead of r range of 2,500 ld to be scouting means of shortsile Technology obtain the neces
technology.
m, chief of the search and Deation, claimed in ly that the Agni
system. ...it has arry any kind of ust say we are perational stage tion, that is)...' on that under Sagain, the Rao o postpone indeon of Agni, the o dub the much rely a "technoloehicle'. 'It's only d Mr. Rao and
an experiment
ilar ruckus over etween the Indifficials over the sue at London. ent did not care nto confidence in
but the news the Indian Press that India had vereignty before und the sole rerer, rent the air. is scheduled for ld up on the first side reiterating n-proliferation -
TAMIL TIMES 27
the US pressing India to sign the treaty and the latter resisting the pressure and favouring a global approach to the issue instead of a piece-meal regional route.
The US had been pressing India and Pakistan to sign the NPT or at least take part in a 5+2+2 conference (the five permanent members of the UN Security Council, Germany and Japan besides India and Pakistan) wherein the issue could be thrashed out. But India is said to be favouring a larger conference which would include all nuclear threshold states including Israel, North Korea, South Africa and a couple of other former constituents of the now defunct Soviet Union.
In 1989 the then Rajiv Gandhi government had proposed a 'global comprehensive and nondiscriminatory' disarmament proposal. Such a lofty, eminently sensible proposal is, unfortunately, no longer realistic in a world wherein one super power feels free to call the shots in almost every aspect of international affairs, whether economic, trade or military. With the Clinton administration hell-bent on making the developing world 'cry uncle', there is not much that governments like India's can do, especially when the Rao regime sees liberalisation and pumping in of dollars as the panacea for all the ills afflicting the economy and when its Pakistan counterpart is all too willing to obey the US dictates if only out of sheer spite for the Indian government and with a view to gaining political mileage in the process.
But what many self-righteous commentators and breast-beating jingoists seem to be missing in their outrage over the total injustice of the present scheme of things is the inherent advantage in lessening tension and reducing on military expenditure.
Even Mr. Jasjit Singh, Director of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi, no dove in defence matters concedes that the existence of ballistic missiles is highly destabilising in its effect on the strategic environment...the only defence against missiles is installing your own. Like nuclear weapons, missile proliferation is adverse to India's strategic interests, he says.
Mr. Clinton might be hypocritical when he says by keeping the nuclear club small, he is only seeking to promote world peace. All his bluster
Continued on page 28

Page 28
28 TAMIL TIMES
TAMIL NADU NEWSLET
Gopalasamy Loses
Name and Flag
by T.N. Gopalan
As widely expected Mr. V. Gopalasamy, the rebel leader of the DMIK who formed his own party, has lost the battle for recognition by the Election Commission as the official DMK. In view of his failure to mobilise support to any significant extent among the members of the general council of the undivided party, Chief Election Commissioner, T.N. Seshan shot down the Gopalasamy (Vai. Go) group's claims in this regard.
Any fond hope that might have been entertained by Vai.Go's follow
Continued from page 27 demanding verifiable capping may be wide of the mark since India, anyway is a nuclear-threshold state, and it has more than adequate technological base to achieve weaponisation at comparatively short notice. As Mr. P.K. Iyengar, father of the Pokhran explosion, observed the other day, India uses fissionable plutonium in 100 kg units as reactor fuel while bomb making requires plutonium only in single digit.
Still one must realise that while cutting down on defence expenditure enables use of scarce resources available for developmental works, rolling back nuclear weaponisation programmes should help push the sub-continent towards sanity and sobriety. Any peace initiative from a big country like India towards its smaller neighbours could pave the way for peace and harmony in this region.
But then such are only pious sentiments and easily lost in the cacaphony of jingoistic declamations and anti-US rhetoric. India is not a banana republic nor is it ruled by a tin-pot dictator. Carrying the public, the press, the opposition along with it is extremely important for any government if it wants to make any major step on such sensitive issues as the nuclear one or the Kashmir one for that matter. How the Clinton administration is going to react to this situation could decide the future course of history in this part of the world.
ers that at least the ished election symbol. would be frozen, ke Karunanidhi's reach held Perundurai and elections, was dashed by the decision of th and controversial Ele sioner, Mr. Seshan.
Whatever might popularity among th and-file, it was clea) failed to carry the council with him at t split. Perse such a de not necessarily a se dissidents - for wher Minister M. G. Ra (MGR) walked outin situation had obtaine who had the last laug he did on his charis care too much on th itself. Surely he was r on the kind of supp( among the General bers, and he went ol the formation of a II moment he decided to his own.
Perhaps Vai. Go., too deeply involved tradition to let go of lightly, decided to ma He had raised hopes i his followers in the trated in his attempts he has chosen to c Marumalarchi (Renai da Munnetra Kazhag
In arear-guard att his loyalists, Vai.Go friendly journalists t ports insinuating that not have been rende: the Election Commiss
The purported reas when the AIADMK sp of MGR’s death, the mission froze the pa symbol, pending furth course Mr. Seshan wa missioner then.) The restored only after Ms Supremacy was ackn the party reunited a polls. A similar thin
 
 

15 JUNIE 1994
DMK's cherthe rising sun, pt out of Mr. in the recently
Mylopore byto the ground he high profile !ction Commis
be Vai. Go.’s e DMK rankr that he had
party general'
he time of the velopment was t-back for the former Chief umachandran 1972, a similar d, but it was he gh. Banking as na, he did not he DMK label ealistic enough ort he enjoyed Council memn to announce new party the ) strike out on
seeing himself in the DMK the DMK tag ke a fight of it. n the minds of process. Frusin this regard, :all his outfit ssance) Draviam (MDMK). 2mpt to satisfy has even got o put out retjustice might red to him by ion. soning is that lit in the wake Election Comarty's election er inquiry. (Of s not the Comsymbol was . Jayalalitha's owledged and fter the 1989 g could have
been done now by Mr. Seshan, so the argument went, instead of embarrassing Vai. Go. at the time of the crucial by-polls.
Well, though a majority of the MLAs were with the official JanakiVeerappan faction at the time, the situation in regard to the AIADMK's general council was not that clear. Further it was a very loose-knit structure, and whoever had caught MGR's fancy had made it to the highest policy-making body'. Party records on this score were never, nor are they even now, very well-maintained. And hence the comparison cannot hold good. Besides going by the DMK constitution and records there was no dispute at all as to who represented the official group.
Be that as it may, Vai. Go. has said that his is the Marumalarchi DMK since his party would like to take up in earnest the work left behind by Anna, the founder of the DMK, who had 'ceaselessly crusaded to bring about a renaissance in the social, cultural and literary fields.'
Talking to the Press at the "naming ceremony', hereiterated hisparty's first task was to fight for the removal of the corrupt AIADMK government. At the national level, he said, the MDMK would join hands with the anti-Cong-I forces to bring about a credible alternative to the ruling party.
He also steered clear of the LTTE saying that he was not supporting any of the militant groups. There should not be any violence on the soil of Tamil Nadu, he added.
Promptly the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK) leader Dr. Ramdas chided Vai. Go. for developing cold feet on the Eelam issue and accused the latter of saying that he would not support any armed struggle in the neighbouring island. "When he went to Jaffna during the LTTEIPKF confrontation, were the militants conducting a non-violent struggle', he wondered.
Mr. Ramdas also felt that Vai.Go. had given up even the anti-Brahmin plank, a very vital one for a Dravidian party. That the DMK itself had been soft-pedalling on antiBrahminism for a very very long time now is a different matter altogether.
Anyway the upshot of it all is that Dr. Ramdas has made it clear there is no truck whatsoever with the MDMK as he finds it bankrupt on many counts.

Page 29
15 JUNE 1994
According to some reports the only party that might opt for an alliance with the MDMK is the Janata Dal. With Mr. Karunanidhi more anxious to renew ties with the Cong-I, the Dal-MDMK alliance could materialise before long. Already Vai. Go. has personally called on Mr. V.P. Singh on his return from abroad, and the Dal spokesmen are equivocating on the party's attitude to the DMK. Anyway the Dal itself is in a state of disarray, with Mr. Singh resolutely refusing to take over the reins again and exhorting his partymen to play second fiddle to Mr. Mulayam Singh in Uttara Pradesh. And Mr.V.P. Singh is suffering from blood cancer, it has been revealed. The only other party that could be favourably inclined towards Vai. Go. is the National League of Mr. Ibrahim Sulaiman Sait, recently expelled from the Indian Union Muslim League because of his uncompromising hostility to the Cong-I.
Even the CPM which seems to have burnt its bridges with the DMK is not very enthusiastic towards the MDMK. It supported a trade-unionist in Mylopore and the CPI In Perundurai by-elections. And victory at these two elections could have proved crucial for Vai. Go. and his MDMK, But Jayalalitha's AIADMK candidates won the seats with ease defeating the official DMK, the Congress-II and Vai. Go’s MIDMK.
As if to add to the woes of Wai.Go., Thamizhar Munnani, a little-known outfit, claimed that the flag of the MDMK, red stripes at the top and bottom ends and a black one in the middle, was its own. Formed by a person who broke with Mr. P. Nedumaran, say, five years ago, the Front is nothing much to speak of as a political entity - though it is claimed that it has put up candidates in at least two constituencies in the city in the past. The Front has gone to court seeking injunction against Vai.Go. from using "its flag.
Some observers believe that the Thamizhar Munnani's claims are but only well-founded and that Wai.Go. might have goofed in his choice of the party flag. Any court injunction on the matter could prove an unnecessary tactical set-back for the MDMK. Obviously rhetoric cannot compensate for lack of muchneeded home-work.
Yet another point of disappoint
ment for this latter day Tamil knight is that the murder of Mr.
Ezhumalai Naick ary of the MDM which took place massive rally in t - is now believed from some person
Repatri from S
The President of til vida Munnetra K Mr. M. Karunani that he would ca. agitation if the C Nadu governmer steps to end the fo of Sri Lankan T war-torn Sri Lank
Mr. Karunanid ing in an all-p observe the ninety anniversary of Tamil leader, the l nayagam, known Eelam”, here on S
There should “till peace is resto Mr. Karunanidhi plause from the fugees who had him. It is not Tar hospitality to som the DMK's supre to the anxiety sh Nadu governmen fugees packing to though the Tamil war zone. Mr. Ka as the other sp moved by the son by a refugee choi
Of the one-h thousand (110,00 who were in the thirty-two (132) camps in Tam thousand (40,000 patriated so far. and Central gover the repatriation one, the refugees had a different s said that the gove them no option. many of the ser enjoyed such as e the camps to de wilful neglect, anc to seek employn ment had indirec

TAMIL TIMES 29
er, chief functionK's Madras unit,
the day after its he city last month to have resulted al enmity - inves
tigations have revealed nothing political at all and some of the suspects
are already behind the bars. Vai. Go.
group's allegation of DMK's involvement in the murder proved to be widely off the mark.
elVanayakam Remembered
ation of Tamil Refugees south India Condemned
ne opposition, Draazhagam (DMK), dhi, has declared |l for an all party entral and Tamil its did not take rcible repatriation amil refugees to a.
hi was participatarty meeting to r-sixth (96th) birth the Sri Lankan ate S.J.V. Chelvaas the “Gandhi of aturday.
pe no repatriation red in Sri Lanka,” said amidst ap
thousands of regathered to hear mil culture to deny neone in distress,” mo said, referring own by the Tamil it to send the reo Sri Lanka, even homeland is still a runanidhi, as well eakers, appeared gs of despair sung r.
undred-and-ten0) Tamil refugees one-hundred-and
government-run il Nadu, forty)) have been reThough the State nments claim that was a voluntary themselves have tory to tell. They rnment had given
By withdrawing vices the refugees ducation, allowing teriorate through denying the right hent, the governtly forced them to
leave. The repatriation has now talpered off. But the forty-thousand (40,000) Tamils still in the camps do not know when they would get sent back.
Though every speaker condemned forcible repatriation and pledged support to any movement to stop it, key speakers including Mr. Karunanidhi, said that the Eelam Tamils would do well to introspect on why the Tamils of Tamil Nadu, who received them with open arms, were now indifferent to their plight. Putting the blame on the LTTE for all this, Mr. Karunanidhi, said that what he called the militant group's policy of annihilating those who differed from it and interfering in the internal affairs of the political parties in Tamil Nadu, has alienated the people here. We find to our utter horror, that a person who is alive today is not alive tomorrow. Have we no right to ask why this should happen?” he said. Mr. Karunanidhi said that he was pained to read in pro-LTTE journals that the militant group had even questioned his bonafides as a leader of the Tamils and dubbed him a coward. The LTTE had shown scant regard for all that he and the people of Tamil Nadu had done for the Lankan Tamil struggle. "There is a lack of faith in the Sri Lankan Tamils now. The problem is how to convert this lack of faith into faith, Mr. Karunanidhi said.
Mr. T.S. Killivalavan, official spokesman of the State Congress (I) also pointed out the immense damage done to the Lankan Tamil cause by what he called the LTTE's policy of annihilation, but said that his
party would give all support to the
Lankan Tamils if they waged a peaceful struggle on the lines shown by the late Mr. Chelvanayagam. The LTTE's violence was worrying everybody including Mr. Karunanidhi, who faced a threat from it, Mr. Killivalan said.

Page 30
30 TAMIL TIMES
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WEDDING BELLS
We congratulate the following couples on their recent wedding.
Dr. Narendra Son of Dr. & Mrs. C. Sornalingam of 54 Kendall Avenue South, South Croydon, Surrey, and Sivapriya daughter of Dr. & Mrs. S. Sivakunnaran of 3 Savile Close, New Malden, Surrey on 28.5.94 at the Hannersmith Town Hall, London W6.
Romesh son of Mr. & Mrs. S. Rajadurai of Uyarapulam, Anaicoddai, Sri Lanka and Thanusha daughter of the late Mr. Rajaratnam and Mrs. Rajaratnamn of 40 Brown Road, Jaffna on 3.6.94 at Marina Banquet Hall, St. Clair Avenue West, Toronto, Ontario, Canada.
Fax: 08-241 45.57
Sripalan son of Mr. & Mrs. S. V. Kandasamy of 31 Meeraniya Street, Colombo 12 and Ahila daughter of Mr. & Mrs. T. Kulasegaram of D/2/6 Elivitigala Flats, Colombo 8 on 29.5.94 at Highgate Murugan Temple, Archway Road, London E6. Jana son of the late Mr. K.C. Satchithananda and Mrs. P. Satchithananda of 49 Millwell Crescent, Chigwell, Essex and Keshthra daughter of Dr. & Dr. (Mrs.) S. Sivaloganathan of Leeds on 28th May 1994 at Highgate Murugan Temple, London N6.
OBTUARIES
Mr. Sittam palam Daniel Balarajah (Danny) son of late Mr. & Mrs. Sittampalam, Son-inlaw of late Mr. & Mrs. Kandiah of Manipay Sri Lanka; beloved husband of Pathmawathy, retired teacher, Hindu College Manipay, Sri Lanka; loving father of Usha, Prabah, Geetha, Subathira, and Bahirathan; father-in-law of Indramohan and Rohan, grandfather of Luxshika and Karthika, brother of Mrs. Ariyanayagam, Mrs. Chelliah (Negombo), Mrs. Ramalingam, Mrs. Kandasamy, Mr. Kandamoorthy, and late Mr. Visvalingam (all of Sri Lanka); brother-in-law of Mr. Ranganathan, Mr. Paramanathan, Mrs. Kanagaratnam, Mr. Pathmanathan (U.S.A.) and Mr. Shanmuganathan, passed away after a brief illness at St. Georges Hospital, London on 86.94. Friends and relatives paid their last tribute at St. Marks Church, Wimbledon. He was Cremated On í 1.6.94 at Streatham Vale Crematorium following ceremonies according to Hindu rites.
 
 

15 JUNE 1994
Mrs. Balarajah and all members of her family sincerely hank the Mayor - Malcolm Shearle and members of the 2ouncil, Joe Abrams, Fred Flatt, Anthony Colman - Leader of the Council, Allen Jones & Mrs. Jan Jones, Mr. John Smith and the staff of the grants unit, Wimbledon Labour Party, The Estate Management Service of the Chief Executive's department, Merton, the Chairman and the Committee of Asian Elderly Group of Merton, the staff and members of Merton Racial Equality Council, the President Mr. S. Stanislaus and nenbers of South London Tamil Welfare Group, Tamil Refugee Housing Association, Standing Committee of Tamil Speaking People, Eelam Solidarity Campaign, Eelam Peoples Revolutionary Liberation Front, Bengali Association of Merton, Jaffna Central College Old Boys Association, Vembadi Old Girls Association, Tamil Refugee Action Group, friends and relatives who attended the funeral, sent floral tributes and messages of sympathy and assisted in various ways in the funeral arrangements. Our Spe2iall thanks to Father Mark Far for his prayers, support and po-operation. - Mrs. P. Balaralah & Family, 21, Haydon Park Road, Wimbledon, London SMV198JCQ. Tel 081-543 8210.
Mr. T. Shanmugarajah, Attorney-at-law, J.P.U.M. of Kondavil East Sri Lanka, Son of late Mr. and Mrs. Thanbidurai of Konda vil East, beloved huSband of Ananthavalli, loving father of Shamani, father-in-law of Ranjit (Yellowknife, Canada) loving grandfather of Praveen and Anjana, brother of Dr. T.D. Sivalingam (U.K.), late Mrs. Ratneswary Subramaniam, Mrs. Dharmeswary Ratnasingham, late Mrs. Ganeswary Thamalingam, son-in-law of late Mr. A. Navaretnam and Mrs. Navaretnam of Rajasinghe
Road, Colombo, brother-in-law of N. Jeyadeva (Australia), N. Sugunadeva (U.K.), N. Viimaladeva (Colombo) passed away in Toronto, Canada on 5.5.94 and was crenated on 9.5.94. - (T. Ranjit, Yellowknife N.W.T., X1A,3M5 Canada, Tel: 403 920 4704).
Mr. C. Paramaswaran (63), of Alaveddy, Sri Lanka; second Son of the late Mr. & Mrs. S. Cheliah; beloved husband of Selvaratnam, devoted father of Suresh Nathan (Golders Green, London), Dr. Ramesh (Newfoundland, Canada), Satheesh (Ottawa, Canada), Sekar and Bamini (both of Toronto, Canada), brother of Vicknarajah, Leelapathy, Pathmanathan (all of Colombo, Sri Lanka), Rajendra, Suntharalingham (both of Golders Green, London), Kamalapathy (Klang, Malaysia), Pathma vathy, Tharmalingham, Sockalingham, Thiyagalingam and Sivasothy (all of Winnipeg, Canada) passed away in Canada on 6th April 1994 and was cremated on 9th April. - 24 Long Meadow Crescent, Markham, Ontario L3R 3J5, Canada. Tel: O 101 905 513 7839.
Pandit Kanapathipillai Sivasambu, Retired Teacher, Skanda Varodaya College, Chunnakam, beloved husband of Panchasothy; father of Sivasothy (New Delhi), Sivagnanasothy, Sivanandan (UK), Sivayogasothy, Sivanesasothy, Sivarasasothy, Sivakumaran (UK); father-in-law of Kandasamy, late Sriskantharajah, Dr. Manoranjini Sivanandan,

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Mahadeva and Kalakalan passed away in Uduvil, Sri Lanka on 1st April 1994 and was cremated on 24.94. A poojah in his memory was performed at Highgate Murugan Temple On 305.94. Members of his family thank very sincerely all friends and relatives who attended the funeral and all ceremonies, and Sent meSsages of sympathy - K.S. Sivanandan, 57 Woodcroft Road, Thornton Heath, Surrey CR7 7AB. Tel: O81 684 8279.
Navatkuliyoor Dr. K.S. Nadarajah, lakkia Vithakar, Former Director, Tamil Services, Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation; Director, Film Corporation, President, Colombo Tamil Sangam, Patron, Canada Tamil Writers' Association, Consultant for Radio and Television Production, Ontario, Honorary Principal, Tamil College of Arts and Technology, Canada and Founder Member of the School of Tamil and Religion of the Alberta Maha Ganapathy Society; beloved husband of Thangaranee; loving father of Vatsaa and Mahilnan, father-in-law of Karu Chinniah and Malathy passed away in Canada on 7.2.94. He is greatly missed by his family, friends and comTunity - 10 Stonehill Court, Apt. 301, Scarborough, Ontario M1W2X8. Tel:(416)7562314.
Mr. Arthur Ganeshapillai Joseph, of Uduvil, formerly of Tre staff of Memorial College, Manipay and Vaitheeswara
Vidyalaya, Jaffna; beloved husband of Selvadevy; son of late Mr. & Mrs. Joseph of Uduvil; Son-in-law of late Mr. & Mrs. Chelliah of Vannarponnai; loving brother of Helen Selvaratnam and late Gnanadeepam Carpenter; brother-in-law of Rajakulasingan, Navanathan, Mrs. Jayadevy Jesudasan, D.C. Jayarajah (UK), D.C. Balarajah (Canada), Mrs. Pushpadevy Arulannarajah and George Devarajah (UK), passed away peacefully in Jaffna on 31st May 1994 - 99/1 Kilner Lane, Vannarponnai, Jaffna.
Mr. Ponmuthurai Nagaratnam, retired Principal, Skanda Varodaya College, Chunnakam, Sri Lanka, beloved huSband of Vallinayagi, loving father of Sutharsan (UK), Suganthan (Singapore) and Sugirthan (Sri Lanka); brother of Mrs. Rathinanani Subramaniam and late Dr. P. Rajaratnann; brother-in-law of KaneSaratnam, Subramanian, Mrs. Saraswathy Appadurai, Kangatheran and Mrs. Pathma Rajaratnam passed away on 2nd June '94 at Chunnakam, Sri Lanka.
IN MEMORAM
in loving memory of Dr. Manohara Nadarajah, formerly of Katsina, Nigeria and later Bedford General Hospital, UK, on the second anniversary of his passing away on 29.5.92.
You are always in our hearts and in our thoughts.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

TAM TIMES 31
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by your wife lndranee and sons Suthaharan and Vaseeharan. - 52 Marnharm Crescent, Greenford,
Middlesex UB6 9SW, U.K.
In everloving memory of Mrs. Kanagamblhai Ragunathan on the first anniversary of her passing away on 10th June
1993. One sorrowful year has passed away, Your absence is felt every day, Fondly remembered by your everloving husband RAGU; son SR; daughter-in-law Saku; grandson Vishva; nephews, nieces, in-laws and friends. - 173 Mommoth Hall Trail, Scarborough, Ontario, Canada.
ଽ
in loving memory of Mrs. Ponnamma Kandavanam On the second anniversary of her passing away on 23.6.92.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by her children Thirupathy, Thanapathy, Pathma and Sivapakiam, son-in-law Nadarajah, Balasubramaniam, Dr. Thangarajah and Nagaratnam; daughter-in-law Tharmarani, grandchildren Mrs. Kumuthini Gnanakumaran, Mrs. Suganthini Navendhra, Shanthini, Amuthini, Jeyanthini, Thasintha, Shantha, Jamuna, Anula, Nalina, Thayalini, Sivandevi, Sivakumar, Sivaselvan, Sivaselvi and Sivathasan, - 57B Days Lane, Biddenham, Beds., U.K.
in loving memory of Mr. Appukutty Thambirajah (Rasa), Native Physician, on the first anniversary of his passing away on 26.6.93.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by his sons Dr. Gunasuntharam (UK), Sivalingam (Sri Lanka), Muthulingam (Canada), Mahalingam (UK), Ratna singa m (Canada); daughter Selvamalar (Canada); daughters-in-law Rajini, Malar, Vicky, Vasanthi and Kala; sonin-law Ganeshathasan; grand children Nimalan, Kavitha, Sivaranjini, Sivaruban, Tharijini, Theepan, Parthelepan, Aarani, Samanthi, Fohan and Fahavan. – 48 Leigham Avenue, London SW16 2PZ.
in treasured memory of Mrs. Sowpakiam Sinnadurai, beloved wife of the late S.T. Sinnadurai, J.P. (Founder of Leela Press and Leela Group of Companies) on the first anniversary of her passing away on 25th June 1993,
Sadly missed and lovingly remembered by sons Sundaralingam (Sri Lanka), Dr. Somasegaram (UK), Arulanantham, Dhesabandu, Loganathan, Dhanabala (all of Sri Lanka), Sockanathan (USA) and Ravindran (Sri Lanka); daughters-in-law, grand chilldren and great grand children. - 69 Wansunt Road, Bexley, Kent DA5 2.DJ. Tel: 0322 52517O.

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32 TAM TIMES
In loving memory of Mr. Sivaguru Mahadevan on the second anniversary of his passing away on 5th June 1992.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by his beloved wife Jayanthi; loving children Kalaivani, Gajan and Haran; mother Mrs. Selvapakiam Sivaguru; brothers Pathmanaban and Dr. Ganeshan, Sisters Mrs. Jayeswary Narendra and Mrs. Vimalade vi Thyagarajah; several nephews, nieces and friends. - 31 Tamarisk Gardens, Bittern Park, Southampton SO24RA.
in loving memory of Mrs. Bagar vathy Balasingam on the first anniversary of her passing away on 13th June 1993.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by her loving sons Balaraman (UK) and Aurobindo (USA); daughter-in-law Mallika Devi and Myriam; grand chilldren Priyadharshini and Natasha. - 62 Eversleigh Road, East Ham, London E6 1HQ. Tel: 03 1 470 2371.
ln everloving memory of Mr. Nallathamby Sangarapillai of Mappana voori, Karainagar, Sri Lanka, formerly a Flight Lieutenant in the Royal Ceylon and the British Royal Air Force, on
the first anniversary of his passing away on 11th June 1993.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by his beloved wife Kala valli and his children Naresh and Vahini of 161 Queen Elizabeth Road, Lincoln LN1 3COO. Tel 052252557
ln everloving memory of Mr. B. Sivagananathan on the third anniversary of his passing away on 22.6.91.
Remembered with love and affection by his step mother Mrs. Rajaletchumy Balasubramaniam, wife Kamala brothers Dr. Sivaloganathan, ThirunaVukkarasu, Radhakrishnan and Sritharan, sisters Mrs. Gowri Pathmanathan, Mrs. Bhagawathy Mohanadas, Mrs. Mangayarkkarasi Jetheendran and Mrs. Jayanthi Kumar
ayanayagam. - 9 Upton Close, Park Street, St. Albans, Herts., U.K. Tel 07.37873537.
Appreciation
My Friend Sister Clare "Be cheerful my child. The Trinity College examiner is a kind hearted Englishman. Smile, shake hands and say, "Good Morning." Then relax and play the piano as you would play it for your dad,' said Sister Clare holding me gently on my narrow skinny shoulder.
Holding tightly, my first step piano book, I looked up at the Irish bird's soft and gentle face, She was old; older than my Papa and Amma. The mother mentor who taught my aunt and all my teachers
 
 
 
 
 
 

15 JUNE 1994
was the superior of my beautiful school Holy Family Convent, Jaffna, Sri Lanka. After forty fruitful years, Sister Clare left Jaffna in the year nineteen seventy with other missionaries. She wrote to me from Leeds, England and I sent her some money to pay for her stamps. "You and your husband are wonderfully kind and thoughtful to remember us also well. May God Bless You. . .
... Peace will soon Come to that dear island (Sri Lanka), we all loved so much. We will all be united in prayer and in love. Good-bye for now; A big God Bless You," wrote Sister Clare as her ninety three New Year's wish. Two months later in my dreamland, I saw Sister Clare With long gone my piano teacher, Sister Colombanus.
Agnes is learning; she wants to be a writer," said Sister Clare to Sister Colombanus while I was not even aware of her departure. Here I'm writing this prose to my dear friend who lived in this unkind World for almost a Wonderful and graceful one hundred years.
Agnes P. Francis Thambynayagam, Sugar Land, Texas U.S.A. Sister Clare passed away at Holy Family Convent, Leeds, England on the 16th February 1993.
FORTHCOMING EVENTS
July 3 Feast of St. Thomas, Apostle of India. July 4 Eekathasi. July 6 Pirathosam. July 11 Feast of St. Benedict. July 12 Chathurthi. July 13 Aani Uththaram. July 166.00pm Cultural Evening to release Biography of A a li k um ar an An an dan (V.S.C. Anandan) at Rutilish School, Mostyn Road - Entrance via school playing field-, Wimbledon, London SW19. All WellConne. July 16 6.30pm Speech Day, London Tan Centre at Wembley High School Hall, East Lane, Wembley. All welCONT(e.
July 19 Eekathasi. July 20 Pirathosam. South London Tarnil School 10th Anniversary Celebrations. First and second day on 9th and 16th July from 6 to 9.00pm at South Norwood Centre, San
down Road, London SE26. Programme includes Dance, Vocal, Violin, Miruthangam, Childrens' Play and Sakunthalai Drama. Admission Free. Third day on 24th July, 2.00pm at Ashcroft Theatre, Fairfield Halls, Park Lane, Croydon. Programme includes Orchestra, Dance Drama, Voca, Comedy Drama and Flute Extravanganza. Fortickets Tel: O81 654
1381/655 1713.
At the Bhawan Centre, 4A Castletown Road, London W149HQ. Te: O71-3813086 4608. July 87.45pm Santoor by Satish Vyas. . . . . . July 16 7.00pm Bharatha Natyam by Meera Appa. July 17 6.30pm Kathak by Saswati Sen from India. July 31 6.30pm Karnatic Vocall by Rajkumar Bharathi from India. July 2, 6, 13, 20 & 27 5.30pm Gita Lectures by Sri Mathoor Krishnamurti. All Welcome.
World Tamil Cricket Tournament
For the first time, Tamil cricket enthusiasts living throughout the world Will be able to take part in a knockout tournament. The inaugural meet will be held on 2nd July 1994 at Warren Farm Sports Centre, Windmill Lane, Southall, Middlesex, play commencing at 9.00am.
Befitting the occasion teams from Australia, Canada and many EEC countries have entered the competition. The format of the game will be elevena-side knock-out competition and the winning team will be awarded the World Tanni Cricket Tournament Shield.
The tournament enables Tamils living in different parts of the globe to participate, come together, meet each other and share mutual friendship. Those from the same village but living in different countries now would love to revive old friendships and this tournament would provide the correct setting to fulfil old desires. The organisers hope to hold this tournament annually rotating the venue to Other Countries.
It is hoped that this occasion would be a source of income to help the needy at home with very little facilities for housing, health and education. There are several orphanages with many needy children who have lost everything and need all the assistance we can give.

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5 JUNE 1994
APPRECATION
Prof. Alagiah Thurairajah
(1934-94)
Professor Alagiah Thurairajah an eminent Geotechnical Engineer and Educator, died in Colombo of cardiovascular failure and leukaemia, on June 11, 1994. He was 59 and is survived by his wife, three daughters and two sons.
With the passing away of Thurai, as he was popularly called, Sri Lanka has lost its ablest and the best known Geotechnical Engineer and one of the foremost Educators. The University of Jaffna has lost its former Vice Chancellor. The Institution of Engineers, Sri Lanka, will be without one of its past Presidents and the Sri Lankan Geotechnical Society is robbed of its present President. Scores of professionals, friends and well wishers will feel the void left by his death for a long, long time to come. Persons like him come but rarely and it is therefore natural for him to be remembered for his exemplary qualities of head and heart.
Thurairajah was one of the fast disappearing breed of persons who could stand upright with scintillating grace wearing white robes of simplicity even before the proud and the powerful. His smile was disarming. Honours and awards came to him in plenty but hardly touched his humility.
He could be aptly described as a natural and highly gifted teacher. In fact it would be most appropriate to describe him as a superb teacherlearner. He loved his students from the core of his heart and they in turn adored him as an illuminati and a teacher par excellence.
He was perfectly balanced in views and remained as close to his colleagues as to his students, and always fought for what was just and right. In 1970s he fought with determination for getting teachers their due. On the other
hand in the 1980s w ty of Peradeniya had he was perhaps the students listened w peace returned to th Born on 10 Nover ayalan in Vadamar jah was schooled at ican Mission College lege, Point Pedro. F dent of the Old Bo both these colleges : death. He was an engineering at th Ceylon from July 1 excelled in his studi tional record rema date. Soon after obta he became an instrl gineering at the sar post which he held until March 1958. H Public Works De Lanka as a Junior A: for a period of four r Recognising his Professor K.K. Rosc Mechanics, at the U bridge picked Thur search student on a larship. His monum Roscoe on shear pl carried out at Can October 1958 and D. only earned him the the University of C 1962, but gave him ognition. A new mod apparatus designed him as a research bridge provided a spr of the future researc advance studies on could be justly regar in the history of geotechnical equipm Thurairajah had a as Assistant Soil Er research Ltd., Londo as a Lecturer at the Lanka. Before o taki Professor of Civil El University of Sri La 1971, he spent a Assistant Professor of Waterloo in Cana another year betwe and December, 197 Professor at the Uni Columbia, Canada.
Thurairajah serve the Faculty of En University of Sri La Campus in two spell. 1975 to September from February 1982 He also served as Faculty of Enginee University of Sri L 1987 to August 1988
 

TAMIL TIMES 33
hen the Universia student strike, only one to whom with respect and e campus. mber, 1934 at Imachchi, Thuraira, Udupiddi Amerand Hartley ColHe vas the Presiys Association of at the time of his undergraduate in e University of 953-1957 and so es that his educains unbeaten to aining the degree, uctor in Civil Enne University the for a brief period, Ie then joined the partment in Sri ssistant Engineer, nonths.
2xceptional merit De, a giant in Soil niversity of Camairajah as his reUniversity Schoental work with operties of soils, nbridge, between ecember 1961 not Ph.D. degree from ambridge in June international recel ofsimple shear and developed by student at Camingboard to many hes for launching the subject and led as a milestone development of ent. briefspellin 1962 gineer with Tern, prior to joining University of Sri ng over as the ngineering at the nka in December year as Visiting at the University la. He later spent en October 1977 8 as a Visiting versity of British
i as the Dean of ineering at the inka, Peradeniya - first from May 1977 and second o February 1985. the Dean of the ing of the Open anka from April
In September 1988, Thurairajah assumed office as Vice Chancellor of the Jaffna University, the position he resigned in March, 1994 to re-join the Open University Colombo.
The University of Jaffna will never be able to forget his yeoman service. He was the one who created the Vice Chancellor's Welfare Fund which helps about 200 needy students every year and has already benefited hundreds of students so far. He was also the one who established mechanisms of helping students who lacked parental support. The Faculty of Agriculture and the Faculty of Fisheries established in the University of Jaffna in 1990 were the outcome of his vision and effort. He has also sewn the seeds of the Faculty of Engineering of the Jaffna University and the plant, when it sprouts will be the most felicitous tribute to Thurai.
His contribution and achievements are too numerous to be recounted and because of his unassuming attitude some of these may perhaps never be known or attributed to him. The Jaff. na Science Association established in 1992 was his brainchild and he was its founder President. In 1980s he created "OOTRU to promote upliftment of villages through the NGOs and remained as the Chairman of the Organisation until his last breath.
Thurairajah's professional excellence and research achievement remain unequalled. He was a Fellow of the National Academy of Sciences, Sri Lanka, since 1977, a Fellow of the Institution of Engineers, Sri Lanka, since 1979, and a Fellow the Institution of Civil Engineers, London, since May 1985. He was Vice President of the Institution of Engineers, Sri Lanka, from October, 1986 to September, 1989, and then its President from October 1989 to October 1990.
We all very humbly salute him and bid farewell to a thorough gentlemanindeed a noble soul and a professional of rare breed. He has no doubt gone the way of all flesh and blood, once again to underline the ultimate truth, but the rich fragrance of his good deeds will continue to stay with us. As for him, there could not have been a greater achievement than to die smiling surrounded by tearful friends and without a single enemy during his sojourn on this earth.
A pooja and meeting in memory of the late Prof. A. Thurairajah will take place at the Highgate Murugan Temple, 200A Archway Road, London N6 on 16th July 1994. (Tel: 081-3489835). Pooja will commence at 10.00am followed by a memorial meeting and lunch. All friends, relations and wellwishers are invited.

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34 TAM TIMES
South London Tamil School Reaches Milestone
The South London Tamil School Which took its birth in Croydon on the Thai Pongal day in January 1984 with a handful of students has grown in strength and popularity to complete ten fruitful years of Tamil educational and Cultural Service. The School has been winning successes in GCSC Tamil and is recognised as a Centre for this examination.
To mark this milestone a special action committee has been Constituted and an elaborate programme of cultural events have been planned for three days in July 1994.
On the first day, Saturday 9th July between 6 and 9 p.m. at the South Norwood Centre, there Will be an exhibition. On the theme of Tamil Culture and displays of items produced by Children, vocal and instrumental music, dance anda Colourful drama SAKUNTHALAI by the school children.
On the final day, Sunday, 24th July, from 2 to 6 p.m. the venue is shifted to Ashcroft Theatre, Fairfield Halls, where special items are scheduled. An orchestra by senior students, a vocal recital by juniors (both items had won the Croydon Advertiser Award), a flute recital by a Radio Ceylon Artiste and crowned by a hilarious play Paavama Punniyama?" by a group of parents. This Ashcroft Theatre programnne is on admission tickets at £4.00 and £2.00 (under 18). Tel: Yogarajah, 081-6541381.
A Plan for Peace
in Eelam
by
Prof. Kopan Mahadeva A thoroughly researched book of 104 pages containing invaluable information a plan for bringing about an end to the ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka.
£5.00 per copy Postage: 50p within UK; £1.00 within EEC countries; E2.00 to all other countries. Payment in favour of “Prof. K. Mahadeva", Century House, 99-101 Sutton Road, Erdington, Birmingham B235XA United Kingdom
Padma's Vocal Arangetram
Though it was presented as the Arangetram of 11-year-old Padmavathy Ramadoss, in reality it was a brilliant full scale Kachery, wityh a complete repertoire of composers and assisted by a full complement of professional orchestra. It was also a day of fulfilment for Smt. Sivasakthi Sivanesan Who presented her first vocal music student at Arangetram, at the Bhavan Centre on Sunday 8th May last.
The effortless flow of Conpositions of Tyagarajar, Dikshithar, Purandaradasar, Swati Tirunal and various others and the torrential swara renderings by young Padma betoken the expert guidance of the Guru and the remarkable devotion of the pupil.
Starting with a varnam in sankarabharanam Padma went through a list of multilingual compositions with ease and perfect diction. The Tyagaraja pancharatnam in Nata stood out brilliantly in the concert and the main ragam Karaharapriya and Pallavi rendering in khanda triputa showed young Padma having a firm foundation to achieve greater heights. The full complement of pakka vadyans — Chandrasekar on the violin, Bhavani Shankar on the mridangam, R.N. Prakash on Ghatam, Muthu Sivaraja on khanjira and Chidambaranathan on morsing, made the concert lively.
Padma is gifted to be born in a family of musicians, her aunties and cousins are gifted Singers, having been exposed to classical compositions and some training under Vidwan Radhakrisnan in Delhi, Padma Canne under the Care of Sivasakthi in London. Two years of intensive training by the guru and full devotion by the pupil, a rare guru-sishya relationship,
prC
fを
 
 
 
 

5 JUNE 1994
ught about this successful ngetram.
- S.S.S.
Dhamalakshmi Gananathalingam
- an Appreciation e death occurred in Col?bo, 29 March 1994 of Dhalakshmi (Dhana) after a long ess bravely borne. Born on
April 1936, she was the ughter of the late Mr. K. Imachandra (Ceylon Govern2nt Railway) and Mrs. machandra. Under the influce of her intensey devout rents and With an innate Isical talent Dhana deloped a strong sense of spirality which manifested in a pacity to render vocally detional songs that gained her me in broadcasting and relibus circles. She was closely sociated with, among others, 2 Sri Ramakrishna Mission d the Sri Chinmayananda pciety. She shared these taits and jointly performed with r younger sister Bhunesh Wari. Arunachalsarn. Thanks to her parents she d the unique privilege and portunity of being personally assed by many saints and ges in India, to whose hrams she accompanied her rents and sister beginning rly in her life. She bore with fortitude the issitudes of the ethnic Conts in Sri Lanka which first placed her from her parental me in Jayanthipura, Talanma and later disrupted her in Jaffna. Despite the innerable trials and tribula1s of life in Jaffna she was mersed deeply in devotional ivities. She remained a great Irce of strength and support the members of her family. r premature demise cut short ife of devotion and selfless rvice to her family and inds. She has left for poster
recordings of her vocal derings that would inspire ure generations. Of that which is born, death certain, of that which is dead, th is certain." Sri Bhagavat Gita, 11. 27.
Chandra Mahendran.
Pararajasegaram Elected President
the Fifth General Assembly the International Agency for 2 Prevention of Blindness ld in Berlin Dr. R. Pararajaseram the Sri Lankan ophthalologist was elected President
a five-year term.
Dr. Pararajasegaram is a Fellow of The Royal Colleges of Surgeons of both England and Edinburgh and also of the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh. He was conferred the Doctorate of Science by the University of Jaffna in 1981, in recognition of his academic and Clinical work.
He is a past President of the Asia Pacific Academy of Ophthalmology and currently President of the International Society of Geographical Ophthalmology and Member of The International Council of Ophthalmology. Dr. Pararajasegaram has been associated with the work of the World Health Organization's Prevention of Blindness Programme Since 1982.
Highgate Murugan Temple - Annual Festival
The Annual Festival of the Highgate Murugan Temple, London N6 will commence on 30th June '94 and continue for 15 days. Pooja times are daily from 9.OOan to 12 noon and 6.45 to 9.30pm. Othuvar Kalai Mamani Muthukandasamy Desigar of Thirupanandal Kasi Madam, Tamil Nadu will deliver Pannisai from 7.30 to 8.30pm daily except on the last day - July 14th —, when Maha Sangabisekham in the morning and Thirukalyanam in the evening will take place. (Public Ubayam). Alankara Utsavam and procession of Deity will take place daily between 8.30 and 9.30pm. For details please contact the Administrator On 081-348 9835.
N. Vamadevan,
Chairman.
200A Archway Road, London N6 5.BA.
REAL ESTATE Unit For Sale ln Wellawatte, Colombo. Three Room, Ground Floor Unit (or two storey Flats). Separate legal ownership. Kitchen, two toilets/bathroom, front Verandah, small backyard. Walk to shops, market, public transport. For details phone Ravi (Colombo) 586873, or in writing to: E. 63 co Tamil Times.
Private Tuition Pure/Applied Mathematics. Statistics, Physics O/A Level,
Ornes Visited. Te: O81-8643227

Page 35
GLEN EXPRES
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ALL MAJOR CREDIT COMPETITIVE FARES TO OTHEF
 

TAMIL TIMES 35
TRAVELLTD , London W11 3LF
8 Fax: 071243 8277
VE
RICHY
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WITH STOPIN coloBo,
WITH STOPIN COLOWBO
Airways Inka ates
'ARDS ACCEPTED DESTINATIONS AVAILABLE

Page 36
SHIPPING AIR F. TO COLOMBOAND OT
PERSONAL EFFECTS, HOUSEHOLD Gl
Appointed MAIN AGE Passenger Tickets & Ur
타 Special slow fares to:
MADRASTRWENDRUMITRICH'Y
(No Stop in Colombo) 묘 41) COLOMBO:
AIRLANKA frOT 한 40 GULF 395 KUWAT է 3B5 EMIRATE է 45[] ROYAL JORDANIAN EO
Please contact for other destinations
YOUR GOODS GO TO OUR BONDE
14 Allied Way of War Telephone: OB1-740-8 EE-4-42
A Trust Worthy Contact YOL Carlof Afford To Do WİİTOLt/
TRICO
Trico Provide You The Complete Service
(A) Shipping Tea Chest
| Cuf. 1.98
(B) Airfreight - Competitive Rate (C) Air Ticket- Competitive Fares
To Sri Lanka Try us and see the difference
Trico International (FWd) Ltd. Stuart House, 1 River Park Road, London N22 ATB Tel: O81-888 8787 Fax: 081-8895445
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

REIGHT TRAVEL
HER WORLWIDE DESTINATIONS
OODS, WEHICLES AND MACHINERIES ENT for AIR LANKA
accompanied Baggage
Low Unaccompanied Baggage rates to COLOMBO: Sea Freight - E 9.00 per Tea Chest
---- F 2.00 per cu. ft. Air Freight - E30.00 per 10 Kg.
E 1, 50 for additional Kg.)
MADRAS ---- E 150 per Kg. TRIWENDRUM - E 1.80 per Kg.
D WAREHOUSE IN COLOMBO
ble Way, Action, London W3.ORG
DE-7495 ext 92.96.57 GLENCAG
UNIWEST
INTERNATIONAL
30 Frie:Tim Barnet Road, Lodol N11 1 NA
Tc O81-351587 || 4937
O81-35E 9544 Fix: OSI-351 E498
All goods are lodged in a modern, fully computerised. Borded Warehouse (outside the Port) Ceylon Shipping Lines, 2941) D.R. Wiewardena Mawatha, Colombo 10. Tel: 4329945
WE ARE THE BEST AND THE CHEAPEST
NO HDDEN CHARGES
£8 5 PER TEA CHEST
TO COLOMBO
Pianos (naw & Lused) and all Duty Free goods supplied
Travel Agents for Air Lanka, Kuwait, Emirates, Gulf Air, Air France, KLM, Royal Jordanian, PIA and Balkan Airlines,
Katunayake International Airport Duty Free Shopping Guide available to our customers and permissible Duty Free allowance on goods shipped.