Page 1
WDIXI N0.9 ISSN 026-4488 15 SEPTEM
We Want
an end
to this War - LTTE leader
Lite lead
Peace process has started
- rime Winige
Down concerero
DISCUSSID TIDSS
: BeOffOIT ReSifs
* Book Review
LAA: Death Rewar
 
 

AMNINUAL SLUTESCRIPTION
UK India/Sri Lanka, 555 Australia. As Canada. ..., CaSO USA,,,,,,,,,,, S35 AIOther Countries USS35
er Mr. v. Prabhakaran
Prospects for Peace
* The Chondriko Mystique
of
- IM|? IE: Hill P.IE||Gill-Eil
Indo-Pakistan Relations
A Bribery Commission
for Free Expression

Page 2
2 TAMIL TIMES
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15 SEPTEMBER 1994
I do not agree with a word of what you say, but I'll defend to the death your si right to say itigtig
| - Voltaire.
ISSN 0266-4488
VOI.XIII NO.9 15 SEPTEMBER 1994
Published by
TAM TIMES LTD P.O. BOX 121 SUTTON, SURREY SM13TD UNITED KINGOOM
Phone: 081-644 0972
Fax: 081-2414557
ANNUAL SUBSCRIPTION
UKMndia/Sri Lanka............... E15/USS25
Views expressed by contributors are not necessarily those of the editor or publishers
The publishers assume no
responsibility for return of unsolicited manuscripts, photographs or artwork
CONTENTS
We want an end to War. . . . . . . . . . 4.
The Chandrika Mystique in Jaffna. .5 Crossing the Lagoon. . . . . . . . . . . . 6
News in Brief. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
The Peace Process has already started. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Dawn of Another Era. . . . . . . . . . . 10
UNP defeat at Presidential Poll. . .13
Sixth Kanthasamy Memorial lecture. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Parliamentary Election Results...18
Indo-Pakistan Relations. . . . . . . . 20
Readers' Forum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
A Significant Book. . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
Laja - Shame. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Prዐ
The outcome of the to power of the Pe Prime Minister at Situation in Sri L Conducive Climate talking about the pe Conflict.
The government relaxation of the C transport of a subs of the community intention to restore Since June 1990, at security forces incl naval gunboats folla part of the LTTE ir Custody have Com Climate that is Conc
In fact the expect Lanka have risen t nOttOO distant futur War torn areas of th any feeling for hum, thirst of the people going through the Conflict that has ha millions of people.
The government steps that they ha Prime Minister Ca promising to bring í negotiations. She people. The pronc taken Since her ele other hand, the L declared that forth a Solution through to engage in prelin detailed and mean
What One shoulc Indo-Sri Lanka Agr. Keeping Force, an then Premadasag. great expectations Would return. But military encounters thousands died.
The tragic expe. doubt that the eth, Hence what is requ themselves genuin may take a long tim because of the res COmmitted. Ultima parties to give and t preconceived entre War results in de The people want a expect the leaders
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 3
spects For Peace
2 recently held elections followed by the assumption oples Alliance with Mrs. Chandrika Kumaratunga as the helm has qualitatively transformed the political anka in many respects, especially producing a in which all sections of the people are thinking and psitive prospects of peace in the island after years of
's unilateral measures in taking steps towards the draconian economic embargo which prohibited the antial number of Consumer items essential to the life in the north of the island, the announcement of the electrical power supply which has been disrupted nd the avoidance of major offensive operations by the uding routine aerial bombardment and shelling from 2wed by the equally positive reciprocal gesture on the releasing ten of the captured policemen from their bined to create for the first time in many years a iucive for peace in the island.
ations of almost all people both within and outside Sri o a level of anticipation of peace breaking out in the e. On the basis of reports, this is particularly so in the e northeast. Only a congenital war-monger devoid of an suffering will feel surprised at this natural urge and for an opportunity to lead a normal peaceful life after traumatic and tragic experience of years of armed ld the effect of distorting and destroying the lives of
and the LTTE ought to be congratulated for the initial rve taken to create this changed atmosphere. The impaigned at the recent elections on a platform an end to the war and seek a political solution through got the mandate to do so primarily from the Sinhala uncements she has made and the steps she has ction have been in keeping with her promise. On the TE leader in his recent interview has categorically eir part they also want an end to the conflict and seek negotiations. Both parties have appointed emissaries ninary negotiations which we hope will lead to more ingful discussions at higher levels.
i not forget is that we have been here before. The eement of July 1987 and arrival of the Indian Peace d the commencement of negotiations between the overnment and the LTTE in early 1989 gave rise to that the conflict was to end and peace and normalcy what followed were some of the Worst and fiercest in which millions of people suffered and tens of
rience of recent years has demonstrated beyond nic conflict cannot be resolved by military means. ired of the present leaders on both sides is to Commit ely and absolutely to a peace process. Negotiations le. There may be difficulties in reaching a settlement spective positions to which the parties are already 'ely everything depends on the readiness of the ake and to compromise without sticking stubbornly to inched positions. ath and destruction. Making peace is a noble Course. n end to their suffering. They yearn for peace. They to deliver it.

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4 TAMILTIMES
'We Want an En
TO This War'
- LT TE Leader V. Prabhakaran
"The ordinary Sinhala people don't want the war to continue. We know very well that they want only peace. The results of the recent elections also show this. We also want peace. We want a permanent settlement, and for everyone to live in harmony, the leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) said in an exclusive interview with Ms. Ananthi Sooriyapragasam, a B.B.C. Tamil Service presenter, who recently undertook the hazardous journey to the war-torn Jaffna in northern Sri Lanka.
Stating that they were prepared to begin negotiations without preconditions, the Tiger leader urged the government to agree on a ceasefire which he said would create a conducive climate for peace talks. Expressing regret for the "unfortunate circumstances' in which the Muslims of Jaffna were expelled, Mr. Prabhakaran said they could return to their homes in Jaffna when normalcy is restored:
Q: Chandrika has said her priority is to find a solution to the ethnic conflict. Is there a suitable environment for negotiations?
A: We are prepared to have unconditional talks. We would like to hold these talks in a peaceful climate. The new government has relaxed the embargo. That is a very positive goodwill gesture, and we welcome it. But the embargo has not been completely lifted. There is still an embargo on some essential goods. Besides this, the government is still keeping the route for travel between Jaffna and the south) closed. Due to this, economic conditions are not going to improve, and the suffering of the people is not going to decrease. It is very important that peaceful conditions should be created. We have informed the government) that we are prepared for a ceasefire. But it appears that the government is rather reluctant for a ceasefire. The activities of the armed forces are continuing, especially attacks by the navy. This is a hindrance to a peaceful climate. In short,
if you look at it, no come to the Tamilar atmosphere of goodv ity has not returned government should t tion to bring normal
Q: You have been prepared for ипсот But now you're impc — for example, tha should be lifted, or should be declared.
A: We have not in ditions for negotiatic pointing out that a phere is necessary fo a ceasefire is not a there a possibility of ing out? What's til waging war on the ( talking about peace Therefore we say th important for negoti as long as economi war continues, yol negotiations in good government should mind. If the governm ceasefire, we would goodwill gesture, a g
Q: You say a ceas announced. But the Sri Lankan militar there's a ceasefire, th use it to regroup themselves.
A: This opinion a circles is totally wror sense, a ceasefire is us. Our strength a pends on our capt from the enemy. It activities that this is fore it is wrong tc ceasefire would strer so, we are in favour order to create the II for peace, not for an other thing is, in where there is no can be unexpected may be lost. Such affect the talks and for peace.
Q: You've been in Tamils should have Chandrika has said the concept of a ho

i J S.C. , 994
Tmality has not eas. There is an till, but normal. Therefore the ake positive acity.
saying you're lditional talks. sing conditions t the embargo that a ceasefire Why? nposed any conns. We are only peaceful atmosr peace talks. If nnounced, isn’t fighting breakhe meaning of one hand, while on the other? at a ceasefire is ations. Because c pressure and u cannot hold faith. The new keep this in hent agrees to a take that as a esture of peace.
refire should be e's a feeling in circles that if le Tigers would and strengthen
among military g. In a military not beneficial to nd growth deuring weapons s through war possible. Therethink that a gthen us. Even of a ceasefire in eal atmosphere rthing else. The an atmosphere seasefire, there clashes. Lives
incidents can ihe atmosphere
sisting that the homeland. But she won't accept meland for the
Tamils and that she won't accept a merged north-east. But she is prepared to re-demarcate the island's administrative units to try to solve the problem. What's your stand on this?
A: The entire Tamil nation has always insisted that Tamils should have a homeland. This is a historical fact. The north-east is the homeland of the Tamil-speaking people - that is Tamil and Muslims. This is our stand. We do not know the stand taken by Prime Minister Chandrika Kumaratunga on this. We don't know her new plans. Therefore it is not wise to express an opinion before we have studied her plan. During the talks we will find out what the government's stand is on this, and then we'll say what we think about it.
Q: In the event of negotiations taking place, will you agree to the other Tamil groups taking part in these negotiations?
A: These Tamil groups have been talking to the government individually and collectively. We have no objection to that but we believe that this government has realised who the real representatives of the Tamil people are, and who has been struggling for them. So we would like the government to talk to the true representatives of the Tamil people. It is such talks which would be useful and meaningful.
Q: You broke off talks with the Premadasa government in June 1990. Why should the government trust you and talk to you?
A: It's wrong to say that we broke off talks with the Premadasa government. For nearly two years, the talks were going on. But during this period, none of the basic problems of the Tamils were discussed. The Premadasa government did not put forward any solution regarding the Tamils' national problem. Because of this, the talks dragged on and in the end reached a standstill. This is what really happened. It is wrong to say that we betrayed their trust. This is all malicious propaganda. In all the talks, we have given priority to the welfare of our people. We've always insisted that our people should be allowed to live in peace, with respect, and with all their rights. The talks broke down because Sinhala governments refused to grant our people their basic rights. It is the Tamils who from time immemorial have been cheated by the governments. It is the Sinha

Page 5
15 SEPTEMBER 1994
la governments that broke agreements. It is they who have betrayed the Tamils. If the new government is determined to accept the reasonable demands of the Tamils and give them justice, the government need not have any fear that the Tigers would let them down.
Q: It is said that it is the Tamils who are blocking attempts to open the routes between Jaffna and the mainland.
A: There is no truth in these allegations. There are two routes between Jaffna and the mainland. One is through Pooneryn, the other through Elephant Pass. The government has closed both of these. The military stopped the flow of people with the intention of laying siege to Jaffna. Therefore people have to travel through Kilali Lagoon. To stop even this, government forces have launched many attacks. To enable the people to travel through Kilaly, the Sea Tigers have made many sacrifices. Today Kilaly is under our control. People are able to travel without any fear with protection from the Sea Tigers. But if the government can open a land route to enable people and vehicles to pass, we will welcome that. People should be able to move freely without any army checkpoints. The government should withdraw the army from Pooneryn. And if the Sangupiddy route is opened, I'm sure our people will welcome that.
Q: Why didn't you take part in last month's parliamentary elections?
A: We have to find a permanent solution to the Tamil problem. It's only after that we can consider taking part in the elections. Tamils have taken part in parliamentary politics for a long time, but parliamentary politics have failed to find a solution to the Tamil problem. Not only that, it is through Parliament that a lot of repressive measures were introduced against the Tamils. From time immemorial the Sri Lanka Parliament has fulfilled the aspirations of the majority Sinhala people. They have suppressed the interests of the Tamils. In this atmosphere, we didn't consider we'd achieve anything by going to Parliament. We didn't want to take part in elections that were held in an illegal manner in the north and east.
Q: I went to Puttalam recently and met Muslim refugees there who were expelled from Jaffna by you. All those I spoke to said they lived
peacefully and
Tamils, and wer been expelled. If, guaranteed, they pared to go back
malcy returns to allow these people oun homes?
A: Jaffna is thei
tunately, due to ci had to become sorry about it. If
we'll allow them
Jaffna. Due to th the Jaffna peninsu 300,000 Tamil ri these are now : where Muslims u military leaves the occupied, these rel to go back to the that situation occu Muslims to come l
Q: There's a m
over the island. In as well as in the so solution. Under the leaving aside the your message to th, la people?
The C
JAFFNA - “It is season' said my we pushed our v crowded streets o Nallur Kandasal the temple festiva end.
The Chandr seemed to have ca imagination, her the evening air offered anything bangles to Chan not to be outdo selling plastic helt captive audience would fly into th for peace talks.
Seeing the wor and their silks at vities, or two da gregation at the the Lady of Ref would hardly b war-torn land.
But behind thi is hidden the trau

TAMIL IMES 5
happily with the e very sad they'd heir safety can be
'aid they were pre
to Jaffna. If norcJafna, uill you to return to their
r own land. Unforrcumstances, they efugees. We are normalcy returns, to come back to war situation in la alone there are fugees. Some of settled in places sed to live. If the places they have ugees will be able ir own homes. If |rs, we'll allow the back to Jaffna.
ood for peace all the north and east uth, people want a 2se circumstances, Joliticians, what's e ordinary Sinha
A: The ordinary Sinhala people
don't want the war. We know very
well that they want only peace. The results of these elections also show this. We also want peace. We want a permanent settlement, and for everyone to live in harmony. Today the big obstacle to peace is war. There should be an end to war. Those who waged war against the Tamils should also come forward to end this war. The Sinhala people should realise that a solution can't be found to the Tamil problem through war. It's only through granting the reasonable demands and political aspirations of the Tamils that there can be a solution.
The Sinhala people should make the militarist and the Sinhala racist elements realise this. We love the
Sinhala people. We are not against
them. It is the racists who are
responsible for the hostility and the
differences between the Sinhalese
and the Tamils. The Sinhala people
should identify these communal ele
ments, and should reject them. It's
only then that there will be perma
nent peace in this island.
>handrika Mystique'
in Jaffna
- by Rita Sebastian -
is the Chandrika friend Yogan as vay through the utside the famed my kovil, where ul was nearing its
ika mystique ught the popular name floating in as stall holders from “Chandrika irika pans'. And ne, a little boy copters showed a how Chandrika is northern city
nen in their gold the temple festi's later, the con
celebrations at uge church, you lieve this is a
se smiling faces ma and hardship
of a decade old war in which thousands have been killed and thousands more injured. In 1993 alone, according to a doctor at the Jaffna hospital, 1,111 war victims, both civilians and LTTE fighters, died in the hospital.
The embargo on certain drugs, the lack of transport leading to non-functional anti-natal clinics, and the high price of basic foods has also impinged severely on the people registering a rise in maternal and infant mortality rates in the peninsula.
And the fear and the trauma still continue as was demonstrated one morning last week when the drone of an aircraft made some women go flat on their faces. To them it was the fear of another bombing raid.
But teenager Ram continued sitting where we did, on the verandah of a friend's home. That's a "Pukara' he said identifying the
Continued on page 6

Page 6
6 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 5
aircraft for me. Displaced from his home in a village close to the northern Pallay airbase, Ram has moved in with relations. For him it has meant a new home, a new school and new friends. There are many like Ram who have learnt to adapt to every changing situation. For almost 4 years the people of the peninsula have done without electricity. Students study by lamplight and the streets are unlit, except for an occasional kerosene lamp.
The fuel embargo which has virtually crippled the transport services has spawned a new bicycle culture in the peninsula. And for both the young, and the not young, it has become the only mode of transport.
A friend, the mother of three adult children, who never dreamed she would ever ride a bicycle, today does all her travelling on it. Whether it is cycling 4 miles to the market daily, to church, or visiting a friend in another village, the bicycle has become her most faithful companion.
The deprivations have been many, specially in the last four years of the economic embargo. And now suddenly the very arrival of chocolates into the peninsula, one of the embargoed items, makes news. The price of bread has dropped so also the price of kerosene.
But what becomes strikingly apparent in Jaffna are the administrative structures that have been set in place by the LTTE leadership. Thamil Eelam is very much the essence of life in the peninsula. And it is the LTTE leadership that takes the decisions, like it did early this week when it banned Indian films.
The reason behind the banning is “the vulgarity and the violence that have become commonplace in Indian cinema' said an LTTE cadre in explanation. Replacing the Indian films will be films produced in Jaffna. The LTTE's cinema unit has already produced two films, both on the Liberation struggle. The target is two films in the pipeline every month.
Indian music, c against tradition norms has also be you hear in th mostly freedom won, and the hu men and women ficed their lives f
And nobody i can ever forget th gle’. You see its everywhere. Not and the rubble of ings, but in the framed photogral pictures of "ma
Cro:
Armed with Defen ance for Kilinochc long, hazardous Vavuniya was the military police che our vehicle and w convoy carrying flo Flagged through lam checkpoint we modai 3 kilometre beyond this at you) warning. We bra and drive on thro ward defence lines and into the 4-kil "no man's land'.
On the way we men, women and c. gage on their hea hands, struggling noon day sun.
The next ... barri Tiger territory. W same routine as on our bags and ou checked. And in enclosure under dozens of Tiger c and women sit at l issued entry passes la. A good two hou pot-holed road wel It is Sunday and r day. So we maki ments and in the drive to Nallur Poi sandy beach, wher have evolved out (
The sun is justs it to the Tiger há many that dot the them for cargo tha forth from the pel
Darkness soon

15 SEPTEMBER 199
scribed as going l Tamil cultural en banned. What peninsula are songs of battles hdreds of young who have sacrir an ideal.
the peninsula "freedom strughysical presence only in the stone destroyed buildlifesize cutouts, hs, and painted rtyred Tigers',
which has turned the peninsula into a living memorial for those killed. Dominating it all is "Colonel Kittu, alias Sathasivam Krishnakumar who blew up the ship he was travelling in, in January 1993, when the Indian Navy tried to apprehend him.
Yet inspite of all this there is a fervent hope for peace. An almost tangible excitement in the air. But both sides are well aware that it is a long hard road, but as long as there is willingness on both sides, peace no longer appears the illusive dream.
ssing the Lagoon
by Rita Sebastian
e Ministry clearhi we began the journey north. first hurdle. The ck our bags and head a 25-lorry ur to Kilinochchi. the Thandikudrive to Nocchiis away. 'You go r owm risk' read a ve that warning ugh the last forof the military, ometre stretch of
pass hundreds of hildren, their lugads and in their along in the hot
er takes us into e go through the the other side as ur bonafides are a cadjan fenced the trees where adres, both men ong tables we are into the peninsurs later on a rutty each Kilinochchi. ot a regular boat 2 other arrangeearly evening we nt, and across the e makeshift roads f constant use. etting as we make rbour, one of the coastline, most of it passes back and insula.
overtakes us and
we board the boat that is to take us across the lagoon. Eight of us begin what to me was an uncertain journey, the destination a fact only after being reached. The boat is physically pushed into the water for about 500 metres before the engines, (there were 2) kerosene powered came to life.
We are now into the army's "no-go zone'. In peace time it would have been idyllic, sailing across the lagoon under a million stars. This was war-time and frightening, because we were in the line of fire.
We had no sea Tiger escorts, who on boat days clear a safe corridor for the passengers between Nallur Point and Killali on the northern side. We were a single boat and to say I was afraid would be an understatement.
The boat did not sail directly across the lagoon. It detoured to avoid Pooneryn on the left, and Elephant Pass on the right as the searchlights from the two army camps flashed across the waters.
And I kept looking all around me all the time and then suddenly there was a light brighter than starlight in the sky over Pooneryn. For one terrible moment I thought it was a helicopter. No said a fellow passenger. That's a para light. The light stayed stationary for a few minutes before disintegrating.
Across the water the light, which serves as a lighthouse for the boats seemed almost within touching distance, and the shore seemed close and my spirits brightened. But it
Continued on page 7

Page 7
15 SEPTEMBER 1994
NEWS IN BRIEF
kr EMBARGO RELAXED: As a first step in keeping its election pledge to bring about a political solution to the ethnic conflict, the Peoples Alliance government made its first unilateral move on 31 August by announcing a substantial relaxation of the ban on the transport of essential items to the war-torn northern Jaffna peninsula. The government's action permitted the free flow of 28 of nearly 48 items banned from being transported to Jaffna since June 1990. The 28 items include medicines, soap, biscuits, kerosene, radios, coconut oil, chocolate, generators and bicycles.
In announcing the relaxation of the ban, Prime Minister Mrs. Chandrika Kumaratunga said: "We decided to lift the ban on these items to relieve the burden and suffering of the people. This step is the first in a series of steps that we will take to solve the ethnic problem.
A TIGERS RELEASE POLICEMEN: In what is described as a positive response to the government's relaxation of the ban on the transport of essential items to northern Jaffna, on 3 September the LTTE released ten out of nearly 39 policemen in their custody since June 1990. Following a medical check-up, the freed policemen were reunited with their relatives on 5 September at the Ratmalana Airport.
Continued from page 6
took a good two nightmarish hours before we reached the shore, our clothes drenched, the salt spray in our faces and sand in our hair by the unsolicited 'shower bath' right through the journey. And finally we walked the last lap ankle deep in water to the shore and safety.
A vehicle met us at Kilali and we drove in the dark, the 25 miles to Jaffna letting the clothes dry on our backs. Thousands of people use this passage, the only way in and out of the peninsula suffering the same fears as I did.
What if we had been fired upon by naval gunboats. What would I a non-swimmer have done except go to a watery grave. No, I need not have been afraid. Ramesh had the most comforting answer. He would have swum me across the waters to safety.
And that was the thought I hung onto as I returned a week later across the lagoon. It was another day, but there was another Ramesh and I need not have feared.
In releasing th LTTE leader Mr. V. statement read out Jaffna, said: “We ea. our decision to re detainees will be vie gesture of goodwill ing. We are willing the new governmen create congenial c and normalcy whic. the conduct of peac
In another twist mapala began a hu police hospital as inquiry into the which senior offic dreds of police off with their weapon eastern Sri Lanka the then Presiden Dharmapala said: '. first seven months tured; but after the visited us we were
EXCHANGING N er Mr. V. Prabha message through t Minister Mrs. Kum the relaxation by
the economic emba rocal release of ter Tigers. In return, i Prime Minister al message to the T learnt that the LTT invited the Prime Jaffna or send a
contained suggesti and for the comme ditional talks betwe and the LTTE. In h it is understood
nominated former of Jaffna and Gove east Provincial C Fernando, as til nominee to conduc with the LTTE, a Prabhakaran to no sentative. It ijs lea: has now nominat vam, the head of th as their spokesma cate that Mr. Lio visit Jaffna shortly
ir GA CALLS FOR The Jaffna Governi Manicavasagar has ment to open a sa between Jaffna pen of the country. Poi government was hi per day to send ess to Jaffna, he said t this safe passage
greatly beneficial ti help the governme of rupees. The GA

ܢܝ-ܣܣܣܦܫܚ
TAMIL TIMES 7
e policemen, the Prabhakaran, in a in their stronghold rnestly believe that lease a group of ‘wed as a reciprocal l and understandto cooperate with t in all its efforts to onditions of peace h are conducive for e negotiations'.
PC Linton Dharunger strike at the he demanded an circumstances in ials ordered hunicers to surrender s to the LTTE in at the direction of t Premadasa. Mr. We suffered for the after we were capRed Cross officials treated well'.
JOTES: LTTE leadkaran sent a fax he ICRC to Prime aratunga following the government of argo and the recippolicemen by the t is learnt that the so sent a written iger leader. It is E leader's message
Minister to visit representative and ons for a ceasefire 'ncement of unconen the government er return message, that the PM has Government Agent rnor of the Northouncil, Mr. Lionel he government's t preliminary talks nd requested Mr. minate their reprerint that the LTTE ed Mr. Tamilcheleir political section, n. Reporters indinel Fernando will
SAFE PASSAGE: ment Agent, Mr. K. urged the governe passage by land insula and the rest nting out that the ring ships at $3500 ential food supplies hat the opening of would not only be ) civilians, but also nt to save millions said that the jour
ney undertaken by civilians to cross the lagoon at Kilali was hazardous, expensive and time consuming.
The GA made the appeal in the course of a meeting with Prime Minister Mrs. Kumaratunga when he handed over a 28-page memorandum outlining the current situation and containing proposals for relief measures.
RESTORING ELECTRICITY: The northern Jaffna peninsula has been without eletricity since June 1990. However, Deputy Minister of Defence, Mr. A. Ratwatte told pressmen that the government was taking steps to send as many electricity generators as possible to Jaffna pending the repair of the power station at Chunnakam, an area under the control of the Tigers. If the LTTE cooperated, the generators could be installed in six weeks. The government was also prepared to extend the national electricity grid to the north in due course Mr. Ratwatte said.
Mr. Ratwatte also said that the government wanted to send food supply convoys under the supervision of the International Red Cross by road to Jaffna as transport by ship was difficult and resulted in delay. He hoped the LTTE would cooperate in opening up a land route to Jaffna through Elephant Pass.
The government will also undertake the repair of the radio and television transmitting towers damaged during the fighting between the LTTE and government forces, Mr. Ratwatte said.
A THE MISSING MILLIONS: At least $700 million is missing from Sri Lanka's national treasury according to the island's new Prime Minister who is also the Minister of Finance. “We do not know where the money has gone. We cannot find the bottom of the well', said Mrs. Kumaratunga.
For the last eight years the Finance Ministry under which the country's Treasury operates has not balanced its books nor have they been audited by the Auditor General who is directly accountable to Parliament. The present President Mr. Wijetunga had functioned as Minister of Finance for several years until after the recent election.
The long serving Secretary to the Ministry of Finance and Treasury, Mr. R. Paskaralingam, who went abroad a month before the election to seek medical treatment, has continued to stay in London without giving any indication as to when he would return. The well known economist Mr. A.S. Jayawardene, who is reputed to be a free-marketeer, is expected to be appointed in place of Mr. Paskaralingam.
Continued on page 8

Page 8
8 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 7
The Minister of Justice, Prof. G.L. Peiris, recently told a press conference that 'allegations of massive frauds, bribery and corruption by the previous regime are pouring in'. Ar A PERMANENT BRIEBERY COMMISSION: The government is to set up a permanent Commission on Bribery and Corruption which will be vested with powers to probe assets, properties and bank accounts of wives, children and close relatives of ministers, deputy ministers, parliamentarians and governors who are suspected of bribery and corruption. The draft legislation which is to be presented to parliament shortly will also enable probing into bank accounts of persons under investigation, income tax particulars etc. The Commission could also prevent persons who are under investigation from fleeing the country. The Commission will consist of two retired judges of the Supreme Court and a third member who is conversant with discharging judicial functions.
Mrs. Nelum Gamage, who was removed a few months before the recent election by President Wijetunga from her post of Bribery Commissioner af. ter investigating corruption charges against UNP cabinet ministers and MPs, has now been reinstated in her post.
EMERGENCY RELAXED: The State of emergency under which Sri Lanka had been ruled since May 1983, except for brief periods, has been allowed to lapse from 4 September. At the same time a separate proclamation confining the state of emergency to the war-torn northeastern areas was made by President Wijetunga.
År ASSASSINATION ATTEMPT: The CID uncovered a plot to kill Sri Lanka's new Prime Minister, Mrs. Chandrika Kumaratunga by an assassin who planned to pose as a photographer. According to a report that appeared in the 3 September edition of the South China Morning Post, Hong Kong, the plan had been to assassinate the Premier while she was paying homage at the Buddhist shrine Dalada Maligawa in Kandy on 26 August. According to a CID officer, the suspect who is presently in custody had confessed that he had been provided with a camera fitted with a bomb. His instructions had been to mingle with the press corps, make his way close to the Prime Minister as possible and to press the shutter. The device would have exploded blowing the PM, the would-be assassin and others nearby to pieces. 'We hope to discover the brain behind this conspiracy soon', said CID Director, Senior Super in tendent Hemachandra.
YÀ UNP PRESIDEN Despite the fact t jetunga, until rece he would be the U the forthcoming pr the party's executiv met under his cl September resolve Gamini Dissanaya date.
Political observ since the recent ele enormous powers v tive presidency, M become a lame-duc lost any incentive previously to figh which he knows h opportunity has b ambitious Mr. Ga who only a few w oeuvred to become Opposition in pla Prime Minister Mr singhe.
The PA's candida expected to be Pr Kumaratunga. A pledged itself to ab presidency during paign, introducing forms that the P achieve, including executive presiden undertaken with th it has in parliamen the part of the PA h a blessing in disgu the constitutional enacted, Mrs. Kum elected President - that in the preser she would be able te ing powers vested i implement the pro including the resol conflict.
får AIRBUS DEAL: has signed a rene airbus Indistrie of F A340-300s airplane The deal which was ated by the previo 1991 for the purcha $643 million, of whi already been paid, v great amount of cor allegations of kickb from the World Ba ernment which wa deal altogether coul it would have invol a substantial amoul As part of the new exempted the nat lanka from any p p en sa ti on w h i C amounted to $100 r the order.

15 SEPTEMBER 1994
AL CANDIDATE:
hat President Wi
ntly, insisted that NP’s candidate in 2sidential election, e committee which airmanship on 9 | to nominate Mr. ke as it its candi
ers believe that, :tion, in spite of the ested in his execur. Wijetunga has president and has he might have had another election e would lose. This een seized by the mini Dissanayake eeks earlier manthe Leader of the ce of the former ... Ranil Wickrema
te for presidency is time Minister Mrs. lthough the PA olish the executive
its election cam
constitutional reA would want to the abolition of the |cy, could not be he narrow majority t. This inability on as turned out to be uise because, until reforms could be laratunga if she is and no one doubts it circumstances - use the widerangn the presidency to gramme of the PA ution of the ethnic
The government gotiated deal with rance to buy three s for $300 million. originally negotius government in se offive planes for ch $70 million had as the subject of a troversy involving acks, and criticism nk. The new govnted to scrap the not do so because ed the payment of t of compensation.
deal, Airbus has onal carrier Air'nalties and comh would ha v e illion for reducing
SUSPENSION OF DEALS: The new government has suspended concluding many deals negotiated by the previous government with foreign institutions and companies, and has promised to undertake full investigation into the circumstances in which they were transacted. One such deal is with communications giant AT&T(TN) of the United States and Marubeni Corp. of Japan to install 44,200 telephone lines. Posts and Telecommunications Minister Mr. Mangala Samaraweera said that the government wanted to find out why the Rs.977 million bid by the US-Japanese combine, which was Rs.200 million more than the lowest offer, was selected over the other cheaper bids from Japanese, French and Korean firms.
Another transaction that is to be investigated is regarding the $72 million (approximately Rs.3600 million) arms deal struck with a Singaporean company to purchase secondhand Russian heavy weapons, including 210 used armoured personnel carriers, six M-17 helicopters, three cargo aircraft, two 52 metre patrol boats, three Anatov aircraft, eight transport helicoters and three high speed naval patrol craft, by a senior defence ministry official in the run-up to the recent elections. The Defense Ministry had decided to go ahead with the deal though there was no money available with the required parliamentary approval for the purpose. A TELEPHONE TAPPING: The new government has stopped the widespread practice of its intelligence agency, the National Intelligence Bureau, tapping the telephones of politicians and senior officials which has been occurring under the direction of the previous regime. The Posts and Telecommunications Minister, Mr. Mangala Samaraweera, told reporters that he had ordered his ministry staff to remove the highly sophisticated equipment used for telephone tapping by the agency.
Mr. Samaraweera said that he was startled to learn that the NIB was still using the same equipment to track and monitor politicians belonging to the current Peoples Alliance government, and a report was being sent regularly to some UNP politicians. An inquiry has been ordered into this unlawful practice.
ELECTION CHALLENGE: The Sri Lanka Muslim Congress has challenged the validity of the election held in respect of the Jaffna district. The petition filed in the name of Mr. M.A. Cader Iqbal, a candidate in the recent election for the Jaffna district, states
Continued on page 15

Page 9
15 SEPTEMBER 1994
The Peace PrOC Has Already Star - Prime Ministe
by V. Jayanth
After 12 days in office, Sri Lanka's Prime Minister, Ms. Chandrika Bandaranai ke Kumara tunga, looked under heavy pressure and strain. There was a string of appointments lined up for the day and crucial discussions fixed on the Jaffna developments. But she kept her word an spoke to The Hindu's Colombo correspondent on Tuesday, discussing the wholegamut of topical and controversial issues, from the peace process for the Northeast and the scrapping of the Executive Presidency, to Indo-Sri Lanka ties and the “skeletons” that she was unravelling every day in the Finance Ministry. Excerpts from the interview:
Q: Considering the slender majority, how stable is your Government?
A: I think we will be fairly stable, even though we are remaining in power with the cooperation of several groups who do not even belong to the People's Alliance. This is because most of them realise that we honestly want to do some good to the country and solve some of the major problems, and also because the people want this Government to continue. In a democratic situation, I think most of these groups, unless we create problems for them - which we won't - will continue to support
S.
Q: Are you happy with the LTTE offer to come to the peace proCess?
A: I don't know if this is correct. I am discussing it with the Defence services. If it is so, I am very happy.
Q: When and how do you intend starting the peace process?
A: As far as we are concerned, we have already started. The first public decision we have made is to lift the embargo on most essential items to Jaffna. About 42 items have been banned. Except for a few which go into the making of arms, we are allowing the rest to go. This is unilateral. We are not imposing any conditions on this. We are discussing how to put it into operation.
G: When will
A: We have We are discussi today. It is mor the eye can see groups are takir these goods and the consumers i estimates that s are earning sor millions a mont and probably sha other State offic the embargo, th taxes for the lor considering othe directly to the pe
Q: Will you b President and t
A: I think s spoken to the Pr this.
Q: You have exercise Soor Office. What ha
A: Horrors in types of rackets tude. I go to th every day on tip am going to f Airbus deal, tele some top people of rupees as col unacceptable is done something interests of the people and then at least they can say forgiven - b. deals are abs tageous to the c tive of its ecor privatisation ve put through b assets to cronies talism nor free m collection of com has not made ol not been given t nor according to dures. The valu undervalued- a 30 times, not pe valuation is any vate estimates.

TAMIL TIMES 9
eSS ed
r
t come into effect?
taken the decision. ng the practicalities e complicated than . At present many g a commission on this is passed on to n Jaffna. The army ome armed groups nething like Rs. 3 h on these "taxes' uring it with certain ials. Even if we lift ey will not lift the ries to pass. We are r ways of sending it 20ple.
e able to carry the he Army with you? o. I have already esident to carry out
launched cleansing after assuming ve you found?
the cupboards. All of enormous magniLe Finance Ministry Itoes, fearing what I ace - arms deals, ecom deals in which have taken billions mmissions. What is
that if they have which is in the best 2 country and the taken commissions, be excused - I can't out almost all these olutely disadvanountry and destrucnomy. Most of the ntures have been y donating State ... Neither is it capilarket economy, but missions. The State ne cent. They have o the best persons, the tender procee has been heavily nything from 10 to r cent. Government way lower than pri
What is worse, these private parties have not come up with one cent. The State has obtained, not negotiated or guaranteed, loans from national banks and treasury bills and made them buy up State properties. The State gives a loan to a private party to buy up State property and continues to pay interest on these loans. Private enterprise has not paid anything. It is a total donation at huge cost to the State in every sense. In a few cases where the banks or the State has put on the screws these companies are cannibalising machinery and selling it on the sly to pay the money. It is a huge fraud, this privatisation of ventures, except for a few foreign companies which have bought up a few ventures. This has also been done dishonestly, but certain money has been made.
Q: By cancelling or reviewing these contracts and deals, are you not sending out a wrong signal to foreign companies and investors?
A: No, we are not cancelling them. We are reviewing the whole thing and we may re-negotiate in such a way that it will be a proper privatisation and not a donation to cronies with kick-backs to the Cabinet.
Q: Why are you not going ahead with your decision to set up a Constituent Assembly and go on with Constitutional reforms?
A: We will be doing it. We have taken over only 10 days ago. I have already spoken to the Minister, Prof. Peiris. We cannot go in for a Constituent Assembly because we have not got a clear mandate. But for this system of voting, we would have got 120 seats for the Alliance alone. But we do not have it. It is not democratically enough of a mandate. We are going to start the consultative process and draw up the amendments.
Q: How do you find it working with the leader of the main Opposition party as your President and Head of Government?
A: Not comfortable. But I must say he has been very helpful in avoiding any major confrontation.
Q: You have expressed yourself very strongly against the electoral system, both before and after the election. Will you change the system?
A: Very probably we will be changing the system.
Continued on page 10

Page 10
10 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 9
Q: How significant was the Indian Prime Minister's special envoy's visit to convey a personal message to you? How do you see relations With India?
A: It was very significant. We appreciated it very greatly. We thought it was a very important gesture of goodwill and we see it very positively. We do not have an India-phobia like the previous government did. We are realistic in that we accept that we have a gigantic neighbour next to us and we must have good relations with her. We are off to a good start, because our party is known to have had good relations with India. We hope to restart that and have a very dynamic relationship, not just a good relationship. India and Sri Lanka have both accepted the open, free market economy, I think we can have a much more gainful and constructive relationship with India.
Q: What is you industry and fore are still Worried your background
A: We are comir detailed stateme cause they are ab I will like to tell th worry. We will sta have said. The anxious about shady, underhand to the national mean we are goin against the privat review the deals more profitable tc the people. We st sector as having a to play in our eco constituting cons tees at the high Finance Ministry t ticipate in nationa We are drafting a objectives for trade ies and agricultul
DaWn Of Another
by Prof. Bertram Bastiampillai, University of Colombo.
The announcement of a parliamentary General Election on August 16, 1994 took the electorate, the opposition and even members of the then governing party by surprise. The Presidential election was expected to be scheduled earlier and the General Election was believed to follow. However, whether it was lack of self confidence on the part of the President to give leadership in this electoral competition or whether it was owing to the times being propitious, the General Election was held on August 16 instead. But it was to prove that the twilight of the gods certainly had set in clearly.
Advantage
The run up to the General Election witnessed exceptional violence, murder and mayhem, intense competition, and bitter rivalry particularly between the United National Party that had ruled the island for 17 years and the major opposition to it, the People's Alliance or the principal constituent party to it, the Sri Lanka
Freedom Party t of power since 1 the "crossover o the opposition t party while there on account of so other, abandoned and moved into which was antic serious challenge administration. Campaigning tense and ruthle Both contenders to wash "dirty Rules governing followed at electi ly flouted and retained its mini so that it could be push through t election camp government pa The opposition, O reminded the ( numerous sins commission whic had committed tenure of office years and on thi enough was av

15 SEPTEMBER 1994
message to local gn investors who nd unsure about and policies? g out with a fairly t this week betanxious. Briefly, em, they need not nd by all that we act that we are eals which are and not profitable nterest does not g on a witch hunt e sector. We will so that they are the country and ll see the private very dynamic role nomy. We will be ultative commitest level in the o make them parl policy planning. h expansive set of !, industry, fisher'e and invite pri
vate sector to participate in planning this.
Q: The Leader of the Opposition, Mr. Gamini Dissanayake has offered to cooperate with you in abolishing the Executive President. Will you accept this offer and avert another election in three months.
A: We have to take a political decision on the Executive Presidency. We have not forgotten the fact that the Leader of the Opposition, till a few hours before we were sworn in, tried his level best to prevent us from coming to power. He had this problem with the outgoing Prime Minister. We have a serious problem with his (Mr. Dissanayake's) bonafides. He has to prove that they are beyond suspicion, practically in the next few weeks to come. I personally have serious doubts about his bonafides on the country's interests.
- The Hindu.
Era
hat had been out 977. Many were f members from o the governing were a few who me discontent or the ruling party the opposition ipated to pose a to the incumbent
was seriously inssly competitive. did not hesitate linen' in public.
practices to be ons were regularthe government stry of 91 persons a source of aid to he government's aign and prorty propaganda. n the other hand, lectorate of the of omission and h the government during the long asting almost 17 score more than ailable to be re
counted - arrogance, corruption and insensitivity.
At the end of this sordid period of accusation and counter accusation, the election itself passed off notably peacefully. But the results of the elections left everyone in a state of dismay, wonder and expectation. This is not so unusual in a situation where proportional representation governs the system of elections. Although proportional representation itself is laudable because it presumes that in a real democracy all sections of opinion ought to gain reprsentation in the legislature in proportion to their strength, yet it has some demerits. In other words, a majority of the electors would obtain a majority of the representatives while a minority of the voters would secure a minority of the representatives. A candidate who desires to be elected need not obtain an absolute majority of votes or a plurality but he needs only the quota which is the total number of votes divided by the number of seats.
integrative
Even though proportional representation ensures the representation of every group in Parliament in proportion to its strength, it also has the advantage of turning Parliament to be reflective of the

Page 11
Y. -1a i \ v .f i äiti .
composition of the nation as it should be in a democracy that regards equality to be its foundation. But the system of proportionall representation nevertheless is not so useful always as a means of establishing a government. It has been noticed that in many countries which have worked proportional representation that it entails the return of a number of small parties. By making it possible for parties and groups that are small to obtain separate representation, disintegration and uncertainty are fostered.
The peril as a result is that the executive becomes a fragile coalition government which collapses at times when any coalescing section of opinion is hurt or estranged. Moreover, legislation loses coherence and creative power as it could ensue out of an enforced compromise in order to satisfy the desires of several groups. Indeed, proportional representation system encourages sectarian thinking since voters and leaders are encouraged to think according to sectional concerns more often, though it also encourages consensus building, which is healthy and integrative.
A legislative elected on a proportional representational basis tends to represent several isolated interests often, and sometimes hardly assists to form easily the general will of the nation. As a rule, scholars are against proportional representation for it could enable the organisation of disorder and 'emasculate' legislative power, render cabinets unstable, harms their homogeneity, and make parliamentary government impossible”.
Headway
The results of the elections have not given either the UNP or the PA, a clear working majority of at least more than three members. If any one of them is to form a government, they have not only to depend on members chosen from the national list but also they will have to depend upon other allies.
However, weighed numerically the definite edge is with the PA which is able to form a viable alliance. Moreover, being voted in
as the single la people's wish has tantly manifest
Alliance-led go emerged, and the be respected as the
However, both Alliance and the ' not performed su kingly well gener, tions. In Gampaha le, Matara, Hamb: in Anuradhapura the alliance came well. The UNP wa ive and in sway in and Mahanuwara notwithstanding intimate associati like Udunuwara, surprisingly fared governmental' an oppositional group: ly clear headway government easily
A refreshing re election's outcome lure of the MEP, th sort of elements, maverick indepen Tamils appearing the Colombo dist the evidence afford Southern Provinci tions, the presen forces neither com nor chauvinism vidends; bread a clean politics are Also, the pathetic the overwhelming descript lot of indep come and healthy i tics. It is better parties with ideolog should displace t adventurous outs strong position ca. eclipsed.
Another desirab the smoother worl should come out of of the present cons sions in it can inhib sitions from one another one which the earlier one follo tion results. Even wishes can be dela tion to reality or th ing to peculiar a provisions. The c more suitable for in

nna
rgest bloc, the been made blaand a People's vernment has
people have to 'y are sovereign.
the People's ruling bloc' had bstantially strially at the elec, Kalutara, Galantota and even and Ratnapura, out admirably is most impressin Nuwara Eliya , but even here the President's on with a place the UNP quite ill. Yet, both d the competing shad no patentso as to form a
velation of the is the utter faihe 'Bhumiputra'
and even the dent group of
aberrantly in rict. Following led by results of al Council elect verdict reinmunal appeals
now pay dind butter and
desired more. performance of majority of nonbendents is weln national polithat organised gies and policies hem and the iders without ses should get
le change for cing of politics a modification titution. Provibit cordial trangovernment to should replace Dwing the elec..he electorate's yed in translawarted accordnd ambiguous :onstitution is strumentalism
and manipulation in partisan fashion. There is no clear prescription governing the inviting of a member to be PM or to form a government or to be a minister as article 43, 43 (3) and 44 show. The President being able to head the cabinet and acquire ministers becomes controversial when the political hues of the President and the elected members differ, unless desirable cohabitation is practised which is healthy.
Salutary
Here conventions, precedents and commonsense afford worthwhile guidelines. Article 3 of the constitution vests sovereignty in the people and the next article makes clear that it shall be exercised through the elected bodies. Once, therefore, people's wishes have been made manifest through an election the elected figures surely should form a government if they are numerically larger and venture to undertake the responsibility of forming a cabinet. As in India, if need arises they can be subjected to the test of a vote of confidence after a few weeks of performance if necessary. It is also known that the President gained office almost over a year ago in terms of constitutional procedure but purely fortuitously. He was not elected popularly but is expected to face the people before long in a few months so as to endeavour to gain a mandate and legitimacy. Therefore, he should work towards this unavoidable objective by enabling the people's wishes at the elections to prevail. If there is a variance in party affiliation, then there could be a peaceful and prudent "revision to prime ministerial government with the President functioning as a constitutional head'. President Jayewardene had said "that he would if the necessity arises, adopt such a course”, (vide Wilson: “The Gaullist System in Asia. . ." p46.208).
A disturbing feature of the elections is the number of spoilt votes. One wonders whether the system of voting poses to people an exacting task. Even in highly literate electorates such as Galle or Kalutara the rejected votes were Continued on page 13

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15 SEPTEMBER 1994
Continued from page 11
incredibly and inordinately high. Commendably, however, voting took place smoothly, relatively peacefully unlike the run up to the
elections; results came out quickly.
and clearly, and all this speaks well of the department of elections and its Commissioner. One really wonders whether in such circumstances, exotic election observers like migrant birds of foreign climes are really now needed. The Commissioner can do without them in present times and save some respectability and expenditure. Earlier the atmosphere was so disturbed and the presence of foreign observers may have added some sort of constraint on the
tendency to behave healthy practice.
Of course, people w to wonder that in t Election so few have v so many in the north iar phenomenon will dents of elections an obsevers here and ab) tutional changes of a ture are needed soor will be practising a fo cracy and elections criticised cynically. TI of bonus seats is ag sort of practice whic viewed with disbelie structive remedial m imperative. A hastily rid constitution is n
Ex-UNP Secretary Predicts
UNP DEFEAT AT PRESIDENTIA
Wijetunga Accused of Stabbing in th
Mr. Sirisena Cooray, the angry and disappointed for Secretary of the United National Party (UNP), has la President D.B. Wijetunga and the leadership of the party foi the recent elections. Attributing the defeat to the result of re in the back and a process of slow poisoning administered
Wijetunga, Mr. Cooray predicts the UNP's defeat in the presidential elections when he says: “When we lose the Presi it will be the result of political hara-kiri by its own leader'.
Mr. Cooray was a powerful man during the regime oft President Premadasa who appointed him as Party Secreta and long association with the former President enabled h decisive say in the affairs of the party. In fact, on his s President following Premadasa's assassination, Mr. Wijet Mr. Cooray the country's Premiership. He declined the offen nominated Mr. Ranil Wickremasinghe to the post. Howe passage of time, Mr. Cooray's influence and power in the nosedive and eventually he was forced to resign as Party
Mr. Cooray was expected to be nominated to parlial through the National List by the UNP following the recent to his dismay he was not. The outgoing Prime Ministe Wickremasinghe's pleadings on behalf of Mr. Cooray was President Wijetunga.
Mr. Cooray, the torchbearer of the "Premadasa Legac attributed the UNP's defeat to 'a series of blunders made leadership since the assassination of President Premadasa ings are excerpts from his analysis of the UNP's defeat:
The defeat of our Party, the UNP, at the recent General Elections, was needless, avoidable and yet, eminently predictable. If a sincere self-criticism and thorough-going rectification is not immediately - iertaken, it will be followed by a rather more obvious defeat at the forthcoming Presidential Election. I
say this both as a r actively served the p four decades and as th who organised the fi took the party to elect 1988-89, at a time wł structure had broke pletely under the mur of the J.V.P.

regardless of
fill not cease ihis General oted to elect . This pecul
amaze Stud concerned road. Constisalutary na) or else we orm of demothat will be The question "ain another ch has been f, and con
|C3SGS 39 put up hybot going to
ÍÁÁii L íj ViÉS 13
effect the smooth functioning of a five star democracy, and leaders should inevitably look to correction and to the spirit of democracy, and not solely and merely to the letter of the law. After all, governments best administered are better than constitutions however ingeniously drafted. There is furthermore intrinsic faith that has been proved in that the past practice of smoothly and harmoniously transferring power, even if the desire to hold onto power is corruptive, has not been betrayed in Sri Lanka, by the guardians or trustee elected by the sovereign people. And fortunately the peoples wishes have been respected.
All's well that ends well.
POLL
he Back
mer General ished out at r its defeat in speated stabs by President
forthcoming idential polls,
he late slain ury. His close im to have a succession as unga offered , and in turn ver with the party took a Secretary.
ment as MP election, but r, Mr. Ranil overruled by
cy', has now by the party '. The follow
man who has arty for over le campaigner ght-back that oral victory in 1en the party n down comlerous assault
That the UNP's defeat was needless and avoidable is best evidenced by the remarkable slenderness of the PA's victory after 17 years of UNIP rule. The 44 per cent vote obtained by our Party is something of a record performance for any Outgoing political party anywhere in the democratic world and more so for one which had been in office for almost two decades. Though the sequence of the elections i.e. the holding of the parliamentary poll prior to the Presidential, was, on balance a correct one, (given the weakness of our Presidential Candidate), had the timing of the election not been sprung as a rude surprise upon the party by the President and had a more democratic, consultative and consensual method been adopted in this regard, the UNP would have gone into battle better prepared. A better campaign of longer duration, by a more unified leadership and the gap of a mere 4 lakhs of votes that exist between us and the PA could easily have been bridged. This is probably the first time in the history that a snap poll has come as more of a shock to a ruling party than to the Opposition; a shock sprung by the Party leader upon his own party. One can only conclude that the party – and thereby the future of the country was cynically sacrificed by the leader, in order to test the waters, as it were. Never in the field of democratic politics, have so many and so much, been sacrificed by so few, for so little. Such may be the verdict of history. What self-serving amorality! What a heinous crime!
Continued on page 14

Page 14
14 AMI. TMES
Continued from page 13
It is obviously the case that the party leader had doubts concerning his chances of victory and used the parliamentary polls to test the waters - having for months, publicly stated his intentions to go for a Presidential poll. He totally reversed his stand and abruptly decided to throw the Party into a parliamentary poll. What any loyal, decent, honest leader would have done under such circumstances, was to have selected a personality capable of winning the Presidential poll in the prevailing socio-political context. Indeed this is what President Jayewardene did in 1988, when he picked Mr. Premadasa as the only candidate capable ofseeing the party through. He stepped aside in Mr. Premadasa's favour, instead of sacrificing the whole party. In today's context, Ranil Wickremesinghe would have doubtless been the equivalent – the best choice to contest the Presidential elections. Instead of which, Mr. Wijetunga cynically sacrificed the party's interests and has now followed it up by splitting the party vertically by refusing to hand the Opposition Leadership to the former Prime Minister and going through with an "internal election'.
That the UNP's defeat was avoidable is also borne out by the recent electoral victory of Mexico's ruling party, the PRI — a party that has been in office for 65 years. This gives the lie to the thesis of the inevitability of regime ouster, following a prolonged incumbency, in a democratic system.
My description of our defeat also as predictable is not a case of being wise after the event. As far back as August 1993, i.e. a full year ago, and a mere two months after the new President assumed office, I presented a confidential memorandum to him indicating certain errors that needed rectification and mapping out a course of action if the parliamentary and presidential elections were to be won. In it, I categorically stated that we faced defeat unless these course corrections were implemented. The only outcome of that confidential briefing paper was that it appeared in the Sunday Times without my knowledge or consent
Our defeat was not a single event or episode, but a process. That process did not begin with the defeat of the party in the Southern Province,
but with a series by the party lea assassination of P sa. The opposition whelm, shatter a UNP administrat following the mu Premadasa was t other than the ma in their millions respects to him, a at President’s Hou by this peaceful y ifestation of Peo fended and protect ernment. The hi would doubtless funeral of the late ing this, a curfew against my wishe: procession sabot mobilization of the vented by individu ment and State, w tude, spite, jeal mindedness moti sabotage. This sin hindsight, a glim make-up of these
I make bold to spontaneous mass allowed to reach it funeral procession have won the imm Provincial Council ing the strategic W Council. The defe the Western Provi some months late: General Elections, the downswing with the sabotag procession of Pres In short, that was the end.
This was follow by the self-same proposed 17th al would have facilita of the centrist den of the SLFP. By st at the last momen weakened the strength of the When they did con were fewer in nun in strength. Had ment come throu was on the cards have gone into the cial Council electic greatly augmente tion reeling from blow of large-scale its centrist wing. won the Southern the consequences well aware of

15 SEPTEMBER 1994
of blunders made lership since the esident Premadaoffensive to overnd overrun the on in the days der of President hwarted by none sses, who flocked to pay their last , Sucharitha, and se. It is they, who et massive manple’s Power, deed the UNP Govgh point of this
have been the President. Know
was announced, , and the funeral aged. Thus the masses was preals in the Governhose base ingratiousy and pettyrated this act of gle act gives us, in pse of the mental persons.
say that had the mobilization been ts zenith with the , the UNP would ediately following , elections, includVesterm Provincial at of the UNP in nce, in the South, r, and now in the were the result of that commenced e of the funeral ident Premadasa.
the beginning of
Ed by sabotaging, eadership, of the mendment which ited the crossover nocratic elements uttling this effort ut, our leadership credibility and SLFP moderates. le over later, they liber and depleted the 17th amendh at the time it
then, we would Southern Provinns with our ranks and the Opposithe psychological abandonment by We would have PC Poll - averting thich we are also
Sufficient time has elapsed since the Party's top leadership sought and received my resignation, to pose the question as to whether the choice of replacement has proved my superior or equal in the post of General Secretary. The situation that obtained during the nomination process, at which many interviewees were unknown to some of the more important members of the panel and of course the famous televised nondebate during the election campaign where all the slanderous charges hurled at the UNP government by the PA General Secretary were either evaded or agreed with, would furnish an adequate reply to this question.
Even consequent to the disgraceful campaign of vilification launched by the clownish conspiratorial ellements in the Presidential Secretariat which caused me to send in my resignation as Party Secretary, in disgust, the Party leadership sought my political assistance and participation in many ways and on severall occasions I was requested to manage the Parliamentary election campaign in the Western Province which I declined to do, having managed islandwide campaigns earlier. My inclusion on the National List was neither requested nor sought by me. Of course, my team and I did play a modest role in the Colombo District campaign, in support of Ranil Wickremesinghe and am delighted that he secured a record 2,91,000 votes which amounts to 75% of the total UNP vote in the District - by far the highest percentage polled by any UNP politician at this election
I am constrained to use this opportunity to state that, contrary to rumours of distrust and disloyalty, I have served the present leadership of the party with a high degree of responsibility, discipline and loyalty. It was I who proposed that the present incumbent be the Party's unanimous choice as President, when after his automatic tenure as acting President, the Party bodies and then the Parliament had to decide on who was to complete President Premadasa's term of office. I did this, despite urging from most of my loyalists that I put myself forward for the post. During the recent election campaign, Ranil Wickremesinghe publicly disclosed that I had been offered the post of Prime Minister and that I had urged instead that it be given to him. Then again, complying with the request

Page 15
1a-sa
15 SEPEMBH 1994
made to me by President Wijetunga, I nominated the latter and secured the unanimous ratification of his name as Presidential candidate at the December 1993 Annual Conventin of our Party. The appreciation I received was in the form of seeking my resignation as General Secretary and, most recently, in the form of dropping my name from the list of National List MPs.
The disgracefully divisive device of a vote in our Parliamentary Group for the purpose of electing a Leader of the Opposition; the undemocratic thwarting of MP's right to speak up on the subject and somewhat curious - if not dubiouspractices permitted and adhered to in the electoral exercise itself; the lack of transparency, verifiability and authentication in the counting of the results; all add up to a single conclusion. That inescapable conclusion is that there has been a conspiracy of long duration, the main target of which has always been Ranill Wickremesinghe, the ablest young leader in our party and real gentleman in politics. That this should happen to an invididual whose loyalty to and concern for his successive leaders is unquestionable, is an indictment of the ethics of the Party's current leadership and a move which blights the future of our party. It also frustrates the hopes of renewal and regeneration with which almost 3.5 million people voted for the UNP. Their disappointment will doubtless manifest itself electorally at the upcoming Presidential poll.
It is now clear that the campaign to force me out of the General Secretaryship and to marginalize me within the Party was with the twin, inter-related objectives of ideological and programmatic dePremadasization and isolating and displacing Ranill Wickremesinghe. My marginalization was correctly perceived as the sine-qua-non for
Continued from page 8
that more than fifty percent of the displaced Muslim electors living as refugees in the electoral district of Puttalam could not vote as their names were not included in the voters hist. The petition requested the Court of Appeal to declare the election of 10 Members of Parliament from the Jaff. na district void. The Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) also has challenged the validity of the election
id in the Vanni district.
An
Due to the strife to Jaffna District, almo lies have been displa al thousands have lo of livelihood.
Immense sufferi caused to the people
a. Infants and sc dren suffering frc nutrition. Chroni among pre-schola high levels.
b. Nutritional stat and lactating mo fered severe setba and vitamin defic creased two-fold. c. Child trauma a the development increased alarm dropouts have inc d. Mortality and most of the enviro pendent group of c tional deficiency malignancy have e. Due to the prev despondency, m have been mental f. In the on-going persons have been they have to be ca ly schoolgoing young adults are abled. g. Displacement ( truction to homes setbacks in agricu and other self-er dustries have dri
this dastardly plot, envy, prejudice, par paranoia.
To conclude: our P. the Parliamentary el the result of any inh ity of our political result of repeated sta (or, if you prefer, a poisoning) administe leader! When we lose tial polls, it will be public political hara-k er. I am confident th tide is running again ators and that in t future, the conspirac: turned by the million porters, specially t women and the yout conspirators will be co rubbish heap of histo:

TAMILTIMES 15
Appeal for Funds
n situation in st 80,000 famiced and severst their means
ng has been as follows:
hoolgoing chilm severe malmalnutrition rs has reached
us of pregnant thers has sufcks. Anaemia iency have in
hd its effects in of children has ingly. School reased.
morbidity on onmentally deliseases, nutridiseases and increased. railing state of any persons ly affected. conflict, many n disabled and ured for. Mainchildren and physically dis
bf people, destead economy, ultural, fishing mployment inven a sizeable
motivated by ochialism and
arty's defeat at ections was not erent superiorrivals, but the lbs in the back process of slow red by its own the Presiden
the result of kiri by its leadhough that the st the conspirhe foreseeable y will be overs of party suphe poor, the h - while the onsigned to the ry.”
population below the poverty line.
Prominent citizens and well wishers in the District have urged me to inaugurate a fund under my Chairmanship for the welfare of the suffering families.
A deposit account has been opened and proceeds will be accounted for. The account will be administered by me under the guidance of a Board consisting of selected professionals and specialists in the respective fields.
The assistance sought is for a very deserving humanitarian purpose. Please contribute generously to alleviate the sufferings of the unfortunate people of Jaffna District.
All those willing to contribute should send their contributions to the Government Agent, Jaffna and any cheque or draft should be drawn as follows:
'Pay to the Deposit Account of the Government Agent, Jaffna for the war affected civilians'.
K. Manikawasaker, Government Agent, Jaffna District.

Page 16
16 TAMILTIMEs
Discussion in Dis
Lucien Rajakarunanayake Aresident, Free Media Movement
Grateful and honoured as I am for being asked to deliver today's lecture in the Kanthasamy Memorial series, I must admit that my association with Mr. Kandiah Kanthasamy was indeed all too brief. However, my respect for tha driving force behind the Saturday Review would never diminish for my lack of knowledge of the person. Looking at it from the point of view of the journalist, much concerned about the freedom of the media, the Saturday Review and the people involved in it stand out as the most daring and dedicated among our profession in recent times.
Two of my very close associates in journalism were involved in producing the Saturday Review. They are Mr. Gamini Navaratne and Mr. S. Sivanayagam. Each one of them a forthright journalist in a class fast diminishing - two people who understood the value and need for dissent, and the necessity for the journalist to be involved in the process of dissent, and the dissemination of dissent.
Of the two, Gamini Navaratne took what we all consider the daring step of a Sinhalese editing a newspaper concerned with Tamil issues, in the Tamil heartland. Sivanayagam gave practical proof of his dedication to the cause of Tamil militancy, and his own conviction of the Tamil right to selfdetermination, by giving up his employment in Colombo and taking over the responsibilities of the Saturday Review under increasingly dangerous conditions. Both of them, no doubt, were encouraged in this by the man who we commemorate today.
In reading through the past lectures in this series I found that dissent has been a constant theme. This, I believe, is largely due to the strong advocacy of dissent by Kandiah Kanthasamy. But it must
also have to do condition of ou dissent is often disruption, disi near treason.
Target foi
My choosing “Discussion in D however limited to the overridi dissent that exis a sense it is : evasion of discu to discuss, and letting problem if not being ma ting out the varied and diffe
We live in tim lectual is ofte target of vilifica now a popular scorn on the in intellectual or advocacy of mi all our claims th refusal to accept individual opinio without vilificat held views.
These attitud from the deep se ciation of disse held belief that albeit with mi come from the d prevailing positi be it in govern nization or polit
We are toda what appears tc feriment. If we difficulty, ignori of self-centred see on both sid political divide, the fact that w new cross-roads political organiz the nature and sion of the new
 

Lecture
Sent
with the prevailing Lr society, where
seen in terms of affection or even
Vilification
of today's subject issent' is an effort, , to draw attention ng limitations to st in our society. In a reaction to the ission, the refusal the satisfaction in s remain unsolved, de worse, by shutwindows to new, rent opinion.
les when the intelin the deliberate tion. There is just thesis that heaps dividual, whether not, for the mere nority rights. For nere seems to be a t even a change in on on public issues, ion for previously
es, I believe, flow ated lack of apprent and a largely nothing but good, nor warts, could ominant view, the on, the status quo, ment, social orgaical process.
y in the midst of be a new political can, even with 2 the tragi-comedy politics which we es of the so-called one cannot ignore e are indeed at a of our social and ation. But, what is content of discusrealities that take
s sÉPEMBER 1999
place today? To the concerned observer, the answer would be a sad lacuna.
It is unfortunate that dissent, in our country, remains largely in the domain of the political parties. Parties which, within themselves, allow for very little discussion, as seen over and over again in the internal conflicts that reach the limelight. Parties, which we can now be certain, adopt policies without even the semblance of discussion, but solely for the purpose of harvesting votes or harvesting goods and favours for their members, supporters and kith and kin.
Lack of Debate
We are supposedly in the midst of a great debate about the direction of our economic thrust - the oft-quoted race, or reach, for the celebration of NIC status. We are full of the great benefits of the market-oriented economy. We hear constant reference to the collapse of the Soviet Union, the failure of the Socialist/Communist system. The Private Sector is the darling of the decade. The Public Sector is the demon, to be wished aay and removed through the exorcism of legislation. But listen to the din, and try to discover whether there is serious discussion as to how the new trends can really help our people, our society, the new generations with a whole range of new expectations. What we find in real terms, is a threatening silence.
Or, take our political system itself. The Executive Presidency is I believe a concern of a great many who have watched with alarm, the erosion of the democratic process in Sri Lanka. There was the time of the impeachment motion and its aftermath, during which it was the most spoken of political topic. We now have almost every political party, including the one which introduced the system, making statements about the need to change it. But beyond vague statements, made with the headline in mind, where do we see any serious discussion of the subject. Not even in the political parties which promise more than the moon in the matter of political change.

Page 17
15 SEPTEMBER 1994
Instead of the great public debate which should be generated on the subject, through the political parties, the newspapers, the academic centres, the professional organizations, what one discovers. is a tuneless chorus, lacking depth, about the need to change the system, but no discussion of the methodology of the change or what we should have in its stead. Each section of society which should take a lead in the discussion appears to have handed over its responsibility to others, until there is a total void where there should should have been informed exchanges of views.
The situation is reduced to farce when those who were once the most ardent advocates of an immediate end to the Executive Presidency, now say, when again close to its warm and enriching rays, that it need not be done away with so soon. The farce is made more unendurable, when the other side which promises to have nothing to do with the system, offers a candidate for the presidency whose sole purpose, it appears, is to abolish it, and that is all. What of the future we may ask. But who would dare discuss.
Trust in the Status Quo
I believe I would not be wrong if I say that by and large, our society is one which is agreed on the constant presence of dissent. Indeed there will also be some agreement on the necessity of dissent, although there could be varying positions on the extent of dissent and the manner of dissent. But the unfortunate reality is that this agreement on the presence of, and necessity of dissent, is often hidden behind the conformist positions that make up the cloak of social acceptance. It is this cloak of social acceptance which leads to what I mentioned earlier as the trust in the status quo. It is what leads to the frequent caution about rocking the boat.
This is a conformism born of the absence of discussion, which in its initial stage would lead to the fear of discussion. It is this absence of discussion which makes our laudable belief in dissent have no real meaning or content.
What are were Sri Lankan socie pared to discuss frankly do we d How much do faiths? How fully strengths? How cuss our weaknes do we discuss our well do we discus
It is unfortuna part of the burde) Sri Lanka has to Press. As a mem criticized professi I must admit that own limitations this responsibility lacking in newsp reflect sufficient matter which asamy, tried to re limited way.
Next, there ap unfortunate met our Press, born c which they hav through the natu structures. What dangerously ma point.
Role of
It is in this co must admire, in the role played by fully called the 'a and with contem tabloid Press', in ment of discussio Whatever views about the news newspapers, and that they have g. ings, but not m those of the main sheet Press, it ha that they have a tended the scop discussion in Sri l
They have had test the waters fol sheets by publish which the latter scared to use, u did. Pubishing ma they have had challenge the com that dissenting v so-called majorit, ethnic issues will ance. They have ( core of corruption

AML TMES 17
ady to discuss in ty? Are we preour roots? How iscuss our past? we discuss our do we discuss our often do we disses? How deeply present, and how s our future?
ate that a large n of discussion in be borne by the ber of the much on of journalism, the Press has its in carrying out 7. Firstly, we are apers which can viewpoints. A Kandiah Kanthmedy in his own
ppears to be an ropolitan bias in out of the soil in fe grown, and, ure of ownership , I would call a joritarian view
Tabloids”
ontext, that one great measure, what is respectlternative Press' mpt labelled the the encouragein in Sri Lanka. one may have content of these I for one believe laring shortcomuch worse than stream or broads to be admitted dded to and ex2 and limits of Lanka.
the courage to even the broadning news items had, but were ntil the tabloids inly in Sinhalese the courage to monly held view fiews about the y viewpoint on find no acceptoften gone to the and have dared
challenge the umbreachable privileges of corrupt citizens turned people's representatives.
It is indeed a chastening thought that had the Saturday Review continued publication, it would also have been labelled as part of the tabloid Press. Do we see in this contempt for the tabloid by the broad-sheet, some parallel in the attitudes to the minority by the majority?
Pet Politics and Fancies
But even with limitations faced by the broad-sheet, alias mainstream, alias national Press, it is an unpalatable truth that they have done little to encourage through their columns, the genuine and fair discussion of issues of importance. It is almost fashionable today to decry the controls and manipulations of the government in the matter of Press freedom. But the experience of most journalists will show that the Press in Sri Lanka is as much controlled by the pet politics and business schemes of proprietors and the whims and fancies of editors, as the pressures and threats of the state.
Let us take a case in point the reportage and comment on the war in the North and East. Just now, the Free Media Movement, which I am closely associated with, is conducting a series of seminars in the country on the topic of "The War and the Media'. The reason why we started this series, is because of our conviction that there is a serious gap in the information which the public receives about the truth of this decade long war, which is sapping the strength and resources of our people and country.
Over the decades during which the ethnic crisis in Sri Lanka has grown to its present proportions, of a war between the troops of the Sri Lankan State and the armed cadres of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, the treatment of this issue by the broad-sheet Press has been one which permitted little room for honest discussion. They have stood, by and large, for the dissemination of the establish
Continued on page 19

Page 18
al
18 TAMIL TIMES
COLOMBOOSTRICT
People's Alliance 4,69,642 50.94%. 11
United National Party 3,85,100 41.77% 9 Mahajana Eksath Peramuna 42,734 4.63% 0 Sri Lanka Progressive Front 11,454 1.24% O independent Group 1 9,251 1.00% O Nawa Sama Samaja Party 2,050 0.22% O
Tamili Eelam Liberation Organisation 1,113 0.12% 0 Democratic Workers Congress 589 0.06% Total Valid. Votes 9,21,933 96.17% Rejected Votes 36,635 3.82% Total Polled 958,568 77.55% Registered No. of Electors 1,235,958
GAMPAHADISTRCT
People's Alliance 509,030 56.79%. 11 United National Party 375,631 41.90% 7 Sri Lanka Progressive Front 11,627 1.29% 0
Total Walid Votes 896,288 96.39% Rejected Votes 11,627 1.29% Tota Polled 92,984 81.40% Registered No. of Electors 1,140,808
KALUTARA DISTRICT People's Alliance 271,754 53.77%. 6 United National Party 221,115 43.75% 4 Sri Lanka Progressive Front 6,238 1.23% 0 Mahajana Eksath Peramuna 5,914 1.17% 0 Progressive Freedom Front 339 0.06 O
Total Walid Votes 5,05,360 95.21% Rejected Votes 25,397 4.78% Total Polled 5,30,757 82.13% Registered No. of Electors 646,199
MAHANUWARA DSTRCT
United National Party 3.01,824 52.34% 7 People's Alliance 2,67,683 46.42%. 5 Mahajana Eksath Peramuna 3,495 0.60% 0 Sri Lanka Progressive Front 3,072 0.53% 0 Independent 1 27O 0.04%. O Independent 2 208 0.03% 0
Total Walid Votes 5,76,552 94.89% Rejected Votes 31,019 5.10% Total Polled 607,571 83.66% Registered No. of Electors 7,26, 192
People's Alliance 102,680 49.85%. 3 United National Party 1,00,121 48.61%. 2 independent 1 1,728 0.83% 0 Sri Lanka Progressive Front 1,433 0.69% 0
Total Walid Votes 2,05,962 94.21% Rejected Votes 12,646 5.78% Total Polled 2, 18,608 84.31% Registered No. of Electors 2,59,271
Parliamentary Election
H ΡΑΡΤΥ
PA
Peoples Alliance United National P Eelam Peoples D Sri Lanka Muslim Tami United Libe Democratic Peop Upcountry Peopl Sri Lanka Progre
mm.
GALLE DI
People's Alliance United National Party Sri Lanka Progressive Front Mahajana Eksath Peramuna Progressive Freedom Front
Total Valid Votes Rejected Votes Total Polled Registered No. of Electors
VANN OS
DPLF SLMC UNP
Peoples Aliance EPRLF TULF independent 2 independent 1 Independent 3 NSSP Total Valid Votes Rejected Votes Total Poiled Registered No. of Electors
AMEANTO
People's Alliance United National Party Sri Lanka Progressive Front Mahajana Eksath Peramuna Independent Group 1 Independent Group 2 Sinhalaye Mahasammatha Bhoomiputra People's Front
Total Valid Votes Rejected Votes Total Polled Registered No. of Electors
 
 

15 SEPTEMBER 1994
eSuitS - August 1994
POSITION IN PARLIAMENT
RTY District National Total
List list
91 14 105 arty & CWC 81 13 94 2mocratic Party O9 e O9 Congress O6 01 07 ration Front 04 O1 05 les Liberation Front O3 O3 es Front 01 O1 ssive Front O1 01
'otal 196 29 225
STRCT M
2,77,956 56.39% 2,03,268 41.23%
7,239 1.46%
4,145 0.84%
306 0.06% 4,92,914 95.95% 20,763 4.04% 513,677 81.22%
632,422
SRCT
11,567 27.36% 8,142 1.9.26% 7,850 18.57%
5,583 13.21% 3,465 8.20% 3.039 7.19% 1,880 4.45% 624 1.48% 77 O.18% 44 0.10% 42,271 93.35% 3,009 6.65% 45,280 25.34%
178,697
A DSRC
132,008 53.51% 4 95.382 38.67%. 2
15309 6.21% 1
0.84% 0 0.40% 0
0.19%
2,080 997 468
267 O.11% 0 168 0.07% O
246,679 94.80% 13,539 5.20% 260,218 79.60%
326,913
MATARA DISTRICT
People's Alliance United National Party Sri Lanka Progressive Front Mahajana Eksath Peramuna
Total Valid Votes Rejected Votes Tota Polled Registered No. of Electors
227,285 59.90% 142,024 37.43%
8,736 2.30%
1,422 0.37% 379,467 95.67% 17,167 4.33% 396,634 78.78%
503,470
BATICALOA DISTRICT
Tamil United Liberation Front Sri Lanka Muslim Congress United National Party People's Alliance
famil Eelam Liberation Organisation Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front independent Group 1 independent Group 2
Total Valid Votes Rejected Votes Total Polled Registered No. of Electors
3
76,516 43.95%
31,072 17.84% 23,244 13.35% 19,278 11.07%
17,073 9.80%
4,802 2.75% 1,547 0.88%. O
556 0.31% 174,088 91.80% 15,531 8.19% 1896.19 72.40%
261,898
DIGAMADULLADISTRICT
United National Party Sri Lanka Muslim Congress People's Alliance Tami United Liberation Front
Tamil Eelam Liberation Organisation independent Sri Lanka Progressive Front
Total Valid Votes Rejected Votes Total Polled Registered No. of Electors
78,767 32.71% 3
31,072 17.84%. 1 54,150 22.49%. 1
24,526 10.18%
4,192 1.74% 0 3,366 1.39% 0
673 0.27% O
2,40,766 94.97% 12,736 5.02% 253,502 81.24%
312,006

Page 19
15 SEPTEMBER 1994
UAFFNADSRCT
ind. Gr. 2(EPDP) 10,744 79.71% 9 SLMC 2,098 15.56%. 1 rd. Gr. 1 374 2.77%. O
EPRLF 263 1.95% O
Tota Valid Votes 13,479 97.45% Rejected Votes 352 1.95% Total Polled 13,831 2.32% Registered No.
of Electors 596,366
BADULLADISTRC
United National Party 182,131 54.04% 5 People's Alliance 146,546 43.48% 3 Sri Lanka Progressive
Front 3,555 1.05% O Independent Group 2 2,601 0.77% 0 Mahajana Eksath
Peramuna 1,541 0.46% O Independent Group 1 685 0.20% O
Total Valid Votes 337,059 92.19% Rejected Votes 28,540 8.81
Ota Polled 365,599 84.00% Registered No.
of Electors 435,260
People's Alliance 3,66,856 51.86% 8 United National Party 3,32,547 47.01% 7 Sri Lanka Progressive
Front 4,990 O.70% O Mahajana Eksath
Peramuna 2,886 0.40% O
Total Valid Votes 7,07,279 95,92% Rejected Votes 30,071. 4.07% Total Polled 293,873 77.29% Registered No.
of Electors 380,192
People's Alliance 150,605 53.64% 4 United National Party 127,671 45.47%. 3 Sri Lanka Progressive
Front 1,615 0.57% 0 Mahajana Eksath
Peramna 838 0.29% 0.
Total Valid Votes 2,80,729 95.52% Rejected Votes 13,144 4.47% Tota Polled 293,873 77.29% Registered No.
of Electors 380,192
People's Alliance 82,438 51.18% 3 United National Party 76,706 47.62%. 2 Sri Lanka Progressive
Front 1934 1.20% O
Total Valid Votes 161,078 96.16% Rejected Votes 6,434 3.84 Total Poiled 167,512 83.68% Registered No.
of Electors 200,192
ANURADHAPURA DISTRICT
People's Alliance 1,80,454 55.18% 5 United National Party 1,42,084 43.45%. 3 Sri Lanka Progressive
Front 3,077 0.94% 0 Mahajana Eksath
Peramuna 1,369 0.41%. O
Total Walid Votes 3,26,984 95.72% Rejected Votes 14,620 427% Tota Poled 3,41604 83.94% Registered No.
of Electors 406,926
TR|NCOMA
United National Party Tamil United Liberation Front Sri Lanka Muslim Congress People's Alliance Tamil Eelam Liberati Organisation Eelam People's Revolutionary Liberation Front Independent Group 1 Sri Lanka Progressiv Front
Total Valid Votes Rejected Votes Total Polled Registered No. of Electors
KEGAL
United National Party People's Alliance Sri Lanka Progressiv Front
Total Valid Votes Rejected Votes Total Polled Registered No. of Electors
Continued from
ment point of wholly majorit circulation new made themselv single viewpoi scorn on the v with other view Right The right of essence of disse cularly of discu often ignored. replies are of bates are st favoured view too much unde curt editor's no like the closur liamentary deb
The letters c ers published ll and English la not for the int stimulating dis lead to, but archaic thinki judices and hea nents of points a more realist history. Even get tainted wit. the physiogno other views. I ance, a leading even allowed t weapon to vilif different view

TAMIL TIMES 19
ALEEDSTRCT
34,986 29.16% 2
28,38023.66%
26,903 22.43%. 1 23,886 19.91%. O
3,709 3.09%
88售 0.73% 608 0.50%
589 0.49% 119,942 94.72% 6,682 5.27% 126,624 68.78%
184,090
EDSTRICT
203,938 51.24% 5 190,689 47.91%. 4
e
3,383 0.85% O 398,010 95.89% 17,043 4.11%
MONERAGALA DISTRCT
People's Alliance 77,955 50.40%. 3 United National Party 67,753 43.81%. 2 independent Group 4 6,592 4.26% O Sri Lanka Progressive Front 1896 123%. O Independent Group 5 207 0.13% 0 Independent Group 2 106 0.07% O Independent Group 1 90 O.06% O independent Group 3 64 0.04% 0
Total Valid Votes 154,66390.46% Rejected Votes 16,305 9.54
Total Polled 170,968 85.75% Registered No. of Electors 199,391
RANAPURA DISTRICT
People's Alliance 2,33,687 50.77%. 6
United National Party 2,20,750 47.95% 4
Sri Lanka Progressive
Front 2,330 0.50% 0
Mahajana Eksath
Peramuna 1,634 0.35% O
Independent 1 15550.33% O
Independent 3 202 0.04%. O
Independent 2 127 0.02%. O
Tota Valid Votes 4,60,285 95.12% Rejected Votes 23,611 4.87%
415,053 82.85% Tota Polled 483,896 87.25% Registered No. 500,947 of Electors 554,607
page 17 Over the years there has been
view, which is a tarian view. Mass "spapers have often es the champions of nts, often pouring iews held by those vs.
to Reply reply, which is the ent, and more partiussion in dissent, is When published, ten truncated. Deopped when the of the newspaper is r challenge, and the »te used more often e motion in a parbate. plumns in newspapboth in the Sinhala unguages, are used aresting and often scussion they could rather to peddle ng, dangerous preup ridicule on propoof view in favour of ic interpretation of editorial comments h references even to ny of those holding n one recent instSinhala newspaper he use of caste, as a y a person holding a point.
the least discussion in the mainstream or broad-sheet Press of the realities of the war. The concurrent reality of the war, which is the creation of refugees, and the plight of these refugees have been ignored in the main, except at the outset of a major event, which leads to a refugee problem. One cannot help but recall how very influential sections of our Press lamented the fact that our people were being made refugees in their own country when the Sinhalese were being driven out by the brutality of the Tamil Tigers, while not using the same description on the many previous occasions when Tamils were driven out of their homes, largely by the thuggery of the State.
There is, an apparent conspiracy of silence, which links the metropolitan based broad-sheet Press, when it comes to the discussion of the ongoing war and its own causes, crises and consequences. Over the years, what many critical students of journalism describe as the National Security Syndrome, has taken over our major newspapers, clouding their function of accurate reportage and their role as leaders of discussion, with a mistaken commitment to official interpretions of national security.
(Continued in next issue).

Page 20
20 TAMIL TIMES
gesaged India-Pakistan Relatio
A Mood of Belliger
by T.N. Gopalan
There is a distinct mood of belligerence in the relationship between India and Pakistan. Not that war is in the air or that the ties had been harmonious in the past. Nevertheless the hawkish postures of both the parties, talking of completing the "unfinished agenda' of Partition and so on, are indeed disquieting.
What seems to have missed the attention of many observers is the unusually aggressive tone of some recent statements of the Indian Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao. To be more precise while the muscle-flexing tone of Mr. Rao's Independence Day address has indeed been seen as an attempt to usurp the plank of the communalist Bharatiya Janata Party, none has sought to put it in the proper perspective, read it in the context of recent developments including the almost definite suspension of the supply of F-16 fighter planes to Pakistan, the arrest of Yakub Memon in connection with the serial bomb blasts in Bombay last year and his implicating the InterServices Intelligence of Pakistan, all evidently in an attempt to get Pakistan declared a "terrorist state', unseemly incidents in both the countries involving career diplomats, and the easing of the US pressure on India on Kashmir. Indeed it looks like India might not fight shy of provoking a limited war.
This is an entirely new phenomenon. In the past, except for the Bangladesh war of 1971 (which is on a very different footing altogether) the other conflicts could be said to have been caused by the adventurist policies of Pakistan. But this time round, what with Pakistan losing its value as the front paw of the US and India having a Prime Minister who would not mind sullying his party's secularist image or even generating dangerous tensions in the polity for short-term electoral
gains, the portent ominous.
Indeed so much brouhaha over the Taken Report (AT) mendations of t liamentary Com went into the sec last year that not has been paid to developments on front.
Mr. Frank G. W US Ambassador newspaper intervie week of August, almost gratuitousl tioner himself did matter, ruled out F-16s to Pakistan.
He said: “At so was some consid White House tha proliferation of w. destruction and th tems, there was a then the conventic Pakistan. This is which the possible 16s was considerec ter of practicality now not going to t
Subsequently a partment spokes that Washington c. 38 F-16s Islamab; paid for if only it : don its nuclear pro
All that Pakista to put on a brave få the US return 6 dollars it had remit F-16s.
Evidently Pakist to accept a forma enrichment with similar commitme What else could the Mrs. Benazir Bhut grass but make t father had thund cannot dare stril path.
But then times
 
 

15 SEPTEMBER 1994
(ECE)
s are somewhat
has been the so-called Action R) on the recomhe Joint Parmittee which urities scam of much attention
the disturbing
the Indo-Pak
Wisner, the new to India, in a w in the second
categorically, y, for the quesnot raise the
the supply of
me point there eration in the at to slow the eapons of mass eir delivery sysneed to strengonal strength of the context in 2 delivery of Fl. But as a matthat transfer is ake place. . .”
US State Deman explained ould still deliver ad had already agreed to abanogramme. in could do was ace and demand 50 million US ted towards the
tan has refused capping of its out getting a nt from India. government of to do? We'll eat he bomb', her ered once. She ke a different
have changed.
Whatever Benazir's own personal predilections of internal political compulsions, the external environment is not at all propitious enough for Pakistan to play up the Red card and wheedle all kinds of weaponry from the West. There is no need anymore for the US to prop up Pakistan in the name of countering the Communist
68Ce.
In fact but for some noise made by the US State Department on the human rights situation in Kashmir, the White House seems to have lost all interest in using Pakistan to needle India. The acerbic Ms. Raphael, the State Department Assistant Secretary, has become more conciliatory these days.
Mr. Wisner, who has taken over a job which remained vacant for over a year, seems to be bending backwards to please India.
In a television interview, he felt that it might not be “wise' for his country to support the demand for a plebiscite on Independence to Kashmir. He did say that the will of the people of Kashmir should be taken into account, but went on to clarify that he did not have plebiscite in his mind when he made that statement. Rather, he said, “there are normal political processes. . .and that is for India and the people of Kashmir to work out...'. Was he meaning elections then? 'Well, normal political processes can constitute a number of outlets...Election, clearly, is one possibility...'. The Rao regime is planning for elections in Kashmir shortly.
There you have a new US, careful not to tread on the toes of India. Why would it, when it did not press ahead with its avowed human rights concern in the case of China? If the latter was holding out fascinating prospects for the not-in-the-pink-of-health-USeconomy, more so is the situation in India, in fact much more liberal and amenable to an occasional arm-twist or two
But it is not as if the US wants to play ball with India only because of economic reasons. No, the major factor at work is the concern of the West over the issue of terrorism - after all it is the

Page 21
۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔___ SEPTEMBER 1994
Islamic fundamentalist variety which has the greatest destabilising potential.
A recent report of the Task Force on Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare of the United States House Republican Research Committee spoke of the nexus between Pakistan's ISI on the one hand and Libya and Sudan on the other, the latter two countries generally painted as the most dreadful promoters of internationall terrorism.
The report reveals the names of the outfits in Kashmir enjoying ISI's patronage, even of the ISI officers providing the training to the militants and talks of the training received by the Kashmir desk of the ISI at the hands of the Libyan and Sudanese experts.
In this scenario came the sensational arrest of Mr. Yakub Memon, brother of Tiger Memon, the No.1 accused in the ghastly explosion in Bombay on March 12, 1993 which claimed 257 lives, injured 713 persons and destroyed property worth Rs.27 crores.
Though the Bombay police had been maintaining the ISI hand was behind the blasts, no clinching evidence was available - till the arrest of Yakub.
He is reported to have told the CBI interrogating team that a Karachi-based mafia don, Taufik Siddique Jaliawala, was the main ISI agent who "co-ordinated with the authorities based in Dubai (an apparent reference to the notorious Indian smuggler Dawood Ibrahim, now in exile) and in Bombay on behalf of Pakistani authorities' and thus was the moving force behind the serial blasts.
He is spilling a lot of beans, and the CBI is issuing daily press releases on his confessions. Naturally the Indian government and the media is going to town on the Pakistani involvement in the dastardly deals.
Even as this kind of a bitter scenario was developing, Pakistan Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto chose to offer her country's cooperation with the US on the issue of non-proliferation - during the course of her Independence Day address, if only the latter could
'understand ar (to) Pakistan's security interes the "unfinished Partition' of continent and t. tical status Kashmir.
Evidently Ms. ring to the Pak integration of Ki Some portions already under its rest too was de Indian union an tan, the Partitio) 'complete'.
Having failed Commission on Geneva to indi Kashmir issue sc faced with some tions on the Bo facing some turb Sind province v speaking immig are clashing wit Punjabis, Ms. perhaps like to s. larity by indulgi rattling. The UN bly is due to mee Pakistan’s mer Security Counci December. By anti-India campa hoping to score a
But then she have gauged pro international m Indian public opi bent on provokir sent Indian go gladly go for the people solidly be ton or any other unlikely to bale
Predictably he part hit back s next day, in his address from th Red Fort. He only unfinished restoration of Kashmir.
Vowing to fin even while urgil spurn India's h he told Ms. Bhu without mincing without you an Kashmir will r. dia,” and came il

d accommodate' iewpoint that its s were linked to
agenda of the he Indian subLe unsettled polif Jammu and
Bhutto was referstan demand for shmir with itself. of Kashmir are control and if the tached from the d ceded to Pakisagenda would be
to get the UN Human Rights in ct India on the me time ago, now damaging revelaimbay blasts, and ulent times in the where the Urdurants from India n the Sindhis and
Bhutto would hore up her popung in some sabreGeneral Assemt next month and nbership of the l is to expire in intensifying her ign, she might be
point or two. does not seem to perly the current ood or even the nion. Or, if she is g a war, the prevernment would jugular with the hind it. Mr. Clinwestern leader is her out.
r Indian countertrongly the very independence Day e ramparts of the etorted that the
agenda was the 'akistani-occupied
ish off terrorism g Pakistan not to und of friendship, tto and company, words, “with you, in spite of you, main part of Infor a lot of praise
from the patriotic' media.
Playing upon the "nationalistic feeling further, Mr. Rao declared that India's missile programme would continue and there would be no cut in its defence expenditure irrespective of what others had to say about "a changing world'. "There is an uproar when we test our missiles, but no one says anything about the presence of missiles on the shelf of others (read Pakistan). . . . He argued that India’s defence requirements emanated from its size and hence, etc. Incidentally, he also announced better emoluments and service conditions for the soldiers.
By seeking to put Pakistan on the mat and steering clear of the Ayodhya controversy - he is yet to redeem his pledge to the Muslims to rebuild the demolished mosque in the same area if not in the same site - he has only appropriated the electoral agenda of the BJP, say many observers. But they prefer to close their eyes on the incipient tone of adventurism, something rather unexpected of the proverbially indecisive Mr. Rao.
As for Pakistan, miseries do not seem to come in 'single spies, but in battalions'. Barely a few days after the arrest of Yakub Memon and the desperate appeal of Ms. Bhutto to the US, came yet another sensational revelation from a totally unexpected quarter, Bonn. The German justice authorities and security services announced that during a major police sweep across Berlin, four persons including a Pakistani national had been taken into custody for allegedly colluding to transport nuclear material - Smuggled out from Russia - to Pakistan.
"The documents create the suspicion that plutonium has already been transported to Pakistan or that the shipment has been planned', it was said.
The German authorities have seized four batches of weapongrade nuclear material in the last four months including the two in the last fortnight or so, and the entire quantity of plutonium could apparently be traced to the facili
Continued on page 23

Page 22
22 TAM TIMES
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SIR - it has been quite some time since I last wrote to you. But I felt that I have to raise an issue which has been irking me for quite some time. To encourage young Tamil musicians and dancers, you have been regularly publishing "propaganda blurbs' about their recent stage performances. I label these as "propaganda blurbs', because I find it difficult to call them as reviews.
In these blurbs, every performance is extolled in superlative adjectives as nothing deviating from perfection. Almost every musician is dubbed as an equal to M.S. Subbuluxmy or Maharajapuram Santhanam or T.R. Mahalingam or Palgahat Mani Aiyar. And almost every dancer is described in these blurbs as one who is faultless like Balasaraswathi and who has the grace of Padma Subrahmanyam.
Can anyone take these blurbs seriously? First, they provide no proper assessment for the artist to improve his or her weakness in
skills. Secondly, th sheer ignorance al Music and dance, oft these self-serving fea they insult the inte readers who know sc Tamil arts. If one ca. seriously, can any
contribute these blu what meaningful pl indulge in writing
don't expect these
reviews like a Subbu they can practice so
"In the meantime th Chandrika and the assuming power. I a that they have to re ities to get a majo Chandrika a good a opportunity to pus political solution.
"Here the atmosp the Tigers was al "these elections ar for us Tamils, bec. parties will not de Later this attitud when Chandrika w showed large-size
 
 
 

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Phone/Fax: Tony Paterson On O81-748 8532
in their praise.
So that some of these reviewers may challenge my credibility on questioning their writings, I feel compelled to state briefly that my credentials in karnatic music include, being a radio artiste influte in Sri Lanka (1972-81), concert artiste (1963-81) and an author of Thamil Isai Theepam book, published in 1977.
Sachi Sri Kantha,
Osaka 565 Japan.
onmentum of Hope
e great news of Peoples Alliance m in a way glad y on the minority. That gives gument and an ahead with a
here created by
of disinterest:
not important use both major ver the goods”. : changed and as elected, they pictures of her
oath-taking ceremony. And an editorial in Eelanatham concluded that there had been a clear shift in the attitude of the Sinhalese masses and that this could be demonstrated by looking at the election result with 69,000 preferential votes cast in favour of Vasudeva Nanayakkara in Ratnapura who was the most pronounced advocate of meeting the Tamil demands, and behold he was elected with a large majority.
"The common people here have got some hope that now things will
Continued on page 27

Page 23
-ത്ത്- ܫܦܝ
15 SEPTEMBER 1994
A Significant в
N. Ram, Editor, Frontline.
My Presidential Years. by R. Venkataraman, Indus, animprint of Harper Collins Publishers India, New Delhi, 1994 Rs.395.
Not only is former President R. Venkataraman (RV) fully entitled to his freedom of expression in his presidential memoirs; he has, beyond question, served the people's right to know in giving us My Presidential Years within a couple of years of leaving the Rashtrapati Bhavan. It is an unadorned, factually serviceable and, in the main, objective narrative of a tumultuous chapter in the history of independent India - the period 1987-1992 which witnessed two general elections, a promising but short-lived political change, the travails of four governments, extensive communal trouble, and a major assassination. Indeed it appears that the only event of portentous significance that did not take place when RV was in the Rashtrapati Bhavan was the vile and barbaric demolition of the Babri Masjid by the organised forces of Hindu communalism.
Very properly, the book begins with a disavowal of any claim to be regarded as "the contemporary history of India' during RV's presidential years. It addresses only matters with which he was connected in one form or another'; it does not throw light on various issues of national
importance he w during this perioc There are two about this book w most politicians' r as often as not g collaborative) an unreliable and sel virtue is that this by the former Pr. his own long han by research, fact-c rial assistance. T is that of RV spe ing, through mos pageS.
This brings us tue, the essent aneous registratic detail and nuance Years. Reviewers editorials have tended diaristic the book; some ha a removal of th wheat, a separat from the interes served the reade legitimate criticis can always write him or her in a m better organised v
Any serious his nise the advanta RV's narrative m aristic and essent terpolation. It is e insight, a few se ments the writer get away with, the
Continued from page 21
ties in the erstwhile Soviet Union. With the system collapsing, corruption rampant and criminal gangs on the rampage, nuclear material, weighing around 1500 tonnes according to some estimates, is up for grabs in Russia and Ukraine, Belarus, Kazhakastan and so on. The frightening proportions of the peril at hand could be realised from the fact that hardly four kg of plutonium would be needed to make a bomb like the ones dropped over Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The West is in jitters at the prospect of blackmail and worse by terrorist gangs.
Of course b. Pakistan hotly d ment but not 1 their averments one remember smuggling and marked Pakista right from the bi
In whatever comes out of th the present co especially adver thing could be m the sub-continel bouring regime f to take advantag and go for a milit to reap some elec process.

TAMIL TIMES 23
ook
as not involved in
or three virtues hich place it above hemoirs, which are hosted (or at least are, as a rule, f-serving. The first is a book written sident himself, in l, backed of course hecking and editohe narrative voice aking, not posturit of the 670-plus
to the second virially contemporon of fact, insight, in My Presidential s and newspaper 3riticised the extreatment that is ve suggested that e chaff from the ion of the formal ting, would have better. This is a im, but then one another's book for nore interesting or vay. storian will recogage presented by ethod which is diially free from ininlivened by some mi-naughty comthought he could : occasional note of
oth Russia and eny their involvemany would buy , especially when 's some daring poaching have n's bomb project eginning.
shape Pakistan is latest scandal, njuncture seems se to it. But noore disastrous for nt if the neighinds it opportune ge of the situation ary strike, hoping :toral gains in the
BOOK REVIEW
sharp criticism and sarcasm, and a touch of speculation. There are not too many, but enough, lines in the book that can and should be read between.
RV was by no means the most distinguished or the best President India has had. But in most fair reckonings, he fitted quite well the role he saw himself cast in; he served the system without arousing too much controversy, divisiveness or anxiety, considering the frequently hot ringside seat he occupied while in the Rashtrapati Bhavan.
The central theme of the book is his strict constructionist view of the presidency. According to this, the President has the right to know about the affairs of state and indeed of the polity, to be heard on all manner of issues, to be liberal in appearance and able to consult widely and eclectically, to interact closely with the executive and, in particular, with the Prime Minister. But that is about all. A constitutional, as opposed to an adventuristic, President must not deviate from the narrow path laid out for him in the Constitution. He must not take the slippery route of being guided by its 'spirit'. He must not claim any substantive powers, must not tread into any area suggesting the potentially arbitrary use of presidential authority.
In other words, the President must be above temptation - the temptation of imagining himself (there is no herself yet in the history of the Indian republic) clothed with real powers in any situation. He must take his severe constitutional limitation, but not his "Powers', seriously. Not to put too fine a point on it, this is a conception of the head of state as a substantive non-entity - except in extreme situations relating to a collapse of governing arrangements at the Centre.
This is not an elevating view of the presidency, but it will ha v to suffice in the absence of a practical demonstration in the Rashtrapati Bhavan of anything significantly different or better. From the few dan gerous flash es of nearconfrontation witnessed between the President and the Prime Minister over the decades, one can assert that the kind of head of state RV tirelessly posits and argues for in My
Continued on page 24

Page 24
24 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 23 Presidential Years is preferable to an interventionist President, a political adventurer India can very well do without. Imagine T.N. Seshan in the Rashtrapati Bhavan.
Anyone who met RV in his presidential years noted his generally liberal outlook, his accessibility and geniality, and his willingness to offer insights and views relating to a range of national and international subjects. Like some other journalists, I had the opportunity of meeting him at the Rashtrapati Bhavan to discuss various matters: the issues included Bofors, the Defamation Bill, Tamil Nadu political developments, China and Sri Lanka. On one occasion, I felt I had been unfair to him in an editorial; this related to the unedifying happenings in Tamil Nadu following the death of Chief Minister M.G. Ramachandran in late 1987. On Bofors I found RV superficially interested, but non-committal; he was clearly opposed to the anti-press Bill of 1988; and on China and Sri Lanka he was forward-looking as well as forthcoming. I particularly remember the quite specific perspective of better bilateral relations he laid out before me on the eve of Rajiv Gandhi's China visit in December 1988. On economic policy issues, it is clear from the references in the book as well as from other sources that RV has been no admirer of the new economic policies of the Narasimha Rao Government, or of Manmohanomics (although he has much affection and respect for Dr. Manmohan Singh). One wishes he had been more forthcoming about this in his memoirs. The bottom line is that he has more time for economic sovereignty and self-reliance than the present Congress(I) dispensation, and is correspondingly less enamoured of IMF-World Bank recipes and indeed of the transcendental virtues of market forces.
As for leaders, political parties and policies, RV is experienced and discerning, even if (as in the case of Prime Minister Chandra Shekhar) he sometimes manages to apply the lowest possible standards he can get away with as President. He is fair to both V.P. Singh and Rajiv Gandhi as heads of government and parties. But beneath the thin salve of praise he applies to the posthumous reputation of the latter, he cannot help communicating his better judgment that Rajiv was neither discerning nor competent as Prime Minister.
Rajiv, for all his y and winsome ways, up to it: this is the impossible for any int to miss. There are pl read between so far a and his tragically c career are concerned
Although Venkata Vice-President and si head of state, was se cised, quite correctly wards the ruling pa rated Rajiv better as Opposition than as F Small wonder that th tics to whom intoler nature have pounced mer President for da: - and in an ungua during a video maga coming close to sayin
But having noted must call attention t weaknesses and fla performance in th these are, in some denced in the book. proved quite insensit tral question of cor top. This issue was b political, but Preside man seemed to treat challenge to politica management or rathe tions problem. His "had Rajiv Gandhi House on the first d was a rumpus in P. the report of a private broadcast on the B deal and accepted a probe, he would have the subsequent tribu just naive and shallov damaging from the point of combatting wrongdoing in public
His rejection, ver own discretion, of Sh application to grants secute the Prime M ruption and bribe Bofors was clearly the ruling party and (So too was his M decision to rule out, the Rajya Sabha, an the Zail Singh-Rajiv over the President' formation). His unde value of the documer the press, in the conta cover-up, set a bad hard to believe that sents in the book as ing of l’affaire Bof understanding as a

ــــــــــــہ
15 SEPTEMBER 1994
buthful charm was not really RV judgment, alligent reader inty of lines to 3 Rajiv Gandhi ut-off political
"aman, first as absequently as metimes critifor tilting torty, he clearly Leader of the rime Minister. ose Rajiv fanaance is second upon the foring to suggest rded moment zine interview g- as much.
all this, one o some serious vs in the RV e presidency; measure, eviOn Bofors he ive to the cenruption at the oth moral and nt Venkatarait mostly as a il skills, as a er a public relajudgment that come to the ay when there arliament over Swedish radio ofors gun deal parliamentary been saved all ulations' is not w; it is seriously ethical standcorruption and
life.
y much at his anti Bhushan's sanction to proinister for cory relating to piased towards
Rajiv Gandhi. arch 20, 1987 as Chairman of y discussion of Gandhi fracas s right to in'standing of the its published in xt of an official precedent. It is
what he prehis understandirs is his real n experienced
politician, as a former Finance and also Defence Minister, and as head of state. The most charitable thing that can be said about RV's presidential response to the Bofors scandal is that he does not apply anything like high ethical standards to the issue of corruption.
RV might be proved right in his prediction that the days of single party rule at the Centre are decisively over, but his 1990-91 obsession with the idea of a national government had, fortunately, no serious takers. An all-inclusive government lacking even the pretence of a common platform or programme would have been the most opportunist and misconceived of solutions to the crisis of political stability.
On Jammu and Kashmir, he floated a way-out idea that was positively dangerous. According to his own evidence (pp.349-350) of the book), he suggested to Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in 1983 the vivisection of the State, with Ladakh made a Union Territory, Jammu a new state, and the Kashmir Valley 'a separate entity'. In 1987, after a visit to Ladakh, he canvassed for elements of the old suggestion with Rajiv Gandhi, who fortunately ignored it as his mother had done.
RV's appreciation of the value of federalism, and the issue of CentreState relations, is seriously flawed. He has no compunction in going along with, and in the process justifying, the uses the knife of Article 356 has been put to by an antifederal Centre. He rationalises the indefensible act of dismissing the elected DMK government in Tamil Nadu in January 1991. He does not give any weightage to the intent of the Constitution-makers or to the balanced views expressed by the Sarkaria Commission. There were, in fact, to be upheld by the Supreme Court in its historic Article 356 judgment of March 11, 1991.
However, the area in which RV seems to fare the worst is the fight against politically mobilised communalism, the defence of secularism against its sworn enemies. On the Ayodhya issue, his suggestion made to both sides in October 1991 was that “the monument Ram Janma Bhoomi/Babri Masjid may be shared by both the communities, with the central tower (where the Ram idols were located) and the right tower going to the Hindu organisations while the left tower “may be protected by government under the Ancient Monuments Preservation

Page 25
S 994
Act and maintained as a historical place' (p653).
RV held to this thoroughly compromising and anti-secular proposal, this appeasement of naked Hindu communalism, even after his retirement. He failed publicly to condemn the demolition in December 1992; however, in the book he describes the act as 'a shame on our ancient culture, adding erroneously that "Indian history has no record of a Hindu ever destroying a religious place either of his own or of any other faith’ (p.654).
Although he calls attention in the book to his impeachable secular credentials and also to his passion against untouchability, his closeness to the Kanchi math and to Sri Jayendra Saraswati Sankaracharya in particular predisposes him to a soft saffron position on several matters. For example, on page 101 of the book, he states his untenable ahistorical view, mandated by the Kanchi math, that Adi Sankara was born not in the eighth century A.D., but before the birth of Christ. As President, RV anxiously advises Karan Singh to consult the senior Kanchi Sankaracharya before launching the 1200th anniversary celebrations.
Had RV been President in late 1992, when the Babri Masjid was demolished, it is unlikely that he would have come out with the ringing public condemnation and uncompromising secular stand that his successor, Dr. Shankar Dayal Sarma, did.
For all this, My Presidential Yearsis an absorbing and durable record of RV's strengths and failings as a President. It is also a useful disquisition on the idea of a strict constructionist, non-substantive presidency, what its critics might call a "rubber stamp' headship of state. Its success at bookshops across the country is certainly well merited.
Past Copies of Tamil Times Past copies of Tamil Times are available for Sale in 12 volumes, the present series being volume 13. The price of each volume is £20 by surface mail. Those interested are requested to Send a cheque/draft/money order for £20 for each volume to: The Circulation Manager, Tamil Times Ltd., P.O. Box 121, Sutton, SM13TD, U.K. The price for each volume in other CurrenCies is US$40/Can$47/AusS54.
L
Hounded by relig carrying a rewar Bangladeshi wom to Sweden.
What provoked SHAME, written minority living ir destruction of th December 1992.
Reproduced he novel which has b and some non-Mu a Woman Writer' issue of Tamil Ti
Laija starts abru ber 1992, a day ai of the Babri Ma India. The novel younger sister of him to get out c something about family. In the de his mind Suranja hurt that his fri Rafiq, don't have ' a hole and suffe feelings of indigni
He curses the Party (BJP) an Parishad (VHP) i insensitivity to th Hindus in Bangl milli Ons more countries of the claiming to be the Hindu cause. The India is not an is the riots in Ind threaten the liv neighbouring co world.
He reminisces medical doctor an assistant professo come associate pri subtle discriminat him that in some a even fallen beh achieved in the Bengal was a part dus had hoped t economic, social a dom in a secular i ladesh. The pron people's democrat reneged by passa ladesh Parliamen Amendment to which declared Is religion. The fun
 

AMILTIMES 25
Reward for Free Expression
AJJA - SHAME
ious fundamentalist extremists and subjectd to a "fatwa" d for her execution for the alleged crime of blasphemy, the an writer Dr. Taslima Nasdrin has gone into enforced exile
the fanatics was her 77-page novel "LAJJA', meaning in the wake of the atrocities committed against the Hindu Bangladesh, numbering nearly 20 million, following the e Babri Masjid mosque in Ayodhya in northern India in
re (courtesy of South Asian Affairs) is a synopsis of the been banned in Bangladesh, many other Muslim countries Islim countries like Sri Lanka. "Hounded Out - The Case of plus reviews of Dr. Nasrin's novel will appear in the next
አገጌé8.
ptly on 7th Decemfter the demolition asjid in Ayodhya, opens with Maya, Suranjan pressing of his bed and do the security of the liberations within n is irritated and ends, Kamal and to hide like rats in r from the same ty and insecurity.
Bharatiya Janata d Vishwa Hindu n Indian for their e fate of 20 million ladesh alone and in neighbouring
region, and yet champions of the BJP should know land. Reactions to lia are going to es of Hindus in untries and the
how his father, a ld medical college r, could never beOfessor because of ion. Statistics tell areas Hindus have hind what they days when East | of Pakistan. Hino enjoy political, nd religious freeIndependent Banghise of a secular ic state had been ge in the Bangt of the Eighth the Constitution, lam as the state damentalists who
had opposed the liberation of Bangladesh and gone underground in its aftermath are now on the upswing. Now once again bold and visible they had taken part in the October 1990 riots and atrocities against the minority Hindus.
Suranjan's father, Dr. Sudhamoy Dutta, who may be seen as the actual hero of this book, was 17 at the time of the partition of India. He refused to go over to India leaving his ancestral home, hearth and roots to become a refugee in the Sealdah Railway Station of Calcutta. He had taken active part in the 1952 movement for recognition of Bengali as a national language and marched on the streets of Dhaka on February 21, along with the immortal RafiqSalam-Barkat. He also had taken part in the movements of 1964 and 1969 for restoration of democracy when East Pakistan stood eye to eye with General Ayub Khan, before Ayub winked and gave in to their demands. Dr. Dutta took active part in early preparations for the 1971 uprising, and refused to join the exodus to India. He, however, could not join the Mukti Fauj, as he had been picked up by the Pakistan army and physically mutilated to be unfit for the war. For the next six months the family had to masquerade as Muslims and hide in a Muslim friend's village home just to save their lives. Their own house was looted while they were away. The advent of Bangladesh promised a land free of minority persecution, but it was never realized.
Suranjan's sister Maya, was kidnapped at the early age of six by Continued on page 26

Page 26
A. í
Continued from page 25
village hoodlums. The family received no help from the police or the administration. Later Maya was returned. Though physically unharmed, she was totally psychologically shattered. It took her many years to get over the psychosis of fear and sleep peacefully at night. In the aftermath of this incident Suranjan's father sold their ancestral house worth 1 million taka for a mere 200,000 taka to a neighbour and left for Dhaka, hurt by repeated threats and looting during unstable times. Today the only property once prosperous Dr. Sudhamoy Dutta has are his two children.
While Suranjan reminisces, his sister Maya refuses to accept his inaction and goes away to a close Muslim friend's house. Before leaving she informs her parents that to save her life she is prepared to convert and she even has a Muslim name "Feroza Begum' ready for such an eventuality. The family becomes concerned because they know Maya is in love with a young man named Jahangir, two years her senior in the university. Suranjan's own experience was bitter. His beloved Parveen did not accept his refusal to convert to Islam. She finally got married to a Muslim businessman of her family's choice.
Finally after Maya leaves, Suranjan gets up from bed, comes to the dining room and hears the slogan of a passing procession, which translated means "catch one or two Hindus daily and make breakfast of them in the morning and tiffin in the evening'. Suranjan remembers the destruction of October 1990 and relives the horror. He says to himself this is not a communal feud! It's the unhindered oppression of the powerful majority over the weak minority. He becomes very angry.
Suranjan, having grown up in an honest, liberal, secular household had more Muslim friends than Hindu and found no difference among them. Even the girl he loved, a friend's sister, was a Muslim, and his family did not object. As a child he never understood the origin of hate and consequent indignity to which he was subjected. As a child for a long time he believed calling someone Hindu was like cursing. He remembered how his sister, being the only Hindu girl, felt left out in the religion class that was compulsory. To his secular father it appeared unreasonable to teach reli
gion compulsorilly ir Dutta's suggestion t the sayings and w men was not accept
Suranjan had alw cally active. He ever the college union as
The author's ca moves to the 8th of the Jamaat-i-Islami call for a general opponents (The K laborators Annihila to protest against til demolition. Suranjal streets on this dang kind of protest. He is that teenage neighb whom he otherwise kids and who came t other times, were s distance: "Catch th the Hindu
As he walks aroul Dhaka he sees th Communist Party (CPB) burnt to ashes Islam boys had ev. familiar shops ve books. His friend Ka of the danger and g. of the atrocities cor Jamaati cadres. K. that not only have tl temples and places they have burnt th fishermen in Majhir, Suranjan then I Press Club of Dha tual hub of the city their concern for hin is a Hindu. He fee when Lutfer, an ol comes and asks hir being and advises h ter in a safe, hou neighbour. He wal deserted streets of the destruction for izes these acts of ar: to do with religion, of the strong, the g weak and the vuln
A strange chan Suranjan as he de Hindu friends. Pul are surprised to se rrate to him the pli whose regular play ped playing with h the local Moulavi poet Nirmalendu cover is his Moula who is trying to pl.
After loitering a home to find his fa paralytic stroke. doctor, Dr. Sama

- - w wrw wy'*Yr
school. But Dr. teach children itings of great d
ays been politiwon election to joint secretary.
mera suddenly December when appropriates a strike by their llers and Colion Committee) Le Babri Masjid gets out on the erous day as a surprised to see ourhood youth,
knew as nice him for help at houting from a 2 Hindu, catch
ld the streets of 2 office of the of Bangladesh . The Jamaat-i- en burnt some inding radical liser warns him tves him details nmitted by the aiser tells him hey burnt many of worship, but Le huts of poor ghat. broceeds to the ka, the intellec. He is upset by njust because he ls very offended protege of his, n about his well im to take shelse of a Muslim. ks through the Dhaka and sees himself. He realson have nothing but are the acts oons against the erable.
ge comes over vides to visit his ak and his wife e him. They naht of Pulak’s son mates had stopim per advice of He then visits 3un whose only ri-like beard and ly it cool.
day, he returns her down with a A local Muslim l, comes to his
house, but to Suranjan's amazement, violating medical ethics, accepts a fee. Now the over-sensitive mind of Suranjan is deeply hurt. He finds Maya still away from home in the shelter of some Muslim friend. He suspects she might become Muslim to avoid the insecurity of a minority life, which he thinks is selfish and undignified.
His close friend Haider, an active Awami Leaguer, visits Suranjan. Suranjan asks him questions regarding the Eighth Amendment, knowing fully well what is Haider's opinion, and finally provokes Haider into an animated argument by commenting: "maybe Pakistani rule was better. An agitated Haider replies: 'You people feel disenchanted with the Awami League and an independent Bangladesh because your expectations had risen too high.' Suranjan is very hurt by such a comment, particularly as he considered himself more of an atheist than a Hindu. Suranjan thinks it a great tragedy that Hindus of Bangladesh have to pay the price for atrocities by Hindus of India. He finds the BJP and Jamaat leaders meeting in secret, a proverbial conspiracy. The contradiction between their public pronouncements pleading peace and acts of violence by their cadres stand out. In a silent protest Suranjan refuses to participate in the human chain organized by the National Coordination Committee. He tells Haider of all the torture his father had undergone in 1971 at the hands of the Pakistani army which had cut off his father's penis before they let him go. Haider informs him that Parveen (Suranjan’s one-time sweetheart) has divorced her husband. It does not excite any emotion in him.
Suranjan then goes out in a rickshaw to his friend Pulak to borrow some money, as he does not want to borrow money from a Muslim. Pulak is surprised at his anti-Muslim rhetoric because he was known to be very secular. He never allowed anybody to comment on Muslims even in private. To Pulak’s surprise Suranjan this day starts talking like other Hindus about the atrocities on the Hindus. On Suranjan's way back home he goes to Ratna to propose and provide her with a sense of security but is unabe to propose, so deep is his cynicism.
When Suranjan finally returns home, the biggest shock is awaiting him. He finds his home looted, his sick and paralyzed father lying on

Page 27
--- --- --- - ساسكس.
15 SEPTEMBER 1994
the floor. Maya who had returned to take care of her ill father has been kidnapped again at gun point. Though it was early evening, no neighbour had intervened in spite of his mother's alarming cries for help. Even the owner of the house they rent did not intervene. Neighbours only expressed some empty sympathy. His mother identified one of the abductors, yet the police do nothing. Knowing that in this conservative society a raped woman is better dead than alive, he hopes Maya comes back unharmed. His efforts and the efforts of his friends like Haider do not result in recovery of Maya from the hands of the miscreants. The Dutta family now confines itself to the apartment day and night. Friends from the party office visit them to show sympathy but their reaction is negative.
Stories of atrocities on Hindus trickle to them in hordes. Neighbours affected or unaffected by riots start leaving Bangladesh for India. The news travels to him that Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) leaders have instigated violence in many places to defame the Awami League which had the traditional support of Hindus. Suranjan likes the statement of Sk. Hasina in the All Party Conference: "It's a pity that after 21 years of independence we have to plead for communal amity. He, however, is skeptical that rioters will be resisted by the combined cultural front.
The focus moves to the 17th of December, Bijoy Divas or victory day, commemorating the liberation of Bangladesh. Suranjan does not feel the enthusiasm of earlier years. He stays put in the apartment all day. Even his friend Haider does not show up to invite him to join the festivities. Finally he goes out at 8 o'clock in the evening to the bazaar and picks up a young Muslim prostitute, brings her home and rapes her. His feeling of humiliation is thus avenged on the once sacred Bijoy Divas. Once idealist Suranjan has no feelings any more for the poor young innocent Muslim girl Shamima, so deep is his alienation. He just remembers his helplessness, when after filing an FIR about Maya’s abduction, he gave his name as Suranjan Dutta as the complainant. The police officer-in-charge clearly showed his unwillingness to act on this complaint even though one of the abductors had been identified.
Haider informs him the next morning that the Gana Kabar (mass
grave of intellectua Rajakars just befor of the Pakistan arr 1971) in Rajshahi
been defiled and d Jamaat. Suranjan 1 that he knows wha is, and his long-tim leaves in anger. H masochistic pleasur information that Pa her father's house a her Muslim husban
Suranjan later ge ment with his fath cerned about his life Dutta argues that good men in this c expressing open di fundamentalist line streets. How many world, he asks, gi such rights? Suran such are superficial steps. He argues th do not even have eq the constitution a Ahmed Sharif can a the law in spite of k against minorities there is no hope for Dutta tells his son t ing from unnecess ment and despair. discussion with his f admits that in spi association with Mae ple’s movements h become communal situation in Bangla the environment. F found leftists who ‘sala malaun” (damr rogatory comment dus). He remember violation he felt w eating beef by a Mi and the subsequent joicing of his other mates on hearing O attempted to diffuse arranging to cook a home. The sense o indignity could nevel his memory.
Sudhamoy realize upset with society, state that he is suffe of self-esteem. He sense of surprise Karunamoyee told : friend, Aleya Begum not migrating to Ind of their family had is their own country
Suranjan resents security and risk Hindu name, even

TAMIL TIMES 27
ls killed by the e the surrender my in December
University has estroyed by the refuses to admit t a Gana Kabar e friend Haider e derives some e at this and the rveen is back in
fter divorce from d.
ets into an arguner who is conand safety. Dr. there are lots of ountry who are issent with the by taking to the countries in the ve their people jan argues that
and ineffective hat if minorities ual rights under nd people like void the arms of known atrocities
and patriots, Bangladesh. Dr. hat he is sufferary disillusionIn an intimate ather, Suranjan te of his long urxists and peoe has recently because of the desh. He faults He says he has cursed him as 1 malaun, a deapplied to Hin's the sense of hen foolled into uslim classmate animal-like reMuslim classf it. His father the situation by and eat beef at f violation and r be erased from
es his son is so family and the ring from a lack remembers the when his wife a Muslim family l, why they were lia though many done so, since it
r”.
the sense of in
because of his though actually
he is an atheist. Once he used to plead for communal amity, and argue that riots in Bangladesh are few and far between, now he thinks: why do the people of Bangladesh have to be penalized for the crimes of Indians, and why should there be a comparison of atrocities, which wherever they are, are equally bad? Additionally, the slow erosion of proportional representation in government jobs and local bodies has increased the feeling of both physical and psychological insecurity among minorities.
Then one day Ratna, his recent flame, walks in with a handsome young man and introduces him as her husband, Humayun. Suranjan is totally devastated and looses his balance. He understands that Ratna has married Humayun to buy security of life and property, and that indignity pains him immeasurably. He refuses to host them and practically turns them out.
As that evening wears on both father and son are stunned by the loud heart-breaking wailing cry of Karunamoyee, the selfless dedicated, ever-silent, reserved woman. Suranjan declares that he has decided to go to India. Sudhamoy refuses, arguing it is too late after Maya is abducted and that he is against restarting a rootless life. Suranjan knows he would lose out in convincing his stubborn father. He falls asleep after deliberating through the night.
In the morning he is awakened by his paralyzed father who has moved to his room with the help of his mother to announce that he is now willing to go to India. Sudhamoy tells Suranjan of his decision in a shaken voice and with feeling of shame, as it goes against his longfelt resolve and belief. Thus, the book ends with a defeat of sorts for higher human values and a victory for the baser one of communalism.
Continued from page 22
finally change. They already talk about going to Colombo through Elephant Pass or Pooneryn. It is very important that there are soon concrete signs of change in attitude because we now hope to have a government which cares for its citizens in the North. The momentum of hope for peace must not be lost.
- Extract of letter dated 24 August to a friend in London from a Christian religious dignitory in Jaffna.

Page 28
28 TAMIL TIMES
READERS
FORUM
ELECTION 1994
THE rule of the U.N.P. for 17 long years has left our country in total disarray. The masses have had to silently suffer under a tyranny with emergency powers. A small elite surrounding the U.N.P. and the rich enjoyed power at the cost of the ordinary masses, especially the farΙΥΘΥS.
Let us go down memory lane for a minute. During the last democratic elections held in our land the SLFP was blamed for the queues in our stores. On the other hand with the election of the UNP we have seen the cost of basic necessities go beyond the reach of the common man. The SLFP were criticised for their poor economic planning. Yet that government, encouraged local industry and the farming lobby. We became self-sufficient in most food items as well as a few industrial goods. The U.N.P. has on the other hand only helped foreign farmers at the cost of our own.
Furthermore, under the guise of introducing a Presidential form of government, Mr. J.R. Jayawardhane, the old fox usurped the powers of Parliament. The people were in the process deprived of their democratic rights. A point to note here. The system of by-elections was done away with resulting in the people not being able to show their concern and discontent in the government. Whenever a seat became vacant he made the party secretary to write down a name on a piece of paper and send it to the Commissioner of Elections and the Speaker and the bearer of that name became the MP The electorate never had the privilege of even knowing the name of their future MP till he was actually appointed. Under that government MPP were treated like civil servants, who were appointed, interdicted, suspended and dismissed. The President could dismiss Parliament, at his whim. He was a virtual dictator not answerable to anyone. In the U.S.A. the President is answerable to the Congress, in the former U.S.S.R., the Russian Head of State was answerable to the Soviet-Parliament. But here the Sri Lankan President is not answerable to any one including the Courts.
It is also interesting to note as to
how he mani the Bill that President. It v way through Parliament, a Mr. J.R. Jay ported to hav out and showe were parked i parliament a those new jee the MPP. Wł back into the hearts were ol the substance discussions alr and walked o jumped into jeeps and drov that they ha rights and pC scheming Prin assuming as President of S do anything a With an iro powers, the U the people into tests were al prohibited. T youths in the many more v disappeared w were endlessly tions and milit the fate of thei we find that th youths are be alter of an unw It is not a w invasion, it i problem whi understandin avoiding the g The Tamils lived in this like brothers a inter marrie Sinhalese peop Tamils. The S and most hos the scheming formed and m sake of their gains.
I am inclin Kumar Ponna sive Sinhala made the T Tamils are Sinhala leade ka Kumarana and committe Muslim and S the genuine she is making She appers t and farsighte
 

15 SEPTEMBER 1994
ulated the passing of reated the Executive as reported that half he discussion in the adjournment time awardhane was retaken all the MPP | them new jeeps that the premises of the nd announced that s were for the use of en the MPP walked touse their minds and the jeeps and not in of the Bill. At close of ostalshouted Ayes ut of the House and the newly acquired 2 away little knowing abdicated all their wers in favour of a he Minister who was the first Executive ri Lanka the right to nd everything. in fist and emergency s.N.P. had terrorised | subjugation. No prolowed. Strikes were housands of Sinhala South were killed, vere maimed, others ithout trace. Mothers ' calling at police staary camps to find out r children. To this day housands of Sinhalese ing sacrificed at the fanted and costly war. ar against a foreign s purely a domestic ch with trust and g could be solved, reat loss of life.
and Sinhalese have :ountry for centuries ind sisters. They have d. The ordinary le are not against the inhalese are a lovable pitable people. It was politicians who misinisguided them for the
personal power and
2d to agree with Mr. Impalam. The succes
Governments have amils bitter, so the unable to trust any ... But in Ms. Chandritunga we find a firm leader. Every Tamil, inhalese must believe and sincere speeches
all over the country. have the charisma ness to find a solution
acceptable to all. I am inclined to believe that she could find a way to settle the ethnic problem to the satisfaction of all. After all whether we like it or not all of us and future generations to come have to live together in this country.
Every Sri Lankan yearns for peace. By the genuine and courageous statements she has been making from public platforms all over the country Ms. Chandrika has convinced everyone that at long last there has emerged a truly National Leader having the interests of all sections of the people and the Nation as a whole at heart, who could rid this country of communal politics and establish a truly democratic government, where the people need have no fear, whatever - to speak. write, assemble, criticise and to follow any pursuit they like unfettered. I remember how the late Mr. S.W. R.D. Bandaranayake got leaflets affixed to all the public transport vehicles which said: "Positions and Power are given by people to Politicians to serve them and not to be their masters'. He was the one leader who genuinely felt for the common man, he raised the status of the Swabasha teachers, Ayurvedic Physicians etc.
Some people try to say that all politicians say everything before elections and then forget what they have said. This sound true thinking of the past. But in Ms. Chandrika we all could safely repose trust and confidence. Let this be the last chance that the Tamils and Muslims give to a National Leader. Tamils and Muslims should trust the S.L.F.P., now the P.A. and never the U.N.P. Mr. J. R. Jayawardhane promised in his 1977 manifesto to solve the Tamil problem and later declared that if the Tamils wanted peace they could have it and if they wanted war they could have it too." He totally disowned the North and East.
When J.R. was defeated by the late Mr. R.G. Senanayake at Kelaniya he came running to Colombo West to get into parliament with the vote of the Tamils. He had more than a two third majority, and if he wanted he would have settled the ethnic problem. He on the other hand utilised that majority to deprive Mrs. Bandaranayake of her seat in Parliament. By having extended the Parliament by a rerferendum he kept his more than two third majority for the next term as well; had an election been held the

Page 29
15 SEPTEMBER 1994
majority, would have been reduced. This was totally undemocratic.
What is worse is that the present President Wijetunga, despite the whole world knowing the ethnic problem and despite the fact there was an all party conference on the ethnic question says that there is no ethnic problem. Only God can save a country under him.
I genuinely believe that the salvation for all lies in electing the P.A. into power paving the way for Ms. Chandrika to assume power.
V. Kanthaswamy,
Thornton Heath, Surrey, CR76AJ. U.K.
DD JESUS LIVE IN INDIA2
REFERENCE this interesting article in Tamil Times of May, 1994 and the letter to Editor on the same subject in July, 1994, may I add my contribution as follows?
This subject was commented upon by Jawaharal Nehru when he wrote from prison on April 12, 1932 to young daughter Indira who later became Indira Gandhi and another Prime Minister of India.
This letter along with many other letters which Nehru wrote were published in book form as "Glimpses of World History'. This was first published by Lindsay Drummond in London in 1934, revised and updated in 1939 and reprinted in 1942. I read this book as a youngster in Colombo and was able to look it up again in the London Borough of Wandsworth's Mill Hill public library special collection in their basement, tracing the book through their latest computer index. How much the library services have changed over the years!
This is what Nehru wrote about Jesus to young Indira in 1932:
“. . . . It is not clear what Jesus did or where he went before he started his preaching. All over Central Asia, in Kashmir and Ladakh and Tibet and even farther north, there is still a strong belief that Jesus or Isa travelled about there. Some people believe that he visited India also. It is not possible to say anything with certainty, and indeed most authorities who have studied the life of Jesus do not believe that Jesus came to India or Central Asia. But there is nothing inherently improbable in his having done so. In those days the great universities of India, specially Takashashila in the north-west, attracted earnest students from dis
tant countries, anc have come there i ledge. In man teachings of Jesus Gautama's teachi highly probable t acquainted with it was sufficiently countries, and Jesu known of it wit India. . . .
I am inclined to might be the con with the exceptior was so much specia line with a greate self-evident in not gospels of the Ne effect these are fou and testimonies to the West Asian lar
I think it is also that in discussion apostles, the poss Central Asia on Jes have been the dri Thomas to come ti the teaching of Je the death and resu Christ, there was liberation which se different direction message. St. Thom ing force to reach determined man gC India. His work in t is a matter of good
The archaeologi Anuradhapura cro the Christianity wh at the time of S reached the heart o capital city of Anu touching areas lil Jaffna because of th ity to the Malabar ( century AD. This due to trading and ( time between Sri I all this is well be wave of Christianit Indian subcontiner guese in the 16th c
Even if Jesus di visit India, he was ( spirit in India and the very first cent Thomas
It should be note ity reached India w to England or W Nehru also says thi in his letter from t
10 Holland Avenue West Wimbledon, London SW20 ORN

TAMIL TIMES 29
Jesus might well in quest of knowy respects the s is so similar to ng that it seems hat he was fully t. But Buddhism known in other us could well have hout coming to
o think this well temporary scene 1 Jesus' teaching ul in that it was in ir calling as it is just one but four w Testament. In r separate reports Jesus' ministry in ld of Palestine.
) highly probable is in among the ible influence of sus thinking may ving force for St. o India to spread sus Christ. After irrection of Jesus a “philosophical nt the apostles in s to spread the nas had the drivIndia and as a ot as far as South he Malabar coast
record.
cal find of the ss indicates that ich came to India t. Thomas even f Sri Lanka — the radhapura after ke Mannar and heir close proximCoast within first may have been ommerce at that anka and India. fore the second y brought to the ut by the Portuentury. d not physically :ertainly there in Sri Lanka from ury AD due St.
d that Christianell before it came estern Europe. s to young Indira he prison.
Sydney Xavier,
CONGRATULATIONS FOR NEW PM
WE AGREE with what you state in your Editorial of August 1994. The new government under the premiership of Mrs. Chandrika Kumaratunga of the SLFP and People's Alliance is indeed a long overdue change for the better. We support her utterances and actions in attempting to solve the ethnic problem of the Island as a matter of top priority. She has taken steps to initiate peace talks with the Tamil Tigers. She has removed the ban on certain essential commodities imposed by the earlier governments. May this momentum continue unhindered till we achieve lasting peace
The first thing to be done is to change the racist Jayawardene Constitution. But, as you correctly point out, what an unappealing situation which his Constitution and his executive presidential system have landed Sri Lanka in? The stumbling block would be the difficulty of finding 2/3rd majority to change it, with no parliamentary consensus.
Isn't it irresponsible the Sinhala Federation in the UK has made an issue out of Chandrika's honest utterance: “Sri Lankan army is equal to or worse than the Tamil terrorists'. The Sri Lankan News recently criticised her in an article that said had it not been for the army the country would have been dismembered and there would have been a complete genocide of the Sinhalese and Muslims by the Tamil terrorists'. They seem to have got disoriented and do not realise or accept the fact that it was army atrocities and state terrorism that created the Tamil Tigers firstly. Even UNP's late President Premadasa publicly admitted this.
The socialism imbibed by the new PM at Sorbonne University, and her experience as a P.C. Chief Minister has endowed her with the insight to better understand Tamil aspirations. It would appear that the Island's political future is closely tied with that of the Bandaranaikes.
We also take this opportunity to con gratulate Mrs. Chandrika Kamar at un ga on her being appointed the new Prime Minister and wish her the best of luck.
Lt. Col. A.J.N. Selvadurai,
Federation of Tamil Associations, United Kingdom.

Page 30
30 TAMIL TIMES
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WEDDING BELLS
We congratulate the followin couples on their recent we ding. Sivaraj son of Mr. & Mrs. Tharmallingam of 13 Byrc Avenue, London E12 at Jamuna daughter of the la Mr. N. Sivarajah and Mt Kamaladevi Sivarajah of Elfintale Lane, Colombo 4 ( 10th September '94 at Tl Hotel Taj Samudra, Colombo
Mahendra Suresh son of Mr. Mrs. S. Rajadurai of Uyarap lam, Anaicoddai, Sri Lanka al Anpuchchelvi daughter of til late Profe SS Or & Mr. Vithiananthan of "Tamilakan Tellipallai, Sri Lanka on 10 September '94 at North Yo Memorial Community Ha Ontario, Canada. Srivijayarajah son of the la Mr. S. Senathirajah and Mrs. Senathirajah of 63 Gattic Road, London SW17 OEX at Sivaranee daughter of Mr. MrS. M. Markandlu of Ara South, Vaddukoddai, Sri Lank on 10th September '94 at th Wembley High School Ha East Lane, Wembley Middx.
OBTUARIES
Mr. M. Gnanasambanth (Sam), Aeronautical and Al mobile Engineer, Retired C Servant; beloved husband Sivanandavalli (Ananthy); ch ished father of Ramani E Hons. and Loga Dharshini ( ford University); son of the Mr. & Mrs. S. Muttiah (lp Malaysia), only brother of M K. Arumugam (Melbourne, , stralia) passed away in Lon. On 5.8.94 and was Cremated 10th at GolderS Green Cre torium. - 10 Westward W. Harrow, Middx., HA3 OSE. O81-907 O533.
 
 

15 SEPTEMBER 1994
tly
al itOXivil Of
er3.A. Oxate Oh, Mrs. Audor ! or
say, es:
Chinnappahpillai Rajendran (92) formerly Branch Manager, Oriental Life Assurance and Pearl Life Office, Jaffna, beloved husband of the late Tharmambikaipillai; father of Vijayaraghavan (Sri Lanka) and Mrs. Saraswathy Thirunavukkarasu, father-in-law of Thilllainayagi and Dr. Thirunavukkarasu; grandfather of Rathika, Darshika, Mrs. Sassikala Aidan, Ratnakumar, Mrs. Vathsala Sureshparran and Mrs. Sukaniya Hanson passed away after a brief illness On 7.6.94 in U.K. - 30 Ennerdale Avenue, Stanmore, Middx., HA7 2LD.
e O81-907 8942.
Thambirajah Sivalingam, beloved husband of Malar; father of Sivarangini and Sivaruben, Son of the late Mr. A. Thanbirajah (Rasa), Native Physician and the late Mrs. Thambirajah, brother of Dr. Gunasuntharam, Mahalingam (both of London), Muthulingam, Ratnasingam and Selvamalar (all of Toronto, Canada); brother-in-law of Rajini, Vicky, Vasanthi, Kala and Ganeshathasan passed away in Kuppilan, Jaffna on 228.94. - 48 Leigham Avenue, London SW16 2PZ.
Mr. Sabapathy Nagalingam J. P., (Former Proprietor, Lincoln Printers) of 72 Mayfield Road, Kotahena, Dearly beloved husband of Kanmani; loving father of Umakanthy (Canada), Yogadason (Canada), Kamala kanthy (London), Jayakanthy (America) and Shanmugadason (Engineer, Australia); father-in-law of Balendran (Engineer, Canada), Sivakumar (Engineer, London), Sooriyakumar (Accountant, America), Ruby (Canada) and Sivamalar (Australia); brother of Sinthamani (Colombo), grandfather of Senthooran, Ganesh, Ashwin, Gayathri, Janani, Krishanthy and Revathy passed away in Toronto, Canada on 30th August 1994. Funeral took place on Saturday, 3rd September 1994 ዘገ Canada. - 4 Argyll Gardens, Edgware, Middlesex HA85HB. Tel 081 905 6992/081 381 2285.
NI MEMORAM in Loving Memory of Our Beloved Daddy T.J. Rajaratnam (Retired High Court Judge)
BO 23.1. 1919
Called to Rest 15.9.81. in God's care you rest above While in our hearts you dwell in love, Unseen, Unheard, yet very near, Still loved, still missed and very dear,
Fondly remembered and sadly missed by your wife Arul; children Rohini, Renuka, Rajiv, sons-in-law Vijayan, Sriharan; grand children Vasi, Ravi, Prathi, Jayanthy and Ajit.
ln everloving memory of Deva Rajan N. F.S.I., Licensed Surveyor, Leveller & Valuer of 257 Arasady Road, Kanthermadam, Yaripanam.
Fondly remembered on the third anniversary of his passing away on 11.9.91 by his belovec wife Padma; children Sujithar Siva Kumaran, Rajam, Jeyaraman, Rengan, Raj lswari; sonsin-law Theventhiran, Nirthana - kumaran; daughters-in-law Jeyadevi, Suhanya, Thangakogini, Helen Grand childrer Jamuna, Karthika, Bharathar Uththami, Luxmanan, Sri Ramr Vaitharani, Vithuran, Devarajar and Poorani; sister Saraswathy Panchacharan brother Punjaksharam; sisters-in-law. brothers-in-law, relatives ant friends. Flat 4, 24 Mansfied Road, Ilford, Essex IG 3AZ

Page 31
15 SEPTEMBER 1994
on fond memory of Mr. M.A. Rasiah (former Head Master, lavalai, Ceylon and Teacher at Herts. Tamil School, Watford, U.K.) on the second anniversary of his passing away on 18th September 1992, The love and kindness you bestowed on us Shall for ever be treasured in our hearts
May God Bless You, Mrs. N. Rasiah (Colombo), Sathiananthan (Watford), Packiarajah (Colombo), Stella Devendra (Dubai), Shanker (New Malden), Theresa Nagarajah (Mathagal), Logan (Watford) and Emilda Daniel (Canada).
in loving memory of Mrs. Yogeswary Wallooppillai on the first anniversary of her passing away on 2.9.93.
Fondly remembered by her beloved husband Dr. N.J. Walkooppillai; daughter Mala, sisters Gnaneswari and Arasi Mahadevan; brother Yogendran — Mrs. Arasi Mahadevan, 57 Chesterfield Road, Epsom, Surrey KT19 9QR/Dr. N.J. Wallooppillai, 20/1 Pedris Road, Colombo 3.
ir loving memory of Dr. SaraYanamuttu Paramanathan on Te third anniversary of his passing away on 26th September 1991.
Greatly missed and fondly remembered with love and affection by his wife Vallambihai, his children Lohini, Mohini, Wickneswaran, his sons-in-law Ganesharatnam and Ratnasabapathy (Napo), daughter-inlaw Bernada, his grand children Kumaran, Vanathy, Haran and Dhakshila. - 30 The Ridgeway, Kenton, Harrow, Middx., HA3 0ԼԼ.
in loving memory of Mr. M. Murugupillai, Retired Assessor, Inland Revenue Department and Auditor, Sri Lanka on the first anniversary of his passing away on 22.9.93.
Greatly missed and fondly remembered by his beloved wife Rajarajeswari, children Kamala Jothi and Sivakumar, son-in-law Dr. Vijeyapalan; daughter-in-law Priyakanthi; grandchildren Prabhani, Shivani, Vignesh and Kapilan;
brother Sinnathurai; and sister Sellamma Kasiiviswanathan – 129 Bawnmore Road, Bilton, Rugby CV22 6JJ. Tel: 0788 817301.
in loving memory of Mr. Apputhurai Gunaratnam of Point Pedro, Sri Lanka formerly Divisional Superintendent of Post Offices, Sri Lanka on the fourth anniversary of his passing away on 28.8.90.
Sadly missed by his loving wife Rani; children Thirukumaran (Australia), Vasuki (Sri Lanka), Devaki (Australia), Sutharsan (UK) and Sarath Devi (Sri Lanka); daughter-inla w Vasanthi ; son - in-law Radhakrishnan; grand daugh
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

TAMILTIMES 31
r Mayurica, sister and in-laws. 67B St. Ann's Road, London í 5 6N. I el O81-8O2 5601.
oving memory of Mr. anthasamy on the sixth nniversary of his passing way on 11th September 1988. hose we love don't go away hey walk beside us every day. Sadly missed and fondly reembered by his everloving ife Pushparani, children Ranni, Ranjan, Mohan, and Rajini; Ons-in-law Nadesan and Ravidran; daughters-in-law Raji nd Ranjini; grand children ishanthan, Arun, Ramesh, amya, Rangan, Luxmy and ekha. - Mrs. P. Kanthasamy, 8 Magowar Road, Giraween, SW 2145, Australia.
'ORTHCOMING EVENTS ctober 1 Eekathasi, Third uraddasi Sani. ct. 2 PirathoSam. 10.00am. olam Competition at Wembley igh School Hall, East Lane, sembley, Middx. For details el 0.81-904 3937/9076638. ct. 4. Amavasai; Feast of St. rancis Of Assisi. ict, 5 Navaraththiri Virathan arts. ict. 7 Feast of Our Lady of the Osary. ct. 8 Sathurthi, Fourth Puradasi Sani. ct. 13 Saraswathy Pooja. ct. 14 Vijayathasami, Manтроо. Ct. 15 Eekathasi, Fifth Purad
dasi Sani, Feast of St. Teresa of Avila. Oct. 156.30pm 'Kalaikkolam "a festival of Dance Dramas at Brent Town Hall, Forty Lane, Wembley, Middx., Tel: 081-904 3937/907 6638.
Oct. 16 PirathoSam.
Oct. 17 Feast of St. Ignatius of Antioch.
Oct. 19 Full Moon. Oct. 21 First lypasi Velli. Oct. 25 Feast of Forty Martyr
of England and Six Martyrs o Wales.
Oct. 28 Second lypasi Velli. Oct. 30 Eekathasi.
At the Bhawan Centre, 4A
Castletown Road, London
W149HQ. Te: O71 3813086 4608.
Oct. 1 5.30pm Concluding Lecture on Gita by Sri Mathoor Krishnamurti.
Oct. 1 7.00pm Hindustani Vocall by Lalitha Rao leading vocalist Of India. Oct. 16 6.30pm Bharatha Natyam by Robinson Cama with musicians from India.
Appointed to Canadian immigration & Refugee Board
Congratulations to Dr. (Mrs.) Paul Verhoff (Nee Sashika Seevaratnam) on her appointment to the prestigious Canadian immigration & Refugee Board. Sashi as she is affectionately known came to Canada from Sri Lanka in her preteens and has recently Completed three decades of residence in Canada.
Sashi's speciality is Law and this yoke on her young shoulders would enable her to function with added Zest and talent. Her grand fathers Sam Seevaratnam and Nesiah were distinguished educationalists in Sri Lanka. We wish her well.
YOGA & CO
For all your legal work and Conveyancing Solicitors & Administrators of Oaths
47 Booth Road, Colindale, London NW95JS
Telephone: 081-2050899

Page 32
32 TAMIL TIMES
IN MEMORAM
in loving memory of Mrs. Rasalakshmy Nalliah of Lingavasam Sandilipay, Jafna and 22 Lily Avenue, Wellawatta, on the 25th anniversary of her passing away on 7th September 1969.
Mrs. Rasalakshmy Naliah had her early education in Malaysia and continued at Chundikuli Girls High School, Jaffna. As she was the eldest of five brothers and sisters, resident in Sri Lanka, she decided to get married in preference to further studies in the interest of her family. Her father Mr. Vaithilingam a planter in Malaysia together with her elder brother and sister were separated from the rest of the family because of World War 2.
Along with her husband she helped her sick mother by taking over the responsibility of her siblings and guided them over the most difficult period for the family.
After her husband joined the staff at Royal Primary School Colombo she set up home at 22 Lily Avenue, Colombo 6. This was not merely a home but an 'open house' for her family and friends. There was no end to the traffic that arrived at Lily Avenue for temporary accommodation, advice on educational matters, health problems, career choice, jobs etc., for which they provided ready solutions quite cheerfully.
Her social responsibilities increased when her husband was appointed Principall of Colombo Hindu Junior School, Bambalapitiya. It was a difficult time for the community and she lived up to the challenge successfully. It was during this period that her illness became more severe but she had the Satisfaction to see both her Children Balachandran and Ponmalar doing well as undergraduates at Universities in Sri Lanka and lindia. Alas! She could not live to see them pass out with flying colours. Towards the end she took everything philosophically and with a fine sense of humour.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by her beloved husband Mr. P. Naliah, Children, Dr. Balachandran Nalliah (U.S.A.) and Malar Sarveswaran; daughter-in-law Mrs. Shirani Nalliah, son-in-law Dr. Muthubalasuriyar Sarveswaran and grandchildren : Haran, Radha Priya, Logan and Niroshini. Gratefully remembered by her brothers, sisters and their families in Sri Lanka, U.K., Malaysia, Australia and
Canada, and precio ished by friends all ov
Mr. Naliah is living family at 53 Greenoc ough, Ontario M1 G 2.
Ontario Sel On Day
The Ontario Senio several day tours dun Over 500 members day tours, the char minimal.
One of the tours Avon where they enjo ance of Shakespea, The show was won Senior Tamils are pro
The picture below, On a hayride on on farms.
Three Cultural evenin 24th) in celebrat Anniversary of Sc School, proclaimed aChievementS earne Curriculum of Tamil
discipline. It is g, Croydon Tamil Sch celebration not as its that of the entire ar London, judged by students from other programme of event tory messages rece tiOnS.
The celebrations July were conducted Centre, (where the a variety ofevents lil Contests, vocal and and plays. It was filling to watch the children singing or violin or mridangam of these events bes London Tamil Schoc luvar Tamil School, Waltham Forest Ta London Tamil SchC
 
 

15 SEPTEMBER 1994
S memories cherr the WOrld. ith his daughter and Avenue, Scarbor7, Canada.
P. Sathianandan, a cousin.
lior Tamils Tours
Tamils organised ng the 1994 summer. articipated in these fes for which were
was to Stratford-onyed an elite performe's "Twelfth Night'. d class and many id to be Ontarians.
shows some of them 2 of the agricultural
s (July 9th, 16th and ion of the Tenth uth London Tamil
the excellence of | by the school in its 'earning and cultural addening that this ool thought of the own achievement but il Schools in the Outer
the participation of Tamil Schools in the and the congratulared from their institu
on the 9th and 16th at the South Norwood chool is located) with 2 elocution and essay instrumental recitals ye catching and ear
different grades of laying on the veena, 7 formations. In SOme de students of South others from Thiruvalondon Tamil Centre, mil School and West l took part and won
prizes. An exhibition organised by the teachers to highlight the achievements of the school proved a great attraction.
The little children of the school staging a play under the title "Kutravali Yaar' (who is culpable?) displayed their histrionic talent to the great admiration of the audience. The enacting of the final part of Sakunthalai drama by the drama section of the school in which present and past students took part evoked admiration of the audience. The students who took the parts of the fisherman and his partner enacted so realistically that they got the biggest applause from the audience.
The final day's events conducted at Ashcroft Theatre of Fairfield Halls drew a large audience. A musical feast with a group of Singers and a variety of instruments entertained the audience first. Two dance dramas and a hilarious comedy by parents were the highlights of the evening. One of the dance dramas depicted the competitive spirit of the four celestial dancers Menaka, Ramba, Urvasi and Thilothama, and the other on the immortal Meera's Dream of aspiring for the presence of Krishna. Colourful costumes and nymphal dance numbers added to the spirit of the themes. There was also a vocal recital by little children of a devotional "kilikkanni' wrongly announced as 'kavadi Sindhu'. There was added to the programme a special flute recital by a visiting artiste from Radio Ceylon. The hilarious comedy by the adults was a wonderful farce decrying social evils. The colourful appearance of the God of Death Yama and the fate deciding Chitraquptha on the stage evoked spontaneous applause. The Mayor of Croydon was the Chief Guest and blessed the School.
The South London Tamil School deserves the congratulations of the Tamil community on its achievements in ten years of service.
AUSTRALIAN NEWS LETTER
Sydney Tamil Manrah
The Sydney Tamil Manram presented Bharata Natyam and Kuchipudi performances by Padma Balakumar and Padma Raman on August 7 at the Auburn Council Hall. Padma Balakumar, was trained at Kalakshetra. Her program included Kowthuvan, Jathiswaram and Varnam. In the second half of the concert, Padma Raman performed Kuchipudi dances. At the end of the concert, the annual general meeting of the Sydney Tamil Manram was held, with election of office-bearers,
New South Wales Tamil Sport Club Awards Night
The Tamil Sports Club held its Annual Award Night on Saturday, August 13th at the Flemington Market Hall.
Awards and trophies were presented to several young people who had excelled at cricket, football, tennis and other sports. The presentation of awards was followed by a sumptuous dinner and entertainment.

Page 33
15 SEPTEMBEH 1994
Jaffna Central College Dinner
The first dinner organised by the Sydney Old Boys of Jaffna Central College was held on Saturday, August 20th at the North Rocks Community Centre Hall. The evening began with the President Dr. S. Nirmalanandan welcoming the guests. Entertainment was provided by the Sydney Tamil Youths Orchestra. This was followed by an address by the distinguished guest for the evening Mr. S. Mahalingam, Retired Deputy Principall of Jaffna Central College. The message from the sister school, Vembadi Girls' High School was delivered by Mrs. Devi Balasubramaniam. She spoke of the close relationship, historically and socially, between the two schools. Mr. T. Kanagarajah, an Old Boy of Jaffna Central College, recalled his cherished memories of the School.
The singing of the College Song was followed by dinner. After dinner, Dr. E.S. Seelan, the Vice-President, thanked everyone present for their participation. Then the well-known singer Nithi Kanagaratnam, who is an Old Boy, sang many popular Tamil songs as well as Baila songs, which we well appreciated.
"Abaya Karam Concert
Anuranjanam, a concert organised by the charity organisation Abaya Karam' in aid of the Durgapuram Mahallir llam in Tellipallai, Sri Lanka, and Sri Ramakrishna Mission Crphanages in Sri Lanka, was held on Saturday, August 27 at Bankstown Town Hall.
The first half of the programme featured artistes from Bharata Vidya Bhavan, London. Srinathi Sivashakti Sivanesan, Who has been hailed as the finest Carnatic Vocalist and Bharatanatyam Singer in the U.K., gave a brilliant start to the concert with her songs. She was accompanied by Sri M. Ravichandran on the Miruthangam and Srinathi Narmada Ravichandran. On the violin.
The presidential address by Mr. K. Sivananthan was followed by 'Navarasam' deocting the nine emotions felt by Sri Parvati, oerformed by Sri Prakash Yadagudde. The capacity audience expressed their great appreciation of both artistes by their resounding applause. The address by the 3uest of Honour, Rev. Pravrajika Ajayaprana Mataji of the Ramakrishna Srada Vadana Society of New South Wales, marked the end of the first half of the programme. She congratulated the organisers on the wonderul work they were doing to help needy children in Sri Lanka.
The interval was followed by Krishna Sagaram'a dance drama by the Lingalayam Dancers - Students of Srinathi Ananda Valli.
At the end of the concert presentations Aere made to the artistes by Mrs. Devi Balasubramaniam Vice-President of Abaya 

Page 34
34 TAMIL TIMES
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