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WORLDVIEW AND RITUALS AMONG JAPANESE AND TAMILS

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WORLDVIEW AND RITUALS AMONG JAPANESE AND TAMILS
by SUSUMU OHNO ARUNASALAM SANMUGADAS MANONIMANI SANMUGADAS
1985 GAKUSHUIN UNIVERSITY

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Gakushuin University Mejiro, Toshima-ku, Tokyo 171, Japan.
(C) Susumu Ohno Arunasalam Sanmugadas Manonimani Sanmugadas
Printed by Kenkyusha Printing Co.

for Professor M. B. Emeneau

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PREFACE
Many similarities between Japanese and Tamil cultures can be recognized in several different aspects; in particular, their customs, ceremonies and beliefs correspond closely in the cases of death, marriage and New Year rituals. These similarities extend beyond the practices to the actual words which are connected with the ceremonies. My intention in this book is to analyse the relationship of the two cultures' social rituals from both practical and linguistic angles.
In the first paper, I discuss the concept of a three-level universe -gods, men and the underworld-as depicted in Japanese mythology and in ancient Tamil poems. I also compare the funeral rituals and beliefs among Japanese and Tamils which are contingent on that model of the world. In my second paper, I describe both the Japanese New Year's celebration and the Pongal celebration among Tamils of India and Sri Lanka, drawing upon materials collected in Tamilnadu and Japan since 1980. In addition, Professor Arunasalam Sanmugadas of the University of Jaffna, Sri Lanka, and his wife Manonmani Sanmugadas provide examples from Cankam anthologies (300 B.C.-300 A.D.) and from practices among the Jaffna Tamils.
Papers three to five, written by Mr. and Mrs. Sanmugadas, deal with Tamil marriage customs, past and present. In her first paper, Manonmani discusses marriage among the ancient Tamils in the period leading up to 300 A.D. In the fourth paper, Mr. Sanmugadas discusses the same subject from 300 A.D. onwards. The final paper, by Mrs. Sanmugadas takes a closer look at the present mar

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፶)፪፲፱
riage system of the Jaffna Tamils. My colleagues draw on many examples from various literary sources to clarify Tamil marriage customs and to indicate the occasional changes that have occurred in it. This is an initial attempt to provide data for a comparative study of the marriage systems of the Japanese and Tamils. We are now proceeding with such a study, the results of which will be published in the near future.
Since 1983 we have been attempting to solve a number of problems connected with cultural aspects that have been referred to. This book is a partial completion of our efforts, yet it reflects only the first stage of our investigation. There are many angles to be pursued and there remains a number of obscure and ambiguous points to clarify. We eagerly hope to receive cooperation and instruction from scholars around the world.
Looking back on the progress of my study of the JapaneseTamil relationship, it all started when I went to Madras for the first time, during the Spring of 1980, carrying a list of words that I thought corresponded between Japanese and Tamil. Professor Pon Kotandaraman of the University of Madras read my list with much interest. During Autumn of that year, I travelled around Madras, Taficavir, Tiruccirappalli and Madurai with the crew of NHK (Broadcasting Corporation of Japan) and observed the real conditions of life and beliefs of the indigenous people. I read a paper on "The Relationship of the Tamil and Japanese Languages' at the Fifth International Conference I Seminar of Tamil Studies held in Madurai in January, 1981. I published my study in the form of a book, Sound Correspondences Between Tamil and Japanese, with the financial support of Gakushuin University. I went again to Madras and studied Tamil with Kotandaraman from Autumn 1981 to Summer 1982. He treated me with much kindness and taught me some classical Tamil texts. In Spring 1983, Sanmugadas came to Japan as a Research Fellow of the Japan Foundation, along with his wife, to work on the Japanese-Tamil relationship with me. They had heard my paper at the International Tamil Conference held in Madurai in 1981, studied the list of words

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presented on that occasion, and became interested in the project.
Professor Pon Kothandaraman and Professor D. J. Vacek, of Charles University, examined all the words presented in the list that I submitted to the Conference and advised me to omit certain words. I went to the University of California at Berkeley where Professor Masao Miyoshi introduced me to Professor M. B. Emeneau. Professor Emeneau went through my list and encouraged me to proceed with the study. Professor Kamil V. Zvelebil, University of Utrecht, showed interest in my book and wrote a letter to me when I was in Madras. He came to Japan in 1983 and we met. After reading my two papers and Sound Correspondences Between Tamil and Japanese, he wrote a paper, "Tamil and Japanese-are they related? The hypothesis of Susumu Ohno' in the Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies (University of London, Vol. XLVIII, Part 1, 1985).
But for encouragement and friendly advice given by these eminent Dravidianists, this investigation could not have proceeded up to this point. I am indebted to them and I would like to express my gratitude for their help and encouragement. In this book, I have treated correspondences and coincidences found in aspects of the cultures. These results have been derived from a linguistic analysis of the languages. Study of the Japanese and Tamil languages is proceeding. We shall publish more results of our investigation.
I would also like to thank Jeremy Giddings for translating my articles, and John Solt for reading them in manuscript.
Finally, I wish to record my gratitude to Gakushuin University for its sustained support of my study tour abroad, for the publication of my research, and for extending invitations to scholars who are concerning themselves with the study of the Tamil-Japan relationship.
Susumu Ohno

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SUSUMU OHNo
Born in 1919, graduated from the University of Tokyo in 1943. Professor of Japanese Linguistics at Gakushuin University. Among the many books and articles he has published are the following: "A Comparative Study of the Japanese and Korean Languages', Kokugo to Kokubungaku No. 5, (Shibundo, 1952); The Origin of the Japanese Language, (Iwanami Shoten, 1957); The Birth of the Japanese Language, (Chuoköron-sha, 1980); 'Tamil and Japanese: A Comparative Study', Gengo, (Taishukan, Jan.-Sep. 1980). Sound Correspondences betweeu Tamil and Japanese (Gakushuin University 1980). He also co-edited The Manyóshu, (Iwanami Shoten, 1957-62); The Nihonshoki, (Iwanami Shoten, 1965-67); Ivanami Kogojiten (Iwanami Dictionary of Early Japanese), (Iwanami Shoten, 1974).
ARUNASALAM SANMUGADAS
Born in 1940, graduated from the University of Ceylon in 1963. Obtained Ph.D. in Linguistics from the University of Edinburgh in 1972. Associate Professor of Tamil at the University of Jaffna, Sri Lanka, he published a number of books and papers, among which are: Tamil (Cultural Council of Sri Lanka, 1976); Aspects of Tamil Language and Grammar (Tamil Publishing Society, 1982); Tamil Metrical Forms (University of Jaffna, 1982); Ittimarattal (History of a Temple, 1985). He also edited Cintanai (Journal of the Faculty of Arts, University of Jaffna, 1976); Creative Literature and Social Sciences (University of Jaffna, 1977); and co-edited An Anthology of Sri Lanka Tamil Folk Songs (Government Educational Publications, 1976); and The Marriage Customs of the Tamils (Tamil Publishing Society, 1984).
MANONIMANI SANMUGADAS
Born in 1943, graduated from the University of Ceylon in 1965.

κι
Obtained her Master of Arts Degree from the University of Jaffna, Sri Lanka, in 1980. After a teaching career in Sri Lanka, she is presently a Guest Researcher at Gakushuin University, Tokyo. She has published a number of research papers and semi-research articles. She is the author of Main Trends of the 19th Century Tamil Literature (Cooperative Printers, 1978); C. W. Thamotharampillai-A Critical Study (Tamil Publishing Society, 1983); Ittimarattal (History of a Temple, 1985). She also co-edited The Marriage Customs of the Tamils (Tamil Publishing Society, 1984).

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CONTENTS
Preface .................................................... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . νii
I.
II.
III.
IV.
VI.
Worldview: The Three-level Universe in Japanese
and Tamil Cultures .......................................... 1. Susumu Ohno
Japanese and Tamil New Year's Celebrations............... 15
Susumu Ohno
The Tamil Marriage System Up to 300 A.D. ............... 49
Manonimani Sanmugadas
The Tamil Marriage System. After 300 A.D. ............... 121
Arunasalam Sanmugadas
Marriage in Jaffna Today ....................................... 183
Manonimani Sanmugadas
Index.................................................................. 217

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I
Worldview: The Three-Level Universe in Japanese and Tamil Cultures
Under the shamanistic worldview found in north Asian societies, the universe of the Turkic, Mongolian, and Tungusic peoples consists of three levels. The sky is the dwelling of the supreme deities, the earth is the abode of humankind, and the underworld is the home of the dead and the spirits of the dead. This worldview is described in great detail in Uno Harva, Die religiösen Vorstellungen der altaischen Völker (1938).
Just like the waters which surround the earth, the heavens above the earth where humans dwell and the underworld hidden beneath the earth are products of the Siberian peoples' imagination. In their view, the world is composed of three levels. Olsen says of the Soyot, "They believe that heaven, the earth, and the underworld are three huge disks with the earth as the one in the middle.' Among the Altai-Tartars, the upper level is called the Upper World, where the deity Ulgan and his followers live, the middle layer is the Central World, where humans live, and the lower level is the Netherworld, where the lord of the land of the dead, Arlik, and his followers live. The Yakut also divide the "visible and invisible world' into three parts, the upper part, the middle part, and the lower part. In Yakut folklore, the “world in the middle' (orto doidu) is mentioned often and refers to the world in which human beings live. . . . The worlds are created so that the netherworld may be reached via a hole which some Tartar groups of the Altai region call "the earth's funnel.' Shamans

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use this hole to go down into the netherworld and then to return to the middle world of humans. Whenever the earth is drawn or sculpted, it is with this hole.
This same three-level universe, composed of heavenly, earthly, and subterranean realms, is clearly articulated in the Japanese myth of the descent to earth of the Imperial line, the descendants of the Sun Goddess, Amaterasu Ömikami, which is included in both of Japan's earliest histories, the Kojiki (712) and the Nihon shoki (720). In this myth, Takamagahara, the High Plain of Heaven, is the realm of the deities. It is a world of its own, with mountains, rivers, rocks, and wells. The earthly realm is called Ashihara no nakatsukuni, which literally means, “the middle land of reed plains.' This is the realm of human beings, to which the descendants of the Sun Goddess made their descent. The third realm is Ne no kuni, literally, "the land at the roots.' This is the netherworld, where it was long believed that the dead went.
The three-level universe articulated in Japanese mythology has been the object of scholarly interest by mythologists for many years. The first forceful presentation of the concept was by Torii Ryüzö in his 1925 work, Jinruigakujô yori mitaru zvaga jôdai no bunka (“An Anthropological View of Ancient Japanese Culture'). It is widely thought that this particular worldview spread to Japan from north Asia. Mishina Shöei touches on this subject in an essay entitled “Takamagahara shinwa no keisei' ('The Formation of the Myth of the High Plain of Heaven') included in Nihon shinwa ron ("A Study of Japanese Myths'; Heibonsha, 1970).
Although it is clear that the myth of the High Plain of Heaven benefits from the worldview and beliefs of north Asian peoples, the High Plain of Heaven that is presented in the Kojiki and the Nihon shoki is not the product of direct borrowing. Rather, it is extremely hybrid. One simply cannot ignore the fact that the route for transmission of culture from north Asia passes through the Korean peninsula.

(Mishina, p. 28.)
After this statement, Mishina goes on to point out that, in regard to the worship of a heavenly realm, myths similar to the Japanese myths of the High Plain of Heaven do not exist in Korea, nor does the concept of a celestial realm. In fact, he says, myths of a celestial realm were never fully developed. In sum, it is Mishina's judgement that the Japanese High Plain of Heaven bears little resemblance to north Asian concepts of heaven, that the ancient Japanese belief in the Imperial descent from the sun goddess is closer to south Asian beliefs.
Properly speaking, the myth of the descent to earth of the descendants of the Sun Goddess, at her order, from the High Plain of Heaven developed out of the fusion of the south Asian belief in the descent of a divine child from the sun with the later north Asian concept of a heavenly realm. In north Asian culture the appearance of a divine child does not come about by heavenly descent, but rather occurs as a result of the sun's rays striking the earth. The Japanese heavenly child is not only the child of the sun, but is also, as indicated by the literal meaning of his name, Ho no ninigi (“Fruitful lord of the grain'), the embodiment of the divine mystery of the ripening of grain. Another name for “hiek ke sei of Silla” is “al ji ke seihan,' which means "lord that inhabits the spirit of grain.' The belief that grain is a divine gift is an original aspect of the south Asian worship of the spirit of grain and is, therefore, entirely different from the traditions of the hunting and herding north Asian peoples. (Mishina, p. 31.)
There are many who would maintain that perception of the universe as three-leveled is unique to the Turkic, Mongolian, and Tungusic peoples of northern Asia and Siberia. However, according to Yoshida Atsuhiko, a specialist in mythology and professor at Gakushuin University, this is not so. He has directed me to the following examples.

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The Ngadju-Dayak people of southern Borneo believe that there are two supreme deities, Mahatala and Djata. Mahatala takes the form of a bird, a hornbill, and lives on the peak of the highest mountain of heaven. Forty-two layers of clouds separate the world of humankind from heaven, and out of the entry to heaven there flows a great river. Heaven is the same as earth in every respect, except that it is more beautiful and grand. In contrast, the world inhabited by Djata, who takes the form of a huge water-snake, is below that of humankind. The entrance to the netherworld lies at the bottom of a river, in an especially deep spot, where a tributary joins a larger stream. When one passes through this entrance, one comes to the village where Djata and his crocodile followers live. While in their village, the crocodiles have the form of humans. It is only when they leave their world and come into the world of humans that they take on the shape of crocodiles. There is also a river in the realm of Djata called Basuhun Bulau Saramai Rabia, “the river full of alluvial gold.' (From H. Schärer, Die Gottesidee der Ngadju-Dajak in Sud-Borneo; Leiden, 1946. p. 16.)
Belief in a three-level universe is also maintained by Micronesian peoples. A myth found in the central Caroline Islands tells that the deity which created dry land was Solal, the lord of the netherworld, the ocean floor. Solal's brother, Aluelop, is master of heaven. (From M. Panoff, "Myths of Oceania' in P. Grimal (ed.), Myths of Plains, Forests, and Islands; 1963, p. 224.)
As the above examples demonstrate, the concept of a three-level universe also exists among the people of Borneo and Micronesia. It is, however, unclear how long these myths have been told in these areas. Among the Tamil-speaking people of the Jaffna area in Sri Lanka as well, one still finds today a belief in a threelevel universe. According to Mrs. Sanmugadas, belief in a universe made up of heaven, earth, and netherworld has existed among the Tamils since the age of the Cankam (300 B.C.-300 A.D.). She explains the characteristics of the three levels as follows: deities and sages dwell in heaven, human beings on earth, and those

who have committed evil deeds, as well as demons, are in the netherworld.
This view of the universe is not of recent origin. In fact, there is documentary evidence of its existence dating from the third century B.C.
Puranāniūru: 6 (300 B.C.-300 A.D.). . . . muppuņar ațukkiya murai mutar kațțin. nīrnilai nivappin kīrum . . .
“Even below the water that surrounds the first layer (i.e. earth) of the three (worlds), stacked layer upon layer . . . '
When each of the three worlds is referred to individually, heaven is said to be uyar milai ulakam, “high-position-world” (Ainkurumūru: 442, 300B.c.—300 A.D.) or tēvar ulakam, “gods-world” (Puramānūru: 228, 300B.c.-300 A.D.) or mēl ulakam, “high-world” (Tirukkural: 222, 300 A.D.-500 A.D.): the world where human beings live is referred to as iv-v-ullakam, “this-world' (Purananuru: 76); the other world is said to be kīr nilam, “under-world”.
It is beyond all doubt that belief in a three-level universe is held by the people of Borneo and Micronesia, and that such a worldview is also documented in Tamil culture from the third century B.C. One must, therefore, question deeply the contention that a threelevel universe is a unique feature of the Siberian region of North Asian societies.
In questioning this issue, it is useful to have some sense of the history of belief in a three-level universe in the Siberian region. How far back does the concept date? On this point, Professor Tanaka Katsuhiko of Hitotsubashi University has indicated to me his opinion, as regards the concept of a three-level universe, that belief in an underworld is a late addition to the Siberian worldview. The original Siberian conception of the universe was in terms of earth and sky alone. On this point, Ms. Ogishima Masako claims that the most commonly held view in academic circles at present is that the concept of a three-level universe came

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with the introduction of shamanism to the Siberian region. As Ogishima explains it, until then the world was perceived, not in vertical terms, but as linear, likened to a river, with an upstream, middle reach, and downstream. At the mouth of the river lies the other world. However, a Bronze Age Tungusic archaeological site near Lake Baikal has produced a skeleton whose chest is covered by a breastplate. The breastplate and head ornaments found at the site suggest that the burial is shamanistic. If this is so, then the presence of shamanistic practices and, therefore, of a three-level universe in Siberia is ancient. And, since the Yukaghir tribespeople also use the same kind of trappings, Ogishima supports the opinion that the presence of belief in a three-level universe in Siberia is of great antiquity.
As is apparent in the above, this issue has not yet been resolved to the satisfaction of the academic world. I will, then, leave off any direct discussion of this problem and instead approach it obliquely by a comparison of the funerary rituals of the Tamilspeaking people in the Jaffna region of Sri Lanka with those which are described in Japanese myths and those used in the Nara and Heian periods (710-794; 794-1185).
The practice of nogari
One important aspect of funerary practices in ancient Japan that is no longer seen today is the practice of mogari. Mogari is a term which refers to the custom of setting the body of a dead person in one location and conducting rites over it for a certain length of time before burial. There a building was most often erected for the purpose of sheltering the body. During the Nara period (710-794) such a building was called a moya, literally, “a mourning house.’ In records from the Heian period (794-1185) this “mourning house' or funeral house, as it will be referred to here, is discussed in the following way:
In the entry for the twenty-second day of the ninth month of the eighth year of the Jogan era (866) in the Sandai jitsuroku

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(“Veritable Record of Three Reigns') there reads: “A thatched house was erected'; and, in the entry for the twenty-eighth day of the twelfth month of Jogan 10 (868) there reads: "A building was erected and a dais set up inside it, on which the coffin was placed. The four walls were secured so that neither man nor beast could intrude.'
As is recorded in the above passage, unwarranted entrance into the moya confines was not permitted. Only a single person of the closest relationship to the deceased-a husband, a wife, a parent, a child-could approach the body of the dead person. In addition to a single close relative, two members of the asobibe, the funerary guild, were also admitted. The asobibe is described in the Codes for Mourning and Funerals of the Ryo no shige (“Collected Interpretations of the Codes'; ca. 920) as follows:
The asobibe is a clan which plays a role at the boundary between the visible and invisible worlds, and pacifies evil or dangerous spirits.
In other words, the members of the asobibe work at the boundary spirits.
In other words, the members of the asobibe work at the boundary between the world of human beings (the visible world) and the netherworld (the invisible world; the world of the dead), serving to control the harsh and evil energy of the world of the dead. One of the oldest meanings of the word asobi is "to please by playing music.' However, the members of the asobibe did not perform ordinary music. Rather, their duty was to perform song and dance whenever someone died as a ritual pacification of the spirit of the dead. Their duties also included providing the necessary funerary vessels and hangings. On someone's death, two members of the asobibe were chosen to play a most important role in the funeral rites, that of attending the dead during the period of mogari. The Ryo no shuge specifies the following for the asobibe:

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Members of the asobibe will go to the place of mogari and serve in attendance. In doing so, one of the two will be called negi, the other, yogi. The negi will put on a sword and carry a halberd; the yogi will put on a sword and bear food and drink. They will enter the funeral house and offer their services.
The word negi has the same root as the verb negirau, meaning '' to calm another with words; to soften another's heart.' Thus the role of the negli is to speak to the dead. The role of the yogi, on the other hand, is to offer food and drink.
In Japanese myth there is the story of the death of Amewakahiko, a messenger sent from heaven to earth who was struck by an arrow and killed. The rituals surrounding his death are described in both the Nihon shoki (720) and the Kojiki (712). The relevant passage in the Nihon shoki, Book II (The Age of the Gods, Part Two) reads as follows:
A funeral house was built and he was mourned. . . . wrens were used as mourners (nakime, literally, 'wailing women'). . . . for eight days and eight nights they wailed, wept, mourned, and sang.
The scene is described in the Kojiki, Book One, as follows:
His wife and children came down from the High Plain of Heaven, wailing and mourning. A funeral house was built for him there. . . . with pheasants as mourners (nakime) he was mourned. For eight days and eight nights music was played.
I would like to draw particular attention to the length of time involved-eight days and eight nights-and to the use of professional mourners (nakime). In this regard I will describe funeral practices in Sri Lankan Tamil society, as recounted by Mrs. Sanmugadas.
In Tamil society when someone is approaching death, he or she is moved to a special room or building. Into that room, or

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building, only one person, a close relation-husband, wife, parent, or child-of the dying person, may go. In addition to the single relative, two others may enter to attend to the dead. These two both carry long knives of steel in order to protect themselves. One has the task of closing the eyes of the person who has died, then singing to him or her to give comfort. This person also speaks to the dead, telling the person that he or she need not worry, that he or she will go to heaven, thus setting the dead person's spirit at peace. The role of the second attendant (who is a woman from a caste called Koviyar, close attendants to the people of the high caste in Jaffna) is to prepare food. She is in charge of preparing food for other mourners. Every day she leads others in the act of weeping. They weep for eight days.
On the eighth day a banquet is laid out. On eight plates, eight different types of food are put, and both meat and liquor are served. Also, the roots of a palmyra tree are dug up and made into a powder that is heaped into a cone. Over this water is then sprinkled. This is an offering for the eight demon hags who, it is believed, come into the world of humans late at night to eat people and drink their blood. If, though, they find this offering, they are satisfied and leave humans unharmed.
This is a normal custom in Sri Lankan Tamil society. It is of interest to compare it with a passage on the asobibe from the Ryo no shuge:
For seven days and seven nights no offerings of food were made. Due to this, evil and dangerous spirits were aroused. Members of the asobibe were sought throughout the land. They then pacified the spirits on the eighth day.
It is apparent that this eight days' attendance on the dead was customary in Japan as well. The above examples indicate that the Japanese custom of mogari and the funeral practices of the Sri Lankan Tamil people are, if not clearly correspondent, then at least similar to an extreme degree.

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Next, I would like to examine the way in which the Japanese myths portray the relationship between the world of the dead and the world of the living. Both Book One of the Kojiki and the Book of the Age of the Gods of the Nihon shoki tell the famous story of the deity Izanaki's visit to the netherworld, Yomi no kuni, to see his dead wife, the deity Izanami. The tale is told in the following way in the Nihon shoki:
Izanaki went to Yomi no kuni, the netherworld, in pursuit of his wife, Izanami, and spoke with her. Izanami said, "I have eaten the food of Yomi no kuni and so I may not return to the land of the living. Now I am about to lie down and rest. I ask you not to look at me.'
But Izanaki did not listen to her. Instead, he broke off part of his comb and lit it in order to see her. She was swarming with maggots and swelling with putrefying flesh. Izanaki was shocked and said, "I have come to a polluted land.' Then he turned and ran.
Izanami said, “Why didn't you listen to me? Now I have been shamed,' and she sent the eight demon hags after him. Izanaki therefore took off his black head ornaments and threw them down on the ground. They turned into grapes, which the hags stopped to eat, but as soon as the grapes were gone, the hags went in pursuit of him once more. Izanaki then threw down his comb, which turned into bamboo shoots. The hags stopped to eat these, too, but when they were finished, they took up the chase again. At this point, Izanami also joined the pursuit.
Just then, Izanaki reached Yomo Pass, the boundary between the netherworld and the world of the living. According to one account, Izanaki stood there next to a huge tree and urinated. His urine turned into a great river which the hags prepared to
Izanagi is the commonly accepted form but, according to the Chinese character, should be read Izanaki. Actually two skewer-like sticks.

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cross. Izanami then arrived at the pass, so Izanaki picked up a boulder so large it would take one thousand men to move it and used it to block the pass. Izanaki and Izanami stood on either side of the boulder and spoke the words of divorce. Now the stone Izanaki used to block the pass to the netherworld is called “The Great Deity who Blocks the Gate to the Netherworld.”
Izanaki said, “Since I have been in a land of pollution, I must wash away the impurity.' And so he went to the plain of Ahagi at Tachibana in Odo, a place in the district of Hyūga in Tsukushi, and purified himself. As he was looking for a place to cleanse his body, he said, “The current in the upper reaches of the river is too swift, but it is too slow downstream.' And so he washed himself in the middle reaches of the river.
Let us compare this account with the customary practices of the Tamil people of the Jaffna area in Sri Lanka. After a death, a purification ceremony takes place. Once this is over, the husband, wife, or eldest son of the dead person goes to the shore of a river or the ocean, where he or she places a food offering. After that, he or she picks up a stone and walks into the water. When the water reaches his or her neck, the individual drops the stone. The purpose and meaning of this ceremony is to ensure that the dead person goes to heaven: the stone serves to block the entrance to the underworld, thus breaking any link between the dead and the netherworld. Tirukkural (38) has clearly stated that the stone (dropped in the ocean or erected on a person's grave) blocks the path between this world and the underworld.
vārnāl vagi ațaikkum kall
(A stone that will block the way of future days in hell.)
Then, since the person who has carried the stone into the water is believed to have come into contact with the impurity of the under
These days the wife does not participate in the purification ceremony, but ancient Tamil texts bear evidence for women participating in such rituals.

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world, he or she bends down into the water three times for selfpurification. Next, when back on solid ground, he or she changes clothes. The act of bending down three times as a purification ritual corresponds to the purification of Izanaki. In the passage from the Nihon shoki, Izanaki washed himself in 'the middle reaches of the river,' but afterwards he also 'sank to the bottom of the ocean and cleansed himself' and then 'floated on the tide and cleansed himself,' a total of three times.
Furthermore, in the Cankam literary texts, the custom of setting a stone on someone's grave is mentioned. This suggests a conscious need to block the way to the land of the dead. This act is basically the same as the practice, still found in Sri Lanka today, of dropping a stone into the water. One is able to conclude that, by the time the Cankam literary works were written, a breach between the world of humans and the netherworld was perceived. We know that ritual purification is extremely important in Japanese culture; I will end here by saying that the custom of ritual purification is also practiced in Sri Lanka.
A comparative listing of Tamil and Japanese funerary practices appears as follows:
Corresponding Events in Funeral Practices
Japan Tamil 1) Division between heaven, 1) Division between the upthe world of humans, and per world, the middle the netherworld. world, and thenetherworld. 2) The netherworld is the 2) The netherworld is the
world of the dead. world of the dead.
3) There is a pass at the 3) At the boundary of the boundary of the nether- netherworld is a gate, or world. a hole.
4) The practice of mogari, 4) The practice of muccu

5)
6)
7)
8)
9)
10)
11)
12)
setting the dead in a special area for a certain length of time, is observed.
The dead are placed in a funeral house (moya).
The only individuals admitted to the funeral house are one close relative and two members of the funerary guild (asobibe).
There is music and dance for eight days and nights.
Professional OueS (nakime) are used.
Eight hags came chasing after Izanaki.
Izanaki distracts the hags by throwing them food.
Izanaki blocks the pass to the netherworld with a
StOne.
Izanaki purified himself in three different spots.
5)
6)
7)
8)
9)
10)
11)
12)
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atankutal is observed.
The dead are placed in a special location.
The only individuals admitted to the presence of the dead are one close relative and two others as attendants.
The body is mourned over for eight days.
Attendants act as mourners, crying for eight days. Hag-demons are believed to come after humans.
Food is prepared for the eight hag-demons.
A stone is carried into either a river or the ocean and dropped there.
Bending down three times one cleanses the body.
For much of the above, I am indebted to Tanaka Hisao, “Arakinomiya kö' (“A Study of Funeral Houses') in Higashi ajia no shukyo to bunka ("Religion and Culture in East Asia'; 1984).

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III
Japanese and Tamil New Year's Celebrations
Before one begins to draw comparisons between annual events and customs in Japan and those of the Tamil-speaking areas of India and Sri Lanka, it is necessary to clarify the fundamentals of relationships between language, race, and culture.
In examining the linguistic origins of a language, it is fundamental to recognize that language, race and culture are not necessarily inseparable. As an example, we may consider black Americans, who are not of Anglo-Saxon origin but speak English. As another example, most of the inhabitants of China's northeast region today speak Chinese, but in the past they were called Manchus and they spoke Manchu. Again, the Ainu people of northern Japan once spoke Ainu, but today they speak Japanese.
One who boards an airplane in New Delhi or Calcutta and disembarks at Bangkok in Thailand goes from the company of Indians, whose facial structure and skin color are completely different from the Japanese, to the company of Thai people, who are similar to Japanese in coloring and physical features. The appearance of the Thais, both male and female, young and old, is such that, for some Japanese who have never been in Thailand, it is difficult to distinguish Thai people from Japanese. This is because,
I would like to acknowledge the great debt of gratitude I owe to Dr. Pon Kothandaraman, Professor of Tamil, Department of Tamil Literature, Madras University. Rothandaraman was extremely generous in providing assistance and direction in my comparative research, not only in the Tamil language, but also about the subject of Pongal and koshögatsu.

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racially speaking, the Japanese are closely related to the Thai people. Still, it does not follow as a matter of course that the Thai language is similar to Japanese.
Consideration of these facts leads to the conclusion that language and race are not necessarily related and that one cannot discuss a language in terms of data used to describe a racial group.
With regard to the question of links between culture and language, it is common knowledge that languages of common origin may be spoken by culturally diverse groups of people. The language of Iceland and the Sanskritic languages of India, for example, have long been identified by scholars as belonging to a common language called Indo-European. Yet a comparison of present-day Icelandic and Hindustani cultures shows a variety of differences.
In considering the link between culture and language, it is also profitable to compare Japanese and Chinese cultures. The Japanese and Chinese languages are grammatically unrelated, making it impossible to imagine a genetic link between them. However, Japanese has borrowed, via written texts, a huge number of words from Chinese. For example, out of the approximately 50,000 Japanese words which appear in any given dictionary, half that number will be formed of ideographs that originate in Chinese characters. Although there is no genetic link between the Japanese and Chinese languages, there is a body of vocabulary common to both. There are, in addition, many common cultural aspects. Both common vocabulary and common cultural features are a result of the massive introduction of Chinese culture that came with the importation of written texts. Yet, the Chinese and Japanese languages belong to different linguistic families. The above discussion makes it clear that one cannot draw conclusions about a linguistic relationship on the basis of the presence or lack of cultural commonalities.
Evidence of common linguistic origins must be found first in the confirmation of a shared basic vocabulary that rests upon solid phonemic correspondences between every phoneme of the compared languages' phonemic systems. This must be followed by,

17
on the basis of a comparison of the grammar of the two languages, evidence not only of structural similarities, but also of corresponding morphological ones. Fulfillment of both these conditions is proof of a common linguistic origin. This method is effective, developed entirely for research in linguistics. It is impossible to speak of linguistic origins on the basis of data derived from any other method.
In addition to such matters of basic importance, in researching linguistic origins, there is a parallel yet entirely different consideration. When two languages are of the same linguistic origin, the basic vocabulary of both arises from a common source. Basic vocabulary has an organized structure; it is the collection of the most primary patterns by which a linguistic society apprehends the world. Words such as “sun,' 'moon,' ' water,' “tree,' 'grass,' 'stone,' and 'soil' are examples of this basic vocabulary, as are “father,” “mother,' and “child.' We may assume that verbs such as 'to see,' 'to take,' and 'to walk' are also a part of the basic pattern of awareness of human existence.
However, there is not any set of basic vocabulary that is common to all languages. For example, it is possible to distinguish between those languages in which “hot water' is expressed by a single word, as in Japanese (yu), and languages such as English in which two words are used. As another example, English also distinguishes between "foot' and "leg,' both of which are expressed by a single word (ashi) in Japanese. (In Tamil, too, the word ati makes no distinction between foot and leg.) Thus there are differences in patterns of identifying objects, even the most ordinary ones, and these patterns are of great antiquity. In other words, these patterns are cultural. Languages of the same linguistic origin will have a basic vocabulary that phonemically corresponds. This means that there is a shared basic structure of cultural patterns in the human awareness of the world. Thinking in such terms, if the languages of the two societies have been proven to be related in origin, then it may well follow that there are also similarities on the level of basic culture. But common cultural aspects in two

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societies do not comprise primary proof that the languages of those two linguistic societies are common in origin. ፖ
In what has been stated so far, an important point that should become clear is the proposition that culture, race, and language are not always integrally connected. Yet, this is not to say that there may never be any connection between them. A shared basic vocabulary signifies a common means of apprehending the world. In short, when languages are of a similar linguistic origin, it is possible to discover in them not only the existence of correspondences in vocabulary, but also correspondences in culture. Where such correspondences exist, apparent similarities in lifestyle may be confirmed by the discovery of correspondences in languages. Using this technique, a comparison of Tamil life and culture with that of the Japanese results in a list of extremely clear correspondences in certain cultural phenomena. One such correspondence is that which exists between the Tamil New Year's festival of Pongal and the Japanese celebration of koshogatsu, the celebration of “Little New Year'. I noted this correspondence at an early stage in my research on the Tamil and Japanese languages.
Pongal is a festival held annually in the Tamil region of India and Sri Lanka. It is an ancient festival, dating from before the incursion of Aryan culture. On the fifteenth of January Tamil people make a gruel from a reddish variety of rice. I was startled when I learned this because in my home, too, we ate rice gruel made with red beans (asukigayu) every January fifteenth. I asked Dr.
* By 1979 I had drawn up a list of Tamil and Japanese words for comparison, using the Dravidian Etymological Dictionary. In order to confirm my findings, I sought the help of Mr. Ganapati, a native speaker of Tamil who was working at the Indian Embassy in Tokyo. He introduced me to some of his native Tamil-speaking friends, and through him I met Dr. Thavaraji, an economist who was in Tokyo doing research on Indian economic problems. He was able to provide the answers I sought, explaining the nuances of meaning in the words I had listed. We met weekly, and one day Dr. Thavaraji told me about Pongal. My mother was a native of Kasukabe in Saitama Prefecture, a town which even today preserves the custom of eating rice gruel made with red beans.

19
Thavaraji if the Pongal gruel is eaten with sugar. He replied that it is eaten with either sugar or sugar cane.
The date of these events is the same; the red-colored gruel is the same; the use of sugar in the gruel is the same. How does one interpret the exact correspondence of these events? Is this coincidental? Or, is it an indication of a significant relationship, originating in antiquity? I was unable to settle the issue, but I felt that the correspondence of such peculiar factors could not be dismissed as a mere coincidence. I decided that, if I had the chance, I would see this festival first-hand.
Kõshö Nihongo to Tamirugo (“An Investigation into Japanese and Tamil') was published serially over a period of nine months, beginning in January 1980, in Gengo ("Language') and I waited for critical reactions to the correspondences I had listed. In February 1980, the newsmagazine Shikan Asahi reported on my work. Then NHK (Japan Broadcasting Corporation) called me to ask whether I would be willing to make an investigative trip to India. Although it was the wrong time of year for Pongal, I heard that a demonstration of the festival could be arranged, so I decided to go. This is how I was able to have the Pongal festival demonstrated in the autumn of 1980 in Nagati, a village outside the city of Taficavir in the south Indian state of Tamilnadu. I have described the festival that I witnessed on that occasion in Nihongo to Tamirugo (Shinchõsha, 1981).
Afterwards, when I went to study at Madras University in the autumn of 1981, I was taken by Dr. Pon Kothandaraman, now Professor of Tamil Literature at Madras University, to his native village in Tiruccirappalli district where, in January 1982, I was able to witness a real celebration of Pongal as it progressed over several days' time. As a result, I set out to delve more deeply into the correspondences between Pongal and the Japanese observance of koshógatsu.
In March 1983, Dr. A. Sanmugadas, a professor in the department of Tamil at Jaffna University in Sri Lanka, came to Japan in order to do research with me. He lectured on Tamil as a

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visiting scholar at Gakushuin University and undertook comparative research on ancient Japanese and Tamil cultures. Through Mr. Sanmugadas' instruction, aspects of the customs of the Tamil people in Sri Lanka were made known to me, so that I learned of, for example, funerals and weddings which, although no longer found in the Tamil area of India, are preserved among the Sri Lankan Tamil people.
I would now like to turn to the correspondences between the Pongal festival and the celebration of koshogatsu, presenting also the correspondences between words associated with both. I cite not only present-day evidence, but ancient textual sources also, whenever available.
Both Pongal and koshogatsu are held during the 14th, 15th, and 16th of January under the solar calendar. In essence, both are New Year's supplications for bountiful harvests in the coming year. As to why this takes place on the fifteenth and not the first day of the new year, there are deciding circumstances in both cultures. Before the solar calendar, a lunar calendar was used in Japan. Under the lunar calendar, the day of the new moon was counted as the first day of the month and the full moon fell on the fifteenth. The festival takes place on the fifteenth because, as Japanese ethnologists have already suggested, in ancient times the day of the full moon was considered the first day of the month but, after the calendar was changed to begin the month on the day of the new moon, what had been the first day became the fifteenth. In other words, the fifteenth day of the first month under the lunar calendar, that is, the day of the first full moon, was the first day of the year under the ancient calendar. Ethnologists go no further than to state the probability of such an explanation, but an examination of the traditional Tamil calendar seems to confirm it.
In Tamilnadu a Tamil calendar is in use to this day, under which the full moon is counted as the first day of the month. Therefore, the fifteenth day of the first lunar month is the first day of the Tamil first month, called “Tai.' This day is considered

21
New Year's Day so that on January first, the first day of the solar calendar, no celebrations are held in Tamil society; rather, everyone goes to work as usual. It is only on January 14th or 15th that people celebrate the New Year. One may infer that, in Japan too, before the advent of the lunar calendar, the day of the full moon was counted as the first day of the month.
With the adoption of the lunar calendar in Japan, the ancient calendar, under which the month began on the day of the full moon, was abandoned and the official observance of New Year's Day was shifted. However, in agricultural society, the practice of celebrating on the day of the first full moon, the fifteenth day of the first month, was maintained. It may be assumed that this day was called koshogatsu (“Little New Year's Celebration') in order to distinguish it from the official one held on the first day of the first month.
A listing of the events that make up the January fifteenth New Year's agricultural festival as celebrated in Japan and Tamilnadu is given below. An explanation of each item follows.
Corresponding Events of Koshogatsu and Pongal
Japan Tamillnadu & Sri Lanka
January 14th
1) tondoyaki (ritual burning 1) old possessions are
of old things). burned. 2) sheds are burned. 2) cowsheds are burned. 3) firecrackers are exploded. 3) firecrackers are exploded.
January 15th
4) decorations are hung. 4) decorations are hung.
5) fresh water drawn for the 5) fresh water drawn for the first time in the year. first time in the year.
6) rice gruel made with red 6) red rice gruel or bean
beans is served. gruel is served.

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7) offerings to crows. 8) people circle their houses while calling “Hongara hongara.”
9) tree-beating. January 16th 10) apprentices” andJor servants' holiday (a day for amusement). 11) new clothes given to em
ployees. 12) family gathers in parental home; visits to family graves. 13) visit by performers.
14) dancing and singing. 15) shooting arrows. 16) offerings to horses and
COWS
17) kite-flying.
7)
8)
9)
10)
11)
12)
13)
14)
15) 16)
17)
offerings to crows.
people circle their houses while calling “Pongalo pongal.”
tree-beating.
a day for amusement.
new sarees and other clothes given as gifts.
family gathers in parental home; offerings made to anceStorS.
visit by performers. group dancing. stick games played.
offerings to cattle.
kite-flying.
The observance of both koshogatsu and Pongal is spread out over the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth days of the first lunar month, so we will begin by examining the events of the fourteenth. First, the “fire festivals ':
1. Tondoyaki (the ritual burning of old things)
In Madras, as January 14th draws closer, small clay drums with a single leather head begin to appear for sale on streetcorners at a price of one rupee (approximately ¥25 or 10g). On the evening

23
of the fourteenth, old objects such as worn-out sarees, shoes, and even tires are piled up and burned in great bonfires. People also beat the little drums and explode firecrackers. If we remember that the fifteenth is New Year's Day, then we see that this practice originates in the ritual incineration of old, used objects as a rite of purification for the new year.
Fire Festivals are also held in Japan on January fourteenth. These are variously called tondoyaki or dondoyaki. The practice is called tondoyaki in the Tohoku, Kantó, and Kinki districts, and in Yamanashi Prefecture; in the Chūbu district (Nagano and Shizuoka prefectures), and in Mie and Kumamoto prefectures, it is called dondoyaki or dondoya. The event usually involves hanging from a post acorns and chestnuts that have been gathered in the mountains, then burning them along with the sacred straw ornaments that have been hung for New Year's. Or, as is done in Akita Prefecture, the event entails erecting a bamboo pole and hanging ears of rice from it, after which it is entirely set afire. Old ornaments that have been used on the household altar, the first calligraphy of the New Year, and other such items are also burned with them. In some parts of the country, the vessels used to present offerings to the roadside deities are burned together; in other regions, firecrackers are exploded at the same time.
When one sees that in Japan January fifteenth is New Year's Day (in Tamilnadu January fifteenth is considered the first day of Tai), then one also sees that the fourteenth is Ómisoka, or New Year's Eve. It is not difficult to think of the burning of old objects as simply the practice of putting to fire all the year's trash. However, since it is not generally known that the ancient Japanese calendar counted the day of the full moon as the first of the month, the significance of tondoyaki goes unrecognized. The character of the celebration has changed since the Nara period and in many places it became an occasion for eating toasted rice cakes in the superstitious belief that doing so will keep one in good health. In Madras as well, the character of the fire festival has changed. It is now called Bogi and considered an occasion for the ritual

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plea for rain. Yet, in the case of Japan, if we consider what is actually burned-for example, the year's gohei (the sacred paper pendants used in Shinto rituals)--then one recognizes the occasion as a year-end incineration of used things. This fire festival was called sagichó in ancient times and even appears in the literature of the Heian period (794-1185).
At Jaffna, people burn old objects on the evening January fourteenth, but they do not treat it as a plea for rain.
Tondoyaki is found even now in many parts of Japan: in Kokura, Fukuoka Prefecture, it is called dondoroyaki; in Nakatsu, it is dondoro-matsuri; in Shimane Prefecture, it is called dondara-yaki. No explanation has ever been given for the etymology of the words tondoro and dondora, but I would like to present here a tentative suggestion as to these words' origin which takes certain Tamil words into consideration.
In Tamilnadu the word tonru means “an old object; an old thing.' In Japanese, according to its phonemic structure, ton ru (when pronounced [tondru]) would be tondo, tondoro, or tondara. And since tonru means "an old object,' tondo-yaki, tondoro-yaki, or tondarayaki would mean “burning old things,' thus providing an explanation of the meaning.
2. Shed-burning
When one accepts that the fundamental significance of tondoyaki lies in the ritual burning of old, used objects, the next point of comparison is also easily understood. As one event of the observance of koshogatsu in Japan, a shed is built for children in which they both eat and sleep for a few days. Then, on January 14th or 15th, the shed is burned. This shed is called variously shogatsugoya (“New Year's shed'), yukigoya ('snow shed'), or tortigoya ("bird shed'). The custom is found in Akita Prefecture and Yamanashi Prefecture (where the shed is called gokoya ("honorable shed') as well as in Hyogo Prefecture, where it is called hochoji (meaning unknown). A similar shed-burning is found in Ibaraki

25
and Niigata Prefectures where a hut of the type usually built in the fields as shelter for a watchman is entrusted to the care of village children and is then burned on the night of January fourteenth.
Near the city of Jaffna in Sri Lanka, on the day of the Pongal festival, cowsheds, together with fencing, are burned and new ones are built. One may see this as a type of tondoyaki, since what is burned, although a cowshed, is still an old and used object. The shed-burning of Japan and the burning of cowsheds in Sri Lanka are essentially the same type of event.
3. Firecrackers
The use of firecrackers at tondoyaki is found in areas of southern Kyushu, and in Tottoriand Kyoto prefectures. They are also found in the vicinity of Jaffna, in Sri Lanka and in Tamilnadu, India.
4. Decorations
In Japan, as part of the New Year's celebration shimekagari, ropes of straw used to demarcate sacred space, are hung. Rings of holly leaves are hung from the straw ropes. In Sri Lanka, mango leaves are hung from a rope which is then used to cordon off a sacred area in which the Pongal gruel is prepared. Also, a straw rope hung with mango leaves is strung across the doors of houses. The word used to refer to this is the same used to describe a custom found in the Tamil-speaking region of southern India. There, a rope hung with tree leaves serves to signify a sacred area within a temple. In Thailand, also, in the SinoTibetan speaking border area near Cheng Lai, at the entrance to the village, a gate is set up through which villagers enter and leave. Vines are hung from the gate so that here, too, we find another type of shimekagari. This use of shimekaaari to mark off a special, often sacred, area is common to Sri Lanka, Tamilnadu, the northern area of Thailand, and Japan, and it is likely that it exists in southern China as well.

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Not only do we find shimekagari, but on the day of Pongal in Sri Lanka, it is customary (according to Dr. Sanmugadas) to cut banana plants and set them up at the door of one's home. This custom corresponds to the Japanese practice of setting up kadomatsu (pine trees put up at one's gate for New Year's).
5. Fresh water drawn for the first time in the year
At Takkomachi in the southern part of Aomori Prefecture, on the 15th of January, the head of the household goes to the well in the morning and draws new year's water. He offers rice cakes to the well and puts some flowers into the bucket he carries. He hangs shimenafa (holy rope made of straw) over the bucket. Members of his family make gruel with the water. Such a custom was widespread in Japan, A similar custom prevails among the Tamils too. On Pougal day, the master of the house goes to the well and draws new water. The well is usually cleaned on the previous day so that putu mir (‘new water or young water”) can be drawn on Pongal day to make gruel. In some places, the water is drawn at a temple well. In olden days, gruel was made near the well and offered to the water deity. Mango leaves are tied round the neck of the new pot in which the new water is carried. Some flowers (hibiscus, jasmine, ocymum, etc.) are put into the pot. The very same pot and water are used by the members of one's family to make gruel.
6. Rice gruel made with red beans
The custom of eating asuki-gayu (gruel with red beans) on January fifteenth is a central part of the present-day celebration of Roshogatsu, but it appears in old records as well. The following passage appears in the Engi shiki ("Civil Code of the Engi Era
901–923); ca. 927):
Office of the Empress' Household: On the fifteenth day of

27
the first month, gruel, together with toddy (rice wine) and other dishes, is to be served to all those holding any office from that of Palace Attendant to Housekeeper.
Ministry of the Imperial Household: Every year, on the fifteenth day of the first month, officials are to go to the Bureau of Palace Equipment and Upkeep and inspect the quantity and quality of firewood. Officials who take part in this are to be served gruel, along with toddy and other dishes. Water Office: On the fifteenth day of the first month, the ingredients for a seven-grain gruel are to be presented. One to (a measure equal to 4.765 gallons) of rice, five sho (a measure equal to 1/10 of to) each of foxtail millet (awa), Chinese millet (kibi), Deccan grass millet (hie), bamboo shoots, sesame seeds, asuki beans, and four shō of salt.
On the same day, the ingredients for gruel are to be supplied to the laborers. One koku (a measure equal to 10 to) of rice, five to of asuki beans. . . .
This passage shows that on that day asukigayu was prepared at court and served to everyone, including ladies-in-waiting and female musicians, dancers, and singers. This fact sheds light on the following entry for the fifteenth day of the first month in the Tosa nikki (Tosa Diary, 935).
Today we did not prepare asukigayu. How depressing . . .
The author, Ki no Tsurayuki, was on board ship at the time and without the facilities to prepare the customary New Year's asuki gruel.
The presentation of firewood to the court by military officers and civil officials of all ranks on the fifteenth day of the new year often appears in histories, beginning with the record for the fifteenth day of the first month of the fifth year of the reign of the emperor Temmu.
Temmu 5.1. 15. All officials of First Rank and above pre(676 A.D.) sented firewood at court.

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Jito 3. 1. 15 Military officers and civil officials presented (689 A.D.) firewood at court.
The firewood presented in these instances has been interpreted as wood offered for general use during the new year but it is possible that a portion of it was intended as a contribution of fuel for the preparation of the New Year's gruel.
Preparing and eating gruel on January fifteenth was practiced throughout Japan, but in some areas it has now disappeared. However, in both the state of Tamilnadu in India and the Tamilspeaking region of northern Sri Lanka, the custom is still widely observed as part of the observance of Pongal.
In October, 1980 I accompanied an NHK television crew on an investigative tour of Tamilnadu and witnessed an enactment of the Pongal festival in the village of Nagati near Taficavir. The following ceremony formed the main part of the enactment.
In front of an altar filled with offerings of bananas and coconuts, the wife of the village headman poured cow's milk into an earthen vessel and made a fire with banana leaves underneath it. The milk soon came to a boil and overflowed the pot. When this happened, the villagers, who had to this point been watching in silence, began shouting over and over, "Pongalo Pongall Pongalo Pongal.' This is a great exclamation of joy over a bountiful harvest. The literal meaning of the words is: “It has boiled Grow fruitful!' The explosive shouts of the villagers echoed throughout the village.
The headman's wife then put rice, millet, sugar, and nuts into one pot, and rice and salt into another. She then added milk and began to heat the two pots. (In all likelihood, the use of millet, rice, sugar, and nuts is the older form, whereas the use of rice and salt is of more recent provenance.) When these pots came to a boil, the villagers again shouted. "Pongalo Pongal' One villager then put some of the boiling gruel into a dish and carried it onto a rooftop. All the villagers then began to call crows, crying out, “Caw Cawl' In response, a number of crows

29
came flying toward the roof to get the gruel. (I will discuss the practice of giving offerings to crows under a different heading.)
On January 15, 1982, I witnessed an authentic celebration of Pongal in the native village of Dr. Pon Kothandaraman, in the Tiruccirapalli district of Tamilnadu. As the sun was setting, gruel was prepared and, after several minor rituals had been performed, some of the gruel was put into a silver bowl and offered to crows. In this case, only one pot was used in preparing a single type of gruel, leading me to conclude that, as compared with the ceremony in Nagati, some alteration of the original ritual had taken place. One may assume that, from area to area, some changes have taken place in rituals associated with the celebration of Pongal, changes in both the direction of elaboration and of simplification.
Formerly, red rice was used in making the Pongal gruel, but now only white rice is used. It was explained that this is because the government no longer encourages the production of red rice and instead promotes the growing of only white rice. From what I observed, asuki beans are not used; the gruel is made solely from rice. It was my conjecture that the addition of the red asuki beans in Japan was only to provide coloring. I learned, though, that in ancient Tamil culture a type of bean was used not for coloring but as a main ingredient. In a Cankam literary text that belongs to the second century A.D., there is a passage about a gruel made with beans. I quote:
Perumpānārrupiațai: 192-96 netum kural pülaip püvin anna kurum tal varakin kural avirc conri, pukar iņar vēńkai vī kaņțuanna avarai vām puņukku atti payilvurru in cuvai mūral perukuvir.
With rice of grains short as the flowers of the long-eared spindle tree, I cooked a good cooked rice dish, containing beans like a bunch of colored venkai flowers,

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and mixed it well. You, too, will have this delicious cooked rice with beans.
Further, according to Mr. Sanmugadas, it is customary to add beans to the gruel that is prepared on Pongal day in Jaffna. Thus it seems that the aeuki gruel eaten in Japan is not unique.
To this point I have used the word pongal without defining it in precise terms. Pongal is a noun derived from the verb ponk-u. A full explanation of the meaning of this verb, ponk-u, and its derivative, ponik-al, will shed light on the practice of eating gruel on January fifteenth.
The Tamil Lexicon gives the following definitions for pon-ku:
1. To boil up, bubble up, by heat. 2. To foam and rage, as the sea. 3. To increase. 4. To expand, swell, as with joy. 5. To shoot up. 6. To be elated, spirited. 7. To burst in anger. . . . 17. To abound, flourish; to be fruitful.
For ponk-al, the noun form of ponk-u, the following definitions are given:
1. Boiling, bubbling, ebbing, swelling, leaping. 2. Violent anger. 3. A preparation of boiled rice seasoned with salt, pepper, cumin seeds, and ghee. 4. Solar festival when the sun enters Capricorn and takes a northward course, being the first day of the month Tai, when ponikal is prepared as an offering. 5. Height. 6. Largeness. 7. Fullness, abundance, excess, profusion. 8. Bloom, splendour. 9. Toddy.
From this the meaning and provenance of ponk-all should be clear. In short, the basis of the festival of Pongal lies in seeking bounty and fructitude through the ritual action of “boiling up' and “bubbling up.' The Japanese form of the word ponk-al would be *pong-a> fonga)>honga or *pong-ara> fongara>hongara. I discuss the words honga and hongara below, in section eight.

31
7. Offerings to crows
As described above, on the January fifteenth Tamil festival of Pongal, offerings are made to crows. Such offerings are made not only at Pongal, but are normally a part of every Tamil religious event. In contrast, the custom of making regular offerings to crows is not found in Japan. However, in some parts of Japan there is the custom of throwing food, in particular, throwing mochi (pounded rice cakes) to crows during the celebration of koshogatsu on or about January fifteenth.
According to a report by Professor Oshima Takehiko of Töyö University, Tokyo (1981), in Kamigo District, Aomori Prefecture, villagers throw grain or mochi to crows calling "Sinai Sinai' or “Sine! Sine!” or "Pot Pöt!' They do not know the meaning of “Sinai' or "Sine', but they shout the word as a custom. I suppose that "Sine' is a derivative from “Sinai', and “Sinai’ corresponds to the Tamil word “tinai (Italian millet)', because Japanese s- corresponds to Tamilt-in many cases as I have proposed in my Sound Correspondences between Tamil and Japanese (Gakushuin University, 1980). The word “pot' probably would have derived from "pötu' which corresponds to the Tamil word "putu' (new crops for a deity). Tamil -u- corresponds to modern Japanese -o-. We have many examples as I have shown in my book.
1) In Tsugaru County, Aomori Prefecture, mochi is given to crows on the morning of January fifteenth. The same custom is observed in Takizawa, Aomori City, on the morning of January sixteenth.
2) In the environs of the town of Töno, Iwate Prefecture, on the evening of January fifteenth, children put small pieces of mochi in the croth of a forked stick and shout, "Come, crows, we've got mochi for you! Come! Come' A flock of crows inevitably appears from somewhere.
3) In Kemanai, Kazuno County, Akita Prefecture, an event

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called “Poppo' is held on the sixteenth day of the first lunar month. People call birds with “Po Po!’ and throw pieces of mochi to them. The expressions “poppo!” and “po! pol” also could be regarded as cognates of “Pöt'
4) In Minami Uonuma County, Niigata Prefecture, on January sixteenth, a portion of the noon meal is set aside. Then, in accordance with an ancient ritual, the food is set on top of a shrine made of snow. People then call crows to come to the food.
In Japan, the custom of giving mochi to crows is most often observed on January eleventh, except for the places in Tohoku district where, as noted above, it takes place on January fifteenth or sixteenth. The Japanese custom corresponds to the practice of making offerings to crows on January fifteenth which is found in India and Sri Lanka.
8. The cry, “Hongal Honga' and “Pongalo Pongal.'
I have already discussed that, when the New Year's gruel (also called pongal) comes to a boil, the Tamil villagers shout, "Pongalo Pongal.' There is another time at which this shout is also heard. This is on the evening of January fifteenth, when villagers walk around their houses shouting,
Pongalö! Pongal! nei (butter) pongal! chakkarai (sugar) pongal! ven (white objects, i.e., rice) pongal
Throughout the farm villages of Tamilnadu, entire families parade around their houses shouting these words, or a variation of them. The cries of "Pongalo Pongal' ring out in the night, spoken by each family, with the children in the lead circumambulating around their houses. Strikingly similar utterances can also be heard in Japan.

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From the northernmost part of Akita Prefecture, from Tsugaru down to the southernmost areas, there is an annual event that has been carried out on the evening of January fifteenth or sixteenth. It is called “Honga Honga' from the words that people shout as they walk around their houses scattering a mixture of soybean shells and buckwheat husks to which has been added the lees of either toddy or tofu. In the eastern-most areas of the region the event is sometimes called yarakuro&uri. The traditional words used in many areas are:
Mame-nuka mohonga honga (Bean shells, hongahonga)
Kome-nuka mo honga honga (Buckwheat husks, honga
honga!)
Töfukasu mo honga honga (Töfu lees, honga hongal)
Tondekoi! Tondekoi! (Come here! Come here!
The meaning of the words “honga honga' is no longer understood by the people who say it.
In the past, the people of Akita Prefecture would specially flail soybeans and shell them, then mix the shells with a finely chopped mixture of dried kelp, charcoal, pine needles, and yuzuriha leaves, after which they would scatter the mixture about to cries of "Honga Hongal' In the vicinity of Tsugaru, as well, it was once the custom to mix rice bran, toddy lees, or other things with bean shells.
Bean shells, honga hongal Come here! Fly here! Silver! Gold Fly here! Is the toddy going to ferment this year? I smell the smell of toddy. Does the lord have many women?
4 Yanagita Kunio, Saifi shigoku goi, ("Vocabulary of Annual Customs in Rural
Areas') 1939, p. 204.

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In the summer of 1985, at Takkomachi, Aomori Prefecture, I acually heard the following chant by an 85 year old woman:
Mame-nuka mo honga honga! Kome-nuka mo honga honga! Chöjadono no yama kara Zeni mo kane mo tonde kö, tonde ko.
(Bean shells hongal hongal Rice bran hongal hongal From the mountain of the lord Money fly here, come here!)
In the village of Saimyoji, Semboku County Akita Prefecture), the term mame no ka maki (“spreading the scent of beans') was used. In this area the shells of roasted beans were mixed in a basket with chopped herring; then, while people walked clockwise around their houses, they scattered the mixture and said,
The scent of beans, honga hongal The scent of rice, honga hongal Come here! Fly here! Through the window on the auspicious side, Silver, gold, come flying!
People of the area also maintain that the legend of the “White Rice Castle' originates in an event once held annually to commemorate the seige of the fortress of the Tozawa clan, who were the feudal lords of the area.
In the former castle-town of Shinjö, there was once an event called mame no ka shigi ("bean scent celebration') in which people chanted,
The scent of beans, honga hongal The scent of cooked rice, honga hongal
Ibid., p. 206.

35
The phrases, "scent of beans' (mame no ka) and 'scent of rice' (kome no ka), in these chants are dialectal pronounciations of words which actually mean “bean shells” (mame muka) and "rice bran' (kome nuka). Beans, buckwheat, money, and toddy are things which people desire, and one is blessed if one obtains them in plentitude. Among the Tamil people, milk, rice, and butter hold the same significance. Also, the day on which these things are used in chants is the same in both Japan and the Tamil regions of India and Sri Lanka.
We will now consider the words, "honga honga.' It is recognized in Japanese linguistics that the phoneme /h/ of modern Japanese originated from /p/ of archaic Japanese. For example, /ho/ of today was once /po/. Thus honga would have been pronounced ponga. This is the word pongal with the final consonant 'l' dropped. Since Japanese is an open syllable language (a language in which all syllables end in a vowel), it is natural for the final 'l' of pongal to have been dropped. On this basis we may say that honga and pongal are correspondent as well as being used in similar circumstances. This leads to the conclusion that there is not just a simple similarity between cultural phenomena, but also a clear correspondence between the Tamil and Japanese vocabulary in this case. Within this lies a deep significance.
In the examples from Akita and Yamagata prefectures given above, people chant, "honga, honga,' while circling their houses. In Minami Azumi County, Nagano Prefecture, on or about January fifteenth, as a part of the ritual New Year's bird-scaring (torioi), people would call out, "Who's to scare the birds today?' then set up a chant of "Hongara, hongara, hói, hói.'
The word, hongara, then, also demands our attention. According to the commonly accepted phonemic theory, the ancient form of hongara would be pongara. As /r/ and /l/ are not differentiated in the Japanese language, the word "pongara' corresponds exactly to the shout, "Pongalo Pongal' by Tamil villagers.
Ibid., p. 258.

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We find here, as in the earlier conclusion about honga, another apparently clear fusion in value in both the event and the chant used.
9. Tree beating
On January fifteenth in the villages of the Shizuoka area, it was once the custom among farm families for children to stir rice gruel made of red beans (aeuki-gayu), and then strike fruit trees with the wet stick. As they did this one of them would chant, “Big fruit, little fruit. Did you bear? Will you bear? Bear big fruit or I'll beat your branches' Or they would say, “Bear fruit! Bear fruit! If you don't, I'll cut you down!'
At Awa, Tokushima Prefecture, there is a rite of magic for trees called mariyoshi. The central part of the rite is taking the kayugue a stick that has been used to stir the New Year's gruel and striking all persimmon, pear, and other fruit trees.
In Okinawa, on New Year's Eve, people enact a play which begins with three actors gathering under a mandarin orange tree. One stands close to the tree, one stands holding a saw, and the third holds a basket. The actor with the saw says, “Are you going to bear fruit or not?' The man standing next to the tree replies as though the tree speaks, “I will, I will,' and the man with the basket pretends to look for fruits under the tree.7
This sort of magic rite, in which fruit trees are pledged to abundance, was found throughout the country. Although some take place on New Year's Eve, as does the Okinawan ritual, the greatest number occur on January fourteenth and fifteenth. In some places the enactment takes place on setsubun, the last day of winter.
An event which bears the same essential significance is wifespanking. In Ezashi County, Miyagi Prefecture, on January
Ibid., p. 246, 248,251.

37
fifteenth there is the practice of singling out childless married women and asking, "Are you going to have children or not?' During this time the speaker brandishes a stick that has been used to stir the New Year's asuki-gayu. As a variation of the same practice, the stick is used to spank women's buttocks until they say, “I’ll have children. I'll have children.'
In the village of Toyosaki on the island of Tsushima, there is the custom of spanking the buttocks of newly married women with a kopparame (“Be pregnant') stick. While this is happening, children chant,' Have a baby, have a baby, have a baby like an egg!' On the fifteenth of January in Iwaizumi, Iwate Prefecture, childless married women are tied to a post, then children threaten to hit them while asking, "Are you going to have a baby or not? The women respond, "I'll have a baby-please let me go.'
These wife-spanking practices follow exactly the same pattern as the rituals directed at trees. In Abe County, Shizuoka Prefecture, “it was once the custom to carve a stick into a phallic shape, which children and youths would then use to spank the buttocks of newly married women.' (Yanagita, p. 252) In west Tama county in Tokyo prefecture the stick to spank the buttocks is called “mara-bó.' 'Mara' means phallus and “bó' means stick. In the light of these examples, one is inclined to conclude that tree-beating is an adaptation of the older practice of wife-spanking. This practice of spanking is also mentioned in the Makura no soshi ("Pillow Book'; a compendium of life at the Imperial Court in the Heian period (794-1185). Here the event is described in the Maeda family text as follows:
The fifteenth day is the festival of the full-moon gruel, when a bowl of gruel is presented to His Majesty. On this day the young master of the house, stealing the spoon that is used to stir gruel, waits to spank the buttocks of the female servants. The female servants take care to protect their buttocks. It is very amusing to see. When he succeeds in spanking one, he is extremely pleased with himself and laughs

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happily. Everyone finds this delightful except the victim, who looks very frustrated.
In most texts of the Makura no soshi, women also strike men, but it would seem that that particular practice developed out of the original custom of spanking women to encourage fertility and fructitude.
The tree-beating ritual takes place even today in the rural areas around the city of Jaffna, Sri Lanka. According to Mrs. Sanmugadas, on January fifteenth her grandfather used the spoon with which the pongal gruel had been stirred to strike the roots of the coconut, mango, and banana trees around his home. As he did this he said,
kay-ppiyo “Are you going to bear fruit or not?' pi-ppiyo "Are you going to bear flowers or not?'
The same practice is also found in many parts of the Tamil region of India; however, I have not yet learned of any wife-spanking.
10. Apprentices' or servants' holiday (yabuiri)
When we move from the events of January fifteenth to those of the sixteenth, the first practice that we find still carried on today in Japan is that of yabuiri, apprentices' or servants' holiday.
Until recently, in the Fukagawa area of Tokyo, the sixteenth of January was yabuiri, a holiday for employees and a day of amusement for all. It was a day on which the employees would first receive new clothing. With new obi tied around new kimono, they would all go off to Asakusa (a popular entertainment district of Tokyo) either to see a movie or enjoy themselves in some other way. Then in the evening they would all return and gather together to play cards, gambling for mandarin oranges. This is, or used to be, a generally observed custom in eastern Japan.
In western and southernmost Japan the day is observed differently, I am told. There, the wife of the head of the household

39
returns to her parents' home for the day. It seems that the original purpose of yabuiri was as a day on which married women and workers who lived away from home could return to their native places. In Saitama Prefecture of eastern Japan, both the sixteenth of January and the sixteenth of July are called ose-nichi (purification days); on the sixteenth of January aguki gruel is offered to the spirits of the dead and visits to graves are made. In the Kansai region of western Japan, the return of a woman to her parents' home is called rokuiri, and in some places visits are made to the family graves on this occasion. This is basically a time at which memorial rites are held for one's ancestors; it is the modern survival of the ancient custom of performing services for the repose of ancestral souls at the beginning of the new year.
In both Sri Lanka and Tamilnadu, too, there are customary practices held on January sixteenth which correspond to the Japanese custom of taking a holiday from work, giving new clothes to employees, and memorializing one's ancestors. I will examine these customs more closely.
11. Providing employees with new clothes (oshikise)
Examples of the use of the word oshikise (“providing employees with new clothes') are numerous in Edo-period (1600-1868) documents. In the Shogenjikó setsuyoshii ("An Etymological Dictionary of Words and Characters'; dated Tempó 2 (1717), we find the passage:
shikise: clothes given to servants.
The custom of giving clothes to employees on January fifteenth or sixteenth is found in Tamilnadu also. When I accompanied Pon Kothandaraman to his native village on January 14, 1982, he carried with him a huge amount of new clothing which he had bought in Madras. At first I didn't realize what it was that he was carrying, but they were sarees for women and underclothes for men. He gave them out as gifts for Pongal, and the women

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immediately changed into their new clothes. The custom of giving new clothes to one's employees existed there in Tamilnadu as well as in Japan. And, according to Sanmugadas, in Sri Lanka gifts of money and clothes are given out on this day.
12. Visits to parental homes and to family graves
I have already pointed out that the apprentices' or servants' holidays (yabuiri) are a variation of the custom of returning to the home of one's birth, but there are also other forms of the return to the parental home. In the Yoshino district of Nara Prefecture, for example, women who have left home to marry, return to their parents' home, bringing their husbands with them, and help in the work of the household for the day. In Kagoshima this custom is called oyagengo; the same term was once used in the KyotoOsaka area. According to the MinRokugaku jiten (“Dictionary of Ethnology'), gen&o is properly genean, meaning 'a formal meeting.' Thus, oyagenao would mean literally, "a formal visit to one's parents.' In the nineteenth century compendium of folk customs, Morisada mankó, we read:
yabuiri. In each of the three cities i.e., Edo (now Tokyo), Kyoto, and Osaka), those in service receive a holiday from their employer twice a year, in the spring and in the fall, in order to return to their parents' home. Those whose parents' home is in another province go instead to the homes of their guarantors. Because these people lodge with their guarantors, in Edo the custom is called shukukudari 'going into lodging' or degawari I'substitution'. In Osaka and Kyoto the practice is still called yabuiri . . . Gratuities are given to servants, but many people are less than generous in this so that they will have more money to spend on gifts for relatives and friends. These same people often ask for as much as three days' holiday.
According to the Sejidan "Tales of the World Today', 1734), this custom was once practiced only on the sixteenth

4f
of the new year. Later, it spread to the sixteenth day of the seventh month, and finally to twice a year, once in the fall and once in the spring. On this day, workers who normally have no free time are able to go to their parents' home and to visit temples in order to pray for their ancestors. Those without family have nowhere in particular to go; they spend the day enjoying themselves in the countryside.
On Tokunoshima, one of the Amami Islands, the sixteenth of January was a day on which people held memorial services for their ancestors and was called sengoshogatsu ("ancestors' New Year's'). On this day people would gather at family gravesites and toast their ancestors with toddy. The terms oyageneo and senaoshogatsu both indicate clearly the purpose of returning to one's native place on the sixteenth day of the new year. On January fifteenth in the Tamil-speaking area of Sri Lanka, the Pongal gruel is prepared and offered to crows in the morning, but in the evening specially prepared food (including dried fish, prawns, lobster etc.) is presented as an offering to the ancestors. In order to maintain this custom, everyone, even those people who have moved away from the area-for example, those who have moved to Colombo for work-returns to his or her place of birth by the day before Pongal, that is, by January fourteenth. When one considers that the day of Pongal is in fact New Year's Day, it seems entirely natural to offer prayers for one's ancestors on this occasion. In this connection, the New Year's events in Tamil and Japanese culture are essentially the same.
13. New Year's visiting performers (nanzai)
Mangai, a form of celebratory New Year's well-wishing in which a pair of performers with drum and Chinese fiddle goes from door to door, takes place not during koshogatsu but on the first, second, and third days of the new year.
It is called Mikawa mangai in eastern Japan and Yamato mangai

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in the western regions. Beginning in the early part of the Kamakura period (1192-1333), the manzai performers who visited the Imperial Palace were called seniu (literally, “one thousand autumns”) mangai, but by the Edo period (1600-1868) they were known simply as mangai. For their services the mangai performers were given a small amount of money. A line from a song believed to date from the Muromachi Period (1333-1573) says of the doorto-door mangai performers, “The mangai players stop to dance, and wherever they go they receive little. How little they earn' And from the lines of a play produced in Osaka in Tempö 3 (1832), we know that the mangai of that day received a scant amount of rice as a reward. (Maeda Isamu, Kamigata mangai happyakunenshi, 1975.)
Before World War II, one or two Mikawa mangai performers, wearing the tall black eboshi caps and formal dress of court nobles, would go from house to house singing to the accompaniment of a drum and a Chinese fiddle. At the end of each performance they would chant, “May your business prosper May your family be safe' and receive a few coins.
When I was visiting a small farm village in the Tiruccirappalli district of Tamilnadu on Pongal day in January, 1982, I saw something totally unexpected. A boy of about ten years of age came to the village and went from house to house singing to the accompaniment of a drum hanging from his left shoulder, which he beat with his left hand, and a chime hanging around his neck, which he struck with a stick held in his right hand. When he finished the long song, he would say a few words of prayer, asking that the prosperity and health of the household increase and that sickness and misfortune stay away. For this he received some amount of money. Later I learned that this boy and others like him are considered messengers of the gods. They start out during the middle of December and travel all around the region, ending their travels on the day of Pongal. These youths ordinarily assist in the production of plays in village temples.
On Pongal, in the vicinity of Jaffna, Sri Lanka, too, a man goes

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from door to door, playing a drum and singing songs, after which he offers celebratory words and receives a small reward. Even in Hirosaki City, Aomori Prefecture, the northernmost part of old Japan, Mikawa mangai until recently made the rounds on January 15 of koshogatsu, corresponding to the Tamil situation.
14. Singing and dancing
As for the apprentices' and servants' holiday, yabuiri, this takes place on the sixteenth day of the new year in Japan, but the day for amusement in the Tamil-speaking areas of India is the seventeenth. There is a day's difference between Japan and India on this point, but in the Tamil-speaking area of Sri Lanka, the day for amusement is the same as in Japan, the sixteenth.
In India, on the afternoon of the seventeenth, three or four men walk in a line through the streets of their village beating drums. This is the signal for the women of the village to dance, and for the men to wrestle and play other games. The drum the men use to sound the signal is a single-headed one which is struck to the following rhythm: “Düm dak, düm düm, dak dak. Düm dak, dim dim, dak dak.' This beat is repeated over and over again. Both the rhythm and the type of drum are exactly the same as those used by priests of the Nichiren sect of Japanese Buddhism when they march in procession through the streets. I do not know how it is that Nichiren sect priests came to use that particular rhythm. That is, I am not sure whether or not this particular beat was worked out in Japan or introduced from elsewhere. Nor do I know why that type of drum is used only in the Nichiren sect and not in others. I have not yet pursued the answers to these questions. It is likely that this particular beat is found in other parts of India. This question opens an area in which further research must be carried out. The late Koizumi Fumio was extremely knowledgeable in the ethnomusicology of all parts of the globe but when I played a tape recording of this drumbeat for him he responded, "I didn't know that that rhythm

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was used in India. Koizumi had spent time in India studying in Madras. The only place I've heard that is on a Mediterranean island.'
To return to Tamilnadu, after the men have passed through the village beating their drums, more than one hundred women gather in the village square, form a circle, and then begin to dance. One woman, perhaps chosen for her voice, sings a verse of a song and all the other women repeat it, clapping their hands, stamping their feet, and moving around the circle. They go on past dusk, even when it has grown so dark that one cannot see faces.
An event which was once held in Japan annually at the Imperial Court is doka, a kind of song which is performed to a beat set by the singers stamping their feet on the ground (doka literally means "stamping and singing'). This was performed at the yearly Imperial Dance Festival. This festival, held on the sixteenth day of the new year, was prominent during the Nara and Heian periods (710-794; 794-1185). The first mention of it is found in the oldest imperially commissioned history, the Nihon shoki (720). It reads:
Jitó 7 (693). 1. 16. Chinese performed singing and dancing (doka) at court.
The following record is found in the Shoku nihongi (797):
Tempyo 2 (730). 1. 16. His Majesty went to the Imperial Council Hall and feasted courtiers of the Fifth Rank and above. In the evening His Majesty went to the Empress' Palace. All officials holding the post of Clerk and above accompanied the doka singers who performed and then withdrew. After they left, they entered the Palace, where they were given food and drink.
In these cases courtiers sang as follows: “At the beginning of the New Year we present this song to His Majesty. May he reign forever!’ After this the emperor usually conferred the annual appointments. Leaders of the doka singers, two palace attend

45
ants, were promoted to the Upper Grade. The leader of the group plays an important role in stamping and singing, and so in Japan she received the upper grade at court. According to the Senzwashofu, written in the Song Dynasty (ca. 11th C.), women in the southern area of China stamp their feet and sing on the night of mid-autumn under the light of the full moon. The Choyasensai, a T'ang Dynasty text, says: “On the night of January 15, 16, and 17, outside of Ampuku-gate, people hold lights high. Young girls gather, stamp and sing under the brightness.' By these Chinese documents we know that doka was also a custom in southern Asia.
From the Nara period on, records of doka singing and dancing continue to appear throughout the documents of the Heian Period (794-1185).
It is also worthy of note that in the Shoku nihongi accounts of the sixteenth day of the first month of every year, gifts of clothrough silk, fine silk, cotton, linen, and ordinary linen-were given out. One may see this as a type of oshikise, the giving of clothes to employees, that was discussed in section eleven. What is more, drums and zithers are played. In short, the event combines the ritual with the entertainments of a day for amusement.
One must also not disregard the role of women in doka. In the record for the sixteenth day of the first month of the reign of the emperor Yozei (Gangyo 3; 879), we read, “doka by female musicians was performed as usual.' We can not overlook the phrase," as usual.'
Accounts of men performing doka are found only in records of the reigns of five emperors, Uda (r. 887—897), Daigõ (r. 897—930), Suzaku (r. 930-946), Murakami (r. 946-967), and Enyu (r. 969984). Men's doka did not take place every year, in contrast to women's doka, which did. From this one may conclude that the performance of doka by men was an extraordinary event, and took place in imitation of women's doka. It is likely that, in this respect, Japan was the same as Tamilnadu is today, where women sing and dance. In Sri Lanka there is no longer any singing and

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dancing included among the events of Pongal. In Japan still today, a type of song and dance which corresponds to doka is found in Shimokita County, Aomori Prefecture, where women perform a dance inside their homes. The heavy winter snow in Aomori Prefecture has forced the traditional dance to move indoors.
15. Shooting arrows
In Tamilnadu Doka is performed by women, but there are also Pongal pastimes for men. One is a type of “capture the enemy,' a game in which two teams try to capture as many as possible of the members of the opposing team and drag them back to their “base.' The team which takes the greater number of "captives' wins.
Men also challenge each other with long-staffs. The staff is approximately three meters long. There are some men who are extremely skilled at this; it is a highly developed sport with set forms and techniques. Another pastime is wrestling. Different from Japanese sumo wrestling in which the entire body is used, Tamil wrestling involves using only the arm to throw one's opponent off balance and topple him. The wrestlers match strength and skill in maintaining their own footing while causing their opponents to lose theirs.
I did not see any archery in India, but in Japan, as part of the Koshogatsu celebration, the Great Archery Contest was held on the seventeenth day of the new year and the Lesser Archery Contest on the day after.
On Pongal day in the Jaffna area of Sri Lanka and in the Tiruccirappalli district of Tamilnadu, a type of bullfighting and cart race takes place.
16. Offerings to cattle
In the farm villages of the Tiruccirappalli district of Tamilnadu, a Pongal ceremony for cows is held on January sixteenth.

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Since the cow is a sacred animal in India, an entire day is given over to celebrating Pongal for cows. Late at night, by the light of a single, small lamp that barely penetrates the near total darkness, the family cow is presented with a new collar and lead rope in a complex ritual. Mid-January is the coldest time of the year in India, but people still do not wear heavy clothing; the women dress as usual in sarees and men in dhotis (a cloth wrapped like a skirt around the waist) with a shawl covering their shoulders and chest. Dressed this way, a mid-January night is chilling. Yet the people still persist in holding their Pongal ritual for cows in the cold darkness of night.
In Japan. I know of some similar examples. In Higashidori village on the Shimokita Peninsula of Aomori Prefecture, on the twentieth of January a ritual is held for horses and cows. People offer mochi and change bridles and ropes for new ones. Also, at Jöhöji village in Iwate Prefecture, people offer the husks of rice and beans to horses and cows on the sixteenth day of January. I heard this from an 85 year-old woman named Tokawa Take. According to Sanmugadas, there are also a few areas in Sri Lanka where an entire day is given to cows.
17. Kite-flying
In the Tamil-speaking region of Sri Lanka, people also fly kites on Pongal day. They go to the beach and send a number of kites aloft. The custom of flying kites at New Year's is also found in Japan. It was so popular at one time, in fact, that the sky is said to have grown dark with kites above the banks of the Rokugogawa river between Tokyo and Kawasaki. Among the conventions of writing haiku poetry, the word for kite-flying is a seasonal word which indicates the opening days of the new year. However, the question of whether or not kite-flying took place mostly on the fifteenth and sixteenth days of the first month is still unanswered and requires further research.
米 §ද 米

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As we have seen, there are near-exact correspondences between almost every event associated with the Japanese celebration of koshogatsu and the Tamil New Year's festival of Pongal. It is hard to believe that such similarities could come about through mere coincidence, especially such linguistic correspondence as that between the words hongara and Pongal. This reflects a close relationship between Japanese and Tamil. However, the problem of when and by what route it was transmitted is beyond the scope of this article.

III
The Tamil Marriage System Upto 300 A.D.
1. Literature and Life
Tamils possess a culture that is reputed to be an ancient one. Tamil literary texts bear evidence to this ancient civilization. Archeological excavations usually bring out objects that were connected with the people. Sometimes these objects were associated with the ancient people. This association is made by a series of guessings. But these guessings are sometimes corroborated by literary evidence. In the case of the ancient Tamils, archeological and literary evidences corroborate to prove the existence of their civilization.
Human beings are differentiated from other living beings by their capacity for speech. Language, a part of the human culture, is closely connected with the life of the people. Man used language to preserve his customs, beliefs, traditions, rites, etc. which are part of his culture. His culture became firmly rooted in the mass of literary texts that he had produced. Literature records the customs and traditions observed by the people. The meaning of the term marapu tradition' is explained by S. V. Subramanian (1983: 18) as follows:
“Tradition can be explained in a number of ways. It can be the wide-ranged literary tradition. An attempt can also be made to classify special or individual traditions of a race or a country. Only certain traditions depicted in all the Tamil texts literary can be taken into account or a classification of

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the tradition of literary theme can be made. Traditions recorded by a particular author in his works also can be taken into consideration.
The eternal happiness, illustrious life of the people or a world without enmity and hunger may be taken as the traditions of common thoughts of the whole world. Faith in god, preservation of old customs, and traditions, worshipping the elders . . . may be the traditions of the eastern countries. Hospitality, the strength of chastity, readiness to give even life for glory and valour can be described as the traditions of the ancient Tamils. Literature records the traditions of the life of the people by portraying their life itself.'
The above idea about the literary tradition explains the meaning of the word marapu. Some literary traditions preserved by the Tamils are reflections of certain aspects of the life of ancient people. Traditions relating to marriage form a part of them. These literary traditions (relating to marriage) can be understood clearly if one studies Cankam literary texts and Tolkappiyam, the early Tamil grammar.
Literature expresses not only the eminence of the language in which it is composed but also in a subtle manner the life of the people. It brings out many aspects of the human life. It helps us to understand the origin and the development of the society. Without literature, we could not have understood the formation of the society. The Tamil literary works give us a lot of information about the ancient and middle-age society. Anyone who studies the history of the Tamils cannot overlook the Tamil literary texts. They have to study them to write a history of the Tamils. The literary texts provide data even for a scientific study of the Tamil society. The evidence provided by these literary texts can be compared with the notes provided by foreign travellers and historians. The Tamil literary texts make a number of references regarding many customs, traditions, rites, ceremonies, beliefs, etc. and some of which are preserved even now. An attsmpt is made

5f
here to collect and provide all information found in ancient Tamil literary texts regarding marriage customs, ceremonies, traditions, rites, etc. of the ancient Tamils. The details given here have already been published in Tamil: Tamirr Tirumana mataimuraikal (marriage customs of the Tamils', eds. A. Sanmugadas and Manonmani Sanmugadas, 1984). Last year, the International Institute of Tamil Studies, Madras, published Tamirar Tirumanam ( Tamils' marriage, S. Sasivalli, 1985) which records a number of Tamil marriage customs and traditions.
2. Tamils and Marriage
The ancient Tamil literary works are known as Cankam literature. The period in which these works were composed is called “Cankam Age' (generally assigned to a period between 300 B.C. and 300 A.D.). These literary works reflect the customs and traditions of the ancient Tamils. If various customs and traditions recorded in so many short and long poems of the Cankam literature are viewed together, the distinct qualities of the Tamil culture will become clear. Ettuttokai and Pattuppattu are two main collections that consist of all Cankam poems. Ettuttokai consists of eight anthologies and Pattuppattu is a collection of ten long poems. Poems in both collections provide a number of information about marriage among the ancient Tamils. Love and war were two main themes of the ancient Tamil poets. With the help of these themes, they were able to depict the distinct quality of men and women who were living with the animals.
Among the animals, a male and a female join together purely for biological reasons, especially for sexual relationship. But among the human beings, this companionship not only helps to give sexual pleasure but also to achieve certain high ideals. The companionship of a male and female animals always result in reproduction. Men who possess the ability to think are able to devise certain restrictions, traditions and customs regarding reproduction. Marriage became important when human beings

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realized that reproduction is not merely concerned with just two individuals but with the society too.
Ancient Tamil literature describe in detail those customs, rites and traditions relating to marriage. When a man and a woman by instincts started living together, there evolved a system about their companionship. When man and woman thought not only about their relationship but also of others in connection with it, customs and traditions regarding marriage originated. Tamil literary texts record a number of such customs and traditions.
The events in the life of the ancient Tamils, which are recorded in the literary works, are considered by the people of the later period as the grammar of those people's life. While the Cankam poets make use of Tamil language and a number of aspects of the Tamilian life in their compositions, the author of Tolkappiyam, describes and formulates grammatical rules for both the language and the contents of those compositions. Various aspects of human life are described in this grammatical treatise. The author has divided those aspects into two main divisions, namely, Akam (inner life) and Puram (outward life). Of these, akam, the Subjective, treats of love, its various emotions and incidents and puram, the Objective, relates to all other things-life in general. The grammar of the subjective life falls into two main sub-divisions, namely, kalaviyal (clandestine love) and karpiyal (chastity). The customs and traditions that prevailed among the ancient Tamils, which are recorded in Cankam literature, are considered by Tolkappiyam as the grammar of the Tamilian life.
Attempts had been made to compare the marriage customs of the Tamils with those of the others. For such a study, one has to take into consideration not only the Cankam literature but also grammatical rules relating to marriage found in Tolkappiyam (see, for example, a grammatical rule cited in Section 3). Some of us sometimes make use of Western theories on marriage to explain the basis of the Tamil marriage customs and traditions. This is entirely a wrongview. Our predecessors have formulated a number of theories to explain the basis of various aspects of our life. Our

ó3
most important duty is to bring them out to the notice of others who belong to different cultures.
The word tirumanam (a current usage among the Tamils meaning "marriage') is not found in any Cankam poems. The words that are used to denote the union of a man and a woman are: manam, varaivu, vatuvai, manral, makatkotai and utampokku. The word manam with a prefix tiru- has become a popular usage. The above words denote various meanings according to Winslow's Tamil-English Dictionary:
MANAM: fragrance, better circumstances, nuptials,
marriage, wedding, wedlock. VARAI-VU: to write, to take, to paint and draw, to
delineate, to reject, to exchange, to marry, a limit or bound. VATUVAI: a recent marriage, first joining, smell. MILANERAL : a place of assembly, an open space, a long
street, scent, perfume, certainty, marriage. UTANPOKKU: woman going with the man to get married
without the knowledge of her parents. MAKATKOTAI: gift of a daughter in marriage.
These words were employed by the ancient Tamil poets to denote marriage and other aspects that are related to it. The first four words, viz.: manam, varaivu, vatuvai and maniral, apart from other meanings, express the meaning of marriage. These usages and the events which they have referred to must have contributed to the origin of Tolkappiyar's (author of Tolkappiyam) two-fold theory of marriage, namely, kalavu nilai “clandestine love stage” and karpu nilai “chastity stage.” Between the last two words, uțanpõkku belongs to the kalavu nilai and makațkoțai belongs to the karpu nilai. This will become clear if the Cańkam poems are studied closely.
Kalavu nilai is the secret meeting of a man and a woman and enjoying intimately in a natural set-up. Karpu nilai is the beginning of the married life after their secret love becomes known

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to all. At kalavu nilai, the secret union of a man and a woman might have been free from any problems. But at social level, the Tamils believed that this secret union must result in an organized life according to the traditions set by their predecessors. At the family level, the man and the woman were to have equal rights and responsibilities. The members of the society had to accept and respect the feelings of the couple. It is because of this, the secret union of a man and a woman was made known to the members of the society and this practice became important in the life of the Tamils. It is widely accepted as a tradition even upto now.
Tannama rayamotu nanmananukarcciyin Initāń kollõ tanakkē panivarai Inakkaliru varańkum cõlai Vayakkuru veļvēl avarpuņarntu celavē
The above poem from Ainkurunuru (a Cankam anthology; consists of 500 short poems; hereafter Aink.) explains what is nan manam good marriage. The poem (379) says:
“Does she consider her secret departure, through the forest where the herd of elephants from the cool mountain roam, with him who possesses strong and white lance, is sweeter than the enjoyment of a good marriage in her house in the presence of her friends?'
These are words of a mother who learns from her daughter's friend that her daughter had gone away with her lover. The daughter's elopement is not condoned by her mother. She laments that her daughter has not respected the community relationship. She says that her daughter while going through the forest with her lover would have seen the herd of elephants roaming there. It would have definitely reminded her of her family and other people of the society. She feels bitter that her daughter does not possess a sense of community relationship that occurs even among the animals. According to her, a girl who does not have this sense of community

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relationship will not feel and enjoy the real happiness. By going with her lover, she has only thought about her happiness. She and her lover may meet with many hardships on the way. The thoughts about these hardships will cause much distress in our minds. The little girl has not thought about all these. It would have been a real enjoyment if she were married to him in the presence of her friends and the members of the family. The mother’s words undoubtedly point out the virtues of a nan manam 'good marriage' between a man and a woman.
Varaivu 'seeking marriage, proposal to get married, etc.' is an announcement to the society that a man is proposing marriage to a girl. Secret enjoyment without the knowledge of the members of the community may sometimes dislocate the structure and the system of the society. Ancient Tamil literary works portray a cultivated life in which a man and a woman establish a systematic relationship between them. Therefore, * marriage which helped to establish such a systematic relationship was considered to be an important boundary in various stages of human life. Marriage creates a new family. But at the same time it binds the new family with the other existing families. A man and a woman lived together not only for their sexual pleasures but also to maintain the units called family and society. Therefore, ancient Tamils observed certain marriage customs and traditions that propagated cooperation among the members of the society. Ancient Tamil poets in some of their poems refer to a situation where a man and a woman who were not known to each other had met one day and had secret enjoyment for several days and finally got separated. Consider, for example, the following poem (176) from Kuruntokai (a Cankam anthology; consists of 400 short poems; hereafter Kuru.):
Orunāļvāralan irunāļvāralan Pannāļvantu paņimori payirriyen Nannar nenca nekirtta pinrai Varaimutir tēnir pōki yōnē Ācā kentai yāņtuļan kolō

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Vērupula nannātup peyta Erutai maraiyir kalirumen nencē
"He came not just one day or two days. Having come on several days and having spoken modest words, he made my heart that always seeks goodness, melted. After that, like the honey that matured on the mountain and fell down without any use to anyone, he had gone away. Where is he, who like my father was expected to support me? My mind is confused and agitated (thinking of him) like the muddy water running into my country due to heavy rain in other places.'
In the above poem, the girl who has been deserted by a man, prefers to live thinking about him. She describes him as acaku entai like my father who supports several people. She thought that he, like her father, would have remained as a support for her and others. These thoughts were in her mind whenever she joined with him in all secret enjoyments. She preferred to have that secret relationship transformed into a permanent one so that it would bind both of them with her family and the society. In a way, she had to observe a social custom that was normally observed in this situation (i.e. at a time when a girl is deserted by a lover). If she had thought only of her own sexsual pleasures, then she could have gone to another man. But by observing the social practice and customs, she prefers to live thinking of the person with whom she had intimate relationship.
Some of us may feel that this sort of practice or custom is not worth and is unnecessary. Some may advocate that an independent system like the Western marriage practices may be useful. It may be useful to a group of people who have no control over their minds and who resort to animal life. Marriage may not be necessary for those who believe that the life is merely for enjoyment. But for the Tamils who have a culture that recognizes several aims of life, marriage is defined to be an important relationship that helps to lead a good life. It establishes a life-long and rightful relationship between a man and a woman. It is even now be

57
lieved to be a force that binds family relationship and social contactS.
mantik kātalan murimēy kațuvan Taņkamar naraikkoti koņtu viyalaraip Pońkalilamarai putaikku nata Nayawayayinum varaintanai cenmó Kanmukai vēňkai malarum nanmalai nātan peņtenap patuttē
"Even though you who possess a country where the male monkey, lover of the female one, while climbing up the trees, takes a sweet-smelling Narai creeper and beats a thin cloud approaching it, may not like the idea, but you have better marry her and go so that the people would say: "She is the wife of the man from the mountaineous country where Venkai trees blossom on the rocks.'
The above Aink. (276) poem insists that a married life should be set up instead of secret love being prolonged. Men and women are told in the words of toxi, the female friend, that prolonged secret love must be given up and they should get married and lead a good life. A man and a woman getting married with the consent of many and living together at a place have been considered by the Tamils as aspects of a cultured life. The word vatuvai, according to S. Subramaniya Pillai (1970: 14) must have meant these two aspects:
"This word has been used for a long time to refer to the marriage ceremony of the Tamils. It means "living' or 'staying at.' Moreover, vatuvai also means 'fragrance.' A man and a woman who have met and united secretly were made to live together or to stay together. The verb vati means 'to live' or 'to stay.' The word vatuvai must have derived from it.'
Many Cankam poems support the above idea. Having united in

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their minds and subsequently by getting married in the presence of many people, the couple helps others to understand the systsmatic relationships of tay "mother', tantai 'father’, kiravan 'the possessor, i.e. the husband' and manaiyol 'the possessor of the house, i.e. the wife.'
3. Marriage and Relationships
Marriage among the Tamils is not just an occasion where a man and a woman who have loved each other is brought to live together, but it is also a means to strengthen the relationship between the couple's families. It is the heroine's friend who comes to know her secret love with a man. This character called tori (lit. 'person stays to one's shoulder', i.e. a female friend), that occurs often in Cankam poems, possesses great qualities to preserve the social customs and traditions and also to observe them to transform the kalavu manam “secret marriage” into karpu manam ‘chaste marriage'. Tori, while preserving the relationship between a man and a woman from different social set-ups, also strives to strengthen the existing relationships such as tay "mother, tantai "father, etc. She is responsible for the formation of a new family from two different families.
A girl living with her relatives, namely, tantai father', narray 'own mother', cevilitay "foster-mother', toriyar 'female friends', aiyanmar "brothers' and tamar 'relatives, at one stage decides to bring in a new man whom she loves much among her relatives. At this stage, tori takes additional care on her. Usually a girl lives under parental care till she becomes the mistress of another house. But because of her excessive love for a man, she sometimes shakes off these relationships and attempts to elope with him. Tori, at this juncture, provides proper guidance to her. She sees to it that the girl's existing relationships remain in tact and her joining the new family takes place without any problems. Her attempt to safeguard the interests of the girl and her parents is referred to by the poets and grammarians as arattotu mirral (lit. 'standing with

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virtue', Shanmugam Pillai and Ludden (1976) translate it as "revelation with virtue’: tori comes to know the girl's secret love and if she knows that the parents of the girl will not approve it, then she makes plans for them to elope. Once the couple leaves, and if the parents search for the runaway couple, then tori resorts to 'revelation with-virtue.' By revealing the secret, she dissuades them.). As an intelligent girl, tori female friend' always attempts to safeguard relationships and to see that customs and traditions of the people are correctly observed. Pankan, a male friend of the hero, is also mentioned in Cankam poems. Unlike togi, pankan seems to be not preserving the social customs and traditions. His contribution is very much restricted to personal relationship only. Even in marriage, tori seems to be a person who has understood well the customs and traditions. The relationship among tori, talaivi "heroine' and cevilitay fostermother' is explained as follows by P. V. Somasundaram (1972):
“The heroine meets the hero at a secluded place and having fallen in love with him and continues to have secret enjoyment. Some people, without knowing her secret love have come to propose a marriage to her. Even her parents are not aware of her secret relationship. Thus she feared that her parents may sometimes give her in marriage to another man. She, at last, decides to confess her secret love to her relatives in order to avoid the proposed marriage. She has to convey this matter only through tori. Togi need not pass the message directly to her parents. She can simply pass it on to the foster-mother. Therefore, the heroine waits for an opportunity when fostermother would be closer to overhear what she says to her friend. This is what she says: “Mother! I love a man. Therefore, you have to prevent my father from giving any promise to the proposers. Further, you have to get me wedded to the man whom I love.'
The new alliance made by marriage should not cause an imbalance in the relationship between the girl and her relatives. It is because

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of this, people are much concerned about the customs and traditions connected with marriage. The girl's father seemed to have taken a leading role in finding a suitable partner for his daughter. The following lines from a poem (338) in Purananuru (a Cankam anthology; consists of 400 short and medium poems; hereafter, Puram.) bear evidence to this:
Korra ventar varinum tarraka Vaņankārk kīkuva nallan vaņtōtup Piņańku katirk karani nāppaņēmur Ruņankukalan āriyir rōnrum Öreyin mannan orumața makaļē
"Even if the (three) great kings come as suitors, the king, who possesses field with plenty of matured spikes (of paddy) and city wall that looks like a ship in the middle of an ocean, will not give his only daughter to any body who will not worship him.'
The relationship that is established by marriage must be harmonious. Proposal for a marriage was first made to the girl's father. Many Cankam poems bear evidence to the practice of a man who had loved a girl approaching her father according to the customs and traditions of the day.
There was also another practice by which a girl who felt that her parents would not accept her beloved used to elope with him and get married in his house. At this juncture, the man's mother plays an important role. She undertakes the responsibility of observing all the necessary customs and rites related to marriage ceremony. Akananuru (a Cankam anthology; consists of 400 medium poems; hereafter, Akam.) in a poem (195), speaks about a mother who learns that the mother of the young man with whom her daughter had crossed the dessert land, had her house renovated and decorated to perform the marriage ceremony there:
Aruficuram irantaen peruntōļ kurumakaļ Tiruntuvēl vitalaiyotu varumenat tāyē Punaimanifici püval ütti

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Manaimaņal atutu mālai nārri Uvantu initu ayarum enna
"Because of my broad-shouldered young daughter who had crossed the distress-full desert is coming with the youngster who possesses the best lance, his mother has put red clay on her decorated wall, has put sand in her house, has hung up garlands and is happily drawing (designs on the floor).'
The neighbours and the relatives used to help in their own way to complete the formal marriage ceremony. The gossip among the people about the secret love always helped to make initial arrangements for a formal marriage ceremony. The villagers believed that a formal marriage would always condition the behavior of men and women. The first sitra of the section on karpiyal 'Chapter on chastity' in Tolkappiyam mentions about people who should take part in a marriage ceremony. It explains that karpu is based on relationship:
karpenap patuwatu karanamotu punarak koļarkuri marapir kiravan kirattiyaik koțaikkuri marapinör koțuppakkol vatuvē
“Chastity is to receive a 'would-be-wife' in marriage by a “would-be-husband' who has the traditional right to do so with ceremonial rites, given by people (according to Commentator Naccinarkkiniyar: parents, uncles, brothers, relatives, etc.) who have the traditional right to do so.'
Relatives and neighbours help to perform a marriage with ceremonial rites. The ceremonial rites, customs and traditions that related to marriage were observed to transform a secret marriage into an organized formal wedding. Ilampuranar, a commentator of Tolkappiyam, defines karanam as marriage ceremony. But, later, it also meant a job done with hands, an organ of sense, intellectual faculties, mind, copulation, marriage ceremony, a variety in dramatic action, tumbling heels-over-head, instruments, means,

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calculation, astrological division of time, inscription, accountant, things for ceremonial rites, etc. But Tolkappiyar has repeatedly used this word to mean marriage ceremony. Marriage ceremony, at the beginning, was performed only to obtain permission from the relatives and the neighbours for a man and a woman to unite and live together. Old Tamil literary texts have a number of references to customs, traditions and rites pertaining to marriage ceremony.
When people devised some measures to bring together a man and a woman from two different regions as husband and wife, there arose certain customs, and rites. When two groups of people with different patterns of life and occupations united by marriage, they experienced a new kind of relationship. Certain customs and rites were observed to announce their new relationship. These customs and rites later become common to both groups of people. By observing these customs and rites during a marriage, they expressed a sense of cooperation which strengthened their new relationship. Restrictions on one group of people to marry in certain other groups were not in vogue among the ancient Tamils. Anyone could have marital relationship with anyone else. But they should have observed the common customs and rites that were in practice. The common customs and rites that were in practice in Cankam age were: proposing a marriage, selection of an auspicious day and time for marriage, performing ceremony at the bride's house, etc. These are discussed in detail in Section 6 of this paper.
But during the later periods, this situation changed. Marriage relationships were established according to occupations and life styles. Cankam literary texts refer to two kinds of undesirable pre-marital relationships, namely, kaikkilai and peruntinai. KaikRilai is one-sided love. Tolkappiyar defines this as follows:
kāmafi cālā iļamai yōļvayin ēmafi cālā itumpai eyti nanmaiyum tīmaiyumenriru tirattām

tannotum avallotum tarukkiya purparttuc colletir perân colli inpural pullit tõnrum kaikkilaik kurippe
“Kaikkilai is expressed in a form of love in which a man feels passion for a young girl who has not yet reached sexual maturity, addresses to himself poems about the agony of his love, and receives no response from her.'
A poem in Kaliittokai (Cankam anthology; consists of 150 medium and long poems; No. 58) portrays this relationship and it has not been accepted as a proper initiative for any marriage relationship. Peruntinai is defined to be a 'form of excess' in love and lust. Tolkappiyar defines it as follows:
ēriya mataltiram iļamai tīrtiram tērutal orinta kāmattu mikutiram mikka kamattu mitalotu tokaiic ceppiya nānkum peruntiņaik kurippē
“Peruntinai is expressed by the following four forms: the act of riding palm-stem horse, falling in love with an aged person, lust in excess that cannot be satisfied and lust satisfied by acts of violence.'
Age, family set-up, behavior, etc. were taken into consideration when a marriage was arranged between a man and a woman. These aspects are even now considered important in Tamil marriages.
Marriage relationship among royal families was sometimes decided by warfare. Puram. has a number references to this kind of marriage relationship. The ancient Tamils must have thought that it was appropriate for a woman from the royal house to marry a man with valour and heroism. This restriction removed certain complications which would otherwise have arisen if a new relationship was established through normal marriage between an ordinary man and a royal woman.

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Relationship established by a man with parattaiyar prostitutes or harlots' is a notable aspect in the marriage system of the ancient Tamils. A man after getting married to a woman and recognizing her as his manaivi “wife', sometimes establishes relationship with harlots or common women. The social acceptance of this relationship has not yet been properly explained by anyone. Many people believe that it was a socially accepted affair. At what stage and in what degree this peculiar relationship was accepted by the society?
There is no evidence in Cankam texts to prove that a man's relationship with harlots was approved without reservation by the very woman who was accepted by him as his wife in front of many people. Therefore, we have to explain in detail as to how in Cańkam literature the relationship with harlots had been considered a socially accepted one. A number of poems refer to marriage relationship with harlots. From these references, we find that even to establish relationship with a harlot, a man had to observe certain customs and ceremonies.
Vatuvai yīraņip polinta nammoțu Putuvatu vanta kavirik Kōtutōy malirnirai yāti yōrē
"Having adored with marriage ornaments, he came as a newcomer to swim with us in Kaviri river which has plenty of water and trees on its banks.'
From the above poetic lines (as what the harlot said) from Akam. (166), we understand that there was a practice to have a formal marriage between a harlot and a married man. It allows us to infer that there was certain marriage customs and ceremonies in connection with harlot-marriage. Therefore, it is clear that only through certain marriage customs and ceremonies that the relationship with a harlot becomes known to the public and obtains social acceptance. Tori 'female friend' is responsible in bringing about the karpu 'chastity' marriage, whereas, panan 'bard' be

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comes the ‘go between’ for the parattai manam “harlot marriage'. However, the relationship formed by harlot marriage could not remain a permanent one. Wealth was the main motive for this relationship. Thus the relationship established by karpu marriage was considered a permanent one in the society. People believe that harlot marriage is a symbol of man's weakness. This marriage relationship has not been condoned by the members of the society and the poets. A number of Cankam poems can be cited as evidence for this fact (see, 5.6 for examples of such poems). Cankam poets also point out the danger of normal marriage relationships being damaged by harlot marriage. Marutam poems (i.e. poems portraying the nature and life of the people in the landscape called marutam 'agricultural region') make special references to normal family relationship that continues with Ranavan "husband', manativi 'wife', kurantai 'child' and tamar 'relatives' becoming complicated by the undesirable new relationship with a harlot. The question arises whether this relationship did not occur in other regions. The agricultural region must have been different from the other regions where the pre-marittal relationships occurred. The customs and traditions of the people living in the agricultural region must have allowed new relationships. A family living permanently at a place depending on agriculture and also enjoying city life must have had the chance of being independent. But due to their geographical set-up, people living in the mountains, forest and coastal regions, had to live as a community. Therefore, they observed strictly those customs and traditions that bound their community. The unity of families was considered inevitable in their social set-up. Relationships, especially marriage relationships, were established according to the existing customs and traditions. Thus it was difficult for new developments to take place in their marriage system.
4. Marriage and Regional Environment
The life of the ancient Tamils was closely connected with nature.

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Thus, in marriage too, they observed customs and ceremonial rites that evolved according to their natural environments. For the Tamils living in the hilly region, the millet fields and the shores of mountain-streams provided ideal places for their young men and women to meet and make love. Similarly, the groves along the sea-coasts provided such an atmosphere for the youngsters of the coastal region to meet and make secret love. Thus, certain customs and traditions related to kalavu manam 'secret marriage' must have originated in these regions. A man and a woman meet for the first time and make love to each other. They usually make marriage promises. Their true love, before it comes to the knowledge of the public, was expressed to each other by those promises. The following Kuru. (300) poem mentions a promise made by a man to a woman when they met for the first time:
Kuvalai nārun kuvaiyirun kūntal Āmpal nārum tēmpoti tuvarvāyk Kuņtunīrt tāmaraik konkin anna Nuņpal titti māayōyē Nīyē añcal enren collañ calaiyē Yānē kurunkāl annan kuvavumaņar cēkkum Katalcūŗ maņtilam perinum Vitalcū rallanyān ninnutai natpē
“O woman of dark complexion, with heaps of hair smelling kuvalai flowers; with a red mouth packed with honey and fragrant as a lily; and with many tiny passion marks, like the pollen of a lotus in deep water;
listen
when I tell you not to fear, and do not be afraid If I could have the whole world
girded by oceans

where swans with tiny feet
live on dunes of sand
I would not think
of foresaking your love.
(Shanmugam Pillai and Ludden, p. 36)
The promise that "Even if I could have the whole world girded by oceans, I would not think of foresaking your love' not only reveals the intensity of the love that he has for her but also injects a new hope, strength and power into her. The relationship established with a man whom she had not met before can be strengthened only by the faith that she has on him. Tamil marriage customs, traditions and ceremonial rites were generally based on such faith and trust.
The woman accepts his promise without reservation and marries him and establishes a family relationship. The Tamils firmly believed that even if any problems arose after the marriage, this promise should not be broken. Even though the man resorts to a new relationship with a harlot, his wife was expected to live with him without seeking permanent separation. This aspect of the Tamilian culture is well summarized in the following Kuru. (49) poem:
Aņirpal anna konkumutir muņtakattu Maņikkēr anna mānīrc cērppa Immai māri marumai yāyinum Nīyā kiyaren kaņavanai Yānā kiyarnin nefīcunēr pavaļē
“O my man
from where the mulli bush floats on dark back-waters, blue as sapphire, with flowers like squirrels' teeth:
even when this birth
changes into another,

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may you be my husband
and I
the one close to your heart.'
(Shanmugam Pillai & Ludden, p. 282)
This poem is designed to be a statement made by a wife. She says: “I, who agreed at one time to be your wife for ever, shall remain so and shall have you as my husband in my mind even though you resort to new alliances.' Tamil women excelled in their job of preserving the relationship that was once established by marriage. They tried to preserve it from being destroyed by any new alliances. This was later described as illaram “the domestic virtue'. This belief helped in a big way to prevent a relationship established in one environment being destroyed by another established in a different environment.
The regional customs, rites, traditions and beliefs were preserved mainly by women. In ancient Tamil land, a man from one region used to get married to woman from another region. But in this situation, we understand from Cankam poem that women played an important part in preserving their regional customs and traditions. During their clandestine period, a man used to give presents to his beloved. But this act of passion should not contravene the existing customs and traditions of the region. The ancient Tamils seemed to have observed this custom strictly. Aink. (187) bears evidence to it. The hero brings a skirt made out of leaves (tarai-y-atai "leaf-cloth') as a present for the heroine and gives it to her friend saying "Please give it to your Lady.' But her friend refuses to accept it from him and gives reasons for her refusal as follows:
'Sir, why did you bring this? If we wear this, others will not believe that we plucked these leaves and adorned them. They will immediately suspect us. If you say "Let your dolls be adorned with these skirts if you don't wear them', then the other friends who come to swim with us always adorn their dolls with the skirts made out of Neytal leaves only and will not wear

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this kind of different leaves. If you insist that we should wear them, then we are in the habit of wearing only Neytal leaves. It is because we do not wear any different leaves on our bodies, our women are seen adorned with only a few flowers.'
The reasons forwarded by heroine's friend clearly show that she was trying to preserve her regional customs. It also becomes clear that the hero was entirely new to the region and was not aware of its customs. Ancient poets when recording various aspects of life, skilfully expressed the regional feelings that were associated with the marriage relationship.
It was easy for a secret marriage between a man and a woman from the same region transforming into karpu 'chastity' marriage. The following poem (230) from Aink. shows how the relationship between a man and a woman from the mountain region was readily accepted without any problems:
Amma vari töri nammotu Cirutinaik kāvalan ākip peritunin Menröl nekiravum tirunutal pacappavum Ponpöl virarkavin tolaitta Kunra nātar kayarvarnan maņanē
“Long live you my friend! He, from the hill country, who had been with us as a guard of the little millet field, who had caused your tender shoulder loosened and your fore-head to change in complexion and to lose your gold-like beauty, had been accepted (by our parents and relatives) to marry you.'
A number of aspects have been referred to in this poem. The millet-field happens to be an important spot where secret marriage takes place between a man and a woman from the mountain community. When the millet is matured, young maidens are stationed at the fields to protect the matured crops from birds and animals. Young men who are on hunt will usually come to these fields and will have the opportunity to meet these maidens. It provides an ideal atomosphere for secret love and they continue to meet and

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make love till the millet is harvested. After the harvest, the young maidens have to return to their respective houses and their secret meetings too will cease. At that time, a young man who has fallen in love with a maiden will approach her relatives proposing marriage to her. If the relatives are satisfied that the young man too is from their region, then they will arrange for a marriage. This was considered to be the ideal marriage (nan manam 'good marriage') among the ancient Tamils. The relatives of the young man and the maiden would establish relationship through matrimonial talks. But if the young man happened to be from a different region, then matrimonial talks would not be that easy. In that situation, the maiden used to elope with the young man and get married in his place.
5. Types of Marriages
Cankam literary texts mention different types of marriages that were in vogue among the ancient Tamils. The marriage customs and ceremonies too differed according to the natural environments in which they lived. Though the ancient Tamil marriage can be classified into three major types, namely, kalavu manan 'secret marriage”, uțanpõikku manam ‘elope marriage” and karpu manam “chaste marriage', we have to make further classification for proper understanding of them. The marriages among the ancient Tamils can be classified as follows:
1. Kaļavu maņam "Secret marriage' 2. Utanpōkku maņam Elope marriage' 3. Karaņa maņam 'Ceremonial marriage' 4. Vīra maņam "Heroic marriage' 5. Porul manam "Wealth marriage' 6. Parattai maiņam “Harlot marriage' 7. Pēccu maņam “Proposal marriage' 8. Makappērru maņam "Child-bearing marriage'
We have evidence in Cankam literary texts as to how these mar

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riages took place. The life pattern and the natural environments have caused different types of marriages among the ancient Tamils. Love alone was not found to be the basis for marriage relationships. Heroism, wealth, enjoyment or lust and child-bearing too played major roles in making marriage alliances. A proper understanding of these aspects will clarify the basis for marriage relationships in the present days. Many have researched on the marriage system in the West and how it has been designed according to the social set-up there. Similarly, the Tamil marriages too have been designed according to their social and geographical set-up. It will be useful if that point is treated here in detail.
5. 1. SECRET MARRIAGE
A man and a woman meeting secretly at the millet-field or at the shore of a mountain stream or at a grove along a sea-coast and getting wedded in their hearts and having sexual relationship as husband and wife is described as kalavu manam 'secret marriage.' Their secret relationship is not known to the public. It is kept secret for sometime. It is appropriate to describe such a relationship as kaļavu maņam.
Cankam poems and Tolkappiyam describe in detail how a man and a girl had met secretly and wedded in their hearts. Tolkappiyam, in its chapter called Kalaviyal Chapter on secret marriage, defines various stages of love-making. According to the ancient Tamil texts, when a man and a girl met for the first time, the man seemed to have spoken first. Tolkappiyam says that love advance can be made by several ways. One of them seemed to have been on the pretext of inquiring the girl's name and her village. Cankam anthologies have many examples for such a situation. The following poem (213) from Narrinai (a cankam anthology: consists of 400 medium poems; hereafter Nar.) portrays a situation in which the hero approaches the heroine and her friends and makes inquiries about their village:
Aruvi ārkkum peruvarai naņņik

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Kanrukāl yāta manrap palavin Vērkkoņtu tūnkun koruīcunaipperumparam Kuravic cētā mānti ayalatu Vēypayil irumpināmaral parukum Perunkal vēlic cirukuti yātenac Collavum collīrrāyir kallenak Karuvi māmarai vīrntena erunta Cenkēr ātiya cerunkurar cirutinaik Koypunam kāvalum numatõ Kōtēntu alkul nīļtō ļīrē
“O girls with broad shoulders and wide loins Tell me the name of your village which has been surrounded by mountains where the jak trees in the court-yards have ripened fruits at their roots and have the calves tied to their trunks; and red cows, the mothers of those calves, eat those jak fruits and drink cool water on the neighbouring mountain where bamboo trees grow. If you do not tell me the name of your village, (please tell me at least) whether you are the guardians of this field that has well matured red millet crops that have grown due to rain fell with thunder and lightening.'
On another occasion, a man seeing a girl standing alone had asked her who she was. Another poem from Nar. (155) describes such a situation:
Oļļiņai makaļirotu ōraiyum ātāy Vaļitar neytal totalaiyum punaiyāy Viripūń kānal orucirai ninrõy Yārai yõnin torutanam vinavutuń Kaņtōr taņtā nalattai teņtiraip Perunkatal parappin amarnturai aņankō Irunkari marunku nilaiper ranaiyo Collini maţantai enranen atanetir Mulleyirru muruvalun tirantana Palita ruņkaņum parantavāl paniyē

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“Without playing with your doll with those girls who are adorned with jewels and without wearing the garlands made with large Neytal flowers, O you, the girl who stands at a side in a sea-side grove with flowers; who possess the beauty that is not blemished by the eyes of any persons Are you the deity residing on the surface of the big ocean with clear waves or a girl who resides in the blackish land? Tell me now! O lady! Who are you? I pray you while inquiring this. As a reply to my question, she smiled opening her thorn-like teeth and her painted eyes with lids became wet.'
Sometimes, but rarely, similar question had been posed to the man after he had spoken first. Consider, for example, the following from Akam. (390):
Uvarviļai uppin koļai cārri Atarpațiu pūriya cēțpulam pațarum Tatarkõlumanar põkum netunerik Kaņanirai vārkkaitām nanru kolō Vaņarcuri mucci muŗutumar puraļa Aitakal alkul kavinperap punainta Palkurait totalai olkuvayin olki Nellum uppum nērē ūrīr Koļi rōvenac cēritorum nuvalum Avvāń kunti amaittõ ļāynin Meyvar uppin vilaiyey yamenac Ciriya vilankina mākap periyatan Arivēy uņkaņ amartanaļ nōkki Yarī rōvem vilaņki yīirena Mūral muruvalaļ pērvanaļ ninra Cinnirai vālvaļaip polinta Panmāņ pētaik korintaten neficē
“They shout out the price of salt harvested from salt flats; they travel to far distances on dusty roads as they go in their caravans over long trails

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carrying thick staffs. The life of these salt merchants seems a good one to me. Her curly hair tossing, the dress of shoots she wears to ornament her wide, soft loins swaying with each step, she cries in every street, "People of the town Salt is as cheap as paddy! Will you buy some?' 'Listen, you with your belly curved and arms supple as
bamboo, you did not tell us the price of the salt of your body,’ I said, standing a little away. Her anger showing in her large, red-lined eyes blackened with
collyrium, she said, “You, over there, who are you?' And innocent, very lovely, she moved off a little, smiling, her few rows of white bangles flashing, taking my heart with her.
(Hart, III, 1979: 135)
Smiling, showing shyness, etc. were some of the signs of acceptance of love on the part of the female. Once they were wedded in their hearts, they continued to meet secretly with the help of the tori 'female friend'. The man would continue to visit the girl secretly either in the night or in the day time. If the man could not come on a day due to difficulties, he seemed to have sent a messenger (called vayil). The mother of the girl, sometimes, came to know of her daughter's love-affair due to the gossip among the people who had seen the visiting man. Many Cankam poems make reference to this gossip. Consider for example, the following poems from Kuru. (97 and 393):
Yānēīņtai yēnē yennalanē

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Anā nōyotu kāna lahtē Turaivan tam mū rānē Maraiyala rāki manrat tahtē
'I am here. My innocence is in the sea gove, gone, and the pain never ends. The shore man is in his town and our secret is common gossip in public places.
(Hart, III, 1979: 62)
Mayankumalark kótai kuraiya makirnan Muyankiya nātavac cilavē alarē Kūkaik kōri vākaip parantalai Pacumpūņ pāņtiyan vinaiva latikan Kaļirotu patta fiānrai Oļiruvāt konkar ārppinum peritē
“The day when my man embraced me,
crushing my garland of mixed flowers,
were very few,
and yet the gossip is greater than the cries of the Konkans,
whose swords shone
the day Atikan,
fighting for the Pandyan king who wears a newly made orna
ment,
fell with his elephant on the field of Wakai,
where male owls roam.
(Hart, III, 1979: 87)
The gossip, sometimes, compelled the mother to put her daughter under close surveillance. A poem from Aink. (186) describes how a girl was guarded by her mother. The girl's friend (tori) meets the man and informs him that they have been confined to the house and guarded by the heroine's mother:
Nārai nallinan katuppa makaļir

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Nīrvār kūnta luļarun turaiva Pofikukari neyta luraippa vitturaip Palkāl varūun tērenac Celā tīmō venranaļ yāyē
“O Chief of the sea-port where women adjust their wet hair like the herons picking at their feathers! Our mother has told us not to go out of the house because a foreigner's chariot has been coming many times to the sea-shore crushing the Neytal flowers under its wheels.'
In spite of many difficulties, the tori used to help the man and the girl to meet secretly. Sometimes, the man had paid unexpected visit to the girl's house. This had caused fear in her mind. The following poem from Kuru. (355) portrays such a situation:
Peyalkaņ maraittalin vicumpukā ņalaiyē Nīrparan toņukalin nilankā ņalaiyē Ellai cērallin iruļperitu pattanru Pallõr tuñcum pānāț kańkul Yankuvan tanaiyö önkal verpa Vēńkai kamarumeñ cirukuți Yänkarin tanaiyõ nõkõyäne
“The rain hides everything, and you cannot see the sky. The water flows, spreading everywhere, and you cannot see the earth. The sun has gone down, a great darkness has fallen. You, at this midnight with everyone asleep, how did you come, man from tall hills? And how did you know our village, redolent vith vēnika?
I tremble in fear.'
(Hart, III, 1979: 84)
Usually, the friend of the girl (i.e. tori), makes arrangements for

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the secret meetings. At times, we understand from Cankam poems, that this secret meeting had taken place even without her assistance. The following Kuru (25) poem bears evidence to it:
Yārum illait tāmē kaļvan Tanatu poyppin yanevan ceykó Tinaitāļ anna cirupacun kāla Orukunir āral pārkkum Kurukum uņtutān maņanta fiānrē
“There was no one there, If he is a thief and his promises are lies, what shall I do Only the heron was there on his thin, young legs, like millet stalks, watching the aral fish in the running stream, on that day when our hearts
were wed.'
(Shanmugam Pillai & Ludden, p. 83)
This is a statement made by a maiden to her female friend. She says that there was no witness for their secret marriage. This marriage had taken place at the shore of a mountain-stream. At the time when their hearts were wed, there was only a stalk waiting for its prey in the running stream. That was the only witness. Even that could not be considered as a sufficient witness because it could not talk to the human beings. The secret marriage at that time took place purely on faith. She now feels that the secret relationship and the promises made by him at the first meeting may be forgotten by him. After having begun a courtship, she cannot marry any other man than her lover and retain her virtue. Instances like this must have given the idea that a witness must be necessary even for a secret marriage. Sometimes, the people of

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the area may come to know about the secret relationship between a man and a woman. They will start gossiping and slandering it. It may affect the girl's family and they may lose their respect among the villagers. The members of the girl's family will be blamed for not observing the social customs and traditions. These problems must have forced the people to find ways and means of changing kaļavu maņam secret love’’ into karpu maņam chastity marriage'.
If the man and the woman are from different regions, then they cannot resort to the ways and means devised to bring kalavu manam into karpu manam. Since the families of the couple live in two different regions, it is not easy for them to come together. Their social set-ups too are different. In this situation, the couple has to seek some other means to get themselves married. The couple may elope and will get married at the man's house. It was generally known as utanpokku manam 'elope marriage'. It was the girl's parents who were mostly affected by this type of marriage relationship. But there is no evidence of their protesting against such practice. They disliked it only because the marriage did not take place in front of them and other relatives.
There is no evidence at all for parents separating a couple that has united secretly. The girl was never separated from the man whom she loved and given in marriage to another man. There is a reference in Kaliittokai to a girl's brothers (rather than her parents) protesting against elope marriage. But they have never used any weapons that were used in the battle-field to stop a secret marriage or elope marriage. These practices must have strengthened the belief: 'one man for one woman and one woman for one man.' This belief differentiated the cultured life of the Tamils from that of the animals. Even when a woman was left alone after a secret marriage, she never gave up the thought about the relationship that she established with him. She did not think that after all the relationship was established secretly and no one knew about it and therefore it could easily be given up or for

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gotton. On the contrary, she always tried to make that relationship a permanent one in her heart.
5. 2. ELOPE MARRIAGE
Arrangements are made for utanpökku manam 'elope marriage' only when the couple fails to secure the blessings of the girl's parents for their marriage. Cankam poems have recorded the practice of a girl eloping with a young man without the knowledge of her parents. One may ask how this practice could be classified as a type of marriage. At the end of each elopement, the relationship between the young man and the girl was made permanent by a customary marriage ceremony at the man's house. Cankam poems have many references to this custom.
It is the tori 'female friend' who helps a girl to elope with her beloved. First, she will advise the man to get married to her as soon as possible. If it is not possible, she will insist that he takes her away with him. A poem in Kuru. (18) reveals the effort made by tori. A man had been visiting a girl and used to have secret enjoyment with her for a long time. He could not get married to her in public. At this juncture, tori's interference in their secret affair became inevitable. She met the young man in person and advised him to take her away and to get married in his country. The following lines from (Nar. 10) explain the duty of a tori:
Aņņām tēntiya vanamulai taļarinum Ponnēr mēni maņiyir rārnta Nannețuń kūntal naraiyoțu muțippinum Nītta lõmpumati pūkkē rūra
"Even if the beautiful breasts that project upwards become infirm and the sapphire like long hair that falls on her golden body is (later) tied with a lot of grey in it, you, from the country of flowers, never forsake her.'
At the time when he was about to leave with the girl, the tori requests him not to be separated from her till the end of their lives.

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She advises him not to desert her even when she becomes old shedding her beauties. In order to make the secret relationship a permanent one, he takes her with him and leads a family life. The woman too separated from her parents and friends goes to a new place with him. The marriage ceremony is held at the man's house. Sometimes later, the woman with her husband may go to see her parents. Thus even elope marriage becomes an accepted one later in the society.
Many Cankam poems record the sorrows of the mother whose daughter had eloped with a young man. However, she had never hated her daughter for eloping with him. Instead, she worries about the desert land through which her young daughter has to pass. She inquires about her daughter from every one who happens to come along the way she went.
Elopement did take place even among the wealthy people of the society. Difference in social status between two families too resulted in elopement. Because of the difference in social status and because of the regional difference, parents used to have the girl confined to the house under the close watch of the mother. But in order to retain her virtue or chastity, elope marriage was found to be an appropriate alternative. Tori shall make arrangements to send her with the lover without the knowledge of her parents. She will request the man to come to a place at a particular time. He will come to the place at the appointed time and will take the girl away. A poetic line from Akam. (200) says: polan terk konkan vantanan 'gold-chariot-possessor of coastal regionhas ccme.’ According to it the hero from the coastal region and who possessed a golden chariot had come at the appointed time to take the girl away. It allows us to infer that the man must have been from a wealthy family.
The following poem from Aink. (393) informs us that the couple after elopement came back to visit the girl's parents:
Turantatar koņțu tuyarațac cāay Arampulantu paŗikkumaņkaņāti

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Evva neficirkēma māka Vantana ļōnin makaļē Ventiral veļvēl vitalaimun turavē
"O neighbouring woman you have grown lean affected by the painful thought of your daughter who deserted you. You have quarelled with the god of virtue and always cursed Him. Listen you daughter, led by her courageous young man with shining lance, is coming as protector of your painful heart.'
The neighbours informed the grieving mother that her daughter and the husband were coming to visit them. This, in a way, shows that elope marriage was accepted as a type which was not looked down upon by the society. If a man and a woman got together once, then they should continue to live together without separation. Once there was no possibility for the couple to have marriage relationship with the knowledge of many, they went to a place where they could get married. This practice has remained as a marriage tradition in the Tamil society.
But later, due to the influence of the Aryan culture on the Tamil society, caste and community differences originated. This led to the division of high and low castes. A man and a woman from different castes could not get married with the knowledge of their parents. If they marry without their knowledge, then they will be treated as outcastes. Thus, elope marriage at this time is not a common practice of the society. Now, for marriage relationship, not only agreement in mind but also various other agreements are looked into. During the Cankam age, marriage relationship could be established through whatever ways. But this sort of broadminded attitude did not last long. The karanam 'ceremonial' marriage of the Cankam age may be indirectly responsible for this development.
5.3. CEREMONIAL MARRIAGE
The following sutra from Tolkappiyam explains how karana

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manam 'ceremonial marriage' came to be practised in ancient Tamil land:
poyyum varuvum tõnriya pinnar aiyar yāttanar karaņam enpa “It is said that after falsehood and failure appeared (in the conduct of love) the leaders of the society caused (the marriage) ceremony to be held.'
It was unfaithfulness and lies that caused marriage ceremony to be held with rites. Specially the unfaithfulness of men is referred to in a number of Cankam poems. If the girl's parents did not approve a secret relationship, then elope marriage helped to preserve the virtue of the girl and also to restore the family relationship in the society. But if this alternative was not resorted to, then the secret relationship may not become known to others. Thus both the secret marriage (kalavu manam) and elope marriage (uțanpõkku manam) were considered to be hiderence to the normal life of the society.
Ceremonial marriage was devised in such a way that most of the people in the society were able to observe it easily. It made the secret love of the couple known to the public and guided them to lead a family life. Initial attempts made to get a young man and a young woman married were refered to as motumalalar varaivu 'neighbours' proposal'. Ceremonial marriage, in a way, helped to strengthen the unity of the society. It consisted a number of customs, rites and ceremonies. In order to get the relationship of a beautiful girl through ceremonial marriage, initial talks between the relatives of the boy and the girl should take place. This was known as mana tūtu ‘marriage message.” Many used to send such messages to a single girl. These messages bring both parties together. They used to look into various aspects that would unite a man and a woman. Certain aspects of the man should match with those of the women. At the initial stage, elders would look into these details. Thus ceremonial marriage was considered as the only one that was properly performed.

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In a poem from Akam. (305), a mother laments that her daughter, who had eloped with her beloved, did not observe the normal marriage customs and ceremonial rites:
“While her group of friends and mothers like me to watch and enjoy, my girl like a beautiful peacock having stayed in the house of her father who possesses elephants that fight with their trunks, fast moving chariots and wealth like Uraiyur along the Kaveri river of the Chola kings; while the elders perform the necessary ceremonies there; while elderly and auspicious women apply perfumed oil to her hair and does the ceremonial bathing and perform other relevent rites at that place, should have married her beloved in the presence of many people and then should have gone with him. But she has not done so. The little girl who has thorn-like teeth and coral-like mouth, without any regards and without giving even a slight thought about us, going with that alien person to perform the anklet-removing ceremonial rite by herself and to live in a land that is not known to us before, is a cruel act indeed'.
What is said above not only reveals the painful thoghts of a mother but also various customs and ceremonial rites observed by the society in connection with the ceremonial marriage. The rites associated with this marriage make the relatives to gather together. This system of marriage gives prominence to the elders and the educated people of the society. It was only with the approval of the parents, the elders among the man's relatives used to go to the girl's house with a marriage proposal. Elders going with a proposal was called varaiya varutal to marry-coming'. Only the girl's parents could give a consent to that proposal. Giving consent to a marriage proposal was known as makatkotai nértal 'daughter donation to bestow”. Both varaiya varutal and makațkoțai nértal are two important aspects of the ceremonial marriage. The following lines from Nar. (393) record both aspects:
Varaiya vanta vaymaikku erpa

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Namarkotai nērntana rāyin . .
"In response to the marriage proposal made, our relatives have promised to bestow their daughter in marriage . . .'
Several ceremonial rites and customs were observed during the marriage in order to make it a happy and auspicious event. Even women have participated in marriage rites. Marriage rites of the Aryan culture were never performed. They were entirely devised and observed by the ancient Tamils. S. Withiananthan (1954: 245) outlines certain rites, customs and beliefs associated with the ceremonial marriages of the ancient Tamils:
1. Selecting an auspicious day and time for the marriage ceremony; mostly, the morning when the unjeopardized conjunction of the moon and cakatam (a constellation) takes place, was preferred to. Installing pandal and decorating the house and the pandal. Beating the marriage drums or auspicious drums. Feeding the relatives and others. Decorating the bride and to get her seated under the vitanam “canopy”. Elderly women presenting new pots and utensils to the couple. Offering prayers to Murukan, the mountain deity. Auspicious women who possessed children blessing the couple. 9. Offering the bride to the bridegroom in the night by the
relatives.
:
The above items listed by S. Withiananthan have been based on records found in the 86th and 136th poems of Akam. Due to Aryan influence, Vedic rites entered into Tamil ceremonial marriage. Instead of elders, Brahmins began to perform the whole marriage ceremony. Regional environment, habits, economic status and the background of the relatives were looked into when a man and a woman got married. The idea that love was the basis for marriage relationship has now been forgotten.

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5. 4. HEROIC MARRIAGE
From Cankam poems we are able to find the development of kingship from the tribal leadership. King came to be recognized as the leader of the people. Heroism and valour were important qualities that decided a person to become a king. Heroism sometimes played a major part in connection with marriage too. Cankam poems speak about heroic marriages. There were two types of heroic marriages. One type was common among the people of the pastoral land (called mullai). The cowherds of the pastoral land allowed their young girls to rear special kind of bulls with sharp horns for a special purpose. When the bulls were fully grown up, an announcement would be made that those young men who fought against those bulls and subdued them would have the opportunity of marrying their beautiful daughters. The bullfighting (eru taruvutal 'hugging the bull') was a ceremony of the ancient Tamils. Once the bull is subdued, the girl who owns that bull will be given in marriage to the young man who subdued it. Heroism was an essential quality found in the type of life that was led by the cowherds in the pastoral land. Thus the young maidens of that region were eager to have marriage relationship only with young men with valour and heroism.
The second type of heroic marriage was common among the kings. A king sometimes demanded another king to give his daughter in marriage to him. If that request was turned down, then the girl was taken by force after winning a battle against her father. If not, he dies in the battle. Cankam poets and Tamil grammarians refer to this tradition as makatpar kaici 'womantowards-war by wearing Kaici flowers.' There are about 18 poems in Puram. which mention this tradition. A young woman from the royal house was always married to a heroic young man. Puram. (343) says:
Murańkukațan muravin muciri yanna Nalaficāl viņupporuļ paņintuvantu kotuppinum

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Puraliya rallör varaiyala livalenat Tantaiyuń koțāa nāyin . . .
“Even if the best and superior riches like the Muciri city that has the thundering ocean like the drum are offered with respect and joy, her father would not give her in marriage and would say that she would never marry a person other than one who equals (him in heroism) . . .'
Thus marriage among the members of the royal houses was decided
by valour.
It was not easy for a male to get married to a girl.
He had to fight and succeed in it to make a marriage relationship.
If th
not, he should die with a wound in his body and should reach e "higher world.' Poet Paranar describes in the following poem
(Puram. 341) how two warriors fought against each other, after when one of them refused to give his daughter in marriage to the other:
Viļankiraip polinta vēļa melliyar Cuņafkaņi vanamulai yavaļotu nāļai Maņampulka vaīkalākutal onrō Äramar urakkiya marankilar munpin Nilai yeha marutta vutampotu Vārā vulakam pulkutal onrenap Patai totananē kuricilāyitaik Kaļiruporak kalankiya taņkayam pōlap Perunkavin irappatu kollõ Menpula vaippinit taņpaņai yūrē
"Having resolved, that either he marries tomorrow the unmarried young maiden (who is adorned) with glittering ornaments and whose breasts are beautified with spots; or after having fought with valour in the noisy battle he enters the world from which he cannot come back with the body that is wounded by a leaf-like long lance, the king has taken the weapons (to fight). Will this town with fertile fields and places with soft soil lose its great glamour like a cool pond

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that became muddy due to the fighting among the bathing elephants.'
The king has made up his mind either to fight the battle and acquire that beautiful girl or to get wounded in the battle and to reach the 'other world'. How is this battle going to affect the town? Because of their battle, this Marutanalltir (name of the town) with many paddy fields may lose its glamour like a cool pond becoming muddy due to the fighting among the bathing elephents. In this poem, the evilness of vira manam "heroic marriage' is pointed out by the poet. In this case, marriage is not considered as an alliance between two ordinary families but as between two groups. People from both sides had to undergo many hardships before this relationship is made. It was because the basis of marriage was taken to be heroism alone.
5.5. WEALTH MARRIAGE
Marriage relationships among the ancient Tamils had also been made on the basis of wealth. If the girl's parents were wealthy, then they should be given an adequate amount of wealth according to their status in order to marry her. Even though the young man and the girl might have already met secretly and loved each other, wealth was needed to establish marriage relationship. The young man had to find the wealth in order to make their secret love known to the others and for them to live together. Sometimes he had to leave his beloved to go in search of wealth and on his return to get married to her. He had to give to the girl the amount of wealth demanded by her relatives. Aink. (147) records this custom as follows:
Ekkar fiaran malarin makalir Ontarai ayarun turaiwan Taņtarai vilaiyena nalkina nātē
"He, the chief of the maritime district where the young maidens make leaf-clothes with the flowers from Naral tree on the sand

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dunes, gave a country as bride price (tantarai vilai 'cool-leafprice).”
In this poem, tori 'female friend' informs the heroine that the hero has given more wealth than what her relatives have demanded and the marriage had been finalized. It mentions an important custom that was connected with wealth marriage (porul manam) among the people living along the sea-coast. That is; the custom of giving dowry or bride-price by the bridegroom to the bride. The poem mentions about tan tarai vilai 'cool leaf price'. The phrase is interpreted by the modern comentator P. V. Cömacuntaram as mulai vilai “breast price”. The hero, according to the above poem, has given a country as the price for the heroine's breasts (i.e. bride-price). The dowry paid by the bridegroom to the bride during the Cańkam age was known as mulai vilai. The marriage relationship was made only after the payment of mulai vilai. This system of marriage reflects a time when wealth became important in ancient Tamil society. Even at the time when only secret marriage was customary in the society, there was a practice of giving gifts to the girl by the hero. The presents were mainly clothes made out of leaves and flowers. Nar. mentions the practice of giving leaf-clothes as presents (359):
. . . kunra nāțan Utukkuntaraitan tananē avaiyām Uțuppin yāyañ cutumē koțuppin Kēļutaik kētafi cutumē āyitai Vātala kolō tāmē avanmalaip Pōrutai varutaiyum pāyāc Curutai atukkatta koyarkarun taraiye
"The hero of the hill country has given leaf-clothes as presents for us to wear. People of our region do not wear such leafclothes. If we wear them, then our mother will definitely inquire about them. We fear how we could answer her at that time. If we return them to him, then it will cause him much

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pain. We just cannot keep them without wearing, because, can the rare leaves plucked from the side mountains where the heroic deity resides be allowed to wither away?'
Similar practice was current among the people of the sea-coast. Aink. (193) mentions it as follows:
Valampuriyuruta vārmaņa lataikarai Ilahkukatir muttamirulketa vimaikkum Turaikeru koņka nītanta Varaipunal vālvaļai nallavō tāmē
“You, the ruler of the maritime district where the shining pearls on the sea-shore which is ploughed by valanpuri right turning conches glitter to drive away the darkness. Are the white bangles (made from corals) from the noisy sea, that you gave us, better (than marrying the heroine soon)?'
The poem mentions that the hero has brought bangles as presents. But tori reminds him that it would be better if he gets married to the heroine soon than just giving presents to her.
It was this practice of giving presents that must have transformed in the course of development of the society into that of giving wealth or bride-price. The wealth marriage indicates that all relationships were controlled and protected by wealth alone. It also helped to make marriage relationships between men and women from different regions. Cordial relationships among the people doing various occupations like hunting, fishing, farming, etc., were established with the help of wealth. It also paved the way for a man to have more than one marriage relationship. It probably must have originated the parattai manam 'harlot marriage' in Tamil society.
5. 6. HARLOT MARRIAGE
The word parattai means “harlot', 'prostitute', 'courtesan',
'wickedness', etc. It has been employed in a number of Can
kam poems. Harlotry had been a practice that was found among

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the people of the agricultural region called marutam. A man who had a karpu 'chastity' marriage used to leave his wife and get married to a harlot and lived with her for sometime. Later, he might leave her and return to his wife to continue with the family life. The relationship made by harlot marriage was unstable and it seemed to have been a temporary one. The relationship was made not only with one harlot but with many. Cankam poems show that men with wealth were indulging in harlotry. Panan 'bard' had been acting as the 'go between in this kind of marriage relationship. He finds the ways and means for the man to have contacts with harlots and to get married to them. The following lines from Kaliitokai (68) explain the position of panan:
Cēriyār cenrunī cērntail vināyinan Tēroțu tiritarum pākanaip parippēmõ Olikoņta cummaiyān maņamanai kurittemmir Polikenap pulkuntanin pulaiyanaik kaņtayām
“He (the bard) going through the ceri (place where harlots live) had been inquiring about the house you had gone to. Can we blame the chariot-driver who goes along with you when we saw the pulaiyan (a mean and low person; here it refers to panan "the bard') who entered our mana manai (the house where the karpu marriage was performed) and blessed it.'
The relationship with the harlot was announced to the public by a customary marriage. A poem from Akam. (66) mentions that the sound of auspicious drum that is played for the purpose of marriage in a harlot's house is heard in the village. Preparations for a marriage between the hero and a harlot are being made. But the poem concludes that the hero having thought about the promise that he made to his wife when he first met her, gave up the marriage with the harlot. The poem expresses the fact in a subtle manner that the karpu 'chastity' marriage was deep-rooted in love and whereas the harlot marriage was concerned with wealth alone.

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Relationship with a harlot was accepted by the society only through certain marriage customs. A simple ceremony takes place at the harlot's house. The hero will garland the harlot and that signifies that they are married. After that only he was able to stroll with her, or to bathe and sport with her in public bathing places. The relationship with harlots was not a secret one. Since wealth was involved in that kind of relationship, one's right to own a harlot had to be known to others.
Some scholars say that harlot marriage was not considered indecent in the society at that time (see, for example, Kanakasabhai, 1956: 124). But many Cankam poems inform us that at the social level the hero and the harlot had been blamed for establishing such a marriage relationship. There are poems in Cankam anthologies which express the feelings of a wife who comes to know her husband's new relationship with harlots. Consider, for example, the following poem from Nar. (350).
Veņņel arinar taņņumai verīip Paranap palpuļ iriyak karani Vankucinai marutat tünkutunar utirun Tērvaņ virāan iruppai annaen Tolkavin tolaiyinun tolaika cāra Viteen vitukkuven ayin kataiik Kavavukkai tänkum matukaiyam kuvavumulai Catiya cantinai vatiya kotaiyai Äkil kalańkarīi arru Vāral vāriya kavainin rōļē
“In Iruppai city ruled by king Viraan, who gives chariots away, flocks of birds in the field, frightened by the kettle drums of men harvesting white paddy, flee to the bent limbs of a marutam tree and makes its flowers drop down. The beauty I have kept so long is splendid as that city, yet if it must be spoiled I do not care. I will not let you close to me,

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for if I do, your hands, seizing and pulling, can force me to their will. With sandal rubbed on you from round breasts and a garland that is withered, you are like a dirtied ornament. Do not come to me: may she who embraces you flourish.'
(Hart, III, 1979: 99)
In this poem, the wife reproaches her husband who has returned from the harlot's house. The sandal paste from the harlot's breasts is rubbed on his chest. The garland is withered because it got crushed when he embraced the harlot. These two are clear signs that he had been with her. In a poem from Puram. (145) the poet Paranar reproaches king Waiyavik K0 Perum Pekan who deserted his wife (Kannaki) and was living with his harlot. The poet advises him to go to his wife immediately:
Mațattakai māmayil panikkumen raruļip Patāa mītta ketāa nallicaik Katāa yānaik kalimān pēka Pacittum vārēm pāramu milamē Kalankani yanına karunköttuc ciriyâr Nayampurin turaiyunar natunkap paņņi Arañcey tīmo aruļvey yõyena Ihtiya miranta paricilah tirulin Inamaņi netuntē rēri Innā turaivi yarumpatar kaļaimē
"O Peka! You have earned indestructible good fame by offering a covering cloth to a soft black peacock thinking that it would shiver in the cold and you possess rutting elephants and swift horses. We have not come to you due to hunger. Nor we have any relatives to be fed. You who love virtue! Please do such a virtueous act by playing the small lyre with a knob

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like the black fruit of Carissa diffusa and causing the music lovers to shake their heads. The gift that we are begging from you is this: Tonight, mounting on your high chariot with bells, please go and remove the sorrows (of your wife Kannaki) who lives without being seen by others.'
Several poets had gone in person to reproach the king for his deed. They all advised him to leave the harlot and to get back to his wife. Earlier, the kings had the opportunity of having as many harlots as possible in their harems without any marriage ceremonies. It was purely for sexual relationship. At a much later period, the relationship with prostitutes came to be kept a secret one. A man who had relationship with a prostitute used his wealth to safeguard his respect in the society. But on the other hand, prostitutes were not in a position to have a settled life of their own with men and thus they became known as common women of the society. The practice of treating them as outcaste in the society also originated. They were able to live without any difficulties till they had their youth and beauty. They had to bear all insults hurled at them. They were always referred to as people living by selling their bodies. Though different kinds of arts flourished in the places where they lived, those artistic talents were not respected. The society also did not approve a normal family life between a man and a prostitute. Those men who treated them as their second wives did not come forward to give any rights to them or to safeguard their interests. It at last paved the way for the formation of a peculiar social group called common women.
5.7. PROPOSAL MARRIAGE
It has been the duty of the parents in Tamil society to find a suitable husband for a girl who had attained puberty. Cankam poets have referred to notumalalar varaivu 'neighbours' proposal' where the relatives of the man came approaching the girl's parents with a marriage proposal. But we do not find any evidence for the practice of girl's parents approaching a man's relatives with a

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marriage proposal. In order to get married to a girl, the custom of making a proposal to her parents by the man's relatives seemed to have been a common one in ancient Tamil land. Moreover, if a man wanted to get married to a girl whom he had seen already, then he might request his friend to make inquiries about her and to make arrangements for a marriage. Toran 'male friend' would meet the girl's parents and negotiate with them for the marriage.
In one of the poems in Puram. (201), we have evidence for an attempt made for a direct proposal marriage. When the great king Pari died, his friend and great poet Kapilar wanted to get Pari's daughters married. Therefore, he took them to king Irunkóvel and said:
Ivariyār enkuvai yāyi nivarē Ūruța niravalark karuļit tēruțan Mullaik kītta cellā nallicaip Patumaņi yānaip parampir kōmān Netumāp pāri makaļir yānē Tantai töra nivaren makalir Antaņan pulavan koņtuvan tananē Niye . . . Yānrara vivaraik koņmati . . .
“These girls are daughters of Pari, the king of Parampu, who had retained his glory by offering his chariot to a jasmine creeper and all his lands to those who begged for them; I am a friend of these girls' father Velpari, a Brahmin and a poet; I offer these girls whom you should get married to . . .'
This is a classic example where the bridegroom himself is directly approached with a proposal for a marriage.
Proposed marriage must have been common among the people of all regions. Even men and women who had established secret relationships, sometimes, had to go through this procedure. This type of marriage is still current among the Tamils.

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5. 8. CHILD-BEARING MARRIAGE
Second marriage for the sole purpose of bearing children was approved by the ancient Tamils. A man and a woman who had loved each other and got married, and if after some years the couple was not blessed with a child, then the man was allowed to get married to another woman to have children. This type of marriage was called makappērru manam ‘child-blessing with-marriage”. But we are unable to say the time lapse between the first marriage and the second marriage. Cankam poets have not made any specific reference regarding the time limit. But, unlike the harlot marriage, this marriage for the purpose of off-spring remained a permanent one. It was even accepted by the man's first wife. Consider, for example, the following poem from Aink. (292):
Mayilkaļālap peruntē nimirat Taņmarai tarīiya māmalai nāta Ninninum cirantanaļ emakkē nīnayantu Nanmanai yarunkati yayara Ennalan cirappayām inipper rōļē
"Ol the possessor of the country with large mountains that are clapped with cool rainy clouds and where peacock dance and bees hum; the (new) girl whom you have got is more loveable to me than you; you enjoy her in our traditional house to my delight.'
The commentator of this poem gives some more details. Because of no off-springs, the hero, while his first wife is still living, gets married to another respectable woman and brings her to his house. The first wife is delighted and welcomes her with happiness. Instead of saying “You enjoy the girl you have got,' she says “You enjoy the girl we have got.' It reveals her unreserved and unstinted support for the second marriage. She feels that if the second wife bears children to her husband, then she too would be blessed. The statement “I like her better than you' reveals her

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attitude and what would be her relationship towards the new woman. So far she had loved none other than her husband. But now she had learnt to love the new woman as her sister and to create an atmosphere where her husband and his second wife would feel free in her house.
Tolkappiyam summarizes the above custom in the following sũtra (Porulatikãram: Karbiyal: 31):
pinmurai ākkiya perumporuļvatuvait tonmurai manaivi etirppā tāyinum
"The first wife who was duly married shall welccme the great wealth-like second wife, who had also been duly married (for the purpose of bearing children), with auspicious things.'
According to an old note to the above poem, the second marriage seemed to have taken place at the house of the second wife's father. This might have been due to the common practice of having the marriage ceremony at the girl's house. For the man it may be a second marriage; but for the girl it is the first one. Therefore, following the common practice, they had the marriage ceremony at her father's house. Later, of course, she was taken to the man manai 'traditional good house' of his first wife. It was a socially approved marriage. Since the enlargement of the family was the sole reason for this marriage, it was accepted by all. A child in ancient Tamil society was considered a big wealth. Even wealthy people who did not have children were regarded as those who have not enjoyed the full fruits of life. Moreover, child was regarded as the symbol of growth in society and also the intimacy of the family. People who were living in small groups grew up into stronger and larger groups due to more off-springs in the society. Wealth provided personal pleasures. But through children, people enjoyed the fruits of community life. It is because of them, certain conditions on life, became observed as customs and traditions; the culture of the people was preserved without break; the thoughts about generation originated among the people.

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The types of marriages outlined above would reflect various aspects of the life of the ancient Tamils. Some of them are even now practiced by the Tamils. The strong traditions and customs that are attached to them must have retained them in the Tamil society. Some of the inevitable marriage procedures and customs connected with those marriages are now preserved as rites and ceremonies. The Tamil marriage ceremonies always reflect the unity of the society. One could easily understand various aspects of the present marriage ceremonies if he or she has a clear understanding of the marriage ceremonies of the ancient Tamils.
6. Marriage Customs, Rites and Ceremonies
Marriage is considered by the Tamils as an important procedure which unites a man and a woman to establish a permanent relationship and to lead a steady family life. The marriage customs and rites are there not to allow the secret relationship established by a man and a woman to remain a personal one but to make it known to all at the social level. Thus it was easy to observe them and continue to do so. They turned out the distinct aspects of the culture of the Tamils.
6. 1. MARRIAGE PROPOSAL
It was possible during the Cankam age for a young man and a young lady to court each other and to enter into a secret relationship. Tori, the female friend of the young lady, who was well aware of this relationship would normally request the man to propose a marriage to the girl. This procedure helped to transform the secret love stage into a stage where normal relationship as husband and wife could be established with the approval of the people of the area. Many Cankam poems inform us about the ancient custom by which the relatives of the young man had gone to the girl's house with a proposal for a marriage to her. Consider, for example, the following Kuru. (146) poem which records this CuStOII:

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Amma vari töri nammürp Pirintõrp punarppõriruntanar kollõ Taņtutaik kaiyar veņtalaic citavalar Nanrunan rennu mākkaļõ Tinruperi tennum ārnkaņa tavaiyē
"Are there not people in our town
who unite those separated from one another
Listen and prosper,
My friend:
his folks came with their walking sticks ( )
and their grey heads wrapped in cloth,
saying, "It is good,
Yes it is good,'
and the gathering of our kinsmen
has said, “This is a big day'
(Shanmugam Pillai & Ludden, p. 180)
The translators of the above poem have rendered the expression tantutaik kaiyar as "folks with their walking sticks'. But tantu in this poem does not mean a “walking stick'. It is a “pole' that must have been used by messangers who carried messages from the hero to the heroine and elders who went to the bride's house proposing a marriage. According to Tolkappiyam, a parppan ("virtueous person' or a 'seer) is one of the persons who can act as messengers. According to Kuru. (156), the hero's friend (a parppan) who also acts as a messanger is described as carrying a pole made from a branch of Erythrina Indica. This tree plays an important role in marriage ceremony among the Jaffna Tamils now. The first pole that is planted to erect the shed for the marriage ceremony is always a branch from this tree. It is called kannik kal 'virgin pole or first marriage pole'. There is also a reference to a tantu in Puram. (243) where a pole had been carried by an elderly and sickly person. But the elders who are referred to in the above poem (i.e. Kuru. 146) are not sick persons. The tantu had also been carried by cowherds and warriors, according to

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Cankam poems. But it is significant in the above poem where it is connected with secret love and marriage. Elders played a major role in proposing a marriage to a young lady. Experienced and educated elders among the man's relatives had direct contact with the girl's kinsmen and talked about the marriage. Only when the girl's parents and relatives agreed to the proposal, the marriage relationship was established. Cankam poems depict the feelings of girls who were sometimes afraid of their kinsmen refusing the proposals made by their lovers' relatives. They would wait with anxiety to know the decision of the talks between the two parties.
Sometimes, tori 'female friend' had to disclose to the parents the secret love between their daughter and a man. At times, the neighbours without knowing that a girl was having a clandestine love with a man may bring a proposal of marriage to her. It was at this time the tori intervened and disclosed the secret love affair of their daughter to her parents. It was also customary for the prospective bridegroom to go with his relatives to the girl's house when proposing a marriage to her. A poem in Alink. (300) records this custom. The words of the poem are addressed by the togi to the heroine informing her that the hero had come proposing marriage to her. She says that the heroine's parents were happy to welcome him and have agreed to the proposal. She also blesses the heroine saying: "Let your chastity and virtue shine'. The hero would not get a chance to meet the heroine during this particular visit to her house. The heroine too would never participate in the marriage talks among the elders. But all details about the meeting between the hero and her parents will be informed to her by tori. Togi played an important role in this marriage procedure called makat péccu 'talks for girl'. This marriage procedure is still current among the Tamils. It is now called manam pécip potal 'going with marriage proposal.' It provided an opportunity for the members of the two groups to have direct contact and which in turn strengthened the new relationship that is to be established. It indicates that marriage relationship among Tamils involved not just two individuals but two groups of people. The

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wealth or dowry that was to be given to the girl was also decided at this meeting of the relatives. The bridegroom giving wealth or gifts to the girl was a custom during the Cankam age. This wealth or gift was called mulai vilai “breast price”. Akam. (280) records the custom of giving jwells to the girl. It also informs us that the hero who was not bestowed with wealth was prepared to work with the heroine's father. This poem may be referring to another type of marriage called service marriage:
Ponnațarın tanna oļļiņarc ceruntip Panmalar vēynta nalamperu kōtaiyaļ Tiņimaņa lataikarai alavan āti Acaiyina ļirunta āytotik kurumakaļ Nalaficālviņupporuļ kalanirai kotuppinum Peralaruń kuraiya ļāyin aranterintu Nāmurai tēem marūupeyarn tavanotu Irunīrc cērppin uppuțan urantum Perunirk kuttam punaiyotu pukkum Patuttanam paņintanam atuttanam iruppil Tarukuvan kolō tāmē viritiraik Kaņtiraļ muttan koņtu fiānkart Tēnimir akankaraip pakukkuń Kānalam perunturaip paratavan namakkē
"Like gold piled up, many flowers of bright-clustered cerunti covered her hair as she played, kicking at the crabs on the shore heaped high with thick sand, and then rested. I know that even if I gave many jewels and great wealth, I could not have that girl whose bangles are lovely. But if I were to come here to live so that her father could know me, if I were to harvest the salt on the shore of the great waters
with him,

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ride out on a raft with him to the deep sea, obey him, follow him, be with him, then perhaps he would be fair
and give her to me, that fisherman from a harbor with a lovely grove, where they take fat pearls from the spreading waves and divide them on the broad shore humming with dragon
flies.'
(Hart, III, 1979: 126)
6. 2. SELECTING AN AUSPICIOUS DAY
If the marriage proposal was accepted and both parties agreed to have the marriage, then an auspicious day would be chosen to announce it to the public. Akam. (86) mentions an auspicious day for the marriage:
Kanaiyiruļ akanra kavinperu kālaik Kōļkāl nīnkiya kotuveņ tinkaļ
“(At dawn), when the curved white moon was not affected
by inauspicious planets . . .'
(Hart, III, 1975: 50)
The commentator says: “at the auspicious time when the round white moon free from bad planets comes in conjunction with the glorious and faultless star Urókani.' The day when moon was in conjunction with Urokani was considered to be an auspicious day for marriage by the ancient Tamils. Another poem from Akam. (136) also confirms this belief:
... telloli Ankaņ iruvicumpu viļankat tinkaļ Cakata maņtiya tukatīr kūtattu
“ as the vast sky shone with clear light, and as there was an unjeopardized conjunction
of the moon and cakatam (the wagon, a constellation) '
(Hart, III, 1975: 49)

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From the following poem from Kuru. (248), one can infer that a particular day had been chosen for marriage and the boy and the girl had to wait for that day:
Atuvara lanmaiyō aritē avanmār Puruka venra nālē kuruki Īnkā kinrē tōri
"The day when you will hold his chest is very near,
it is impossible now
for marriage notto come.”
(Shanmugam Pillai & Ludden)
In this poem tori female friend tells the heroine that the day on which she could join her lover was approaching. That day must have been an auspicious one. The custom of having marriage on an auspicious day, selected by virtuous persons, has been current among the Tamils from ancient times upto now. Even on the auspicious day, the dawn was preferred as an auspicious time for the marriage. Even in heroic marriage, auspicious day was observed. Kaliittokai (102) records that an auspicious day for the marriage was selected after the heroic event of subduing the bulls by the cowherds had taken place.
6. 3. PLACE WHERE MARRIAGE CEREMONY WAS HELD
It has been the common practice among the Tamils to have the marriage ceremony at the girl's house. This practice has been mentioned in poems which express sad feelings of mothers who lament over their daughters' elopement. The following poem from Akam. (369) expresses clearly the custom of having the marriage ceremony at the bride's house:
Nitiyuțai nannakarp putuvatu punaintu Tamarmaņan ayaravum olāļkavarmutal Omainitiya ulavai nilitai Maņiyaņi palakai mākkār netuvēl

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Tuņivutai uļamotu tutainta munpin Ariyāt tēettu aruficuram matutta Ciriyõr kottaven perumațat takuvi Cirappufi cīrum inric cīrūr Nalkūr peņtin pulvēy kurampai Črā yāta orutūņ munril Etil varumanaic cilampuțan karii Mēyinaļ kolena nōval yānē
"Not preferring the marriage performed after decorating the prosperous town by her relatives, my daughter who is a perfect match to the courageous young man carrying long lance and ornamented shield had taken her through the long tract full of Omai trees to the unknown country where, without respect and greatness, in a small hamlet, in the grass-roofed house of the poverty stricken woman; at the court-yard of the poor house which has a pillar tied with a cow, she removed her anklet and married him. I lament thinking of it.'
In Alink. (399), a mother of the heroine requests the hero's mother to allow at least the marriage ceremony be held in her house since the cilampu karital catanku "anklet removing ceremony (see, 6.5.2 for details about this ceremony) had already been performed in latter's house. Cankam poems that deal with elopement help us to conclude that it was a common practice among the ancient Tamils to have the marriage ceremony only at the bride's house. It is further confirmed by another information furnished by a poem from Akam. (221). According to this poem, the announcement regarding the forthcoming marriage seemed to have been made only by the bride's parents to their relatives and others. While making arrangements for the ceremony in the front yard of the house where cart-load of sand had been spread, the bride's father and her relatives drinking toddy that was prepared from honey had told the people who made inquiries that their daughter with beautiful hair was to get married.
It was because the marriage ceremony was held at the girl's

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house, the custom of giving gift or dowry to her must have originated. In order to get this important event known to all the people, the girl's parents had to organize the marriage ceremony in a large scale. All guests to the ceremony had to be fed. Since girl's house-hold had to play a major role in observing all the necessary marriage customs, traditions and ceremonial rites, the ancient people must have made it a practice to have the wedding ceremony at the bride's house.
6.4. MARRIAGE AND DECORATIONS
A Tamil marriage ceremony is never performed without flowers, perfumes, beautiful clothes, well ripened fruits, auspicious things like salt, kum-kum powder made from saffron’ sandal, etc. The aesthetic aspect is very conspicous in it. This was true of the ancient marriage ceremonies too. A special shed called pantal pandal' was constructed for the wedding ceremony and it was decorated well. White sand was spread and many lamps were lighted. Even the front-yard was filled with white sand so that the people would know that it was the house where the marriage ceremony was to take place. Many Cankam poems describe the beautiful form of the marriage pandal. Malaipatukatam (one of the ten long poems of the Cańkam anthology Pattuppāțțu “ Ten Songs; consists of 583 lines; see, 149-51) compares a wedding house to the beautiful sight of a mountain-side:
Neruppin anna palitar talay Verikkaļam kațukkum viyalarai tõrum Maņail kamaru māmalaic cāral
“the side of the mountain which resembles the flower smelling wedding house, where fire-red buds of many (flowers) spread on its rocks that resemble much the dancing place of the shamanists.'
Rocks on the side of the mountain are filled with many petals of different kinds of flowers. This sight must have reminded the

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poet, of the wedding house where a lot of flowers used to be scattered on the floor. Houses were, sometimes, renovated for the purpose of marriage ceremony. Cankam poems attest this practice.
Special care was taken in dressing up the bride and the bridegroom. Special attention had been paid to the bride's hair decoration. They applied oil to the hair and it was decorated with sweet smelling flowers. She was adorned with golden ornaments. New dress was worn by her. Akam. (136) mentions that the bride was sweating when she wore the new bridal dress. Parents of the couple were always anxious to see their children in their bridal dress and with other decorations. A person in his or her life time appears only once with these special decorations. That is during the marriage ceremony. That is why a custom called kannati parttal "looking into the mirror' was introduced into the marriage ceremony. At a time when there was no photography, this custom provided an opportunity to the couple to see their marriage attire in the mirror.
6.5. MARRIAGE AND CEREMONIAL RITES
Catanku "ceremony' is the term often used by the commentators of ancient Tamil texts for ceremony, rites, observances, etc. But this term is not found in any Cankam poem. The author of Tolkappiyam uses the word karanam 'ceremony' in connection with the karpu 'chastity' marriage. The marriage rites had to be done in an order and the marriage customs had to be observed in a systematic manner. Tolkappiyar perhaps might have used the term karanam in this sense. Commentators have substituted the term catanku for it. Perhaps the word karanam might have gone out of usage during the middle ages and catanku must have replaced it.
Ceremonial Bathing
The term mannal (verbal noun derived from the verbal root
man 'to wash') has been used by the Cankam poets to refer to the
ceremonial rite of giving a bath to the bride on the day of the

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marriage ceremony. Usually men and women enter into a river for their daily bathing. But on a marriage day, water brought in new pots was poured on the head of the bride or bridegroom. An explanatory note written by a commentator on this term is as follows (see, Akam. 399): “This refers to the ceremonial bathing of a woman who was to be given in marriage. This rite was performed by the bride's parents in their house just before giving their consent to give her in marriage to a young man.' But another poem from Akam. (86) says that a ceremonial bathing was given to the bride just before she was given in marriage to the bridegroom:
Uccik kutattar puttakal maņtaiyar Potucey kampalai mutucem peņtir Munnavum pinnavum muraimurai tarattarap Putalvarp payanta titalaiyar vayirru Vālirai makaļir nālvar kūti
Nirotu corinta iritar alari
“(In order to give the ceremonial bathing to the bride), elderly and auspicious women holding pots filled with water on their heads and new pots in their hands and were offering things that were to be given before and after the bath. Four girls with pure bangles whose spotted stomachs have given births to sons joined together . . . poured water (on her head) with alari flowers.'
The rite referred to in these poetic lines must have been the actual ceremonial bathing of the bride just before she was offered to the bridegroom.
Anklet Removing Ceremony
Ancient Tamil women used to wear anklets round their legs. Many Cankam poems bear evidence to this practice. They wore them till their marriage. Those anklets were removed just before their marriage. This caused another ceremony called cilampu

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kari catanku "anklet removing ceremony' which was performed at the bride's house. But in elopement, this ceremony was performed at the bridegroom's house. A poem from Aink. (399) tells us that the ceremony for removing anklets was performed before the marriage ceremony.
There are different opinions about this ceremony. Since this ceremony is often mentioned in those poems that deal with elopement, one may wonder whether this could be included in the normal marriage ceremonies. S. Subramaniya Pillai (1970: 57-68) notes the difference of opinion about this ceremony as follows:
"Anklet was regarded as the symbol of kumari ("virgin or maiden'). Removal of anklet symbolized the removal of virginity. The removal of anklet was known as cilampu kari nonpu. It turned out to be one of the rites in the marriage ceremony and it later evolved as a social custom. At the time of elopement, even if there were no relatives to attend to the ceremony, the rite of removing anklet seemed to have taken place. Cömacuntara Päratiyär considers this (i.e. cilampu kari) as a symbolic expression that indicates the journey undertaken by the hero and the heroine through the desert during their elopement. But I consider this as one of the ceremonial marriage rites. A number of Cankam poems express the anxiety of a mother to see this ceremony performed to her daughter. Removal of anklet ascertained that a woman was married. There are different views regarding cilampu kari nonpu. However, it means removal of anklets.'
We have no evidence for the observance of this ceremony after the Cankam age. In Cilappatikaram (an epic composed by Ilankö Atikal at a period between 200 A.D. and 400 A.D.), we find that women had the anklets round their legs even after their marriage. The author of this literary composition has shown that the anklets of the heroine Kannaki were auspicious and ceremonial ornaments. A folk tradition of the above epic says that new anklets were made for Kannaki just before her marriage ceremony.

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Binding Protective Band and Showering Flowers
The bride after the ceremonial bathing and the ceremony of removing anklets, was brought to the marriage pandal. There, a protective band (kappu) would be tied on to her hand. Akam. (136) records the custom of wearing kappu by the bride at the time of marriage. It also describes how the protective band was made:
Menpū vākaip punpurakkavattilai Parankanru karitta payampama larukait Tarankukural vānin ralaippeyar kīnra Maņņumaņi yanna māyitarp pāvait Taņņuru mukaiyotu veņņūl cūti
“and her relatives put on her a white thread with fragrant cool buds brought forth in the first rain by roaring clouds from arukai, a tuber with black petals like polished sapphires spread in valleys
where almost-grown calves graze on the forked, dull-backed leaves
of soft flowered vakai.'
(Hart, III, 1975: 49)
Bridegroom decorating the bride's hair with a flower during the marriage ceremony seemed to have been a custom during the Cankam age. Aink. (294) has the following lines which mention this custom:
Nanmanai vatuvaī yayaravivaļ Pinniruń kūntan malaraņin tõyē
"in her auspicious house in order to proceed with the marriage ceremony, you (the bridegroom) have adorned the black hair on her back, with a flower.'
Earlier, when the hero met the heroine secretly for the first time, he adorned her hair with a flower. Now he repeats the performance

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in the presence of many people. In a modern Hindu marriage ceremony, the couple exchange garlands. It is probable that this custom could have developed from the Cankam marriage custom of decorating the bride's hair with a flower by the bridegroom. Many Cankam poems mention that the auspicious drum was played when the bridegroom decorated the bride's hair with a flower. This custom seemed to have been observed even in harlot marriage.
Blessing
It was customary to bless the bridal couple as soon as the bridegroom decorated the bride's hair with a flower. Sometimes the bride alone had been blessed by women. Akam. (86) informs us that women who gave birth to sons blessed the bride. The blessing words were uttered while pouring ceremonial water with flowers and paddy on the bride's head:
Putalvar payanta titalaiav vayirru Vālirai makaļir nālvar kūtik Karpinin varāa narpala utavip Perrõr pețkum piņaiyai ākena N1rotu corinta iritar alari Palliruń katuppin nelloțu tayańka
"Four women with bright bangles, whose spotted stomachs given birth to sons, joined together and said 'May you, without failing in your chastity, be a help to him in many ways and take care of him who had received you as his wife.' They showered flowers and paddy with water, which stick to her hair.’
This blessing of the bride seemed to have taken place just before offering her to the bridegroom.
6. 6. PREPARATION OF MILK-RICE BY THE BRIDE
Just after the blessing the bride shall prepare and serve milk
rice to her husband. This custom helped the couple to begin
their domestic life immediately after the marriage ceremony. It

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also reminded the responsibility of the woman who had to feed her husband with the wealth that he earns. Akam. (141) details this custom:
Tuvarap pularntu tūmalar kañalit Takara nārun taņņarun katuppir Putumaņa makatūu vayiniya katinakarp Palkot tatuppil palulai yirik Kūraik kūntar kuruntoți makaļir Peruñcey nellin vânkukatir murittup Pācavalitikkum irunkār ulakkai
"The newly married girl, with the cool and sweet smelling hair which is well dried and decorated with many new flowers, in . her marriage house, that possesses a lot of food, shall put a pot-full of milk on a hearth that has many supporting knobs, and with other girls who have falling hair and short bangles, shall break the ears of paddy and put into the mortar to pound with the strong black pestle.'
A type of marriage that is current among the Tamils living in Jaffna, the north of Sri Lanka, is called coru kutuppittal 'serving rice.' In villages, whenever there is a simple marriage ceremony, then the bride will be asked to serve rice to the bridegroom. With this they are deemed to be duly married. Later, the relatives who are present at this simple function will be fed. It has now become a part of the marriage ceremony. This particular marriage custom is called pittakkalam 'new (eating) plate.' That is, the bride serving food to the bridegroom for the first time and sharing it with him. This event takes place at the bride's house just after the marriage ceremony. Rice and curry for piitakkalam are prepared by elderly women who are blessed with children and whose husbands are living. Milk-rice will always find a place in the items that are prepared for putakkalam. Number three seems to be a significant one and is connected with all religious and other auspicious ceremonies of the Tamils. When offerings are made

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to deities, they are done thrice. After the marriage ceremony when food is served to the bridegroom by the bride for the first time, it is done three times. Though we do not have direct evidence, this practice must have been in vogue during the Cankam period too.
7. Feast and other customs
The relatives and other guests who participated in the marriage ceremony were fed well. This was an important event in the marriage procedures. Cankam poems refer to noisy feasts that were organized after the marriage ceremony. Akam. (86) mentions that special dishes along with the normal food were prepared for the marriage feast. A pudding made out of kernal of a pulse called uruntu was a special type of food for the occasion. Akam. (136) mentions that an unlimited amount of white rice mixed with ghee and other items prepared with meat were served to the guests:
Maipparap purukkin neykani veņcõru Varaiyā vaņmaiyotu puraiyōrp pēņi
"They served white rice full of ghee and meat,
perfectly prepared.
Their generosity unbounded, they honored their guests.'
(Hart, III, 1979: 121)
The word purukku used in this poem refers to 'meat.' But some commentators do not accept this meaning. They say that nonvegetarian items were not included in marriage feasts. This view cannot be accepted. Serving vegetarian meals to the guests after the marriage ceremony is of recent origin. Cankam poems bear evidence to the custom of offering meat even to the deities by the ancient Tamils. Those poems inform us that on the day of the marriage ceremony, special tasty foods were offered to the guests. Ancient Tamils rejoiced in offering unlimited quantity of food to all the guests who participated in the marriage ceremony. Hospitality is a distinct aspect in Tamil culture.

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Puram. (372) records a custom of sprinkling new-water (or ceremonial water) on the guests who were leaving the marriage pandal after the feast:
Vatuvai viņavir putuvōrk kellām Vevvāyp peyta putunīr cālkena Pulavuk kaļam poliya vētōy
“O you, who have celebrated the war sacrifice (and where it is said): May the fresh water poured from a little spout be enough for the guests at the marriage festival.'
It was customary to sprinkle fresh water on each of the warriors at a ceremony held in the battle field. This custom has reminded Mankutikirar, the author of the above poem, of a similar custom that was observed in marriage ceremony.
The bridal couple walking round the sacred fire is an important rite in marriage ceremony among the Tamils during the later times. This marriage rite is an Aryan one. It seemed to have entered into the Tamil marriage ceremonies at the end of the Cankam age. Kalittokai, a Cankam anthology which scholars assign a later date than the other anthologies, mentions (in poem 69) the above ceremonial rite.
In Kurinicippattu (one of the ten long poems found in the Cankam anthology Pattuppattu; consists of 261 lines.), reference has been made to marriage custom where the bride's relatives took her hand and offered it to the bridegroom. The commentator has the following comments about it:
“Relatives holding the hand and offering it to the bridegroom was a ceremonial rite introduced by elders when falsehood and failure appeared in the conduct of love. The phrase natari nan manam ‘country-known-good-marriage” explains the situation clearly. It means that in the presence of all guests who were participating in the marriage ceremony, the bride's parents offered their daughter to the bridegroom by grasping her hand and entrusting it to him. Old Brahmin conducting the marriage

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ceremony, ceremonial rites like the couple walking round the sacred fire, the bride stepping on ammi ("horizontal stone to grind on), etc., were not found in the marriage ceremony of the ancient Tamils. These Aryan rites and customs must have been introduced into Tamil land during the middle age.'
Puram. (122) refers to the practice of comparing the north-star with the women in order to express the greatness and strength of their chastity. Kapilar, a reputed Cankam poet, while praising the chastity of the wife of Tirumutikkari, says: Vatamin puraiyun karpin matamori 'she who possesses sweet speech and resembles the north-star in chastity.' But however, the custom of showing north-star or Aruntati was not found among the marriage customs of the ancient Tamils.
The custom of pouring water on bridegroom's hand when presenting the bride to him too came into practice only at a later stage. The marriage rites and customs mentioned in Cankam poems seemed to have had relevence to the nature and life of the people during that time. The ancient Tamils did not observe any unnatural customs or practices related to marriage. They prescribed and observed certain rites and customs that bound the family and society closely.
8. Home after Marriage
Regarding the home of the bridal couple after their marriage, Cankam poems help us to infer the following practices: (1) the man and the girl living in a separate house, (2) the couple living in the man's house in elopement, and (3) while the girl living in the house where their marriage took place, the man (probably living with his parents) visiting her in the nights. There are many poems that describe the life of a couple living together in a separate house. Consider, for example, the following poem from Kuru. (167):
Muļitayir picainta kāntaņ melviral

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Karuwuru kalinkam karaa tutik Kuvalai yunkan kuyppukai karumat Tānruran tațța tmīpuļip pākar Initenakkaņava nuņtaliņ Nuņņitin makirntan roņņutal mukanē
“Without washing her Kantal flower-like fingers that stirred the thick curds, adjusting her dress that had been washed well, after frying the aromatics when the sweet-smelling smoke was entering her lily-like eyes that had been daubed with eye-paint, she prepared tamarind kurampu (something like a gravy) stirring it well. Her bright face beamed with delight when her husband said "It is tasty' while eating it.'
This poem is designed to be a statement by the foster-mother who had paid a visit to the couple's home. She had witnessed the happy life that the couple had been leading. She reported the matter to the girl's mother. One of the things that she had witnessed is mentioned in this poem. According to this poem, the husband and the wife seemed to have been living in a separate house. We do not know whether this house was in the wife's town or one that was closer to her parents' house. The common practice now is to allow the newly married couple to live in a house built near the residence of the bride's parents.
From the Cankam poems that deal with the elopement of couples, we understand that they had been living in the bridegrooms' places for sometimes. Some couples seemed to have returned to the brides' homes later.
Except the secret marriage, elope marriage and harlot marriage, the ceremony of all other types of marriages was held at the bride's house. The house where the marriage ceremony was held has always been referred to as man manai 'good house' where the bride and the bridegroom were expected to live. But from a number of Cankam poems, we understand that only the wife continued to live in the nan manai and the husband seemed to have been visiting her. It is highly probable that the husband must

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have been living with his parents. Consider, for example, the following poem from Akam. (66):
Immai yulakat ticaiyotum villanki Marumai yulakamum maruvin reytupa Cerunarum viraiyuñ ceyirtīr kāțcic Ciruvarp payanta cemma lõrenap Palōr kūriya paramori elām Väye yäkutal väyttanam tõri Niraitār mārpan nerunal orutiyotu Vatuvai ayartal vēņtip putuvatin Iyanra aniyan itteru irappön Māņtorin māmaņi karankak kataikaŗintu Kāņtal viruppotu taļarputaļar pōtum Pūnkat putalvanai nōkki netuntēr Tahkumati valavaen ririntanan tankatu Maņipurai cevvāy mārpakafi civaņap Pullip peruma cellini akattenak Kotuppõr kollän kalurtalin tatutta Mänitik kiravanum põnmena makanotu Tānē pukutan tōnē yānatu Patuttanenākutal nāņi itittivan Kalakkinan põllumik kotiyõn enaccen Ralaikkun kōlotu kurukat talaikkoņ Timirkaņ muravin incīr avarmanaip Payirvana pōlvanticaippavum tavirān Karańkā țāyat tanrunam aruļiya Parankaņ ņōtamum naliya Arunkinan allanō ayarntatan maņanē
“O friend! “Those virtueous persons who are bestowed with children of unblemished appearance are loved even by their enemies and they shine in this life with their fame and come to the other world without sin.' This is an old saying and has been said by many people. I have found out how true it is. My Lord, wearing a garland on his chest, yesterday in order to

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get married (to a harlot), wearing new dresses and ornaments, while going along this street when the bells of his fine horses were ringing, was passing in front of our door. Having seen our flower-eyed son who with his unsteady steps ran out wishing to see him, he said "Driver, stop the tall chariot' and got down. He embraced the child so that the latter's coral-red mouth pressed his chest and said “ONoble one now you go into the house.' Refusing his request, the child cried. Having changed his mind he entered the house embracing his son like the god of wealth. I felt ashamed because he would think that I had arranged all that. So I took up a stick and waving it in my hand and scolded the child saying "It seems that this cruel person (child) has disturbed you.' But he took the child and did not leave the house even when the sweet rhythm of the drums calling him to her (harlot's) house. He remembered the love-promise that he made to me when he met me for the first time on the day I and my friends played karanku. Feeling his guilt, he gave up the new marriage.'
The expression katai karintu “was passing in front of (our) door' in the above poem shows that the man had not been staying in the same house where his wife and son were living. The question as to where he stayed cannot be answered properly because we do not have supporting evidences in Cankam poems. Another poem from Kuru. (231) too provides evidence for the practice of the husband living elsewhere (probably with his parents) and visiting his wife:
Črūr vārinum cēri vārār Cēri varinum āra muyankār Eti lāļar cuțalai põlak Kāņāk karipa mannē nāņatu Nallari viranta kāmam Villumir kaņaiyir cenrucēt patavē
"Though he lives in the same village where I live, he does not come to my street. Even if he comes he does not embrace me

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closely. When he sees me, he passes me as though I am the strangers' cremetorium. It causes my desire that darkened my reason and killed my shyness (when I met him for the first time) to go far away like an arrow shot from a bow.'
The following poem from Kuru (189) is also providing an evidence for the above practice:
Inrē cenru varu vatu nāļaik Kunriri aruviyin veņtēr mutuka Iļampirai yanna viļankucutarnēmi Vicumpuvīr koļiyir paimpayir tumippak Kāliyar celavin mālai eytic Cinnirai vālvaļaik kurumakaļ Panmā ņāka maņantuvak kummē
“Today I will go
and tomorrow I will return. My white chariot will speed like a waterfall dropping from a hill. Its wheels,
flashing like the crescent moons, will cut down green plants like the fire that falls from the sky. Going as swift as the wind, I will come in the evening, and when I take the fine body of my woman with a few rows of white bangles on her wrists,
I will be happy.'
(Hart, III, 1979: 69)
9. Concluding Remarks
In the life of the ancient Tamils, marriage was not just an event that made relationship between a man and a woman. It was considered as an aspect of a cultured life. Marriage in the Western countries is sometimes taken as an official license that allows a man

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and a woman to live together. The aim of the Tamil marriage customs and rites is to make life useful to the couple and also to their families and society. The natural instincts are cultured by these ceremonial rites and customs.
Akam. (256) refers to an interesting event where a man was punished by the members of the society for deserting a girl after having secret relationship with her. It shows how vigilant were the ancient Tamils in preserving the social conduct. A man who could not behave properly and who could not observe the customs of the society was punished. Man's chastity too was warranted for the proper functioning of the society. But due to the influence of alien cultures, man's bad conduct and behaviors were justified and were accepted without reproach. However, they were accepted on the grounds that by nature man fails at times in controlling his mind. He who promised, “I shall not think of any woman other than you', had gone in search of another woman. Therefore, realizing his position, the members of the society had to guide him along a good path. Thus the marriage had to be performed observing several rites and customs. Woman too had to maintain her good conduct and behavior.
The ancient Tamils thought that the social structure could be safeguarded by marriage relationship. The changes that took place due to a marriage between a man and a woman affected the society too. Therefore, the couple had to abide by the conditions and nature of the society. It was because of this that a wife had to accept her husband even if he had gone to establish a relation ship with harlots. A poem in Akam. (316) gives reason for this condition:
Tertara vanta teriyirai nekirtöl Ūrkoļkalā makaļir taratarap Parattamaitānkalō vilanena varitunī Pulattal ollumõ manaikerumatantai Atupulan turaital valli yõrē Ceyyöl nińkaccilpatań korittut

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Tāmat tuņtu tamiya rākit Temorip putalvar tirankumulai cuvaippa Vaikuna rākutal arintum Ariya ramma vahtutalu möre
“It will not become of you who possess the house and chastity to quarrel with him for his inability to resist harlotry offered by women who are ignorant of the customs and traditions that are acceptable to the people of the town and who had been brought by the chariot. You are aware of the plight of those women who quarrel with the hero for this reason. The goddess of wealth shall desert them. Having winnowed a little rice, they themselves have to cook and eat it alone. Children with sweet speech shall suck the dried-up breasts. Knowing this, it will be foolish if anyone quarrels for this reason.'
Man likes to have relationship with the harlots. His servants help him to have many of them. His wife quarrels with him. But, togi, her friend, reminds her of the consequences if she decides to live alone. A woman separated from her husband and leading a lonely life was not appreciated by the Cankam society. No help would be rendered by anyone to her. She had to eat a low type of food. She could not give a proper meal to her children. This life will be of no use to anyone. The Tamils thought that by accomodating the shortcomings of the husband and living with him would at least be of use to her children and she would preserve her virtues. A man and a woman who announced publicly that they would live together have to live through it even if they faced a lot of probelems. If not, the marriage customs and rites may become meaningless.
Marriage at the social level was considered by the ancient Tamils as an important link between families. Even if there were changes at the cultural level, they occurred only at the surface level. They did not change their basic ideals. The marriage customs and rites bear testimony to this position. Marriage is considered as a

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better means to stabilize the culture of the society through virtuous conduct.
References
Ainkuruniūru, Karagam Publication, Madras, 1972. Akananuru, Karagam Publication, Madras, 1977. Cómacuntaram, P. V., see, his introduction to Ainkurunuru, p. 23. Hart, III, George L., The Poems of Ancient Tamil-Their Millieu and Their Sanskrit Counterparts, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1975. Hart, III, George L., Poets of the Tamil Anthologies, Princeton
University Press, Princeton, New Jersey, 1979. Kalittokai, Karagam Publication, Madras, 1975. Kanakasabhai, V., The Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago, The South India Saiva Siddhanta Works Publishing Society, Madras, 1956 (Second edition). Kuricippattu, Karagam Publication, Madras, 1956. Kuruntokai, Karagam Publication, Madras, 1978. Malaipatukatam, Kalagam Publication, Madras, 1976. Manickam, W. T., Marutam-An Aspect of Love in Tamil Literature,
Tema Publishers, Karaikkudi, India, 1982. Narrinai, Karagam Publication, Madras, 1976. Purananuru, Karagam Publication, Madras, 1973. Shanmugam Pillai, M. & Ludden, David E., (translators), Kurun
tokai, Koodal Publishers, Madurai, India, 1976. Subramaniayan, S. V., Tamil Ilakkiya Kolkai (Tamil Literary Theory), International Insititute of Tamil Studies, Madras, 1983. Subramaniya Pillai, S., Tamirar Tirumanam (Tamils' Marriage), M. A. Dissertation, Department of Tamil, University of Kerala, 1970. Tolkāppiyam, Poruļatikāram, Karagam Publication, Madras, 1977. Winslow, The Rev. Miron, A Comprehensive Tamil-English Dictionary of High and Low Tamil, American Mission Press, Madras, 1862.

IV
The Tamil Marriage System. After 300 A.D.
Introduction
After 2nd century A.D., we find certain changes taking place in marriage customs and traditions of the Tamils. Such changes are found in the type of ceremony that is described by Ilankö Atikal in Cilappatikaram which is believed to have been composed after 200 A.D. During the Cankam age, the hero and the heroine who first united secretly (neither by walking round the sacred fire nor by anyone donating her to him), were later married in the presence of many people observing certain customs and ceremonial rites of the ancient Tamils. But during the period of Cilappatikaram (hereafter, Cilampu.), marriage ceremony had to be conducted by a Brahmin. He kindled the sacred fire. The bridegroom and the bride had to go round it in the presence of all the people. The sacred fire, the gods who were believed to be present at the ceremony, and the people who have gathered at the marriage pandal were regarded as witnesses for that marriage. What is the reason for this remarkable change in the marriage ceremony of the Tamils after 200 A.D.
Earlier, a young man and a young woman met secretly and loved each other as described in Kuruntokai (40) as follows:
Yayum fiayumyarakiyarö Entaiyum nuntaiyum emmuraik kelir Yânum niyum evvari aritum Cempulap peyalnīr pōla Amputai neficam tāmkalantana vē

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"Your mother and my mother how are they related? Your father and my father what are they to
one another?
You and I, how do we know each other? Like the rain
and red earth our loving hearts are mingled
as one.'
(Shanmugam Pillai and Ludden, p. 37)
The lovers lived happily without separating from one another. If all the couples of the Tamil land were blessed with such a happy life, then there would not have been a chance for different rites and customs to enter into the Tamil marriage system. But even during the Cankam age, we hear a woman's lamentation in the following words: "There was no one as witness when we first met secretly. If he is a thief and his promises are lies, what shall I do?'. The number of men who had met young girls secretly without any witnesses and deserted them later, must have increased. Like a drop of poison in nectar, falsehood and failure poisoned the good conduct of the love affair of the ancient Tamils. It has already been pointed out elsewhere that because of falsehood and failure in the conduct of love, the elders had to prescribe karanam in marriages. An attempt is made in this paper to describe the customs, traditions and ceremonial rites of the Tamil marriages depicted in Tamil literary texts composed from 300 A.D. after the introduction of karanam. The main aim of the paper is to document those marriage customs, rites and traditions portrayed in those literary texts that had been composed during a long period of the literary history of the Tamils.
See, p. 77. See, p. 82.

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Data regarding marriage customs, rites and traditions are obtained mainly from literary compositions. They are listed with the necessary explanations according to the chronology of the literary compositions. The long period of the Tamil literary horizon is divided into four divisions, namely, (1) the period of Cilampu, (2) the period of Tevaram hymns, (3) the period of the epics and (4) the later period. This classification is made purely for the convenience of easy reference. The periodization is as follows:
1. Period of Cilampu.: 300-600 A.D. 2. Period of Tevaram hymns: 600-900 A.D. 3. Period of the Epics: 900-1400 A.D. 4. Later period: 1400-1900 A.D.
1. Period of Cilappatikaram
1. 1. MARRIAGE DECIDED BY PARENTS
The practice of the Cankam age was that a man and a woman not knowing each other previously had met secretly and established a relationship that was later approved by a marriage ceremony. But this practice had changed. The parents decided a marriage between a man and a woman during this period. Cilampu. (I: 41-42) portrays this situation:
Iruperun kuravarum oruperu nāļāl Maņavaņi kāņa makirntanar . . .
“Both fathers (of the bridegroom and the bride) were delighted to decide to see the marriage ceremony (of their children) on an auspicious day . . .'
The parents of Kövalan and Kannaki (the hero and the heroine of the epic) decided to get their children married. They wanted it to be held on an auspicious day. The practice of selecting an auspicious day and time for the marriage ceremony has been a custom among the Tamils from early times. Kövalan-Kannaki

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marriage too held on an auspicious day when "there was an unjeopardized conjunction of the moon and cakatam (the wagon, a constellation)'. Kövalan and Kannaki who were getting married on that auspicious day were related to one another. Cilampu. may be the first Tamil literary text that records the practice of proposing and performing marriage between two relatives. Once the practice of slomnizing marriage in public by observing certain rites and ceremonies became common, the custom of making a public announcement about the marriage ceremony too was observed. Cilampu. (I: 43-44) records this custom in the following lines:
Yānai eruttat taņiyiņaiyār mēlirīi Mānakark kīntār maņam
"Young maidens adorned with ornaments and seated on the back of an elephant announced the forthcoming marriage to the people of the city.”
According to these lines, the marriage between Kövalan and Kannaki was announced to the city. Nalatiyar (9: 6), another literary text of this period, also mentions this custom of making public announcement of the marriage ceremony:
Pallār ariyap paraiyaraintu nāļkētuk Kalyanam ceytu katippukka
"Having consulted about the selection of an auspicious day and announcing it (the day of the marriage ceremony) to all by they beating the drum, (they) got married and entered the house.'
1. 2. AUSPICIOUS MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS AND ORNAMENT
The custom of playing auspicious musical instruments during a marriage ceremony has been observed since Cankam age. Cankam texts refer to mana muracu “kettle-drum played on marriage day” and mana mugavu ‘a large marriage drum’. Akanānūru (136), a Cankam text refers to a situation where these two drums were

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played at a marriage ceremony:
Puļļuppuņarn tiniya vākat teļļoļi Yanka ņiruvicumpu viļankat tinkaļ Cakata maņtiya tukatīrkūtatu Katinakar punaintu katavut penip Patumaņa muŗavotu parūuppaņai yimira
“As omens fell together favorably, as the sky shone with clear light, and as the moon came together auspiciously with the wagon constellation they readied the marriage house and worshipped the god. Then the great kettle drum roared with the loud marriage drum;’
During the period of Cilampu., various kinds of musical instruments that were played during auspicious occasions, seemed to have accompanied the sacred marriage ornament that was taken on procession along the streets under a canopy. Cilampu. (I: 45-47) records this custom in the following lines:
Avvari
Muraciyampina murutatirntana muraiyeruntana paņilamveņ
kutai
Araceruntatōr patiyeruntana vakaluņmankala vaņiyeruntatu
Three kinds of muracu, namely, vira muracu 'war drum', mana muracu "marriage drum', and pina muracu 'funeral drum' used to be played in early Tamil land. Among them, the marriage drums are being played; the sound of murutu or mattalam 'a kind of drum' resounds like thunder; conches make great noise; the white umbrella under which the auspicious marriage ornament is being taken in procession is raised as high as the king's umbrella. The sacred ornament was taken through each street. The custom of taking the sacred ornament through streets on a procession is not found among the present marriage customs of the Tamils. Instead, the tray on which the sacred ornament is placed will be taken round to the people who have gathered in the marriage pandal

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to receive their blessings. However, when the bridegroom goes on a procession to the marriage hall, the box in which the sacred ornament is kept is usually carried along with him. Since the sacred marriage ornament was taken in procession along the streets, it is highly probable that the bridegroom too would have been taken in a procession to the marriage hall. It is probable that the marriage procession mentioned in the following Batticaloa (a town along the east coast of Sri Lanka) folk song must have taken place in Tamil land during the period of Cilampu.:
Koțțu mēļam koțiți vara Kuravaic cattam kūța vara Patu veļļaik kutai pitittu Varuvēm unnait tāli katta
“While kottu drum is playing and the kuravai sound is accompanying, I (bridegroom) shall come in procession under a white umbrella to tie taili (the sacred marriage ornament) on to you.'
1. 3. MARRIAGE PANDAL
The custom of erecting a special shed or pandal for marriage ceremony is current even now. A special marriage hall was erected for Kövalan-Kannaki marriage. Several pillars were built there in rows. Garlands were hung on each of those pillars. A canopy of blue silk covered them on the top. The author of Cilampu. describes the marriage hall in his own poetic words as follows:
Malaitar cenni vayiramanittünattu Nīlavi tāmatu nittilappūm pantarkkīr
"The garlands are falling down from the heads of the pillars made with diamonds and sapphires. Canopy of blue silk is spread (to cover the roof). In that pandal which has been decorated with pearls and flowers . . .'

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1. 4. GOING ROUND THE SACRED FIRE
Many ceremonial rites performed by Brahmins are common even now in a marriage ceremony of the wealthy and high caste Tamils. The Kövalan-Kannaki marriage was of that nature. An elderly Brahmin performed the marriage ceremony according to Vedic rites. Neither Cilampu. nor any other literary text of this period has mentioned anything in detail about this ceremony and the various ceremonial rites performed at that time. However, the author of Cilampu. mentions an important ceremonial rite, namely, ti valam varutal 'going round the sacred fire'. Kovalan holding Kannaki's left hand walked round the sacred fire. This ceremonial rite must have been considered an important one during this period. It is because of this, Ilankö Atikal mentions this rite in connection with another marriage too (Cilampu.: XXX:
84–85):
Tēvanti kaiyait tīvalam ceytu Nālī rāņtu natantatan pinnar
"(He) married Tevanti, going round the sacred fire (with her). After living (with her) eight years.'
This practice was not a part of the marriage ceremony of the ancient Tamils. In marriages that are not influenced by Aryan ceremonial rites, the custom of going round the sacred fire is never observed.
1.5. TYING THE AUSPICIOUS MARRIAGE ORNAMENT
It is highly probable that the custom of tying the auspicious marriage ornament must have been in practice during Ilankö Atikal's time. Cilampu. mentions that the auspicious marriage ornament was taken in procession along the streets. Finally it must have been tied on to the bride's neck. Today, a married woman always carries with her the auspicious marriage ornament that was tied on to her neck on her marriage day. Cilampu. (IV:

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50) mentions that Kannaki had been carrying with her that ornament. While living separated from her husband, she seemed to have removed all her ornaments except the mankla ani' auspicious ornament':
Mankala aņiyir piritaņi makirāļ
"She did not enjoy in wearing any other ornaments than the auspicious ornament.”
The belief that the presence of auspicious marriage ornament shall give greatness to married women is still current among the Tamils.
1. 6. BLESSING
Blessing the bridal couple has been a part of the Tamil marriage ceremony from the Cankam period. During the Cankam period, women blessed the couple at the marriage ceremony that was held on an auspicious day. They uttered words of advice to the bride and then presented her to the bridegroom. Musical instruments were played when this part of the marriage ceremony was held. The custom of blessing the bridal couple was observed even during the time of Cilampu. But it markedly differed from the one that was observed during the Cankam age. Different types of blessings had been bestowed on Kövalan and Kannaki:
1. Uttered words of blessings in prose form. 2. Uttered words of blessings in verse form. 3. People carrying incense, flowers, different kinds of paints, lime powder, lamps, pots and pots with sprouts, shall bless the couple individually and collectively. 4. Blessing the king.
Among the four types, the first three are blessings bestowed on the couple directly. At that time many women carrying auspicious things and showering flowers on the couple would say:
Kātalar piriyamārkavavukkai nekirāmar

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Tītaruka . . .
"May you live forever on one couch bound in the embrace of a love that shall never fade . . .'
Cilampu. (I: 66-67) records the custom of blessing even the king at the time when the couple was blessed during the marriage ceremony:
Cerumiku cina vēr cempiyan Orutani yāri urutuvō nenavē
"May the Chola, our great king whose spear is sharp and unfailing in the fight, uphold, before the nations of the world, the golden discus, symbol of his power.'
1.7. SHOWING THE NORTH-STAR
Aruntati kattutal (lit. "North-star-showing') is a custom that is very common in any Hindu marriage ceremony now. Aruntati is a star in the great bear supposed to be the wife of Vasistha. As consort of Vasistha, Aruntati commands highest respect among the fortunate married ladies. She has been described by Kalidasa, a reputed Sanskrit poet, as the success of penance. She is reported to have attained success in penance and accordingly is played by the side of the Seven Sages (Ursa Major). Aruntati is regarded as one of the ten virtueous wives (dharmapatni). At the marriage ceremony, this star is pointed out to the bride urging her to follow the example of the said star in chastity and virtue. We do not know whether this custom was observed in the marriage ceremony that has been described in Cilampu. The epic does not give any direct evidence to this marriage custom. But it describes Kannaki aS
. . . vārnattuc Cāli yorumīn rakaiyāļai. . .
"She who resembles the north-star (Aruntati) in the sky' Ańka ņulakin aruntati yanınāļai

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'She who resembles Aruntati in this wide world.'
Since the author of Cilampu. (I: 55–56 and 68) compares Kannaki with Aruntati, it may be inferred that the custom of pointing out the north-star to the bride could have also been observed in the marriage ceremony.
1. 8. MARRIAGE FEAST
The custom of feeding all the guests who attended the marriage ceremony must have been a common one during this period. Acarakkovai, a literary text belonging to this period, records this custom as follows:
Kalyāņan tēvar pitirvirā vēļviyenru Aivakai nāļum ikarā tarafficeyka Peyka viruntirkuń kūr
'On the occasion of marriage, at ceremonies to gods and ancestors, and at sacrificial worship, at all these five occasions, do virtueous acts and offer food to all guests.'
1.9. HoME FOR THE MARRIED COUPLE
The couple after the marriage ceremony (1) lives in the house of the bride's parents, or (2) lives in a new house built for them closer to that of the bride's parents, or (3) lives in the house of the bridegroom's parents. All three practices are found in the present Tamil society. During the period of Cilampu.., the second and third practices were found. The parents who undertake the responsibility of finding a suitable partners for their children have to make the necessary arrangements for the married couples to live ccmfortably. Kövalan and Kannaki were from families that had boundless wealth. After their marriage, Kannaki went to live with her husband in his house. One day, Kovalan's mother thought of giving her daughter-in-law a house of her own so that she could increase her renown by receiving relatives, wandering ascetics and Brahmins. Therefore, Kovalan's mother chose

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faithful servants to assist her and gave ample wealth. The couple settled down in a new house built for them in the same town where Kovalan's parents lived. The second chapter of Cilampu. (84-90) gives the above details.
1. 10. MARRIAGE BY BUYING GARLAND
During the period of Cilampu., on the one hand, the formal marriage took place according to Aryan rites performed by an elderly Brahmin, but on the other hand, another type of marriage too had taken place. This is recorded only in Cilampu. The epic itself by its story has shown that this type of marriage was not in order and was not useful to anyone. This marriage can be called malai vanku manam 'garland buying marriage'. According to Cilampu. (III), Matavi, a renowned dancer had the opportunity of dancing before the ruling monarch. The king pleased with the perfection of her dance, presented gold and a wreath of green leaves. These were the customary presents bestowed by a king to a dancer who appeared before him for the first time and danced on the stage where talaikkol (a sacred rod made of bamboo) was given a place of honour. This wreath of leaves was offered for sale along the main street. It was said: “He who buys this garland for a thousand gold kalancu shall become the bridegroom for Matavi'. Kovalan who watched her dancing, bought the garland and entered Matavi's apartment. Ilankö Atikal (III: 172-3) says:
Maņamanai pukku mātavi tannō Tanaivuruvaikalin ayarntanan mayanki
“Having entered the marriage house and when he embraced Matavi, he felt a joy so keen that he forgot everything.'
The usage mana manai “marriage house' indicates that there must have been a custom of performing a marriage ceremony after buying the parica malai "dowry garland'. The bridegroom usually paid dowry before proceeding to the marriage hall. But here the

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bridegroom buys the parica malai "dowry garland' before proceeding to the marriage house. It is highly probable that this type of marriage must have been common among the women from Kanikaiyar kulam 'dancing-women caste'. The type of marriage found among the harlots during the Cankam age has already been discussed elsewhere. That marriage can be compared with the 'garland buying marriage of Cilampu.
1. 11. MARRYING UNCLE's DAUGHTER
Manimekalai, an epic belonging to this period is mainly concerned with renunciation. It is the first Tamil Buddhist literary text that is believed to have been composed during the period between 300 A.D. and 500 A.D. Though the epic is mainly concerned with renunciation, it has not failed to say something about the most important social aspect, namely, the marriage. Uncle's daughter is maittuni and uncle's son is maittunan. The word maidhuna in Sanskrit means “a person for copulation”. The cross-cousin marriage has been popular among the Tamils. But this was not common during the Cankam period. We do not have any evidence for this in the Cankam poems. Hart, III (1975: 47-48) commenting on marriages in ancient Tamilnad says: “In spite of the fact that many poems concern love between strangers not sanctioned by the girl's parents, it seems certain that the majority of marriages in ancient Tamilnad, as today, were arranged and were between cross-cousins, or at least relatives.' What Hart, III says about the cross-cousin marriage may be true to the period of Cilampu. But he has to furnish evidence to say that it was popular during the Cankam age. He may not find a single poem from Cankam literary texts to prove his case. The cross-cousin marriage must have started after the Cankam age. It was prevalant during the period of Cilampu. and Manimekalai. Manimekalai (XXII: 83-88) mentions about the prevalance of the custom of marriage between cross-cousins:
See, p. 89.

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Taruma tattanun tanmā manmakaļ Perumatar maraikkaņ vicākaiyum pēņit Teyvań kāțțun tippiya õviyak Kaivinai katanta kaņkavar vanappinar Maittunan muraimaiyāl yārōr maņavinaik Kottana ļenrē yūrmuŗu talarera
'Tarumatattan and his uncle's daughter Vicakai who possesses large lascivious eyes, are blessed with beauty that attracts all eyes; and that has surpassed the beauty of the painting made by divine painters. Though (Tarumatattan) is her cousin, she (Vicakai) has agreed to have secret love with him. The people of the town started gossipping about it.'
Tarumatattan and Wicakai were cross-cousins. It was natural for them to get married at a formal marriage ceremony. But they had secret love affair. The people of the town came to know about it and the gossip started. Reference to maman makal 'uncle's daughter', maittunan muraimai lit. cousin-relationship', etc. in the above poetic lines help us to infer the prevalance of cross-cousin marriage during the period of this epic.
The practice of cross-cousin marriage must have originated first among the merchants. In order to preserve their wealth, the custom of performing a marriage between two relatives must have been preferred by them. This type of marriage is still common among the Tamils. There is a Tamil proverb that is popular among the Tamils living in the Eastern District of Sri Lanka called Mațțakkalappu (Batticaloa): Vaikkalukkulla vilañcatai vaikkalukkula katta venum “That which is produced within straw must be covered with the same straw'. The meaning of this saying is that those who are born in a group must be married within that group. This type of marriage between relatives (i.e. cross-cousins) must have helped not only to preserve wealth and property, but also to safeguard the class and caste distinctions.
The kalavu manam 'secret marriage' of the Cankam period is now called yaror manavimai ' secret love marriage. Manimekalai

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(XXII: 83-88) mentions about the secret love marriage between Tarumatattan and Wicakai.
2. The Period of Tevaram Hymns
The Tamil literary texts composed between 600 A.D. and 900 A.D. portray not only the marriage customs and rites of the previous periods but also new ones that were current during this period. The marriage customs, rites and ceremonies are listed here with explanations wherever necessary.
2. 1. TYPES OF MARRIAGES
Though not common, uțanpõkku magnam ‘elope marriage” held during the Cankam age continued to take place even during this period. The literary texts mention this type of marriage. Even during the Cankam age, the elope marriage was not favoured by the girl's parents. The reason was the feeling of the mother as to whether her daughter was grown up and intelligent enough to go alone and to live in a distant place. The elope marriage usually does not involve much ceremonial rites. When the practice of performing marriage ceremony in an elaborate form by observing a number of customs and ceremonial rites became common, the elope marriage which had no elaborate ceremonies was not favoured. Periyarvar (a Vaishnavite Saint and a poet; his devotional hymns are called Periyarvar Tirumori) expresses this sentiment in the following poem (Tirumori: 8: 6):
Vētar marakkulam pōlē vēņtirruc ceyten makaļai Kitiya kittame yakak kontu kutiwarun kolo Nāțu nakaru mariya nallatõr kaņņālañ ceytu Cātirap pāynta perumām takkavā kaipparrun kolō
“Will He continue with his family life after marrying my daughter according to the marriage customs of the hunters who approve the union of a man and a woman as they please?
Or will He who broke the wheel (and killed the demon) grasp

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her hand at a great marriage ceremony which is performed announcing to the people of the towns and villages?'
The above poem gives us the following details: The practice among the hunters (vetar marakkulam) was that a man and a woman met secretly and got married. This was the kalavu manam secret marriage' of the Cankam age. But later, the Tamil people preferred a man and a woman getting married in the presence of the people of the village or town. Further, a marriage that was performed observing all ceremonial rites and other customs was called nalator kannalam 'good marriage'. The marriage was considered to be in order only when the bride was offered by proper persons who could do so in the presence of Brahmins and the sacred fire. Thus Periyarvar, who imitates a mother, says: “Will Kannan, the bridegroom, take my daughter and just get married following the custom among the hunters or will he take her hand in a proper marriage ceremony in the presence of the people of the towns and villages?' The poem states that there were two types of marriages at that time: (1) the secret marriage (kalavu manam) prevailing among the hunters and (2) the marriage performed observing all customs and ceremonial rites. The latter was called kannalam. The word kannalam may be a corrupted form of kalyanam marriage.'
The kannalam performed in the presence of the people was mainly a proposal marriage. A proposal marriage was always performed with the ceremonial rites of going round the sacred fire and grasping the bride's hand by the bridegroom. The practice of performing marriage ceremony with the sacred fire had firmly rooted in the society. This marriage custom which originated during the period of Cilampu. had become a widely observed one during the period of the Tevaram hymns. Saint Manikkavacakar (also a great poet belonging to this period) records this practice in the following hymn (Tiruvacakam, Tiruccaral):
Malaiyarayan porpā vai vāņutalāļ peņtiru vai Ulakariyattīvētān ennumatu enēti

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Ulakariyattīvēļā torintananēl ulakanaitum Kalainavinra poruļkaļelām kalankitunikāņ cāralō “The mountain monarch's golden daughter bright of brow,
the Lady blest He wedded with the fire as all the world doth know; what's
that say, my dear! Had He not wedded Her for all the world to know, the world
entire Has in confusion lost the import true of every lore; behold,
caralö!
(G.U. Pope's translation)
The above poem informs us that the marriage between god Siva and goddess Umai was held by kindling the sacred fire witnessed by the whole world. This was the type of marriage that was current during the period of Tevaram hymns.
The proposal marriage held in front of many people was also called vatuvai manam. Äņțāļ (a Vaishnava Saint and a great poetess; her devotional hymns are collected in the forms of two anthologies, namely, Tiruppavai and Nacciayar Tirumori) mentions this marriage in her Nacciyar Tirumori (VI: 7):
Nāļai vatuvai maņamenru nāļitu
“ Tomorrow is the vatuvai magnam (they) said (while selecting an
auspicious) day.”
2. 2. THE CUSTOM OF MARRYING MAITTUNAN
The practice of marrying maittunan (i.e. uncle's son; cross-cousin marriage) started during the period of Cilampu.. was continued even during the period of Tevaram hymns. Antal records this custom in her Tiruppavai:
Pantār viraliun maituman pērpāta
“O Lady with slender fingers (we have come) to praise and sing the name of your cousin'.

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Nappinnai, the wife of Kannan, is addressed by girls who perform a penance. They say that they have come to sing the glory of her husband. They use the term maittuman to refer to her husband. It confirms the practice of having the uncle's son as husband by marriage. In Nacciyar Tirumori, Antal says maittuman nampi matucutan '(My) cousin, a superior young man and the destroyer of the demon Madhu.' Today, the terms maccan 'male cousin' and maccal female cousin' are common usages in all Tamil dialects. Similarly, the marriage between them is also very common. The word maccan may be a corrupted form of maittunan.
2. 3. MARRIAGE CUSTOMS, CEREMONIAL RITES AND OTHER
PROCEDURES Proposing Marriage to a Girl
It was customary that the parents of the bridegroom had to go to the girl's house proposing marriage to her. The bridegroom's parents were usually accompanied by renowned elderly persons when they visited the bride's house. Once the marriage proposal was accepted and the date for the marriage ceremony had been fixed, the bride would be dressed in a new saree and she would be garlanded by an auspicious lady who accompanied the bridegroom's relatives. This marriage custom is referred to in Antal's Tirumori (IV: 3):
Intira nuļļitta tēvar kuramellām Vantirun tennai makatpeci mantirittu Mantirakkōti yututti maņamālai Antari cūțțak kanākkaņțēn tõrīnān
"My friend I dreamt: All the gods including Indra came proposing marriage to me. After the talks about the proposal, I was dressed up in a sacred new saree and then Durga (wife of Siva) garlanded me.”
The IVth Tirumori in Antal's hymns consists often poems that are devoted to her dream of marrying god Vishnu (Kannan). She depicts the existing marriage customs, rites and ceremonies of her

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time in those poems. The above poem records the custom of makat péccu proposing marriage to a girl' and certain other precedures that were connected with it.
Decorations
Antal refers to the types of decorations done in connection with marriage ceremonies. In her dream-marriage, on the day of the marriage ceremony, the bridegroom was taken in procession to the bride's house. The people of the area had decorated the streets with tóramam (decoration with palm-leaves; somewhat like the Japanese shime-nava). Toranam decoration is an essential part of the Tamil culture. Decorations made with palm-leaves (coconut) and strings of mango leaves are tied on a rope which is hung along the road. This decoration, called toranam nattal, is usually hung at the entrance to a house, or at the door of a temple, or along the road as an auspicious sight. Toranam represents purity and sacredness. It is hung at places where sacred or ceremonial functions take place. Apart from töranam decoration, people used to place purama kumpam or nirai kutam (lit. "full sacred pot' or "auspicious pot full of water') to bless the bridegroom. On occasions when receiving an idol on procession, or a person of honour, a pot filled with water will be placed on a heap of paddy or rice. On the top of the pot, a coconut with mango leaves will be placed. Two lamps on either sides of the pot will be lighted. The whole process is called pirana kumpam or nirai kutam vaittal' placing the auspicious pot'. Antal mentions that both tóranam and pirana kumpam were used as decorations in connection with her dream-marriage:
1 A Cultural Dictionary of Japan gives the following details about this word: 'A New Year's decoration consisting of a thick, twisted straw rope with stripes of white paper hanging from it. It is strung across the top of a gate or at the entrance to a house, and fastened together with a bunch of oranges, a piece of seaweed or lobster and green fern leaves. The orange represents continuity of good health in the family, seaweed represents good fortune, the lobster represents long life, while green fern leaves represent humility and parity. A house with a shime-nawa is believed to be pure and no evils can enter.'

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Vāraņa māyiram cūra valaficeytu Nāraņa nampi națiakkinrā nenretir Pūraņa porkutam vaittup puramenkum Tõrana nättak kanakkanten tõrinan
"My freind! I dreamt: Having known that Naranan, the superior young man, is walking in procession surrounded by thousand elephants, pirana por kutam ("full-gold-pot) is placed and toranam is hung along all the way in order to welcome Him.'
The decoration of the marriage pandal is also described in the poems that describe her dream-marriage. Spatha of coconut and arecanut trees seemed to have been used to decroate the marriage hall in which she was wedded. Strings of pearls were hung as garlands in that marriage hall.
Tying the Protective Band
On an auspicious day prior to the marriage, as an initial procedure of the marriage ceremony, a protective band (kāppu mãạ) will be tied on to the right hand of the bridegroom and the left hand of the bride. This ceremonial rite is called kappu main kattal protective-band-binding.' This initial ceremony takes place in their respective houses. Antal's poem describes how the protective band was tied on to her hand:
Nārricait tīrtam koņarntu naninalkip Pārppanac cittar pallār etuttētip Pūppunai kaņņip punitanō tenrannaik Kāppunāri kattak kanākkaņtēn tōrinām
“My friend! I dreamt: The sacred water brought from all four directions was taken high by many young Brahmins who uttering ritualistic hymns tied protective band on to my hand and to that of Him who is the purest and wears garlands made of several flowers.'
According to the above poem, the protective band seemed to have

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been tied to the hands of the bridal couple on the marriage day as an initial ceremony. The protective bands seemed to have tied on the hands of the bridal couple while the priests sprinkled holy water on to them. Chatterjee in his studies about the rites and rituals of Hindu marriage in ancient India (1978) does not mention about the rite called 'the binding of protective band.' But he mentions the rite of sprinkling holy water by the priests. He says (p. 170): "After the completion of Saptapadi follows the rite of Mirdhabhiseka or sprinkling of holy water on the head of the bridegroom according to some, or on the head of the bride and the bridegroom according to others.' The custom of tying protective bands to the hands of the bridal couple must have been a Tamilian one. It has been mentioned in Cankam poems. The protective bands must have been tied in order to drive away evil spirits from the bridal couple.
Welcoming the Bridegroom
The bridegroom who was taken on a procession was received at the entrance to the marriage hall by young and auspicious women. They welcomed him with lamps and pots in their hands. This marriage ceremony is called etirkollutal 'walking towards a person to receive him or her. Today this ceremony is being performed in a slightly different form. It is now called aratti etuttal. Aratti is performed mainly to avert the blight of the eyes of unlucky persons. Bridegroom, who goes on a procession along the streets, is more susceptible to the blight of the eyes. In order to avert it, at the entrance to the marriage hall, auspicious women will perform aratti ceremony. A paste made from turmuric and kum-kum powder made from saffron’ will be placed on a plate. The paste will be divided into three parts and each of which shall be shaped in the form of a cone or a mini-mountain. On top of each conical shaped paste, a light will be placed. The whole plate will be waved over the bridegroom's head by two elderly and auspicious women. After that, he enters the marriage hall for the ceremony. Antal describes the ceremony of etirkollutal in the following poem:

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Katiroļi tīpam kalacamuta nēntic Catiriļa mankaiyar tāmavan tetirkoļa Maturaiyār mannan aținilai toțițeńkum Atirappukutak kanakkanten tõrinän
'O my friend! I dreamt: While young dancing women carrying bright lamps and pots in their hands go forward to welcome Him, He, the king of Madura, walked briskly into the marriage hall.'
Some Sanskrit works describe this rite as follows: "Then on an auspicious moment when good omens are seen, he will start for the bride's house boarding the proper conveyance and accompanied by friends and relatives. On reaching the house of the bride he will stand outside the gate, facing east and when unwidowed women carrying pitcherful of water in their arms offer him due reception, he will enter the house along with friends and relatives' (see, Chatterjee, 1978: 94-96 for more details about this rite).
Taking Hold of the Bride's Hand
Kaittalam parrutal 'grasping hand' must have been the most important marriage rite during Antal's time. The most important ceremonial rite in a modern Tamil marriage is the tying of tali "auspicious marriage ornament' by the bridegroom round the bride's neck. This rite was not in practice during her time. Kaittalam parrutal is the panigrahama of the Aryan marriage ceremony. Rgveda, Atarvaveda, Grhyasutras, etc. mention this ceremonial rite. While grasping the bride's hand, the bridegroom has to recite the mantra which means: “I am taking hold of her hand in this manner for happiness; for her to live with me upto old age. The gods Surya, Savita, Purandhi, etc. have given her to me for performing the duties of a householder. I am Sama; she is Rk. I am the sky; she is the earth. Let us give birth to many children. Let them live for a long time. Let us also live for one hundred autumn seasons.” Antal has the following to say about this ceremonial rite:

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Mattalam kota varicankam ninrita Muttutait tāmam niraitārnta pantarkīr Maittunan nampi matucūtan vantennaik Kaittalam parrak kanākkaņtēn tōrinān
"O my friend! I dreamt: While the drums are beaten and horns are blown, my cousin, the superior young man, and the destroyer of the demon Madhu, takes hold of my hand in the marriage hall which is decorated with garlands of pearls hanging in rows.”
We are unable to say whether the ceremonial rite mentioned in the above poem developed from the one that is mentioned in the Vedas and Grhyasutras or it developed from a custom that was in practice in Tamil land from ancient time.
Going Round the Sacred Fire
The ceremonial rite of going round the sacred fire has become an aspect of the Tamil marriage ceremony during the period of Cilampu. According to Antal, both the rites of taking hold of the bride's hand (kaittalam parrutal) and going round the sacred fire (tī valam varutal) take place at the same time. It is only at the time of going round the sacred fire, the bridegroom for the first time takes hold of bride's hand. This ceremonial rite represents the belief that the bride going behind the bridegroom round the sacred fire would ensure faith on her husband and she would always follow his foot-step in their life. Antal describes this ceremonial rite as follows:
Vāynalār nala maraiyōti mantirattāl Pācilai nāņal patuttup paritivaituk Kāycina mākaļi rannānen kaipparrit
Tīvalañ ceyyak kanākkaņțēn tõrīnān
"O my friend! I dreamt: The priests who are blessed with good mouth, chanting Vedic mantras, spreaded ndinal grass on green leaf in a circular form. He who resembles an angry

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elephant taking hold of my hand went round the sacred fire.”
Stepping on Ammi
Ammi is a horizontal stone used for grinding. The bridegroom lifts the bride's right foot with his right hand and places it on ammi to express that his wife should be as strong as the mill-stone. This ceremonial rite takes place when the bridal couple goes round the sacred fire. They walk round the sacred fire thrice and the rite of placing bride's foot on ammi is also performed thrice. This marriage rite is mentioned in almost all Sanskrit texts that deal with marriage ceremony and rites. This Aryan marriage rite has been mentioned for the first time in Tamil by Antal:
Immaikkum ērēr piravikkum parrāvām Nammai yutaiyavan nārā yaņannampi Cemmai yutaiya tirukkaiyār rāļparri Ammi mitikkak kanäkkanten törinän
“O my friend! I dreamt: While Narayanan, the superior young man, who possesses us and who is the only hold for this birth and for all other seven births, with His sacred hand grasped (my) feet (and lifted it and I) stepped on to the ammi.'
Ammi mitittal 'stepping on ammi symbolizes the thought that a woman's strength of mind and chastity must be like the stone on which she is stepping on. But it also expresses the man's strength of mind and chastity. The very act of touching the woman's foot and lifting it to place it on the ammi by the bridegroom reflects his modesty, his love for her and also a promise: "I shall protect you even if we were to go down.' Husband may have to bow down to touch his wife's feet at the time of sulking. In anticipation, it is performed in public in the marriage ceremony in front of the sacred fire. This idea is expressed in a poem from Tiruppériarp Puranam (belongs to the Later Period). At the marriage ceremony between god Murukan and Teyvayanai, the bridegroom seemed to have performed this act thinking of its future use:

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Makaļirpāl vaņakka mōmpi maintarkaļinpan tuykkum Takutiyu mūțan māțțuc cārutar kańki cānrā Akilamun terīkku nīti yātarit taņanku pāta Nakumukat tilaiyön parri nakaimani yammi yittan
“Being modest towards women and while enjoying them men may have to bow down to touch their feet. In order to announce this truth to the world, the young man (god Murukan) with smiling face, having the sacred fire as the witness, took hold of her foot and placed it on the decorated ammi.'
Dropping Fried Paddy into the Sacred Fire
While the couple going round the sacred fire, the above rite too takes place. At the end of each round, the priest shall give fried paddy to bride's brothers who in turn shall drop them into the hands of the bridegroom. While the bride grasps his hands, he will drop the fried paddy into the sacred fire. This ceremonial rite called lajahoma is mentioned in Sanskrit texts. Antal refers to it in her poem. It is called porimukam tattal dropping fried paddy :
Varicilai vāļmukat tennaimār tāmvantitu Erimukam pāritu ennaimunnē niruti Arimukan accutan kaimelen kaivaittu Porimukan tatak kanakkanten tórinan
“O my friend! I dreamt: While my brothers with bright faces, who carry well tightened bows stood me in front of the sacred fire, while I place my hands on His hands, He who is called Arimukan and Accutan, dropped fried paddy (into the sacred fire).'
Applying Saffron
Applying saffron (kunkuman apputal 'saffron-clap on with hand') is a ceremonial rite performed at the time when the bride is blessed by relatives and others. Sanskrit texts call this rite as sindiradhana. Antal, in her poem about the 'dream-marriage,' says that the relatives and others who were present at the marriage

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ceremony applied saffron and sandal paste on her forehead when they were blessing her. Saffron is considered to be an auspicious thing. When husband dies, a Hindu woman refrains from her daily practice of applying saffron on her forehead. This ceremonial rite may probably be expressing the wish of the relatives and others that the couple should live long so that the saffron on her forehead will be present for ever.
Procession
The bridegroom was conducted in procession to the marriage hall to attend to the marriage ceremony. Once the ceremony was over, he with the bride went out again in procession along the streets so that the people of the town would be informed that they were married. This marriage custom is prevalent even now among wealthy people. Antal mentions this custom in her poem.
Ceremonial Bathing
Both the bride and the bridegroom will have ceremonial bath in their respective homes before they come to the marriage hall for the ceremony. Once the ceremony is over, they go along the streets in procession on elephant and finally bathe together. This custom was not prevailing during the Cankam age or during the period of Cilampu. Antal mentions this custom for the first time. In the following poem, the customs of aplying saffron on bride's forehead, the bridal couple going out in procession and the bridal couple's ceremonial bathing are mentioned:
Kunkumam appik kuļircāntam attitu Mankala vīti valaficeytu maņanīr Ankava nōtumutancenran kānaimēl Mañcana māțțak kanākkaņțēn tõrinān
"(My forehead) was clapped on with saffron and sandal paste. Seated on an elephant along with Him and having gone round along the decorated streets (of the town), (we finally) went to have the ceremonial marriage bath.'

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2. 4. HoME FOR THE MARRIED COUPLE
A mother always likes his daughter and the son-in-law to live in their house or in a new house that is built closer to them. Mother tends to have a doubt as to whether her daughter would look after the newly joined young man properly and also whether she possesses all the strength and qualities to drive the family chariot'. If the couple lives closer to them, then the mother thinks that she could give her daughter a helping hand till she becomes an experienced and matured woman. This, probably, might have been the reason why Cankam poems portrayed the feelings of mothers who had gone after their daughters who eloped with young men. Therefore, the common practice during the Cankam period was that the couple after marriage ceremony lived in the bride's house or in a house closer to it. Only during elopement, the couple lived in the bridegroom's house. During the period of Tevaram hymns, the bridal couple either lived in the bride's house or in the bridegroom's house. Periyarvar (Tirumori III: 8: 3) mentions the former practice in the following poem:
Peruppe ruttakaņņālankaļ ceytu pēņinam millattuļļē Iruttuvā neņņi nāmirukka vivaļumon reņņu kinrāļ
“While we have plans to have an elaborate marriage ceremony and to keep the married couple in our house, she thinks of some other plan.'
Periyarvar imitating a mother expresses a genuine wish regarding her daughter's marriage and her home after the ceremony. The poem probably depicts a custom that was observed commonly in Tamil land.
The practice of the bride living in the bridegroom's house is mentioned by Antal in her Tiruppavai (9). It informs us that the young maidens had gone to put up Nappinnai from her bed in the morning. She was sleeping with her husband in her father-inlaw's house.

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2.5. EXPENSES FOR MARRIAGE CEREMONY
An elaborate marriage ceremony always costs a lot of money. Wealth was an important factor even in Cankam marriages. The idea that marriage involves some expenses must have started from early times. We can guess how much wealth would have been spent by the great merchants Macattuvan and Manaykan for the marriage of their children Kövalan and Kannaki respectively (as described in Cilampu.). This practice is continued through the period of Tēvāram hymns too. Periyārvār (Tirumori III: 7 : 9) in the following poem mentions the practice of disposing all available wealth for the purpose of marriage ceremony:
Kaittalat tuļa mātariyak kaņņālankaļ ceytu ivaļai Waituwait tukikontenna vanipam nammai Vatup patuttum Ceyttalaiyeru nārrup põlavan ceyvana ceytu kolla Maittata mukil vaņņan pakkal vaļara vituminkaļē
“Do you keep her to perform marriage spending all the wealth that you have in your hand? What is this business? It will certainly reproach us. Leave her beside Him who resembles cloud on a dark mountain, to do whatever he likes, so that she will grow like a tender plant on a fertile soil.’’
2. 6. MARRIAGE WORDS
Words like manam, kannālam, vatuvai, kalyānam, manavani, manavinai, vettal, etc. were used during this period and the previous period to denote marriage or marriage ceremony. Nalatiyar (a collection of 400 poems treating of virtue, wealth and love; probable date of composition is between 400 A.D. and 600 A.D.) and Acarakkóvai (a work treating of religious, social and moral conduct in 100 stanzas by Peruvayin Mulliyar; probable date of composition is between 400 A.D. and 600 A.D.) mention the word kalyanam. Cilampu. uses manavami and Manimekalai employs the word manavinai. Periyārvār and Äņțāļ use the words manam, kannālam

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and vatuvai. Saint Cuntarar employs the word vettal in one of his Tevaram hymns.
The bridegroom or the husband is referred to as maittunan, manavälan, manälan, kanavan, etc. The first and the third are found in Antal. Manavalan is employed by Saint Manikkavacakar in his Tiruvempavai (11): Maiyar tatankan matantai manavala “You, the husband of the maiden who possesses large painted eyes.' Saint Cuntararuses the word kanavan. The meaning of maittunan has already been explained (see, 1. 11). Manavālam and its corrupted form mandilan mean "a male person who has come by marriage.' This kinship term is used to call a person who has come as a relative to a woman solely by marriage. Kanavan from Ran--avan ("eye--he') denotes the importance of a husband (like an eye) to a wife. The kinship terms used to denote the relationship between a married man and his wife's father and mother are: marumakan 'son-in-law or nephew' and mama father-in-law or uncle' and mami 'mother-in-law or aunt' respectively.
2.7. MARRIAGEABLE AGE
Iraiyanar Kalaviyalurai, a grammatical work that belongs to this period, mentions the ages of a young man and a young girl who indulge in secret love as sixteen and twelve respectively. Tirumantiram (a Saiva Siddhanta Philosophical work; contains more than 3000 quatrain written by the famous Yogi Tiru-mular who might have lived in the second half of the seventh century) says (163):
Muttai pirantatu munnūru nāļil Itatu tānilai ētēnum ēraikāļ Pattatu pārmaņam panniraņ tāņtinir Ketta terupatir kētari yīrē
“O ignorant people! You have never given anything and do not know your folly. The egg was born after three hundred days. It smelt (i.e. got married) in the twelfth year and it got spoilt (i.e. died) in the seventieth year.'

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The poem mentions the marriageable age as twelve. But it is not clear whether it is for a male or a female. But if it is compared with the age limit mentioned in Iraiyanar Kalaviaylurai, then it may be for a female.
3. Marriage During the Epic Period
The period between 900 A.D. and 1400 A.D., for the purpose of easy reference, is referred to as "epic period.' All details regarding marriage customs, traditions, rites, etc. mentioned in epics like Cīvakacintāmani (hereafter Cintāmani), Cūļāmani, Periyapurānam (hereafter Periya.), Kamparāmāyanam (hereafter Kampa.) and Kantapurānam (hereafter Kanta.) and minor literary work Nalavenpa are listed in this section.
3. 1. TYPES OF MARRIAGES
Literature of this period depict different types of marriages. They are:
1. Makatpēccu maņam "Marriage by proposal'
2. Makatikotai maņam "Marriage by gifting a girl'
3. Vīra maņam "Heroic marriage'
4. Kantarva maņam or "Marriage by winning a com
Yarõr küttam petition'
5. Cuyamvara maņam "Marriage by selecting a bride
groom' 6. Murai maņam "Cross-cousin marriage'
Except Kantarva magnam and Cuyamvara manam which were introduced from Aryan culture, the other four types of marriages were prevailing in Tamil land from the ancient time.
Proposal Marriage
Proposal marriage must have been the common one during this
period. Periya. of this period gives a number of details about this
type of marriage. More than four sections of this epic deal with

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this marriage. The very first procedure in this type of marriage is the decision taken by the elders to get a young man married in a suitable place. The relatives of Tirufianacampantar (hereafter, Sampantar), who later became one of the Saiva Saints, felt that he had grown up to that age which was suitable for marriage and they decided that he should marry in order to perform sacrificial ceremonies and also to participate in such ceremonies. Only married people could participate in such ceremonies. Having taken that decision, they informed Sampantar about it and obtained his consent. They made arrangements to propose a marriage to the daughter of Nampianitar Nampi from a faultless Brahmin family in Tirupperumanam. The custom of looking into the background of the family and caste was strictly adhered to in this type of marriage. Sampantar was from the Brahmin caste. Therefore, they had to choose a girl from the same caste. Similarly an attempt to propose a marriage for Paramatattan of the merchant caste is described in the 4th section of Periya. His relatives had been looking for a girl from the same caste for him.
After making inquiries about the caste, status, the family background of the girl's parents, the relatives of the bridegroom would send a group of people to the girl's house to inform them of their proposal for marriage. This custom prevails even now. Paramatattan's parents decided to make marriage relationship with a family of the same caste living in Karaikkal. The girl's name was Punitavati (later became Saint Karaikkal Ammaiyar). Cekirar, the author of Periya. descreibes the initial procedure adopted in the case of the marriage between Paramatattan and Punitavati as follows (IV: 4: 7):
Niţiyacirk kaţalnakai nitipatien rulakinkan Pāțuperu pukarvaņikan payantakula maintanukku Tēțavarunt tirumarapill cēyiraiyai makațpēca Mātamali kāraikkāl vaļanakaril varavitār
“They sent people to propose a marriage between the son of the famous merchant of high esteem and who was known to the

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world as the wealthiest person from Katalnakai, and the beautiful girl from a great family in Karaikkal, the rich town with tall buildings.'
After having gone to Punitavati's home, they formerly requested her father to bestow her in marriage to Paramatattan. Girl's father agreed to it and the news was conveyed to the bridegroom's father. Similar procedures had been adopted in the case of Sampantar's marriage too.
The fact that inquiries and discussions regarding caste and character of the bride and the bridegroom had taken place is revealed by the following poem from Periya. (V: 1:24):
Aņankanaiya tilakavati yārtammai ārkavarkku Manampéci vantavarum vantapati arivippa Kuņampēcik kulampēcik kōtilcīrp pukaranār Paņanko ļaravalkulpaintotiyai maņamnērntār
“Having announced that they have come to propose a marriage between him and goddess-like Tilakavati; having talked about their qualities, character and the caste; they proposed marriage to her who is adorned with bright bangles and whose alkul (the circumference between the hip and the loins of a woman; Pudendum muliebre) resembles the hood of a cobra.'
Once the bride's parents consented to a proposed marriage, it was their duty to select an auspicious time and day for the marriage ceremony. The selected date and time would be informed to the bridegroom's parents. The formal message written on Ölai palm leaf was sent through a messenger. This message was called tirumana nalolai (lit. 'marriage-day-letter'; letter informing the day of the marriage). Periya. (IV: 4: 9) records that Punitavati's father after having sent the tirumana nalolai began making arrangements for the marriage ceremony. But in the case of Sampantar's marriage, Periya. (VI: 1: 1169) says that tirumana nalolai was prepared by the bridegroom's parents and it was sent to the bride's parents. As an auspicious sight, it was customary to place

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before a marrying couple a pot with earth in which seeds were sprouting. Therefore, on the day when the tirumana nalolai was sent, they sowed seeds into a pot with earth, so that the seeds would sprout before the wedding day. This pot was called mulaip palikai (lit. 'sprout-pot'). Periya. records this custom in two instances (VI: 1: 1169 and I: 5: 11). The initial procedures of makatpéccu manan proposal marriage' end with the observance of the custom of sowing seeds into a pot.
Marriage by Gifting a Daughter
In makat péccu manam proposal marriage', the proposal for marriage originates from the bridegroom's side. But in the case of makatkotai manam 'marriage by gifting a daughter, the proposal originates from the bride's side. Cintamani records the latter by describing the marriage between Civakan and Kunamalai.
Once an elephant was charging to attack Kunamalai and at that time Civakan intervened and saved her. She fell in love with him. The foster-mother watching her movements finally got to know about her love towards Civakan. She informed the matter to her mother and it finally reached her father's ears. Parents agreed to that marriage. Kuperamittiran, her father, sent a group of elders to find out whether Civakan's parents would accept Kunamalai who would be donated by her father. Cintanani (1056) gives the following details:
Yāmakaļītu nīrmakat koņmi nenayārum Tāmakaņērā rāyinum taņņen varaimārpir Pūmakaļvaikum puņņiyap porkun ranaiyānukku Yāmakaņērntē minru . . .
“No one says "We give our daughter, you accept her. But, however, today we have decided to present our daughter to him who resembles the virtueous golden rock and on whose cool and mountain-like chest the goddess of earth resides . . .'
Civakan's parents agreed to accept Kunamalai for their son at a

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marriage ceremony. The date of the marriage ceremony too was decided and accepted. This, incidently, reminds us of an ancient custom that was prevailing in Tamil land. If a young man saved a girl from any disaster, then she always determined to marry only him who touched her for the first time. The Tamil saying was: Urrarkku uriyar porroti makalir “Woman with golden bangles belongs to the person who touched her. Similar custom has been mentioned in Cintamani (1342):
Ponriya uyirai mittan puricikai pótu veyntan Anriyu māmeytīņti yaļittanan arakin mikkān Onriya makaļir tāmē yurravark kuriya renna Venrikoļ vēli nārkkē pānmaiyum viļainta tanrē
“He, who excels in beauty, not only saved my life from death but also decorated my hair with a flower and touched my body to destroy (my femininity). A woman belongs to him who touched her. If it is so, it is to him who bears the victorious lance that I belong to.'
This was expressed by Patumai who was also saved by Civakan from a possible danger. Patumai's wish was considered by her parents and they decided to bestow her in marriage to Civakan.
Heroic Marriage
Vira manam "heroic marriage' which was prevalent among the ancient Tamils continued to prevail even during the period of epics. Cintamani, Kampa. and Kanta. mention this type of marriage. Cintamani describes this marriage in its section called Kövintaiyar Ilampakam. The chief of the cowherds, Nantakön, announces that he would gift his daughter Kövintai to any hero who would recover the king's cattle. Even the king's army had been defeated by the hunters who stole the cattle. Therefore, no one was prepared to venture into that heroic act. But Civakan, with his friend Patumukan, fought against the hunters and recovered the king's cattle. As promised, Nantakon was prepared to give his daughter in marriage to Civakan. He said (479):

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Pāțakañ cumanta cempor cīrațip paravai yalkur Cūtaka maņinta munkaic cutarmaņip pūņi nāļai Ātakac cempor pāvai yērutantaruva laiya Vātalil vatuvai kūti maņamaka nāka enrān
"Sir, I shall present to you seven dolls made of the best gold along with (my daughter Kövintai) who is adorned with bright jwells and whose forearm are adorned with bangles, whose alkul is broad and her small feet bear the ank Please accept her and become husband by marrying her
In Valmiki's Ramayana, Rama had to break the heavy bow to get married to Sita. Sita's father announced that any hero who broke the heavy bow could get married to his daughter. Several kings and princes tried to break that bow. No one succeeded. Finally, Rama broke the bow and got married to her. But in Kamparamayanam (Tamil version of the Sanskrit Ramayana composed by Kampan. Hence the name Kampa-rámayanam), Ramä first sees Sita at the balcony and they fell in love with each other. However, even in the Tamil version, the marriage between them takes place only after the heavy bow was broken by him.
Kanta. speaks of Intiran, the chief of the gods, offering his daughter Tevakuficari to Murukan for his heroic act of defeating Curapanman, the chief of the demons. As soon as the battle between Murukan and Cuirapanman was over, Intiran went to see Murukan and said: “My great master! O god You have removed the pest-like demons and liberated the gods from their prisons and have offered the kingship of Cuvarkka ulakam ( the heavenly world') back to me. Taking these deeds into consideration, is there anything that I can do to express my gratitude? None. However, my daughter Teivayanai has come to this Mount Tirupparankunram. O god You must get married to her so that we all would enjoy the fruits of this birth.' Murukan consented to this request and arrangements were made for the marriage ceremony.

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Marriage by Winning a Competition
The epics Cintamani and Culamani mention this type of marriage. Kantaruvam is described as the union of a male and a female who equal themselves in all respects. This union is called yaror kiuttam. The marriage between Civakan and Kantaruvatattai is described by the author of Cintamani as yaror kiuttam. Kantaruvatattai's father announces that anyone who competes with his daughter in a lyre competition and wins shall get married to her. Civakan participated in that competition and won it. The other kings who lost to Kantaruvatattai fought a battle against Civakan. Having defeated all those who fought against him, Civakan took Kantaruvatattai with him. Later, a formal marriage ceremony was performed.
Marriage by Selecting a Bridegroom
Only Nalavenpa (Tamil version of the Sanskrit story poem about Nala, a famous emperor of Nisadha, an ancient kingdom in India. Composed by Pukarentippulavar in Venpa metre.) mentions this type of marriage called cuyamvara manam. The word cuyamvaram, a Tamilized form of the Sanskrit word svayamvara, means selection of husband by the bride herself (the bride was always a princess in this type of marriage) at a public assembly of suitors. Kings from all directions were invited to be present at the cuyamvara hall where princess Tamayanti would choose her husband by garlanding him. Several kings and princes accepted the invitation and were present in the hall. Each person was introduced to Tamayanti. Finally, she chose Nalan, the king of Vitarppa country, and garlanded him. This type of marriage was not prevailing in the ancient Tamil land. It was one of the Aryan types of marriages.
Cross-cousin Marriage
Murai magnam “cross-cousin marriage” was also common during this period. It is described in a chapter (called Kumamalaiyar Ilampakam) in Cintamani. Kunamalai was in love with Civakan. Her foster-mother wanted to find out whether she was really

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loving him. In order to get the truth out of her, the foster-mother told a false story to her as follows: "Today, your father invited your cousin, son of your uncle who is an elder brother of your mother, and honoured him at feast to express his consent to give you in marriage to him.' Hearing this story, Kunamalai confessed to her foster-mother about her love with Civakan. This attests the fact that cross-cousin marriage was also prevailing during the period of epics. Further, it also records the custom of inviting the prospective son-in-law by his uncle for a feast at his house. Instead of proposal talks, the custom of honouring a young man (i.e. a nephew) by his uncle was considered to be an initial procedure to give consent for a marriage between his daughter and the young
2.
3. 2. GENERAL MARRIAGE CUSTOMS AND CEREMONIAL RITES
General marriage customs and ceremonial rites that are mentioned in the literary texts of this period are listed in this section. Certain special customs and rites are also mentioned in these literary texts. They are listed in the next section of this paper.
Decorations
Just after the initial marriage procedures, the marriage hall was decorated. Nirai kutam pot full of water, vilakku "lamp' and toranam (see, 2. 3. 2) were part of the decorations in any auspicious occasion. The literary texts of the previous periods have recorded the custom of using these items for marriage decorations. In connection with Sampantar's marriage ceremony, Periya. describes the street decorations as follows:
Celvamali tiruppukklic ceruntiru vītikaļellām Malkunirai kutam viļakku makaratō raņamniraittē Ellaiyilā oļimutu mālaikaļen kaņunārri Alkuperun tiruōnka aņicirakka alankaritār
"Having placed in rows the nirai kutam 'sacred pot full of water, lamps and toranam along the streets in Tiruppukali and

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having hung everywhere inumerable garlands of shining pearls, they decorated to add more beauty (to it).'
The marriage hall is usually erected in the bride's home. Accordingly, Nampianitar Nampi of Tirunallur who had consented to give his daughter in marriage to Sampantar, began decorating the streets and the marriage hall. All streets were decorated with toranam and garlands. From the day the sacred seeds were sown into the 'sprout-pot', the auspicious water pot was placed in front of the house and in the court-yard every day. Many lamps were lighted; incense was smoked. While the decorations were in progress, relatives, friends and well-wishers of the bride and the bridegroom would visit their respective houses. Some of them used to help in the decorations. Periya. describes how they had been visiting Sampantar's house in Tiruppukali:
Enkaņumeyt tiruttoņtar maraiyavarkaļ ēnaiyōr Mankalanīļ maņavinaināļkētumika makirveyti Pońkutirup pukalitanil natörum pukuntinta Ankaņaņain tavarkkellām peruficirappu mikkaļitār
“Devotees, Brahmins and others from everywhere were delighted to hear the auspicious day on which the marriage ceremony to be held. They visited his house in Tiruppukali every day and they were accordingly received and were honoured.'
Manavarai, manamanru, welvi nakar, tirumana mantapam, manap pantar were words used to refer to the place where the marriage ceremony was held. Cintamani (837) describes the manavarai 'shed for the marriage ceremony erected for the marriage between Civakan and Kantaruvatattai as follows: The walls of the marriage shed were made with red corals and the handles with gold. Canopy was tied to cover the top of the pillars which were studded with gems; garlands were hung from the canopy; smoke from the burning incense surrounded the marriage hall like the cloud. Culamani (1094-97) gives the following details about the marriage

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shed: The Brahmins who kindle the sacred fire, wearing the sacred thread, entered the marriage shed and began making the sacred fire in the place which was built in the shape of a lotus and where things needed for the marriage ceremony were arranged in a row. The chief priest for the ceremony who was well versed in all four Vedas drew lines with a pointed golden peg on the floor which had been plastered with perfumed paste and was embedded with gems. Again he plastered it with perfumed paste. Then he spread sand over it. The place was arranged in the shape of a square. He piled on it several taruppai grass whose both ends point to the north and the east respectively. While the priest was making the sacred fire, the sacred conch was blown intermittently.
The decorated hall for the marriage of Rama and Sita, is compared to a golden mountain by the author of Kampa. He has also compared it with the universe that was created by Brahma and also with the belly of Him who swallowed the earth and heaven.
Tying Protective Band
In a Hindu marriage, tying a protective band to the right hand of the bridegroom and to the left hand of the bride is an important rite. Periya. describes the observance of this rite in connection with Sampantar's marriage ceremony. The protective band that was to be tied on to Sampantar's hand was taken in procession through the city by the Brahmins and Saiva devotees. It was later tied on to his hand with the accompaniment of sacred musical instruments and the chanting of Vedic hymns by Brahmins. When this ceremonial rite was performed, certain auspicious items were placed in front of Sampantar. They were: leaves of Bow tree, taruppai grass, big lamps and a golden plate with a heap of red paddy on which a pot filled with rose water and decorated with garlands is placed. The bride who was to marry Sampantar also observed a similar ceremonial rite on the previous day of the marriage ceremony. Periya. also describes how Saint Cuntaramilirti (hereafter, Cuntarar) observed this ceremonial rite.

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Cintamani mentions how Patumai observed the rite of tying protective band. On an auspicious day selected by the astrologers, at an appropriate temple, while the maidens adorned with ornaments were bestowing blessings, the protective band that would safeguard both the bride and the bridegroom was tied on to Patumai's hand. The maidens surrounded and watched her from that moment. It was customary that bride or bridegroom who had observed the ceremonial rite of tying the protective band was not allowed to go out of the house from the moment the rite was performed. Cintamani records this custom by saying that Patumai was surrounded and watched by the maidens from the moment she observed the ceremonial rite of tying the protective band on to her hand.
Ceremonial Bathing
Literary texts mention ceremonial bathing as a custom connected with the marriage. It was observed during the previous periods. The ceremonial bathing takes place on the day of the marriage ceremony. Both the bride and the bridegroom will have the ceremonial bathing in their respective homes before they get dressed for the marriage ceremony. Cintamani describes how Civakan had his ceremonial bathing before he married Patumai: Maidens, who resembled pure gems, seated on the back of an elephant brought sacred water in a pot. Civakan was ceremoniously bathed in that water and he was dressed accordingly for the marriage ceremony.
Cillamani describes the ceremonial bathing of Tivittanampi as follows: "He bathed in the sacred water brought in pots by two elephants with beautiful eyes.” Cuyampirapai, his bride, bathed in water brought by heavenly beings (Viricayar) from sacred rivers like Ganges and from streams falling from sacred mountains like Himalaya. Various flowers from young groves and many kinds of perfumes were used in her ceremonial bathing.
Kampa, describes Rama's ceremonial bathing as follows:
Cankuinam tavarkatalēriltantavum

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Cinkalilarumarai terinta tīrtamum Kankaiyē mutaliya kalanta nīrināl Mańkala mañcanam marapin āțiyē
"According to the traditional custom, he had the ceremonial bathing with water mixed with sacred water from Ganges, the seven seas full of chank and water-fronts that were praised by the faultless Vedas.'
Periya. has a similar description of the ceremonial bath taken by Sampantar and Cuntarar before they attended their marriage ceremonies.
A peculiar custom related to the ceremonial bathing seemed to have been observed by the cow-herds. While describing the ceremonial bathing of Kövintai, daughter of the chief of cow-herds, Cintamani says: Women from the group of cow-herds, surrounded Kovintai to bathe her. They picked up some grass that was left over by the cows, and having dipped them into a pot of ghee, poured it over her head saying “Like the cow and the bull, you and your husband must live for ages', and then they poured water Over her head. This peculiar custom had not been observed by others.
Procession Through the City
The custom of bridegroom going on a procession along the streets on his way to the marriage hall has been a common one since the period of Tevaram hymns. If the bride and the bridegroom were from two different regions, then the bridegroom, on the day of the marriage ceremony, had to come with his relatives all the way from his village or town. It must have resulted in a sort of procession from his place of residence. The relatives of the bride used to go up to the boundary limit of their village and welcomed the bridegroom and his relatives. Then they all walked to the marriage hall. In order to honour the bridegroom who was coming to marry one of their girls, the people of the bride's village used to decorate the streets and place pirana kumpam auspicious

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pot full of water' in front of their houses. Later, this became a custom that has been observed in marriage even if the bridegroom was from the same village of the bride.
Kampa. says Rama mounting on a chariot was going on a procession through the city. Before proceeding to the marriage hall, he seemed to have presented cows, gold, land and gems to virtueous persons. On his way to the marriage hall, the people along the streets showered on him flowers, coloured powders, coins and gold. According to Periya., the bridegroom Cuntarar mounted on a horse began his marriage procession from his town Puttur to go to Tirunavaltir where the marriage ceremony was to take place. The whole town seemed to have been in a festive mood. He was accompanied by several musician playing various instruments. Women bestowed blessings on him; Brahmins chanted Vedic hymns. The marriage processions of Sampantar, Paramatattan and Manakaficarar have been described in Periya. in a similar fashion.
Bridegroom comes first to the Marriage Hall
It is customary even now for the bridegroom to come first to the marriage hall and to wait for the bride. When he comes to the marriage hall, in order to show their respect and also to honour him, the bride's relatives would receive him with the appropriate auspicious items and would walk him on a cloth spread on the floor. This cloth is called nila pavatai 'floor cloth'. Periya. for the first time refers to this custom. Sampantar was carried in a palanquin when he came on a procession to the marriage hall. When he stepped down from his palanquin in front of the marriage hall, he was walked on the floor-cloth on which coloured powders and flowers were showered.
Welcoming the Bridegroom
The Tamil epics have several references to the custom of re
ceiving the bridegroom by the bride's relatives at the entrance to
the marriage hall. Periya. describes how Cuntarar was received:

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Niraikutam tūpam tīpam nerunkupā likai kaļ ēnti Niraimalar aruku cuņņam narumpori palavum vici Uraimali kalavaic cantin urupunal telittu viti Maraiyavar matavār vaļal maņametir koļļa vantār
“The Brahmins and women came along the street to receive the great person for the marriage ceremony sprinkling water mixed with sandal and carrying sacred water-pot, incense, lights and sprout-pots; and showering many flowers, aruku grass, powders and fried paddy.'
Sampantar too was welcomed in this manner. Cintamani, Cullamani and Kampa. do not mention this custom. Since Periya. which deals with the history of the Saiva devotees of Tamilnadu, mentions this custom in several instances, it is highly probable that this might have been an ancient custom that was prevailing among the Tamils.
Washing Bridegroom's Feet
After receiving the bridegroom at the entrance to the marriage hall, the bride's parents had to wash his feet. This custom was called patam vilakkutal feet-washing'. While washing his feet, the bride's father would declare his caste and family background and would say that he was presenting his daughter to that bridegroom. After this procedure only, the bridegroom shall sit on the mana tavicu "marriage throne' (i.e. a special bench on which the bridal couple shall sit during the marriage ceremony). Periya, gives a few details about this custom in connection with Sampantar's marriage ceremony: Sampantar who entered the marriage hall was seated on a bench under the shade of a canopy that was made with cloth and shining gems. The bride's father and mother came towards him carrying milk and water in order to wash his feet. While the bride's mother was pouring water out of a vessel, bride's father washed Sampantar's feet. Water used for this purpose was collected and was sprinkled inside and outside the marriage hall. Then, bride's father, while pouring water on

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bridegroom's hands declared his caste and family background and said “I am presenting my wealth-like daughter to this young man.' Kanta. too describes a similar custom that was observed by Intiran and his wife when Murukan came to the marriage hall to marry their daughter Teyvayanai.
Conducting Bride to the Marriage Hall
According to Periya., the bride was conducted into the marriage
hall just before the auspicious time. The following poem men
tions this custom in connection with Sampantar's wedding:
Narrawak kanniyarkai fanacam pantar cenkai Parrutar kuriya paņpir parutilnar porutu naņņap Perravar utanpi rantār perumaņap piņaiyan nāraic Curramun cürntu põrrak kontumun tunni märka!
"When the faultless auspicious time was approaching for Sampantar, with his beautiful hand, to grasp the hand of the maiden who practised penance, those born with her parents (i.e. bride's uncles and aunts), surrounded by their relatives, brought the deer-like (bride to the marriage hall)'.
According to this poem, the bride was conducted into the marriage hall by her uncles and aunts (i.e. brothers and sisters of her parents). According to Culamani, just after the bride was conducted into the marriage hall, the Brahmins entered into it and began making the sacred fire. While they were kindling the sacred fire, the astrologer who was seated next to them reminded the chief priest of the approaching auspicious time.
Bride Sits on the Right Side of the Bridegroom
The bride has to sit on the right side of the bridegroom at the beginning of the ceremony. Only after they are duly married (i.e. just after kaittalam parrutal "bridegroom grasping bride's hand or mankala man tarittal "bridegroom tying the auspicious ornament

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round the bride's neck'), the bride sits on bridegroom's left side. Culamani (1100) mentions this custom as follows:
Manniyaral vēļviyilavarkkuvala mākap Pinniya taruppaikaļ pitittu. . .
"(She sat) in front of the sacred fire, on the right side of him, holding the twisted taruppai grass . . .'
Periya. too mentions this marriage custom. While Sampantar was sitting on the marriage bench, the bride was brought into the hall and was seated on the right side of him. Kampa. does not mention about the bridal couple's seating arrangement. But it presents another custom regarding the arrival of the bridegroom and the bride. According to this epic, Rama entering the marriage hall did not sit on the marriage bench. He sat on a side and was waiting for the bride. As soon as Sita entered the marriage hall, both walked towards the marriage bench and sat on it together.
Presenting Bride by Pouring Water
The father of the bride has to present her to the bridegroom by observing certain formalities. The most important formality is the bride's father pouring water on bridegroom's hands when presenting the bride. This rite is called tarai varttuk kotuttal “Pouring water by a donor, on the right hand of the donee, in making a gift'; or tattai ceytu kotuttal "Presenting with proper formality'; or kannika tanam "Presenting a virgin in marriage as though she is donated to the bridegroom'. Periya. and Kanta. differ from other epics regarding the performance of this ceremonial rite. According to these two epics, the rite of presenting the bride by pouring water was performed at the entrance to the marriage hall along with the ceremonial rite of washing bridegroom's feet (see, 3.2.7.). It means that the bride's presence in the marriage hall at the time of the performance of this rite was not necessary. But according to Cintámani Cülämaani and Kampa., this ceremonial rite took place only after the bride and the bride

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groom were seated on the marriage bench. Culamani (1099) says that Cataiyavarman, father of Cuyampirapai, gave his daughter (the bride) to Tivittanampi (the bridegroom) by pouring water in front of all the people gathered in the marriage hall and in front of the god-like sacred fire. Kampa. describes how Canakan gave his daughter by pouring water:
Kõmakan muncana kankuļir nalnīr Pūmaka lumporu lumena nīen Māmakaļ tannotum mannuti ennā Tāmarai anna tatakkaiyinīntān
“In front of the prince, Canakan poured cool and fresh water on his lotus-like broad hand saying: “You be with my great daughter like you being with the goddess of earth and goddess of wealth.'
When performing the rite of presenting the bride by pouring water, the father of the bride pours water directly over the hand of the bridegroom. There is no mediator in this transaction. The girl is presented directly to the bridegroom. But in Cintamani (489), we find that when Nantakön, KÖvintai's father, was pouring water to present his daughter, Civakan stretched his hand and accepted her not for him but for his friend Patumukan. This peculiar custom has not been found in any other Tamil literary texts.
Blessing
According to Kampa., just after the performance of the ceremonial rite of presenting the bride by pouring water, the bridal couple was blessed by Brahmins, women and sages. Various musical instruments were played at that time. But according to Periya, people who were present at the marriage hall seemed to have blessed the couple as soon as the bride entered the marriage hall and sat besides the bridegroom. In Kanta., the bridal couple was blessed only after the ceremonial rite of tying tali auspicious ornament WaS OVC,

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Going Round the Sacred Fire
All the epics of this period mention this ceremonial rite. Kampa. while mentioning this rite records another custom that is still current among the Tamils. According to it, when the bride entered the marriage hall, she sat on the right side of the bridegroom. But when the couple (i.e. Rama and Sita) walked round the sacred fire, the bride was on the left side of the bridegroom.
Stepping on Ammi and Showing Aruntati
When the couple goes round the sacred fire, the ceremonial rites of stepping on ammi' mill-stone (see, 2.3.7) and showing Aruntati (see, 1.7) are performed. Only Kampa. mentions both the ceremonial rites; whereas Culamani mentions only the latter.
3. 3. SOME SPECIAL CUSTOMS AND CEREMONIAL RITES
Calamani, Periya. and Kanta. mention some special customs and ceremonial rites. They are listed in this section.
Presentation to Brahmins
Culamani mentions that the relatives of Tivittanampi and Cuyampirapai (the bridegroom and the bride respectively), made presentation of gold and gems to those Brahmins who participated in the marriage ceremony. The presentation seemed to have taken place in between the ceremonial rites of walking round the sacred fire and showing Aruntati.
Tying Auspicious Ornament
Only Periya. and Kanta. mention the ceremonial rite of tying auspicious ornament round the bride's neck. The sacred or auspicious ornament was referred to by one of the following expressions: tirumáñkaliyam “auspicious (ornament), táli ‘auspicious ornament' and mankala niil tali auspicious thread ornament'. Kanta, says that Brahma, having made an auspicious ornament, tied it to a thread and gave it to Murukan who tied it round Teyvayanai's neck. Among all the epics of this period, only Kanta.

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mentions this ceremonial rite which has become an important ceremonial rite in a marriage ceremony of the Tamils now. In Periya., we find only a reference to this sacred ornament. Wife of a Saiva devotee called Kalayanar, seemed to have given her sacred ornament (mankala nul tali) to her husband to buy paddy to feed his children and the relatives. This ornament is now commonly called tali. In Cankam literary texts and Cilampu.., reference has been made to tali where it meant a kind of ornament that was worn by children. It was called Aimpataittali 'five-weapons-auspicious ornament'. Cilampu.. also has a reference to mankala and 'auspicious ornament'. We do not know whether this ornament was called taili or not. Tying tali is an important ceremonial rite in a Hindu marriage among the Tamils. The Sanskrit texts call this ceremonial rite as kankana bandhana or mangalasutrabandhana. This ceremonial rite marks the climax of the whole marriage ceremony.
Matuparkkam
Matuparkkam is a marriage custom of offering fruits, honey, sugarcane and milk to the bridegroom by the bride's father. Kanta. mentions this custom. According to this epic, the rite of offering fruits, sugarcane and milk to the bridegroom seemed to have taken place after the rite of tying the auspicious ornament has been performed. But the Sanskrit texts which mention madhuparka treat this ceremonial rite as a special type of reception to the bridegroom. According to these texts, when the bridegroom enters the marriage hall, he will be received and will be seated on a mat made in taruppai grass and his feet will be placed on a stool. The bride's father will wash the feet and then he offers water, honey and food to the bridegroom. It will be announced thrice that these have actually been offered. A part of this custom is mentioned in Kanta. as matuparkkam and the other part has been mentioned as patam vilakkutal (see, 3. 2. 7).

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3. 4. DOWRY
Offering marriage present (paricam variankutal) was an important marriage custom during the Cankam age. During that period paricam “marriage gift was offered by the bridegroom to the bride's parents. But during the period of the epics, it was offered by the bride's parents to the bridegroom. Periya. mentions two instances in which paricam had been paid. One was (II: 5: 17) when Manakkaicarar, the bride's father, promising to the mediators to offer "marriage gift' to the bridegroom according to their custom. The other (IV: 4: 13) was Punitavati’s father offering paricam to Paramatattan, the bridegroom. Another expression used to refer to 'marriage gift' was makatkotai "donation for daughter'.
Cintamani (490) too mentions this custom. Kövintai's father Nantakön is said to have given two thousand cows and seven dolls made out of pure gold as 'marriage gifts' to the bridegroom. Kuperamittiran, Kunamalai's father, is said (1064) to have given to the bridegroom, many young maidens, seven hundred women wearing ornaments, million gold kalaicu (a measure) and five prosperous towns as "marriage gifts'. In the same epic, reference has also been made to a custom that was prevailing during the Cankam age. That was, the practice of offering marriage gifts by the bridegroom to the bride. In poem 1047, it is said that Kunamalai's cousin would give cart-load of gold as marriage gift to her. Since the author of Cintamani mentions this old Tamil custom, it is probable that it might have been observed in some places in Tamilnadu during his time.
3. 5. HoME AFTER MARRIAGE
The bridegroom taking the bride to his home immediately after the marriage ceremony seemed to have been the common practice during the epic period. According to Periya., Eyarkön Kalikkaman had taken his wife to his place of residence immediately after the marriage ceremony. Kampa. says that Rama after marrying Sita

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stayed in her home for sometimes and then left for his country with his bride and his relatives.
The old custom of the bridegroom living in bride's home has also been attested in Periya. (IV: 4: 12). Punitavati’s father built a new house in their town called Karaikkal and provided all the comforts so that the bridal couple would live with them without going to bridegroom's town called Nakapattanam.
4. Marriage During the Later Period
The period between 1400 A.D. and 1900 A.D. is referred to as "Later Period’ here. Most of the marriage customs and ceremonial rites that were current during the epic period are observed during this period too. For example, one can compare the chapter that deals with the marriage between Murukan and Teyvayanai in Tiruppérirppuranam (composed in 17th century A.D.) with that in Kanta. (of the epic period). Both mention almost similar customs and ceremonial rites. In Tirupperurpuranam, the marriage procedures take place in the following order: ceremonial bathing (both bridegroom and the bride in their respective houses), bridegroom after dressing up goes through the city in procession, he reaches the marriage hall, the bride enters the marriage hall, washing bridegroom's feet, offering bride to the bridegroom by pouring water, offering fruits and milk, walking round the sacred fire, stepping on ammi, dropping fried paddy into the sacred fire, and tying the auspicious ornament. Except for one difference, Kanta. marriage procedures are similar to these. The difference is found in this: Immediately after Teyvayanai is offered to Murukan by pouring water by her father, the auspicious ornament is tied on to her neck by the bridegroom. After that only, they walk round the sacred fire. But in Tirupperiirppuranam, the tying of the auspicious ornament seems to be the last item in the whole marriage ceremony. This change might have taken place due to the importance given to the ceremonial rite of tying tali during the later period.

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4. 1. IMPORTANCE OF TYING TALI
The ceremonial rite of tying tali by the bridegroom round the bride's neck has been given much importance in marriage ceremonies that are refered to in the literary texts of the later period. In these ceremonies, the performance of this rite always marks the climax of the whole marriage procedures. At the time when this rite is performed, the musical instruments will be played on the high note. Tiruppériirppuranam and Tirukköndicalapuranam consider the rite of tying tali as the most important rite in the whole marriage ceremony and they mention that the uttering of words of blessings and playing the musical instruments on the high note take place at that time. In Tirupperurppuranam, two marriage ceremonies are mentioned. One is at the time when Murukan and Teyvayanai got married and the other when Civan and Kavuri got married. In the marriage between Civan and Kavuri too the tying of tali is considered to be the last item of the whole marriage ceremony. It is described as follows (Kavuri Tirumanap Patalam: 110):
Viņņavar malarkaļ cinta vițaiyavan ańkai yērrut Taņņiya malarmēl aņņal aranmurai vaļarppat tāli Puņņiya malarntāl anna pūnkoti mitarrir cērttu Maņņa var uyyac ceyyu marapelām iyarri nānē
“While the celestial beings were showering flowers and Brahma who sits on the cool flower kindling the sacred fire, Civan, who rides on the bull accepted the auspicious ornament and tied it round the neck of the creeper-like maiden as though virtue has blossomed and the traditions that would save the earthly beings were established by Him.'
Similar description is found in the section that deals with the marriage between Murukan and Teyvayanai. Tali "auspicious ornament' is considered to be reflecting the close relationship that exists between the husband and the wife. Thus, if the husband

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dies before the wife, the custom of removing the taili from her neck and placing it on the chest of the corpse is observed. It also helps to preserve the chastity of a woman and also to indicate that a person who wears it is a married woman. Proverbs like tali pennukku veli Tali is the fence for (the chastity of) a woman also originated.
The importance of tali "auspicious ornament' also created another ceremonial rite called talikku pon urukkutal "melting gold for the auspicious ornament.' Once the marriage proposal was agreed by the parents and the relatives of the prospective bride and the bridegroom, an auspicious day was selected to melt gold to cast taili "auspicious ornament' and all other ornaments that were needed for the bride. This seemed to have been an old custom. It is referred to in Kannaki Varakkurai (believed to have been composed by Cakaviran during the 14th or 15th century A.D.). Kannaki's father, Manakar invited the goldsmiths on an auspicious day and weighed the amount of gold needed and gave it to them. They melted it and made the necessary ornaments for the bride. This ceremonial rite is observed even now. On an auspicious day before the marriage ceremony, the parents and the close relatives of the bride are invited to the bridegroom's house where a simple ceremony is held to melt gold that is needed to make the tali "auspicious ornament'. The ceremony is performed by the goldsmith. The ceremony will always end with a feast.
4. 2. CoNFIRMATION OF A MARRIAGE PROPOSAL
If the parents and the relatives of the bridegroom and of the bride agree on a marriage proposal, then the parents and relatives of the bride will invite the others to their house for a meal. If the bridegroom's parents accept that invitation and participate in that meal, then the marriage is almost certain. Kannaki Varakkurai records this custom. Mācātu var, father of the bridegroom, went to the bride's house with a proposal to get his son married to Manakar's daughter. Once the marriage proposal was agreed, Macattuvar seemed to have enjoyed the hospitality of Manakar.

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4. 3. DOWRY
The gifts that were given by the bride's parents to the bridegroom were called citanam. This term is commonly used even now. Kannaki Varakkurai mentions that dowry was written on a document and it was presented to the son-in-law, Kövalar, by the bride's father, Manakar. The practice of documenting the citanam dowry given by the bride's parents is followed even now. Tirukkurralakkuravaici (composed during the 17th century A.D.) also mentions the custom of giving dowry.
Virificipuram Inscription mentions a custom among the Pataivittu Brahmins. The inscription says that the Brahmins resolved among themselves that in future they should donate their daughters and should not accept money for them. If this decision was accepted, then those bridegrooms who paid bride-price and those fathers of the girls who accepted it would be banished from the caste and they would be punished by the king. Today the parents of the bridegroom commonly demand citanam or varatatoanai dowry from the bride's parents. There is a popular protest against this custom. Probably, there must have been a similar protest against the practice of demanding paricam 'bride-price' from the bridegroom. Virificipuram Inscription must have recorded such a protest.
4. 4. MARRIAGE AND CASTE
The practice of proposing a marriage and giving consent to it after examining caste, family background, etc. became prevalent only after the Cankam period. Periya. informs us how the elders who came proposing a marriage to Tilakavati were looking into the caste and character of the bride. It has now become a common practice to propose a marriage between a man and a woman of the same caste. From Kannaki Varakkurai, we understand that
o See, South Indian Temple Inscriptions, Vol. III, Part II, pp. 312-13.

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Macattuvar, the bridegroom's father from merchant class was looking for a daughter-in-law from the same class.
Marrying a person from a lower class or caste is not commonly accepted by the people of the high caste. Especially a male from a higher caste marrying a girl from a lower caste is not approved. Kalamekam, a poet lived during the 15th century A.D., portrayed in one of his poems how the father, mother and the relatives regretted the marriage between Murukan and Valli, a girl from the hunter community. Murukan, son of god Siva and Parvaty, fell in love with a girl from the hunter community and got married to her. The hunters are regarded as people belonging to a lower class or caste. Therefore, the poet imagines that Murukan's parents and relatives would not have approved that marriage and says how they would have reacted to it.
If there were many family groups in a caste, then a marriage between a man and a woman of the same family group was avoided. In the Konku Vellala community in Tamilnadu, there are family groups called Ati kulam, Antuvan kulam, Antai kulam, etc. We are told that no marriage relationship is established among members of a family group."
The caste difference has been developing very fast in the Tamil society. It accelerated during the middle ages. Brahmins and Vellalas ("land owners') became people of high castes. Vannar (“washer-men'), Paraiyar ("Tom-tom beaters'), Nalavar ("treeclimbers') Ampattar ("barber), Ceniyar ("oil mongors'), etc. became people of the lower castes. The latter had to render services to the former. They had to perform various functions according to their professions at a marriage ceremony among high caste people. An inscription engraved at Patticcaram temple (in Tamilnadu, South India) says that during marriage ceremonies, Ceniyar (a Tamil caste name in South India) had to distribute betels among the guests.
* Tanippâtal Tirattu: 387. " See, Meenakshisundaram (1974)

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Musical instruments of various types are played at important ceremonies among the Tamils. Those instruments that are played at marriage ceremonies are regarded as auspicious instruments. But caste difference has restricted their use at marriage ceremonies of certain castes during the later period. During the Dutch administration in Ceylon (1602-1796 A.D.), there was a restriction regarding the types of musical instruments played at various ceremonies of the people of different castes. The author of Yarppana Vaipava Kaumuti (a work dealing with the history of Jaffna) referring to Rev. Fr. John's History of Jaffna says:
'In ancient times, Brahmins were entitled to have melam 'an auspicious drum' and other instruments played in their marriage ceremonies. Vellalar "land owners' and Cetti 'mercantile caste' were entitled for melam and other instruments for marriage ceremonies and parai "drum' played at funeral ceremonies and at some religious ceremonies. They were also entitled for nila pavatai 'floor cloth, canku "conch', tarai "a pipe instrument', kutamura "a kind of drum' and canopy for both ceremonies. Koviyar 'vassels of the high caste people' were entitled to parai only for their funeral ceremonies. Maravar 'a warrior caste' Akampatiyar 'a caste of people who were formerly the servants in the palace or temple', Italyar 'shepherds' and Civiyar palanquin bearers' were entitled for melam and other instruments for marriage and parai for funeral. Anti 'servants in temples’, Mukkiyar 'a section of the fishing caste' and Karaiyar 'fishing caste' had only conch. Kuyavar 'potters' had Kutamura while Ampattar "barbers' and vannar 'dhobies' had tarai. Other castes were not entitled to any musical instruments.'
During the Dutch administration in Ceylon, a tax was levied on all marriage ceremonies performed with melam "auspicious drum' and other instruments. But this tax was later abolished by the Dutch Governor.

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4.5. MARRAGE AMONG THE KoNKU VELLALA GoUNDER
COMMUNITY
Konku is one of the regions in Tamilnadu State of India and Vellala Gounder is a community that is found predominantly there. They are either professional agriculturists or their labourers. An interesting study by K. Meenakshisundaram (1974) on the marriage system of the Konku Vellala Gounder community reveals a number of marriage customs, ceremonial rites, beliefs and traditions that must have been observed from ancient times. We find among them only a few Aryan customs and ceremonial rites. The marriage customs, practices and ceremonial rites that are described by Meenakshisundaram (1974) are listed below.
There was no place for a Brahmin in a Gounder marriage ceremony during the early times. The whole marriage ceremony is called Mukurttam and it is conducted by Cirkkarar or Arumaikkarar. It is customary for the boy's people to approach the girl's parents with a marriage proposal. Once the preliminaries are completed, a date is tentatively decided and the betrothal precedes the marriage. The betrothal is called niccayam. Close relatives on both sides are invited. The boy henceforth is called mappillai and the girl pennupillai. The time and date of the marriage is fixed at this function.
On the day of the engagement relatives of the groom collect and proceed to the girl's house. They take with them a new saree, a jewel-if they can afford one-and a few sundry items like betel leaves, arecanuts, fruits, coconuts, lime, saffron, rose water, sandal paste, kum-kum, flowers, etc. in trays. On arrival at the girl's residence they are ceremoniously received. The guests are ushered into a hall or pandal. Two decorative brass lamps are lit and a low three-legged stool is placed facing east. Dhobi supplies a towel to cover the stool. This towel given by the dhobi is called mattu "change (cloth). Meenakshisundaram notes that today in wellto-do houses this custom is not observed. Instead, they use their own cloth or substitute a modern chair for a stool. The trays are

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arranged before the stool and the bride is led by a sister-in-law who acts as a bridesmaid to the stool. The bride moves with slow measured steps behind the cirkkari “wife of cirkkarar, the master of ceremonies' who carries a small pot of water. Once the bride takes her seat, the cirkkari mixes a little water with turmeric powder and makes into a lump symbolizing Lord Ganapathy. She applies kum-kum and holy-ash to it. With the customary breaking of the coconut and lighted camphor display a puja (worship by ofiering flowers to the deity) is performed. She then lifts the tray holding the saree and moves or lifts in the mode of offering, thrice towards the guests and performs similar offering towards the girl. This particular act goes by the name of onkikkotukkiratu 'giving (it) by raising'. The girl is then given the tray. She departs only to return attired in the new saree. She takes her seat again. The jewel, kum-kum, flowers, etc. are given to the girl. The custom of exchanging betels and arecanuts takes place next. The parents, brothers or first cousins (of the same family group) from both sides perform the act of exchanging. It is done thrice. The girl's people say kotuttöm 'we gave' as they give betel leaves and nuts and the boy's people reply saying kontom “we acquired or received as they accept them. The wedding invitation is then drafted and read aloud to the guests.
The next item in their marriage procedures is the purchasing of salt and clothes. This is called uppu 'salt' and cavuli 'clothes'. Salt is an auspicious thing for the Tamils. Therefore, salt is bought first and then the clothes for the groom and the bride are purchased. The purchased salt is taken to their respective houses. The girl's people pay for the boy's clothes and vice versa. The goldsmith is then summoned to melt the gold for the tali 'the auspicious ornamento.
The wedding preparations commence with the erecting of the pantal “marriage shed or hall'. Dhobi plays an important role in the decoration of the marriage shed. He provides clothes to cover the roof of the marriage shed. He also stretches colourful sarees before the groom and the bride for them to treck on (i.e. nila

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pavatai virittal, see, 3. 2. 5). His wife keeps a primitive torch made of rags wound-round a stick burning all through the numerous ceremonies replenishing the flame with oil from an earthen ware.
Instruments played during the marriage ceremony are cymbals, trumpets and Nadaswaram "a pipe instrument'. On the eve of the wedding the custom of fixing the mukurttakkal (it is called Rannikkal in Jaffna) is observed in both houses. A three-pronged stick (from a Milk hedge which is called paccan in Tamil) with turmeric applied on to it is tied to one of the north-eastern poles of pantal. To it is attached a small white cloth dipped in saffron and containing nine varieties of cereals. A Ganapathy made out of cowdung is then prepared and puja is performed. The cirkkaran “master of ceremonies' performs the puja 'offering flowers to deities'. Elderly relatives both men and cumankali women (who delivered children and whose husbands are alive) then pour milk on this stick. The barber and the dhobi assist during these ceremonies.
The next important function is verrilai pitikkiratu "holding betel leaves'. This rite is performed while giving the wedding bath to the groom. He is seated on a stool and the cirkkaran gives him a few betel leaves and nuts to hold. A Ganapathy puja follows. The betel leaves from the boy's hands are collected and with coconuts, plantains and lime they are placed in a carukucatti, a low rimmed broad mouthed vessel, and tied in a cloth. This is then taken to the girl's house along with a new saree. The boy is then given the wedding bath. Pots of water are poured over him. The barber supplies the tamarind twigs entwind to form a circle which is passed over him and out of which he steps out. Cooked rice with a cinder on it and incensed with a little ghee is moved around his head.
Kappuk kattutal “tying protective band' ceremony takes place after the wedding bath. The hand woven thread for taili “auspicious marriage ornament' and kappu 'protective band' is then prepared. The boy holds one end while the thread is released from a takkali (an instrument with which coarse thread is spun).

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It has a long length of thread wound round it and it is struck in a measure filled with unboiled paddy. Both together go by the name of nirai nari 'full measure'. The released thread is then soaked in turmeric water and the tali is threaded on it. Similarly, the thread for the boy's kappu is also obtained. A piece of saffron and a betel leaf are tied to the boy's right hand with the aid of this thread. A similar function to perform the kappuk kattutal ceremony takes place in the girl's house too. After the protective band is tied to her hand, she is made to fast till the marriage is over.
When the bridegroom is dressed up for the marriage, a ceremony called inaicciru takes place. The groom's sister plays an all important part in this. The sister dressed almost like a bride with a garland around her neck and a Polaimuti (a shallow oblongish basket) on her head containing the wedding saree and the tal "auspicious marriage ornament' and a small long round stone moves towards the bridegroom who is seated inside a decorated stage. She goes round the stage and enters it. The cirkkari leads the way with the indispensable pot of water, she later stands inside the pólaimuti, while the barber sings the mankala varttu "auspicious blessings'. The services of the barber is commissioned on several occasions. It is he who announces in loud tones the commencement of every ritual and beckons the guests to congregate to witness the ceremony. When the barber finish singing the "auspicious blessing songs, the groom is taken to the nattainmaikkal 'stone erected in memory of a warrior or an ancestor' to receive ancestral blessings. Once the ancestors' blessings are invoked, the bridegroom and his relatives depart to the bride's house. They are always received with due honour by the bride's relatives and they are taken to a different house called wituti vitu "rest house'. From there the bridegroom's people will take the wedding saree and ornaments in procession for the girl. The saree is presented to the girl and the cirkkari of the bridegroom's house takes a ring or gold coin (in the houses of rich people a gold comb is substituted) and sings a sort of verse declaring that the girl of that particular kulam (family group) is handed over to the

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kulam of the bridegroom. The whole procedure is called pon puttutal "fastening gold.' After this event, the groom's people leave for the vituti vitu.
Just before the marriage ceremony, the bride is also taken to the nattainmaikkal to receive ancestral blessings. Before this event, pen etukkum 'carrying bride' ceremony is held. The maternal uncle garlands the girl for the first time and ties a thin gold plate round her forehead. Other maternal uncles offer kum-kum to the girl. It seems that in olden days the bride was carried by her uncles to the nattainmaikkal.
The bridegroom is received at the entrance to the marriage shed by women from the bride's side. The bride's youngest sister washes his feet and her brother garlands him. As soon as the groom is conducted to the marriage stage, the bride is ushered in and led to take her seat beside the groom. The marriage ceremony begins with the usual puja 'worship'. The custom of paying bride-price (called pariyam a changed form of paricam of the Cankam period) is observed by the Gounders. But it is only a token of one and a quarter Indian Rupees. When the pariyam is paid, the tray on which taili "auspicious marriage ornament' is kept will be raised for everyone to see and bless. Then the tali is tied on to the bride's neck by the bridegroom. The garlands are exchanged after that. The bridal couple then worship their parents. The girl's brother then claps the groom's hand on top of a small raw rice mound topped with betel leaves and jaggery while the barber again sings the "auspicious blessing songs. This rice is given to the barber later. The cirkkarar then blesses the couple. He dips betel leaves in milk and water and with both hands he blesses the couple. He sings a few blessing songs and a few elderly men are requested to bless them in similar fashion. Then the little fingers of the bride and the groom are joined together and a red scarf is tied over their hands. Thus with their hands joined they come round the stage thrice. With this the formal marriage ceremony comes to an end.
Karakam is an important aspect of the marriage ceremony. On

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the eve of the wedding a few bride's relatives proceed with unboiled milk and items necessary for worship to some snake pit somewhere in the vicinity. They apply holy ash and kum-kum to the pit, pour milk into the holes of the pit, after worshipping, collect the mud of the pit. This is brought home in three small baskets. It is mixed with little water and a small four-sided tank is built before the decorated marriage stage. A sugarcane with mango leaf is then erected near it. Two earthenware pots on two mud plates are placed on either side. One contain raw paddy and the other water. They are covered with mud plates containing betel leaves. In front is placed a wooden ural (a wooden barrel in which paddy is pounded) and it is topped with a large earthenware lamp lit with a thick wick. The marriage ceremony commence with a puja 'worship' to karakam. The paddy from this pot together with paddy from the boy's house is pounded. It is cooked and offered to Lord Ganapathy on the third day when a yellow string is tied by the boy around the girl's neck.
Mukurttam is the term used by the Gounders to refer to the entire ceremonial rites that are performed just after the bride and the bridegroom sit together on the decorated marriage stage. After the ceremony, the couple have a bath and the bride serves food to the groom for the first time. This food surprisingly is not eaten by the groom but passed over to the dhobi. The ritual is called cattuva coru "ladle rice'. Later in the evening, the bridal couple proceed to the boy's house. The pair on arrival first take milk and plantain and then put their hands into a pot filled with water containing a few coins. Silver, gold and other metal coins are used. The coins they rummage and bring up first is predictive of the children they will bear. On the next day the girl's people come to the boy's house. They are entertained very hospitably and close relationship between the two families and their respective people is established.

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5. Conclusion
Important marriage customs, ceremonial rites and traditions of a long period (300-1900 A.D.) are listed in this paper. No attempt is made here to study the socio-economic-cultural basis of these marriage customs, rites and traditions. As stated earlier, the main aim of this paper is just to document all relevent marriage customs, rites, beliefs and traditions of the Tamils. If all the marriage customs and rites that are mentioned so far in this paper are listed, one will not find it difficult to differentiate between those of the Tamils and those of the Aryans.
Tamil Texts cited in the Paper
1. Akanānūru (Akam.) 2. Ācārakkōvai 3. Cilappatikāram (Cilampu.) 4. Cīvakacintāmaņi (Cintāmaņi) 5. Ciūlāmani 6. Iraiyamar Kallaviyal Urai 7. Kamparāmāyanam (Kampa.) 8. Kannaki Varakkurai 9. Kurumtoka (Kuru.) 10. Manimēkalai 11. Naļavenpā 12. Nāciyār Tirumori 13. Nālatiyār 14. Periyapurānam (Periya.) 15. Periyārvār Tirumori 16. Tanippâtal Tirattu 17. Tirukköndcala Puränam 18. Tirukkurrâlak Kuravaifici , 19. Tirupperurp Puranam
Book and Papers that were consulted Arumukamutaliyar, Caravana, “Marriage Customs of the Tamils”

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(in Tamil) Madurai Tamil Sangam Golden Jubilee Volume, 1966, pp. 351—57. Chatterjee, Chanchal Kumar., Studies in the Rites and Rituals of Hindu Marriage in Ancient India, Sanskrit Pustak Bhandar, Calcutta, 1978. Devapoopathy Natarajah, “Courtship and Marriage in the Classical
Period,' Journal of Tamil Studies, Vol. 1, No. 2, 1966, pp. 19-42. Meenakshisundaram, K., “A Brief Study of the Marriage System of the Konku Vellala Gounder Community', Journal of Tamil Studies, Vol. 6, December 1974, pp. 1-10. Pope, Rev. G.U. (Translator), The Tiruvacagam, 1900, Reprinted
Madras, 1970. Ranjitamalar, N., Marriage in Hindu Culture (in Tamil), Unpublished Dissertation for Postgraduate Diploma in Hindu Civilization, University of Jaffna, Sri Lanka, 1978. Shanmugam Pillai & Ludden, David E. (Translators), Kurumtokai,
Koodal Publishers, Madurai, South India, 1983. Veluppillai, K., Yārpplāna Vaipava Kaumuti, Jaffna, 1918.

V
Marriage in Jaffna Today
1. Jaffna Peninsula
North of the island of Sri Lanka, the land mass within the peninsula is known as Jaffna. This land mass covers an area of 1200 square miles with a length of 35 miles and a width of 8 to 25 miles. It covers all the land space of the Jaffna District. It is divided into four administrative divisions called Tenmaratici, Vatamaratci, Paccilappalli and Valikamam. The area called Kirimalai 'Mongoose mountain', situated near the sea-coast, is a slightly elevated region. It figures in an interesting legend that is mentioned in some Tamil literary works composed in Jaffna. There are two rivulets, namely, Tontainandru and Varukkiyaru which have found a place in some literary works of Jaffna. The seven isles situated in the north-west and in close proximity to Jaffna are part and parcel of the Jaffna District. Among them Naka tipam is found to be historically an important isle. An ancient Buddhist Tamil literary text called Manimekalai (belongs to 4th or 5th century A.D.) mentions this isle as Manipallavam. But according to Sitrampalam (1983: 183) Nāka tīpam (Nāga dvīpa) mentioned in the Buddhist literary texts must have referred to the whole of the north of Sri Lanka. He says:
See, for example Nakulamalaip Purdinam which deals with the history of the 'Mongoose-mountain'.
* See, Kaņapathi Pillai (1950) and Cenkai Āriyān (1984). Toņtaimānāru and
Varukkaiyaru are referred to in their works respectively.

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“It may not be wrong to conclude that the Naka tipam of the Buddhist literary texts and the Naka natu of the Tamil literary texts are one and the same and it refers to the north of Sri Lanka. Historians like Professor K. K. Pillai have accepted this view.”
This statement in a way, confirms that Jaffna peninsula is historically important Urkăval turai, Valvețţi turai, Kănkésan turai, Korumpu turai and Parutti turai were famous ports in the peninsula. Portuguese and Dutch historians refer to these ports.o The peninsula seemed to have had trade connections with some foreign countries. There is evidence in Tamil literary works for exporting food from Iram. Since Jaffna is a peninsula, it is able to preserve certain archaic forms of Tamil culture and language. The life of the people and their language, therefore, exhibit certain peculiarities. The Jaffna Tamil preserves most of the Dravidian elements. The Dravidian culture in South India has been highly influenced by certain aspects of the Aryan culture and it had undergone a number of changes. But the language and culture of the Jaffna Tamils have not changed much. They preserve most of the Dravidian elements.
2. Marriage and Jaffna Tamils
Sri Lankan Tamils are broadly categorized as Jaffna Tamils, Batticaloa Tamils and Up-country Tamils. Certain linguistic and cultural differences are found among them. There are a number of studies on Jaffna Tamils and Batticaloa Tamils. But we do
See, for example, Queyroz (1930) and Baldaeus (1960).
Pattinappdilai, a Cankam literary text (2nd century B.C.) has the following line:
irattu unavum karakattu akkamum “food from Iram and other produces from
Kāŗakam.”
See, Rasanayagam (1926), Holmes (1980), Indrapala (1983). Also see, Sanmugadas (1983) for a bibiliography on the studies of Jaffna Tamil.
o See, for example, Muttuthamby (1895), Toussant (1933), Lewis (1923), Nadarajah (1962) and Kandiah (1964). Also see Sanmugadas (1983) for a bibliography on studies of Batticaloa Tamil.
4

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not have many works that describe the culture and language of the Up-country Tamils. Up-country Tamils were brought from South India during the British rule in Ceylon. They were brought as plantation workers in the tea and rubber estates. Batticaloa Tamils are living in that region from a longer time. But their language and culture, though indigenous, are slightly different from those of the Jaffna Tamils. Jaffna had been under a foreign rule only after the 16th century A.D. It was ruled by the Europeans. But the language and culture of the people of this region have not undergone much changes due to foreign rule.
Marriage, among the Jaffna Tamils, is related to the people at three levels: firstly, at the level of individuals, namely, a man and a woman; secondly, at the family level where the relatives of the individuals are integrated; and thirdly, at the social level where the members of the society are taken into consideration. Consideration of marriage at these three levels caused a number of customs, traditions and ceremonial rites among the Tamils. These are recorded in Tamirar Tirumana Nataimuraikal (“Marriage Customs, Traditions and Rites of the Tamils', eds. A. Sanmugadas and Manonmani Sanmugadas, 1984). “Marriage', among the Tamils, has not been regarded as a mere union of a male and a female due to natural instincts or biological needs. The custom of establishing relationship as husband and wife in front of many people has been regarded as "marriage'. It is described as nan manam ("good marriage') in old Tamil literary texts. Kaliyanam and catanku are two terms that are used to refer to marriage. Marrying is kaliyanam kattutal or catanku ceytal (marriage binding' or "marriage making'). The word kaliyanam (derivation of the Sanskrit form kalyana) means 'good fortune, prosperity, felicity, etc.' Thus kaliyanam kattutal means a man and a woman getting married to attain good fortune, prosperity, felicity, etc. Catanku means ritual or ceremony. Catanku ceytal means a man and a woman getting united by performing the necessary ceremonial rites and by observing the relevent customs which will help them to lead a systematic and orderly family life. Union of a man and

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a woman is necessary for bearing off-springs. Marriage signifies that useful union. There are three types of marriages that are prevalent in Jaffna. The first type of marriage, though very rare, seems to have been developed from an ancient Tamil marriage system. The second type too is not very common now. But it exhibits a little Aryan influence. The third type, which is described in detail, is a common one in Jaffna.
3. Marriage by Giving Rice
As individuals, a young man and a young woman may get united secretly. Usually, the girl's parents will come to know it sooner or later. Pregnancy, sometimes, reveals to them the secret love affair of their daughter. They may wait to trap the young man who has been visiting their daughter in the night secretly. As soon as the young man enters their daughter's room, they may remove his shawl or his foot-wear that is usually left outside the house and hide it. It will be produced later as an evidence of his secret visit. Sometimes they may lock the room and wait till the morning to open it in front of the Village Headman. Thus the secret visit of the young man is made known to the others. A simple ceremony called coru kutuppittal 'giving rice' is usually performed to declare the young man and the girl are duly married. After bathing, the young woman shall cook rice and curry in new pots and pans. The young man shall have a bath and shall sit on a mat. The girl will serve the cooked rice and curry on a plantain leaf that is placed in front of him. Usually a plantain leaf is cut into pieces. The front half is used in such occasions. The tip of the leaf should be placed on the left hand side of the bridegroom. The curries are first served, and then rice is served three times. The bride sits in front of him and mixes the rice and curries served on the plantain leaf and makes three rice-balls. She then places each rice-ball on the right palm of the groom and he eats it. After eating all the three rice-balls, he will wash his hand. Then the bridegroom shall make three rice-balls from the left over food on

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the plantain leaf. He will offer the rice balls to the bride thrice. After washing her hand, the bride shall offer betel and arecanut to the bridegroom for chewing. This is called verrillai mafittuk Rututtal ("betel-fold-giving). She too will chew betel and arecanut. This simple marriage ceremony is performed by an elderly lady who has been blessed with children. After this ceremony, the young man shall stay with the girl in the night and shall go back to his parents' house in the day time to work in their fields. In the early days, it was not customary for a young man to live with his wife in a separate house untill the work responsibilities were transferred to him from his parents. At that time, he took his wife to live in his parents' house. This custom allowed the young man to look after his parents and their work. It must have been prevailing long before the origin of the feudal society. The coru kutuppittal ceremony announced to the society relatives and the members of the society the secret relationship that was known only to the girl's parents. It also helps to preserve the unity of the Society and the virtue of the girl this type of marriage has been very common among the poor and the so-called depressed class of people. Earlier, it must have been a common one among all the members of the society. I am told that my great grand parents' marriage was of the coru kutuppittal type. They were supposed to be belonging to the high caste. It shows that this simple marriage ceremony was common among all Jaffna Tamils.
4. Marriage by Performing Puja to Pillaiyar
This is also another type of marriage that is performed with a simple religious ceremony. The marriage takes place in the presence of the members of the two families. Once the parents of the bridegroom and those of the bride agree to a marriage between them after considering their age, physical fitness, conduct and complexion, this religious ceremony is held on an auspicious day. Among the relatives, an elderly married man who has children and whose wife still lives, conducts the marriage ceremony. First, he

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takes a handfull of cow-dung and kneads it into a conical or mini-mountain shape. The mini-mountain or conical shaped cow-dung symbolizes god Pillaiyar or Ganesha who is worshipped by Tamils at the beginning of any ceremony or any religious. functions. On the tip of it, a few aruku (Agrostis linearis) grasses are stuck. It is placed on the front-half of a plantain leaf. Paddy or red rice is spread in front of it. A kumpam is placed on the spread red rice. The kumpam is made with a small copper pot filled with water and placing a coconut on its top. Five or seven mango leaves are placed on the brim of the pot underneath the coconut which prevents the leaves falling down. In front of Pillaiyãr (i.e., the mini-mountain shaped cow-dung) betels arecanuts, turmuric and flowers are arranged as though offerings are arranged in a matai (a term used in Cankam literary texts to refer to ceremonial offerings in the forms of food, songs and dance, and to various rituals that were performed while worhshipping the deities. This term has been compared with the Japanese matsuri by Professor Susumu Ohno.).8 Incense is smoked. A thread dipped in turmeric water is placed on a coconut and a turmeric root is tied on to the thread. A plate containing the coconut and the yellow thread is kept in front of the kumpam. The bridegroom and the bride after the ceremonial bathing and wearing the bridal dress shall sit on two small stools in front of the kumpam. Toran 'bride-man' and tori "bride-maid' will sit on either sides of the bridegroom and the bride respectively. An elderly man will announce thrice the names of the bridegroom and the bride and the names of their parents, grand-parents and great grand-parents. After obtaining the consent for marriage from the bridegroom and the bride, he will perform a simple puja (tali whorship by offering flowers to the deiry). Lighted camphor will be waved over the yellow thread and it is handed over to the groom who will stand up
For a brief note on Ganeshaworship in Jaffna, see, Sanmugadas (1984).
See, Ohno (1983: 206) for a study on the correspondence between Tamil matai and Japanese matsuri; also see, Sanmugadas and Manonmani (1985: 83) for a brief note on these two words.

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facing the east and will tie it round the bride's neck. The thread is always tied with three knots. The elderly man who conducts the ceremony shall break the coconut that had the yellow thread on its top. After that the couple goes round Pillaiyar and kumpam thrice. At that time their little fingers will be tied together. Their clothes too are sometimes tied together. The thread that is tied by the bridegroom round the bride's neck is called talikkayiru “ táli thread, i.e., auspicious threado.
Later, at the tãy manai (lit. “mother-house”; the principal room in the house), in front of kuttu vilakku ('standing lamp'), the bride shall serve food to the bridegroom. After that the relatives will participate in a feast. They will bless the couple and sometimes will give presents to them. Soon after the feast, the couple will visit the bridegroom's house and will return to the bride's house on the same day. This custom is called kal marutal (lit. "leg-changing). This type of wedding ceremony takes place only with a limited number of guests. Only relatives participate in such weddings and others are not invited. People who could not afford an elaborate ceremony, preferred to this type of simple marriage ceremony. Usually the cross-cousin marriages took place in this fashion and this simple ceremony was found to be adequate. Later, the Jaffna people began to observe certain customs prior to this ceremony. Comparing the horoscopes of the bride and the bridegroom (poruttam parttal, lit. "agreementlooking') and presenting bridal saree (kiurai kututtal) are some of them. Jaffna Tamils wish that the relationship established between a man and a woman by marriage should last long. Therefore, even if the groom and the bride are cross-cousins, their horoscopes are compared and studied closely by an astrologer. If the horoscopes do not agree, then the marriage is often give up or sometimes postponed till certain planetary changes take place and which would favour the marriage. Presenting bridal saree by the bridegroom became a custom at a later period. Earlier, the bride used to wear the bridal saree that was worn by her mother. That saree was called aki vanta putavai 'heriditary saree'. But later the

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custom of giving a new bridal saree to the bride by the bridegroom came to be observed and the saree is called kiuraip putavai (bridal saree). It has now become a common practice. The bride has to wear the kiraip putavaijust before the tali is tied on to her neck.
5. Marriage by Tying Tali in front of Sacred Fire
This is the most common type of marriage that takes place in Jaffna. The marriage ceremony is not restricted to the members of the family only. It is performed at the social level. Since blood relations, distant relations and other members of the society participate in this type of marriage, a number of customs and procedures are to be observed. Most of these customs are the result of Aryan influence on Tamil marriages. The marriage ceremonies are conducted according to the rites and procedures prescribed in Vedas and Grhya Sutras. Brahmins conduct the marriage ceremony. Chanting Sanskrit hymns and kindling the sacred fire occupy important place in the ceremony. The caste distinction which developed from the Aryan varna 9 (four fundamental classes of society, namely, Brahmans, Kshattriyas, Vaishyas and Sudras) became prominent in this type of marriage. Social status became an inevitable basis for marriage relationship. The custom of offering wealth to establish relation ship in a high caste also originated.
The European impact in Jaffna sharpened the high-low distinction among various professional groups. The western rulers recognized the land-owners as people belonging to the upper class and regarded those people who assisted the landed people as their vassals and slaves. The spread of Christianity, in a way, helped the people of Jaffna to observe closely a number of Aryan customs and ceremonial rites. At the level of worship, a marked distinction was made between higher gods and minor deities. The Dravidian gods were pushed down to the level of minor deities. Those who worshipped the minor deities and who observed non-Aryan religious
See, Dumont (1983:51).

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rites and customs were regarded as people belonging to the low castes. Caste began to play a major role in marriage ceremonies too. Consideration of family background and caste became inevitable in establishing marriage relationship. The people belonging to the high caste regarded the marriage customs, ceremonies and rites as social procedures that express their status and position in the society. Instead of cross-cousin marriages, proposed marriages that involved many rituals and ceremonies and much wealth were preferred. Marriage ceremonies were performed where eighteen types of castes rendered eighteen types of services and offered eighteen types of presents (cir). The importance of woman in marriage system was underestimated. The male's importance was stressed. One of the aims of marriage is to produce children to build up the family units and the society. But this has been given up for wealth and savings. The husband and wife have now become a part of an institution that is interested in owning property and saving money. Most of the weddings in Jaffna take place within this set-up. This will become clear if one studies the customs, ceremonial rites and other practices of the type of marriage that involves kindling sacred fire and tying tali. They can be classified as follows:
5. 1. MARRIAGE TALKS
The girl's parents and relatives look for a suitable young man for their daughter. Once they come to know of such a boy, they begin marriage talks. This is called peccukkal (lit. 'talk-leg' i.e. marriage talk). It is not customary for the male's side to look for a bride and to begin marriage talks. Generally a person who is known to both sides acts as a 'mediator' or a 'go between' in marriage talks. Now there are professional marriage brokers who act as 'go betweens'. They help to exchange details regarding the horoscope, age, caste and status of the boy and the girl and their families. In Jaffna, there are some women brokers who are engaged in "marriage business'. Some of them are specialized in arranging marriages for the children of the Jaffna parents who live

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in foreign countries. But in the early times, dhoby (washer-man) played a major role at this stage. He and his wife acted as "go betweens'. They were often consulted to find out the character of a prospective bride. Thus, they were called pen piticcuk kutuppor (lit. 'woman-catch-give’; i.e. those who arrange a woman for marriage). Their intimate involvement in all marriage procedures in the early times reveals this fact. Usually the dhoby's words were trusted and taken into confidence without any reservation. It generally helped to proceed with the initial talks regarding marriage.
5. 2. CoMPARING HoROSCOPES
Comparing the horoscope of prospective bridegroom and bride is considered to be an important procedure in the Jaffna Tamil marriage system. In marriages arranged outside the family group, utmost care is taken to have an excellent agreement between the horoscopes of the bridegroom and the bride. Both parties never go to the same astrologer to compare the horoscopes. Astrologer consults the Tamil Almanac (called Paficankam) and calculate the agreements found between the two horoscopes. Irakunataiyar's (a Brahmin from Jaffna) Pancankam gives the following guidelines regarding comparing the horoscopes with regards to marriage:
“Among the ten agreements starting from natcattiram to vetai, the following five are important: natcattiram (asterism), kanam (asterisms are classed under three heads as indicating human, infernal and divine interference in their influence of birth of children), yoni (agreement in genital organs), iraci (agreement in zodiacal signs)) and iraccu (asterisms are classed under five heads indicating death, barrenness and separation). Altipati for Brahmins, kanam for Kshattriyas, stritirkkam for Vaishyas and yoni for Sudras must primarily agree. If more than five of the ten aspects agree, then it is considered to be an excellent one; if it
1.
Ο
Daniel (1982) in his famous Tamil novel Paicamar has referred to a number of customs and traditions found among the Jaffna Tamils and their caste system.

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is five, then it is not bad. Planetary agreements are considered to be more important than the agreements obtained by comparing the stars. Therefore, the agreement has to be decided only after comparing the planetary positions of a man and a woman.'ll
The strength of the marriage relationship is valued only by the degree of agreement between the horoscopes of the groom and the bride. Everyone believes this even upto now. Therefore the agreement of the horoscopes is given more importance than the agreement in minds of a boy and a girl.
5. 3. TALKS ABOUTDOWRY
Wealth occupies an important place in Jaffna marriages. The wealth given by the parents to their daughter is called citanam (marriage gift). Earlier, the parents used to distribute their wealth and property among their daughters. But later the practice of giving the necessary amount of wealth and property that is demanded by the parents of the bridegroom has become a common one. House, land, jewells and cash are given as citanam. Apart from these, the parents of the bridegroom sometimes request the bride's parents to give cash to meet the expenses for the marriage ceremony. This has now become a common practice in Jaffna marriages. Usually the 'go between' or the marriage broker negotiate between the two parties regarding the dowry. The marriage broker gets 2% from the amount of cash given as dowry. He or she may get this amount from both parties. If the bride's side is unable to give the stipulated amount as dowry, then the marriage talks will break. A bridegroom in Jaffna is like an animal or any other object that is bought by paying the necessary amount of money as price. The amount is decided according to the number of sisters of the bridegroom. The amount obtained in this manner is in turn distributed as dowry for the marriages of his sisters. Recently
Paicankam is a Tamil almanac embracing five things; lunar days or phases of the moon, solar days or week, periods of asterisms, the yogas and karnas.

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in a Jaffna marriage, the bride's parents had been requested to pay an additional amount of money for the daughters of the bridegroom's sister. Even educated parents and their sons in Jaffna are still continuing to demand dowry from the bride's parents. Education has not changed this attitude. The parents of an educated son, sometimes, may demand the bride's parents to pay the amount of money they spent on his education. But on the other hand, the bride's educational qualifications or her job is never taken into consideration in this type of marriage bargaining. The amount of dowry is increased according to the qualifications of the bridegroom. But they are not prepared to reduce the amount even if the bride is also suitably qualified. Only the male's side is considered in talks about dowry and the other side is never taken into consideration.
5. 4. CARRYING GIFTS
If the talks about the dowry are successfully completed, then the bride's parents and relatives will visit the boy's house. At that time, it is customary to carry three mutal (small square baskets made from palmyrrah leaves). The first mutal will contain betels, arecanut, white flowers, kum-kum (powder made from saffron) and salt. The second mutal will have three clusters of plantains (a variety called kappal is chosen for religious and auspicious functions in Jaffna). The third will have well prepared korukkattai (made out of rice flour in oblonged shape and the edges would look like teeth. Boiled green grams and sugar are placed inside of it) in it. The skin of the plantains that are taken for this occasion should not be black. The three baskets are carried by three auspicious women (i.e., who are blessed with children and whose husbands are living). The baskets are covered with white cloths. The whole procedure is called velvu etuttal (marriage presentstaking'). After accepting these gifts, the bridegroom's parents shall give them tea and short-eats. Drinking tea at the bridegroom's house is called way manaittal 'wetting the mouth'. The bride's parents, for the first time, will see the bridegroom in person.

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Sometimes, the marriage talks use to break even after the ceremony called velvu etuttal. Therefore, mere acceptance of the presents brought by the bride's parents does not mean that the marriage is fixed. The baskets are not returned on the same day. The korukkattai brought in one of the baskets are distributed among the groom's relatives. By that the news is conveyed among his relatives that marriage talks are in progress. But the decision is not conveyed at this juncture. Velvu etuttal is usually performed in the night.
5. 5. SELECTING AN AUSPICIOUS DAY
If the bridegroom's side agrees to the marriage proposal, then they will proceed to select an auspicious day for the marriage ceremony. They will inform the bride's party that they would be visiting them on a convenient and auspicious day. They also will take three mutal carried by three auspicious women. An astrologer will accompany them. They will avoid the days on which the girl will have her monthly periods. This information is sought well before their visit. At the bride's house, the astrologer will calculate the planetary conjunctions according to the horoscopes of the groom and the bride and will select an auspicious day for the marriage ceremony. In this connection too, the girl's monthly mensurating days are avoided. The westerners during their occupation of Ceylon, brought a law that every marriage had to be registered with the government. After the introduction of this law, a custom of selecting a separate date, prior to the marriage ceremony, for the registeration of marriage (this ceremony is called kaliyäna eruttu 'marriage-writing' or kacätu erututal 'kacätu is a Dutch word meaning registeration of marriage'. In Jaffna, it is commonly called eruttu "writing.) is also observed. The date for the registeration of marriage is also selected at the time when the groom's parents visit the bride's house. The custom of melting gold for taili "auspicious marriage ornament' is also a later one. Therefore, another auspicious day is selected for this purpose too. The groom's party will be served with tea and short-eats. The

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bride will be introduced to the groom's parents and relatives on this occasion. The information needed to draft the wedding invitation will also be exchanged. But the practice of sending wedding invitation was introduced by the westerners. Earlier, the time and the date of the marriage in a high caste house were informed to the others by a man and his wife from koviyar (assistants to the people of high-caste) caste. But the practice is not found in Jaffna now.
5. 6. FIXING KANNIKKAL AND MELTING GoLD
A special shed, usually in front of the house, is erected for the marriage ceremony. Though the ceremony takes place in the bride's house, it is also customary to erect a pandal in front of the bridegroom's house. Planting the first pole for the marriage pandal is called kannikkal mattal "fixing the first marriage pole or maiden pole'. First it is planted in the bridegroom's house and then at the bride's house. It is also called pantal kal "pole for the pandal'. A long pole from the Erythrina indica tree will be cut and mango leaves will be tied on to it with silk cloth. Nine kinds of cereals will be placed in the hole where the pole (kannikkal) is fixed. This ceremonial rite is usually conducted by an elderly man who has his wife and children. The marriage pandal is erected only after the performance of this ceremonial rite. Melting gold for tali (ausicious marriage ornament) is also done on the day when kannikkal (the first marriage pole) is fixed. Melting gold for tali became an important procedure during the Dutch rule in Ceylon. During their rule, there was a restriction in the use of gold for ornaments. Therefore, the bridegroom's parents at whose house the ceremony of melting gold took place, had to make special arrangements for a Dutch officer to be present on that occasion. The amount of gold used for taili was weighed in front of him. Later, it developed into an elaborate ceremony. The gold needed for taili is melted by the gold-smith at the bridegroom's house. Bride's parents and relatives will be invited to be present at this ceremony. Pillaiyar (deity worshipped at the beginning of any function) will be made

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out of cow-dung and puja is performed. In a new catti (a low rimmed broad mouthed earthern vessel) which contains chaff, fire is kindled and the gold is melted in it. The melted gold is dipped in water and is placed for everyone to see. It will be placed on a coconut which is decorated with flowers and kum-kum (powder made from saffron). The groom's party will offer rice, vegetables, coconuts, cash, etc., to the gold-smith for this service. The guests then depart after a sumptuous feast. But the bridegroom's parents will not forget to send food to the bride who will not be present at this ceremony. This food is called ponnurukku coru (lit. "melting gold-rice'). It is usually carried by the bridegroom's sister. This ceremony, sometimes, is performed at the gold-Smith's house in order to avoid expenses. It also preserves the caste distinction in Jaffna. While melting the gold, if the flame rises high, then it is considered to be a good omen. The people will say that the couple will lead a better life. Sometimes the longevity of their wedded life is also predicted.
5.7. PURCHASING BRIDAL CLOTHES
After the ceremony of melting gold for tali, the bridal saree and clothes for the bride and the bridegroom are bought on an auspicious day. The girl's people pay for the boy's clothes and vice versa. Even upto now a bride in a Jaffna wedding always wears the traditional dress called kiuraip putava ‘bridal saree'. But due to western influence, males refrain from wearing their traditional dress. In early times, the weavers used to take sarees and other dresses to wealthy houses where marriage ceremonies to be held. The house-hold would select whatever dresses needed for the ceremony. The kiraip putavai 'bridal saree' is bought by the boy's parents. Usually an expensive saree is bought for this purpose. Either red or yellow colour is preferred. The bride's parents shall purchase another saree which is called pantal cilai 'marriage pandal saree'. The bride shall wear this saree when she enters the marriage pandal for the first time during the ceremony. Black and white colours are avoided in choosing dresses for the couple. Silk

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vetti (cloth wrapped around a man to cover from waist to foot) and shawl are bought for the bridegroom. Special dresses are also purchased for the bride-man and the bride-maid. Parents, brothers and sisters of both sides will be given new clothes for this occasion.
5. 8. DECORATING THE MARRIAGE PANDAL
After fixing the kannikkal, a special shed which is called pantal pandal' for the marriage ceremony will be erected in front of the bride's house. It is customary that the roof of the marriage pandal should not be a flat one. The entrance of the pandal and the decorated enclosure (manavarai) within it should face either north or east. The inside roof of the pandal will be covered with white cloth and coloured cut-papers will be pasted on it. The enclosure in which the couple will be seated during the ceremony is usually decorated with flowers. But now imitation gems and cut-glasses are used. The couple shall sit on the bench that is provided within that enclosure. A pole of the Erythrina indica tree will be fixed in front of the enclosure. It will be wrapped round with red and white clothes. Mango leaves will be stuck on to it. The bride's house is also repaired and decorated. White sand will be spreaded from the entrance of the house upto the marriage pandal. Two plantain trees with well ripened bunches of fruits shall be tied at each side of the gate. Bunches of king coconuts are also tied with them. Spatha of coconut trees are sometimes tied with them. A separate hut will be erected at the back of the house for cooking. New ovens will be placed there. Sometimes the whole house is painted or colour-washed.
5.9. CoLLECTION OF ARTICLES AND FOOD-STUFFS
The decoration of pandal takes place about three days before the marriage ceremony. After that, baskets, mats and cooking utinsils are collected. Different kinds of pastries (palakaram) are then prepared. An auspicious elderly lady shall make the first fire in an oven and a vessel with oil will be placed on it. This is called palakara catti vaittal placing vessel for pastry. Women, among

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the relatives, will specially be invited for this purpose. The house will be filled with the loud noise of their talk and the sweet smell of the pastries. Everyone will be in a happy mood. Experienced men and women shall collect or purchase the necessary amount of rice, vegetables, coconuts, etc., for the cooking. Earlier, the people who produced such things used to present them. But this has changed. Now all these things are purchased at market. The rice, vegetables, etc. are collected in new baskets. The potters used to present new vessels for cooking at this occasion. But now these too are bought at the shop. Plantains, betels and arecanuts are collected. At the bride's house, special items that are needed for the ceremonial rites like kindling the sacred fire, throwing fried paddy, stepping on ammi, etc. are carefully collected and kept. Several bunches of plantains are bought. A pit will be cut out at the back of the house. The bunches are placed in it and smoke will be produced in the pit. It will cause the plantains to ripen
SOO.
5. 10. INVITING THE BRIDEGROOM
Once the marriage is fixed, the boy is called mappillai (mappilai in spoken Tamil) and the girl is penpillai (pompilai in spoken Tamil). The next important procedure is mappillai araippu inviting the bridegroom’. On the day of the marriage ceremony, a few hours before the mukirttam ("auspicious time for solemnizing a marriage), some of bride's relatives shall go to the bridegroom's house to invite him for the marriage ceremony. Bride's parents do not go with them. Only blood relations participate in this procedure. The bride's brother dressed almost like the bridegroom shall accompany them. He is called mappillai toran "bride-man'. The number of persons go with to ran (including him) must not be even one. The elders will take special care on this custom. Three auspicious women will carry three trays called palakara tattu “pastry tray”, para tatu “fruit tray" and pia tatu “flower tray”. The first tray will contain different kinds of pastries. The second will have plantains, betels, arecanuts, turmuric and salt. The

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third will have white flowers, garlands, kum-kum, sandal, rose water and coconut. The trays will be covered with white clothes. Earlier, a palakku 'palanquin' used to be taken to conduct the bridegroom to the marriage pandal. But now motor car is used. If the bride's house is closer to that of the bridegroom, then he will be taken in a procession right from his house.
The ceremony of mappillai araippu (inviting bridegroom) begins once the bride's party goes to the bridegroom's house. The ceremony begins with the bridegroom's wedding bath. The toran (bride-man) and other relatives who came from the bride's house shall pour milk and shall place aruku (a kind of grass: Agrostis linearis) on his head. After that his relatives will pour water on his head. The bridegroom after the wedding bath will be taken to the main house for dressing up for the occasion. Once he is dressed up, the toran shall place a turban on his head. The bridegroom and the bride-man will sit on a special stage (manavarai) prepared in the pandal. In front of the manavarai, a lamp will be lighted and a niraikutam (auspicious water-pot) will be placed. The gold-smith, after a simple puja to Ganesha, will fix the earstuds on to the bridegroom's ears. This is called katukkan puttal ('ear-ring-fixing). This ceremonial rite is performed with the accompaniment of musical instruments. After that close relatives or friends shall give gifts to the bridegroom in the form of goldchains, rings or cash. Everyone will be invited for a feast before they depart for the marriage ceremony. This is called capai vaittal. All those who went from the bride's house have to participate in this feast.
After the feast, the bridegroom will worship his parents before he leaves for the ceremony. At the gate, a kuttuvilakku (standinglamp) and niraikutam (auspicious water-pot) are placed and a white saree entwind will form a circle round them. The bridegroom and the bride-man, before leaving the house, have to go round the circle thrice. Then the ceremony of aratti will take place. Aratti or alatti is a ceremony of waving lighted camphor or any form of light to avert the blight of unlucky persons. Rose water will be

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sprinkled on them. The auspicious musical instruments will be played at this time. The musical accompaniments shall lead the bridegroom's procession. He and the bride-man shall walk on a floor cloth (nila pavatai) under a coloured umbrella. Besides them, the bridegroom's sister or a kóviya (a caste: people who are assistents to the people of the high-caste) woman will carry the tailippetti on her head. Talippetti (bridal-box) will contain the wedding saree, the tali, turmuric, kum-kum, salt, white flowers, betels, arecanuts, silver coins and gold ring. The procession shall move with slow measured steps and stopping briefly in front of temples or in front of his relatives' houses. The relatives may sometimes garland him.
Once the procession reaches the entrance to the bride's house, the bride's father shall wash the bridegroom's feet and shall garland him. Now these two ceremonial rites are performed by the bride-man. When he performs these rites, the bridegroom is expected to give a gold ring to the bride-man. The waving of aratti and sprinkling rose water will take place after that. The bridegroom has to make the first step with his right leg when he enters the house to go to the marriage pandal. He will be seated in the manavarai (marriage-stage with an enclosure) along with
the to ran (bride-man).
5. 11. INITIAL RITES
Pillaiyar pucai (puja to Lord Ganapathy), punniya yakam (kindling the sacred fire), offering paica kavviyam (five ingrediants, i.e., the products of a cow, used in ceremonial purifications, viz.: milk, curds, ghee, urine and dung.) and kãppu kattutal “ binding the protective band are the initial rites that are performed by the chief priest of the ceremony. By another ceremonial rite, the ancestral blessings are invoked. After that the bridegroom's sister shall conduct the bride to the manavarai. The bride's face will be covered with a thin silk cloth. She will be seated on the right side of the bridegroom. The rites of kappu kattutal and invoking ancestral blessings are performed to her too.

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5. 12. OFFERING THE BRIDE
Next the offering of the bride as a dhana ("donation') by her father to the bridegroom takes place. This ceremonial rite is called kannika tanam (maiden-donation). The Brahmin priest shall announce the names of the parents, grand-parents and great grand-parents of the bride and the bridegroom. Then the bride's hand will be offered with auspicious objects to the stretching hand of the bridegroom. The bride's father shall wash his hand with water indicating that he has offered a dhana.
5. 13. PRESENTING CLOTHES
The bride shall present to the bridegroom with new vetti (cloth wrapped around a man to cover from waist upto foot) and shawl along with auspicious things. Similarly, the bridegroom shall present to the bride with the new bridal saree along with auspicious items.
5. 14. TYING TALI
When the bridal saree is presented to the bride, she departs only to return attired in the new saree. She takes her seat again on the right side of the bridegroom. The chief priest shall give the tray that contains the taili (auspicious marriage ornament) which has already been purified and charged with divinity by an Agni puja, (offering worship to Fire-God) to an elderly man to take it round for everyone to see and bless. The man has to cover his head while taking the tray round for blessing. An elderly woman shall take it among the women for their blessings. Once the tali is handed over to the bridegroom by the priest, he shall stand up and tie it round the bride's neck. At this moment, it is customary for an auspicious woman to hold a small lamp behind the bride. The tali is usually joined either to a gold chain or to a thread that is soaked in turmuric water. A trident is usually carved on the tali. It sometimes resembles a face with two horns. This is called komputtali "horn tali'. Nowadays, the figures of Linga or

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Ganesha or Lakshmi and lotus flower are carved on it. When the ceremony of tali kattutal “tying tali' takes place, the bride shall sit on the left side of the bridegroom.
5. 15. AKKNI PŪcAI
Then, while the priests chant vedic hymns, the couple shall make offerings to gods by dropping fried paddy and flowers into the sacred fire. This is called akkini pucai fire worship'.
5. 16. TAKING SEVEN STEPs
The bride and the bridegroom holding their hands and facing the north shall take seven steps round the sacred fire. It is done thrice. The couple goes round the sacred fire taking seven steps to obtain from Vishnu, the Lord of marriages, the food, strength, opportunities to fulfill acts, healthiness, cows, wealth and fruits of all six seasons.
5. 17. STEPPING ONAMMI
While going round the sacred fire, the bridegroom shall lift the right foot of the bride and shall place it on an ammi (a mill-stone). This ceremonial rite indicates that the woman has to live with a strong mind; she, on her life-path may encounter difficulties as strong as a rock, then she has to step on it and proceed. Sometimes, a minici ("toe-ring) placed on the ammi will be put on to the second toe of the bride's right foot by the bridegroom. Many people believe that stepping on ammi indicates the idea that the woman has to live preserving her virtue and chastity.
5. 18. OFFERING MILK AND FRUITS
While in the manavarai (marriage stage with an enclosure), the couple shall partake the first meal in the form of milk and fruits. The bride shall offer them first to the bridegroom. Then the bridegroom offers them to her. It is done thrice. When this ceremony takes place, a white curtain provided by the dhoby shall be holden in between the manavarai and the guests.

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5. 19. LOOKING AT A Cow
The married couple, immediately after the ceremony, is expected to see a cow as an auspicious sight. A white cow is always preferred for this occasion.
5. 20. SHOWING ARUNTATI
The bridegroom shall show Aruntati "North star' to the bride. This ceremonial rite too is based on the belief that the women should live preserving their virtue and chastity.
5. 21. BLESSING
Blessing is the last item that is connected with all the ceremonial rites that are performed in the marriage pandal. The couple will be blessed by their parents, relatives and friends. Their parents bless them first. A mixture of aruku grass, red rice and turmuric, is sprinkled on their heads three times when the couple is blessed. The mixture indicates that the couple should firmly be rooted like the aruku grass; should be blessed with a fertile life like the red rice; and should be pleasant to all like the smell of the turmuric.
5. 22. THE FIRST RICE MEAL
The rice and curry served for the first time by the bride to the bridegroom in the taymanai (main house') of her parents' house is called putakkalam. Earlier, the rice and curry were prepared by the bride herself. The curries prepared for this occasion must be odd in number. Bitter gourd (Pakal kay) is one of the vegetables that is avoided in this cooking. The bride should take an adequate care not to make any noise when dishing out rice or curry from the pot or catti. Sometimes the bride mixes the rice and curry and feed the bridegroom three times. The bridegroom then repeats the performance. After that both shall chew betels and arecanuts.

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5. 23. FEAST
The feast held in the bride's house after the marriage ceremony is an important procedure in a Jaffna wedding. It is called capai 'company, congregation, assembly, etc.' First the males will be invited to participate in the feast. Special care will be taken to seat them according to their status and social position. The bride's father must identify the most important person (due to age, status, close relationship, etc.) among the bridegroom's relatives and should invite him first by offering water in a brass pot (cempu) for him to wash his hand. If a wrong man is selected or if the custom of offering cempu is not observed at all, then there will be serious trouble at the capai. Sometimes, it may turn out to be a big quarrel. But there will always be some elderly men with well balanced mind to settle these petty quarrels. The ladies are fed after the males. During early times, the slaves and vassals used to accompany the bridegroom's party to indicate the power and status of the latter. These slaves and vassals were fed after the formal feast was over. The last people who would partake in meals would be the slaves and vassals of the bride's house. These practices are not found now. After the meals, all guests will be given betels arecanuts to chew. Untill recently, a wedding feast in a high caste house was organized and conducted by Koviyar, slaves of the Vellala (land owners; Supposed to be the peoples of the high caste) CaSte.
5. 24. COUPLE WISITING BRIDEGROOM's HousE
The bridal couple, after observing all marriage customs, rites and ceremonies in the bride's house on the wedding day, proceeding to the bridegroom's house is called kal maral 'changing legs'. If the bridegroom's house is situated closer to the bride's house, then the bridal couple will be taken in a procession. At the entrance to the house, the dratti ceremony will take place. Rose water is sprinkled on the couple. Taking the first step with the right foot, the couple enters the house. They go straight to the tay manai

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and shall sit on a mat. Tea and short-eats will be served to them. After sometimes, the couple will come out and will be seated in the manavarai. After a few hours, they return to the bride's home. Hereafter, only on special occasions they will visit bridegroom's house.
6. Marriage Customs and the Society
Customs and rites of Jaffna marriages tend to unite various professional groups and others at the social level. The distinction found among various professions later turned out to be a caste distinction. The land owners declared themselves as belonging to a high caste. Eighteen types of low castes have been identified. If there was a marriage ceremony in a high caste house, then the eighteen low caste people were expected to render their services. Their services are listed as follows:
1. Tatār (gold-smith):
Conducting the ceremony of melting gold for tali; making the necessary bridal ornaments; fixing ear-rings to the bridegroom.
2. Nattuvar (Musicians):
Participate in the whole marriage ceremony; playing drum and Nadasavaram.
3. Vannār (dhoby):
Provide white cloths to decorate the roof of the marriage pandal; vetti to bridegroom during wedding bath; whitecloth entwind round the lamp at the gate; holding curtain while couple shares fruits and milk; spreading floor-cloth when bridegroom walks to the marriage pandal.
4. Koviyar (Cooks and assistants):
* See, the following studies on the caste system in Jaffna: David (1977), Pfaffenberger (1977), McGilvray (1982), Perinbanayagam (1982) and Sekine (1984).

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16.
2O7
They go from house to house to invite the relatives for the wedding; all types of cookings are done by them.
Civiyār (Palanquin bearers):
Decorate marriage pandal and make manavarai; make palanquin to bring the bridegroom to marriage pandal.
Cēņiyar (Oil-pressers):
Provide oil for lamps and to make pastries.
Kollar (Black-smith):
Makes various tools for the ceremony; repairs knives, aXeS, etc.
Taccar (Carpenters):
Make coconut scrappers, mortar, pestle, etc.; repairs doors and windows of the house.
Pantaram | Mataippalli (Temple assistants):
Collecting flowers and providing garlands of various types for the ceremony.
Kucavar (Potters):
Provide new earthern utensils for cooking and for ceremonial rites.
Ampațțar (Barber):
Hair dressing and shaving for the bridegroom; slicing arecanuts into small pieces for chewing.
Paraiyar (Tom-tom beaters):
Beating drum at the temple when the bridal couple worship there and at the time when they participate in matai at their family temple.
Pallar (Field-assistants):
Provide poles, spatha of coconut trees and other materials for erecting pandal and for decoration; fencing; cleaning the compound; chopping fire-wood.
Kamakkarar (Peasants):
Provide rice, vegetables, beans and green grams.
Nalavar (Tree climbers):
Provide coconuts, young coconuts and baskets.
Akampatiyar (Betel-bag makers):

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Prepare bags for betels and arecanuts distribute them to the guests. 17. Piramanar (Brahmins):
Conduct the whole marriage ceremony. 18. Karaiyar (Fishermen):
Provide fish for the 4th day ceremony called nalani catanku.
At early stages, a marriage ceremony must have provided an opportunity for various social groups to unite together and to work together. Pillaiyar pucaik kaliyanam, a non-Aryan type of marriage, did not draw any high-low distinction among those groups. But the Aryan customs and ceremonial rites that were introduced later seemed to have favoured this high-low distinction. Pallar who had been spending days and nights to erect the marriage pandal were not allowed to enter it on the wedding day. But the Vannar are admitted. Among the non-high castes of Jaffna, the following five are considered to be low-low type:8 Nalavar, Pallar, Paraiyar, Vannar and Ampattar. They are called paicamar.4. Among them, except Vannar, others are not allowed to enter the marriage pandal on the wedding day. The reason for this distinction has to be explained. Dhobies who wash clothes for the high caste people have been admitted to their houses. But no other relationships existed between them. They were in a position to know the conduct and character of the people in high caste houses. The soilt clothes of the mensurating girls are washed by them. If they do not get those soilt clothes for sometimes, then they will know that the particular girl must be pregnant. If there was no marriage ceremony at that house in recent times, it will be easy for him to guess that the particular girl must have been having secret meeting with a man. High caste people never tolerate such secret meetings. Even if the girl becomes pregnant, they will arrange for an abortion and will silence the dhoby so that the news will never spread out and in the meantime they will make all necessary
See, Sekine (1984) for this type of classification of the Jaffna castes. 14 Daniel (1982).

209
arrangements for a marriage for that girl. The dhobies have been helping them in such occasions. Thus, they became a previleged caste among the low-low types. Services of the other castes were not voluntary. They were compelled to render such services. Pallar at times had been forced to draw carts at marriage processions. The following is a summary of description of a high caste marriage procession recorded in K. Daniel's novel:
"Ten or more carts drawn by Vatakkan (name of a place) bulls lead the whole marriage procession. Some more carts drawn by human slaves follow them. Each cart is drawn by two slaves and two more follow it to change hands. After that, ten dhobies follow spreading floor-cloth. The palanquin that carries the bridal couple moves slowly on the floor-cloth. Musicians playing Nattuva drums and Nātas varam (a pipe instrument) precede the palanquin. The palanquin is followed by the slaves and vassals. Koviyar lead the procession of the slaves. They are followed by Marayar, Pallar and Nalavar. They are about fifty in number. The last in the procession are Valliyan and his nephew Kuttiyan who belong to the barber caste.’
This marriage procession depicts the attitude of the high caste people towards the people belonging to the low castes. Caste distinction was taken into serious consideration in all proposed marriages in Jaffna. If people from the high caste establish marriage relationships among the low castes, then the former shall lose their respect at the social level. Several proverbs that express caste consciousness in marriages are commonly used in Jaffna. The following are cited as examples:
1. Kõttiram arintu peņņai-k koțu; pāttiram arintu piccai ițu
“After knowing the family of the suitor give your daughter in marriage, and after knowing the beggar give him alms.'
15 Ibid. 16 Ibid.

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2. Tulavi-k kayccatatu kaficiyumala; winavi-k katatatu kali
yāņamumalla
“If it is not properly stirred while boiling, it is not ricegruel; if it is not properly inquired and made relationship, then it is not marriage.'
3. Attattil piranta ampattan aracan vīttilpeņ kētpān
“A barber who is born in Attam (the 13th lunar mansion) may propose a marriage (for him) to the king's daughter.'
Dance and music programmes are sometimes arranged in the night on the day of the marriage ceremony. Sometimes, there used to be a keen competition between the bride's side and the bridegroom's side in arranging such music programmes. Weddings are now held in temples and public halls. This practice, in a way, has provided opportunity for not only the relatives but also various types of friends to attend wedding ceremonies. Mixed marriages always resort to this practice. Marriage between a man and a woman from different castes is sometimes performed without any ceremonial rites. Only the registeration of marriage takes place and no other ceremonies are held. Even the ceremonial rite of tying taili (auspicious marriage ornament) is also avoided. But, however, everyone in Jaffna prefers to a marriage that is held by observing all the relevent customs, rites and ceremonies. Citanam (dowry) is another interesting aspect of the Jaffna wedding. Tésavaramai 7 (the code of Tamil customary law drawn up in 1706 by Governor Simons) gives more details about the customs observed in connection with dowry system in Jaffna. The property and wealth brought by the bride are called citanam (dowry). The properties given by the bride's parents are listed in a deed prepared by an Attorney at Law and it is registered with the Government Land Registry. This deed is known as citana uruti (“dowry deed’). Land, house, gold ornaments and cash given by the parents are mentioned in the deed. Even if the girl is not beautiful or even if she is handicapped, a fat dowry-deed will always
17 Sri Ramanathan (1972).

211
bring a bridegroom for her. The following proverbs reveal this fact:
1. kaliyāņam enkē kācup paiyilē
“Where is marriage? It is in the money-bag.' 2. peņņinkōņal ponnilēnimirum
“The bride's hunch gets straightened by gold.' 3. peņņukkuk kuņam cītanantān
“The character of the bride is only dowry.' 4. pennait tiruttum pon
"Gold shall make the bride look beautiful.'
The importance given to dowry has made most of the fathers in Jaffna to toil themselves to earn as much as possible so that they could give a fat dowry to their daughters. Some literary works composed in Jaffna have portrayed this situation well. Any scholar who had studied the culture of the Jaffna Tamils has inevitably included his observations regarding the existing dowry system.19
7. Other Types of Marriages
Apart from the three types of marriages mentioned above (see, Section 2 of this paper), there are certain other types which are found in a small scale.
7. 1. ELOPEMENT
If a secret relationship between a man and a woman is not approved by their parents or if they think that they would never get their parents' approval for the marriage, then they go to another place and live as husband and wife. They will be referred to as otipponavarakal 'those who ran away'. The main reason for this
Yarppana Uttiyokattar Lafcanak Kummi can be cited as an example for this type of literary texts. See, for example, Raghavan (1972).

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type of marriage has been the caste difference found between the man and the woman. A high caste woman may elope with a low caste man. This had sometimes resulted in a serious quarrel between the people of the high caste and low castes. Sometimes the people of the high caste had hired professional killers to murder the young man who eloped with their woman. A woman who eloped with a man is always looked down by the Jaffna Tamil society. She will be referred to as Ötipponaval 'she who ran away'. But there is no corresponding masculine form for this expression. The Jaffna society, during the British administration and for sometimes after that, allowed the land-owners and people from the high caste to have several unofficial wives among the women from the low castes.
7. 2. KIDNAP MARRIAGE
If a young man likes a girl and if her parents refuse to give her in marriage to him, then he with the help of his friends kidnaps her to another village. There he may persuade her to marry him. The parents, with the help of the Police, may trace her whereabout and bring her back. Young men in a village do not like to get married to a girl who had been kidnapped. Thus she may have to spend the rest of her life time without marriage. A girl who had been kidnapped by a young man had sometimes been deserted by him when his lust had been satisfied. There must have been a number of cases like this and hence the proverb: acai arupatu nal; mokam muppatu nal "love is for sixty days and lust for thirty days.'
8. Home For the Married People
The newly married couple living with the bride's parents is the most common practice in Jaffna. Since the mother's house is usually given as dowry to a marrying daughter, the couple must have been compelled to live there. Even if the house given as dowry is different from that of the bride's parents, the couple shall

213
live in the latter at least for sometimes. After having the first child they will go to live in the former. The farmers have been observing a custom that is slightly different from this. After the marriage, man shall stay with his parents during the day time and shall return to his wife's house only in the night. He helps his parents in their lands. He will continue to observe this practice till his parents die.
Married couple, sometimes, lives with the bridegroom's parents too. If the mother-in-low (mami) canot treat her daughter-in-low (marumakal) as one of her daughters, then there will be intermittent quarells between them. Some mother-in-lows had been very cruel to their daughter-in-lows. A number of proverbs portray this situation. The following are cited as examples from those proverbs that are commonly used in Jaffna:
1. pānai ottinālum ottum māmiyār ottāl
“Broken pot may be mended but not the mother-in-low.' 2. makan cettalum cakatum marumakal kotam atan katum
“Let son die; but the daughter-in-low’s pride must be subdued.” 3. māmi meccina marumakaļ illai
“No mother-in-low praises her daughter-in-low.' 4. māmiyārukku cuvāmiyār ivaļ
"Daughter-in-low is a god to her mother-in-low.' 5. māmiyārum cākāļō manakkavali tīrātō
“Is not my mother-in-low going to die and put an end to my distress and misery?' 6. māmiyārutaittāl maņkalam marumakaļ utaittāl ponkalam
“If the mother-in-low breaks a pot, it is only clay (of no consequence), but if the daughter-in-low breaks one, it is gold (of great consequence). 7. māmiyār cettu marumakaļ aņu vatu pōla
"As the daughter-in-low cries when mother-in-low passes away.
s
Even the modern creative writings of Jaffna portray the hostile

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relationship between the mother-in-low and the daughter-in-low. The marriage customs of the ancient Jaffna people were of the Dravidians. Though those customs and rites were subject to foreign influence, they did not lose their forms and distinct qualities. The customs and rites mentioned in ancient Tamil literary texts are still preserved in Jaffna. At the same time we find some DravidioAryan customs which are also portrayed in Tamil literary texts. Therefore, in order to understand fully the marriage customs, rites and traditions of the Tamils, one should not fail to study carefully the marriage customs and rites of the Jaffna Tamils too.
Bibiliography Baldaeus, Phillipus, A True and Exact Description of the Great Island of Ceylon, Translated by Pieter Brohier, Colombo, 1960. Canagaratnam, S.O., Monograph of Batticaloa District of the
Eastern Province, Colombo, 1921. Ceņkai Ariyān, Natantāy Vāri Varukkaiyāru, Ciritiran Publication,
Jafna, 1984. Daniel, S., Paicamar, Prakash Publication, Tanjore, 1982. David, K. A., "Hierarchy and Equivalence in Jaffna, North Sri Lanka: Normative Codes as Mediator', The New Wind: Changing Identities in South Asia (ed.) K. David, Mouton Publishers, The Hague, 1977. Dumont, Louis., Affinity as a Value-Marriage Alliance in South India, With Comparative Essays on Australia, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1983. Holms, W. R., Jaffna (Sri Lanka) 1980, Christian Institute for the Study of Religion and Society of Jaffna College, Jaffna, 1980. Indrapala, K. (ed.), Jaffna, Department of Information, Colombo,
1983. Kanapathi Pillai, K., Kātaliyārruppiațai, Thirumakal Press, Chun
nakam, 1950. Kantiah, V. S., Mattakkalapput Tamirakam, Thirumakal Press,
Chunnakam, 1964.

215
Lewis, J. P., "Tradition as the Origin of the People of Batticaloa,
C.A.L.R., Vol. 9(1), 1923. McGilvray, D. B., "Mukkuvar Vanninai: Tamil Caste and Matriclan Ideology in Batticaloa Sri Lanka', Caste Ideology and Interaction (ed.) D. B. Mcgivray, Cambridge University Press, 1982. Muttuthamby, R.S.V., A Brief History of Ceylon and Batticaloa
in Particular, Batticaloa, 1885. Nadarajah, F.X.C., Mattakkalappu Mämmiyam, Colombo, 1962. Ohno Susumu., “Nihongo to Tamirugo no kankei” (The Relationship between Tamil and Japanese), Koku Bungaku Kaishaku to Kansho, Nov., 1983. Pattinappalai, Karakam Edition, Madras, 1975. Perinbanayagam, R. S., The Karmic Theater: Self, Society and Astrology in Jaffna, The University of Massachusetts Press, 1982. Pfaffenberger, B. L., Pilgrimage and Traditional Authority in Tamil Sri Lanka, Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1977. Queyroz., F. de..., The Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon,
Translated by S. G. Perera, Colombo, 1930. Raghavan, D., Tamil Culture in Ceylon, Colombo, 1972. Rasanayagam, S., Ancient Jaffna, Madras, 1926. Sanmugadas, A., “Separation of Sri Lanka Tamil from the Continental Tamil'', Tamil Civilisation, Tamil University, Tanjore, 1983. Sanmugadas, A., “A Comparative Study of Kami Worship in Japan and Ganesha Worship in Jaffna', Proceedings of the Thirty-First International Congress of Human Sciences in Asia and North Africa, ed. Yamamoto Tatsuro, The Toho Gakkai, Tokyo, 1984. Sanmugadas, A. & Manonimani Sanmugadas. (eds.), Tamirar Tirumana Nataimuraikal (The Marriage Customs, Traditions, Rites and Ceremonies of the Tamils), Muttamir Velyittu Karakam, Jaffna, 1984. Sanmugadas, A. & Manonmani Sanmugadas., Ittimarattal (A Study

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of the History of a Temple of Mother Goddess in Jaffna), Varavollai Publication, Point pedro, Jaffna, 1985. Sekine, Yasumasa, “Birth and Death Ceremonies among the Jaffna Tamils: A Study of Pollution from the viewpoint of spatial structure', Religion and Culture of Sri Lanka and South India (eds.) K. Iwata and Y. Ikari, National Museum of Ethnology, Osaka, 1984. Sitrampalam, S. K., “Yaksha and Naga Worship in Ancient Sri Lanka' (in Tamil), Cintanai, Journal of the Faculty of Arts, University of Jaffna, Vol. I, No. 2, July, 1983. Sri Ramanathan, T., Tesawalamai, the Laws and Customs of the
Province of Jaffna, The Nadarajah Press, Colombo, 1972. Tolkappiyam, Translated by S. Ilakkuvanar, Madurai, 1963. Toussant, J. R., “Batticaloa in Early British Time', The Journal
of the Dutch Burgher Union, April and July, 1933.

INDEX
Äcārakkõvai Accutan 144 Agnipuja 202 Aimpațaittāli 167 Aińkurunüru 5, 54 Aiyanmār 58 Akam 52 Akampatiyār 174, 206 Akanānūru 60, 124 Akkini pūcai 203 Aki vanta putavai 184 Alari 106 Älätti 201 Alkul 151, 154 Amaterasu õmikami 2 Ampațțar 173, 207, 208 Ammi 113, 143, 144, 166, 169,
199,202 Ammi mitittal 143 Anklet removing ceremory 106 Āņtāļ 136, 138, 140, 142, 145,
148
130, 147
Anti 174 Antuva kulam 173 Äratti 140, 200, 205
Äratti etuttal 140 Arattoţu nirral 58 Arimukan 144 Aruku 204
Arumaikkārar 175 Aruntati 113, 129, 130, 166, 204 Aruntati katutal 129 Ashi 17
Asobibe 7, 9 Atarva veda 141 Ati 17
Ati kulam 173 Atipati 192 Attam 209 Auspicious day 101, 195 Azukigayu 18, 26, 27
Blessing 109, 165 Bogi 23 Brahma 166, 170 Brahmans 190
Cańku 174 Canopy 126, 174 Capai waittal 200, 205 Carukuccaţţi 177 Cațakam 84, 101, 124 Catańku 105, 185 Catańku ceytal 185 Cațţi 197, 204 Caţțuvac cöru 180 Cavuļi 176 Cēkkirār 150

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278
Cempu 205
Cēņiyar 173, 206 Ceremonial bathing 105, 159 Cēri 90
Ceţți 174
Cevillittāy 58, 59 Chaste marriage 58 Chatterjee chanchal Kumar 140 Child-bearing marriage 94 Cilappatikāram 107, 121 Cilampu kari nönpu 107 Cilampu karital cațańku 103, 107 Cr 191 Cirkkarar 175, 176, 177, 179 Cirkkari 176, 178 Citanam 172, 193, 210 Citana uruti 210 Civiyār 174, 207 Cīvakan 152, 155, 157, 159, 165 Cīvakacintāmaņi 149 Civan 170 Cöru kuţuppittal 186, 187 Cross-cousin marriage 132, 155 Cūļāmaņi 149, 155, 157, 162, 164 Cumańkali 177 Cuntaramūrtti 158 Cūrapanman 154 Cuvarkka ulakam 154 Cuyampirapai 159, 165 Cuyamvaram 55 Cuyamvara maņam 149, 155
Dancing 43
Danial K. 208 David K.A. 206 Decoratians 25, 138, 198 Degawari 40 Devapoopathy Natarajah 182
Dhāna 202 Dharmapatni 129 Djata 4 Dõka 44, 45, 46 Dondoya 23 Dowry 168, 172, 193 Dumount Louis 190
Eboshi 42 Elope marriage 78,81, 134 Engi shiki 26 Emeneau M. B. ix Eru taruvutal 85 Eruttu 195 Erythrina Indica 98 Etir kaļutal 140 Eţțuttokai 51 Eyarkön kalikkâman 168
Feast 205 Firecrackers 25 Foster mother 59
Ganapati M. 18 Giving rice 180 Good house 114 Grhyasutras 141, 142, 190
Haiku 47 Harlot-marriage 64, 89 Hart, George L. 74, 76,92, 101,
108, 111, 117 Heroic marriage 84, 153 Histroy of Jafna 174 Hochoji 24 Holmes W. R. 184 Hongara 35 Honga-Honga 32

Horoscope 192 Hugging the bull 85
Illaram 68 Ilmkõatikal 121, 127, 131 Iņaiccīru 178 Independent system 56 Indrapala K. 184 Intiran 163 Iraci 192 Iraccu 192 Iraiyanār kaļaviyalurai İram 184 Iruppai city 91 Italiyar 174
v-v-ullakam 5 Izanaki 10, 11 Izanami 10, 11
148, 149
January 15th 21 January 16th 22 Jeremy Giddings ix John Solt ix
Kacātu 195 Kacātu erututal 195 Kadomatsu 26 Kaikkiļļai 62, 63 Kaittalam parrutal 140, 142, 163 Kalaiyanār 167 Kāļa mēkam 173 Kālmāral 189 Kaļanicu 131, 168 Kaļaviyal 52,71 Kaļavu maņam 58, 66, 70, 71,
78, 82, 133, 135 Kalawu nilai 53, 54 Kalittokai 63, 78, 90, 102, 112
219
Kaliyāņam 185 Kaliyāņa erutu 195 Kaliyanam katutal 185 Kalyaņa 185 Kalyāņam 147 Kamakkāran 207 Kampan 154 Kamparāmāyaņam 149, 154 Kamil V. Zvelebil ix Kamigata manzai happyakunenshi
42 Kāñci 85 Kandiah V. S. 184 Kanapathi Pilai K. 183 Kańkana bandhana 167 Käñkécan turai 184 Kaņņaki 92 Kaņņaki 107, 127, 128, 130, 147 Kaņņaki varakkurai 171 Kannikkāl 98, 196 Kannikkāl nāțal 196 Kannika tānam 164, 202 Kaņņālam 135 Kaņam 192 Kaņikaiyar kulam 132 Kaņņam 135 Kaņņāti pārttal 105 Kantapurāņam 149 Kantaruva maņam 149 Kāntaruvatattai 154, 157 Kaņavam 65, 148 Kappal 194 Kāppu 108, 177 Kāppuk kațțutal 177, 178, 201 Kāppunāņ 139 Kāppunāņ kattutal 139 Karakam 179, 180 Kāraikkāl 150, 151, 169

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Kāraikkālammaiyār 150 Karaiyār 174, 208 Karanam 61, 81, 105, 122 Karaņa maņam 70 Karańku 116 Karpiyal 52, 61, 96 Karpu 61, 64, 65, 69, 90, 105 Karpu maņam 58, 70, 78 Karpu nilai 53 Katai karintu 116 Katukkan pital 200 Kāviri 64, 83
Kavuri 170 Kavuri tirumanappatalam 170 Kay-ppiyo 38
Kayuzue 36 Kidnap marriage 212 Kimono 38
Kiravan 58
Kirimalai 183 Kir-ulakam 5 Koizumi Fumio 43 Kojiki 2, 8
Kollar 206
Kome no ka 34. Kome nuka 35 Komputtāli 202 Końku vellala 173 Koņtōm 176 Kopparame 37 Korukkațai 194, 195 Korumput turai 184 Koshëgatsu 18, 19, 20, 31, 43 Koţțu 126
Kotuttõm 176 Kõvalan 123, 127, 128, 130, 147 Kõvalar 172 Kõvintai 153, 160, 165, 168
Kõvintaiyärilampakam 153
Kõviyar 9, 174, 195, 205, 209
Kucavar 206
Kulam 178
Kum-kum 104, 140, 175, 179,
194
Kuńkumam apputal 144
Kumari 107 Kumpam 188, 189 Kuņamālai 152, 155, 156, 168
Kuņamālyārilampakam 155 Kuperamittran 152, 168 Kuravai 126 Kūrai kuțuttal 189 Kūraippuțavai 190, 197 Kurampu 114 Kurantai 65 Kuriñcippāțu 112 Kuruntokai 55, 121 Kshattriyas 190 Kuțamurā 174 Kuttuviļakku 189, 200 Kutyan 209
Lājahoma 144 Lewis J. P. 184
Maccāļ 131 Maccan 137 Mācātu van 147 Mācāttvar 171, 172, 173 Maeda Isamu 42 Maidhuna 132 Maittunan 132, 137, 148 Maittunan muraimai 133 Mahatala 4 Maittuni 132 Makappērru maņam 70,95

Makat kotai 53, 168 Makat kotai maņam 149, 152 Makatikotai nērtal 83 Makatpār kāfici 85 Makatpéccu 138 Makatpēccu maņam 149, 152 Makura no soshi 37, 38 Malaipatukatām 104 Mālai vāhku maiņam 131 Māmā 148 Mame no ka 34 Mame no ka maki 34 Mame no ka shügi 34 Mame nuka 35 Māmi 148, 213 Mānakaficārar 161, 168 Maņappantar 157 Mamral 53 Maņa tavicu 162 Mantra 141 Maņa tūtu 82 Maņavāļan 148 Maņavaņi 147 Maņavarai 157, 198, 201, 203,
206 Maņavinai 147 Mānāykan 147 Mākuti kirār 112 Mangala sutra bandhana 167 Māņikkavācakar 148 Maņimēkalai 132, 133, 147, 183 Mahkala aņi 128, 167 Mańkala näntarittal 163 Mahkala nūl tāli 166, 167 Mahkala vārtu 178 Maņāļan 148 Maņam 53, 147 Maņamakaļ 133
221
Maņa manai 90, 96, 114, 131 Maņamanru 157 Maņamuracu 124, 125 Maņam pēcippōtal 99 Manaivi 64, 65 Manaiyōļ 58 Mānākar 171, 172 Maņņal 105 Manzai 41, 42 Mãppillai 175, 199 Mäppilai araippu 199, 200 Mäppilait tõran 199 Mara-bo 37 Marapu 51, 52 Marriage hall 161 Marriage message 82 Marriage proposal 97 Marriage talks 191 Marumakaļ 213 Marumakan 148, 154 Marutam 65, 90 Marutam tree 91 Maravar 174 Mārāyar 209 Masao Miyoshi ix Maţai 188 Mataippaļi 206 Mātavi 131 Mațțakaļappu 133 Mattaļam 125 Māttu 175
Matsuri 188 Matucūtan 137 Matuparkkam 167 McGilvray D. B. 206 Mēļam 174 Meenakshisundaram K. 175 Mikawa manzai 42

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Mishina Shõei 2 Minzokugaku jiten 40 Mishina 3 Mochi 31 Mogari 6, 7, 9 Morisada mankõ 40 Mourning house 6 Moya 6, 7 Müccu aţahkutal 12 Mukkiyar 174 Mukūrttam 175, 180, 199 Mukūrttakkā 177 Muļaippālikai 152 Mulai wilai 88, 100 Mullai 85 Muļļi 67 Murai maņam 149, 155 Muracu 125 Mūrdhābhisēka 140 Murukan 143, 163, 166, 169,
170, 173 Murutu 125 Mūtal 194, 195 Muttuthamby R.S.V. 184
Naccinärkkiniyar 61 Nācciyār tirumori 136, 137 Nadarajah F.X.C. 184 Nādas varam 177, 209 Nagati 19 Nākapataņam 169 Nāka tīpam 183, 184 Nakime 8
Naļa 155 Nālatiyār 124, 147 Naļavar 173, 207, 208, 209 Naļaveņpā 149, 155 Nalatōr kaņņālam 135
Nampiyāņtār nampi 150, 157 Nanal 142 Nanmaņam 54, 55, 70 Nantakõn 153, 165, 168 Nappinnai 137, 146 Narai 57
Năral 87
Narray 58
Narriņai 71 Nārāyaņan 143 Nariyoshi 36 Nātari nan maņam 112 Națcattiram 192 Natanmaikkal 178, 179 Natuwar 206 Nattuva drums 209 Negi 8 Neytal 68, 69, 73, 76 Ngadju-Dayak 4 Niccayam 175 Nichiren sect 43 Nihon shinwa ron 2 Nihon shoki 2, 8, 44 Nilapăvăţai 161, 174, 201 Nilapävätai virittal 177 Nirai kuțam 138, 156, 200 Niraikuțam vaittal 138 Nirai nāri 178 Nişadha 155 Notumalāļar varaivu 82,93
Օbi 38 Ogishima Masako 5 Olai 151
Ömai 103 Ömisoka 23 Onkik kotukkiratu 176 Ose-nichi 39

Oshikise 39 Öshima Takehiko 31 Ôtippönaval 210, 211 Oyagenzo 40
Pāccān 177 Paccilaippaļi 183 Pãkal kãy 204 Pallar 207, 208, 209 Palakāram 198 Palakārac cațți vayttal 198 Palakara tattu 199 Pāņar 64,90 Paũca kavuiyam 201 Pañcamar 208 Pañcańkam 192 Pāņigrahana 141 Pankan 59 Panoff M. 4 Pantal 176, 177 198 Pantal cilai 197 Pantalkāl 177, 196, 198 Paņtaram 206 Parai 174 Paraiyar 173, 207, 208 Paramatattan 150, 151, 168 Parampu 94 Paranar 92 Para tatu 199 Parattai 89 Parattai maņam 65, 70, 89 Pāri 94 Paricam 168, 172, 179 Parica mālai 131, 132 Paricam vāńkutal 168 Pariyam 179 Pārppān 98 Parutti turai 184
223
Pārvaty 173 Pataivittu brahmins 172 Pātam viļakkal 162, 167 Pațțīccaram 173 Pattuppatu 51, 104, 112 Patumai 159 Patumukan 153, 165 Pēccukkā 191 Pēccu maņam 70 Pēkan 92 Peņ etukkum 179 Peņņupiļļai 175 Peņpiļļai 199 Peņ piticcukkutuppōr 192 Perinbanayakam R. S. 206 Periyapurāņam 149 Periyārvār 134, 135, 146, 147 Periyārrvār tirumori 134 Perumpāņārruppațai 29 Perurtiņai 62, 63 Peruvāyin muļļiyār 147 Pfaffenberger B. IL 206 Piļļaiyār 188, 189, 196 Piļļaiyārpūcai 201 Piļyār pūcaik kaliyāņam 208 Piramaņar 208 Põlaimuti 178 Pompiļai 199 Pofiku 30 Pon Kothandaraman viii, ix, 15,
19, 39 Ponnurukku cöru Poń potutal 179 Pope G.U. 136 Porimukam tatal 144 Porulatikaram 96 Poruļ maņam 70, 86 Porutam pārtal 189

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Proposal marriage 93, 149 Prositutes 64 Protective band 139, 140, 158 Puja 176, 177, 180, 188, 200 Pukarentippulavar 155 Pulaiyan 90 Punitavati 150, 151, 168, 169 Punniya yakam 201 Pu-ppiyo 38
Puram 52 Puranānūru 5, 60 Pūraņakumpam 138, 160 Pūraņa porkutam 139 Purandhi 141
Purukku 111 Pūtākkalam 110, 204 Pū tațțu 199
Putu nīr 26
Queyroz F. 184
Raghavan D. 211 Rāmā 158, 164, 166, 168 Ranjitamalar 182 Rasanayakam S. 184 Regional customs 68 Reu FRJohn 174 Rice gruel 26 Rigveda 141 Rokuiri 39 Ryõ no shũge 7, 9
Sāma 141 Sandai jitsuroku 6 Sasivalli S. 51 Savitā 141
Schärer H. 4 Secret enjoyment 55, 56, 59
Secret marriage 58,71, 77, 133 Sejidan 40 Sekine yasumasa 184 Senjū 42 Senwashofu 4-5 Senzoshõgatsu 41 Service marriage 100 Setsubun 36 Shanmugam Pillai & Ludden 67,
77, 98
Shimekazari 25 Shoku nihongi 44, 45 Shukan Asahi 19 Shukukudari 40 Sime-nawa 138 Sindürad hana 144 Sītā 158, 164, 166, 168 Sitrampalam S. K. 183 Stritikkam 192 Subramanian S. V. 49 Subramaniya Pillai S. 107 Sudra 190 Sun Goddess 3 Sumõ 46
Sūrya 141 Svayamvara 155
Taccar 206 Takkali 177 Talaikkõl 131 Talaivi 59 Tāli 126, 141, 165, 167, 170, 176, 178, 189 191, 196, 202 Tālikkayiru 189 Talikkup pon urukkutal 171 Tāli katutal 203 Tālippetti 201 Tamar 58, 65

Tamayanti 155 Tanaka Hisao 13 Tanaka Katsuhiko 5 Tañcāvūr 19, 98 Tantai 58 Taņtu 98 Taņ tarai vilai 88 Taņtutaikkaiyar 98 Tārai 174 Tārai vārtukkotuttal 164 Taraiyāțai 68 Tarumatattan 133 Taruppai 158, 167 Tattam ceytu kotuttal 164 Tatār 206 Tāy 58 Tenmaratci 183 Tēsavaramai 210 Tēvakuñcari 154 Tēvar ulakam 5 Tēvāram 123, 136, 146, 147, 160 Teyvayānai 143, 163, 166, 169,
170 Thavaraji M.J. K. 18 Tiruccirāppaļi 19, 29, 42 Tirukkönâcalapuranam 170 Tirukkural 5, 11 Tirukkurralak kuravañci 172 Tirumâfikaliyam 166 Tirumanam 53 Tirumaņa maņtapam 157 Tirumaņa nālōlai 151, 152 Tirumantiram 148 Tirumülar 148 Tirumuțikkāri 113 Tiruflanacampantar 150 Tirunalūr 157 Tiruppāvai 136
225
Tirupperumanam 150
Tiruppérürppuranam 143, 169,
170
Tiruppukali 156
Tiruvâcakam 135
Tivalam varutal 127, 142
Tiruvempāvai 148
Tivițanampi 159, 165
Tolkáppiyam 50, 52, 61, 71, 81,
96, 105
Tolkāppiyar 62
Tondoyaki 22, 23, 24, 25
Tomru 24
Toņtaimānāru 183
Tõranam 138, 139, 156, 157
Toran 94, 199, 200, 201
Tõri 57, 64, 74, 79, 88, 99, 171,
188
Torioi 35
Torigoya 24
Torü Ryüzö 2
Tosa nikki. 27
Toussant J. R. 184
Traditions 50, 52, 58
Tree-beating 36
Uppu 176
Uno Harva 1
Ūrkāval turai 184
Urōkaņi 101
Utanpökku 53
Utan pōkku maņam 70, 78, 79,
82, 134
Uyar nilai ulakam 5
Vacek D. J. ix Vaishyas 190 Vākai 108

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Valampuri 89 Valmiki Rāmāyaņa 154 Vaļi 173 Valliyan 209 Valikāmam 183 Valveţți turai 184 Vaņņār 173, 206, 208 Varatațcaņai 172 Varaivu 53, 55 Varaliya varutal 83 Varņa 190 Varukkaiyāru 183 Vāy nanaittal 194 Väyil 74 Watakkan 209 Vaţamarăţci 183 Vatuvai maņam 136 Veluppilai K. 182 Welvi nakar 157 Vēļvu etuttal 194, 195 Veļalās 173 Veļļaļa gounder 175 Vētikai 57 Veņpā 155 Verrilai matittuk kotuttal 187 Verrilai pitikkiratu 177 Vētai 192 Vettal 147 Vētar mākkulam 135
Veţți 206
Wicäkai 132
Viļakku 156 Viñcayar 159 Vīra maņam 70, 87, 149, 153 Viriñcippuraņam 172 Vishnu 137
Vitānam 84 Withiananthan. S 84 Vițuti vīțu 178, 179
Wealth marriage 87 Witnesses 121
Yabuiri 38 Yamato-manzai 4:1 Yanagita Kunio 33, 34, 35, 36 Yarakurozuri 33 Yärõrküttam 149, 155 Yārōr maņavinai 133 Yārppāņa vaipava kaumuti 174 Yogi 8
Yomi no Kuni 10 Yomo 10
Yõni 192 Yoshida Atsuhiko 3
Yu 17
Yukigoya 24
Yuzuriha 33

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