Page 1
vol XIV
A Time Not For War
But For Peace
ov solicy Sement
Decommunalising Public Institutions
 
 
 
 

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SSATION DSTILIES TWEEN - AND LITTE
LTTE Leader V. Prabhakaran
President Explains Peace Talks with LTTE
The Case for Federalism
Buddhist Monks Protest
Over Pope's Book

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2 TAMIL TIMES
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15 JANUARY 1995
I do not agree with a word of what you say, but I'll defend to the death your right to say it."
&S Swa g- Voltaire.
ISSN 0266-4488
VO.XIV No. 1 15 JANUARY 1995
Published by
TAMIL TIMES LTD P.O. BOX 121 SUTTON, SURREY SM13TD UNITED KINGDOM
Phone: 08-644 0972 Fax: 081-241 4557
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Views expressed by contributors are not necessarily those of the editor or publishers
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CONTENTS
A Time for Peace. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.
Cessation of Hostilities. . . . . . . . . . 5
Peace Talks Explained. . . . . . . . . . 5 Govt.'s Policy Statement. . . . . . . . . 7 Protest Against Pope's Book. . . . . 10 The Case for Federalism. . . . . . . . 13 Decommunalising Public Institutions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Appeals to Govt. and LTTE. . . . . . 17 Peace in Sri Lanka?. . . . . . . . . . . 19
A Tale of Great Expectations. . . . . 21 Shutting Out Tamil Scholars. . . . . 25 Readers Forum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
Classified. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
Ce
The year 1995 st Second round of tá leadership on 2 Ja hostilities between guns have gone si from 8 January. In have agreed during extension of the cé
The provision ir comprising represe monitor violations input by independ advantage. The pi bomb explosions, any political group, history of the comt
In her presiden Chandrika Bandar Rs.39 billion for northeastern areas between her Gove Solution.
Following the thi the LT TE, in a fut COnditions of the Ci to the lifting of the items to Jaffna e Chemicals and lea
In spite of the gi be made in the enCOuntered Certa, of talks. lt woulds the substantive pc they progress or rehabilitation Work issues. On the L COmmence talks appear to be that t total lifting of the t of the army camp : Causeway. They a rehabilitation and under their Contra between Jaffna an that the Elephant prepared to sign a for military purpos army camp at Poc Causeway.
It is unfortunate date being set for LTTE.
lf the peace pro preconditions beir, by the LTTE forth Government did n With the LT TE ar Sri Lankan milita CeSSation Of hOStil talks.
The Causes of of the political iss tragic and damag northeast during t of a free passage necessary to bring cannot justify any
view to seeking a
 
 
 
 
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 3
ssation of hostilities d the Peace Process
trted with renewed hope for peace in Sri Lanka. The Iks between the Government delegation and the LTTE nuary resulted in an agreement for a cessation of armed he warring parties. For the first time since June 1990, the ent as the formal Cessation of hostilities came into effect tially expected to last only up to 22 January, the parties I their round of talks on 14 January to a further indefinite SSation of hostilities.
the declaration for setting up monitoring committees ntatives drawn from Canada, Netherlands and Norway to of the cessation of hostilities by either party ensures an 2nt third parties to see that neither party takes undue Ohibition in the declaration of acts such as 'Sabotage, abductions, assassinations and intimidations directed at party or any individual' is a welcome provision given the mission of many such acts in the past.
ial address to the opening session of Parliament, Mrs. anaike announced that the Government had earmarked ehabilitation and reconstruction works in the war-torn , and expressed the hope that the cessation of hostilities rnment and the LTTE would pave the way for a lasting
rd round of talks between the Government delegation and ther effort to alleviate the economic hardship and living vilian population of the north, the Government has agreed prohibition imposed on the transport of 22 more banned cluding ball bearings, motorcycle parts, diesel, petrol, d
eat expectations among the people for quick progress to
peace process, the parties would appear to have in obstacles which became evident during the third round 2ern that the Government wants to discuss with the LTTE . blitical issues relating to the conflict at the same time as issues relating to the economic and infrastructure s, or at least wants a date set for talks relating to political TTE side, it would seen that there is reluctance to on the political issues at present. Their position would alks on the political issues should take place only after the an or the transport of all banned items, the total removal at Pooneryn and the opening of the Sangupiddy-Pooneryn lso would appear to be saying that all works relating to eConstruction in the north and east Should be Carried Out ol. As far as the question of opening a free passage d the mainland is concerned, the Government's position is Pass has remained open for civilian use and it would be agreement with the LTTE promising not to use this Pass es or troop movements. It is also prepared to move the neryn to a distance of five hundred metres away from the
that the third round of talks has been adjourned without a the resumption of talks between the Government and the
‘ess is to be advanced, talks ought to continue without any g set by either party, and this has been the demand made e last four years to the previous Government to which the of respond. The present Government initiated peace talks even in the face of obvious reluctance on the part of the y, positively responded to the LTTE's suggestion for a ties as a basis for creating the right atmosphere for peace
he ethnic conflict are basically political and the resolution les is an absolute prerequisite for the elimination of the ing consequences that have affected the people of the he last several years of armed conflict. While the opening or people and rehabilitation and reconstruction works are the living conditions of the people to a tolerable level, one delay or reluctance to discuss the political issues with a Solution to this Conflict.

Page 4
4 TAMIL TIMES
A Time Not For W But For Peace
by Rita Sebastian, Colombo
The Kumaratunga government has, despite criticism from its opponents at its 'floundering inefficiency and ineptitude’ showed in recent days a remarkable resilience in a variety of fields.
In dealing with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) it has combined shrewdness with idealism. The present initiative of President Chandrika Kumaratunga has given a new momentum to the peace proCeSS.
On her return from her much criticised holiday in the Maldives, she despatched a peace team to the north with a draft agreement for the cessation of hostilities. She was ready to sign it, if LTTE leader Vellupillai Prabhakaran would do the same.
The LTTE was said to have been taken aback by the move. It was too good an offer to pass up, for it could be argued that it gave legitimacy and parity of status to Prabhakaran. Kumaratunga signed the document as President of the country and Prabhakaran as the leader of the LTTE.
The impact on the people needless to say has been good. The Government's offer of the rupees 39 billion rehabilitation package has also served to underline the point that Chandrika Kumaratunga is solicitous of the welfare of the people in the north.
Few leaders in Colombo have had this image. Her immediate predecessor President Dingiri Banda Wijetunge was seen as an unabashed war monger. Even her mother Mrs Sirima Bandaranaike, a previous Prime Minister, was seen as a votary of Sinhala interests and prograneS.
By offering the Rs. 39 billion rehabilitation package, Mrs Kumaratunga has shown that she has the imagination to break out of the traditional mould. She has also put the LTTE on the spot by allowing international overseeing of the cessation of hostilities. Three of the countries that have agreed to send in representatives are Norway, the Netherlands and Canada perceived to be sympathetic to the "Tamil cause'. Human rights organisations
in these countries cause of the T. therefore standst pathy if they don' to the peace proc not be oblivious opinion as India i the LTTE.
Just as interest the Kumaratung obtained acquiese argue that it is to get involved in parochial politics” can come from though a strong L as well as anti-el since the militar worked out, to p
A theological mu thing. Pope Joh Colombo seems to controversy whic prehensible to al versed in arcane What Sri Lanka’. chy have taken e Pope's reference t 'atheistic' philosc "Crossing the thre One observer d thing as a most minisicent of me hair-splitting. On issue is whethe scribes to the bel union with God.
One defender faith said this w cause Buddhism to the idea of Go conventional Chri this rarified plan gical controversy nothing is conduc ary followers of Catholic faiths la puzzled.
The Buddhis bishops and ar. speak of freelan have all pitched i battle with both happy to display newspapers. To a there was even a

ar
have taken up the mils. The LTTE o forfeit their sym, actively subscribe 2ss. And they can
to international s seen as hostile to
ing is the fact that a government has nce of India. Many large a country to he island's "petty and that no good such involvement, TTE lobby in India 'ments argue that y option has not ursue this course
The Unholy Row
15 JANUARY 1995
would be futile for militant groups feed on grievances. And therefore these grievances have to be addressed. It is for this reason that India is supportive of the Chandrika initiative. For now has come a time not to wage war but peace.
In another move on the economy the Kumaratunga government has announced what might prove to be a significant programme of privatisation. The government might sell off its minority holdings in already privatised concerns. And in the next two years orso it might push privatisation further with regard to banks and infrastructure facilities.
For a left-leaning government it is a significant, even a dramatic statement of direction. The government has shown that it is not hidebound by ideology but has a capacity for fresh and creative thinking.
All in all the government's stock which has been pretty low has rallied, spelling hope for the future.
by Rita Sebastian
ich ado about noin Paul’s visit to have touched off a n is largely incomny but those well theological points. s Buddhist hierarxception to is the o Buddhism as an phy sin his book shold of Hope'. ismisses the whole 'unholy’ row rediaeval theological e of the points at Buddhism subef in the mystical
of the Buddhist as impossible bedoes not subscribe ld, at least in the stian sense. It is in that this theoloof much ado about ted leaving ordinthe Buddhist and gely bemused and
High priests, hbishops not to cing philosophers nto this airy fairy energy and glee their learning in ld to the confusion
whispering cam
paign at one point that the Catholics might stake a claim to a piece of the Galle Face promenade where Pope John Paul will say mass in the presence of half a million people. It was even suggested that the Catholic church was going to erect a permanent cross and in due course erect a shrine of some kind. However this kind of over-heated imaginative nonsense was dismissed categorically by the catholic church. This has put paid at least to this part of the controversy.
The Pope's visit seems to have also created another controversy in the north of the country where the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the government are involved in a controversy about north-south access routes.
There is however nothing arcane about the arguments both sides have put forward. The LTTE would like the Sangupiddy-Pooneryn route to be opened. The army cries foul seeing in it a plot to grab Pooneryn. The army would like Elephant pass opened. Now it is the turn of the LTTE to cry foul seeing in the army proposal a plot to open the high road into the peninsula. Peace makers have suggested both routes be opened. It is likely that neither route will be opened and people from Jaffna will cross the lagoon.
Continued on page 29

Page 5
15 JANUARY 1995
President Kumaratunga and
Declaration of Ces
The modalities for the implementation of the agreed Cessation of Hostilities by the Government and LTTE for a specified period will be as follows:-
1. There will be no offensive operations by either party during this period. An offensive operation will be considered a violation of the agreement.
2. The Security Forces and the LTTE will maintain their present positions on the ground, keeping a minimum of 600 metres between each other. However, each party would reserve the right of movement within 100 metres from their own bunker lines, keeping a minimum of 400 metres in between. Any party moving in the restricted areas would be considered an offensive operation.
3. The Navy and the Air Force will continue to perform their legitimate tasks of safeguarding the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country, from external aggression, without in any way engaging in offensive operations against the LTTE, or causing any obstructions to legitimate and bonafide fishing activity in specified areas.
4. Acts such as sabotage, bomb explosions, abductions, assassinations and intimidations directed at any political group, party or any individual will amount to an offensive operation.
5. a. It is suggested that Committees to deal with violations of this agreement be set up to inquire into any instances of violation of the above terms of agreement. These Committees could be set-up in the areas of Jaffna, Mannar, Vavuniya, Mulaitivu, Trincomalee and Batti
V. Prabhakaran Leader Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam
Peace Talks With the President Kumaratunga E
The government has given the LTTE the assurance that the Elephant Pass road could be opened up for the purposes of civilian traffic and that road would not be used for military operations at all. She said the government had offered to enter into an agreement with the LTTE on this matter, President Chandrika Bandaranai ke Kumaratunga told the press on 6 January, at the Parliamentary Complex.
She was meeting the press after the ceremonial opening of the second session of Third Parliament.
Answering a question whether the government was considering removal of the Pooneryn camp, Mrs Kumaratunga said that the government would not vacate the Pooneryn army detachment and this would not ham
per the peace neg of the vacation of had notbeen a con put forward for ne further said that
no intention of gi advantage the mi But, she said, tl offered a second rc withdraw Forwa (FDLs) of the F hundred metres f facilitate the mov
Minister of Irr Energy and Dep fence Col. Anuru that the governn intimated this off the LTTE was no
The President it was true that
 

TAM TIMES 5
TTE leader Prabhakaran Sign ation of Hostilities
caloa-Ampara and any other areas as deemed necessary.
b. It will be the responsibility of these Committees to take immediate action on complaints made by either party to this agreement to inquire into and resolve such disputes.
c. These Committees could comprise representatives drawn from Canada, Netherlands, Norway, I.C.R.C., and from among retired Judges or Public Officers, Religious Heads and other leading citizens, all appointed by mutual agreement.
d. Each Committee could consist of five members,
viz:
02 from Government; 02 from L.T.T.E. and 01 from a Foreign Country who will be Chairman e. Freedom of movement for the Committees to
perform their tasks will have to be ensured by both parties to this agreement.
f. Facilities required for the Committees to act suviftly and impartially, will have to be provided by mutual agreement.
6. Recommend establishment of communication link between S.F. and L.T.T.E. military area leaders which will enable them to sort out problems expeditiously,
locally.
7. Cessation of hostilities will continue till notice of termination is given by either party. Such notice should be given at least 72 hours before termination.
Signed on 5 January, 1995
Chỉtandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga President of Sri Lanka, and Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces.
LTTE Explains
tiations as the issue the Pooneryn camp dition the LTTE had gotiating peace. She he government had ving up positions of litary had achieved. le government had und ofpeace talksto rd Defence Lines ooneryn camp five om the main road to ment of civilians.
gation, Power and ty Minister of Deldha Ratwatte said ent delegation had er to the LTTE, but
agreeable.
hen asked whether he government was
giving in too much to the LTTE while the LTTE refused to budge, said that there was no truth in such stories. She also answered in the negative a question whether the government which is conceding to the LTTE's economic demands, will finally be compeled to resort to military action against the LTTE.
The President said that there will be formed six committees to deal with violations of the cessation of hostilities
between the government troops and the LTTE.
Answering a question whether, as the government and the LTTE seek foreign representation in the committees to deal with violations of the cessation of hostilities, she said the government encouraged foreign mediation in the north and east conflict, and that the government was not against such mediation "in a limited way.'
Continued on page 6

Page 6
6 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 5
Journalist: Including India?
President: We consider India a friend but the LTTE does not.
Journalist: Is India being kept informed of what is going on?
Minister of Foreign Affairs Lakshman Kadirgamar said that the diplomats from other countries were informed of the peace negotiations from time to time and India had not even asked the government to inform it of the peace negotiations. “When I met Prime Minister Rao recently, he did not even ask me about that, he added.
Journalist: Will Prabhakaran be sent to India if captured?
President: India has not asked.
Journalist: Will there be further relaxations of the embargo?
President: Yes, embargo will be lifted on some more items.
The President when asked on what the government delegation and the LTTE would have talks next time (Jan. 14) said that they will continue talks on the same subjects that were discussed last time, such as reconstruction rehabilitation etc. She said that the same delegation that went last week may also go next time as well.
The President also said that the press could not be informed of what was being discussed at every point.
Journalist: Where is transparency then?
President (laughingly): It doesn't mean that one runs along road naked. Minister Ratwatte said that the 'media personel could not be taken to Jaffna to observe the negotiations as there was no time for the government to make arrangements as final decisions to have talks had been made about 2.00 p.m. on Monday, the second round of talks took place on Tuesday.
Minister Ratwatte when asked to explain how the cessation of hostilities will be operative said there would be six hundred metres between permanent camps of the government troops and the LTTE with both parties being allowed to move out of their camps up to hundred metres from both sides. The four hundred metres in the middle will be no man's area. If violations in the truce occur, the Minister, said, they could be brought to the notice of field commander appointed by the government and the LTTE and later to the notice of the six committees.
Journalist: Has the UNP backed the agreement of a truce?
President: It has already been contacted and all parties will be consulted
when peace talks b
Journalist: Nou ment too has okaye in the form of bei соттittees топitor hostilities, uvill tha, foreign intervention
President: In t there has been fo without permissior government. There nationalisation of th you said earlier.
Journalist: Do yo of the armed forces:
President: Laug service commander Secretary. They are them.
Defence Minister Wanasinghe: Yes? The earlier we achi would be for all of
Brigadiar Siri Pei come out without food etc.
Journalist: Will enter the capital als President: They a even with weapons. but without arms.
Journalist: Then be opened ир, Е. Pooneryn?
Minister Ratwatt discussed on Jan. 14
Journalist: When political solution.
The President sai ment had asked the and there was no fi:
Journalist: What put foruvard by the sing a political solu Presidential S patebendi: The LTT the Government ha satisfy people in ) LTTE) want to kn reconstruction and government will peace talks.
Minister Ratwate some delays in the the assassination of
Respons
Tamil political le hope about prospel lowing the cessati agreed upon betw. ment and the LTT) caution in relying
fulfil its side of the

15 JANUARY 1995
egin.
that the Governforeign mediation g involved in the ing the cessation of in the end lead to
he recent history reign intervention
from the sitting will also be "intere conflict as one of
u have the backing
hingly pointing to and the Defence there you can ask
General Hamilton We all want peace. eve it the better it
S.
ris: The LTTE can weapons to collect
they be allowed to o?
ure already there — Yes they can come
which road would lephant Pass or
e: That would be 4.
uvill you discuss a
d that the governLTTE about this xed date.
are the conditions LTTE for discustion?
ecretary BalaE's position is that s not been able to saffna. They (the ow how much of rehabilitation the undertake before
: There have been process following ' Mr. Gamini Dis
sanayake. They don't understand this.
Journalist: Are they kids?
President: They prefer not to understand.
President said that it was the duty of the Government to reconstruct and rehabilitate the north and east whether there were talks or not and if the LTTE co-operates these programmes could be implemented soon. She said that the Government had planned to allocate 39 billion rupees in this regard.
Journalist: You are on record as having said that the devolution package the Government has in mind is based O 2. B a n d a r a n a i k e — Chelvanayagam Pact. ...?
The President said that the solution was not based on that Pact but there had to be extensive devolution as suggested by the Pact.
Journalist: Isn't it Federalism?
President: The Pact doesn't say about federalism. It refers to regionalism.
Minister G. L. Peris said that it was not nomenclature that mattered but devolution. He said the US and Indian Constitution though federal in character did not even mention the term federalism.
Journalist: The LTTE claims that it is the sole representative of the Tamil сот типity. Do you accept that?
President: We have made our position very clear to them. We consider them the major representatives of the people of the north.
Journalist: Will a roadway be opened up for the Pope's visit?
President: Bishops of the north have made a request. And we have tried to expedite the process. But the LTTE doesn't seem to be agreeable.
Minister Ratwate: We have made alternative arrangements to enable people of the north to come to Colombo.
Journalist: Why don't you have talks in Colombo
The President said that once the talks on a political solution begin the LTTE will be invited to come to Colombo as well.
e by Other Tamil Parties
aders expressed cts for peace folon of hostilities een the GovernE, but also urged on the LTTE to deal.
Tamil United Liberation Front President M. Sivasithamparam:
We are very happy and welcome the decision. We hope this will lead to a permanent ceasefire and a
Continued on page 27

Page 7
15 JANUARY 1995
Peace Process and "Market Friend
Govt’s Policy Statement by F
The following are excerpted highlights of the Sri Lankan Government's policy statement made by the President Chandrika Kumaratunga on the occasion of the opening session of the Parliament on 6 January:
The year 1994 has been a momentous one for us in Sri Lanka. The people of our land have demonstrated remarkable dignity and wisdom through well nigh two decades of a corrupt, oppressive and destructive regime. They lived through the most horrendous suppression of fundamental human rights, a State structure which was corrupt and rotten to its very core, which frittered away our national assets with gay abandon.
They put up with a so-called economic development with no national objectives. The only objective was the pillage and plunder of the nation's wealth by those at the helm of power and their favourites. This successfully enriched the privileged few and impoverished everyone else to such an extent that a majority of the population earned a real income less than they did in 1977.
The people suffered patiently for seventeen long and arduous years. The year 1994 brought three historic moments which saw the manifestation of a magnificent outburst of a people's free protest against the political terror, the corruption, the callousness and the inefficiency of the previous regime. They expressed their unrelenting courage and desire for change - a positive and meaningful change for all sections and communities of the Sri Lankan polity; a change from oppression and terror to a truly operative democracy, in which the rule of law was firmly entrenched; a change that would bring about sustainable economic development, increase production and employment, decrease inflation, and provide social justice and equity.
The people also pronounced loud and clear their deep and genuine yearning for Peace and an end to the war in the North-East of our country.
The political structures which were evolved in the last seventeen years for governing through intimidation and violence, do not leave room for the checks and balances exercised by the expression of the people's will. It would be easy to slip back into authoritarian rule. employing the overriding constitutional powers accorded to the President. But our style of governance is
radically different.
mitment to democr ernance gives us the democratically the facing the country.
To that end my already adopted se the short period of
O The first task Government was down of Emergency been flagrantly a abused to the detril of freedom.
Within ten days office, my Governn rescind the Emerg the Republic other there was a need because of the p situation. In doing : restored to Parliar authority to deal w subjects which sh within the purvie rather than the making powers oft Emergency rule. government has establish in the ci phere in which the ion and enjoymer possible without cc tion.
O Gone are the journalists, profes: trade unions and e undergraduates we homes at dead of found later on bu equally gruesome
0 Honourable l ment, you will re piece of legislation Government to th had, as its aim, integrity and hono of our motherlan which Parliament ly, provided for the Permanent Comn and Corruption. feature of this legi and complete in Commission from
ΘΙΩCE.
O My Governm action to prevent Parliamentary p] constituted so con of the previous Speaker of Parlial withheld his appr

TAMIL TIMES 7
ment of inquiries into allegations of Policies bribery made against prominent Ministers. We took rapid action to dispense with the requirement stipur eside ht lated by the Bribery Act, with regard to the Speaker's concurrence in embarking upon the investigation of cy and good gov- Ki: :::ူ proffered against courage to resolve eIIlDerS 0 ar iament. hormous problems Corrupt politicians can no longer have recourse to membership of the country's supreme legislature as a shield against investigation of, and punishment for, gross abuse of public power. In this way we have espoused and upheld, the value of transparency and accountability in the public life of the Republic.
O An important matter which calls for mention is the far-reaching exercise in Constitutional Reform which is already well under way. Our people have given my Government an overwhelming mandate to do away with the present Constitution and to reP place it with a new Constitutional o, my Government regime far better suited to the fulfilment its legitimate ment of the nation's aspirations.
th a wide gamut of O My Government is committed to ould fall properly the abolition of the Executive Presw of Parliament, idency as the centrepiece of Sri Lankextraordinary law as constitutional system and its rehe President under placement by a Parliamentary and Consequently, my Cabinet system of government. Parliabeen able to re- ment, consisting of the elected repreountry, an atmos- sentatives of the people, will be the expression of opin- principal instrument of State power. ut of freedom are However, Parliament itself is in need onstraint of inhibi- of significant reform.
The package of Constitutional proplreaded days when osals of my Government will pay parionals, leaders of ticular attention to strengthening the ven schoolboys and fundamental rights enshrined in the retaken from their Constitution, fortifying the independnight, only to be ence of the public service and invigorrning tyres or in ating a variety of consultative ettings. mechanisms.
embers of Parlia- The Parliamentary Select Commitcall that the first tee on Constitutional Reform will be presented by my the forum in which consultations and saugust assembly consensus will take place among polithe restoration of tical parties with regard to all aspects ar to the public life of Constitutional Reform. My Govern. This legislation, ment hopes that this process will reach
Dur resolute com
government has eral measures in
/2 months. indertaken by my he drastic scaling Powers which had hd unrepentantly hent of core values
of assumption of tent took action to !ncy in all parts of than those where or its continuation revailing military
nacted unanimous- fruition in a spirit of amity and goodestablishment of a will by the 15th of July this year. ission on Bribery A primary condition for the solution
The most striking of national problems is the existence of lation is the robust robust and healthy public opinion. ependence of the This presupposes a virile and indepenpolitical interfer- dent mass media. The media in our country have operated for too long in nt has taken early an atmosphere pervaded by inhibihe cynical abuse of tions and pressures. We wish to bring vilege which had into existence conditions which will picuous a hallmark enable the media to operate without ministration. The hindrance. A thorough overhaul of the ent of that regime law and practice relating to mass
val for commence- Continued on page 8

Page 8
8 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 7
media has already been embarked upon.
Several Committees have already been appointed to consider matters pertaining to the pattern of ownership of the Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Ltd, and the future of the print and electronic media in Sri Lanka generally.
O The other crucial matter which calls for mention relates to the ethnic problem and the war in progress in the North-East region of the Republic.
My Government was elected on a major platform of initiatives directed towards the achievement of peace. The results of successive elections during the last year leave no room for doubt as to the country's deep and genuine desire for the advent of peace. The cost of the war in terms of loss of precious lives and resources is incalculable.
The scale of our victory at the Presidential election, against the backdrop of an undisguised appeal to chauvinistic emotions by the United National Party, testifies to the conviction and wisdom of our people in their desire for peace. It is remarkable that, for the first time in independent Sri Lanka, all sections of our people throughout, the length and breadth of our land, have expressed their desire in one firm and clear voice.
0 The Official Languages Commission has been reconstituted and empowered to give full effect to the constitutional provision with regard to status and use of Sinhala and Tamil as official languages and English as a link language. The Government will also provide all facilities to ensure that every person in Sri Lanka is able to transact business with the State in the official language of his choice.
O It is in this spirit that we undertook the Peace process within days of taking over the government. In this regard we set in motion some carefully structured negotiations with the LTTE.
I am happy to announce to this House today that we have successfully negotiated with the LTTE a cessation of hostilities due to commence from the 8th of January - two days from now, as we commemorate the 96th birth anniversary of my father, who is the founder of the political party to which I belong. We hope that this cessation of hostilities would usher in a new era of peace, justice, and equality, enlightened by the humane values of brotherhood and harmony amongst all communities.
I must reiterate here that our Government sees this cessation of hostili
ties as a prelude to would address the underlying the arm ethnic problems. W sent to the LTTE, a als with regard to power. This will fo negotiated political
I wish to empha we desire not peac peace with honour self-esteem of all p tressed by the p. which will be con aspirations of all e groups, while the majority commun guarded. I am great strengthened by th my Government ha Sri Lankans — Si Muslim peoples alik trail in quest of the peace.
O The first econ ment of the Govern was made on the 1 1994 and has be tabled before Parlia firming the policies statement, we seek ward their imple September, the Gov progress in establisl ro-economic and fin This is the essentia ‘market-friendly” pe private sector beco. engine of growth. T cive to the reductio pursuit of rapid eco, creation of produc opportunities, and tribution of the fruit The Government strategy in pursuan tives comprises eig forcing elements.
O First, the Gove its firm intention to cial house in order fiscal deficit at a tol out resorting to infla from the Central Ba
O Second, in or medium term goal reducing the fiscal di to 4 percent of GD year 2000, the Gove. ted to reduce the c than 6.5 percent of C percent of GDP in mean that by borrow ernment will rele national savings to This in turn will red encourage investme inflation. High inte major impediment sector growth.

tam
Peace talks which substantive issues ed conflict and the shall shortly prepackage of proposthe devolution of 'm the basis for a settlement.
sis, however, that e at any cost but
The dignity and arties will be butoposed solutions; patible with the thnic and cultural
interests of the ty will be safely encouraged and e knowledge that the goodwill of all hala, Tamil and e - in blazing this cherished goal of
omic policy statement of Sri Lanka 3th of September en subsequently ment. While reafannounced in that now to carry formentation. Since ernment has made hing a stable macancial framework. pre-requisite for blicies where the mes the principal his is also condun of inflation, the nomic growth, the tive employment the equitable disis of development. 's development ce of these objecnt mutually rein
rnment reiterates set its own finanby containing the erable level withtionary borrowing nk.
der to reach the
already set for ficit to a level of 3 P well before the 'nment is commiteficit to no more DP in 1996, and 5
1997. This will ring less, the Govrase substantial he private sector. uce interest rates, nt and moderate rest rates are a to rapid private
5 JANUARY 1995
O Third, our approach to reducing the fiscal deficit for 1995 rules out tax measures inimical to private sector expansion. There will be no increase in taxation on corporate and personal incomes, no taxation on wealth or on capital gains, and no new stamp duties on share transactions. Detailed revenue measures will be announced in the budget.
O Fourth, the fiscal deficit will be reduced primarily by curtailing expenditure. The Government has taken steps to eliminate wasteful expenditure, starting at the top. The use of luxury vehicles has been abandoned by Ministers, and the number of vehicles available for official use has been curtailed. The assault on corruption has already started to make a difference to Government expenditures. Capital expenditure of the Government will be confined to core activities which only the public sector can discharge. These are primarily in the areas of education, health, vocational training, environmental protection and rural infrastructure.
O Fifth, only the public sector can provide a comprehensive social 'safety net”. This embodied in the Government’s Samurdhi Programme, which will consolidate and target existing welfare and poverty alleviation programmes to reach those in genuine need. This programme will provide the income transfers needed to lift those in poverty to minimum levels of living, while simultaneously mobilising their energies to generate viable livelihoods.
O Sixth, the burden of financing other required investments, in particular those in public utilities and infrastructure development, will fall principally on the private sector. Most new investment in power generation, for example, will in future be developed by the private sector under Build, Own and Operate/Build, Operate and Transfer (BOO/BOT) arrangements as is the case today in most rapidly industrializing countries.
O Seventh, the Government will embark upon a major programme of selective and carefully planned privatization of public sector enterprises in 1995. This will include major ventures in the services sector especially in aviation, in transport, and in insurance. Divestiture of some industrial and trading activities such as sugar, paper, fertilizer and milk will be completed shortly. Large Government shares in companies will be disposed of in the market. Also, the Government will enter into long term management leases in the plantation sector. The Government will retain part ownership of the ventures in order to

Page 9
15 JANUARY 1995
ensure that the interest of the nation and employees are safeguarded, while guaranteeing conditions of good management and profitability to the private sector bodies which take over the ventures. In all cases there will be preferential allocation of stock in privatised companies to their employees, a concept we will extend in varying degrees to all public service employees and pensioners.
O Eighth it is the convergence of these various strands of policy that will enable Sri Lanka to realize its vision of becoming the principal regional financial services and transhipment centre.
There is still time for Sri Lanka to attract the major players in the world's financial arena to Colombo. This requires the provision of an efficient and competitive telecommunication service capable of keeping pace with rapid technological changes occurring in the world outside. As regards ports, the substantial volume of transhipment cargo which now bypasses Colombo could be attracted if adequate port development takes place. Major international companies have already expressed interest in investing in port development.
These strategies have the broad support of the IMF and the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, and the donor community with whom extensive discussions have recently been carried out.
The government will thus reestablish the conditions that will enable enhanced support for Sri Lanka. Once peace is established even stronger support could be mobilised for reconstruction and rehabilitation of damaged areas.
The successful implementation of this strategy requires an overall development perspective and supporting sectoral policies. Accordingly, the sections that follow will elaborate first, the future growth perspective including the scale of rapid private sector growth that will need to be unleashed and second, the key supporting sectoral policies in the areas of industry, trade, agriculture, fisheries, infrastructure, human resource development (education and health), the Government's social safety net - the Samurdhi Programme.
O In order to eradicate poverty and unemployment Sri Lanka's economy needs to grow at a much faster pace than in the past. We stand committed to accelerating economic growth to 8% annually, and to work unremittingly towards sustaining it. This will require a substantial increase in investment. The conflict in the North and East
absorbs a quarter ( ings; the indirect co er. While peace in is expected to event of GDP after cess (the "peace dividenc savings, the main ment will fall on t private sector. W. ment could be mai sent level, private increase to about believe this can be to materialize, ou and economic mar ance have to be col able. We will do wh to maintain a heal mate
O Crucial to th tive, is the role a investment which v least a fifth of total by year 2000. Th both infrastructur The fundamental ol foreign investment ly and prolonged e Government's solut is to build on the p. the late Mr. S.W.F with the Tamil com daranaike-Chelval which was based on to a united Sri Lan devolution of pow people.
Every effort will appropriate foreig particular to target companies and fun vest in Sri Lanka. expand the indust sectors and to gair to advanced techn markets. The Gov its commitment ma Policy Statement l will be no adverse policy relating to f The Government re workers to collecti employers and co isms have been e purpose. We believ improvements mus higher wages. Ho irresponsible acts which sabotage thi for economic growt ated. The Gover that those in em spect the rights of get jobs; continuing foreign investment those additional jol
O The governm following program spect of industry:

| AML TIMES 9
of our national savsts are much highhe North and East ually free about 2% ation of hostilities ') and add to public
burden of investhe shoulder of the hile public investntained at its preinvestment should 25% of GDP. We achieved. But for it economic policies agement performherent and predictatever is necessary thy investment cli
is growth perspecssigned to foreign vould contribute at private investment is will encompass e and production. ostacle to increased is Sri Lanka's costthnic conflict. The ion to this problem act entered into by R.D. Bandaranaike munity - the 'Bannayagam Pact' - their commitment ka with maximum ter to the Tamil
be made to attract n investment, in the world's leading d managers to inThis is essential to rial and financial continuing access ologies and export ernment reaffirms .de in the Economic ast year that there change in labour oreign investment. spects the rights of vely negotiate with nciliation mechanstablished for this e that productivity it be rewarded with wever, illegal and by small groups e national strategy h will not be tolernment emphasizes ployment must rethe unemployed to g, indeed increased, is crucial to create
OS.
ent envisages the me of action in re
: Our industrial policy is based on the experience of the high performing economies of Asia. The government will foster environmentally friendly and sustainable industrial growth through the establishment of macroeconomic stability which would lead to lower inflation and interest rates. This, together with a more open trade regime and flexible exchange rates, will lead to a dynamic, internationally competitive, export oriented, diversified industrial sector which will become increasingly more technologically sophisticated. While it is desirable to attract high-technology industries which are non-polluting, there is still room for Sri Lanka to develop similarly non-polluting labour intensive industries in areas other than garments. Foreign investment will make a vital contribution to this process by providing capital and continuing access to technologies and export markets.
The government will provide an open and transparent legal framework and a market-friendly investment climate to the private sector. Government interventions will be confined to areas where markets clearly fail. There will be and to ad-hoc policy making. To ensure that sectoral policies in manufacturing, industry and services are properly developed and co-ordinated a National Development Council with representatives from the state, private sector, professional and trade unions will be established.
* Protecting inefficient industries will not assist rapid and sustainable industrialization and social equity; such policies have been rejected by the dynamic economies of Asia including China and Vietnam. The efficiency of the industrial sector would continue to be improved through the government’s program of trade liberalisation, and the present multi-band tariff system will be compressed in a phased manner to introduce a uniform import tariff of no more than 15% by 1998.
* The Present system of investment incentives is full of anomalies, discriminatory and arbitrary surcharges, exemptions, and waivers. The government will make appropriate changes and move towards a simpler, transparent system of incentives which will eliminate the room for corruption and inefficiency, as part of its ongoing program of trade liberalisation. The simplification already made of eliminating tax holidays and replacing them with a 15% tax on export profits for a twenty year period will be continued.
* The government will assist the establishment of efficient small and
Continued on page 10

Page 10
10 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 9
medium scale industries which can be a vehicle for broad based industrialization and employment growth. Such assistance will be provided in a manner which does not result in a return to previous protectionist policies which wasted public funds and burdened consumers with low quality goods and high prices. The Government is considering a mechanism such as an equity fund or a loan guarantee fund to assist small and medium entrepreneurs who have limited resources of their own and lack the collateral to borrow from commercial banks. This is expected to help establish 20,000 small and medium industries with an employment potential of 250,000 over a five year period, equal to the employment generated by the entire textile sector. Small and medium scale industries will be strengthened by technology transfers through training and linkages with large scale and modern industrial enterprises.
* Despite its high levels of literacy, the Sri Lankan work force lacks the requisite skills that are essential for industrial upgrading and diversification. The numerous state run skilldevelopment programmes and the general education system are essentially supply driven and therefore have a poor record of providing industryrelevant skills. The vocational training system will be extensively restructured so as to be demand driven, in co-operation with the private sector who will be the eventual employers. A Skills Development Fund will be inaugurated to establish an effective system of skills training.
* Similarly, with the active participation of the private sector, there will be extensive restructuring of the Government's industrial research and development institutes to ensure that they would be geared to meet the technological needs of industries, and to assist them to attain the price, quality, and delivery standards required in international markets.
* The promotion of agro-based industry and the manufacture of finished agricultural products would be given priority.
* The target of the Samurdhi Movement will be the 30 to 35% of the population (1,000,000 to 1,200,000 families) at the bottom of the income distribution scale, of which 700,000 to 850,000 live below the poverty line. Their income is proposed to be topped up to an adequate level on an islandwide basis. The details of the programme will be announced in the budget. In order to develop a thrift culture, the recipients would be encouraged to save
some part of their
The poorest hous to divide by choic and groups of pc entrepreneurs. For ings will accumul savings bank acco The principal sum able at the end of fiv er a poor household an income of Rs. (including other tra terrupted period of
Potential entre organized in volur their savings accu group's bank acco save an additional a by the groups them Grama Niladari (G families where the poorest, made up of groups, would comp much as Rs. 100,00 lated in a very sho: all were investors. pool in each GN di 60,000, the volunta are expected to co Samurdhi Society loans to participatin is vital to also dev culture, the first l vidual in the grou exclusively with the of the group, with t fore being the othe Of necessity these (at most a couple basically to cover el
Samurdhi Societi join any of the e
Mahan
The Maha Nayak
Malwatte, Asgiriy
Siyam Nikaya and
Ramanna Nikaya strong protest aga made about Buddh Paul II in his bo Threshhold Of H alleged to be misc ing and maliciousl
The Mahanayak statement have ex found dismay at til publication while many non-Sri La globe who have a

allowance.
eholds are expected 2 into pure savers tential borrowers
the savers the sav-,
ate in a personal unt with interest. will become availre years or whenevis able to generate 2000 per month nsfers) for an unin6 months.
preneurs will be ntary groups with mulating in each punt. Groups will mount determined selves. In a typical N) division of 200 target group of the several voluntary rise 45 families, as 0 could be accumurt period of time if When the savings vision reaches Rs. ry groups within it ombine to form a which can extend g families. Since it elop a repayment oans to any indiup will be funded voluntary savings he creditors therer group members. loans will be small hundred rupees), mergency needs. es are expected to xisting grassroots
15 ANUARY 1995
savings and loans institutions catering to the needs of the poor, including NGOs with national coverage such as Sanasa and Sarvodaya. This can also include other smaller such institutions which may have more limited area coverage. In areas where NGOs have no presence, Samurdhi Societies will join the established banking institutions such as the People's Bank. On transfer of any Samurdhi Society's savings to one such institution of their choice, the group can receive loans from these institutions, initially drawing on the group's savings but subsequently drawing also on other sources of funds. In the case of JTF partner organisations these additional resources can come from the current World Bank and other donor funded poverty alleviation credits. The JTF will now become the National Development Trust Fund (NDTF). All participating NGOs will be encouraged to seek partner organization status tnder this Fund. Lending under the Samurdhi Programme will follow the established lending practices of these partner organisations.
Economically, we are committed to a free market economy that would generate sustainable economic and human development. While promoting rapid economic growth and employment, it would distribute its benefits equitably. The major vehicle of growth will be private enterprise. The poor will be accorded special protection, until they evolve viable livelihoods. Ours is a strategy which harnesses the market for rapid economic development and to social purpose.
ayake's Protest Over
Pope's Book
ke Theros of the a Chapters of the the Amparapura, is have made a inst the comments hism by Pope John ok “Crossing The ope” which they hievous, misleady misinterpreted.
e Theros in a joint pressed their prohe contents of the pointing out that nkans across the respectable know
ledge of Buddhism too have challenged the Pope's learned theorisation. The first such challenge coming . from English readers of the British Press. The British Press has categorically stated that "The Pope's comments have generated disgust and disappointment.
In a signed document, the Maha Nayaka Theros have stated:
"For more than six months now it was known in this country that his Holiness the Pope was going to visit Sri Lanka during one of his global tours. Then came the news of the beatification of Rev. Fr. Vaz. All this

Page 11
15 JANUARY 1995
news was well received in this country without a murmur. The Sri Lankans who are nearly 70% Buddhist, customarily viewed them as normal peaceful anecdotes in the history of any tolerant country. Some of us have already sent up words of welcome to His Holiness for publication in a souvenir, at the request of the Catholic hierarchy of this country. This we did in the fervent hope that through such mutual respect of different religious creeds in the world, we could unitedly work towards a common goal of peace everywhere. But we are totally disillusioned and disappointed on the discovery of treacherous acts undercutting almost at our doorstep.
"On 21.11.94 and 27.11.94 two local newspapers, The Sunday Island and The Sunday Times respectively, published extensive news items relating to the recently published book of His Holiness John Paul II entitled Crossing The Threshhold of Hope, together with the frank reviews and criticisms provoked by it such as what gets up the
Pope's nose from Weekend. As the ported, the Pope generated disgus ment.
The complete has now reache contents are now few pages on Bud full in the Sunda we are complet with the chastisr these mischievou misrepresentatio may be through b wishful thinking many non-Sri L. the world, both Buddhist, have found knowledge is why the challe apparently lear came first from t of the British pre
"To His Holine may be an exter world of humans remember, is a m
The Murder of DPLF Vice
Set against this kind of backdrop the killing gives rise to doubts. But associations Kandasamy had with the LTTE also suggest that he may have been killed by them: about two months ago Kandasamy received a letter from the LTTE delivered by an LTTE boy in Colombo. The letter invited him to meet at a certain place in the city with four LTTE activists.
At this meeting Kandasamy was requested by the LTTE to join the LTTE and to contribute to their cause Eelam. Kandasamy whose politics differed from that of the LTTE turned down the request. But the LTTE wanted to pursue the matter and had further meetings with him at different venues. Kandasamy for some reason kept these meetings a closely guarded secret until two weeks ago. Two weeks ago he officially informed the PLOTE that the LTTE was soliciting his support but he had turned down their request severaltimes. The party warned him against having such associations with the LTTE. For the party knew it was part of the LTTE's strategy to make friends with a target before he/she is killed. This, the party told him, gave the LTTE easy access to their target and
saved time and r terplan.
The killing of Vi Democratic Pe Front (DPLF) caused much c circles. Mystery killing as there
the incident. Th the PLOTE who the DPLF is th: felled by the LT counter to theirs
But there are are leaders of fo) groups who say Kandasamy was the political win had now become is not to the lik wing which feels movement's pa ings, they, the sidelined. The m they point out, had been carried ledge of the PLC masterminded t tain that a sing the job. And the did after enterin dence where he remove the mai entire house in

TAMIL TIMES 11
The Independent British Press re's comments have t and disappoint
Papal document d our hands. Its an open secret. Its ldhism appeared in y Tinies of 27.1 1.94 ely in agreement ment pertaining to s, if not malicious ns made therein, lissful ignorance or ... We know that ankan scholars in Buddhist and nona respectably proof Buddhism. This enge to the Popes *ned theorization he English readers
SS.
ass, the Papal See hsive area, but the
on earth, he must lore extensive area.
There are many who live outside it. He must not attempt to ride rough shod over the rest. As he has admittedly done it, we wish to inform the Roman Catholic Church that we have decided not to participate in any event connected with his visit. The state in acting the host, to whatever extent on this occasion, must take serious note of this insult hurled at the vast majority of the population of this country.
'Sri Lanka must also remember that the entire Buddhist world is seriously watching its line of action on this occasion of unprovoked and uncalled-for insult. Through the Catholic Church which is primarily sponsoring this visit, the Pope must express his sincere regret to the community whose religious susceptibilities he has outrageously injured.
"We address this communication on behalf of the Buddhist Sangha
and the laity of Sri Lanka, with a
view to fostering good will among the different religious communities who have lived here considerably peacefully so far.
President
'eSOUTCeS 0 3 lS
ice President of the ople's Liberation C. Kandasamy has oncern in political still surrounds the are two versions to e official version of se politicall wing is at Kandasamy was TE as his views ran
bthers among whom "mer Tamil militant that the killing of an inside job. For g of the movement dominant and this ing of the military that because of the rliamentary leanfighters have been anner of the killing lso suggests that it out with the knowITE. For, those who he killing were cere gunman could do first thing the killer g Kandasamy’s resi
was killed was to fuse plunging the darkness. And the
solitary security guard deployed by, the PLOTE to protect him had also vanished at the time of the killing.
There is no evidence that Kandasamy had any more meetings with the LTTE.
The killer knew Kandasamy vatched Ramayanaya” on Saturdays and he knew where he would be seated while watching television.
So about 8.00pm the killer reached Kandasamy's residence. The guard was not there and this facilitated his access. He walked right up to the main fuse and pulled it out. It was dark and Kandasamy heard footsteps and asked', Who is it? The killer wasted no time. He pumped several bullets into Kandasamy. His wife and daughter rushed to the sitting room in dark shouting. . The killer took no chances. He lobbed a grenade and fled. Kandasamy was killed while wife and daughter were injured.
Following this killing fear looms large in political circles as thousands of people are scheduled to flock to Colombo from the north for the Pope's visit. The question former Tamil militant groups raise is, 'What guarantee does the government have that the LTTE will not make use of this opportunity to send their cadres to Colombo either for immediate deployment or for some kind of orientation'.

Page 12
2 TAMIL TIMES
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15 JANUARY 1995
The Case For A Fe
Sri Lanka -
by Rohan Edrisinha and Paikiasothy Sarava (The Centre for Policy Research and Analysis
University of Colombo)
introduction
In presenting the case for a federal Sri Lanka, this paper begins with a statement of the national crisis. It argues that underpinning the crisis are the twin questions of nation and state, which in turn focus attention on the issues of democracy, conflict resolution and good governance. We conclude by arguing that although federalism is no panacea, it provides the best framework for an overarching national unity with durable mechanisms for genuine, democratic powersharing. Indeed, we add that federalism is gaining more adherents in Sri Lanka.
The Crisis
The manifestation of violent ethnic conflict in the prolonged and tortuous nation and state building process, has drawn attention to Sri Lanka as a country that has proceeded from enviable political stability and parliamentary democracy to seemingly intractable crisis. Consensual elite politics have progressively given way to populism and chauvinism in the face of rising and unfulfilled political and socioeconomic expectations. At issue is the composition of the nation and the structure of the state, suggesting that the crisis is about political legitimacy and the concentration of power.
This is a question that is pertinent to the politics of both the majority Sinhalese community and the Tamils, the largest minority community. In both cases, the espousal of ethnic identity is in itself an unsatisfactory, though convenient vehicle for the fulfilment of basic demands for political power and access to socio-economic advancement. Underlying the issue of ethnicity therefore, is the crucial question of power distribution which ethnicity itself can forcefully highlight, but cannot satisfactorily resolve. Indeed, inter-ethnic and intra-ethnic relations are conditioned by this, either by acts of commission or omission, as has been illustrated by recent developments.
The question of devising a satis
factory distribut Sonant with the unitary orientati culture, finds its dents in the colo nation-state as th collective politica the reality at i state-nation, rat state. In contras experience upon founded, nation : developed sym Lanka. State ha and taken upon creating a nation established norm democracy and p therefore, be see this nation and
CeSS.
Politica Evolut The Parliament
Tensions betw and the Tamils spective positions Sri Lanka were when the island v sal adult franch Tamil fear was t of relative ad bureaucracy, gail tional attainment cy would be ir dised, by majori The Sinhalese, i. eager to redress reflect their mae claim for cultura Sri Lanka, in co links to south In
In the prelude
1948, Tamil anxi ed in their dema tary constituenci on a communal bá be a 50/50 evens ity and minority the legislature. munal represei granted, populati sured that the
Westminster styl would lead to po along ethnic lines Sinhalese parties south and their

TAMIL TIMES 13
deral
Imamuuttu /CEPRA)
on of power concentralizing and on of the political ntelectual antecenial legacy of the le principal form of l organization and ndependence of a ner than a nationt to the European which the idea was and state have not biotically in Sri s preceded nation itself the task of in fulfilment of the ... The evolution of owersharing must, n in the context of state building pro
tion: tary Phase
een the Sinhalese
regarding their re; in an independent discernible in 1931 was granted univerise. The enduring hat their positions vantage in the ned through educats and colonial poliretrievably jeoparty Sinhalese rule. n turn, have been this imbalance to jority status and l distinctiveness to intrast with Tamil dia. to independence in eties were expressnds for parliamenes to be drawn up asis and for there to olit between majorrepresentation in Even though comntation was not on distribution en"first-past-the-post e electoral system litical polarization , with the majority dominating in the Tamil minority
counterparts doing likewise in the north.
Tamil fears of marginalization at the centre were sustained by the certainty of Sinhalese preponderance in government. Government sponsored colonization schemes perceived by Tamils to be aimed at altering the demographic balance and language and education policy, cumulatively reinforced fears and sense of grievance.
Tamil leaders, nevertheless, committed themselves along with the Sinhalese elite, to the parliamentary process. The Tamil strategy was to exchange support and participation in government for measures safeguarding minority interests and it attested to the strength of the intercommunal elite consensus on prliamentary democracy and the constitutional ethos of the island's independence movement. However, political accommodation though subscribed to in principle, was not fully reflected in practice, by government. Not solely based on ethnic considerations, but rather, more reflecting the conservative bias of the establishment and its desire to contain leftist politics, the disenfranchisement of the plantation workers of Indian origin which led to the creation of the Federal Party among the Tamils, was an early indication of this.
Despite setbacks, however, this consensus survived until it was finally eroded in the 1970s.
The acceptance of political accommodation and parliamentary democracy as the framework for managing societal tensions, was undermined by intra-elite competition. This exploited ethnic populism for partisan advantage. Explicit identification with ethnic populism came to be regarded as crucial to electoral success, thus legitimizing the older and more divisive bases of identity, as the ultimate sources of political power. This exposed the inability of the elite consensus to fuse the older forms of identity into a durable and overarching national identity.
Herein lies the significance of the 1956 election, which was won in the south by the centre-left coalition of Sinhalese populist forces headed by Mr. S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, founder of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and by the Federal Party in the north.
Once in government, Bandaranaike fulfilled his election pledge to
Continued on page 14

Page 14
14 TAM TIMES
Continued from page 13
make Sinhala the official language, striking at the heart of Tamil fears regarding education and employment. More damaging, his inability to control the Sinhalese Buddhist coalition that propelled him to power, forced him into positions that were further inimical to ethnic harmony. Consequently, his efforts in 1957 to ameliorate the impact of the official language policy on the Tamils, with special provisions for the use of the Tamil language and the devolution of power to regional councils, in a pact with the Federal Party leader Chelvanayakam, was obstructed by the innate chauvinism of the Sinhalese electorate and the political opportunism of the United National Party (UNP) opposition. Violent Sinhalese-Tamil riots, the first of their kind in independent Sri Lanka, ensued.
Throughout the next decade, the deterioration in ethnic relations was tempered by the residual vitality of the parliamentary consensus. The Tamil leadership continued the practice of parliamentary accommodation, even though the first government of Mrs. Bandaranaike (1960-64), vigorously implemented the official language policy and reneged on promises to reintroduce the devolution proposals envisaged in the Bandar a na ikeChelvanayakam Pact. With assurances on this score contained in a pact with the UNP, the Federal Party joined a UNP dominated national government in 1965. Whilst legislation for the use of Tamil was passed, that relating to the devolution of power was not and the Federal Party withdrew from government in mid 1969.
Therefore, seen from the perspective of nation and state building, the 1956 election was a milestone in Sri Lankan politics. In the south, it amounted to the triumph of ethnic identity, exemplified by the capture of the state by the majority community for the purpose of political consolidation and the control of economic power through nationalization; in the north it represented the beginnings of a serious challenge to the unitary status of that state.
The Politics of Authoritarianism
The pattern of political activity initiated in the 1970s, signalled the colapse of the parliamentary consensus and institutionalised the recourse to violence in the resolution
of political conf
Disenchantim leadership a Sinha lese ar coalesced into their grievances through armed the established
In the south, vance was the access to socio-ec power. Originall ultra-leftist 1971 Peramuna (JVP. revitalised in 19 Sinhalese nati against the sta tervention to res. flict. In the north founded on frust lure of the str accommodation mination, notabl Bandaranaike g versity admissio) mid-1970s, the a had heightened in sciousness and si guerrilla groups, beration Tigers (LTTE).
Established po turn, deepened t state power at th parliamentary f reinforced the tre opposition and h consciousness. Bo United Front gov Bandaranaike (1 right-wing succes: Mr. J. R. Jayewa were guilty of this Both were swep unprecedented in legislature which tisan advantage. T the constitution - making Sri Lanll which the primac language and reli Buddhism resp assured, and the replacing the parl with an executive grounds that such best suited for acc development. Mos UNP introduced t dent of a referenc 1982 to postpone 11 years, thereby unrepresentative legislature and se radical opinion.
The common st lishment's respon JVP's case was

15 JANUARY 1995
t with the elite o ng both the Tamil youth, e conviction that *ould only be met surgency against ntre. he basis for griemand for greater nomic and political exemplified by the Janatha Vimukthi insurgency, it was 37 as an extreme inalist rebellion e, by Indian inlve the ethnic conyouth dissent was ation with the faitegy of political o prevent discri, the second Mrs. overnmentʼs uniis policy. By the ccruing bitterness ilitant ethnic conpawned numerous including the Liof Tamil Eelam
litical parties, in heir monopoly of he expense of the ramework. This hd towards violent eightened ethnic oth the left-wing 'ernment of Mrs. 970-77) and its or, the regime of rdene (1977-89),
t into power with ajorities in the hey used for parhey both changed the first in 1972 a a republic in of the majority ion, Sinhala and actively, were second in 1978, mentary system residency on the system was the lerated economic ominously, the e dubious preceIm in December ections for a full ompounding the haracter of the ling it off from
nd in the estabto what in the threat to the
character of the state and in the case of Tamil militancy a threat to its territorial composition, was the attempt to de-legitimise both challenges by defining them as essentially terrorist by nature. In the south, however, given an armed insurgency from within its own ethnic constituency, the government's sense of danger was more acute and consequently its response, more political. Sinhalese dominated governments, regardless of ideological orientation, defended the political establishment with brutal determination, whilst simultaneously moving to placate the radical elements within their ethnic group. This carrot and stick approach was adopted towards the JVP by Mrs. Bandaranaike in 1971 and by Jayewardene's UNP successor, Premadasa, in 1989. w
Alternatively, when confronted with Tamil secession, the response was uncompromising and militarist; the search for a political solution was necessitated only by military stalemate, impending bankruptcy and external intervention in the Jayewardene era. w−
The corresponding response of the Tamil leadership in the 1970s was conditioned by the need to preserve political credibility in the new era of militancy. Interpreting the chauvinistic bias of its proceedings as the effective abandonment of minority rights by the United Front government, the Federal Party walked out of the Constituent Assembly in 1971 and closed ranks with other Tamil parties to form the Tamil United Front, a year later. In 1976, they adopted the Vaddukoddai resolution calling for a separate state of Tamil Eelam and transformed themselves into the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF).
However, when the TULF won a popular mandate for the separatist platform in the 1977 general election, it returned to the legislature as the single largest party in opposition and its leader, Mr. A. Amirthalingam, accepted the official title of Leader of the Opposition. Nevertheless, the limited hope generated by this and the Jayewardene regime's promise of an all-party conference to address Tamil grievances, soon evaporated in the midst of violence and accusations of bad faith. The al-party conference was not convened and a district development council scheme was eventually rejected as inadequate by the TULF. In addition, a host of other factors bedevilled ethnic harmony. These

Page 15
15 JANUARY 1995
included the malpractices of the ruling party and the destruction of the Public Library in the northern capitall of Jaffna during the development council elections; the excesses of the Sri Lankan security forces, empowered with a draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act and terrorist action by Tamil militants. Inflammatory rhetoric from within the cabinet as well, ensured that the vicious cycle of ambush, atrocity and invective, destroyed any prospect of ethnic reconciliation.
Ethnic Conflict
The horrific events of July 1983 are well known. Most damning is the reported acquiescence and participation of sections of the security forces in the terror and allegations that elements within the ruling party were responsible for the organized carnage.
The government belatedly responded by effectively blaming the victims. In a move openly designed to placate Sinhallese chauvinism, it passed the Sixth Amendment to the constitution, which effectively outlawed the advocacy of secession. To counter adverse international publicity, it blamed ultra-leftist groups for the slaughter as a necessary part of their determined conspiracy to destroy democracy in Sri Lanka. Jayewardene who had lifted the original ban on the JVP, now proscribed them along with other radical left-wing parties. The cumulative impact of these measures was to conclude the parliamentary phase to nation building with the exclusion of the Tamil and anti-establishment parties from the legislature. This also enabled the government to project itself as the embattled champion of the democratic political establishment, against the forces of extremism and terror.
As full-scale ethnic conflict followed, the external dimensions of the conflict were highlighted. Given its domestic Tamilnadu constituency and the influx of refugees from Sri Lanka, India offered to mediate. However, a series of proposals failed to bridge the gulf between the two sides and Indian mediatory efforts were compromised by New Delhi's assistance to the Tamil militants. Ultimately, in 1987, it was Indian intervention in the form of the IndoSri Lankan Accord that produced a package identifying a measure of provincial devolution, as the basis for the resolution of minority grieVaCe.
As is well know the introduction o Keeping Forces () it, sparked off vicious nation a conflict. India was LTTE, who emerg Tamil militant g. Lankan establish JVP, who posed bearers of true na
Via the Thirtee system of island councils was estab Tamil, made an along with Engli. guage.
In the subseque vincial councils h the rest of the isla northeast, the ar were originally in conflict between IPKF, between t pro-Indian Eelam tionary Liberatio which constituted east Provincial co tical alliance betw sa regime and the IPKF, combined t tionary experimer By the time of the in 1990, the JVP south had been c absence of a co strategic interest, ernment and the once more. The g part, declared the Tiger terrorism against the Tami As a conseque ities within the dent Premadasa struct a national his anti-Indian a tials. Also, given quirements of til idential system, ance of the mir presidency, was from the All (APC) convened presidency, to th als that were f outside the Mar Select Committe tion to the ethnic nence of a poli went beyond th Thirteenth Ame minority grieval cultivated.
It soon became self-perceptions ( ity and electoral bold initiatives fi ernment or oppo

TAMIL TIMES 15
h, the Accord and the Indian Peace PKF) to facilitate nother round of ld state building pitted against the ed as the principal oup, and the Sri ment took on the as the standard tional liberation.
th Amendment, a wide provincial lished in 1988 and official language h as a link' lan
nt years, the proave functioned in ind, but not in the ea for which they tended. Continued he LTTE and the he LTTE and the People's Revolu n Front (EPRLF), the first Northuncil, and the tacTeen the PremadaLTTE to evict the o abort the devolunt in the northeast. IPKF withdrawal insurgency in the rushed and in the ntinuing common by June, the govTigers were at war government for its war to be against and not, a war people. nce of his insecuruling UNP, Presiwas eager to conunity centred on nd populist credenthe electoral rele executive preshe crucial importority vote for his einforced. Indeed, arty Conference it the outset of his | variety of proposoated within and gala Moonesinghe to find a resoluconflict, the immiical package that provisions of the hdment to satisfy ces, was skilfully
apparent that the f political insecurlisaster, precluded om either the govtion on this score.
It was also evident that the Premadasa favoured formula of consultation, consensus and compromise, could not break the stranglehold of ingrained prejudices to produce anything beyond a Sinhalese consensus on de-linking the northern and eastern provinces, that had been merged under the Accord and a Tamil insistence on greater devolution and the permanent merger of the two provinces. Accordingly, the initial promise too of the select committee was dissipated.
Post Premadasa Politics
The period from the assassination of President Premadasa to the People’s Alliance (PA) victory at the August 1994 general election, was one in which the ethnic conflict was redefined as a terrorist war by the
government of President Wijetunga.
By his myopic and chauvinistic line on this conflict, inspired by a desire to break from the perceived Premadasa policy of being soft on this issue and on the LTTE especially, President Wijetunga fast undid the electoral coalition, President Premadasa had so assiduously put together for himself and the UNP. The PA leader Chandrika Kumaratunga, was thus able to present herself, with little challenge from the UNP, as the genuine peace candidate and as the Sinhalese national leader committed to peace with the protection of minority rights.
Her election, first as Prime Minister and them overwhelmingly a month ago as President, marks a significant shift in majority opinion about conflict resolution. That she has projected herself successfully as a truly national leader with an electoral base that spans both the majority and minority communities and stood firmly behind a continua tion of the peace process, even in the aftermath of the Dissanayake assassination which is widely held to be another LTTE crime, attests to the force of the hope for change and peace amongst the electorate at large.
Most importantly, the ascendancy of President Kumaratunga has opened up the debate on conflict resolution and shifted the language of this debate, at least, from a discussion of devolution to one of powersharing. Consequently, there is a recognition by the governent, through the Select Committee process, that the questions of nation
Continued on page 26

Page 16
16 TAM TIMES
Decommunalising P Institutions in Sri L.
by Dr. N. Shanmugaratnam
Of historic significance is the fact that today, after many decades of communalist politics, we find ourselves at the threshold of a new era facing the great challenge of reconstructing Lanka as a multiethnic democracy. There are many aspects to this challenge. The peace process initiated by the new government needs to be interpreted in a much broader sense than talks with the LTTE and the lifting of the economic embargo on the people of the North. No doubt, these are very important steps and they have indeed convinced the Tamil speaking people of the willingness of the government to find a political solution to the national question. An important aspect of the peace process and democratisation that does not seem to have caught the serious attention of the P.A. government is decommunalisation of public institutions. While the current popular political trend in our society is against communalism, the state and public institutions remain communalised due to the policies and practices of the past four decades. Putting an end to institutional communalism is a necessary condition for the building of a multiethnic Lankan society.
Communalisation of public institutions began in 1956 with the implementation of the Official Language Act. Subsequently, this was extended to recruitment of personnel to government departments and appointments to high offices. The armed forces and police are extreme cases in point. They do not reflect the multiethnic character of the Lankan society. Our universities have progressively lost their multiethnic character. Even though Tamil is now an official language, more often than not Tamil speaking persons are unable to exercise their right to transact business in their own language in government institutions in multiethnic areas like Colombo and Kandy. These institutions seem to be practising a 'Sinhala Only' policy. Many of them do not have officials proficient in Tamil, and very often they do not even have the forms and other basic documents in Tamil. It is not uncommon to find an official in a public institution in
Colombo replying
when you are ta Tamil. In such as who can not un feels helpless and dated by the bure nified by the u Perhaps, the heac cials of these il afford to be so r such failure on th tate a citizen to e language right g by higher author referring to goverr like post offices, education departm offices of registra deaths, pension of and emigration, ) etc. Even letters
ment institutions Muslims living ir East and the upco Sinhala only. It w; Tamil daily Ved November that
appointment sent Tamil correspond Lanka Broadcast were in Sinhala. T a letter asking til training programn naire to be filled, a again. There are instances of viol damental right by which is supposed
These are manif tutionalised comr has so consistentl credibility and le Lankan state amol Muslim peoples. R legitimacy to thi among the minorit tion for building a r cracy in this count task as it demand systematic multi-p me of decommur levels of governme It is not just a ma new consciousness public officials and large, an undertak succeed withou changes in the cont our formal educati the mass media a

15 JANUARY 1995
ublic anka
to you in Sinhala lking to him in ituation, a citizen derstand Sinhala , perhaps, intimiaucracy as personhelpful official. ds and other offinstitutions could negligent because Leir part to facili
xercise his or her
oes unquestioned ities. I am here ment institutions police stations, nent, kachcheries, ar of births and ices, immigration municipal offices, sent by govern, to Tamils and the North and untry are often in as reported in the brakesari of 19 the letters of o newly recruited ents of the Sri ing Corporation ney were also sent hem to attend a ne and a question'll in Sinhala only numerous such ation of a funthe very system to enforce it.
2stations of instimunalism which y weakened the gitimacy of the ng the Tamil and estoring popular Lankan state ies is a precondinultiethnic demoy. This is no easy s a genuine and ronged programalisation at all nt and the state. Etter of creating a and ethic among the citizenry at ing that can not fundamental ents and forms of on. Furthermore, nd political and
social movements in Lanka have major role to play in support of this process. Decommunialisation of public institutions involves the following as a minimum:
O Dismantling of the communalist ideological structures of the state;
O Elimination of all forms of overt and covert discrimination on ethnic grounds;
O Development of a work ethic based on values of pluralism, efficiency and accountability among public officials;
O Building awareness among the people of their language rights, and the confidence to assert these rights where they are stifled by public officials; and
O Active promotion of a Lankan consciousness and a corporate national identity overarching the ethno-communalism identities.
For a multi-ethnic democracy to flourish, the state while guaranteeing religious freedoms and vrotection against communalist violence to all citizens, should remain truly secular. Only a secular state can really be ethnically neutral and stand above communal divides as the legitimate arbiter of conflicts. Thus it is in the interest of all groups (whatever beliefs they subscribe to) to join forces in creating the secular state. A secular state in Lanka may sound like a distant dream to many, but it is the most realistic institutional device to ensure the formation and development of a harmonious multi-ethnic society and sustain it indefinitely. Secularisation of the state should enter our public debates on peace, democracy, and the development of a pluralist political culture. While we debate the immediate and longterm prospects of establishing a secular state, the present government may take some immediate concrete steps towards decommunalising public institutions.
A Task Force for Decommunalising Public Institutions
A Task Force with a clearly defined mandate to decommunalise the most essential public institutions within a time-frame of six months, and to evolve a longer term strategy to extend the exercise to all public institutions, would seem to be a feasible approach. The mandate should include the following: O Prioritisation of public institu
tions according to the magnitude
Continued on page 26

Page 17
15 JANUARY 1995
CAMPAIGN FOR PEA
Thousands Attend Peace Rally
Thousands of peace and human rights activists, representatives of over 40 non-party formations and nongovernmental organizations, staged a mass peace rally on 9th December - the eve of International Human Rights Day.
The Peace March commenced from two points, the Galle Face Green and Campbell Park, linked-up at Hyde Park, and then wound its way to the Vihara Mahadevi Park. The procession was accompanied by street theatre artists who sang, danced and portrayed the horrors of war - and the joy of peace. N
At the Vihara Mahadevi Park, the eager crowds were kept absorbed by speeches on various themes pertaining to Peace, Democracy and Human Rights. The speeches were interspersed by a variety of cultural programmes depicting the theme of the rally.
The Speakers included the key co-ordinator Manoranjan of the Free Media Movement and the key coordinator of the Peace Rally, Vasudeva Nanyakara, Sumanasiri Liyanage, Balakrishnan and Anita Fernando and Joe Seneviratne.
The Peace Rally ended with peace torches being lit and the formal adoption of two Appeals, one to the Government and the other to the LTTE.
AN APPEAL TO THE GOVT.
During the last decade and a half, the people of this country have experienced, a breakdown of democratic practice and peace between ethnic groups. Oppressed by these conditions and desiring change, the people - Sinhala, Tamil, Muslim and Burgher - have used their franchise in unprecedented numbers to install in power a government of the People's Alliance. This mandate casts on the government the responsibility of re-establishing both peace and democratic practice.
We appreciate the measures that have been taken sc far by the government in this direction, but we believe that more needs to be done.
1. We call on the government to dispel all doubts about its intentions by firmly declaring its total commitment to the achievement of peace and that it will not permit its efforts to be thwarted or disturbed by any obstacles that may be placed in its path.
2. We also call on the government to present without delay the contours of the political solution that it is prepared to implement for the resolution of the ethnic conflict; this solution should take into consideration the genuine aspirations of the Tamil and Muslim peoples anc affirm to all citizens the full enjoyment of their democra. tic rights.
3. In the meantime, while negotiations to end the wal proceed, there are a number of other measures that the government can take to ease the situation and gain the greater confidence of the minorities:
i. the implementation throughout the country ol the constitutional provisions regarding the use o Tamil as an official language; ii. the reconsitution of national institutions such as the police, the armed forces, the state media and local government bodies so that they reflect the

r
TAMIL TIMES 17
E AND DEMOCRACY
multi-ethnic nature of our society; iii. the appointment of a Commission to look into the plight of those Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim people who have been affected by the colonization policies of successive governments, bearing in mind that these colonization policies have themselves served to exacerbate the ethnic conflict; the Commission should consult directly with those affected and also be empowered to make recommendations to resolve this question;
iv. investigations into the mass killings of unarmed civilians suspected to have been carried out by the state security forces in the course of military operations in the north-east and the punishment of perpetrators; v. accession to the Optional Protocols to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Additional Protocol II of the Geneva Convention relating to internal conflicts and implementation of their provisions, as well as adhering to the norms of International Humanitarian Law. vi. the extension of the period that has now been stipulated for the Commission that are investigating disappearances and similar violations to 1.1.79 so that disappearances in the north-east too are brought within the ambit of investigations. 4. People living in the areas affected by the conflict have suffered inordinate deprivations over the past years, facing scarcities of even essential requirements. Urgent measures as outlined below are needed to alleviate their living conditions:
i. embargoes on the transport of goods must be lifted; food, drugs and other essentials should be made available in sufficient quantities; ii. relief and rehabilitation measures must be expanded to cover the needs of all displaced Tamil, Sinhala and Muslim persons as well as those whose livelihoods have been affected by the conflict;
iii. peace committees consisting of senior army personnel, state officials, representatives of human rights and other non-governmental and civic organizations must be set up in all areas of conflict so that violations of human rights can be monitored and prevented;
iv. difficulties that exist for the free movement of civilians and goods must be removed.
5. Arising from the existence and the continuation of
the ethnic conflict, there has been a growing militarisa
tion of our society. To restore normal civil life and to
ensure to all people the possibility of a peaceful future,
we propose that the following measures be considered:
i. the formulation of measures for the rehabilitation of members of the armed forces, homeguards and others, whose present livelihoods are dirctly or indirectly dependent on the conflict; ii. the formulation of measures for the rehabilitation of Tamil youth who have been involved in the conflict; iii. measures for the speedy rehabilitation of those persons and areas adversely affected by the conflict.
Continued on page 18

Page 18
18 TAMILTIMES
Continued from page 17
6. Persons who have been detained for long periods under the PTA or the emergency regulations without being indicted or brought before the law must be released. The Prevention of Terrorism Act, which was meant to be a temporary measure must be repealed.
We, as citizens committed actively to peace, make these proposals to the government and pledge our support for all efforts to achieve peace with democracy. We also call upon all citizens of Sri Lanka to extend their maximum support to the peace process.
We attach to this document an appeal that we are also making to the LTTE to work towards peace with democracy.
AN APPEA TO THE LITTE
During the course of this conflict, the LTTE has emerged as a principal party, with physical control over a large extent of the north.
Recent public statements by the LTTE that they are for a peaceful resolution of the conflict have been broadly welcomed by the people in the North. We call on the LTTE to take the following steps in order to confirm their commitment to peace and fulfil the aspirations of the people for peace:
i. the LTTE must make public their proposals for a democratic political structure that they will consider as appropriate for a peaceful solution;
ii. it must refrain from any action that will be
harmful to the peace process;
iii. in order to alleviate the worst rigours of the war and to strengthen the move towards peace, the
LTTE should:
a. release all prisoners, hostages, military and
police personnel in its custody.
b. allow persons living in areas under its control the free expression of their views on the peace process and the right to free association on that
basis.
c. permit state and other organizations freedom
Signatories to the Appeal
Prof. N. Shanmugaratnam Prof. Carlo Fonseka Prof. Bertram Bastianpilai Prof. Ranjith Amerasinghe Prof. S.J. Amerasinghe Prof. S. Thilyanathan Prof. A.J. Wilson
Dr. Dr.
Kumari Jayawardhana Radhika Coomaraswami
Dr. Gamini Samal Dr. Sepali Kottega Rev. Batapola Na Rev. Kalundave D Rev. Baddegama Rev. M. Pangarat Rev. A. Saranank Rev. Yohan Deval Rev. Oswald Firth Reggi Siriwardhal
Dr. Sunil Wijesiriwardhana Charles Abeyseke Dr. T. Manoharan V. Kanapathipilla Dr. Sasanka Perera Ramani Muttettur Dr. M.A. Nuhuman D.W. Abeykoon
Dr. H.S. Husbulla Lucian Rajakarun Dr. Arjuna Parakrama Nirmal Ranjith D Dr. Pakyasothy Saravamamuttu S. Balakrishnan
Dr. Dr. Dr. Dr. Dr. Dr. Dr. Dr.
Navaratna Bandara Rajan Hoole Gamini Keerawella K. Shridharan Sudarshana Seneviratna Manorani Saravanamuttu Sunanda Mahendra Jayadeva Uyangoda
Sunila Abeyseker, S. Manoranjan
Kumudini Samue Nimal Punchihew
Premasiri Khema
Rohana Weerasin Lakshman Wijese
Malini Bulathsing

15 JANUARY 1995
to re-establish educational, health, transport, media, power and other facilities. We also call upon the LTTE to take the following measures to reduce the adverse effects of the conflict on the people:
i. not to place any obstacles in the distribution of food and other essentials meant for civilian use and to ensure their adequate distribution; ii. to honour and implement the provisions of the Geneva Conventions on internal conflicts, and adhere to the norms of International Humanitarian Law. - iii. to permit the freedom of activity of national and international government and non-governmental agencies engaged in relief work in the north-east. The LTTE must also recognize the fundamental rights of people living in their areas of control, including the freedoms of conscience, expression, association and movement and ensure a climate in which these rights can be enjoyed.
It must accept the right and permit independent organizations to investigate violations of human rights, including the mass killings of unarmed civilians suspected to have been carried out by the LTTE.
The imposition of death sentences and their implementation must be stopped.
Muslims who have been compelled to flee from their homes in the north-east must be permitted to return and their safety and security ensured.
The recruitment and use of minors for military purposes must cease. All minors presently active, militarily, must be returned to civilian life.
It must pledge the right of Muslims and Sinhalese to voluntarily reside in and pursue their livelihoods in the north-east after the resolution of the conflict.
We, as citizens committed actively to peace, make these proposals to the LTTE and pledge our support for all efforts to achieve peace with democracy.
We attach to this document an appeal that we are also making to the Government of Sri Lanka to work towards peace with democracy.
"anayake Dharmasiri Bandaranayake
da Gunadasa Kapuge
nda Nissanka Diddeniya
evananda Karunaratna Divulgane
Samitha Sunil Edirisinghe
le Jayatilake Bandara
3. Jayatillake Kammallaweera
landa Lucian Bulathsinhala
Tissa Abeysekera
al Parakrama Niriella
2. Bandula Jayawardana Chandra Kaluarachchi
vegama Swenitha Subasinghe Vasantha Obeysekera
anayake Bandara Ehaliyagoda
vasiri Deepika Priyadarshini Peiris
Ravibandu Vidyapathi M.H.M. Shums
Dikwella Kamal Javed Marikkar Moien Sameen
aSal Mala Dharmananda he Dharani Rajasingham eta Kapila Kumara Kalinge
hala Continued on page 26

Page 19
15 JANUARY 1995
Lasting Peace in Sri A Wishful Thinking or
by Dr. S. Narapalasingam
Preamble
The views expressed by the writer are personal to him. Although some may think that the past events that led to the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka are unimportant to its settlement, the author feels strongly that there are hard lessons to be learnt which will help to arrive at a just solution through mutual recognition and understanding of the concerns and difficulties of the two sides. Indeed, any negotiated settlement of the conflict which has taken a heavy toll on human lives and other national assets requires a practical approach taking cognizance of the causes that have contributed to it. The intransigent positions and negative approaches that contributed to the failure of the previous talks must not be repeated, if both sides are committed to a peaceful resolution of the conflict. The author being an international development economist has also been mindful of the costs of the conflict to both sides and the potential benefits to the national economy, when harmonious conditions permit all available resources to be channelled for economic and social development of all regions and communities.
Hopeful signs for negotiated Settlement
Hope of settling permanently the long standing ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka emerged with the victory of the People's Alliance (PA) under the new leader Mrs. Chandrikaa Bandaranaike Kumaratunga in the August 1994 general elections. Her massive victory in the succeeding Presidential Elections has reinforced this hope. A significant factor, that has contributed to the high hopes of many Sri Lankans from all communities, including the Tamils, for settling the ethnic conflict is her sincere conviction that the peaceful settlement is the best way to bring about unity essential to improve and sustain the welfare of all citizens in a multi-racial society. It is understood that both the diversity in races and the historic regional pattern of domicile of the different communities will be considered in finding a mutually acceptable solution. These significant features of the nation were ignored in the failed political systems so far tried in Sri Lanka.
Analysis of the August parliamen
tary election re that the majorit Lanka is fed up tics and wants a the ethnic confli thy that the PA the new Govern. ing communalisir of the subsequen in all the district the island-wide mination to se ethnic conflict
ane.
Recent reports nalists that app press soon after election indicate North too expect with the Sinhale a fair and just pc tunately, many ( tunity to exercis Nevertheless, th wards the new le drika Bandaran were seen from prevailed after h sire for peace w the way the me! ment's negotiati round of talks we
Many Sinhale worthless loss of the masses not endless war in t due to the youth are eager for th national unity.
It is laudable drika Bandaran an interview gi election, stated two main polit tured chauvinis al interests. Sl people are not I ist. They are ve but not chauvin races and religi that if one of honest and will with regard to Sinhala people in resolving it. W has now show find a peaceful impediments. S leadership was political histor Lanka.

TAMIL TIMES 19
Lanka: Reality?
ults reveals clearly r ethnic group in Sri with communal polipeaceful settlement of t. It is very notewornas been able to form ment without exploit. The decisive results Presidential election of Sri Lanka confirm upport for her deterttle peacefully the in a just and fair
of independent jourared in the national
the August general that the people in the
to live harmoniously se and Muslims under litical system. Unforlid not get the oppore their right to vote. Leir true feelings toader President Chanhaike Kumaratunga
the euophoria that ner victory. Their deas also evident from mbers of the Governng team for the first re received in Jaffna.
se having realized the lives and sufferings of only as a result of the he North-East but also uprising in the South e return of peace and
that President Chanaike Kumaratunga in en before the general forthrightly that the cal parties had nur. m for their own politice said: "The Sinhala acist or even chauvinry nationalist minded sts to exclude all other ns'. She sincerely felt he major parties was ng to stick out its neck the ethnic issue, the would have supported 'ith this conviction she the determination to olution, despite many Ich quality of national latantly absent in the
of independent Sri
The opportunity for a peaceful settlement of the conflict is further enhanced by the willingness of the Tamils to consider dropping the demand for an independent state of Tamil Eelam provided adequate powers of governance can be devolved to the North-East region and the future security of the Tamils can be assured permanently via foolproof constitutional guarantees.
Costs of the Conflict
The costs to both sides need to be evaluated in terms of the flowing factors. (a) Government expenditures on the military and on security as a result of the ongoing conflict; (b) Government expenditures on payments of compensation to the dependants of the victims among the security personnel, on rehabilitation and on reconstruction etc.; (c) Foregone economic benefits to the country and to the people as a result of the diversion of vast resources from investment to defence;
(d) Expenditures of the Tamil militants on arms and other supplies required by their cadres;
(e) Expenditures incurred by the NGOs on rehabilitation and on reconstruction etc.;
(f) Loss of human life among both the combatants and civilians (not measurable);
(g) Costs of human sufferings and displacements (not fully assessable); and (h) Costs of a disunited country to long-term economic development and national security. One many argue that in any struggle of this nature, it is irrelevant to evaluate the costs. This may be true when much cherished freedom is threatened by foreign invaders. In this case both the Sinhalese and the Tamils have to co-exist as neighbours and not as hostile enemies for ever. It is too well known that completely divided communities in many lands are paying a heavy price for the continuing state of belligerence.
Economic benefits of ending the conflict
The uprising in the South in 1987 had been attributed to two factors. The decline in economic activity after 1983 following the worst communal riots instigated by some responsible persons close to the then Government was one. The other was the Indo-Lanka Accord under which the Indian army was invited by the then President to play a
Continued on page 20

Page 20
20 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 19
role in the internal conflict in Sri Lanka.
Economic hardships cause discontent and when the affected groups become desperate violent protests and disturbances inevitably follow. This is the hardlesson learned from the urpisings in the North and in the South. Sane people do not react violently simply for its thrill. Nor do they willingly risk their lives fighting against the powerful forces of governments without some genuine grievances. Unless the root causes of any crisis are recognized and their hardships at least minimised effectively, lasting peace cannot be assured. The previous governments in Sri Lanka failed to appreciate this solid fact.
The new government is also committed to accelerated economic development under truly free market conditions. A balanced development of the different regions of the country is sine qua non for ensuring peace and harmony throughout Sri Lanka. Young people from all regions must have the opportunity to get involved in the development process, for their stake in it is great. Early recognition of these aspects of development by the leader also bodes well for lasting peace in Sri Lanka.
The North-East region of Sri Lanka requires for rebuilding and developing the physical infrastructures as well as for relocating and providing relief to the affected people of all races the full co-operation and support of all the people. From the development perspective, there is much work to be done for which both capital and manpower resources are required in substantial amounts.
Moreover, if Sri Lanka is to join early the group of newly industrialised states by the beginning of the twentyfirst century through increased production for exports, higher and sustained economic growth in a peaceful environment during the coming years is necessary. The international market for manufactured goods and some services is becoming highly competitive and the export effort has to be intensified. The cessation of hostilities in the North and East together with the savings generated by the elimination of wasteful public expenditures will release the much needed resources for national development. The climate for enhancing the flow of foreign capital vital to augment the locally available resources will also improve considerably.
The capabilities of the Tamil youths in mastering appropriate technologies, in the improvisation of goods that were
banned by the in imposed by the pre and not least in th various kinds of wea able for developing even producing hig exports. The prospec employment within : the conflict ends is a
Economic develc bias and corrupt
In the past man sions have been n expediency ignoring adverse implication term to the nation unity. The cost of also been unduly i scope limited by th ruption in the public ary people of the cou next generation ar ultimately face the ence of the misuse o The previous go cused of reckless public welfare in resources. It set a appointing 91 Mini with a population C and a total of Rs. year as capital ex further Rs. 2,075 n recurrent expenditu public expense in Ministers. In 1993, rent defence expe 17,677 million, whi penditure was R. (Table 62 of the Cer Report for 1993).
With regard to bi social policies of pre specifically targette Tamil community a hindered the dev national economy, t few indicators:
(i) Large numbers (
were settled in fringes of the areas, regularly er inside under t tion (land devel implemented by ments;
(ii) Other major dev were mostly imp the remaining Ta
(iii) Despite the
potential of Tri natural harbour, development of shelved on racial
(iv) all major irriga plemented were c the Sinhalese fa
zone;

15 JANUARY 1995
humane embargo vious government e manufacture of pons will be avail; the region and h tech goods for t for achieving full a short period once lso rated high.
opment without ion y important decihade for political completely their s over the long hal economy and development has ncreased and its e widespread corsector. The ordinntry including the 'e the ones who adverse consequf public funds. vernment was acdisregard for the the use of scarce world record by sters for a country if under 18 million 2,372 million per penditures and a million per year as ures, were spent at supporting the 91 the actual recurinditure was Rs. tle the capital exs. 3,105 million. htral Bank Annual
ased economic and vious governments d to penalise the nd which in effect elopment of the he following are a
f Sinhala families State lands in the traditional Tamil 2ncroaching furthhe major colonisaopment) schemes successive govern
elopment projects plemented outside lmil areas; known economic hcomalee and its even the planned he port area was grounds; tion projects imesigned to benefit rmers in the dry
(v) Since the two major factories producing cement and caustic sodas chlorine were commissioned nearly 4 decades ago, no other public sector industries were established in the North; public sector industries in the East also remained restricted to two, namely, the production of paper and the extraction of ilmenite etc from mineral sands.
(vi) The permit system used to allocate imports of raw materials for the private sector discriminated against the entrepreneurs in the North-East;
(vii) the UNP government under the pretext of liberalisation of imports, imported cheap chilies and onions at the height of the harvesting season in the North in order to ruin the farmers there. Before this policy was introduced the Tamil farmers were producing significant quantities of these crops and the
country was self-sufficient.
(viii) The enactment of the law making Sinhala language as the only official language of the nation, making it difficult for the Tamils to seek employment in government and to communicate with it; (ix) Covert restriction on the recruitment of Tamils to the public service and on promotions even after they had acquired proficiency in the Sinhala language; (x) Even much later when the recruitment to the government service was based on ethnic ratios, the minorities were not treated fairly in respect of their promotions. Legal action by some affected personnel resulted in the withdrawal of this scheme in so far as promotions were concerned; (xi) Virtual ban on the recruitment of
Tamils to the military; (xii) Denying admissions of even very talented Tamil students to the universities through the discriminatory mediawise standardisation of the entrance examination marks; and (xiii) Imposing a total embargo even on the very essential goods including medicines and those required by the farmers and fishermen in the North for their economic activities and livelihood. Significantly, there were serious lapses in the implementation of policies and even legislation approved by governments intended to appease some of the grievances of the Tamils. Successive governments had turned a blind eye to these omissions.
The new government is obliged to consider the long-term interest of all

Page 21
15 JANUARY 1995
sections of the people and the country in formulating its policies. The initial steps taken by the new Government to do away with unnecessary public expenditures such as purchase of luxury cars for the ministers are praiseworthy. Such expenditures were conspicuous during the period of the previous Government. The office of the Bribery Commissioner has been strengthened. The amendment of the act under which the Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration is appointed so as to enable the grieved party to approach the Commissioner directly, also indicates the determination of the People's Alliance Government to fulfil its election promises. Sri Lanka has a very dismal record with regard to keeping to the election promises. The classic case is seen in the utter deception of the numerous promises given to the people by the UNP and its leader just before the 1977 general elections. Hopefully this horrible track record will be reversed by the PA government under its new and promising national leader.
The long standing grievances of the Tamils which gave rise to the civil war in the North and East after all nonviolent methods of protest organized by their elected representatives failed miserably, must be addressed and a political solution found that would grant their legitimate rights and provide permanent security under all future governments. This is the challenge for the new government. The future of Sri Lanka as a united country depends crucially on granting the legitimate rights of the minorities under a just political system that does not harbour any apprehensions in the minds of the majority of the members of any community.
Overcoming the political diffiCulties
Although it is likely that the demand for a separate state of Tamil Eelam would be dropped provided adequate powers of governance are devolved to the re-demarcated NorthEast region and foolproof safeguards for the permanent security of the Tamils are provided in the new constitution, nevertheless attention is drawn to the positions of both sides in the initial talks held in Thimbu in July and August 1985. These indicate the kind of political difficulties that must be overcome for finding a common position on the issues raised.
The four principles within which a meaningful solution to the ethnic conflict was sought by the Tamils in the Thimbu talks are the following: 1. Recognition of the Tamils of Sri
Lanka as a nation;
2. Recognition of t identified home in Sri Lanka;
3. Recognition of
determination o and
4. Recognition
citizenship and rights of all Tan
The fourth princi issue and there is a that the fundame citizens must be tected. With regar principles, the then tion was that these nition of a separata the Tamil side, any unitary constitutic little powers devol East region is una ful to note that in Lankan politics, more contentious til in almost all matte. ethnic conflict.
There are also ce ties that must not For example, the m ing the fighters int out vindictiveness them useful rolest cessation of hostilit
Human R A Tale
by Dr. Deepik
So the good is in and the expecta That seems to be all mood in the c was in short sup seems to be eve) dened cynics do political life of th new lease on life
That level of desert flower in able in a countr into a maelstror and death for I Given the painfu violent era, whij end, promises and the adoptio the "fear psycho the country we salve to the to people who were
Now that e euphoric honey

TAMIL TIMES 2.
e existence of an ind for the Tamils
he right of selfthe Tamil nation;
If the right to ther fundamental ils in Sri Lanka.
ple is no longer an ready a consensus ntal rights of all vehemently pro
to the first three government's posiimplied the recog
Tamil nation. On solution within the n and with very ved to the Northceptable. It is usethe context of Sri 'ertain words are han their meanings 's pertaining to the
rtain other difficulbe underestimated. Lodalities of absorbo the society with
and assigning to o perform after the ies, must be agreed.
Lasting peace in Sri Lanka will be a reality only if the intransigence and the negative approaches which dominated the previous talks are forsaken and a new positive approach founded on reason and justice is pursued. Justice is not an empty platitude devoid of meaning. In order to decide what is just and unjust without the involvement of an impartial intermediary, both sides will have to demonstrate goodwill and understanding of each others' concerns. An important factor in Sri Lankan politics that has to be considered earnestly is that time also has a decisive say in the final outcome of the negotiations for the settlement of the conflict. It is imprudent to allow distracion and frustration to derail the peace process from its course. Any procrastination of the talks must be construed as a negative attitude. Both sides need to refrain from any action that may just do this, ending all hopes of achieving peace, security, freedom, sustainable high economic growth, higher standards of living for all the people and last but not least preserving national unity. The unanimous wish of all peace-loving people in Sri Lanka demonstrated recently must become a reality soon, otherwise they would have mised probably the last chance for the return of serenity in the beautiful country.
ights and the Peoples Alliance
of Great Expectations
a Udugama, Director, Centre for Human Rights,
University of Colombo
and the bad is out; ions are sky high. the current politicuntry. Hope which ply just a year ago, ywhere. Even haracknowledge that e country has got a
optimism, like a bloom, is remarkr which was thrust of bloody violence early two decades. experiences of this h did not seem to f good governance of policies to end is' so widespread in e like a soothing ured minds of the longing for change. itement over the noon” with the new
government seems to be tapering off, the question that is in the minds of many is how well will the promises be kept? Election pledges are one thing; but delivering the goods is an entirely different story. That is the lesson we mere mortals have learnt over the years.
To some, even the initial promises of the PA vis-a-vis human rights were vague. Pledges of an open economy with a "human face' and the routing out of corruption were touted with great gusto during the election campaign, and occupied pride of place in the PA manifesto. On the other hand, while an end to the era of intolerance and terror was promised, the manifesto was surprisingly sparse on the human rights agenda of the Alliance. Further, the SLFP did not, like the UNP, respond to a questionnaire sent by the Civil
Continued on page 23

Page 22
22 TAMIL TIMES
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Page 23
15 JANUARY 1995
Continued from page 21
Rights Movement to all political parties contesting the General Election to gauge the parties' responses to major human rights issues. Only smaller left wing parties in the PA, the Communist Party and the LSSP, did respond to the questionnaire. Their responses were very positive.
I personally did look forward to reading a model policy statement on the subject which was after all one of the major issues taken up by the former opposition for seventeen long years in and out of Parliament. What a disappointment! I had to wade through the entire document to find bits and pieces of human rights policy scattered in different sections.
The major features of such a policy, assuming the existence of one, that could be culled from the document were (a) that judicial review of legislation will be permitted to check compliance with the constitutional guarantees of fundamental rights, (b) the appointment of a special commission of inquiry to investigate "murders, disappearences, unresolved crimes and political victimisation which occurred in the recent past, the provision of information regarding the disappeared within three months of 'coming into power and compensation to the families of the disappeared, tortured or those who have lost property, and (c) the release of those illegally detained in secret camps and prisons and the expediting of legal proceedings against political prisoners where there are grounds for legal action.
Needed - a Proactive Policy
Most of those promises, while vital to providing justice to the victims of human rights violations and their families, are responses to a past crisis. The need of the hour, it can be stated, is the adoption of a proactive policy spelling out how such tragedies will be avoided in the future by providing strong safeguards for the protection of human rights e.g., by enforcing limits on police powers or by expanding the constitutional chapter on fundamental rights and the scope of remedies.
Happily, however, the first month after 'coming into power', the PA has adopted several policies which indeed do augur well for human rights protection. First was the lifting of the state of emergency in most areas of Sri Lanka. It is not a secret
that torture, invol ances and extra-j were facilitated by ulations which ga arrest and detent and Armed Forces
The challenge that emergency abused in the Abuses, if any, wi to the people-orie government in th Needless to say, if solved through a many festering hul of the minority c be positively reso ment’s efforts in are heartening.
Then came the of the new premi which got wide pu that the PA gove the depoliticizatio an urgent priorit. excesses will not b heaved sighs of country as they w more accustomed officers more as guardians of publi this was a relief to able officer in th exasperated by in in their lawful aff and their henchm it all was the net Regulations were that police and ot found responsible damental rights Court will have to out of their own pi from government news indeed
A logical follow such officers will plined under the throwing aside th of the UNP gover such guilty offici the indictment of and others implic pitiya school boy years of ominous lence will assist i.
The Foreign proposed the sett Rights Commissi Justice has mo appointing sever and expansion C that an individua them directly ra the infamous pra it through the lo ment. The For gone further by

TAMIL TIMES 23
ntary disappeardicial executions Emergency Rega wide powers of on to the Police
ow is to ensure powers are not orth and East. also run counter ted policy of the North and East. he ethnic issue is political solution man rights issues Immunities could ved. The governhis regard so far
strong statement r to police chiefs blicity in the press rnment considers of the Police as 7 and that police tolerated. People elief around the ere, on the whole, to treating police assailants than c peace. No doubt many an honoure Police as well cessant meddling airs by politicians en. What clinched ws that Financial to be amended so ner public officials for violating funby the Supreme pay compensation ckets rather than coffers. Welcome
up would be that be severely discilaw of the land e cynical practice nment to promote als. Undoubtedly, the Army officers ted in the Embilicase afer many governmental sithese efforts.
inister has also ng up of a Human n. The Minister of ted the idea of l Ombudspersons
their powers so petition can reach her than through ice of channelling al MP and Parliagn Minister has tting up a human
rights advisory panel composed of eminent NGO activists of international repute who will be serving in an honorary capacity with the freedom to criticise governmental human rights policies should the need arise. This is indicative of a strong effort made in good faith to dispel the sullied name Sri Lanka has earned in international fora on its human rights record.
More Needs To Be DOne
A lot more needs to be done of course. Human rights NGOs have made repeated representations to the UNP government and major political parties then in opposition to amend the chapter on fundamental rights in the Sri Lanka Constitution of 1978 to bring it in line with international human rights obligations of Sri Lanka undertaken by ratifying major international human rights treaties. International standards do provide broader protection than the existing constitutional provisions.
Further, the government should establish its bona fides by ratifying the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and making a declaration under Article 22 of the UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment which will make it possible for aggrieved parties in Sri Lanka to petition international fora when they cannot obtain relief domestically. If the Optional Protocol had been ratified the families of the Embilipitiya school boys could have so petitioned UN Human Rights Committee in the absence of any response from the then government. These added safeguards are necessary so that governments will act with a greater sense of responsibnility knowing that matters which they may be confident of manipulating at home could very well reach international fora giving rise to international repercussions. Even the most well meaning governments have slipped up at times.
Thereis also agreat need omake mechanisms of redress easily accessible to the public. One has to now trek from all over the island of Colombo to petition the Supreme Court of an alleged violation of human rights incurring heavy expenses. The available legal aid is limited and most organisations offering legal aid cannot cope with the level of demand. In this respect
Continued on page 24

Page 24
24 TAM TIMES
Continued from page 23
the proposed Human Rights Commission and the Ombudspersons might help provided such institutions are vested with sufficient powers and a great degree of independence to deal with matters under their purview. The procedures also must be simple and realistic so that rigid standards pertaining to legal standing of a petitioner and the time limit within which one can petition (now one has to petition to the Supreme Court within one month of the alleged violation) are eased. Otherwise, once again there will be a proliferation of useless commissions and other mechanisms which will be a burden on the government coffers without achieving anything of significance.
High Expectations
There are high public expectations vis-a-vis freedom of expression as well. This was a major aspect of the PA promise of creating a society free of fear; that is, that one will not have to suffer for one's opinions and views. The manifesto does promise to repeal all laws including constitutional provisions which are inimical to the protection of this sacrosanct right. While it pledges to broadbase the ownership of Lake House nothing is said of how the governmental stranglehold of the still state operated electronic media will be done away with.
Or will it be done away with at all? After all monopolising news stories on TV must be irresistible to any party in power'? A liberalization in the ownership and operational structures will be a major victory for the people and for the government as well as it will score high marks for not being an 'all talk, no action' outfit. We are also waiting with bated breath to see the promise to permit independent news bulletins to be broadcast and telecast over private radio and TV channels fulfilled and to read columns of investigative journalism and writings critical of the government to appear in Lake House papers without adverse consequences for the writers. So also are the expectations with regard to the promised legislative amendments. These comments are not made with a "waiting to catch you' mentality but because the PA owes it to the people who have reposed so much faith in their administration.
Then on to labour policy. With the trade union movement in tatters
under fierce onsl leaning organisa decades, hopes
area too, especia providing relief work force in th ment made by tl that trade union to operate in the with disbelief a agitating to secu ers of that sect Ansell Lanka fia ter retracting his have soured the I ifesto states that of the proposed ployees will be til Ognition of trad ployers. . . . It that the governn to have a free h with the mercena investors who ha because they
businesses to co ploitation of the l easier than here will have to tread sight of its ideals. workforce will inc will it not? Impr( ditions of worker in the internation partnerships will tame the avarice
It is also hop economy with a mete out greaten bridge the econo Sri Lankan socio Himalayan heigh regime.
Last but not pointed out tha cohesive and com rights education for a long time working toward protection of hur policy is absolutel entrenchment of tic political cultur SUTES 3'E 09 B ing cures. People minimum what ri what to do whe violated.
Although sev launched success seminate basic i man rights the r rammes is limited if it is interested i rather than sho changes, should tion of such an covering not only

15 JANUARY 1995
aughts against lefttions for nearly two were high in this ally with regard to to the brutalised e FTZs. The statene Labour Minister s will be permitted FTZ was received nd glee by those re rights for worktor. But then the sco and the Minisearlier statements mood. The PA mana main component Charter on Emhe 'compulsory recle unions by emis clear, however, ment does not seem and in this matter ary demands of the ave an upper hand can take their untries where exabour force may be . The government warily but not lose After all, a content rease productivity, oving working con's does need action al arena too where have to be built to of the investors.
led that the open
human face' will social justice and mic polarization of aty which reached its during the UNP
least, it has to be t the need for a prehensive human policy has been felt on the part of all the promotion and man rights. Such a ly necessary for the a healthy democrare. Preventive meaffective than seekhave to know as a ghts they have and n those rights are
eral NGOs have sful efforts to disnformation on hueach of such progd. The government, in long term reform ort term cosmetic treat the formulaeducational policy the formal educa
tion institutios but al sectors including the police/armed forces and the administrative service as a top priority.
Hasten Slowly
The new government aware of these high expectations should not, however, rush to bring about reforms overnight. We are only too familiar with the effects of superficial reforms and clumsily drafted legislation. The reforms should be well thought out keeping in mind the long term effects rather than the immediate political gains. To draft legislation in a few weeks merely to impress the public is useless if over time the legislation will have to be amended many times over to remedy anomalies and fill in lacunae. Under no circumstances should reform be at the expense of civil liberties. Already, civil libertarians shave expressed grave reservations about certain provisions in the Bribery (Amendment) Bill and the Bill for the establishment of a Permanent Commission on Bribery and Corruption.
The same goes for the establishment of mechanisms to enforce human rights guarantees. The last thing we need now is the sprouting of new institutions with inadequate powers to serve as showpieces.
The process of reform should necessarily draw on the expertise of human rights activists because they know the situation on the ground best. They also know the adverse effects of superficial reforms. Fiercely independent activists also know when the government is about to make a blunder. In this respect the gesture of the Foreign Minister to constitute an advisory panel composed of reputed human rights activists is salutary indeed. It is a gesture of building bridges with the NGO community which was badly battered under the UNP administration. While corruption within the NGO sector should be checked under existing legislation when there are compelling reasons to do so, the baby should not be thrown out with the bath water.
In the final analysis, while reforms are necessary to improve the human rights situation in the country, the indispensable element is the political will of the government to be genuinely democratic and uphold the rule of law. Even beautifully crafted reforms will be to no avail if
Continued on page 26

Page 25
15 JANUARY 1995
Jayalalitha Blamed for
Out Lankan Tamil Scl
Tamil Nadu Chief Minister, Ms. Jayalalitha Jayaram has been roundly condemned by International Tamil scholars for shutting out Tamil scholars from Sri Lanka at the eighth International Tamil Research Conference held in Thanjavur, Tamil Nadu from January 1 to 5.
At the end of the conference, facing widespread criticism for the treatment meted out to Sri Lankan scholars, Dr. Nobolu Kuroshima, Chairman of the International Tamil Research Conference told other reputed Tamil scholars from all over the world that the recently concluded conference has asked the Chief Minister to explain her actions.
Unable to face the barrage of criticism levelled against her, Ms. Jayalalitha hurriedly despatched an official to the forum where the issue was taken up at the conclusion of the eighth conference, where her representative blamed the Central Government for cancelling the visas of the Sri Lanka academics, according to reports from Tamil Nadu. A good cross-section of the Tamil Nadu press condemned her attitude and went on to state that the spinster Chief Minister has attempted to organise the International Conference as a personal boost to her image.
Out of those who were shut out from Sri Lanka, Prof. Karthigesu Sivathamby, a Jaffna University professor and internationally reputed scholar who had contributed a lot towards Tamil language was unanimously elected as a joint secretary of the International Tamil Research Conference along with India’s Prof. V. Annamalai and Singapore's Prof. Thirunavukarasu.
On the last day of the conference
where Indian Prime Minister
Naramsimha Rao was due as Chief Guest pamphlets were issued among the participants condemning the action of the Chief Minister vis-a-vis Sri Lankan scholars.
Prof. Sivathamby in a statement to the Press said that following news about the shut out in the prestigious Hindu, Indian Express and Dinamani newspapers several scholars contacted the Sri Lankan academics and expressed indignation at the action together with their apologies.
The influential T ni even carried the heading Fl condemned the Nadu governm Muththuvel Kan Nadu Commun Secretary of th gress, Nallaka ments on this m tude which tota tradition an Sivathamby stat big uproar amon Tamil communit What has rea termational Tan fact that the id national Tamil cally at various i was mooted by a respected Tam na. Others wh greatly for the Language and great men of the Navalar, Rev. poet Somasund manda Swamiga pathy Pillai, p and poet Periy from Sri Lanka are synonymou guage and cultu “Ms. Jayala thought that Sri armed only wi pens', the local T murasu surmis can you expect our Tamil schola country she has Tamil scholars' stated.
The Thinam quote late Kal who during a v decades ago ru Kalki magazine even if you ac some one he or s Such was the hi. of that mass ciri ly held Sri Lank
ProfessO
Prof. Sitham woken up at mi Police and told he was not wa World Tamil ( javur.
"The blame ri

TAMIL TIMES 25
Shutting hOllarS
amil daily Dinama - an editorial under ing Tradition and action of the Tamil ent. DMK Chief unanidhi, the Tamil st Party and the Tamil Nadu Connnu issued stateist inhospitable attily belies the Tamil | culture, Prof. ed. “Ithas created a g the International y', he added. lly angered the inil community is the a to hold the IntreConference periodiinternational venues Rev. Thaninayagam, il scholar from Jaff. jo had contributed uplift of the Tamil its culture include ! calibre of Arumuga G na napragasan, eram, Ven. Vipulaul, Pundit C. Kanaoet Kumaraswamy 'athambi Pillai, all and whose names s with Tamil Lanre world-wide. lith a must ha ve lankan scholars are th guns instead of amil weekly Thinaed. “After all, how this lady to honour urs when in her own jailed hundreds of the paper further
trasu Went om to ki Krishnamoorthy isit to Jaffna three mning an article on said that in Jaffna cidentally bang on he is an intellectual. gh esteem the editor ulated Tamil weekan Tamils.
r Not Wanted
by said that he was lnight by Tamilnadu o leave the state, as nted for the Eighth onference in Than
sts with the organis
ers of the Conference in not having informed the authorities concerned that we were invitees. In fact we had gone on a special invitation, said Professor K. Sivathamby, Head of the Aesthetics Faculty of Jaffna University.
Prof. Sivathamby said he had received a special invitation from the President of the l'international Association for Tamil Research, Dr. Noboru Karash inna. Ja pa nese national, to attend the World Tamil Conference in Thanja v ur from January 1, and address its plenary sessions. He was one of the seven academics invited to speak.
Asked if he faced any difficulties in obtaining visa at the lindian ligh Commission, in Colombo, he said there was no difficulty and the ligh Commission had issued visas to him, his wife and daughter.
"I feel what happened to us in Thanjavur was an insult to Sri
Lankan scholars. If they did not
want us to attend, they could have told us in Madras on arrival, rather than wait till my family and I reached Thanjavur, he said.
Explaining the whole scenario, Prof. Sivatham by said: "I went to Madras a week ahead of the conference to attend to some of my publication work. I have written some books. So I went to see about their publication. From December 27 we stayed at the university guest house in Madras. One day we found some policemen at our doorstep. On inquiry they said they were there to give us protection.
"I asked them from whom I was being protected, but they did not reply. I told them I needed no protection. Yet they stayed on. On December 30, we went to Thanjavur. The next day I met the organisers, paid my registration fees and got the necessary papers and the badge to attend the conference. But there too I still could not get a clear picture as to who had ordered Police protection for us.
In Thanjavur, we stayed at the campus suite, but at 12.30am with the dawn of the New Year, there was a knock at the door. My wife opened the door and here too we found some police officers in civvies. When I inquired why they had come they told me that my visa was withdrawn. We were stunned. I showed them all the paper and yet they were not convinced, all they said was, 'we have looked into all that.
Continued on page 27

Page 26
26 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 18 Gunasena Vithana A. Subramaniyam Lakshman Gunasekera Ajith Samaranayake Sunanda Deshapriya Saman Wagaarachchi Bandula Padmakumara Ariyananda Dombagahawatta Ram Manikkalingam D.B.S. Jeyaraj S.G. Punchiheva Sunil Madhava Prematillake C.J. Amaratunge T. Baskaran D. Sivaram S. Sivakumar U. Cheran S. Loganathan Pradeep Jeganathan Vasantha Raja Sunil Jayaweera Mala de Alwis Joe Seneviratna Anita Fernando Manel Ratnayake Sitha Ranjani Pulasthi Rajapaksa Shyama Jayawardhana M.J.R. Devid F. Zakkaria M.F.M. Ameen M.L.A. Cadar M.S.M. Anaz
I. Imtiaz
Continued from page 16
of demand for services in Sinhala, Tamil and English;
OAssessment of the current capacities of particular institutions, in terms of personnel and other logistical requirements, to meet the demand;
O Identification of feasible alternatives in terms of cost effectiveness, time efficiency and healthy public relations (i.e. client satisfaction), to raise institutions' capacities to meet the demand;
O Assisting each of the institutions in choosing the most suitable
alternative for reform and capac
ity building and in scheduling implementation;
O Monitoring progress of implementation and taking appropriate action to assist institutions lagging behind schedule; and
O Informing the public and mobilise public opinion in support of the decommunalisation programme with the aid of mass media and by setting up mechanisms to receive feedback on implementation from members of the public.
Upali Hettiarachchi Sithraleka Maunagu B. Sugumar J.C. Welliamuna Dhanajaya Tilakara' Nimal Silva Shiral Laktillake S. Sivagurunathan Wimal Fernando Paul Perera Paul Nallanayagam Shamini Peiris Siriwardhana Pathir N. Kandaswamy Noel R. Hoole Sabapathi Sabanaya Mutthulingam Maniv Shanmugalingam Po Freddy Gamage Ganeshamoorthi Siva M.D., Ifthikar Dulip Samaraweera K.M. Nelson Ajith Weerakkody Rumesh Ratnayake Russel Arnold Roshan Devid Wendol Labroy Leo Wijesinghe Jayananda Warnawet Chaminda Handunnet Yasas Tilakaratne Toni Amith P. Rajanayagam Lalith Sagara
Continued from page
the political will to the law is absent.
which we as membe must not forget is t. devoted to the enth cracy and the rule
sacrosanct duty to b
and proactive in mor formance of the go' ernments once entre do need a kick or tw reminded of the soci have to uphold.
If human rights harsh in judging the the PA, it is becau that the Alliance 1 other current politic liver the goods. Sim cycles of violence whi the polity have als learning and consci ence for the people. have found their vo will not hesitate to s
With great expe with goodwill we ar. waiting for a better fervent hope is that t be in vain. After a unique chance for c agonizingly long tim

le
ja
3.Πη
annan nampalam
Kla
ra tige
24
strictly enforce Another factor rs of the public hat we as those oning of demoof law have a e well-informed itoring the perfernment. Govnched in power o at times to be al contract they
activists are performance of te of the belief nore than any ll force can delarly, the past e traumatizing been a great ntising experiow that people ce again they eak up. ations coated watching and omorrow. Our Le wait will not , we got this ange after an
15 JANUARY 1995
Athula Samarasekera Adel Hashim Deepal Madurapperuma Ashley de Silva Roger Wijesooriya Dulip Liyanage Suchithira Aleksandar Sajith Fernando Jeevantha Kulathunge Nishantha Ranatunge Chaminda Mendis Hemantha Devapriya M.F. Dias K.W.A. Ratnasiri N. Lionel Rupika Wijepathige Dilirukshi Abeysekera Jayampathi Bulatrhsinghala Kamala Adhikari Viola Perera U.L.A. Joseph Lalith Chandraratna Ranjith Bandulahews Jayantha Pushpakumara Quintas Fernando Padma Kodituwakku Chandima Peiris Dhammika S. Kumara Dulip Asoka Upali Sisirakumara Tharanga Kularatna Thenmozhli Kugamoorthi Lester Rupasinghe Pearl Shirani Samal Seneviratne
Continued from page 15
and state have to be answered simultaneously and that a constitutional settlement is an ineluctable part of powersharing, in response to the erosion of liberal democracy and ethnic harmony.
The governments and the President's good intentions notwithstanding, there is still residual prejudice that has to be combatted before genuine powersharing can be accepted. The traditional attitude towards Federalism, as an obvious mechanism for powersharing in Sri Lanka, stands as telling testimony to the depth of these feelings. Federalism has attracted such opprobrium from the dominant centrist political culture of Sri Lanka, that it has been used almost as the sole criterion for ruling out constitutional mechanisms, as a way out of our current travails. It is worth, therefore, analysing the Indo-Sri Lankan Accord to demonstrate the range of misconceptions and prejudices that have inhibited the utility of constitutional reform for conflict resolution and democracy.
(Continued in next issue).

Page 27
15 JANUARY 1995
Pope Had No Inten To insult Buddhis
- Archbishop
Archbishop of Colombo and President of the Catholic Bishop's Conference, the Rt. Rev. Nicholas Marcus Fernando, in a letter to the Venerable Mahanayake Theras of the Malwatte, Asgiriya, Amarapura and Ramagna Nikayas, has expressed deep regret that the feelings of the Buddhist prelates and laity have been hurt by some of the contents of the book Crossing the Threshold of Hope by Pope Paul III, and asked for the compassionate understanding of the Buddhists in taking it in the context of the multiple religions that exist in the world.
Following is the full text of the letter:
Your letter to us following up on the newspaper reports on some sections of the book Crossing the Threshold of Hope by Pope John Paul II has deeply perturbed us and our Catholic community. It hasunfortunately occurred at a time when we were so joyfully preparing for the visit of the Holy Father with the cooperation of all our countrymen, of all faiths. As you yourselves have stated some of you have already sent us for publication goodwill messages welcoming the Pope to our country. It is sad indeed that this goodwill should have been soured so suddenly and so unexpectedly.
We believe that some explanation on our part as Bishops of this country representing the Catholics, will help all of us to understand this problem and avoid damaging the goodwill that has always existed among us. Our humble attempt at an explanation is as follows:
We can assure our Mahanayake Theras and the Buddhist clergy and laity that the Pope had no intention whatsoever to criticise the doctrines or to hurt the feelings of our Buddhist brethren. We say so with confidence because we know, following up on the decision and declarations made at the most recent Vatican Council, which the Holy Father even quotes in this present book (in the preceding chapter), the Pope respects and admires all that is good in all other religions. It is this Pope himself who called a meeting of all religious leaders of the world for a day of peace at the shrine of a saint
who was a model of time, in order to co that different re together for peace general good and p What has, howe in the book in qu taken in the conte religions that exist not possible and v for example, a Bu ber of any other re same concept or Jesus Christ or his Christians have Catholics cannot ha cepts as Buddhist Buddha and his t question of perspec
Once again we tention could not thing negative or other writings, quc his own inter-religi in very clear terms
We the Catholi Lanka do realize h feelings of our B and laity have bee some of the conten tion. We express o each and everyone pray that the goo standing that has p centuries among gious groups of ou be disturbed but thened further by ate understanding brethren.
Continued from pa
“I told them tha here as an uninvit was of no avail. T wife and my daugl to Trichy by car. Prof. Shanmugath pillai, visiting lec University, Swed scholar Schalk. V three different hot while Prof. Shan Colombo from T taken to Madras stayed at New Wo
As my tickets hind at the Madra tel, I shifed there a flight on 4th morn

TAMIL TIMES 27
ti Asked whether there was any O harassment caused to him by the y police, Prof. Sivathamby said he was 11 treated politely. Prof. Sivathamby and his family returned to Colombo on Thursday, 5 January.
w Continued from page 6
peace during his nvince the world, permanent end to hostilities. The ligions can get TULF wants this to be a prelude to as well as for the meaningful negotiations for a polirogress of man. tical settlement of the problem.
ver been written On the question whether the estion, has to be LTTE can be trusted: especially xt of the multiple going by its past record, there is no in the world. It is question about trusting the LTTE. ve. do not expect, They have agreed, and we will wait ddhist or a mem- and see. In the first instance, there ligion to have the should be mutual trust which should understanding of blossom into a permanent solution teachings as we and we would like all political par
Similarly we ties, militant or otherwise, to get ave the same con- into the mainstream of politics. s regarding Lord
eachings. It is a * Douglas Devananda, MP, tive. Leader, Eelam People’s
reiterate, the in- Democratic Party (EPDP):
have been any
polemical as his |tations and even ous acts proclaim
c Bishops of Sri
The truce will certainly give some relief to the people. But the problems of the Tamil people are quite different from the problems of Prabhakaran. The problems of the Tamil people cannot be solved by
ဖိုမျိုနိန္နီ is talking only with Prabhakaran.
n deeply hurt by Mr. Prabhakaran already enjoys ts of this publica- enormous power with his own militur deep regret to Y and his own administration. In and we hope and the event of the peace talks succeed dwill and under- ing, what will the LTTE leader get? revailed all these It will only be a demotion from his the various reli- present status of power. If the Presicountry will not dent is genuine in her attempt to ather be streng- find peace, the results of her efforts the compassion- will expose the LTTE to the world of our Buddhist and it will isolate Mr. Prabhakaran.
D. Siddharthan, Leader, People’s
ge 25 Liberation Organisation of ut I did not come Tamil Eelam (PLOTE): ed guest. All this We welcome this move. We hope
hey took me, my that it will develop into a permanent hter on January 1 ceasefire and pave the way for a In Trichy I saw permanent solution and a permaas, Prof. A. Velu- nent peace. But a word of caution: In turer of Uppsala the past the LTTE had used the en and Swedish opportunity of a ceasefire to eliminWe were kept in ate their political opponents. Hunels. On January 2 dreds of cadres of our party, includnugathas left for ing leaders like Vasu and Kannan richy, we were were killed by the LTTE when they by van and we had a ceasefire with the IPKF. I also
odlands Hotel. recall the assassination of Amirthato., were left be- lingam, Yogeswaran, and Sam s University hos- Thambimuttu. Though we have our
s we were to take serious doubts, let us wait and see, ing”. and hope for the best.

Page 28
28 TAMIL TIMES
READERS
OF THREATS AND CIVILISED NORMS
I WRITE with reference to your correspondent S. Pothalingamos outburst captioned "Traitors Are More Dangerous’ in your issue for December 1994. Keeping to Voltaire's dictum, which is shown on the cover of your journal, you have no doubt adhered to civilised norms and given his letter space despite the implied threat of dire consequences.
On reading his letter, I was reminded of the time when journals like the India Today, Thuklaq etc., were attacked and burnt a couple of years ago in Jaffna; the bomb that was set to blast under the machinery of the Eela Nadu, the Tamil daily newspaper etc., and the fate that befell individuals like Dr. Rajani Thiranagama, for having associated herself with the facts set out in Broken Palymyrah and the late Mr. Sabalingam, in France and
happened to Mr. Karavai Kandasamy, not forgetting Messrs. Amirthalingam, Yogeswaran, G.A. Panchalingam former St. John's College Principal, Anandarajah, Annamalai of the NSSP and hundreds of others.
All of them were killed because those who arbitrarily arrogated to themselves the right to lead the cause for self-determination, freedom and self respect for the Tamil people of Sri Lanka judged that "traitors to the cause' should be eliminated first. They do not believe that it is a matter for history to decide who the traitors are. According to these self appointed leaders of the Sri Lankan Tamils and their admirers and supporters like Pothalingam, FRCS, all of us should do as told, not question why or how, but be prepared to sacrifice and live with fingers crossed dreaming that Eelam is on the shoulders of the LTTE boys around the corner.
"We will not tolerate any criticism of our actions or words from anyone who suggests or thinks anything other than what we permit; you live or die as we determine; Prabakaran is our unique leader the architect of our future; he is omnipotent and infallible; he commands, we execute; we dare and will not spare; we will lead withour blinkers on, you follow blind; we wear cyanide necklets and
hold AK47s, so your breath' seems the LTTE which ching on its slippel of an authoritarian mal Eelam led on l
I have been a Times from its ince recall any outburs lines of FRCS Poth cealed threat calli refrain from givin columns for articles of the LTTE and of As the Editor of the ly know your job an not be threatened a to enrich the column with the scholarshi Messrs. Hoole, Uya to inform your read
Remember! Polit edness in Sri La with a managed in tors turned a blind
stupidity and plain people to become not ask questions w be awkward or unp
When the Jaffn
and the Eela Nadu office were torched South were not i implications for the properly. It was not themselves began to of repression that the Tamils, with pec out after the midnig door and disposed of the back of the h burnt on byways a floating down a rive that time it was anything, the media tool of a manipula enhance the interest political elite which vate security force i the police and arme happened after that we all are aware o learn from that?
44, Ringwood, Bretton South, Peterborough, PE3
FROM "AVERAGER
I AM, as you are dol
nal. I hope that the c offer below though favourable and could some to be carping
 

15 JANUARY 1995
ware and hold ) be the motto of eps goose marpath to its land intolerant abysf its Fuehrer.
2ader of Tamil tion and cannot worded in the lingam's uncong upon you to space in your that are critical Mr. Prabakaran. TT you obviousd I am sure will nd will continue s of your journal of the likes of goda and others ΥS. cal short sightnka commenced edia. When edieye to what was chy, expediency, gnorance caused complacent and hich were felt to opular. a public library daily newspaper l, people in the nformed of the country at large long before they suffer the kind was suffered by ple being taken ht knock on the with a bullet in ead and bodies ld side roads or r or stream. By too late to do had become the tive regime to s of a coterie of relied on a prinprovised from d forces. What is now history Shouldn't we
R. S. Ganeshan,
SH.
AN EADER” !!!
otless aware, a steemed jourmments that I »stensibly unemistaken by iticism or nit
picking are viewed by you as constructive criticism
Firstly, there appears to be a recent tendency on the part of some columnists to use your journal to carry on a personal or political vendetta against one side or other in the ethnic conflict. This should be avoided at all costs. The recent letter by Dr. Pothalingam on the articles by Rajan Hoole (I may not share his views) and the article by Professor R. Hoole are a reflection of the growing resentment by the readership against such crusading writers.
Secondly, there appears to be the need for editing some parts of some of the contributions to keep it in line with the broad guidelines of nonpartisanshiup that you have rightfully set for yourself and also for stripping them of unwanted trivia or extraneous material that make the
should ensure that too much damage is not done to the Queen's English Surely the readership of the Tamil Times is not interested in Thampotherampillai's daughter "running through a hole in the back fence' and he in the course of the hunt for his romantic daughter' assaulting his niece who was breastfeeding her child'. A critique of Tamil Biographies need not dwell in such inordinate length on such boring details. Certainly, the reference to Goddess Parvati donning a blouse to address Victorian sensibilities' could and should have been avoided. I will be surprised if readers do not join issue with you on this matter.
Finally when Iread Rajan Hoole's article on the need perceived by him for Tamils to “wake up', I could not help noting the jargon that he has laboriously woven into his article; viz. polarisation, atomisation, legitimisation, diaspora, internalise, conceptualise, Popperian sense, mindset etc etc!!
The ideas could all have
been expressed in simple, concise English and would have been more intelligible to the average reader like me!
Furthermore, his reference to "Professor Suriyakumaran as an experienced Civil Servant closely involved in the negotiations on the ethnic issue between national leaders' reminded me of the famous reference to the Holy Roman Empire as being neither holy nor Roman nor an empire! Those who know this worthy gentleman intimately (for the last 40 years!) know that

Page 29
15 JANUARY 1995
Suriyakumaran was an economist who after a short stint in Government Service served almost his entire working life without interruption but with distinction perhaps, in the United Nation's specialised Agencies in foreign capitals; he did not have a ringside view of the ethnic situation as it developed on the ground as to be in a position to “testify” as Hoole pontificates! I can certainly vouch for the fact, having held positions in Sri Lanka where even classified information was within my reach, (besides having more than one close member of my family in Parliament) that nothing could be further form the truth There is no authentic evidence or document whatsoever - personal claims apart Surely your readers should not be allowed to be taken on a ride by people who claim first hand knowledge of the matter without having it or being in a position to establish it with a minimum of credibility. As you are doubtless aware, credibility, accuracy and objectivity are cardinal principles in journalism and even perhaps in journalese.
T. Pathmanathan, West Harrow, Middx.
CHELVA'S BIOGRAPHY
I READ with interest the review by Rajan Philips, of the political biography of S.J.V. Chelvanayakam by Prof. A. Jeyaratnam Wilson (TT, Oct. '94). While the reviewer has commented on what is included in the book, permit me to make some comments on what is missing in Wilson's biography. This is not to disappoint the prospective buyers or to ridicule the effort of Prof. Wilson, but to reveal how much Chelva offers for future biographers. I have nothing other than admiration and respect for Prof. Wilson’s scholarship.
I look back to the year 1970. Time: The day after the May general election in the then Ceylon. Place: Bambalapitiya bus stand (towards the Borella route). Action: In front of the newspaper shop, about 40-50 Sinhalese (all males) were listening to the election results on the radio in Sinhala, set by the news vendor. I was a bystander (probably the only Tamil in that gathering), waiting for the Borella-bound bus. In repeated succession, the results from the Southern electorates were being announced and those who were
gathered there e bilation by clapp winners of that el bolt, the election esanthurai co announced, and was reported as those who were pressed their adn too by clapping heads. There, I w respect Chelva c the ordinary Sir book by Prof. Wi in detail, how the and Muslims pe the politician.
I was also puzz son had stated, "T support the FP Chelvanayakam faith in his goals rights of the Tam (p.112). In the 1 Mudaliyar M.S. K nai) and his sontapha (Pottuvil) ticket. In the J M.C. Ahamed w seat as an FP Mohamed Ali was in 1962 (by-electi FP nominee. Thes either the UNP fact that they we the nominee of t between 1956 a speaking Muslim Province did supp I also noticed t made in the book (such as C. Rajad cone) who repres cies outside the Their represental and Mannar as main difference, separated Chelva nambalam. Wher Batticaloa and Ma faith on Chelva, lam's circle of infl restricted within sula.
It is my impres biography would enriched if in-dep public documents speeches in the pa tical cartoons in press which feat been made. I vivi cartoon which ap) ter the UNP-FPS ten who the car Wijesoma or Opat ley Senanayake (a ing with a broom s

TAMIL TIMES 29
xpressed their juing for the SLFP 2ction. Then, like a esult of the Kanknstituency was
Chelvanayakam
the winner. All gathered there exhiration for Chelva and nodding their itnessed how much ommanded among halese folks. The lson fails to record ordinary Sinhalese rceived Chelva as
led that Prof. Wilhe Muslims did not out they respected and placed their for protecting the illinguistic groups' 956 election, Gate Kariapper (Kalmuin-law M.M. Muswon on the FP uly 1960 election, on the Kalmunai candidate. M.E.H. elected for Mutur on) and 1965 as an se MPslaterjoined or SLFP. But the re elected first as he FP show that and 1965, Tamil s of the Eastern ort the FP.
hat no mention is about the FP MPs urai and V. Alegasented constituenJaffna peninsula. Lion of Batticaloa FP MPs was the that politically
· from G.G. Poneas the Tamils in unnar placed much G.G. Ponnambauence was mainly the Jaffna penin
ision that Chelva's have been further oth use of existing
(such as Chelva's arliament and poli
the Lake House ured Chelva) had dly remember one peared in 1968 af. plit. I have forgottoonist is (either ha). He drew Dudis the male) standstick in the garden
putting a perplexed face, with Chelva (dressed in sari) with a suitcase in his hand heading toward the gate. That cartoon did tell quite a lot of messages regarding the SinhalaTamil links in the then Ceylon.
I wish to stress again that the above comments are made only to show that Chelva has much to offer for future biographers. Prof. Wilson has just opened the route. Others can follow him for a richer harvest. Lastly, I thank Prof. Wilson for sending me a complimentary copy of his book.
Sachi Sri Kanthi,
Osaka BioScience Institute, 6-2-4 Furuedai, Suita, Osaka 565 Japan. Nov. 13, 1994.
Continued from page 4
It is ironic that the Pope, the messenger of peace should have engendered so many non-peaceful controversies.
One military commentator writing in the government controlled Sunday observer said that the visit of the Pope could even merit a close scrutiny of the Roman Catholic church in the north which is alleged to be sympathetic to the rebel cause. But that's another controversy that can wait.

Page 30
30 TAMIL TIMES
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OBTUARIES
Dr. Vakeeson, beloved son of Mr. S. Ponniah (Advocate) and Mrs. N. Ponniah (Retired VicePrincipal, Chundikuli Girls' College) of Thirunelveli, Jaffna and T. Maheswary (Foster Mother); loving brother of Anandhi, Dr. Vasuki (both of Botswana) and Sivakamy (UK), brother-in-law of A. Ishwaran, J. Kailainathan and Dr. Lyngaran Vanniasegeram; uncle of Luckshmy and Mukunthan expired. Cremation took place in Jaffna, Sri Lanka on 8th December 1994 - P.O. Box 603, Gaborone, Botswana,
Mylvaganam Paramanathan (Teacher, Brunei; Ex-Lecturer, Teachers' Training College, Palaly; Ex-Teacher, Jaffna Central College), dearly be
loved husband of Kiruba (nee Moses), beloved father of Chitran (USA), Geetha (USA) and Sumi Chinnaiah (Canada); brother of J.M. Rajaratnam (USA), Rasamany Thevarajah. (Canada), Dr. M. Sathananthan (Canada), M. Karunananthan (Brunei), M. Rajeswaran (UK) and brother-in-law of late Dr. M. Karunairatnam, M. Selvaratnam (USA) and Dr. M. Nesarajah (USA) was Caled to the Lord after a brief illness on 21st December. The funeral took place in Montclair, USA - 165 Cherokee Blvd Unit 146, Willowdale, Ontario M2J 4T7, Canada.
Mrs. Arulamma Vettivelu o Chetty Street, Nallur, Jaffna, Sri Lanka; beloved wife of the late Kathiravetpilai Vettivelu: loving mother of Sivakolunthu (UK), Gandhi (Nallur, Jaffna), Kathiravelu (Australia); mother-in-law of Mr. R. Sathasivam (UK), Mrs. G. Kanthimathy (Nalur), Mrs. K. Chandraleka (Australia); grandmother of Devambikai, Devakumaran (UK), Gajan, Priadharshini (Nallur), Geethanjana, Krishanth, Sivanjana (Australia) passed away peacefully on 25th November 1994. Cremation took place on 5th December 1994 in London.
All members of her family sincerely thank relatives and friends who attended the funeral, sent floral tributes and messages of sympathy - Mr. & Mrs. Sathasivam, 287 Hampton Road, llford, Essex 1G1 1PL. Tel 081 478 1763.
 
 
 
 
 

15 JANUARY 1995
Mrs. Vethavali Thiagarajah, beloved wife of the late Mr. P. Thiagarajah (Jaffna Hindu College); loving mother of Vijayanathan (Canada), Jeganathan (Sri Lanka) and Vijayalakshmi (Ethiopia); motherin-law of Radha, late Lalitha and Thirugnanasambanthar, grandmother of Soundharie, Wijayakumar, Meera, Pratheeba, Janarthanan and Abarna paSsed away on 6.12.94 and was cremated on 7. 12.94 at Nallur, Sri Lanka -- FAO, P.O. Box 5536, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
excessex
Mr. K. Rajasingham, Retired Deputy Commissioner of inland Revenue, Sri Lanka, son of the ate Mr. & Mrs. Kathiravelu of 'Ilavalai, son-in-law of the late Mr. & Mrs. Chinniah Pillai of Koddady; beloved husband of Wageswary; loving father of 2hitra (Jayanthy) of Wellington, lew Zealand, Vasanthy of New Aalden, U.K., Guru (Satguru) f Cheshire, U.K. and Mohan of 'ingston, U.K., father-in-law of .N. Pathmanathan (New Zeaand), Vijayaratnam (U.K.), liranjali (U.K.) and Ranji J.K.); grandfather of Kavita, athany, Vasugi, Ramesh and fathura, brother-in-law of late agamuttu, late Ponnampam, late Nagiah and Sanmugaathan passed away on 8.1.95 " London and was cremated In 12th January '95. Mrs Rasingham and all members of er family sincerely thank rela
tives and friends who attended the funeral and sent floral tributes and messages of sympathy. - 20 Arundel Road, Kingston, Surrey KT1 3RZ. Tel: 081 942 1042.
Mrs. Rasamma Balasingam, beloved wife of late Mr. V. Balasingam of Green Memorial Hospital, Manipay; loving mother of Choodamani (Vaddukoddai, Sri Lanka), Dr. Thalayasingam (U.K.), Dr. Chinthamani (India), late Shanmugasegeram (Canada), Thanigaimani (Kandy, Sri Lanka), Dr. Sironmani (U.K.), Dr. Kangadevi (USA), Indrani and Kalaivani (USA) passed away On 4. 12.94. Cremation took place on 5th December. - Moolai Road, Vaddukoddai, Sri Lanka.
31st DAY REMEMBRANCE
Mrs. Pon na m m a h Sinnathamby of Thirunelveli, Jaff. na beloved wife of late Arunugam Sinnathamby, Ioving mother of Nallainathan, Thilllainathan (both of Australia); Parameswary (Thirunelveli), Kanagambigai (Australia) and Hamsini (Essex); dear motherin-law of Sivanesamalar, Maheswarathevy, Thilaganathan, Ratnavel and Ravindran and fond grandma of Nagathepan, Luxumanan, Vathana, Fuban, HanuSha, Usha, Kavitha, Sumanthiran,

Page 31
15 JANUARY 1995
Umaiyal and Karthigan passed away peacefully on the 21st of December 1994 and the cremation took place in Essex On the 22nd December.
All members of the family sincerely thank relatives and friends who attend the funeral and sent floral tributes and messages of sympathy. - 127 Bronksome Avenue, Stanfordle-Hope, Essex, U.K. Tel: 0375 676551.
IN MEMORAM
Navalar Kanapathippilai Navasothy Born: 2-4-1941 Died: 4-1-1990 Five years have flown since the day fate plucked your life away. But still, the great vacuum you left in us all fills, with ever flowing memories of you. Amidst the longing and love we feel, glows bright your name with so many of your good deeds.
Fondly remembered by your wife Rani, children Manivannan, Vathani and Yalini, mother, brothers and Sister, family and friends.
in Loving Memory of Justice Tellippalai Wanam Rajaratnam Retired Supreme Court Judge and Member of Parliament uOilombo on the 1st Anniversary of
his passing away on 15th January 1994. "Death cannot separate us for We love you appa forever and ever Sadly missed and dearly loved by his wife and children.
in Treasured Memory of
S. SHANMUGASUNDARAM A.G.A. Jaffna, Sri Lanka BOrr í 7. Of 1926 DieCd 09.02. 1985
Though lost for ten long years, Memories of you will always linger, Especially of the times we spent to-gether, We'll always cherish them for-ever,
Fondly remembered by wife, daughter, family and all loved Ones from abroad.
In ever loving memory of Mr Visvanathar Seevaratnan (Retired Technical Officer formerly PWD Overseer) c Tholpuram; son of late Mr. Mrs. Visvanathar of Suthuma laison-in-law of late Mr. & Mrs Cheliah of Tholpuram, belove husband of Rameswary; fathe of Santhirakumar (formerly c Samuel Sons, Colombo, pre sently London), Devakumara (Kumar Agencies, Vavuniya, Rajakumary, Vijayakumary an Jegathambal; father-in-law ( Sivakumari (formerly Vembad Girls High School), Jeyasunda (Sundaram Brothers), Kuma, asivam (People's Bank, Chur
 
 
 
 
 
 

( ,
nakam), Satkumanathan (Lake House, Colombo) and Kuganesan (France); grandfather of Thayanujee, Shivanujee, Mayruja, Kajinthan, Niro Shan, Siva Seelan,
Jeyaseelan, Vanathy, Kumarathy, lnthu and Jenan on the first anniversary of his passing away on 12th January 1994.
tn fond memory of Mrsa Ganeswary Tharmalingam of Kondavil East on the second anniversary of her passing away on 21.1.93.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by her loving husband Tharmalingam; children Brabalini, Brenjit and Ranjit, son-in-law Dr. W.N. Linganandhan; daughters-in-law Dr. Vani Bremjit and Shamini Ranjit; grandchildren Abirami, Sathya, Praneeta, Praseetha, Prashoban, Praveen and Anjana - 32 Anvil Way, North Springfield, Chelmsford, Essex CM 1 6SZ. Tel: 0245 466363.
FORTHCOMING EVENTS
February 1 Feast of St. Brigid. Feb. 2 Feast of Presentation of Lord Jesus.
Feb. 3, Sathurii.
Feb. 11 Eekathasi; Feast of Our Lady of Lourdes.
Feb. 13 Pirathosam. Feb. 14 Feast of St. Valentine.
Weekend Courses (15 weeks) Full time Courses
O Free revision Course
TAMIL TIMES 31
Feb. 15 Full Moon.
Feb. 16 MaSi Maham. Feb. 21 Feast of St. Danion.
Feb. 22 Feast of St. Peter, the Apostle.
Feb. 25 EekathaSi.
Feb. 27 PirathoSam; Sivarath
thiri.
At the Bhawan Centre, 4A
Castletown Road, London
W14 9HQ. Tel: O71-3813086/ 4608.
Feb. 3 7.30pm Indian Republic Day Celebrations. Speeches and Cultural Programme. All Welcome.
Feb 18 7.00pm Bhawan's Tamil Play 'Kidnap in Kelambakkam'.
Feb. 26 6.30pm Kathak by Jayshree Acharya.
Hartley College Past Pupils Meet
Hartley College Past Pupils' Association, U.K. had its A.G.M. and Annual Dinner at the Waterend Barn Hotel, St. Albans On 4.12.94. The A.G.M. was chaired by the President Dr. K. Sivakumaran. The secretary and treasurer presented their annual reports. The association set aside £2,000 for college projects.
The A.G.M. was followed by the annual dinner. The Chief Guest was Mr. K. Rajalingam, former Head Prefect and Sportsman of the Year 1962. Guest speakers included Hartleyites Dr. V. Navaratnam, Mr. C.J. T. Thamotheran and Mr. K. Pooranampillai. Mr. R. Kelley, a V.S.O. teacher of English at Hartley College between 1973 and 1975 was the Guest Speaker. The following were the main office bearers elected for 1995. Dr. K. Sivakumaran (President), Mr. V. Santhalingam (Vice President), Mr. P. Harrichandiran (Secretary) and Mr. J.A. W. Strong (Treasurer).
Private Tuition CIMA - May ’95 Examination
: Commencing 21st January '95 : Commencing 30th January '95
Course fee : Stage 1 - £350
: Stage 4 - £400
O Minimum 180 hours tuition will be given O Emphasis will be given on frequently examined syllabus areas O Specific attention will be given to case studies
Phone: 0181-4224.382

Page 32
32 TAMIL TIMES
Dr. Subramaniam Ponnampalam - An Appreciation
緣
I consider it a privilege and an honour to place on record a few words about the late Dr. S. Ponnambalan. As far as I could remember, he passed out as a doctor in 1956. He was appointed a House Officer to the District Hospital, Deniyaya, when I was the District Medical Officer of the hospital. I had the good fortune to work along with hin.
He was an officer for whom I had the highest regard. He was very punctual and even during his off hours was seen in the hospital attending to the needs of patients. He was dedicated to the profession, had the highest sense of duty and responsibility. He was extremely kind to the patients whether they were rich or poor. He was always available for any emergency call and the nurses and apothecaries had no difficulty in summoning him and he was prompt. I was very confident that he had a bright future ahead of him.
I had the pleasure of working along with him again when I was D.M.O. Tangale. His devotion to duty had not changed. His moral character was irreproachable. We continued our friendship and were close family friends.
He passed the Primary F.R.C.S. and continued to work, waiting for his turn to be sent abroad for the final Fellowship. He passed the F.R.C.S. and unlike quite a few, returned to fulfil his obligations by the Department and to serve the people.
He worked as a surgeon in Kurunagala and for 18 years in Jaffna. He served in Jaffna during the peak of the troubles and maintained the highest standards of medical ethics. He was a very successful surgeon and had a bright career. As a surgeon, he operated on the rich and the poor, even when the poor had no means to pay his legitimate fees, here laid his greatness.
He was very religious and was a dutiful son. He went all out to help his brothers. Due to the responsibilities he shouldered, he married late in life. He leaves behind his beloved wife and two daughters. I am confident that GOD will give them the
strength and health to able loss in the years longstanding and sin Though he was a been such that the have fought a good fi Course, I have kept m laid for me a Crown o fits a person like the lam. May his soul res Herbert Aria (Retired Director Ge
Toronto, Canada.
Pulava Periyatha Hono|
The Sri Lankan Govern postage stamp to hono Periyathambipillai. Ti several Tamil poets w footprints on the sands them have lived in recer them Pulawarmani F stands supreme.
Born in Mandur in B: 1899, he rose to fame 'Pulavarmani' (gem of a of his fine poetry. He footsteps of the fam Bharathy of South India ful poems in simple lang of humanism. His m national unity and racial the hearts of one an approach on national pl
During his early years India and North Sri Lal caste disharmony with ence. There was dis name of race, religion sprang at this hypocri sword. In later years he national fame. Though number of poems, C appeared in book form. Some of his works acclaimed (a) Bhavag Karmayogam, Bakthiy nayogam (b) Pulavarm Palai Kali - a study Ullathum Nallathum. Mé have appeared posthur writings appeared as se newspapers in his time.
 
 

et over the irreparConne. I have osta re friend. indu, his life has blical quotation, "l t, I had finished my faith. Henceforth is ghteousness' aptly te Dr. Ponnampan peace. tmam Jesudason, eral, Health Services, Sri Lanka).
mani nbipilai Ired
ment has issued a ur Pulavarmani A. here have been ho have left their
of time. Some of t times and among 'eriyathambipilai
ticaloa District in in later years as poet), on account
followed in the us Subramaniya and wrote beautiuage with a touch in thermes Were harmony and won f all by his fair oblemS.
he lived in South (a where he saw hock and abhorrimination in the ind Caste and he with his poetic became a poet of he has written a ly a few have The following are ich have been Gita Venpa — gam and Gnani Kavithaikal (c) If Kalithokai (d) y of these books usly, though his alised articles in
15 JANUARY 1995
Pulavarmani held several honorary posts at national level in social, literary and religious organisations. The Tamil speaking world was thirsting for his poems and speeches. He lived a very simple life and died on 2nd November 1978.
He had won several honours for his poetic works. His book 'Ullathum Nallathum' won the Sahitya award of the Hindu Cultural Affairs Ministry. Scholarships for Tamil Literature have been Created in his name at the Eastern University and at the Jaffna University.
Cancer Aid For North/East Sri Lanka
The ASSOCiation established in U.K. to provide financial, medical and other assistance to cancer patients in North/East Sri Lanka, a year back is pleased with the response for their appeal for funds made in May last year. They have 30 members who are contributing a minimum of £5 a month and have a fund of £4,000, of which £2,500 was contributed by other well wishers. They are taking steps to register their association as a charity.
The association as mentioned in their appeal is actively working towards the setting up of a hostel in Colombo to accommodate cancer patients during their treatment in Maharagama hospital.
Those interested in helping this worthy Cause could contact the aSSOCiation a Hounslow Business Park, Unit 1, Alice Way, Hounslow, Middlesex TW3 3UD, Tel: O81 572 2112. Fax: 081 572 4958.
Appeal for Temple Building Fund
Mmabatho is the capital of the North West Region of South Africa. The Hindus resident there do not have a temple to cater to their religious needs. Their nearest temple is around 200 kilometres away. The Mmabatho Hindu Samaj which has been in existence since April 1990 has acquired a piece of land and lacks sufficient funds to construct a place of worship. It makes an appeal to Hindus, well wishers and benefactors to assist them in this Divine project. Further information could be obtained from the President, Mr. N. Prabhakar, Tel: (0140) 21228 (H) or the Secretary, Mr. M. Ramanathan, Tel: (O140) 892140 (W) or (0140) 813241 (H) or by writing to P.O.Box 751, Mafikeng 8670, South Africa.
VNNEYVIGNEs CERTIFIED ACCOUNTANTS & REGISTERED AUDITORS
84 Ilford Lane Ilford Essex G1 2 LA Tel: 081553 5876 Fax: 081-553 3721 Mobile: 0956 277112

Page 33
15 JANUARY 1995
AUSTRALIAN
NEWS ETTER
Annual Sports Day of Tamil Schools
There are six Tamil schools in the suburbs of Sydney and all these schools are now jointly celebrating community activities under one umbrella organisation called the NSW Federation of Tamil Schools.
The Federation has a common syllabus for teaching Tamil in these schools. It also has prescribed books and uniform progress reports for the schools. It conducts competitions and annual sports events every year.
The Annual Sports Day this year was held on November 6th at Meadow Bank Park. The Sports Day was well organised by volunteers from the six schools. The students were divided into groups according to their age and houses were allocated. Heats and finals of various events were conducted. The adults also enjoyed themselves in the relay races and tug-of-war. Mr. Ben Ball, the Chief Education Officer of the Ethnic Schools Board was the guest of honour. He congratulated the teachers and parents for their voluntary work and gave away the prizes to the winners. The office bearers of the NSW Federation of Tamils Schools, Mr. M. Gunasingam, Mr. S. Sivagnanasundaram and Dr. P. Nallathamby, as the President, Secretary and Treasurer, respectively, were responsible for the Smooth conduct of the Annual Sports Day.
Awards To Ethnic Students
There are 500 community language schools in the state of New South Wales that teach 66 different ethnic languages. They teach 42,000 students.
The prestigious Education Minister's awards for excellence in student achievement is awarded every year to ten students. This year these ten students were selected from 180 applications from 34 language groups. Of the ten recipients of the Minister's award this year, five were from the Senior Section comprising Macedonian, Sinhala, Thai, Turkish and Ukrainian students. This awards ceremony is organised every year by the New South Wales Ethnic Schools Board and is sponsored by Telecom Australia. The Telecom Australia highly commended award winners were 59 from the Junior Section and 30 from the Senior Section. The Tamil recipients of these awards were Rajesh Jagadees waran, Shreeya Muttusamy, Prana van Satchithananda, Shobana Sothirajah and lavaniya Thevarajah in the Junior Section and Sivagowri Shanmuganathan and Meera Sivanathan in the Senior Section.
The only Tamil student to win the Minisfers award was 14-year-old Anusha Arjunamani from the Bolar Malar Tamil School.
In her address the Minister, the Hon. Virginia Chadwick congratulated the award winners and said that these awards recog
students to the stu guages. "Сотипі offer a unique form O in that instruction is of the identity, ethc local Communities's
Colourful cultural Angre (pestie dan dance and the Sri and Perahera song reflect the ethnic C Communities.
Marty
The Tamil Tigers' membered in Sydr December. Hundred into the Burwood Gili pay respect to the young men and won their lives for the C. The program began two minutes silenc martyrs. This was f of songs mourning t ing the heroic lives While these songs ple lined up to plac flowers at the foot memorial to the mai Eelam was then rais by the welcome a President of the Eel Mr. Surendran.
An ‘lsai Nadakann the political history independence was by the audience. evening was the dic Black Tigers and th on Palaly Airport in , fin that the audient ing. It served to rem unbelievable heroisn Black Tigers to the c
Christmas
Christmas in Can festival of lights. Tc like 100 Vesak da World renOWned Ni not to be missed. F Cue from this and simply to marvel at til may be below zero
Christmas celebra nant activity of all the nOnthS Of Nové The most notable ‘CAROLS’ organis Mather for Sri La Associations, which a nultitude of sta, addition to this, the Own CarOS On the S, O Ver 250 innernerS Ziemba, Minister Seniors Affairs as C
Tamil Issai
Come January, the Oriental Music, with
 
 

dy of their own lanty language Schools flanguages education provided in the COntext s and Culture of the he Concluded.
programs like Robam 2e), the Red Shoes Lankan ZOO Animal:S were performed to ulture of the different
r's Day
Martyrs' Day was reley on Saturday 3rd S Of Tamils Crammed ris' High School Hall to memory of the brave en who had sacrificed ause of Tamil Eelam. with the observation of e in memory of the plowed by the singing he death and Celebratof the Tamil martyrs. were being sung, peoe lighted candles and of a specially erected tyrs. The flag of Tamil sed. This was followed daress by the Viceann Tamil Association,
by children depicting of Sri Lanka Since very well appreciated The highlight of the cumentary about the eir courageous attack August 1994. It was a ce found deeply movhind expatriates of the n and dedication of the ause of Tamil Eelam.
ETTER
in Canada
ada is a marvelous us Sri Lankans, it is ys put together. The agara lights is a sight Readers should take a visit Canada in Winter he lights even though it for over 60 days! ations were the domiTamil Organisations in 2nber and December. b of them all was, sed by Rev. Bobby Inkan School Alumni deCOrate Toronto like rS in the horizon. In Tanil Seniors had their ame day and attracted with the Hon. Elaine of Citizenship and hief Guest.
Kala Manram
lights give way to Tamil the ongoing programs
TAMIL TIMES 33
sponsored by the Thamil lssai Kala Manram, headed by V. Sornalingamas president and R. Balasubramanian as Secretary. This organisation is dedicated to the promotion of carnatic music - both vocal and instrumental. This nanran Conducts examinations based on the syllabus of the renowned North Ceylon Oriental Music Society. Annually over 200 students sit for these examinations and the certificates issued by the manram are held in high eStee.
'Tamils Information' - Anniversary Celebrations
The biggest event in Toronto in February each year is the anniversary celebration of the Tamil monthly - TAMILS INFORMATION'. This esteerned Journal has a circulation of over 4000 and it's editor is the well known journalist Thiru S. Thiruchelvam. The 4th anniversary of the issue falls on the 5th of February and the celebrations are to take place in the Toronto City Hall, with the newly elected Mayor Barbara Hall as the guest of honour. It is the custom on this occasion to honour people who have rendered yeoman service to the community, through a system of Awards. There are two annual awards. One for community Service and the other for Cultural enrichment. Moreover, three other special awards are reserved for Refugee Services, Social Services and Literary Services.
Appointed Presiding Justice of Peace
Mr. Regis S. Jogendra, has become the first Sri Lankan attorney-at-law to be appointed a Presiding Justice of the Peace of Ontario Courts (Provincial Division). Before coming to Canada, Mr. Yogendra was an Attorneyat-law and Subsequently Served as an Assistant Commissioner of National Housing.
Aloy. Ratnasingham.
Pithukuli Murugadas Sings at Siva Thondan Nilayam
The famous Hindu devotional singer Pithukuli Murugadas demonstrated his great devotion and reverence to Yogaswami of Jaffna by visiting the Siva Thondan Nilayam Prayer Hall at 256B High Street North, Manor Park, London E12 on 19.9.94 and conducting a bajan. This prayer hall has been established to propagate the teachings of simple ethical and spiritual life of Yogaswami in Natchinthanai which is a treasure of divine love and wisdom, most of these songs were sung by him during meditation and noted by his devotees. According to his teaching one could see God within oneself by meditation and not by renouncing the world.
Prayer meetings are held at the centre on the first Sunday of each month between 3 and 5 pm. Those interested please telephone 081-543 2126 for further information.

Page 34
34 TAM TIMES
soUTH LONDON TAM
VACAN
A Registered Charity, serving the welfare needs C immediate vacancies for the follo
ADMINISTRATIV
(Funded by Trus
You will be required to assist the Co-ordinat
Salary: pro-rata £11,730/-
The applicants for this po Experience in all aspects of office admin Computer skills and experience in WordExperience in Book-keeping and Accoun * A reasonable experience/knowledge in W
VOLUNTEER ORGANISER
(Funded by Age Co,
You will be responsible for successfully impl the Older People using volunteers
:
Salary: pro-rata £12,471/-
The applicants for this demand
Personal interest in the care of the Older ally to the needs of the Older People
Experience in working with Older People Experience in volunteer recruitment Experience in Word-Processing Organising skills
女
For both posts yo Fluency in both English and Tamil includ Good communication skills and telephon Ability to work on his/her initiative and wi
Flexible approach and the ability to WC Saturdays and during unsocial hours
For further details and an app stating which position you are interested in to: -
The Co-ordinator, South London Tamil 41-47 Hartfield Road London SW 19 3SG
Telephone No.: 0181.
Closing date for receipt of applicatio We are an Equal Opportunities Employe

15 ANUARY 1995
weLFARE Group
ICIES
if the Tamil Community in South London has ving tuvo Part-time positions
/EASSISTANT
it for London)
or with the general running of the Group
- inc. OLW (26 hours)
Sition should have -
istration
Processing
tS 参 felfare benefits and immigration advice
AND PROJECT WORKER
ncern, England)
ementing the community care Project for - A new Project of the Group
inc. OLW (26.5 hours)
ing position should have - People and the ability to respond sympathetic
and Volunteers
u will need:- ing interpretation and translation
e rannerS th a proven track record to meet targets }rk well under pressure including Working on
plication form, please write,
| Welfare Group
540-3715
ns is Friday 10th February 1995
r and operate a No Smoking Policy

Page 35
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