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Woll XIW No.3 ISSN 02664488 15 MARC
PEACE PROCESS
DRIFTING INTO
WAR OF WORDS
A Sustaining the Peace
Process & Going Beyond
 

1995 90
PEACE MISSION TO JAFFNA
Corruption Probe Provokes WWFT (One (Generaals
Readers. Forum

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15 MARCH 1995
I do not agree with a word of what you say, but I'll defend to the death your right to say it.
s – voltaire.
ISSN 0266-4488
VOXV NO.3 15 MARCH 1995
Published by
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CONTENTS
After six months in Govt. . . . . . . . . .4
Peace Process Drifting into War of Words. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Peace Mission Receives Warm Welcome in Jaffna. . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Tamil People worry about Breakdown of Peace Talks. . . . . . 11
Govt. and the Media on Collision Course. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Corruption Probe provokes War of the Generals. . . . . . . . . . . 16
Sustaining the Peace Process and Going Beyond. . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 Marxism and Ethnicity. . . . . . . . . . 19
Sub-Continental Scene. . . . . . . . . 23
Readers Forum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Book Review. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Classified. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
Whĩ
The recent disclo the IT TE and the have caused dis, harboured great were engaged. 7 process. But they
The fact is that On Which She fo negotiated peace peace process. F and the noOdanc positively respon
It also has to t political environn Significant oppos
The beginning Of the ban On th Subsequent form: are distinct achie first time in year dropped. There C brought consider
The expectatio international Conn serious negotiatic
What is reflecte are disputes arisi secondary or cor, unresolved nation basic problem is ( automatically disa
It is advisable prevailing conduc task of negotiatir prepared to addr LT TE is also on r federal basis wit. State. If that is th been reached wh respective positic positions. It is to through a proces, irreconcillable diff Seek the assistar tion of Sufficient c
The prudence negotiating proce Whatever merit t able problems l resolved by disc public disclosure leader has Confiri process has alrea
The resolution pressing issue government's age not enough. Nom. loyal they may b full-time basis ar. process wheneve Of the task. If th government sho adequate grasp o in all its ramificat specifically dedic resolved.
 
 
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 3
ther the Peace Process?
sure of letters exchanged between the Government and press statements containing charges and counter-charges appointment among the vast majority of the people who 2xpectations from the peace process in which both parties he disclosures may not have fatally damaged the peace / have certainly raised a serious question mark.
Mrs. Chandrika Kumaratunga boldly spelt out the platform ught the elections and obtained a clear mandate for a ful resolution of the ethnic Conflict and She initiated the Recognising the developments in the south of the island, i expectations of the Tamil people as a whole, the LTTE too ded.
e noted that one of the salutary features of the prevailing ent in the country is that, unlike in the past, there is no tion to the peace process.
of talks between the government and the LTTE, the lifting e transport to Jaffna of a majority of the items and the al declaration of cessation of hostilities between the parties vements in the development of the peace process. For the s the guns have gone silent and bombs are not being an be no doubt that what has already been achieved has able relief to the beleaguered people of the north.
in of the people, both the Sinhalese and Tamils, and the munity is that both parties should get on with the task of ons and bring about a settlement that will guarantee peace. 2d in the recent publicised exchanges between the parties ng from an emphasis placed on what can be regarded as sequential issues resulting from the primary problem, the all question which resulted in the armed conflict. When the discussed and resolved, the consequential problems would appear.
for the leadership on both sides to take advantage of the ive political environment in the country and get on with the ng on the primary issue. The government says that it is 2ss the issue through negotiations with the LTTE. And the ecord as being prepared to settle the ethnic problem on a hout insisting on its earlier position of a totally separate e true and genuine position of both parties, the stage has en both parties should exchange proposals reflecting their ons. Obviously one would expect a gap between the two narrow down and then ultimately to eliminate this gap s of give and take that negotiations take place. In case of arences arising, by mutual agreement, the parties ought to ice of an outside independent personality or an organisacompetence in the field of conflict resolution. and efficacy of the methodology hitherto adopted in the ss between the government and the LT TE is questionable. he principle of transparency may have, protracted intractbetween parties with entrenched positions cannot be ussions surrounded by the glare of publicity. The recent of letters exchanged between the President and the LTTE ned fears about this methodology. It looks as if the peace ady drifted into a war of words.
of the ethnic problem and bringing back peace is the most facing the country. It should be on the top of the 2nda. Expressions of commitment to the peace process are inating civil servants and outside professionals, however e to the government, who are otherwise engaged on a ld expecting them to take a part-time role in the peace rtime permits is not adequate for the enormity and urgency e peace process is not to be allowed to go adrift, the uld appoint a team of competent persons having an f the political, ethnic and military dimensions of the problem ions to deal with the peace process. That team must be lated to tackle the issue on a fulltime basis until it is

Page 4
4 TAMIL TIMES
After Six Months in
from Rita Sebastian
Already six months into her new government and three months into the Executive Presidency, Chandrika Kumaratunga is finding the honeymoon with the Sri Lankan electorate wearing thin.
The populist platform that brought her to power is, by common consent fairly shaky. No government can survive on election pledges. Neither can it survive on the misdeeds of the previous regime. It can only survive in translating pledges into action for the large mass of the people.
There are two strands to the People’s Alliance government, both equally important.
One is resolving the 12 year old ethnic conflict, healing the wounds of war and removing the disparities between the Sinhala majority and the Tamil and Muslim minorities.
The second, the revitalising of the economy, instilling investor confidence and securing industrial peace.
Nobody can fault the President's peace initiative. She undertook it with a dogged determination, knowing full well the political and personal risks she was taking.
Although the talks for the moment seem deadlocked over several issues, with charges and counter charges being traded by both sides, there is no doubt that the living conditions of the Tamil people in the peninsula have improved. A substantial relief and rehabilitation package has also been pledged.
Uptimistic noises regarding the peace process continue to emanate from government politicians. And Defence Deputy Anurudha Ratwatte has acquired a civilian Defence Secretary, the former Elections Commissioner Chandrananda de Silva.
A seasoned bureaucrat, de Silva's appointment although not welcomed by certain sections of the armed forces seems to be the right signal to the LTTE who have been complaining that the military is holding President Kumaratunga hostage.
However the sceptics who feel that the LTTE is preparing the ground for Eelam are not convinced that Sri Lanka is on the threshold of peace. They argue that the LTTE has got more than what they have given, and come back into the east
from where t under former jetunge.
The rehabilit north will bring tion of the mass calculation is th the LTTE in the
Only time wi sceptics are righ assessment of Kumaratunga has shown a However the Ku ment must reck ifhostilities brea date, it will be a PA government recover.
Chandrika Ku magic wand. It i sides of the ethr consciously cont)
peace process fo] roadblocks.
Her belief til must be deprive necessary for da her lift the emba into the norther is of course cri army checkposts of goods on whic lifted is still m army rank and
Goods that sho
Cauti
by Rita BATTICALOA black cord hang carries a tiny other a cyanide the cyanide cap Jeyam, 20, as a f tion Tigers of Ta for he carried inc battle fatigues.
We met Jeyan Vakarai, the t camp, 50 km noi is not an LTTE would describe returned home t family after two the jungles.
For the first peace talks led ta hostilities in Jun are moving abo

15 MARCH 1995
GOVt.
ey were expelled President D.B. Wi
tion process in the an end to the alienaes to the LTTE. The at people will propel direction of peace. ll tell whether the it or wrong in their the LTTE or the government which lever pragmatism. maratunga governon with the fact that kout at some future blow from which the will find difficult to
maratunga has no s the people on both hic divide that must ibute to helping the rward whatever the
hat no community d of basic essentials y-to-day living made rgo on several items in peninsula. There ticism that at the the free movement 'h the ban has been anipulated by the ile.
uld be flowing free
ly into the peninsula are only trickling in. And of course the often humiliating search of your belongings in public doesn't say much for confidence building among the ordinary citizens. w Meanwhile the budget which was an exercise in good housekeeping made no references to the give-away largesse that some of the populist minded Ministers in the government had wanted. Commentators see it more as a take-away rather than a give-away budget.
This however is not strictly true for the Rs. 3 million subsidy for, bread continues intact. The fertiliser subsidy also continues with the government not having broken away from the subsidy culture. The trouble with subsidies is that they are taken for granted and the appetite is whetted for more. s
在 goes to the populist credit of Ms. Kumaratunga that she has protected the bread subsidy. However the budget has no direction on the future course of employment schemes. The dole promised to the unemployed youth and impoverished families is not sanctioned yet. No mention being made for it in the budget has been a disappointment to supporters.
According to Minister of Science and Technology, Bernard Zoysa, a pink hued socialist, socialism can come from plenty not from scarcities. He was quoting from Lenin but such appropriate quotes will not satisfy supporters.
bus Optimism in the East
Sebastian
- Two lengths of round his neck. One metallic cross, the capsule. It is only sule that identified ghter of the Liberamil Eelam (LTTE), gun, nor was he in
in army controlled own turned army th of Batticaloa. He infiltrator as some him. He has only his village and his years of fighting in
time after failed a fresh outbreak in * 1990, Tiger cadres ut freely in towns
and villages. They are identifiable by the cyanide capsules around their necks.
It is the January 8th truce between the government and the LTTE that has made his return possible. The same truce that has also made it possible for the military to move on the road from Vakarai to their camp in Palchenai 4 miles away, or to Kathiravalli a further 4 miles, watched by LTTE cadres.
'We have no wish to fight. We are just as committed to the peace process as the government for we want to see our people live without fear and in freedom’ says Thilagar who oversees the group's economic activities in the district.
Thilagar denies that the LTTE has set up new camps or is stocking up fuel and food for another round of

Page 5
15 MARCH 1995
hostilities. He however admits to their extending the perimeter in one or two camps. And explains away the large quantities of fuel and food as being necessary for meeting their daily requirements, having been deprived of them for 4 years.
Thilagar is optimistic that the Kumaratunga government will alleviate the hardships of the civilian population. It is only now, according to him, that with restrictions lifted on fishing, and a truce in place, that the men have started going out to work.
"Unfairly accused of collaboration with us, so many of the men and boys have been victims of the army brutality’ says Thilagar. Even now he says the army faults people for talking to the LTTE.
Whatever the grumblings from either side, the very fact that the guns have gone silent for four weeks, has brought fresh hope to the people in this mainly Tamil dominated district.
Batticaloa, one of the nervecentres of the bloody ethnic conflict between government forces and militant Tamil Tigers battling for an independent homeland in the island nation's north and east, is quietly returning to a normal and sane existence.
The guns have remained silent and the people are happy', says young Marian Deepa, who works with an aid agency. "For the first time in years people have begun to venture out to earn a livelihood, whether it be fishing or working in the fields', she adds.
Marian is engaged in the sad task of enumerating the women widowed by the civil war, their family situation and their immediate needs. Hundreds of them have lost their husbands in the war', says Marian.
The devastated populace is slowly picking up the threads of existence to build a new life structured around changed realities. Most of the citizens are hopeful that the eventuality will not arise and praise the government for taking the initiative to talk to the Tigers.
It was a bold step taken by the new government to initiate peace talks and resolve this longstanding conflict, says Bishop Kingsley Swampillai of the Roman Catholic Batticaloa Diocese.
Viewing the situation with what he calls "cautious optimism' the Bishop is "Cautious, because there can always be a slip; and optimistic
because of the app ernment in makin priority” says Bisho And he calls or approach the pri seriousness it des success, he says, d. of the nation.
Bishop Swampill voicing these sen refrain you pick up district.
In the Muslim vi udy, Abdul Jawath mer Citizens Com believes that the ti the government al settlement that v Muslim interests.
Old enmities be lims and the LTT been forgotten. Haniffa from Era two of his brothers LTTE massacre” w now is that the gu away. We want to the Tamils' he say
'We see them wh town to buy provis Majeed, 22, a taxi no problems with town. But there peace talks break be war again and the victims', he ad
But Majeed favo militants for the a ted against his community and gi chance.
Kandasamy B Democratic Peo Front's (DPLF) le trict, says he ha gun-carrying LTT caloa. He has only and is not at all ke press reports. A himself dismissed t violations as "mino
The Sri Lankar replaced by a stro gent in the town understandably w. In Batticaloa alor men in June 1990 lities broke out fol peace talks. This t are tight-lipped all happen if hostilitic get the feeling th out their own strat Today the police checkpoints in th daily contact with they move into tl

TAMIL TIMES 5
roach of the govg this a national op Swampillai.
both parties to oblem with the erves for on its pends the future
ai is not alone in timents. It is a as you travel the
llage of Kathankl, lawyer and formittee chairman, ruce vill hold and ble to work out a vill not overlook
etween the MusE seem to have For Mohamed vur, who claims were killed "in an that is important ns have been put live in peace with S. en they come into sions', says Abdul driver. 'We have them coming into is a fear that if down there could we would become ds.
purs forgiving the trocities commitminority Muslim ving them a fresh
alakrishna, the ple’s Liberation ader for the disis not seen any C cadres in Battiheard the rumour 2n to substantiate
security official he reported truce
r.
army has been ng police continThe police are ury of the LTTE. Le they lost 584 when fresh hostilowing the failed me, though they out what would s broke out, you sy have mapped egies. men manning the o district come in LTTE cadres as Le towns and vil
lages openly identifying themselves. Although the police are hoping that peace will hold and the government will be able to negotiate a political settlement with the Tigers, they stress that they are prepared to "face any eventuality' this time.
In the Mahaweli settlement of Magulpokuna, a village in Welikande on the eastern border, Wedegedera Ananada, the President of the village peace committee, is ready to dismiss some of the alleged LTTE violations as "perhaps the work of LTTE dropouts'. 'Isn't it better to have peace rather than have people getting killed on both sides asks Ananda whose 22-yearold son Leelaratne is a Home Guard. It was a soldier sitting at a lonely checkpoint on the road to Vakarai who asked "Have there been any bombs?' An answer in the negative had his face break out in smiles. For him as long as the truce holds he knows he will not have to fire his gun, or be fired upon.
Return of Tamil Refugees
The “voluntary repatriation' of Sri Lankan refugees, the overwhelming majority of whom were Tamils, who sought asylum in southern India resumed on 28 February after a six-month monsoon-season suspension, according to the office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Colombo.
Initially eight trips by ship would have been scheduled from Tamil Nadu in India to Tailamannar on the north-west coast of Sri Lanka, taking some 3,500 people. In March 4,000 more people are expected to be returned to Trincomalee in eastern Sri Lanka, the UNHCR said.
Almost all Sri Lankan Tamil refugees who had been in India following the outbreak of communal violence in July 1983 are expected to be repatriated to Sri Lanka if the peace process continues to progress.
The UNHCR will assist the returnees in their journey to their home villages whether in areas held by the LTTE guerrilla forces or under government control, the UNHCR said.
Of the more than 200,000 refugees, mostly Tamils, who fled Sri Lanka after 1983, more than 86,000 have already returned to Sri Lanka under the UNHCR assisted scheme.

Page 6
6 TAMIL TIMES
PEACE PROCESS DRIFT
LTTE STATEMENT
The following is the text of a letter dated 25 February from the leader of the LTTE, Mr. V. Prabhakaran to President Kumaratungu:
This is to thank you for your letter dated 16th February. On the 13th February we addressed an important communication to Presidential Secretary Balapatapendi, and were avvaiting a response from him; and hence the delay in replying to you.
It is regrettable that in his very brief letter, Mr. Balapatabendi failed to respond to any of the vital matters that we raised. His letter was also silent on issues such as the modalities in implementing the agreement on the cessation of hostilities; the functioning of the monitoring committees, and the
continuation of the talks.
He appears to have marginalised the many issues we raised by merely saying that the government had taken various steps to solve the living problems of the Tamil people.
You are quite aware of our stand on the question of opening a route between the Peninsula and the northern mainland, and your government has negated our proposal on this question which we hold important. But to go ahead and make a unilateral declaration that the government has decided to open both the Pooneryn and Elephant Pass routes to the public can only help to gain propaganda yardage for the government. It cannot be of any use in taking the peace process forward. We are surely disappointed over this.
This unilateral declaration makes one thing very clear: the government is intent in giving priority not to the needs of the people but to military subterfuges!
The talk about lifting the embargo on all essentials is another piece of deception. You well know that the embargo is yet in force on various items. Items such as fuel, diesel, vehicles, motor spares, batteries which are essentials in any civilised society have been identified as military ware; not merely a piece of sophistry; it can neither reduce the sufferings of our people, nor can it help in the peace process. -
Now, on the question of a cease-fire, there appears to be a paralysis of will. It really astonishes us that you are not showing any keenness to extend the present temporary cessation of hostilities into a permanent, durable cease
fire. We have time to this, in the ma have sent to your also explained the that have resulted the modalities in t of the existing ces agreement. We hav concrete responses in turn resulted in the foreign heads ( mittees to begin as tions. Further dela can jeopardise the CoSS.
There is a furt consultations rega struction and rehab ravaged areas. Tow a decision making up, composed of rep government as well was in fact agreed sentatives at the la We therefore wish t ever steps that a regard should be do the understanding both sides at the p talks.
Leader
The following is th statement issued by na on 27.2.95 and re London office:
The Political Commi tion Tigers of Tamil ment issued from it Jaffna yesterday (2 the Presidential S tabendi had written LTTE political secti stating that the
ready to open both gupiddy and the Ele for public use. In pu government had de forward positions of Pooneryn 500 me news added that th itemfs except those t military use would b and that the Presic was awaiting a res)
the LTTE.
In responding to Thamilchelvan said
"It would seem th decision by the gove

15 MARCH 1995
G INTO WAR OF WORDS
and again referred ny letters that we overnment. I have various confusions in not working out he implementation ation of hostilities e yet to receive any from you. This has
delays in getting f Monitoring Comsuming their func7s on this question entire peace pro
ner need to hold rding the reconilitation of the war 'ards this purpose, body has to be set resentatives of the as the LTTE. This to, by your represt round of talks. ostress that whatre taken in this one on the basis of
reached between previous rounds of
Yours Sincerely, V. Pirabakaran Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam.
le text of a press the LTTE in Jaff. leased through its
ttee of the LiberaEelam in a state; Headquarters in 5.02.95) said that ecretary Balapato the head of the on Thamilchelvan government was he Pooneryn Sanphant Pass routes suance of this, the cided to shift the he army camp at res behind. The e embargo on all at could be put to completely lifted 2ntial Secretariat onse to this from
this letter, Mr.
at this unilateral nment while fail
ing to concede the various requests that we have been placing before them, amounts to nothing more than a posture meant to lull the outside world into the belief that the government was very keen to take forward the peace process.'
The fact is the government has been using its privileged position to brief foreign news agencies of various claims that are contrary to ground realities.
The assurances regarding the lifting of the economic embargo are only on paper. None of the items on which the embargo has been lifted reaches Jaffna in any appreciable quantity. The armed forces impose their own restrictions on various items like fuel, kerosene, motor spares, vehicles, fertilisers, radio batteries etc. Whenever we point these out, the government responds by giving assurances that are never kept.
As for the opening of a safe route for public travel to and from the mainland, while not demanding the shifting of the 30 year old strongly fortified army camp at Elephant Pass, we suggested the removal of the recently set-up Pooneryn army camp. The government has refused to accept this.
We asked for the lifting of the ban on fishing in the north-east waters, so that our fisher folk can carry on with their traditional occupation. Even within the limited areas and hours conceded, our fishermen are unable to continue their fishing in safety. The naval authorities at Karainagar have recently arrested three of the fishermen at Arally waters.
Making unilateral announcements such as opening of both routes to the public, that are meaningless in practice, while failing to attend to the basic day-to-day needs of our people, begins to shake our confidence in a government on which we have placed trust from the beginning. We even wonder whether supplying sunshine stories to the outside world is only part of the government stategy to throw the ball into the LTTE court all the time. Trying to win foreign aid for the apparent purpose of reconstruction and rehabilitation of the war-ravaged north-east, which could again be used for war purposes is certainly not the best way to win the confidence of the Tamil people.
The following is the text of a press statement issued by the LTTE in Jaff. na on 7.3.95 and released through its London office:

Page 7
15 MARCH 1995
PEACE PROCESS: DRIFT
The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam in Jaffna released on 6 March the text of a letter dated 25th February from LTTE leader Mr. Velupillai Pirabakaran, to Sri Lanka President Chandrika Kumaratunga. The letter was in response to a letter dated 20th February from the Sri Lanka President.
In his letter to the Sri Lanka President, Mr. Pirabakaran said: "It is our desire that the talks between the Liberation Tigers and the Sri Lanka Government should be open and not secret. In a situation where the international community as well as our people are closely watching the progress of our talks with the Government, we do not see that it would be proper or advisable for us to exchange views in secret through a private individual. We have examined with care the questions that you have raised in your letter. We desire that the talks should take place between representatives appointed by you on behalf of the Sri Lanka government and those appointed by us. Your representatives can make clear your views and our representatives can do the same on our behalf. It is talks on this basis between the two sides that will be fruitful. Our problems have today attracted international attention. The international community and our people are today giving their close attention to the Tamil ethnic question. Our people wish and expect to be kept informed of the talks between the two sides and its progress. In this situation, it will not be proper for me to exchange views with you through a private individual in secret.'
At a press conference in Jaffna on Monday the 6th March, Mr. Anton Balasingham referred to the correspondence between the LTTE leader and the Sri Lanka President and said: How did a letter sent to the LTTE leader marked top secret reach newspaper reporters? Having marked the ketter secret, the fact that the Government themselves are now talking about its contents raises grave doubts in our mind. How are we to believe what is being said? Furthermore, government connected organisations have spread the false propaganda that the LTTE is opposed to mediation by a foreign country. The fact is that the Liberation Tigers have at no time opposed mediation by an outside country.'
However, the Liberation Tigers do not desire mediation by a private individual from a foreign country. President Chandrika Kumaratunga in
her letter had want LTTE leader a Frer had served in Haiti who had retired Although this priva from France, he w behalf of the French therefore we were him as a mediator. 1 he was a close frient and his selection as controversial. Agair was not known to t gers. In this situat expect that he will a a mediator? This bei tion, LTTE leader c tion of the LTTE cle Kumaratunga by h February. But it a Chandrika governm age the LTTE in frame by spreading Hence, we wish to the Sri Lanka goverr between us and the ernment fail, we wil
GOW
The following is the dated 6 March, issu ment in response to by the LTTE leader,
The Elephant Pa Sangupiddy routes the government on was considered a the normalization c tions of the people i the LTTE has reje the Government ha this statement, inc three letters exc LTTE, in order to e. the correct position
1: When the Peo ernment started ne LTTE about five a ago, the governme take the following ate the difficulties O of the people in the (i) Reconstruction ( facilities, schools the provision transport faciliti (ii) Supply of food and other essen (iii) Taking steps to Pass and Poo roads, in order t sion of the above ties. This clearly dem

TAMIL TIMES 7
G INTO WAR OF WORDS
2d to send to the ch diplomat who and Ethiopia and from service. e individual was as not acting on government and unable to accept At the same time, of the President a mediator was , this individual he Liberation Tion, how can we st in a fair way as ng the true situaonveyed the posiarly to President is letter of 25th ppears that the 2nt seeks to damthe international false information. alk directly with ment. If the talks Sri Lankan govl welcome media
tion by foreign countries. We are looking forward to the next round of talks. We have always been ready for these talks and we continue to be in a state of readiness for these talks. It is the Sri Lanka government which has not yet fixed the date for the next round of talks. At a time when foreign diplomats are due to visit Jaffna, the Sri Lanka government is trying to tarnish our image in a planned fashion.
The letter of 20th February to the LTTE leader by President Chandrika Kumaratunga said that she desired to send a representative from a foreign country, in a private capacity, to meet the LTTE leader and that such individual would help the exchange of views between the two sides. It was also said that this individual would not place his own views and would not be acting as a representative of a foreign country but as a private individual. The Sri Lanka President said that although this individual was from France, he would not be acting on behalf of that country.
/T's STATEMENT
text of a statement ed by the Governrecent letters sent ship. Lss and Poonerynwere re-opened by February 24. This necessary step for if the living condin the North. Since cted this gesture, s decided to release luding the text of hanged with the plain to the people
ple’s Alliance govgotiations with the nd a half months it first proposed to measures to allevif the day to day life
North: f Roads, irrigation and hospitals and pf electricity and es;
clothes, medicine ial commodities; open the Elephant heryn-Sangupiddy o ensure the proviservices and facili
onstrates that the
government has taken meaningful steps to provide for the day to day necessities of the people of the North. As for (ii) above, the list of items and quantities sent to Jaffna during the very brief period since peace talks were initiated, belies the LTTE's claims that the government has not made any effort to ease the difficulties of people living in the North.
2. In the second round of talks, the subject of discussion was the cessation of hostilities.
The two sides agreed to a cessation of hostilities, commencing from January 08, 1995.
3. The government held the view that all this should culminate in a negotiated political settlement of the war and the ethnic question.
The government continuously suggested that talks with this objective should commence simultaneously with the commencement of cessation of hostilities and the reconstruction works of the North.
The LTTE expressed its satisfaction at the first round of talks, and by a number of letters, with the government's proposals for the rapid reconstruction of the North and agreed to extend their fullest cooperation to the officials who would be sent to the North to carry out repair and reconstruction work.
Continued on page 8

Page 8
8 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 7
Accordingly, the government presented to the LTTE a detailed reconstruction plan and obtained their suggestions as well. The entire project was estimated to cost Rs. 39,000 million.
Her Excellency the President in her letter of February 16, 1995 informed Mr. Pirabhakaran of the government's willingness to start initial work of the Reconstruction Programme of the North. She also said that initial work could commence on February 20th 1995 and the rest of the work on March 01, 1995.
The LTTE's reply to this proposal, which came in the letter dated February 25, which is annexed to this statement, requested that a number of new conditions that were not directly relevant to the issue, be fulfilled before the commencement of work. The government wishes to inform the people in the North as well as in the South, that the imposition of these new conditions, has in effect delayed the commencement of the reconstruction programme in the North. The conditions laid down by the LTTE were as follows:
(i) A total lifting of the embargo on
goods transported to Jaffna,
(ii) Opening up of the routes to Jaffna,
(iii) Transformation of the cessation of
hostilities into a cease-fire,
(iv) Establishment of an Authority to
implement reconstruction projects.
With regard to the first condition, the government has taken steps, on two occasions, to reduce significantly the number of items on the embargo list, particularly goods essential for the day to day life of the people. The embargo now remains only for goods that can be used for military purposes.
Although there have been extensive talks with the LTTE regarding the opening of passages to Jaffna, no final agreement could be reached since the LTTE insisted on the total removal of the Pooneryn camp as a condition to opening the roadways. It was in this context that the government reopened both the Elephant Pass and Poonery n-Sangupiddy routes on February 24, in order to facilitate rapid development work in the North, as well as to facilitate free passage for the people. The LTTE, which has been demanding the re-opening of safe passages to Jaffna has unfortunately not accepted this move; it has not yet removed the fences which they themselves erected blocking these two routes, while the government has removed all fences put up by us.
The LTTE coupled the opening of safe passages to Jaffna with the removal of the army camp located near
the Pooneryn-Sang government has r out to the LTTE th camp before a fina. war is arrived at, wc to public security.
ernment informed steps would be ta perimeters of the 500 metres, the LT to insist that the removed altogethe closure of these two major obstruction to development in the ment believes that t problem is the open and not the remova
With regard to th that the prevailing c ties be transformed i fire, the governmen the cease-fire situat bilized once the “Co tigation into Violati Cessation of Hostili mittees) begins to fu It is relevant to men LTTE has repeated cipation in these Co.
When the govern setting up of Monit on January 3 1995, unconditionally. Wh formed the govern wished to meet the fi tives of these Comm taken to Jaffna. M and LTTE leaders m discussions with the The LTTE has, sin the inclusion of new the Committees be Their main condition (i) Total removal (
fishing and the boats off the Nort (ii) Permission for H.
were previously hideouts in the ju ern Province, anc about due to the c ties, be permitte carrying arms. With regard to co than half the restri activities off the No) have already been r With regard to co ary commanders anc ers in the East have appropriate written garding the move cadres.
Government has ir
that these issues can
sed and resolved onc Committees, consisti resentatives and r

15 MARCH 1995
upiddy road. The peatedly pointed at removal of this conclusion of the uld be detrimental Although the govthe LTTE that ken to move the ooneryn camp by TE has continued camp should be . As continuous routes has been a the people and to North, the governhe solution to this ng of both routes,
of the camp. LTTE’s condition essation of hostiliinto a stable ceaset’s position is that ion should be stammittees of Inveson of the Terms of ties' (Peace Cominction effectively. tion here that the tly avoided partimmittees. ment proposed the oring Committees the LTTE agreed en the LTTE in(ment that they oreign representahittees, they were [r. Pirabhakaran Let them and held
(ce then, asked for conditions before egin to function.
S are:
f restrictions on ree movement of th-Eastern shore.
TTE cadres, who confined to their ngles of the Eastare now moving essation of hostilid to do so while
indition (i), more ctions on fishing th-Eastern shore lmoved. ndition (ii), militlocal LTTE leadalready reached agreements rement of LTTE
formed the LTTE be further discuse the Monitoring ng of foreign reppresentatives of
the LTTE and government begin to function. Because of the inability of the Monitoring Committees to function, there is no independent body to look into the alleged violation of the cessation of hostilities agreement. The government has therefore repeatedly asked the LTTE to allow these Committees to function. The LTTE's insistence on new conditions has so far prevented the Monitoring Committees from functioning.
It is regrettable that after agreeing to the function of the Committees, the LTTE should suddenly put forward new demands after the foreign representatives went to the respective areas assigned to them for monitoring.
With regard to the condition that a separate authority should be established to implement development projects in the North, the government has already appointed a special task force, headed by a Cabinet Minister, and work has commenced. The government is quite prepared to accept LTTE participation in this task force.
The government has continuously proposed to the LTTE for the past three months that direct talks between the two sides be held, aimed at finding a political solution to the ethnic question. The LTTE has so far not agreed to this proposal. Thereafter, the government proposed, in a letter to the LTTE, that preliminary talks could be initiated at least through the medium of an independent, foreign person under the patronage of a foreign government. Mr. Pirabhakaran's letter of February 25, 1995 has rejected this proposal. Although Mr. Pirabhakaran has stated in that letter, that direct talks between the government and the LTTE would be more appropriate, he has not yet set a definite date. The third letter in this press release pertains to this issue.
The LTTE's claim that the government has refused to accept their proposal to start peace talks is factually incorrect. From the outset of the commencement of the second round of the dialogue in November 1994 the government has asked for a definite date for negotiations of a political solution. The LTTE repeatedly took up the position that it was too early to start political negotiations. This is their stand even now, as demonstrated by their insistence that political negotiations cannot begin until their conditions are met. The government’s position has been that while certain basic issues are being resolved, negotiations for a political solution could begin parallely. This continues to be the position of the government. The government's proposal is that instead of

Page 9
15 MARCH 1995
solving issues one by one, simultaneous talks should be held, aimed at resolving the day to day problems of the people in the North and finding a political settlement to the ethnic problem. The LTTE has not agreed with this proposal and has refused to agree to a date for commencement of talks concerning a political solution. The LTTE invitation for government representatives to visit Jaffna again is not to start peace talks aimed at a political solution, but to discuss other issues such as permission to navigate freely in the North-East sea, enabling their cadres in the East to freely carry arms when they move about and the removall of the Pooneryn army camp. This is clearly evident from the letters which Mr. Pirabhakaran has written to Her Excellency the President. Therefore, the statement made by Mr. Pirabhakaran and the LTTE that the government has refused to initiate peace talks is far from the truth. The government regrets this state of affairs.
The path to peace is not strewn with roses. The government has never entertained the illusion that the achievement of peace was an easy task. Nor has the government believed that the LTTE, which has so far been an exclusively military organisation could easily accept the path of peace and transform itself quickly from a military to a democratic organisation.
Nearly two decades of short-sighted policies of the UNP government has caused so much distrust and hatred between the government and the LTTE that any tendency to engage in democratic dialogue is seriously impaired. However, the government continues to work towards an honorable peace, acceptable to both sides, which is the desire of the vast masses of the people both in the North and the South.
This war, which began during the previous UNP regime and has continued for 12 years, cannot be resolved in a matter of a few days or months. The most important achievement of the People's Alliance government's policy towards resolving this conflict is the acceptance by the people that the solution is not war, but a political settlement. It is also unprecedented that a cessation of hostilities should last as long as it has at present. The LTTE spokesman and one of its main leaders. Dr. Anton Balasingham has also stated that they were willing to accept extensive devolution of power as an alternative to separatism. In addition to official talks, mutual trust between peoples in the North and the South have also been consolidated during this period. Many people from the South have begun to visit the
North. Foreign visite Jaffna and meet wit er. All these develoj the success of the pe
It is now clear th North also want to problem through a de The most construct government's peace very short time spar the way for the r murderous conflict b logue.
Although the LT down the peace pro
Rebuilding
Sri Lanka has tol that rebuilding t northeast would c The government is aid from donor cou struction and rehab the northeast.
Briefing the do representatives in Administration Mi nasiri Wickremana the entire rehabilit take some years t the first phase expe and which is expe pleted in three mon The first phase v building roads, h. and restoring elect a matter of priorit lines are repaired. measure the go already started se generators to Jaffn The second pha estimated to cost would cover Jaffna north. Further wo northern and easte then follow at a slo It would seem t tries have express ness to provide ti provided there is a peace would be full troubled regions.
Record Aid Hf Sri Lanka strik Liberation Tigers (LTTE) by April, record aid pledg donors, a World Ba 23 February in Co.
The Resident R the World Bank jevodt told reporte Aid Group meetin, be held in Paris on . discuss aid to Sri other South Asian

TAMIL TIMES 9
irs also now go to in the LTTE leadpments testify to ace process.
at people in the solve the ethnic 'mocratic process. ve result of the effort during this is the paving of esolution of the y democratic dia
TE has slowed cess by not ade
quately responding to government's efforts to hasten the establishment of peace, the government reiterates its abiding commitment to the peace proCeSS.
The outcome of the recent elections, as well as the responses of the people in the North amply testify to the firm desire of the people in the South, as well as in the North, for a lasting peace through dialogue. We therefore invite Mr. Pirabhakaran and the LTTE to do their part in order to make lasting peace a reality.
6th March 1995.
Northeast
d foreign donors he war-ravaged ost $1.3 billion. hoping to obtain ntries for reconbilitation work in
inor community Colombo, Public nister, Mr. Ratyake, said that ation plan would o complete with cted to start soon cted to be comths. would include reospitals, schools ricity supplies as y. Before power as an interim vernment has nding electricity al, se of the plan, t 4110 million, and the entire ırk, in both the rn regions, would wer pace.
hat donor couned their willinghe required aid guarantee that y restored in the
for Peace es peace with the of Tamil Eelam
she can expect es from all its nk official said on ombo.
epresentative of Roberts Bendters here that an g is scheduled to April 27 and 28 to Lanka and some countries.
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Page 10
10 TAMIL TIMES
Peace Mission Recei Warm WelCOme in Ja
About 2,000 people shouting for peace and ethnic harmony received the Peace Mission composed of politicians, religious leaders, journalists, artists and human rights activists who arrived from Colombo by special train at northern town of Vavuniya on 16 February on their way to LTTE-controlled Jaffna peninsula.
The special train left with peace campaigners at 6 am on 16 February from Colombo Fort Station. Hundreds more joined at several railway stations enroute to Vavuniya.
The Peace Mission was sponsored by the Campaign for Peace and Democracy, representing over 30 non-governmental organisations, which has been engaged in a popular campaign throughout the country to bring about a negotiated political settlement to the ethnic problem. The Mission included Peoples Alliance parliamentarians Vasudeva Nanayakkara, Y.P. de Silva and Lakshman Perera, several Buddhist monks including Ven. Baddegama Samitha Thero and Piyaratne Himi Thero, journalists including Lucien Rajakrunanayake and Manoranjan, university don and human rights activist Dr. Jayadeva Uyangoda, Secretary of the Movement for Inter-Racial Justice and Equality (MIRJE) Mr. S. Balakrishnan, independent International Observers from Peace Brigades International Michale Valliant and Nollaig O'Cochlain and a dozen journalists.
At Vavuniya a public meeting attended by over 2000 persons and an exhibition of anti-war and propeace paintings and photographs were held at the Town Hall.
The Peace Mission received a warm welcome in the north. Crowds, including school children, lined the 120 km (75 mile) stretch of road beyond Vavuniya, the northernmost town under government control, all the way to Jaffna, to catch a glimpse of and touch the passing motorcade.
The peace team distributed over 10,000 leaflets, containing appeals to the government and the LTTE, as well as postcards in Vavuniya, on their way and after their arrival in Jaffna.
A 17 member delegation of the Peace Mission comprising 3 MPs,
two Bhikkhus an rived in Jaffna on rousing welcome
shouting for peac lined the streets i cheered the peac marched along s slogans. Some am responded in Tami dam, SamadhanaI
The three MPs representing the p LTTE leaders for cussion at their quarters and sub for an end to the peace and demi democratisation of east. The LTTE w Anton Balasingha vam, Hudson, Ila Ilamparithi at the delegation had ex ness to meet the Pirabhakaran, but he was indisposed
During the talk leaders, on behalf Vasudeva Nanaya the LTTE to put f proposals for a po free soldiers and captivity, as well a including the we poet Chelvanidhi" undergraduate T.
“LITTE On
The following is t. view published ir land (27.2.95) Vasudeva Nancayc uvas one of the le Mission organisec uvent to cJafna ar the LTTE leaders, Q: After your visit your perceptions turning? A: I am very hope return because I fi in the North are i for peace and the sire for peace in the Sinhalese se

15 MARCH 1995
ives fna
d two women ar17 February to a from the people ’e. Townfolk who n their thousands e emissaries who houting anti-war ong the local folk il, “Yuddham Venm Vendum.
and Dr. Uyangoda eace team met the a three-hour disChundikuli headmitted an appeal war, a negotiated litarisaiton and life in the northas represented by m, Thamil Chelangkumaran and e discussions. The pressed its keenLTTE leader Mr. could not do so as
is with the LTTE of Peace Mission, kkara had asked orward their own litical settlement, policemen in their s Tamil dissidents ll known woman Thiyagarajah and Manoharan.
The Peace Mission's visit coincided with a three-hour demonstration attended by thousands of people followed by a public rally in the town on 18 February addressed by LTTE Spokesmen and supporters. Vasu deva Nanayakkara vho headed the Peace Mission also addressed the gathering. A memorandum addressed to President Kumaratunga containing many demands adopted by the gathering was handed over to Mr. Nanayakkara.
Following the visit, Mr. Nanayakkara said: "I set off on this Peace Mission with some trepidation and anxiety. After all, the delegation was not the first and the people of Jaffna have long encountered disappointment with each set of Sinhalese from the South during successive Governments raising their hopes to dizzy heights only to be brought down like deflated balloons.
"But words alone cannot express my feeling at the warm welcome of my Jaffna brethren and their unwavering desire for peace expressed through banners and shouts ofjoy at seeing such large delegation bringing them a message of hope. All I can say is they deserve peace in this war-weary peninsula and by whatever means they should get it soon, if not sooner. So tired and worn out are the people that it is time that all this unnecessary loss of lives, strife and economic hardships burdened on the Jaffna people came to an end.'
No Longer insisting a Separate State' - Vasudeva Nanayakkara
he text of an interThe Sunday Isgiven by Mr. ukkara, M.P., uvho 2aders of a Peace l by NGOs which ld had talks with hip: to Jaffna what are about peace re
ful that peace will ind that the people in a positive mood corresponding dethe South among ems to have in
creased consequent to the contacts made by the peace mission. O: Did you get any firm indication that the LTTE wants peace? A: Yes...the LTTE wants peace, there's no doubt about it but the question of the contents of a settlement to be reached would be the point of contention and hard bargaining.
Q: Did they say what they want - Federalism? Confederation or separate state?
A: They very clearly said that they are no longer insisting on an independent state but would be content

Page 11
15 MARCH 1995
with a federal form of government with sufficient powers devolved which could meet the national aspirations of the Tamil speaking people. I added to this that the process should also improve the ethnic aspirations of the Muslims, too. The LTTE appeared to have understood and they approved my suggestions.
Q: Do they uvant the Eastern Province as a part of North?
A: Eastern Province will be the issue. With the de facto power the LTTE wields in the North the question regarding the North seems to be a settled question. The extent of power the LTTE would demand for itself will pose a question. This is more true of the East.
Q: Is the LTTE trying merely to bluff this time too?
A: I don't think they are bluffing. They are desirous themselves to normalise the conditions and commence their “new” responsibilities in administering and building up the area. Secondly, they are not in a very happy position vis-a-vis the external relations. Above all the LTTE will not be able to stand in opposition and carry on regardless of the mood of the people there. If only the government would act wisely and righteously to immediately release the embargo inclusive of fuel etc; and provide the basic amenities and start reconstructing while relaxing the restrictions on fishing and providing the refugee islanders with fishing gear and finally opening an easy route to have access to Jaffna via Pooneryn, the LTTE will not be able to resist the urge for peace by the people in the North.
Q: Why can't they get down to core issues while reconstruction and re
habilitation are
A: All things m taneously in my
needed to allevia the people there.
seem to be intrar when they referr Camp withdraw: mand but only a
Q: Did the issue
'merger come up A: The merger d the delegation granted that any conflict will have
from the present cial Council as its
Q: You know the as a group of terr in brutal killings lians and many
your comments?
A: The LTTE ha presently holds s Therefore, they all of territory with men and women laws, inclusive administer primar Interestingly, the exist with those o of Sri Lanka who p services such as medical and has it in the Governmen The methods use combat have been also regret measur the Muslims.
This shows th thinking on matte attacks on innocen revenge could pos come less as they b dent of their pov terrorism, the stat tised by the arm
The peace measures launched by the Chandrika Government should be strengthened further as the people in the North are worried over the delays and believe the present peace initiatives could also be a fiasco as happened in the earlier government”, said Dr. Jayadeva Uyangoda, who was recently in Jaffna with the peace delegation headed by Mr. Vasudeva Nanayakkara.
Dr. Uyangoda, the Chairman of the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute made his observations during his tour in Jaffna and quipped, "rather than talking and discussing with the representatives of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) I listened to them as much as I could'.
Tamil Break
According to D people of Jaffna a laxed and moving fear that there I ments and shelli cessation of hosti into effect last moi of hostilities betwe the armed forces dered as a healt bringing about a c ment to the bloo east issue. Therefo responsibility of th

TAMIL TIMES 11
ing discussed?
st proceed simuliew but priority is the sufferings of he LTTE does not igent to my mind d to the Pooneryn . It was not deequest.
of the North East
id not arise as we ad taken it for resolving of the o necessarily flow orth East Provinreference.
LTTE is branded rists who indulge
of innocent civiothers. What are
an army and it emi state power. e today in control armed bodies of to enforce their of machinery to y criminal justice. se institutions cof the Government provide mainly the education and ts representatives t Agent. d by the LTTE in ruthless but they es like driving out
e LTTE is rers. Therefore, the t people as acts of sibly stop or beecome more confi"er. Speaking of 2 terrorism pracd forces in this
conflict has not been less barbaric. The bombing and shelling of Jaffna, devastating the city and the life of the innocent as against a force that did not have anti-aircraft guns would seem to me as equally or more immoral. Q: What have you got to say about the peace mission that you led? A: We took a peace message printed in Tamil. There were 5,000 copies and the people thronged the public meeting we held there to get it. It contained our points made to the government and the LTTE where we have raised the question of the freedom of the political prisoners held by the LTTE, the right of Sinhalese to visit Jaffna freely and engage themselves in ordinary work or trade, the need for the LTTE to pronounce their own formula for ဇွို;ို respect human rights and emocracy, the need to rehabilitate Muslims driven away, to desist from attacking innocent villagers in border areas. Q: Did the LTTE give an immediate response to these contents? A: The LTTE did not give an immediate response but wanted time to discuss with their executive bodies and consult the leader. We are hopeful and our hope lies in the people of North and their urge for peace and the consciousness to find a way out of their present impasse. Q: Finally, what impression does the LTTE have about the government peace delegation uvhich held tuvo rounds of talks in Jaffna? A: The LTTE thinks the talks were inadequate. They would prefer those with political will and persons with a background than the bureaucracy. They also want long hours of discussions as there are many issues.
People Worry About down of Peace Talks
. Uyangoda the re very much rereely without the ay be bombardgs following the ties which came th. The cessation in the LTTE and has been consiy sign towards nstructive settle
curdling northe it is the utmost Chandrika Gov
ernment to prevent the delays in the negotiations with the LTTE. There were signs of campaigns by the LTTE coming up accusing the Chandrika Government that it had fallen into the hands of the chauvinist forces in the South and she is helpless in continuing the peace measures as she had campaigned during her election rallies. The innocent Jaffna civilians also start to think about this campaign as there were
Continued on page 13

Page 12
12 TAM TIMES
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Page 13
15 MARCH 1995
Memorandum to Pre
A mass demonstration and public meeting was held in Jaffna town on 18 February attended by several thousands of people and organised by the Federation of Public Organisations. A memorandum containing 8 demands was thereafter handed over to the Jaffna Government Agent to be forwarded to President Mrs. C. Kumaratunga.
The following is the text of the memorandum:
We of the Federation of Public Organisations functioning at 291, Stanley Road, Jaffna are involved in the task of identifying the problems that affect our people and in ascertaining how they can be helped to live in an atmosphere of durable peace. We held a massive rally on this day to focus attention on these issues and are herewith submitting the following for your humanitarian consideration and suitable action.
You are no doubt aware, of how successive Sri Lankan Governments have in the past brought tragedies and disasters on the Tamil people through their communal attitudes and actions. Having undergone various social and economic stresses particularly through the effects of the war, the Sri Lankan constituency placed confidence in you and entrusted you with the responsibility of finding a peaceful, permanent
settlement of the conflict.
Unfortunately, we detect in recent
times a hesitation on your part in resolving the many problems that affect the Tamil people. How can you take forward the peace process when our people are continuing to grow under the day to day economic problems that beset their lives, the social stresses that follow their displacement from their homes and hearths? At the same time we also realise your continuing faith in non peaceful means of achieving a settlement. Any hesitation on your part is bound to bring more impediment at this juncture. Your statements and expression of attitudes at the beginning of your term of office gave us tremendous hope. We receive them vith enthusiasm. But the continuing military pressures are diminishing our hopes. There is even a fear that the Tamil people could be cheated again.
After all,
1. Yours is a government that came with the mandate from the Sinhala people to resolve the ethnic
conflict.
2. As President. mous power.
3. The Internat: is extending its willingness to find conflict.
4. The Tamil lea his hand of frient find a workable sel going conflict in his the Tamil peopleb nent peace.
When such favo exist, enabling you tive steps toward ment, it disappoin you do not exhibit will. At this point LTTE itself has examine the requi peaceful settlemen ing to you what reasonable dema unanimity among 1. We stress the er political settlem in mind, should aspirations of our nise our right of s as a people.
2. In removing blockade in full yo that our people a basic needs in full,
are reasonable.
3. In order to e
free movement of
Continued from pa
no signs of health peace measures Chandrika Gover goda said.
Commenting on of view towards a ethnic issue Dr. U even though the to a political settle remain a militant could not think tha weakened state or militant struggle. tion has started t ties that the war c there should be a flict. They are pr the Eelam campa alternative which aspirations, mos federal system of the North and th expressed their di peace package o federal system. T

TAM TIMES 13 *
sident
you wield enor
onal Community o-operation and a solution to the
der has extended ship in order to tlement to the on desire to see that nefit by a perma
urable conditions to take construca quick settlets us to see that enough political of time when the come forward to ed steps to find a t, we are forwardwe consider are inds that enjoy our people: fact that whatevent that you have fulfil the total people and recogelf determination
g the economic u have to ensure re provided their
and at prices that
nsure a safe and our people the
army camp at Pooneryn should be dismantled and the SangupiddyKerativu passage be open so that our people could travel without fear. 4. The army should vacate areas they have forcibly occupied and army check posts be removed so that our people who were forced to vacate their houses and property and living elsewhere as displaced people could go back to their original habitats.
5. Conforming to the cessation of hostilities agreement all restrictions on fishing should be removed enabling our people to carry on their traditional livelihood.
6. Work on reconstruction and rehabilitation in the Northeast be launched without delay.
7. Extend the cessation of hostilities and work towards a permanent cease-fire.
8. Win the trust and confidence of the Tamil people through the above measures so that a permanent and peaceful political settlement becomes possible. It becomes your responsibility to continue the peace talks with the LTTE and end this long drawn conflict.
We are of the firm belief that the measures we have outlined would certainly bring about a reconciliation between our peoples and ensure a durable peace.
Knowing your own concern in bringing about a peace of mind among people we submit this memorandum to you on behalf of the Tamil people.
ge 11
y progress in the initiated by the ment”, Dr. Uyan
the LTTE's point settlement to the yangoda said that TTE had agreed ment, they largely organisation. One it the LTTE is in a it had given up its Now the organisarealise the realiannot drag on and n end to the conpared to give up gn if there is an could fulfill their preferably the administration in East. They have sire to workout a the basis of a erefore, it is the
rulers in Colombo who should act fast and respond to their expectations.
The civilians in the North have not uttered a single word on what sort of a political settlement they need. It appeared that they only want peace in whatever form. They were mainly pointing out their sufferings. They even staged a mass demonstration in Jaffna highlighting their grievances. Why is this step motherly treatment towards us by the government was the question they raised when they spoke to us, Dr. Uyangoda said.
He also suggested that the negotiators must not categorise every aspect of the peace measures into official level. "Things must be very flexible and extremely cordial beyond the negotiating table. Mutual trust, between both sides must be built up before the serious areas of the negotiations crop up', Dr. Uyangoda said.

Page 14
14 TAM TIMES
GOVt. and the Mec On ColliSiOn COur
The recent appointment by the Government of a five-member ministerial committee to formulate a Code of Ethics for media personnel has come in for widespread criticism. The Committee is to be headed by Mr. Dharmasiri Senanayake, the Minister of Information, Media and Tourism.
Questions have been raised as to whether it is government's job to formulate the Code of Ethics for journalists, or whether it is the job of the journalists.
Ajit Samaranayake, editor of The Observer and Sunday Observer said: "There are committees appointed under the Minister of Media, but one should always remember that only professional journalists could draw up guidelines for journalists. We have to mobilise all the support we can get and protest vigorously through our newspapers or even by taking to the streets if we are compelled to further arrest this situation.'
The appointment of the ministerial committee comes in the wake of a sharp worsening of relations between the government and the printed media and journalists in the recent past. Recently President Kumaratunga told the Foreign Correspondents Association that free media policy that the government envisaged would not give journalists the freedom of the wild ass: 'We don't see why the press in this country should have the freedom of the wild ass, and we shall bring it into line with the kind of regulations that exist in other democratic countries. We think that media freedom we have given is being abused in an unacceptable manner even within a democracy. . . .there is utterly irresponsible journalism going on at the moment in some parts of the press'.
The government has accused certain newspapers and journalists of "irresponsible journalism' and concentrating on personal trivia concerning government ministers and the President in particular.
There is no doubt that certain newspapers, particularly the Sunday Leader editor Mr. Lasantha Wickramatunnga's column and The Sunday Times "Gossip Columnist' have gone out of the way to highlight what they describe as the President's lifestyle, including midnight dinners and private cocktail parties at top hotels and often giving intimate details of her social life and that of what the papers describe as her close friends.
The President a have responded by a nalists and columni newly found freed what they call cha tion. On the other have accused the go back on its "free ) seeking to pressuris government's line. V enced and respected subscribe to some j into personal and t cerning the private politicians, almost agreed that state re legal means is not th the issue.
It is in this backd Wickramatunga, thi vately owned Sundc wife Raine who w editor for the same p ed by four masked home in Colombo on suffered cuts and b hospital treatmen attack.
Members of Parlia the opposition Unite (UNP) promptly attack accused that i out by the supporte ment whose Ministe the condemnation ar nied any involvemer
The Sunday Leac been critical of gov but alse engaged in politicians described and “irresponsible jou
Journalists becam for physical attack under previous UNE present rulers the gained immense pol condemning the UNI the media and suppr of expression. Now t were being denounc offense.
The ever vigilant ment was quick t emerging threat: " Movement unequiv the assault of two note that for the firs are the Editor of English weekly and list. . .assault, threa tion are not part o process, which the restore in recent elec grave concern that t

15 MARCH 1995
dia
Se
ld some Ministers ccusing some joursts of abusing their om to indulge in aracter assassinahand, journalists vernment of going media' policy and se them to toe the While many experijournalists do not ournalists delving ivial matters conlives of individual all journalists are gulation or extrae way to deal with
rop that Lasantha oe editor of the prity Leader, and his orks as features aper, were attack
men near their 6 February. They uises and needed t following the
ment belonging to id National Party zondemning the t had been carried rs of the Govern2rs also joined in ld strenuously deit on their part.
ler has not only ernment policies, what government as “muckraking urnalism”.
habitual targets for several years regime, and the n in opposition itical mileage by 's intimidation of ession of freedom he present rulers ed for the same
Free Media Moveo highlight the The Free Media ocally condemns journalists. . . we time the victims widely circulated a Woman journais and intimidathe democratic people sought to ions. We express his assault could
signal the re-emergence of period when journalists were under constant threat and attacks during the Premadasa administration... We call upon the President to make a clear declaration of the Government's policy and attitude with regard to developments of this nature, which threaten civil liberties and the democratic process.' The FMM also called for an immediate impartial inquiry to identify and apprehend the assailants.
The attack on the two journalists assumed an intriguing dimension when the injured editor Mr. Wickramatunga told police that a week before the attack on him, the Media Advisor to the President Mr. Sanath Gunathilake had spoken to Mr. Ifham Nizam, a journalist of the Sunday Leader, and threatened to 'cut up with a knife and kill the editor if anything about them was ever written in the paper. Since then, Mr. Gunathilake while admitting having made the threat in a state of anger through Mr. Nizam has denied any involvement in the physical attack on Mr. Wickramatunga and his wife.
Ravaya and Yukthiya are two Sinhala weeklies which had relentlessly and bravely campaigned against the previous government and its efforts at muzzling the press and for instigating physical attacks on journalists. Their campaign in no small measure helped the coming into power of the Peoples Alliance. Making reference to the physical attack on editor of The Sunday Leader and his wife, the Yukthiya editorial of 12 February said.
After seventeen years of semidictatorship, it must be admitted that it is not easy to clean up politics overnight. The politics practised in the seventeen year reign of terror was thuggery as neither J.R. Jayawardene nor R. Premadasa gave a chance to non-violent politics.
"The people of this country rejected political violence and wanted peace and democracy instead. And they expected the PA government to fulfil this wish. This is mainly why Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga was voted into power as President with a majority over two million votes.
However, this hope is now being torn into shreds by various incidents of political thuggery taking place one after another. The truly democratic forces within the PA government should not allow political thuggery to progress any further. Or else without a shadow of doubt, an extremely tragic political environment will be created'.
The Ravaya in its editorial on 12 February, touching more on the government's proposal to formulate a code

Page 15
15 MARCH 1995
of ethics for journalists, stated:
"It is now clear that politicians out of power who talked volumes about the right of the media to criticise and highlight issues to build a strong democratic society, when in power start talking about too much freedom enjoyed by the media.
"It must be said that media freedom has been won by the efforts of the media people, and not been handed on a platter by the previous regime or the present PA government.
According to norms prevalent in democratic countries, a code of conduct for media personnel is set by media personnel themselves and not by politicians. Media personnel are not prepared to accept regulations laid down by Cabinet sub-committees. It should be said that before laying down a code of conduct for media personnel, it will be more beneficial for the country if a special code of conduct is laid down for politicians who as a rule tend to dance the merry devil after coming to power.
Another incident in which Mr. Sinha Ranatunga, the editor of The Sunday Times, was questioned by detectives of Criminal Investigations Department on 23 February for possible criminal defamation of President Kumaratunga has also been the subject of a great deal of critical comment.
The background to Mr. Ranatunga being asked to visit the Fourth Floor (notorious for its torture methods) of the CID headquarters to be questioned followed a complaint lodged by the President alleging defamation resulting from an allegedly false story that
appeared in The Sun "Gossip Columnist' to had spent 90 minu Hotel Lanka Oberoi day party given by Mr. Asitha Perera.
Mr. Ranatunga s questioned as to th source and writer offending report wh reveal stating that h sibility for the story. President's denial of first time when he tioned by detectives dent or her office t story was wrong or have inquired into found to be incorrec published an apology Many newspaper the Free Media Move mned the way in w Times editor was tr questioned the need required to go to the be questioned, sugge have been done at itself.
The Chairman of Movement, Mr. Lu nayake, in statemen wish to go into the ni involved. It is corre dent, who, is said plainant in this m right to seek a legal considers fit, in a ma personal rights, inclu privacy.
"We note that in CID had arrived to q
UNITED) NATIONS COMMIS
Statement O
7he following is the teart of the Chairman's statement adopted by the 5/st Session of the United Wations Commission on Auman Arg/hts /heda in Geneva during february-March /995.
"The Commission acknowledges the statements made by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Sri Lanka and the Representative of Sri Lanka on the positive and meaningful steps the Government of Sri Lanka has taken to promote and protect human rights over the past year. The Commission commends the Government of Sri Lanka for these measures and notes the additional steps outlined in those statements, notably the establishment of a Human Rights Commission with monitoring, investigative and advisory powers, and the proposed constitutional reforms that will entail the expansion of the existing scope of protection for human rights in line with internationally-accepted standards.
The Commission wishes to express its conviction that Sri Lanka will sustain and build upon its commitment

TAMIL TIMES 15
day Times by its the effect that he tes at the plush enjoying a birth
parliamentarian
aid that he was e identity of the of the allegedly ich he refused to etook full responHe had heard the the story for the was being ques. Had the Presiold him that the false, he would it, and if it was t, he would have
i.
editorially and ment have condehich The Sunday eated. They have or the editor to be Fourth Floor' to sting that it could the editor's office
the Free Media cien Rajakarunat said, 'We do not merits of the issue ct that the Presi
to be the comatter, has every
remedy that she atter affecting her uding the right to
this instance, the uestion Mr. Rana
tunga, armed with the necessary warrant issued by a Magistrate, which was not the practice generally resorted to in the past in questioning journalists or searching newspaper offices. We are relieved that as, Mr. Ranatunga says, he has been treated with courtesy.
However, we do express our concern that Mr. Ranatunga, who is the editor of a leading newspaper as well as an Attorney-at-Law, was taken to the Fourth Floor of the CID for questioning, when his statement could have been recorded in his office where the interrogation began. The image of the Fourth Floor is one which is associated with the more unacceptable aspects of police grilling, which in the past have included assault and torture.
“We trust that the pursuit of legitimate legal action by the President, who is also the head of the Police Department, is not being used by the Police to send a message of intimidation to all journalists'.
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to uphold human rights and fundamental freedoms.
The Commission appreciates the cooperation offered
by the Government of Sri Lanka to all human rights mechanisms of the United Nations, including the Commission on Human Rights. In particular, the Commission welcomes the invitation extended to the High Commissioner for Human Rights to visit Sri Lanka.
The Commission condemns abuses of human rights by the LTTE and strongly urges it to desist from such acts.
The Commission expresses its support for the peace process initiated by the President of Sri Lanka and strongly urges the LTTE to respond positively and speedily to the steps taken by the Government and to take all necessary steps towards the achievement of a durable political solution.
This acknowledgement will be included in the final report of the Commission under Agenda Item 3.

Page 16
16 TAMIL TIMES
Corruption Probe Pro War Of the Gener
As the authorities in Colombo began a wideranging probe into alleged payoffs and kickbacks in corrupt arms deals, a veritable war has broken out between two retired army generals who are believed to be at each others throat. The persons involved are two former Army Commanders, General Cecil Waidyaratne and General Hamilton Wanasinghe.
The investigation into past arms deals follows government receiving information about purchases of equipment, arms and ammunition of questionable quality and not fit for the required purposes accompanied by allegations that large sums of money had been fraudulently obtained.
Matters began to escalate with the recent enforced resignation of Sri Lanka's Defence Secretary, General Hamilton Wanasinghe who is a former Army Commander.
The departure of Gen. Hamilton Wanasinghe offered the opportunity to the President Kumara tunga to appoint a civilian to the post which had been held by men with military background since 1977. There were not many takers for this rather difficult and vulnerable position. Eventually, Mr. Chandrananda de Silva who held the position of Commissioner of Elections for a troublesome tumultuous twelve and a half years was appointed to the post which had been held by military men for many years.
The appointment of Mr. de Silva, who as Commissioner of Elections was in charge of organising nine national elections during a period viewed as the most violent in Sri Lanka's history, for the top Defence Ministry post has been generally welcomed by most people.
Though newspaper reports indicated that the 61-year-old Mr. Wanasinghe, who was formerly Army Commander and later Head of the Joint Operations Command for the conduct of the war in the northeast, was pushed out, he claims that he voluntarily resigned on 10 February to allow the President to keep her pledge of appointing civilians to key positions. His departure came as the government announced the appointment of a Presidential Commission to commence investigations into the various arms deals that the previous regime and the military had concluded with foreign suppliers folllowing allegations of kickbacks, corruption and bribery involved in these transactions.
However, Mr. nuously denied alle tion reported in Co and said that he wa any inquiry. He al passport had been instructions of th Bribery and Corrup ports confirmed tha in fact been impour ing him from leavin
Mr. Wanasingh sent out letters of de Newspapers Ltd ( amounting to Rs. 5 lishing material d character. An angr said that some arms others' were involve at him by accusin kick-backs from arn for the military. Ha anonymous letters time ago containir tions to tarnish his ised to expose the . tarnishing his ima instance where he $100,000 in respec tract which he had
In the meantime CID team start
alleged corrupt a military officials, trate ordered tha
Answering questi of southern journ Jaffna on 20 spokesman Anton nied the accusati was plotting to : dent Mrs. Cha atunga.
"The LTTE is a plans to assassina Is it true?" asked :
Denying the acci spokesman said, " understanding of believe that a so through negotiatic is the only leader clean. Vijaya Kum looked at the Tam tender heart. Char clean. She has n tality”.
 

15 MARCH 1995
VOkeS als
Wanasinghe stregations of corruplombo newspapers as prepared to face so denied that his impounded on the e Commission on otion, but later reit his passport had hded thus preventg the country.
e's lawyers have *mand to the Upali :laiming damages 50 million for pubefamatory of his y Mr. Wanasinghe s dealers and 'some ed in slinging mud g him of getting ns purchases made e referred to some circulated some ng several alegaimage and promindividuals behind age. He cited an had been offered t of an arms conflatly rejected. , even as a special ed investigating ims deals by top a Colombo Magist another former
Army Commander, Lt. General Cecil Waidyaratne's passport be impounded and that he should not leave the country without the Court's permission.
Following his retirement, Gen. Waidyaratne was appointed Sri Lanka's Ambassador to Thailand, and after the PA government came to power he was removed from that position and recalled. According to CID sources, Gen. Waidyaratne is being investigated on 'serious allegations of fraud and malpractices including illegal tender transactions involving millions of rupees during his tenure as head of the Army'. One of the matters being investigated is an alleged discrepancy of Rs.24 million in the purchase of high frequency direction finding equipment costing Rs.72 million in foreign exchange.
Other former and currently serving Senior Army, Navy and Air Force officials are also to be questioned in connection with corrupt arms deals. Gen. Waidyaratne is quoted as saying that he would assist the investigation to find out what had really happened, and as accusing some of his 'enemies of trying to drag him also into the mud where they are now for their misdeeds'.
Those in the know seem to be certain that Gen. Waidyaratne's reference to his 'enemies' is to none other than Gen. Wanasinghe. Both have been at loggerheads for over ten years even while they were serving officers, and it was an open secret that the two levelled charges against each other.
Not Who,
ons from a group |alists who visited February, LTTE | Balasingham deon that the LTTE assassinate Presiindrika Kumar
accused of having ate the President. a journalist.
usation, the LTTE She has a better the problem. We lution is possible ons with her. She whose hands are haratunga always il problem with a drika's hands are o bellicose men
But Ask Why
Adding that it was more important to analyze why certain leaders were killed rather than trying to find out who killed them, Anton Balasingham said, 'What is more important is to find out why some leaders are assassinated than to find out who assassinated them. Take the case of the former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. Why was he assassinated? His army killed over 10,000 Tamils here. Many families were left orphaned. We can't blame the troops for these killings. The responsibility lay with Gandhi for ordering a war with the Tamils, not with the army. The case of Chandrika is quite different. She received a mandate to restore peace and her hands are clean. She should not
Continued on page 21

Page 17
15 MARCH 1995
Sustaining the Peace
and Going Beyon
by Dr. N. Shanmugaratnam
The fledgling peace process initiated by the People's Alliance (PA) government has yet to move onto a steady course. The Jaffna negotiations have not yet entered the expected phase of a dialogue towards a final political solution. Furthermore, there are some signs of dissonance that can be upsetting to the people who have placed so much hope in the peace process to see an end to their sufferings. It would, of course, be too idealistic to expect the peace process to progress smoothly without any mishaps or disruptions in the early stages, given the past record of peace making in Sri Lanka. At the same time, we cannot afford to forget that if the peace talks fail to lead to a political solution, the inevitable consequence is war again; and this means that we will be slipping back into the same barbarism from which we are struggling to escape. This gloomy prospect and the ever-present probability of it becoming a reality should make all Lankans - Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims - even more committed to peace and to a political solution that can make the peace permanent.
The peace movement in Sri Lanka which originated in the dark days of the UNP rule has been playing a significant role in the South. During the parliamentary and presidential elections, activists of the movement engaged in an intensive grassroots level campaign among the Sinhalese people against the war and for a political solution. They learnt that the Sinhalese people desired peace and were prepared to listen to talks explaining the causes of the war and the genuine grievances of the Tamils. The direct contact with the Sinhalese people gave the peace activists the confidence to openly advocate a solution to the national question based on devolution and autonomy. The activists I know have no problem at all talking openly in the South about a federal solution, something still not so easy for some politicians of the PA to do. We are fortunate to have a politically enlightened peace movement which draws its active campaigners from different political formations, the Buddhist clergy, church groups, women's groups, human rights bodies, trade unions, art and literary workers, and professions such as law and education. Tamils who had the opportunity to join the anti-war campaigns in the rural areas in the South were able to
get a feel of the blowing in the Sin
Today, there is expand and furthe movement in the S need to take it to people in the Nor unaware that the mit peace activists dent campaigns in er, the time has movement to make people in the LTT more sustained doubt that the pe want an end to t authoritarian rule live. They are full latter cannot be r former; the former sary condition fo since the change people of the Nort their own ways th the end of the U approval of the pea by the Kumarat However, due to almost all Tamils doubts about any ombo when it cc solution to the na the other hand, Ja the South and abro the equally deepfriends and relativ have about the LT a peaceful settle friend living in Ja “We cannot tru even with a ne really been imp cient degree to government wo the deal und Sinhala extren hand, we cann LTTE will go talks until a pa finally honour gain in the abs to retain its ow er in the North
A people haunt fear can only be pe ful and independe. ti-party, multi-eth to believe in the u a peaceful politi national question the North-East. T message to be lea

TAMIL TIMES 17
Process d
winds of change halese areas.
a great need to intensify the peace outh, and a greater the Tamil speaking th-East. One is not LTTE may not perto conduct indepenthe North. Howevcome for the peace efforts to reach the E-ruled areas on a basis. There is no ople in these areas he war and to the under which they conscious that the ealised without the , at least, is a necesr the latter. Ever of government, the h have signalled in eir happiness about NP rule and their ace initiatives taken unge government. past experiences, have deep-seated government in Colmes to a political tional question. On ffna Tamils living in ad are also aware of seated doubts their es in the peninsula TE's commitment to ment. To quote a fna:
st the government w pact until it has lemented to a suffi:onvince us that the uld not go back on er pressure from ists. On the other ot be sure that the through the peace it is signed and will its side of the barnce of a guarantee In monopolistic pow
!d by such a twin'suaded by a powert countrywide mulnic peace movement timate feasibility of al solution to the und of democracy in ere is an important nt from my friend's
acute statement that so coherently captures the subjective state of the Tamils. That is, it is not only the government that has to be pressurised by the peace movements to be on course towards a political solution and to honour its commitments but also the LTTE.
Our demands for transparency and accountability from the government should be extended to the LTTE as well, on behalf of the people under its rule in the North and the people in the rest of the country. In this regard,
Tamils living outside the North-East
have a major political and moral responsibility to join the campaign for peace and a political solution and to throw their weight with the forces demanding both the government and the LTTE to eschew war and to stick to the option of reconciliation and negotiated settlement. Lankan Tamils living » in the West have not taken any sustained collective action to support the peace process and to lobby for international assistance to sustain it. It seems that, in Europe, it is easier to mobilise Lankan Tamil immigrants to campaign against Western governments' attempts to deport Tamil asylum seekers than to promote the peace process back home.
Tamils should also raise their collective voice against LTTE's authoritarianism in general and its past antiMuslim actions in particular. They should demand that all Muslims who were driven out of their homes by the LTTE be allowed to return and rebuild their lives as they please. The Muslims should also be compensated for the losses they suffered due to extortion and looting when they were ordered to leave their homes and for the hardships they had to endure during the displacement. The Tamil people are not unaware that a meaningful and workable political solution cannot be achieved without the participation of the political representatives of the Muslims of the North-East in the peace talks. This naturally makes them concerned to know the LTTE's position on the future status of the Muslims in the North-East. To date, the Tigers have not shown any convincing signs of repenting their past anti-Muslim actions and moving toward repairing, in whatever ways possible, the damage they have done to Tamill-Muslim coexistence and harmony and the territorial integrity for autonomy in the North-East.
Tamil intellectuals ought to pay a more sustained attention to the vital ideological question of Tamil nationalism. The dominant form of Tamil
Continued on page 18

Page 18
18 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 17
nationalism today is a militant ideology of ethnic puritanism and military heroism which has been constructed and disseminated over the past fifteen years or so. Unless we cleanse ourselves free of this ideology and the mythologies of exclusivism and martial traditionalism on which it rests, we cannot move forward as a civilised people in a civilised world. I think that all Lankan communities, Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims, need to go through an ideological catharsis to be freed of the ethno-centric and fundamentalist world views so as to become equal partners in a multi-ethnic (or multi-national) people's democracy. In this regard, the intellectuals in these communities have a major role to play. Of course, such an undertaking begins by deconstructing the currently dominant ethno-communalist identities and reconstructing our nationalities so as to incorporate them into a larger evolutionary project of a corporate Lankan identity. Deconstruction of the Sinhala Buddhist nationalist ideology has been an ongoing project since the late 1970s, thanks to the perseverance of several dedicated Sinhala intellectuals. However, the challenge of popularising the demand for decommunalising public institutions, secularising the state and creating new multi-ethnic Lankan symbols remains to be faced.
On the Tamil side, many writings critical of the dominant chauvinist Tamil nationalism have appeared over the past ten years in Tamil magazines published abroad. Unfortunately, there has not been a coordinated effort to sustain this trend and deepen the analysis. A debate has begun on Tamil nationalism in the Tamil newspaper Sarinihar (published by MIRJE). More such debates are needed to work towards a systematic deconstruction of the ethno-centric Thamil Eelamism which has redefined the parameters of Tamil self-determination and nationhood in extremely narrow terms. The works of progressive Sinhalese intellectuals are a great source of inspiration to the Tamil critics of ethnonationalism. However, there is an urgent need to find the means of sustaining and consolidating the efforts of the Tamil intellectuals.
Some of the Tamil leftist critics of LTTE's nationalist ideology continue to retain the conventional and reductionist theoretical categories based on the formula of 'one nation-one state'. The problem with this approach is that it is too rigid to permit a conceptual separation between the nation and state so as to treat the relation between the two as a heuristic construct
with reference to
context. In the con situation, the "one formula imprisons
form of ethno-cen The invocation of I the Tamil leftists ti given the particular context. Our own shown that the Tau their well intended of the Tamils to
have not been able of a narrow chauv hegemonic status ir
Based entirely o pean historical exp state formation, th state' formula repr phenomenon in m deed more than 7 states that exist ethnic or multi-nati think we will do debate to an alter terrain where a sta sarily be national comprising a sing turned nation), c national community sarily have its own as an expressic determination. I als a paradigm shift is find a theoretical f relevant to the curr Lanka. It will certail national question mc explore the mea determination more
A fundamental operation of alterna the willingness of recognise the right national group to while at the same ti potential larger m avoiding a partition viable alternative. ( the minority tha determination reco omy within a unifie alternative to seces larger mutual ben generated. Both pal that there are othe interests have to be these interests can within the same l thereby furthering
The most practica er, is whether or no peace process in its be related to such alluded at the begin the deeper political tion and autonomy However, like ma my fears and resel current state of the

15 MARCH 1995
a given historical temporary Lankan nation-one state' its believers in one trism or another. enin does not help o avoid this pitfall, ities of the Lankan h experience has Tmil leftists with all defence of the right self-determination to prevent the rise inistic ideology to the Tamil society. n the West Euroerience of nationle 'one nation-one esents a minority odern history. In5 per cent of the today are multional in character. I well to shift our native theoretical te need not neces(in the sense of le ethnic entity )r conversely, a need not necesindependent state on of its self) believe that such a precondition to ramework that is ent realities of Sri nly help us see the bre holistically and anings of selfcreatively.
guideline for the ative framework is the government to of a certain ethnoself-determination me recognising the utual benefits of ing by opting for a Dn the same basis, t demands selfgnises that autond polity is a better sion because of the efits that can be ties also recognise r minorities whose protected and that
be taken care of unified framework the common good. Il question, howevt the politics of the
present form can a paradigm. As ning of this article, lialogue on devolu
has yet to begin. ny others sharing vations about the peace process, I am
disappointed to note that the PA government has not been able to put forward a satisfactory political package as an alternative to the LTTE's demand for a confederation.
The highly successful initial moves by the government might have given a distant observer the impression that it was working according to a well conceived strategy towards a final settlement. The revival of public discussion on the federal alternative and the President's talk about devolution and her switch to the term ‘unified state' from the usual “unitary state’ might have been construed by many as an indication of the direction in which the PA would move. Unfortunately, so far, all that we know is the government is still thinking within or around the framework of the Banda-Chelva Pact of 1957. One tends to think that the President and her political advisors havéjust begun to do their home work on the real challenge of working out the regional, institutional and legal dimensions of devolution. I am not alone in hoping that they would, in the shortest possible time, move toward facing the stark realities of 1995. Perhaps, the Banda-Chelva pact is a necessary starting point for the old guards of the SLFP to work towards a more meaningful solution. May be the leaders of the PA need to invoke the spirit of the late Mr. Bandaranaike to gather the courage to move towards a new accord. All this is understandable up to a point, but the government should realise that much has happened since the abortive pact of 1957almost four decades of aggravation of the national question into a tragic and barbaric ethnic conflict. Fifteen years of militant secessionism, more than ten years of bloody civil war, and a Muslim community that is deeply hurt and embittered by the conduct of the Tamil militant groups in general and the LTTE in particular - these are realities that did not exist in 1957.
Let us face the hard facts: the Banda-Chelva pact was a courageous move and the late Prime Minister deserved credit for the farsighted and quick step he took just within a year of his making Sinhala the only official language, a shortsighted move in the first place. It was a valid solution for the conditions of 1957, but Mr. Bandaranaike and his government were unable to find the strength to swim against the chauvinist tide unleashed by the UNP under the leadership of J.R. Jayawardena. That was a tragedy indeed but wouldn't an attempt to re-enact in 1995 the Pact of 1957 amount to a farce? Let us hope the government will prove itself realistically creative, speedy and courageous.

Page 19
15 MARCH 1995
Marxism and Ethnic Rethinking the Fundam
by Dr. Kumar David
The terms ethnic and ethnicity are used in this paper to include religious, racial, linguistic, tribal and similar divides which are activated in sociopolitical conflict in the present age. The use of a single generic term is justified by the palpable fact that the common features of these conflicts greatly overshadow the particularity of their religious, racial etc. character. Indeed a religious conflict in one place may have more in common with, say, a linguistic problem in another, than with some other religious conflict. The unfolding of events in a specific case depends much more on the particular political antecedents, economic conditions and problems of state, than on whether the phenomenon manifests itself as, for example, a language or a religious conflict. It needs to be stated at the outset that this paper is concerned with ethnicity in relation to political conflict in the present period and that categories and concepts are advanced for this purpose.
The paper takes it as an agreed and given fact that ethnic conflicts have assumed major proportions and become an important feature of political life in the third quarter of this century. It is taken as agreed that the scale, intensity and persistence of these conflicts is persuasive evidence that we are not dealing with ephemeral events or accidental reflections of some other predicates. That is to say, it is taken as agreed, that ethnic conflict cannot be reduced to a distorted or indirect reflection of class conflict - it is asserted that such reductionism is false. This is not to deny that class conflicts are themselves fundamental determinants of history but rather to emphasise their intertwining with ethnic issues.
Ethnicity as a Category
Superficially, ethnicity is associated with a sense of identity arising from shared customs, language and culture, physical characteristics, and so on, and appears to be far removed from the material categories of economic and social life. In the context of the discussion in this paper, this is far from adequate as an appreciation of the role of identity as a political factor. True enough ethnicity as a category in modern political conflict exists at the level of consciousness, but it is a reflection in consciousness of very real, concrete and material circumstances.
Consciousness does rial reality in some and indeed a consc identity can persi material foundatior it have withered a advance of the prop an immanent ident there is a firm caus, consciousness of et the material organi
The material c underlies an ethnic illustrated by drawi periphery, or bou economic unit which ses its own internal of production. This the case of the sep homogeneous kingd previous ages. A specific set of peopl tory (land, water, Y tiers that must be invasion, delineate production. The periphery of a mode material fact - a fea the productive pow its internal or cla sense of identity security derive at sciousness from the belonging within ti tion, of being withi
A stark exampl where Boer worker tified with Boer bourgeois than wi brother. But these solidated by separa ence, and its conco quest, slavery and sion, from the earli South Africa, his and the numerous units were distinc modes of productio talism supplanted and especially so solidation of Britis) turn of the century of apartheid consci rate identity is dee largely defunct, b real, sub-division ( verse into distinct and modes of pr subjugation and being in those tim economics."
It is in the light

TAMIL TIMES 19
ity: entals
not reflect matemechanistic way, ousness of ethnic t long after the s that engendered vay, or emerge in er consolidation of ty.” Nevertheless, l link between the hnic identity and ation of social life.
rcumstance that unit is more simply ng attention to the dary, of a sociol, of course, possesstructures or mode is most obvious in arate tribes or the oms and nations of well defined and e, a common terriwild life) and fronguarded against the boundary of boundary, or of production, is a ture it shares with sers of society and ss divisions.” The and the sense of the level of conmaterial reality of he mode of producn the periphery. e is South Africa for example, idenlandowner and h his black class dentities were conte economic existmitant of war, conterritorial expanest settler times. In orically, the Boer African economic enclaves, distinct , and modern capihis only much later nly after the conimperialism at the The extreme form usness and of sepaly rooted in a now at one time very ' the economic uniand warring units duction - - war, 2Onage, of course, but an adjunct to
f this process that
racial nationalism must be understood. The Boers' espousal of a doctrine of African inferiority, justified on biblical grounds, was interconnected with their desire to justify peonage. And why not? These people have inherited from their settler forefathers feudallike institutions with rigid hierarchical structures. For their ancestors, "race' had provided a suitable principle on which to create a servile population. Their religious leaders found in the Bible the "Curse of Canaan', which they adapted to justify their activities.
The theoretical approach developed in this paper also provides the answer to the question of why some ethnicities are activated but not others. For example, why do Tamils, including Tamil Christians, take on e si de and Sinhalese, including Christians, the other? Why not Buddhists against Christians instead of Sinhalese against Tamils? The answer lies in seeking out which material identities were historically separate and significant and hence were consolidated into ethnicities; which material boundaries of cohesive socio-economic units formed important peripheries to modes of production. Tamil Christians were internal to and a part of Tamil (or Jaffna) society, economy, trade, agriculture and so on. Sinhalese Christians were, similarly internal to another cohesive socio-economic unit. There is not Christian or Buddhist ethnicity, there are Sinhalese and Tamil ones. In the Punjab, or in Northern Ireland, the superficial division is precisely the opposite, religion being the determinant of cleavage in the ethnic civil wars. The argument from historically sustained economic separateness functioning as an original delineator of ethnic identity does not suffer from the contradictions that superficial theorisation is prone to and is wholly plausible in all of these examples, many oversimplifications in conventional left thinking, for example Bipan Chandra (see note”) not withstanding.
This approach also explains why, however slowly and tortuously, ethnicities disappear or become politically irrelevent. What became of Vandals and Goths? How did German ethnicity replace it? What on earth happened to Normans and Saxons and who on earth is an Englishman? Why are the Protestants and Catholics in England, or in Germany, not at each others' throats in emulation of their faithful brothers in Belfast? The answer lies wholly in material categories — membership of a common mode of production, shared material intercourse and
Continued on page 20

Page 20
20 TAM TIMES
Continued from page 19
consanguinity which follows this have been realised in Germany and England a long time ago. Such too will be the future of the USA, that great melting pot of innumerable people, where ethnic particularity appears destined to disappear.
Though ethnicity as a category in political conflict and the concomitant consciousness of identity is linked in this way to material life, it would be a great mistake to overlook their dissynchronous time scales of development and the consequent relative autonomies of their particular dynamics. For example, it would be hard to argue that the Boers and the Blacks of South Africa do not even today cohabit the same material socioeconomic entity. But it is obvious that consciousness of racial identity is not changing at a pace which is synchronised with these material transformations. Ideology will finally align itself with reality but not until it has exhausted its own tortuous and extended life span. Furthermore, the very history of material change has brought about a new overlapping of class with race in South Africa," and is given a new and more complex rationale to perception of ethnic division and identity.
New Nation States
In current discussions of ethnic conflict it is not uncommon to hear remarks about the 'arbitrary boundaries of new artificial nation states which have been created by colonialism'. What is partly at least implicit in this is the assertion that these nations are entities which are in some way irrational and have little right to exist. What is at issue here is not colonial conquest per se but rather one specific aspect of the colonial legacy, the new nation states as they actually exist. It is necessary to re-examine the immanent critique of the right of such artificial entities to exist. But the very posing of the question raises difficulty - Surely it is not possible to suggest that the world should return to the patchwork mosaic of a myriad kingdoms, tribes, principalities, states and fiefdoms, surely it is not possible to suggest that Germany should return to the dozens of independent or semiindependent units that preceded the conquest and unification of these lands by Napoleon?
It is worth pursuing this argument a little further and to push to its limits the view that India, for example, is an artificial entity created by British Imperialism. Implicit in some formulations of this assertion could lie the
value judgemer continent be divid wha te ver, et homogeneous enti can be multiplied. land and Shonalan Zimbabwe, why no and Ethiopia, why Slovenia and Ma Yugoslavia, why Quebec and a sep and a separate M So the list goes on take this argumen to respond to it seri all terms.
Looking at the emerged out of cen and its legacy of fo of people and race account the nur movements that e. fectly reasonable ti hypothesis as a discussion: “What is number 150 (or s with a world consi that matter 500, I live the slogan: A ETHNICITY". T course, fails at fir can simply be see this does not amol refutation. A col formulated in a ger the sub-division of ever larger numbe) or put it more star vision of India il states, would be i tionary, consists of points.
a) Large natio carrying the ide and taking into
practical constr are capable of
reSOt_1}{CeS Îh01 ́6 nising their ec more rationally USA and China
b) A mosaic of with their own hindrance to th of the spiritua cultural potent. species. The re impediments of the EEC, for ex from its intrinsi ity, and the way taking advanta freedom of mov, tion, are pointe unified world of look. c) Integration i. states in the ci veloped countrie for external ex

15 MARCH 1995
ut that the subed into 6 or 16, or h n i ca lly more ties. The examples Why not Matebelled instead of a single t a separate Eritrea not Croatia, Serbia, cedonia instead of not a separate arate Tamil Eelam oro-Philippine, and . It is necessary to t at face value and iously and in gener
: world as it has turies of colonialism rced amalgamation es, and taking into merous separatist xist today, it is pero take the following serious agenda for s so magic about the so), what is wrong sting of 300, or for nation states? Long STATE FOR EACH he hypothesis, of st sight because it n to be absurd, but unt to a considered insidered response, heral way, as to why the world into an r of smaller entities, kly, why the subdihto say 16 ethnic rrational and reacthe following three
nal units, without ea to absurd limits, account specific and aints in each case,
marshalling their afficiently and orgaonomic production for example the
small nations all flags are a positive e full development l, intellectual and als of the human moval of artificial this nature within ample, quite apart economic rationalin which people are se of this enhanced ment and interacrs to how a more the future should
to larger national se of the less des reduced the scope bloitation by more
powerful imperial or neighbouring states. For example, a separate Puerto Rico on the borders of the USA and Puerto Rico as the 51st state in the federation, are very different entities in this respect. Or again, China was not Vietnam in relation to Soviet interests in the last three decades. In general, therefore, there are very strong economic and spiritualintellectual-cultural reasons for dispensing with divisions and integrating people into nations which owe their raison d'etre to considerations other than ethnic particularism. To complete the discussion, however, it is important to point out that against these arguments must be considered the possiblility of economic exploitation of specific ethnicities within an expanded state, the possibility that a minority identity or culture is oppressed within an existing state, and the likelihood that a heritage of backwardness may make the largeness of a unit not an advantage but a problem in relation to efficient and rational economic management. The generalisation that has been previously attempted therefore is not without exceptions, but in other words, the real significance of the generalisation lies not in the fact that the exceptions are less numerous than the norm, but rather that for the exceptions too the generalisation points to the long term future.
I will mention, without extended discussion for reasons of brevity, a few examples which to my mind are, on balance, exceptions to the generalisation for one or another reason. Clearly the dismemberment of the old Pakistan into Bangladesh and Pakistan is a forward step; probably it was better for all concerned that the Baltic state ceded from the Soviet Union; it is difficult to justify China's continued ocupation of Tibet. I make the last remark without prejudice to the arguments put forward by each side whether Tibet is, or is not, historically, a part of China.
These are indeed possible exceptions, and in specific cases, indeed, the particular history and circumstances may be compelling. The concept of an exception, therefore, needs to be located and understood more precisely. There is a historically progressive and general trend towards the integration of nations politically and economically, as well as culturally, into larger entities. However, while this trend has been self-evident over time spans such as centuries or decades the process is also an uneven one since it is mediated by concrete and specific factors of shorter historical duration but of great though ephemeral intensity. Hence,

Page 21
15 MARCH 1995
reversals of the general trend, from time to time, in specific instances and along one or another of its axis (that is political state), economic or cultural axis) will take place. It would be correct in certain such instances to support some specific “reversal' if in the final analysis it is conducive to a progressive historical trend. However, even in doing so, that is in formulating the particular form and nature of the support to be extended, the longer term progressive world historical view must be kept in mind, and in the long run must assert its priority. This is the essence of the concept of exceptionalism.
It appears, therefore, that those who say that modern India is a creation of the British Raj, forgot to add that, nevertheless, it is an irreversible one. The meaning of the concept of irreversibility needs to be stated more precisely: economic production and the market in India have been sufficiently well integrated that its continued existence as a unified nation is in the interest of all of the classes of the modern society, the bourgeois and proletariat included, and the strength of these classes is likely to overcome fissiparous pressures from remnant classes of previous (pre-modern) society when they do arise from time to time. Secondly, even culturally, modern cultural contents are, on the whole, strong enough to overcome fissiparous remnants from previous historical times. This is the essential content of the concept of irreversibility as used here; it does not purport to make prognosticative statements about what might happen in, say Kashmir, but rather it is a concept whose meaningfulness arises in the context of the general thesis of human progress that underlies this discussion.
The demise of the Soviet Union gives rise to some important attitudinal questions. The unresolved confrontation regarding the economic system in the nations issuing from the former USSR is shot through by a perpendicular emergence of ethnopolitics and widespread armed nationalist conflicts. We are witnessing, simultaneously, a political revolution (the overthrow of Stalinism), a social counter-revolution (the attempted restoration of capitalism) and also a resurgence of ethno-politics. The class-state axis, that is to say the question of the restoration of capitalism, remains the supreme issue of the moment. As the resolution of this issue mediated by the intervention of world capitalism works itself out, and irrespective of whichever direction this resolution takes, a period of nationalist political conflicts and wars will follow. It is not entirely
unreasonable to s integration of th produce some eco. politically stable r it remains para ethnic conflicts a pediment to long
The importanc each particular ( terms places then asis on concrete a tion and genera necessary, but or knowledge. Or as
There are. . . fu advantages to th that the use of allows us to study similarities and di that the state capitalist societies two dangers. One - that is, an apprc on the view that different, that the theories; the othe tion, which result tion with similarit
References and N.
'. There is a rich ture attempting t ethnicity in the moc Smith places it in th tion in The Ethnic World, Cambridge State and Nation in Western State and Wheatsheaf Harves loe examines the i class and tribe in and the modes of pr dialectics of class an xx,4 1979, pp. 347-3 ist discussion will Connor, Nation b, troying", World Poli 355. Readers are no a mechanistic inct into class analysis one time and is no mechanistic Marxis
. The emergence now in the mid and Jharkhand region Alem, “India: Nati retarded capitalism Conflict, Crisis, e Santasilan Kadir. Hong Kong, 1989,
*. The concept of to supplement thos of production' was Borochov, Nationa A Marxist Approa tion', Greenwood F 165. A more recen in R. Munck "The ism and Nationali 1986.

TAMIL TIMES 21
ppose that the disSoviet Union may omically viable and tions, nevertheless oxically true that e the greatest imarm progress.
of understanding kample on its own ethodological emphalysis, with abstracisation forming a ly a background of Clive Thomas says."
ther methodological is approach. One is
concrete examples
simultaneously the fferences in the form akes in peripheral ... We can then avoid is oversimplification ach that is premised since each society is re can be no general r is overgeneralisa, from a preoccupaies.
btes
accumulation of literao define and discuss lern world. Anthony D. e context of modernisaRevival in the Modern University Press and the Third World: The African Nationalism, ter, 1983. Cynthia Enssue in the context of relation to imperialism oduction debate in "The d tribe', Race and Class, 72. An essentially idealbe found in Walker uilding or nation destics, XXIV, 2, pp. 319doubt also familiar with orporation of ethnicity which was common at w dismissed as crude or
.
of a new ethnicity, right late 20th Century in the is described by Javeed onality formation under ," in Ethnicity: Identity, ds. Kumar David and agamer, Arena Press, pp. 45-69.
conditions of production' e of "forces and relations first introduced by B. lism and Class Struggle: ch to the Jewish Ques'ress, Westport, pp. 157, discussion can be found Difficult Dialogue: Marcsm,” Zed Books, London,
h
Bernard Makhosezwe Magubane, "The Political Economy of Race and Class in South Africa, Monthly Review Press, New York, 1979 pp. 32-33.
* The following is taken from Bipan Chandra, 'Communalism in Modern India', Vani Educational Books, New Delhi, 1984 p. 13,
Not only did Hindus or Muslims or Sikhs or Christians not form a nation or a nationality, they did not even form a distinct and homogeneous "community" except for religious purposes. That is, they did not separately form a "monolothic social structure" or a cohesive unit on a religious basis with common economic, political, social and cultural interests, or bonds or outlook. The religious coordinates did not coincide with the class, ethnic, linguistic, or cultural coordinates. There was no sharply etched or articulated interests of Hindus or Muslims "standing in juxtaposition to one another"; in particular, the conditions of Hindu and Muslim workers and peasants was the
Sae.
Historically, of course, this assertion is not valid. The history of the Muslim invasion of the Indo-Gangetic plain followed by several centuries of war, the establishment of Muslim rulers, the attendant court and of civil society around it, subsequently religious conversions and the linkage of conversions to castes which were oppressed by prevailing Hindu society, and finally the partial separation of Hindu and Muslim villages even up to recent times, is the history of societies which were to a considerable degree materially divided. These centuries constitute the historical roots of ethnic consciousness. The remark about the common interests of workers and peasants, in a current political context, is certainly, but that is a separate dimension of the discussion.
o Bernards Makhosezwe Magubane, op.cit., pp. 163-192.
Clive Y. Thomas, "The Rise of the Authoritarian State in Peripheral Societies, Monthly Review Pres, New York, 1984, p.
XX.
Continued in next issue.
Continued from page 16
forget that and she should understand the problems of the Tamil people and solve them'.
When questioned as to whether the LTTE intended to kill political leaders in the future, Balasingham specifically stated that the LTTE need not kill any political leaders and added, "There is a pact between President Chandrika Kumaratunga and Velupillai Pirabhakaran that they will not kill or kidnap any person. This pact has been signed by both leaders'.

Page 22
22 TAMIL TIMES
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Page 23
15 MARCH 1995
Crisis in Congress-D
by T.N. Gopalan, Madras
The inevitable has happened at last. Former Union Human Resources Minister Arjun Singh, who had been threatening to become the rallying point for the dissidents in the ruling Cong-I, has been expelled from the party.
But such is the torpor into which the party has fallen, so wary the Congressmen are of upsetting the apple cart however unsure they might be of the fate awaiting them all, that such a major event as the expulsion of a senior leader like Arjun Singh has not caused many ripples in the party, barring some routine denunciations here and there. Not a single dissident leader has quit the party in protest nor is there any sign of a split. At least not as yet.
Prime Minister and Cong-I President Narasimha Rao appears to be sitting pretty, having quelled an incipient rebellion with surprising ease. But, as the cliche goes, appearances could be deceptive, and the party could go through yet another bout of convulsions once the results of the Assembly elections in four front-line states are out by the third week of March.
More than the tenure of a septuagenarian in the prime ministerial throne or even the chances of the Cong-I to return to power in the General Elections slated next year, it is the very future of the Indian polity, the continued survival of the country in one piece, that seems to be at stake.
But such considerations apart, the Arjun Singh episode has indeed set the dovecote aflutter, and there are animated discussions at various levels of the issues raised by the expelled leader and of the way his fate was sealed.
It may be recalled here that though Narasimha Rao was catapulted to prime ministership because of the leadership vacuum in the party in the wake of the assassination of Mr. Rajiv Gandhi - in the absence of any charismatic leader around, the party managers decided to opt for the seniormost leader, perceived as non-controversial and
with no political b hence considered
Congressmen v full to Rao for ke ment intact thoug a minority in th even engineered : ter on from some even now the pa slender majority.
By allowing his Manmohan Singh his ruthless drive achieving some se ity on the economi ing international process besides fetish of indecisio to drift, he seeme in defusing passio of fronts. Though demolition provec the minorities, t ance of the party elections in the F 1993 strengthene even further.
Arjun Singh a from the North w the party as alr domain of the no amused at the si calling the shots, to bide their time
And their mo November last W badly mauled in states of Andhra nataka, the form state of the PM. bing in both sta unprecedented a personal defeat
When the So been considered party, such a cr was indeed an o cially so in the that the party W many norther General Electi another year.
Yet another v out the A.P. e that the Telugu coasted to a la promised the el ridiculously che latter had been
 

TAMIL TIMES 23
SCENE
sepens
se of his own and liable.
are indeed grateping the governh the party was in
Lok Sabha — he ome defections laother parties, but rty enjoys only a
Finance Minister to go ahead with for liberalisation, mblance of stabilic front and earnplaudits in the almost making a n, allowing issues d to be succeeding ns on a whole host the Babri Masjid a vicious blow to he good performin the Assembly Hindi heartland in d the hands of Rao
ıd others of his ilk ho had come to see most the exclusive rtherners were not ght of a southerner but they preferred
ment did come in nen the Cong-I was
the two southern Pradesh and Karer being the home The scale of drubCes was something ld was very much a o Rao.
uth had all along a bastion of the Ishing defeat there minous signal espezontext of the fact as in a shambles in states and the ons were due in
orrisome factor ab2ction results was Desam party which dslide victory had ctorate cheap rice, p in fact, and the aken in — it was a
resounding slap indeed for the nofree-lunchers.
Also the Rao regime had been hounded by a variety of scandals in the last three years or so, the securities scam, sugar import muddle and SO O.
Arjun Singh picked upon precisely such issues when he raised his banner of revolt after the debacle in the South. He demanded a serious introspection by the party over the issues before it. He also sought to precipitate matters by resigning from the cabinet.
But the Cong-I has long since lost its capacity to do any soul-searching, assuming that it still has a soul left in it. Since Mrs. Gandhi's return to power in 1980, no leader at any level has mustered enough courage to question the ways of the leadership - they are all happy so long as they have their own respective shares of the pie. And so except for some disgruntled elements here and there, not many bothered to respond to Arjun Singh's call. Instead they chose the occasion to demonstrate their unswerving loyalty to Rao.
Still Singh would not give up. He started going round the country, addressing partymen and raising issues like loss of confidence of the minorities and weaker sections, corruption, accountability and so on. And leaders like N.D. Tiwari in U.P. and Vazhapadi Ramamurthi in Tamil Nadu joined hands with him and organised rallies.
After some dithering the High Command suspended Singh. When the latter reacted by intensifying his attacks on the leadership, he was expelled from the party.
Again the heavens did not fall, but the High Command was red in its face when a member of the Disciplinary Action Committee (DAC) of the party - which was supposed to have taken the decision on explusion — A.K. Antony, questioned the majority decision and even insinuated that the DAC was only executing a command performance, obviously at the behest of Narasimha Rao. Antony had left the cabinet in a huff when some press supporters sought to frame him in the sugar scandal with which he had nothing to do. And the media too was critical of the way the High Command had attempted to crush dissent instead of coming to grips with the issues raised by Singh.
The latter concentrated his fire on
Continued on page 24

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24 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 23
the Rao government's failure to stop the demolition of the Babri Masjid in December 1992, arrest a spiralling inflation, zero in on the guilty in the securities scam and to pursue vigorously the Rajiv assassins.
Though the issues did strike a chord in the hearts of many a Congressman, they preferred to wait and watch. They were and are weary of a split which could result in the unseating of the party at the centre - facing elections in such a scenario would be courting disaster, they seem to fear.
While men like Antony promised to "work for reconciliation' and "fight the tendency for intolerance of dissent, others like Vazhapadi Ramamurthi who had accused Rao of doing a Gorbachov to India — ushering in an era of disintegration - confined themselves to condemning the expulsion. What next by way of solidarity they would not say.
Arjun Singh himself vowed not to split the party or float a new one and declared that he would remain a humble Congressman to the end.
In the absence of any public show of support from Mrs. Sonia Gandhi for Singh - as had been expected in some quarters - the dissidents have decided to lie low for now.
Yet again neither is Arjun Singh a charismatic figure nor a paragon of virtue. Unlike V.P. Singh (who is also a Thakur, a powerful landowning community of the North, like Arjun) who galvanised the entire polity with his call for integrity in public life, the latter day rebel has had a shady past.
The whole of his family was involved in a lottery scandal in his home state of Madhya Pradesh, and he is yet to come clean on it. Nor yet is he willing to fight whole-heartedly the liberalisation measures despite his avowed concern for the poorer sections of society. In effect he too would like to continue with his rival's policies in almost every sphere except of course he would refuse to cosy up to the Hindu fundamentalists as Rao has been doing all these days. Anyway he and the other dissidents would like to wait for the results of the elections in Maharashtra, Gujarat, Orissa and Bihar. Opinion polls have predicted that the Cong-I is likely to bite the dust in all the four states. If such an eventuality does come about the Congressmen would be constrained
to look around f could revivify back the confide
When election Congress Work highest policy-n party, for the fir a gap of more th Arjun Singh w senior leader fro this corresponc reading too mu elections. ...Act staking a claim Ra o disappe scene. . . No nee ry. ...”. But h proved to be. H search of desp. shore up his pos
First and fore 1995-96 to be pri expected to conta for the weaker sound theoreti siders might pre bitter fact of life of years before w les down reach strata. The latt clined to wait foi erations for the prescriptions to ful impact on the something here : their hunger,
Jayala
Citizens of Tami the morning of F find themselves cendo of slogans the Revolutional litha)!
Most of the ma in the state were huge wall-post Majesty on her sides AIADMK f
Only the mand traits mounted tures) were cor this time. That w to the Chief Mini had appealed to keep out the cu abjuring ostenta markable simplic birthday celebrat
Not only were t

15 MARCH 1995
r a new leader who he party and win nce of the people.
s were held for the ng Committee, the haking body of the st time in 1992 after an two decades and on hands down, a m the south had told ent, "Look you're :h into these party ually they are all to leadership after ars from the d for Rao to worow wrong he has is leader is now in 2rate measures to tion.
most the budget for esented in March is in a number of sops sections. However cally the supplytend to be, it is a it take a helluva lot thatever that trickles the lowermost er may not be inr two or three genWorld Bank-IMP have any meaningir lives. They need and now to quench clothe themselves
with and a roof over their heads. When in actuality their living conditions take a turn for the worse during the so-called gestation period, they will take it out on their rulers.
Sensing this stark reality the high-priests of Manmohanomics are said to be engaged in a serious exercise to evolve some measures to soften the blow on the poor.
With a double digit inflation making life difficult for even the middle class, food prices going up by 40 per cent in the last few years hitting at the poor, increased subsidies and some price control measures might be round the corner.
And if Congressmen decide to replace Rao after a possible debacle in the Assembly elections now on, the new regime might even feel compelled to roll back liberalisation to some extent.
Finally what is the future of the polity itself when the Cong-I is fast disintegrating or losing popular support almost everywhere and could be reduced to the role of a regional party in the next elections? And when there is no alternative unifying factor at that? Will India indeed go the way of the Soviet Union? The next few years should prove very crucial for the country as a whole.
IL NADU NEWSLETTER
litha's Birthday Bash
T.N. Gopalan, Madras
Nadu woke up on ebruary 24 only to drowned by a cres| proclaiming “Hail y Leader' (Jayala
jor cities and towns simply awash with 2rs greeting Her 47th birthday, belags and festoons.
atory cut-outs (poron wooden strucspicuously absent as in due deference ster's wishes - she her followers to it-outs by way of tion. What a reity attended on her ions!
he cities and towns
decked up to mark the occasion, the AIADMK-men would not spare the auditory senses either. Right through the day party and film songs blared on the streets and the alleys. And street-corner meetings were held when the people were told how fortunate they had all been to live at a time when such a magnificent personality like Jayalalitha was living and ruling them to boot.
Most ministers and party functionaries took out big ads in newspapers singing hallelujahs to the great revolutionary leader and expressing their profound gratitude to her for vouchsafing on them whatever favours they had received from her. A favourite and almost give away refrain was "Ungalaal Naan
Continued on page 29

Page 25
15 MARCH 1995
READERS
FORUM
PUTTING RIGHT HISTORICBLUNDERS
WAR begins in the minds of men and so does peace. The UNP regime of 17 long years was corrupt and thriving on the war. They did not have the will to negotiate for peace despite calls from their adversary.
A military solution to the ethnic problem, created by majoritarian tyranny, did not succeed and the war prolonged for 11 years sapping the economy and demoralising the people. The people therefore evicted the UNP and elected the Peoples Alliance under the leadership of Mrs. Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumarathunge. The mood had changed from war to peace.
The Justice and Peace mandate given to the P.A. calls for the abolition of the Executive Presidency, ending the ethnic war. The new President called for Peace negotiations and the LTTE wholeheartedly agreed. Now they have arranged a temporary cease-fire for 14 days hoping to extend it, if it holds. The goodwill created by the Pope who visited the island last month, no doubt would have contributed to expedite negotiations.
Although the military agreed to negotiations, they are not prepared to yield any ground. The new P.A. Government has not decreased its Defence Budget, and it does not seem correct under the circumstances. The Tamils have faith in the charming lady's peaceful intentions, and appreciate that there are certain things that cannot be rushed and we hope that this matter would no doubt be reviewed.
However, there is a lurking suspicion regarding the statement made by her that a military solution has not been ruled out. May be this was said in order not to upset the large reservoir of chauvinism in the UNP and the south. If the military option is true, then it would mean to the Tamils, that it is a foregone conclusion that the Tamil nation unless they break free, will always have to be "creepers of the Sinhala tree' as ex-President D.B. Wijethunge said. He also said that "no Tamil will ever be able to be the President of Sri Lanka'. From this it follows that should the UNP come into power
again, which is pl never be racial e racial Sri Lanka,
be once again force to fight for their f
The pattern of Lanka indicate tha has alternated be and the SLFP bei parties. The SLF time as the Pec alliance with othe so one would expe back in the saddle few years. When th could reverse ma have been made a endure irrevocab have to be made no falls short of Tan freedom with digi temporary.
The question of
Tamils cannot be c changing the cor regional solution
there will have to constitution when be granted to the without interferen tre. Otherwise the rule the periphery
centre at the 'drop Presidential systen or she must be ans" ment through a mi be above the law. T then have to be si the process of gran the Tamils is to be be done if there is with the Sinhalan
In any case, Sri expect to return t ity status as bef 'Sinhala Only' which is universa historic blunder, the country. Witl education for the formative years, it rate nations in th the late Dr. Colvin Parliament, "One tion, two languag
Successive gove dependence were ressive measures cause they were be better employed These four histori below, will now ha as part of the si called "Tamil probl ly a Sinhala Budd
1. Sinhala Only 2. Altering th
 

TAM TIMES 25
obable, there will uality in multiund Tamils would d to take up arms eedom.
elections in Sri t the ruling party tween the UNP g the largest two P returned this ples Alliance in r smaller parties it the UNP to be next time, or in a ey do return they ny changes that ld so if peace is to le changes will w. Anything that nil aspirations to nity will only be
autonomy for the onsidered without stitution. For a like Federation pe changes in the power will have to peripheral unit ce from the cencentre could overand rule from the » of a hat'. If the n is to remain, he werable to Parlianister and cannot hese matters will orted out early if ting autonomy to gin. This can only sufficient goodwill hajority. Lanka could never o the same equalore 1956, as the anguage policy, lly accepted as a 2thnically divided 1 two streams of children in their created two sepae same island. As R. de Silva said in Language, one naes, two nations.” rnments since inpent on using repon the Tamils better educated and than the rest. cal blunders given ve to be redressed olution to the so em”, which is realhist problem:
language policy. e constitution to
repress the Tamils.
3. Forcing the peaceful Tamils to take up arms.
4. The Sinhala colonisation policy to change the ethnic demography in traditionally Tamil areas. Ultimately, all these blunders will have to be put right in keeping with the laws of national justice and the asprations of the long suffering Tamils, to live as a free people in the island in equality and with dignity. Considering the large reservoir of latent chauvinism still present in the country one would imagine that it is going to be a formidable and possibly an impossible task for the P.A. Government.
Even if there is going to be a complete change of attitude by the opposition, it would take generations of time and we have no such time. It is therefore essential that the Tamils are allowed to live free of Sinhala hegemony in a separate state, if there is no other alternative and we will have to prepare our minds for such an eventuality.
The Sinhala leadership bereft of statesmen, lacked the wisdom to comprehend that Mahavamsa thinking would be counter productive and would create a divided Sri Lanka - a division forced on the Tamils who did not ask for a separate state, at the time of independence from the British Government.
However, it must be said that "hope lives eternal in the human breast. So let us hope, as the President said, the people of Lanka will work under the Government to "transform that difficult and beautiful dream into a living reality'.
Lt. Col. Anton J.N. Selvadurai
8 Blenheim Court, Alsager, Stoke-on-Trent, U.K.
TAMIL BIOGRAPHIES
I ENDORSE the perceptive and valid criticism presented by reader T. Pathmanathan on the need for more efficient use of editorial scissors to contributions which ooze with questionable scholarship (Tamil Times, Jan. 1995). After reading Prof. S. Ratnajeevan Hoole's "Study in Tamil Biographies' (TT, Dec. 1994), I also felt the same thoughts that struck T. Pathmanathan.
For the benefit of readers, I summarise the essence of Hoole's
Continued on page 26

Page 26
26 TAMIL TIMES
critique. He has concluded that, “the Tamils in writing biographies have a proclivity to inexactness and fuzziness, with a view to selfglorification, self adulation and self congratulation'. Are Tamils the only culprits who suffer from such a 'disease' of faulty vision? Certainly not.
Since the academic background of Prof. Hoole and myself is similar (being science, in a general context), I offer him some evidence in this parish to disprove his conclusion on Tamil biographies. For the past four years, to compile an “Einstein Dictionary' (which will be published later this year by the Greenwood Press, USA; and to which chemistry Nobelist Kenichi Fukui has written a foreword), I have read in depth
more than a d Einstein, publi and 1989. All by non-Tamils Garbedian, Phi Infeld, Peter M Hoffman, Jeren Dukas, Hilaire ( and Kenji Sugir adulatory in na Hoole would ha Curie. Has he re this foremost fer century, author Eve Curie? I hav tion, and it prese of Marie Curie. E she was not a sa that popular bio, the hundreds ( raphies which ha
ON PRESENTATIONS AND PROPRIETIES
YOUR issue of 15 January, 1995, carries a letter headed: "From an Average Reader', on how to write on sensitive issues, and how to use the English language.
I found there to my amazement an extensive treatment of myself, ostensibly on my personal career, and on my involvements on our Ethnic issue, the whole taking almost a good half of the entire letter
The person who had originally referred to my roles on the Ethnic issue was, Ibelieve, Mr. Rajan Hoole (whom I do not know and whose views are solely his, but who II presume was at an important Lecture delivered by me at the Sri Lanka Association for the Advancement of Science, late last year).
The writer obviously could not have known much about me, considering the things that he has said. However, his self assurance could naturally mislead your far flung and respected community of readers to accepting their veracity. My purpose in writing is thus purely to share some things at least with this wider community of ours.
There is a reference to the writer knowing me intimately (I shall not dwell on whether the reference to me as "a worthy gentleman' is to be taken literally or metaphorically). I am not aware of any intimate association with the writer at any time, except that he has indeed met me from about 40 years ago which he mentioned.
I am told that I had a 'stint' in
Government Sel what 18 years ( roughly the first with Mr. S.W.F working closely v ous aspects of Finance, even D anaike was goi) Kachcheries and Councils, 40 year ly came!
It is said that life was with th Specialised Agen N.Y. Cadre, cal Civil Servant hav Deputy Executiv U.N. Economic C (second highest pe tor, world-wide Training and Te of UNEP (being lon of the Organis Directors); and Director for Asia Environment.
Whether I serv,
is a matter whi juncts with the re it happened, I was directly associatec of such leading i Asian Developr Bangkok Trade Asian Clearing U Community, the ( ciations for Envir and South Pacif South Asian Co-o fore SAARC) for which still stant work. At the end, the King of Thai quarters of the Knight Commar uished services to U.N.

en biographies on led between 1939 ese were authored
such as Gordon pp Frank, Leopold chelmore, Banesh Bernstein, Helen uny, Abraham Pais oto. All these were ure. I’m sure Prof. re heard of Marie ld the biography of ale scientist of this d by her daughter read it for inspirahts only the virtues ut we all know that nt, as presented in raphy. How about f adulatory biogve been written on
15 MARCH 1995
Winston Churchill and John F. Kennedy or for that matter Vladimir Lenin. Certainly, all those who authored biographies on this century's icons were not Tamils. So, how could Prof. Hoole write nonsense such as, "It has been the Tamil/Indian tradition to mention only the good side of the subject, even to the point of exaggeration'.
I can only suggest that Prof. Hoole should read more biographies written by non-Tamils on non-Tamils, before arriving at a conlusion on Tamils, which can stand on solid grounds.
Sachi Sri Kantha,
5-16-305 Tsukimicho, Fukuroi City, Shizuoka 437-01, Japan.
vice. One wonders f service must be, half of which was .D. Bandaranalike rith him on numerlocal Government, evolution. Bandarng to abolish the
set up Regional s before they final
my entire working e United Nations lies. I was a U.N., 'eer International ing been variously, Secretary of the ommission for Asia 1st for Asia); Direc, for Education hnical Assistance t the second echeation as one of four he first Regional and the Pacific for
d with distinction h the writer adord "perhaps'. As responsible for, or in, the setting up stitutions as the ent Bank, the Agreement, the ion, the Coconut p-operative Assoment in ASEAN and the First rative Body (beouth Asia, all of witness to our was invested by nd at the Head.N. for Asia as 2r, for distingsia while in the
With my retirement, as perhaps known, I accepted the position of visiting Professor at LSE. Here in Sri Lanka I head a voluntary organisation, The Centre for Regional Development Studies that is now both active and actively sought after.
It has been stated that I had no "ring side view' (whatever that may mean), of the ethnic situation. The writer vouches with particular vehemence for this (even vituperation), claiming to have held special positions of vantage, and relations as M.P.s in Sri Lanka. It is not my intention to comment on the veracity of others' claims even if I were in the know, and leave this to others as appropriate. Speaking only for myself, the writer is pathetically ignorant of the continuous contacts that somehow developed in many cases often not out of my making, righ from the time of S.W. R.D. Bandar anaike to whom I have alread referred, up to date.
The linkages are too many, but I may briefly mention the B-C Pact; Membership of a Special Officials Committee on District Development Councils set up by Mrs. Bandaranaike in 1963 (and precursor of the Dudley-Chelvanayakam understanding); personal discussions on invitations, with Premadasa during the Peace Process of that time; meetings with LTTE in Jaffna on invitation; and continuing, informal discussions by political party representatives of all shades.
On some trivia relating to the positions held by the writer (and members of his family in Parliament) I may say that requests for me to be in Parliament began from

Page 27
15 MARCH 1995
as early as the '40s, (not only from Tamil parties), continuing right up to recent times. There were also initiatives, either informal or formal, to bestow highest honorary awards during recent years. All these I declined politely and humbly.
Specifically, on family members themselves in Parliament that the writer thought fit to mention, I
BOOK REVIEW
Devolution and Development in Sri Lanka: Edited by Sunil Bastian, (International Centre for Ethnic Studies, Colombo and Konark Publishers (Pvt) Ltd., Delhi 1994) pp.232.
by Prof. Bertram Bastiampillai
This new book on a subject which has been of serious concern in Sri Lanka ever since Independence (1948) consists of six chapters, an introduction and five other chapters. All the chapters, but one, have been the result of studies undertaken by well known Sri Lankan research scholars. The last chapter is by Amrita Shastri, not a new scholar on devolution in Sri Lanka, but from the San Francisco State University, U.S.A.
Jani de Silva writing the first account proper, deals with “Centripetal Pressures and Regions Change in the Post Colonial Sri Lankan State.' There is a scrutiny by the writer of centralization that had been in vogue since Independence in Sri Lanka. The end of this process was noticeable in the shift toward authoritarianism about two decades ago.
The study ofJani de Silva isladen with theoretical expositions and relevant concepts get analytically discussed. To the author, divisions based on class and inter ethnic relations in the island seemed to have arisen from the character of the state. It is indicated that authoritarianism profits from centralization but centralization paradoxically need not deny to those being governed all political history.
A recent work "Southeast Asia in the 1990s: Authoritarianism, Democracy and Capitalism' edited by Kevin Hewison, Richard Robison and Gary Rodan appears to bring
happened to have three, sometimes
Parliament, who loyalties and ser other than their ow er, I fail to see the r writer attaches in
public contribution
Doubtless, anybo ascertain the deta
out the thesis of lengthy study, it to theoretical constr sion, too, providing the conclusions of follow could be bet
The next chapt and the Process of Lanka' by Jayadev valuable and ana the evolution of d country. Devolutio) ing it be, presa changes in the m island's state. Dr. ter shows how within a federal been visualized bef but had not been r unfortunately by were. Thereafter decentralise or dev sponse to the pressl tented minority of been aborted owing opportunist steps opposition to the g were ın power.
The reluctance resistance toward decentralizing me: strongly manifeste by the Sinhalese e ists elements. As th devolution in 1987 change in the politi had prevailed hith that devolution v introduced and rel that has created locks' on the path
Radhika Coomal on "Devolution, th cial Construction'c with the introducti new social contract It was designed to sharing between t minority commun had fought long Second, the proce enable widespreac be carried out by nistration in the ou of authority. The ' measure rather t outcome of negot

lad until recently four, of them in
never changed ved no masters n people. Howevelevance that the ihem, to our own
܀
s
dy is welcome, to ils on these any
TAM TIMES 27
time from me, although I am sure almost all of us are more interested in continuing modestly to do what we can, in our own ways, to serve our public causes.
Prof. C. Suriyakumaran,
Colombo 3, Sri Lanka.
Jani de Silva. A uched upon other 1cts and conclua basis on which the papers that ter considered.
er on "The State Devolution in Sri ra Uyangoda is a lytical review of evolution in the n, however wantnged important achinery of the Jyangoda's chaplevolution, even framework, had ore Independence 2garded seriously the powers that the attempts to olve taken in reure from a discon' the Tamils had f to the politically
of the myopic overnments that
to devolve and devolutionary or asures had been d time and again specially extremhe writer sums up was really a vital cal attitudes that rto. Perhaps, it is was compulsorily uctantly accepted so many "roadbto devolution.
aswamy's survey e Law, and Judilemonstrates that on of devolution a ... had been forged. ) facilitate power he majority and a ity (Tamils) that
for this right. ss was meant to development to allowing to admiuter areas a share imposition of the han it being the iations; and how
strongly resented it was became quite clear.
Even of the judiciary it was allowed to get across by a wafer thin majority and with so much learned' opposition. The author analytically examines these. Finally almost as a case study, there is the illustration afforded of the "Transport Statute Case' of 1989 which brought into contention an issue raised by the North East Provincial Council Administration, the only administration that functioned under a party other than the ruling party (UNP) which controlled all other provincial structures. The author sometimes indicates reservations but ultimately qualifies these thereby justifying what really took place. But for the resolution of conflicts like this she prefers a procedure that permits compromise rather than pure adversarial confrontation.
Chapter 5 treats the topic of "Liberalised Policies and Regional Autonomy'. The author is the editor himself and he examines the distinctive two significant developments in contemporary Sri Lanka: the introduction of a 'a new phase of capitalist development. . .' and a form of regional autonomy', so as to solve the protracted ethnic conflict that had been endemic. Prefaced with a theoretical introduction that devotes attention to the economy, ethnicity in plural society and the more recent growth of capitalist relations and Sri Lanka's "Liberalised Phase'.
The author in Part II of this study concentrates more pointedly on the Sri Lankan political situation. Part III is particularly illuminating on the shortcomings of an administrative approach to devolution. The inter relations between the liberalizing of the economy, the working of devolution and the approach to it is traced critically. It provides a good understanding of the shortcomings noticeable in the process of devolution.
The last chapter is of great interest since in it Amita Shastri
Continued on page 29

Page 28
28 TAMIL TIMES
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15 MARCH 1995
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Page 29
15 MARCH 1995
Continued from page 27 analyses the Provincial Council System as a solution to the ethnic problem. Even though governments have referred to decentralization as a way of developing the periphery and spoken of devolution as a means of attaining this objective effectively it is actually worsening of the ethnic conflict that provided the immediate impetus for introducing it. After all, it was the demand for autonomy and self management of the teritories where they mostly lived by the Tamils that accounted for the ideas of devolution and provincial councils to be worked out in 1987.
She correctly concludes after citing convincing evidence that devolu
tion was not si Centre was unw One cannot but that the present for devolution is a peaceful, demo the Sinhalese-Ta stantial concessi population in the devolution or fed ably needed. Otl thor sees the u will go on, and succeed in subsu nationalism. The insufficient to bu
This book is particularly whe initiative and pli
Continued from page 24
gal vaazhkirom...' (we are having a fine time thank you!).
Senior leaders and her cabinet colleagues vied with each other to come up with ever more ingenious ideas to celebrate the great event. If one person organised a mass marriage, of 47 pairs of course, another distributed doles to 470 persons. Yet another organised blood donation from 47 persons, his or her rival distributed notes books to 4,700 students and yet another outclassed them all by arranging public meetings for 47 successive days, expounding the virtues of the great leader.
And there was also this instance wherein the non-official chairman of a quasi-governmental body, of course an AIADMK functionary, sought to win the attention of Jayalalitha and also earn the gratitude of those under his charge in an almost farcical manner. He decided to promote 47 of them to the next higher grade. But there was a minor hitch - there were not as many vacancies in that grade and he was not empowered to create any new postings. But he was not to be put off. If bureaucratic rules came in the way of his propitiating his leader, he could make use of the same to serve his purpose. He simply directed a few officials in the next higher grade to go on leave in order to make up the shortfall and thus successfully promoted 47 persons.
Well some among the promoted would stand reverted when those on leave return to work. But who cares!
Forests Minister and supposed to be very close to the Chief Minister, Mr. K.A. Sengottaiyan, decided to extend the celebrations to the anim
al kingdom too. up huge water animals could dı said it, 47 differ areas. And the tu - Jayalalitha Jay
The birth of a JJ TV, believed t by CM's confidal
was also announ
But easily the was the way t sought to invoke gods and goddes leader through flagellating deed of them did so by
One arranged mony in a subu which 470 pers Another got a mu to eat food serve the foot-steps of called 'Mann sor eating food off another, this one the Legislative A the grounds with temple. Another fire-pot in her ha a temple. The among them joi temple chariots.
Lashed out S. a long-time mi cabinet and who promote Jayala who has now bitter critics, "T shameless. . . Sh take the Tamil baric ages even the 21st century maniacal that si that the whole at her having be

TAMIL TIMES 29
'ere and that the lling to allow it. onsider it correct rocess of or set up Insatisfactory. For ratic resolution of mil conflict — ʻSubns to the minority form of enhanced ralism are ineviterwise as the auwinnable conflict he state will not (nmary ethnic subability to coerce is ld a nation. a timely release, talks of a peace .ns to work out a
solution to the civil war of attrition are being aired. The book deals with the themes of autonomy and devolution and both themes are very relevant. In a book of this sort with diverse contributors the views can at times overlap and even differ. The theoretical construct although interesting may at times be questioned as whether appropriate or useful to understand the local situation. However, Sunil Bastian in a clear and comprehensive introduction takes the reader easily through the study.
It is a book for politicians, policy makers, academics and those of the public. It is an useful scholarly contribution.
His department set
tubs from which ink water at, you nt points in forest lbs were JJ-shaped 'an.
rivate TV channel, o have been floated nte Sasikala’s clan, ced on that day.
most moving sight he AIADMK-men the blessings of the ses above for their a variety of selfs - to be fair many
proxyl
l fire-walking cereb near Madras in sons participated. ltiple of 47 persons on bare floors, on a temple, a ritual u unnal', meaning the ground. Yet
a lady member of issembly, rolled on n the precincts of a ady MLA carried a nds and went round more squeamish hed hands to pull
Thirunavukkarasu, ister in the MGR was one of those to litha initially but ecome one of her is is all absolutely 2 seems to be set to people back to baras we are entering
... She's so megalohe seems to believe world should rejoice an on this earth...'.
It is difficult to say about the world as a whole, but her supporters in the United States, going by the name of the World Federation of Tamil Youth, faxed a press release to newspaper offices to the effect that governors of as many as nine states in the US had declared February 24 as Dr. J. Jayalalitha Day.
The Governor of Nevada especially issued a proclamation, hailing the 'visionary lady Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu' and saying that she had "created history by ushering women to a new era of justice and progress'. (However no independent confirmation of the celebrations from the US Embassy sources here were available.)
Next time round celebrations in Mars? wonders a wag.
Incidentally with her mentor MGR, birthdays were quiet private affairs. Of course he did not want to be reminded that he was ageing. Even still the personality cult and the razzmatazz associated with it never touched the levels they have now. And he had some scruples about invoking the favour of the divine powers - in public that is - since he was presiding over an avowedly atheistic Dravidian party.
No such qualms for his protege who believes that she can get away with anything.
A fitting birthday gift for the people of Tamil Nadu was the announcement on taking over a large chunk of land from the Anna University - to which engineering colleges are attached - and assigning the same to the Dr. Jayalalitha Film City, a huge complex set up with all necessary facilities for filmmakers, in the heart of Madras.

Page 30
30 TAM TIMES
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Sister seeks good-looking qualified girl of any religion for highly qualified, tall, goodlooking brother, 37, from respectable Christian family, in high position in U.S. M 778c/o Tamil Times.
Jaffna Hindu brothers and sister, British citizens, seek suitable groom for Sister, 37, fair, employed in Computing in Colombo. Send horoscope, details. M 779 C/o Tamil Times.
Jaffna Hindu sister seeks educated bride for brother, 32, doctor recently arrived in U.K. Send horoscope, photo and full details in first instance. M 780 C/o Tamil Times.
WEDDING BELLS
We congratulate the following couples on their recent uvedding. Suurendran Son of Dr. & MrS. Nadarajah of 4 Sedgefield Way, Mexborough, South Yorkshire S64 OBE and Tapashi daughter of Mr. & Mrs. Subodh Kumar Roy of 103 Cotterill Road, Surbiton, Surrey on 5th March 1995 at bride's residence.
OBUARIES
Mrs. Raninayagam Tharmalingam (83), Retired Deputy
Head Mistress, Urelu Ganesha Vidyasalai; beloved wife of the late Tharmalingam of Urelu, Sister of Mrs. Annaratnam Pathinathan, Mrs. Atputham Rajanayagam, Mrs. Sellamani Thura is i nga m and Rajanayagam; mother of Linganayagam (UK), Tharmathurai, Tharmachandran, Tharmagunaloshana (all of Urelu), Tharmasekeran (Australia), Tharmagunapooshana (Badula), Tharmajeyasuriar (Bank of Ceylon, Chunnakam), Tharmagunavathana (Germany) and Tharmagunabhavani (Urelu); mother-in-law of Vimaladevi, Mangales wary, Sornaladch u my, Sin na tham by, Gnaneswary, Arulanantham, Rohinidevi, Shanmugarajah and Sivapalasundaram; grandmother of Raj, Eric, Victor, Mathan, Mohan, Mala, Mohana, Narayini, Kugan, Kumuthin i, A n u s h a, Si va n i th y, Nishanth, Thenukan, Vignaraj, Ushanthi, Thenuka and Aarani passed away in Urelu on 10.1.95. We thank all friends and relatives who sent meSsages of sympathy, helped in several ways and participated in the Athma Shanthi Poojah at the London Murugan Temple - Linganayagam and Devi, 88 Orchard Street, Kempston, Bedford MK42 7J.J. Tel: 01234 856612.
IN MEMORAM
| rገ
Io v i ng mem o ry o Muthutham by Gnanasam banthan (Gnani) on the firs
anniversary, of his falling asleep suddenly on the 13th O March 1994.
We never thought that mornina
 
 
 

15 MARCH 1995
The sorrow the day would bring, lf tears could build a Stairway, and memories a lane, We could walk right up to Heaven and bring you home again.
Greatly loved, deeply missed and always remembered by loving wife Jayanthi, daughter Sai, relations and friends.
in loving memory of Mr. Chandrasegaran Balachandran Son of late Mr. & Mrs. Kandasamy Chandrasegaran
Born: 5.9. 1933 Died. 5.3, 1994
Tenderly we treasure the past With memories that will always last.
Sadly missed by his everloving Brothers, Sisters, in-laws, Nephews and Nieces.
in Loving Memory of Our Beloved Daddy Mummy Ponnampalam Wemalaranee Kanagaratnam Kanagaratnam Born: 11.10, 1908 107.1923
31.3.90
Rest 2.3, 1982
Gently with love your memory is kept Your affection and kindness We will never forget You both are always in our thoughts And for ever in Our hearts.
Remembered with love and affection by sons Sara, Brem and Dubsy; daughters-in-law Lalitha and Shyamala, and
grandchildren Janarthan, Mehala, Uthistran, Arani and Anuja. - 19 Huxley Place, PalmerS Green, London N73 5SU.
Tel: 0181 886 5966.
in loving memory of Mr. Nallathamby Sivathasan on the first anniversary of his passing away on 8.3.94.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by daughters Sivamani and Siva de vi; Son Sivanesan, sons-in-law Pararajasingham and Dr. Sivathasan; daughter-in-law Sunthari; grandchildren Bhamini, Aravindan, Kuhan, Nirupa, Vathana, Priya and Harry — 303 Hempstead Road, Hempstead, Gillingham, Kent ME73QJ, U.K.
ln everloving memory of Mrs. S. Vimalachandran (Tooting Broadway, London SW17) on the first anniversary of her passing away on 6.4.94.
Sadly missed and lovingly remembered by her son Mohan; daughter Nirmala; daughter-in-law Judy, son-inlaw Rathindran and grandchildren Dale, Mark, Davina and Nadine.
We hold you close within our hearts And there you shall remain To walk with us throughout our lives Until we meet again,
- 16 Northumberland Road, North Harrow, Middx. U.K.

Page 31
15 MARCH 1995
In loving memory of Mr. P. Vijayakumar (Viji), Foreman, National Paper Corporation, Valaichenai, on the 4th Anniversary of his passing away on the 23rd of February
1991.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by his loving children Niroshan and Niroshini; parents Mr. and Mrs. T. Poopalasingam, Brothers Jeyakumar and Balakumar sisters Wijayarani, Jeyarani, lndrani, Kalaivani and Kavitha. - 23 Covington Road, Batticaloa, Sri Lanka.
TWO Decades Of Thamil Theatre Activity
A scene from “Muhamiliatha Manithargal
directed by K. Balendra
FORTHCOMING EVENTS
April 1 6.00pm Saiva Munnetta Sangam (UK) presents Variety Entertainment at Langdon School Hall, Sussex Road, Eastham, London E6. All wel
COf 69.
April 1 6.30pm Brent Tamil Association presents Dance Drama at Alperton High School Hall, Stanley Road, Wembley, MiCCx Tel 017 388 3536.
Apr. 2 Fifth day of Lent.
Apr. 2 1.00pm Shropshire/ Staffordshire Tamil Association Annual Lunch and Entertainment at Main Hall, Stourbridge Town Hall, Crown Centre, Stourbridge, West Midlands.
Tel 01785 665327
Apr. 4 Sathurthi.
Apr. 8 6.30pm London Tamil Centre celebrates Tamil New Year at Brent Town Hall, Forty Lane, Wembley, Middx. Tel: 0181 904 3937.
Apr. 9 Passion Sunday. 6.30pm Institute of Tamil Culture Celebrates Nin th Anniversary and Tamil New
1983 and the TPAS Ce Sri Lanka, only to reg their activities in Londo
The ten years of included new product festivals in London sit children's plays in co Brent Thamil School. Sion that were access Sri Lanka have evad largely because of the Culturally aware audie! mii people in the UK . lack of demand for rad fra in harmii. Other i explored for the ex activity following a brie stration the two-daylla (literary get-together) One consequence Wa plays in Utrecht in the the llakkiyach Chantt was followed by an in Switzerland, and a fiv TIPAS to four Citie:S th plays. A highly succe, followed later in the y formances selling a hundred tickets at the
Malai (Rain), based on the script of indira Paarthasaarathi and staged in 1976, was the play that laid the foundation for the establishment of the Thamil Avaikkatruk Kalaik Kalagam (Thamil Performing Arts Society, TPAS) in 1978, with the intention of establishing a serious Thamil theatre movement through the continuous staging of plays of quality. The total number of stagings of plays exceeds one hundred and sixty. The rapid growth of theatre anwareness among the Thamil people in Sri Larra since the seventies was rudely r’s loted by the anti-Thamil violence of
PAS will Visit Paris fc in March to perform eig program of light mu followed by a visit t Germany in June and Thaniinaadu on the theatre activists, incluc Paarthsaarathi.
The TPAS has beer emphasising plays it expense of Original S fact, eighteen of the th by the TPAS have be
 
 
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 31
Year with Cultural Evening at Holy Cross Convent Hall, Sandal Road, New Malden, Surrey. Tel 0181 399 6167/9492888. Apr. 107.00pm Colombuthurai Yogar Swamigal Gurupoojah at Sri Ganapathy Temple, 123 Effra Road, London SW19. Apr. 11 Eekathasi Apr. 13 Pirathosam. Apr. 14 Yuva Hindu New Year. Apr. 15 Full Moon. Easter Vigil. Apr. 15 6.30pm Brent Tamil Association celebrates Tamil New Year with Dance Drama, ln lssai and Vill Issai at Brent Town Hall, Forty Lane, Wembley, Middx. Tel: 0.171 3883536. Apr. 16 Easter Sunday.
Apr. 16 7.30pm Sri Lankan Sports & Arts Foundation Dinner Dance at North Falling leisure Centre, Greenford Road, Greerford, Middx. Tel: O181
Tertiary Centre, Cooper Road off Dennington Avenue, Waddon, Croydon. Tel: 0181 864 O096/761 O358.
Apr. 25 Feast of St. Mark, Evangelist.
Apr. 29 Amavasai. Feast of St. Catherine of Siene.
Apr. 29 6.00pm Jaffna Central College O.B. & G. A. (UK), A.G.M., Dinner and Social at Lola Jones Hall, Greaves Place off Garratt Lane, Tooting, London SW17 ONE. Tel: 0181 689 4638/715 52O4.
May 20 6.30pm MIOT Annual Muthamil Vizha at Kelsey Park School, Manor Road, Beckenham, Kent. Tel: 0 1 634 376,517/O181 46O 5235.
At the Bhawan Centre, 4A Castletown Road, London
381 825219.
Apr. 19 Sathurthi.
Apr. 22 7.00pm Kokuvil Hindu College O.S.A. presents Variety Entertainment at Heath Clark
1342/864 9876/O 1923
W149HQ. Tel: O171-3813086 4608.
Apr. 29 6.45pm Bharatha Natyam by Nandini Ramani, Disciple of the late Legendary Balasaraswathie.
MMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMNMMMMMMMMMMMMM
ased to function in group and resume in two years later.
activity in London ions, annual drama nce 1991, and three laboration With the The radio and televiible fO the PAS ir 2d them in London, lack of a large and nce among the Thaand the consequent io plays and teledraa venues have been Dansion of theatre f impromptu demonlkkiyach Chanthippu in DeCernber 1989. s the staging of two Netherlands during tippu in 1993. This sitation to perform in e-day tour took the are to stage seven ssful trip to Canada sear With Some pers many as eightgate. This year the bra two-day session Jht plays and a short sic. This is to be o Norway in April, two months after to invitation of Thamil ling Professor indira
wrongly accused of translation at the scripts in Thamil. In irty five plays staged en based on Thamil
originals. Of the rest, a majority are adaptations, as opposed to translations. The plays from non-Thamil sources are those of eminent playwrights including Bertolt Brecht, Anton Chekov, Garcia lorca, Badal Sarkaar, Tennessee Williams, Vaclav Havel and Harold Pinter. Plays from the last two were adapted for productions initiated in London and the work by the well known American playwright Arthur Miller, based on a play by Hendrik libsen and successfully adapted by Satyajit Ray, is to soon join the list of adaptations.
It is hoped that the exposure to good plays with sources within and without the Thamil community will encourage writers of theatre script in Thamil and especially those with an interest in contemporary themes and the modern stage.
S.S.
Sivan Kovil For LOndon
The London Sivan Kovil has been established at premises 4A Clarendon Rise, Lewisham, London SE13 5ES and has been functioning for the last 15 months. It caters to the religious needs of the Community, primarily of the South Eastern Region of London. The daily pooia times are 8.30 a.m. to 12 noon and 5 to 9 p.m. and devotees are most welcome to partake in poojas, abhisekams, archainais, festivals etc. Outdoor services are also available.
The London Sivan Kovil Trust has entered into agreement to purchase the freehold property adjacent to the temple. The agreement stipulates that the Trust has to fulfil its obligations within the next three months. The cost of the purchase is £140,000. The Trust has already collected over £20,000 of this amount and has to

Page 32
32 TAMIL TIMES
collect the balance of the deposit before securing the purchase through a bank loan. It has also got to spend over £1 10,000 for immediate renovations and furnishings. It appeals to devotees and wellwishers for generous contributions which could either be made by cheque payable to 'London Sivan Kovil Trust' or directly to its account No. 70600482 at Barclays Bank Plc, Catford Branch, sorting Code 20-49-81. Further details Could be obtained from the Secretary on Telephone No. 0181 690 O401 (Home) or 0181 318 9844 (Temple).
Dr. Chandran Launches Sports & Arts Foundation
Dr. Raj Chandran, an old boy of Kokuvil Hindu College and Commissioner for Racial Equality in UK launched the Sri Lankan Sports & Arts Foundation at a well attended meeting held at Bromyard Sports Centre, Acton, London W3.
The Foundation aims to promote friendship and fellowship among all races of Sri Lankan origin domiciled in the UK, through sports and arts.
Mr. Sri Ranjan, Foundation Secretary said: "Functions will be held throughout the year. A Sri Lankan New Year Dinner and Dance on Sunday, 16th April will be our first. The highlight will be a Grand Cricket Carnival and Family Fun Day on August Bank Holiday Monday, 28th August 1995. Cricket Clubs of Sri Lankan players and school cricket clubs are being invited to compete for Big Prize Money, the winning team receiving £2,500. There will also be a netball tournament.
Mr. Nivi Deva M.P. speaking in support of the aims of the Foundation, congratulated Dr. Chandran for his noble efforts, and suggested a Scholarship Fund for Sri Lankan students in the UK, if profits are made.
Jaffna Hospital Thanks For Donation
The British Association of Young Musicians had remitted £1,200 (Rs. 88,133/), the net proceeds of a Bharatha Natyam recital by indhumathi Srikumar organised by them on 17th October 1993. The Director of the Jaffna Hospital, Dr. (Miss)
N. Kanagaratnam w Ciation for this dona
'lan informed the staged a programm to collect this larges Our Hospital. The S. deeply touched by Certainly gives us a ment to carry on 1 these difficult times.
'l take this oppoi and your Associati programmes to ach
A Promisi
lin their monthly
November KALABH young vocalist Selv a product of Ram Jaffna. The confid handled her maide country spoke well ability. Endowed wit Voice and modulatic shows full of promis toire of cutchery through a varnam in keerthanannS in Ke and some well kno finished with a Mee, The well beaten P kum Adiyavar" in rag audience. Sudhana, Padinaro' was a re Karnataka Devagar announced it as Bim Well known musicOl OCCasion paid enCOu the artiste. Young Y vocalist deserving performers in Londo
Mridangam St
lin the field of Carna London Mridangan favourite with youn milation is easier th; system and hence w youngsters are taki dangam rather than
Among the lateste Sion art is twelve yea nanthan, a disciple
 
 

15 MARCH 1995
hile thanking the Assotion Writes as follows:
at the Young Musicians le, recently, in London sum of money in aid of taff of our Hospital are his act of yours and it lot more encouragewith our tasks during
tunity to wish you all On well and for your leve success.
ing Vocalist
programme on 27th AVANAM sponsored a i Yasotha Mithradas, anathan Academy of ence with which she n performance in this of her scholarship and h an unspoilt attractive on free this young lady e. Taking a full reperpieces Yasotha went Kathanakuthookalam, eravani and Lathangi, wn Tamil pieces and ra Bhajan and Tillana. illaithamil “PeratharikJamalika enthused the nda Bharati's 'Eppadi 3peat of Pattammal's idhari, but the artiste plas. Sri P.P. Kanthan ogist speaking on the raging compliments to 'asotha is a promising a high place among I.
rong Favourite
atic music learning in seems to be the gsters. Rhythm assian Sruthi grasp in our re find more and mOre ng up training in mrivocal or string music. 2ntrants to this perCuSar old Kavin SatChithaof Bangalore Sri R. N.
Prakash, a highly rated mridangam and gatham specialist. His arangetram performance on 15th October last was something special. The main vocal lead was given by a fresh Carnatic vidwan from Madras, Sri T. V. Ramaprasad, whose baritone voice and mature style elevated the whole programme. Dr. Lakshmi Jayan's violin accompaniment gave additional support. As mridangam maestro Karaikudi Krishnamurthi commented in his address, the whole programme looked like a real cutchery rather than an arangetram. With all the intricate swara singing and variations in rhythmic rendition young Kavin kept up his high standard of playing, a result of expert training and dedicated practice.
in spite of expert training and good grasp of rhythmic variations most of our young artistes do not seem to show their inner appreciation through their expressions. This will have to be imbibed by Constant exposure at concerts.
S. Sivapatha Sundaram.
AUSTRALIAN NEWSLETTER
Special Assistance to Srilankan Citizens
The Minister of immigration and Ethnic Affairs, Senator Nick Bolkus has approved the establishment of a Special Assistance Category (SAC) from January 9th 1995 for Sri Lankan Citizens who have Close relatives in Australia.
The decision to implement a SAC for Sri Lanka reflects the desire of the Australian government to assist people in Sri Lanka who are in vulnerable situations and for whom resettlement is considered appropriate Senator Bolkus said.
SACs were introduced to the government's program in 1991-92 to reach people with close links to Australia, who suffered hardship because of upheaval in their homelands but who did not fit the traditional refugee and humanitarian categories.
"lts purpose is to enable these people, who would not otherwise be eligible for migration to Australia, to settle here permanently' Senator Bolkus Said.
The Srilankans who will be eligible are those living in Srilanka with close family links in Australia, whose lives have been seriously disrupted by fighting in Srilanka during the past 18 months. The program will be open to people who have suffered and Continue to suffer substantial discrimination because of their ethnic origin or political beliefs. Senator Bolkus said that Srilankan community leaders have been closely consulted in the development of this program. "I have taken special note of the request that the program should not be directed towards members of any particular ethnic or political groups, but be available to any Srilankan citizen whose circumstances conne within the SAC Criteria he said.

Page 33
15 MARCH 1995
Out of 6000 places allocated under the SAC program, only 250 have been allocated to Srilanka, in the current financial year. As with all SACs, a near relative of Srilankan applicants will be required to provide a written undertaking to assist successful applicants in the first six months of settlement to help cover (a) food clothing, accommodation and household goods (b) personal support (c) access to community and public services (d) obtaining employment (e) language interpretation and securing English instruction (t) community involvement and self-reliance.
Arrivals under the SAC program are granted permanent residence in Australia and can access Commonwealth benefits on arrival. They or their relatives will be responsible for arranging and funding their travel to Australia. Processing of the SAC applications will be undertaken by the Australian High Commissioner in Colombo, Srilanka. Application and Sponsorship forms are available at the office of the Department of immigration and Ethnic Affairs in Australia.
Sri Venkateswara Temple Anniversary Celebrations
The first traditional Hindu Temple to be built in Australia was the Sydney Sri Venkateswara Temple which was conseCrated in 1985. The main deities were Lord Venkateswara, Sri Mahalakshmi and Sri Andal with a separate shrine for Sri Ganesha.
After 1992, separate temples for Lord Shiva, Sri Parvati, Sri Durga, Sri Murugan, Sri Rama, Sri Hanuman and the Navagraha Murthys were constructed and the Maha Kumbhabishekam was held on 23rd January 1994. The first anniversary of this momentous event was Celebrated on 9th morning followed by Abishekams and poojas for all the deities.
On 11th February a grand Kalyana Utsavam was held for Lord Shiva, Sri Murugan, Sri Rama and their consorts. This was followed by the Veethi utsavam when the Panchamurthys were beautifully decorated with masses of garlands made from fresh flowers and taken around the temple in procession, witnessed by a vast crowd of devotees..
it is proposed to construct a large mandapam to enclose the Saiva deities and a Rajagopuram for the Sri Venkateswara Complex. This is the largest temple in Australia and probably in the Southern hemisphere. Temple administration would welcome donations towards the Shiva Mandapam and the Rajagopuram. Donations may be sent to the President Dr. A. Balasubramaniam or the Treasurer Mr. N. Mahadeva to Sri Venkateswara Temple, Temple Road, Helensburg, NSW 2508, Australia with cheques in favour of Sri Venkateswara Temple Association Inc.
Vinayagar Temple in Brisbane
A Vinayagar Temple has been consecrated in Brisbane in Oueensland on 5th
February '95. The though much smalle in New South Way been able to colle Construct a temple, bishekam was conc lndia and Srilanka a large number of de
Sri Ganesha is til Shiva and Sri Parv Other deities in th Vishnu, Sri Muruga Murthys. The templ all the features O. temple. In One Corné a Sfatue Of Sri mahansa.
Vembadi ASSociati
The Annual Genera badi Old Girls' Asso held on 26.2.95 at Hall, Carrington Ave
The meeting beg, the School Anthem President Mrs. Jeya thanked the membe Cooperation extende the Association we Secretary Mrs. Gee ing her report point efforts of the Conni, towards collecting , Sound and lighting biah Hall at Vembad Vann, the Treas announced that $16 telegraphic transfer the Vembadi O.G.A. Balasubramaniam, President, spoke ab the Association.
The following wet Committee for 1995. Subramaniam, Vicevaganam, Secretar Asst. Secy: Geetha Nirmala Manoharan, Thiruchelvam, Com! vani Narendran, Siv thi Pari, Romani , japoobalasingam, N Nanthini Kanthasa nathan, Sivagowri Sarvendran and Kar
The new Commit dinner be organised Sydney to get toget approved. It was di profit made should t meeting closed afte, To Do Right, the Sc
Unusually mild te COrded this winter, in like spring. Howeve, usual flight of 'snow
 

TAMIL TIMES 33
findus in Oueensland in number than those 2S and Victoria have it sufficient funds to
The Maha Kumbhaucted by priests from ld was witnessed by a OeeS.
e main deity with Sri ti On either Side. The e Prakaram are Sri and the Navagraha has a Gopuram and
a traditional Hindu r of the Mandapam is Ramakrishna Para
Old Girls' on, Sydney
| Meeting of the Vemciation of Sydney was The Uniting Church nue, Strathfield. an with the singing of in Tamil. The outgoing mani Kirupainayakam rs for the support and Pd to her and Wished Il in the future. The tha Amilthan present9d out that the entire tee had been directed funds to finance the equipment for Thami. Mrs. Kala hiruchetrer in her report 90 had been sent by O the bank account of , in Jaffna. Mrs. Devi the outgoing Viceput the future plans of
e elected to the new President Devi BalaPresident: Thilala Myl/: Shantha Fonseka, Amilihan, Treasurer: ASSt. Treasurer: Kala 7mittee MemberS: Shiajini Rajkumar, JeyanSunilraj, Vanasi Raliranjana Mahendran, my, Thilaga JegaManmohan, Shanthi chana Sritharan. fee suggested that a to enable old girls in her and the idea was ecided that whatever e Sent to Jaffna. The r the singing of "Dare hool Anthem.
ather
mperatures were reaking many days look r this did not deter the birds' from Canada to
Florida. Many Sri Lankan Canadians too joined the snow bird flights this year. They took advantage of a Canadian-Sri Lankan owned motel in Kissimmed, Florida and returned pleased with the trip. This motel situated in Central Orlando made it easy for Sri Lankan first timers to see most of the Florida attractions at minimal cost and also provided apartment type accommodation with full kitchen facilities that enabled many participants to cook their meals and make a camp out of it! Enjoyable all the way.
Pongal Celebrations
The Sri Lankan Graduates Association of Toronto celebrated "Pongal" by organising a cultural show on January 21st at the Midland Collegiate Auditorium, Scarborough. This was a well attended function with the Premier of Ontario Hon. Bob Rae and His Worship Frank Faubert, Mayor of Scarborough as Chief Guests.
The Sri Lankan Graduates ASSOCiation was formed in 1989 to campaign for the recognition of Sri Lankan qualifications in Canada. It has a membership of 200 and is headed by the popular personality S. Sathiamoorthy. The other office bearers are Vice President: M. Jesurajah, Secretary: C. Ramanathan and Treasurer. V. Nantheeswaran.
Appointment
Sri Guggan Sri Skanda Rajah, well known in Canada for the last 15 years for his outstanding work in the field of Race Relations and Human Rights has been appointed by the Government of Ontario as one of the six full time adjudicators to hear cases under the Employment Equity Act, Ontario Human Rights Code and the Pay Equity Act. Prior to this appointment, Sri Guggan served as one of the members of the Royal Commission on Systemic Racism in the Ontario Criminal Justice System. Earlier he was a member of the Federal immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, where he adjudicated cases of Refugee claims. He was also President of the Tamil Eelam Society of Canada and was the first recipient of the Dr. Wilson Head award for outstanding work in the field of Race Relations and Human Rights.
Sri Guggan is the son of the late Justice P. Sri Skandarajah of Sri Lanka.
Aloy Ratnasingham.
VNNEYVIGNEs
CERTIFIED ACCOUNTANTS & REGISTERED AUDITORS
84 Ilford Lane Ilford Essex G1 2 LA Tel: 081-553.5876 Fax: 081-553 3721 Mobile: 0956 277112

Page 34
34 TAMIL TIMES
ANNC
FESTIVAL OF CR
Organised b
SPONSORED BY S
PI
1. ADDITIONAL SPONSORS
a. CHARITY SPONSOR - to be negotiated b. Charity Marquee C. All Trade Marquees - size - 10' x 20' d. Souvenir
Accredited on the Cover 5000 Copies e. Public Address System / Rostrum f. Car Park Attendants
Would wear coats with slogans if provide g. Rubbish Clearance h. Toilets i. Grounds - (1 & 2 £200) 3 & 4
Entitled to two Advertising Boards per Gr j. Medical Unit - First Aid x 3 k. Intercom Telephones I. Sightscreen – Per Board
ALL SPONSORS WILL BE MENTIONED ON THE
In addition mention will be
2. ADVERTISING
3. STALLS
CONDITIONS
a. Hoarding around the Boundary line of eac
/2 mtr by 4 mtrs Max. b. Special Banners in other areas to be neg
All materials provided by the Advertisers c. Ticket Advertising
Entry Tickets
Car Park Tickets d. Souvenir Advertising
Back Cover
Inside Cover
Full Page
Half Page
Expected print 5000 Co
a. Trade Stalls - Commercial (40) b. Trade Stalls - Schools Sri Lanka
OBAs & OGAs (20) c. Catering (3) Exclusive Hot Foods
(to be negotiated) d. Joe Cream - Vans/Stalls 3 numbers
1. All Advertising materials must be provided by the Advertisers. 2. Advertising banners etc. must be erected by the Advertise accommodate requests. 3. Organisers are NOT responsible in any way for the advertisin must be made to collect any item of value after the Festival. 4. All items of SPONSORSHIP AND ADVERTISING MUST BE F
Please Phone for Applic
ROHAN DE ZOYSA HILLARY DE ZOYSA DR. FREDDE JUNANGPATHY SHANDY RAVCHANDRAN

15 MARCH 1995
MMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMNMNMNMMMMMMMMIINMNMNMMMMMMMN
DUNCEMENT
ICKET- 29th May 1995
/ the Sri-Lankan OBAS
.R.GENT INTERNATIONAL
RICE LIST
1000 £400 Minimu. E300
500 E300
d E500
300
400
100 Ound E100
150
2300
200 PA SYSTEM ONCE FOR EVERY 100 SPENT.
made in the Souvenir
η ground
otiated
£500 E300
E250 200 E125 70
bies. (Free Circulation)
200
150
£250 each
's although the organisers will use their best endeavours to
materials, before, during and after the Festival. Arrangements
AID FOR AT LEAST FOUR WEEKS BEFORE THE FESTIVAL ation Forms & Details:
0181-884 0276 O635-45519
Ο181-363 5770
0181-542 8985
LSLLLSLSLSLSLSLSLSLSLSL LLLLLLLLMLSLSSLSLSSLSLSSLSLSSLLLSLLLSMASLLLLLSLLLLLL

Page 35
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TAMIL TIMES 35
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Page 36
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We offer you the sale service from the followint) destinations
USA AUSTRALIA Trigo Shipping – 7-15 j5ilh SIfEE HEI Init B, SA-gh afsk. Jamaica Estale, New York 11:32 USA Tullanarine, Victoria 3D43 ToIII, S5, 169 T. Ej5 EE 593 TLLL LLLLLL LGGLLLHHLLLLLLL GLLL LLLLL LCLC LaLaLLL LattLL LLL LLL LllBT
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LLLLLYLSLLLLLLLLELLS LLS0LLSLLLLLLLL LLL LLLL LLLLLL LLL LLLLLL LL LLLLL LL LLLLL S LLLLLLLLM E kaCMMT Trico International Shipping Ltd Juni i Building ''"The Businesq Clıtır: HE WOOd Green,
CL renditorn Rd, T. I do I N2,2 iMILI
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REIGHT TRAVEL
FR WORLWIDE DESTINATIONS
DS, WEHICLES AND MACHINERIES
T. fOT AIR LANKA
CCOmpanied Baggage
1w Jrlaccurrparlied Baggags rates COLOMBO: b>
a Freight ---- È 9CC per Tea Chiest
----- E 2.0 per cu, ft.
r Freight - £3000 per 10 Kg.
E 1,5) for tilliurma Kg. :)
ADRAS ---- E 150 per Kg. RWENDRUM - 130 parKg.
WAREHOUSE IN COLOMEO
ay Action, London W3 ORO
T-49.
Es- - (LEW (e
UNIWEST
INTERNATIONAL
3 O Fricin Barnct Road, La Indian N1 1 1 NA
Tւմ: Լ) 181-:it:T 5(187 4137
W'W$] W -ኃኀm Pjíí P፧iX : [] ISI-፲፰፻îI Š ፲፰፻Š
All goods are lodged in a Todern, fully computerised. Borded warehouse outside the Port Caylor Shipping Lines. 294.10 D, Ft. LLCLCLLLCL LLLLLLLHaLS LLLLLLaLHHL L L LLLLS K0000KSY
WE ARE THE BEST AND THE CHEAPEST
MO) HADDEW CHAFGES
£8,50 ိုမျိုး"
Pianos (IEW & used) and all Duty Free goods supplied
Travel Agents for Air Lanka, Kuwait, Emirates, Gulf Air, Air France, KLM, Royal Jordanian, PIA and Balkan Airlines.
Katunayake International Airport Duty Free Shopping Guide available to our customers and permissible Duty Free allowance on goods shipped.