கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: Tamil Times 1995.07

Page 1
voll XIV No.7 ISSN 0266-4488 15 JULI
Operation Leap Forwar
کيميايي
Deputy defence Minister An Luru d
Mysterious Kers and Mutilated Bodies
On Self-Determination
Assault on Democracy Ffilm gomil Nadu
 

MNTNTUALSUESCRIPTION
*
troops on the battle fTt
tical Package at Consensus
Who Killed Wijaya Кuпатаіцngа?

Page 2
2 TAMIL TIMES
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15 JULY 1995
do not agree with a word Of what you say, but ill defend to the death you
right to say it. 。。 | – Voltaire
ISSN 0266-4488
Vol.XIV No.7 15 JULY 1995
Published by
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CONTENTS
Operation Leap Forward Vs Operation Tiger Jump. . . . . . . . . .3
NeWS Review. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Consensus Needed on Package of Political Solution. . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
On Understanding Self-Determination - Part il. . . . . 15
For a New Social Contract. . . . . 17
The Sub-Continental Scene. . . . 19
Tamil Nadu Newsletter. . . . . . . . 2O
From the Underworld. . . . . . . . . 21
Politics of Violence. . . . . . . . . . . 24
Readers Forum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Book Reviews. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Classified. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
"Oper
“Ope
Eelam War III tool when the country launched "Operation Sunday 9 July dire heartland of the Ta
The operation de gest military thrus Liberation' in May stopped in its tra tervention) was no several reverses sul ity forces since the 14-week truce on A ing to a military al force the hand of ership to go on a co
The security forc remain on the defe calculable casualtie the Tigers. They ha redeem themselves eyes of the south, b sagging morale of battle field, said the
In fact, two week. had overrun, in a bious assault, a mili daitivu, an offshor kilometres from the June killing an esti out of a possible 35 camp and carryi quantity of weapon: Although the milit Over 50 cadres w battle, the LTTE cla their cadres died il 200 automatic w firearms and about ammunition taken a
were displayed for p
na in the following
Sri Lanka has t. international comm operations to weal and force them to r Foreign Minister Li mar said on 21 June context of reports th was planning a against the LTTE i country.
"All countries say stand. . . ., Sri Lar clear of blame', he t ence. “They fully un to be about of fighti is going on', he ad expect the Sri Lank
take lying down the
 
 
 
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 3.
ation Leар
WS
Forward
ration Tiger Jump'
its bloodiest turn 's security forces n Leap Forward” on cted at Jaffna, the „mil Tigers. scribed as the bigit since "Operation 1987 (which was ck by Indian int unexpected. The fered by the securTigers broke off the pril 19 did, accordnalyst in Colombo, the political leadunter-offensive.
es could no longer nsive suffering ines at the hands of ad to in some way not only in the ut also bolster the their men on the 2 analyst.
s earlier the Tigers midnight amphitary camp at Man2 island just three Jaffna town, on 28 mated 102 soldiers 0 who were in the ng away a wast s and ammunition. tary claimed that ere killed in the imed that only 7 of the assault. The eapons, 300-odd 1200,000 rounds of away by the Tigers public view in Jaff. days. he support of the unity for military ken Tamil Tigers esume peace talks, akshman Kadirgain Colombo in the at the government major offensive n the north of the
they fully under
ka is completely old a news conferderstand there has ng of the kind that ded. "They do not can government to se assaults".
Kadirgamar said he hoped military offensives against the rebels would weaken them enough to force a resumption of peace talks to end the war in the northeast. If the LTTE suffers reversals or loss of manpower to an unacceptable degree, they have finite fighting forces, logic would dictate a change of stance on the part of the LTTE, he said.
The peace offensive of the previous months was inexorably giving way to an inevitable military offensive. Peace through war' seemed the guiding slogan, and a lexicon of Orwellian doublespeak was gaining currency. Anuruddha Ratwatte told parliament that "the war would be a means of creating a necessary climate for a political solution to end the war and that the government had not given up on the peace option".
Even after the breakdown of peace talks, President Kumaratunga was still hoping that the Tigers would return to the negotiating table. But as the rapidity with which events were occurring on the war front increased, the die seemed finally cast for what could make Eelam War III more bloodier and destructive than the previous two.
"If it is total war that the Tigers want, then we are prepared to fight successfully and win the war against them, President Kumaratunga said when addressing heads of government institutions and state corporations. For 12 years the war effort was erratic and ill-planned. But now it is a concerted and well planned effort and we are getting close to victory step by step', she added.
Returning after a much publicised visit to the northern main military base at Palaly in the Jaffna peninsula, State Minister for Defence, Mr. Anuruddha Ratwatte, while speaking in parliament on 6 July promised to "crush the LTTE. Unlike in the past, the LTTE will not be permitted to dance the way they want, and this will definitely happen, Ratwatte said.
The government offensive certainly did not come as a surprise to the LTTE. Reports from Jaffna stated that the Tigers have been particularly active in schools and tutories, where
Continued on page 4

Page 4
4 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 3
they held meetings to persuade both boys and girls to join them. The recruitment drive was backed up by a publicity campaign in the LTTEcontrolled media, warning the public that the security forces were planning to launch a major offensive against the peninsula before the north-east monsoon commenced in October. Pamphlets were circulated bearing the message that government forces would wreak havoc against the civilian population. The Tigers exhorted each family to send one of its members to join their ranks. They publicly called for recruits to be trained to join the LTTE's Sea Tiger and Air Force units. The LTTE high command ordered its cadres to prepare for a large scale sea borne attack by government troops and placed all units on alert and warned the residents to leave their homes if serious fighting started.
The Offensive
The forces numbering over 10,000 launched their offensive from the Palaly airbase at the crack of dawn on 9 July backed by air cover as naval gunboats pounded suspected Sea Tiger bases on the coastline. Before the
offensive began, warplanes dropped
leaflets on the Jaffna Peninsula warning of an attack and imposing a dusk to dawn curfew and asking the people to move into public buildings like temples, churches and schools.
Sources close to the military in Colombo said that the main thrust of the current operation was to move forward with the aim of recapturing and keeping territory previously under Tiger control. Previous operations have involved forces moving forward, attacking the rebels, then pulling back to base.
The operation is to hit them hard on their head and reduce their military capability so that they can be brought back to the negotiating table on our terms, Army Commander LieutenantGeneral Gerry de Silva told the press on the first day of the operation.
Ten soldiers were wounded in the fighting while the Tigers fired at and hit Air Force helicopters which managed to land safely, he said.
Troops on two axes of advance from the west of the Palaly airbase planned to link up in a pincer movement and double the territory under army control, in the face of heavy mortar and machine-gun fire from the Tigers, de Silva said.
Tigers' radio broadcast monitored in north-central Vavuniya said the offensive was preceded by widespread shell
ing from all the ar causing heavy ca civilian populatio Jaffna town reach shells were "rainin launched from the were bombing L least 85 civilians na town and 10 c military official sp of anonymity. Mo lians had fled thi the first day of th
At least two sc officer were kille the official said. B. casualties among creased to over 10 injured. Troops h km (two miles) we without much resi gers.
Military sources the offensive was territory in the Ja not to capture t where hundreds o. civilians live.
Lawrence Thila gers' senior spol speaking from Pa sive is very muc surprising becaus has no option oth all along. But at feeling is very m cause it will enti casualties. But we ground when thi offensive and my ernment will notb previous regimes on several occasio) operations and ul doomed to failure' Troops on the anced seven km ( tured the Punnal the Jafna penin island, where the northern base, Munasinghe said. advanced five kn captured Sandili flank was claime the direction of Ja
Church BOmbe
It was confirme people were killed dren, and over 1 when the Roman Church at Navali dropped by attack confirmed the bom of bodies were bl This is really a vil rian law if a civi deliberately targe ordinator Domi

15 JULY 1995
my's bases on Jaffna sualties among the h. One resident in 2d by telephone said g down' while planes giant Palaly airbase TTE positions. At vere injured in Jafff them died, said a eaking on condition re than 75,000 civifighting following offensive, he said. ldiers including an and 29 wounded, | late afternoon, the civilians had in) dead and over 150 ad advanced three it of their front lines stance from the Ti
said the purpose of to gain control of iffna Peninsula, but he town of Jaffna f thousands of Tamil
kar, the Tamil Tikesman in Europe ris said, “The offenh expected. It's not se the government er than the military the same time our Luch unrealistic beail a lot of civilian have to resist on the 2y launch a major opinion is the gove successful because also have attempted his with such massive timately they were
western axis advfour miles) and capai causeway linking sula and Karaitivu Navy has its biggest Army spokesman The second column (three miles) and pay. The southern l to be marching in fna town.
that on 9 July 65 , including 13 chil00 persons injured Catholic St. Peters was hit by bombs aircraft. The ICRC bing, saying dozens ried in the rubble. lation of humanitaian area has been ed”, ICRC Field Coique Henry said,
adding that he had no information whether the attack was deliberate or an accident.
Roman Catholic Bishop of Jaffna. Thomas Soundaranayagam, condemned the bombing and wrote to President Chandrika Kumaratunga to ask her armed forces not to bomb chur. ches, temples, schools and other public places, LTTE radio said. The Bishop told the President, "Many hundreds were rendered homeless as many houses were razed to the ground and others heavily damaged, including our church and the priest's house
"Therefore we very earnestly appeal to Your Excellency to kindly instruct your forces to desist from bombing, strafing and artillery-rocket attacks on civilian targets like churches, schools and hospitals'.
The radio said that the Roman Catholic Vicar General of Jaffna, Father S.J. Emmanuel, had condemned the bombing, which was carried out after the armed forces warning that told residents to stay at home or go to public buildings including churches and temples for safety.
The radio also said the church bombing took the casualty toll to 150 civilians killed, hundreds wounded and 300,000 displaced by the advance of troops. The radio added that more than 105 bodies were lying in the morgue at Jaffna's main hospital, most unidentifiable because of their wounds. The hospital was full of wounded, many with missing limbs, the radio said.
On being informed, President Chandika Kumaratunga did not delay in ordering the military on 11 July to investigate the circumstances in which the church was bombed killing civilians. Kumaratunga telephoned the Archbishop of Colombo, Nicholas Marcus Fernando, to express her concern about the tragic incident.
"The president also assured the Archbishop that the on-going military operation was clearly aimed at liberating the people of Jaffna and accordingly the military had been given strict instructions to ensure maximum possible safety of the civilian population”, a statement from the Presidential Secretariat said.
h
Tamil Parties React
"We are very sad about the civilian casualties and feel bad about the offensive. The church incident was shocking. We still urge the government and the LTTE to pursue every possible methoid to come to a peaceful settlement’, said M. Sivasithamparam of the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), which has five seats in parlia

Page 5
15 JULY 1995
ment. While we welcome the move to liberate the people from the LTTE's clutches, our main concern is the civillians. It is inevitable that some will die in bombing and shelling but much of it can be avoided, said Douglas Devananda, leader of the Eelam People’s Democratic Party, which has nine seats in parliament.
Even if the LTTE is in places of worship and schools, the military must not bomb these places. I have friends and family in Jaffna and I am very concerned about them. What is the use if people are being killed?" he said.
Devananda said the government should put forward its peace package to solve the war before making its final assault on Jaffna.
The government, which has promised to release its package of devolution for the Tamils this month, has said it wants to weaken the Tigers militarily and then bring them back to the negotiating table. So far, they don't seem to have been weakened and civilian casualties will increase. This means the government will lose support among the Tamils', Devananda said.
K. Premachandran, secretarygeneral of the Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front, unrepresented in parliament, said the two sides should talk peace. The military must stop bombing and shelling densely populated areas, he said, "This will cause an enormous number of civilian casualties. Both the LTTE and the government should go in for a negotiated settlement'.
Tens of thousands of people have fled the fighting, Marco Altherr, head of the ICRC delegation, told the press. Some reports speak of 250,000 refugees, but it is not clear how many, he said. He confirmed that about 250 people, mostly civilians, were in hospital after being wounded in the fighting.
Most of the refugees are heading towards Jaffna town. The university, main schools and places of worship are full of refugees', a Jaffna resident who had travelled to government controlked Vavuniya said on 11 July.“As the army progreses, people are scared. They believe the army may come into Jaffna town', the resident said.
The military spokesman, Brig. Sarath Munasinghe said that the Tigers had tried to recapture Sandilipay overnight in five hours of fighting during which one soldier was killed and two wounded. Munasinghe said the Tigers had suffered heavy casualties' when their attacks were repulsed.
On the third day of the operation, army spokesman Sarath Munasinghe
claimed that troops from Sandilipay, a advanced close to F which links peni Karainagar island, were consolidating face any counter-at gers. He also said th began, 7 soldiers ha 71 wounded. By 1 had increased to 18 101 injured.
“Troops are now miles) from Jaffna Sarath Munasinghe ference. "Our aim Jaffna people from LTTE. We plan to northern province control but we can't he said.
Tigers blew up til one of several over the peninsula to til fearing troops migh into Jaffna town.
Operation
By 14 July, the Ti unable to prevent th the troops during unleashed a feroci on government tro 45 soldiers. Using siles, they also shC attack aircraft whi ing mission. The pil the aircraft crashed led territory. The T they recaptured the and Sandilipay infli ties upon the troc weapons and milite soldiers withdrew ir claimed that over killed and 48 of the in the fighting. But that only 19 of the the Tigers' counter
On 15 July, the L that 245 civiliansh 470 injured since offensive began on
On 15 July the biggest offensive in the Tamil Tigers le people dead after fighting.
"We have comple successfully', said M a military spokesm when the next asse Tiger-held Jaffna pe
On 16 July, the Lankan military sai pleted its "Operatio the Tigers swung in Navy radar-equipp in the course of wh

TAMIL TIMES 5
had moved further nd to Moolai and 'onnalai causeway insula with the
and that troops their positions to tack from the Tiat since operations ad been killed and 2 July this figure soldiers dead and
about six km (3.7
town', Brigadier told a news conis to liberate the the clutches of the
bring the entire under government give a time frame',
he Ponnali bridge, the lagoon around he city of Jaffna, ut use it to march
riger Jump
igers who appeared he onward march of the previous days ous counter-attack ops killing at least surface-to-air misit down a Puccara ch was on a bombot was killed when into army controligers claimed that towns of Alaveddy cting heavy casualops and capturing ury vehicles as the haste. Their radio 100 soldiers were :ir own cadres died , the army claimed ir soldiers died in attack.
TTE radio claimed ad been killed and the government 9 July. military ended its eight years against aving at least 250 six days of bitter
sted our operation Caj. N. Abeysinghe, an. He did not say ault on the mostly eninsula would be,
day after the Sri id that it had comin Leap Forward', to action sinking a ed command ship ich they lost three
of their own craft in a daring attack on the Kankesanthurai (KKS) base lo- * cated on the northern tip of the Jaffna peninsula.
The attack was carried out by frogmen/women while Sea Tiger naval wing boats diverted the navy's attention by staging surface attacks outside KKS harbour. At least two sailors were killed and 17 wounded in the Sea Tiger attack.
Sea Tiger boats tried to enter the
harbour soon after midnight but were
driven off by the Navy, it said, adding: "Sea Tiger groups kept on repeatedly attempting to enter the harbour. Navy vessels fired at and sank three rebel boats, killing 10 Tigers, when they made a later attempt to enter the harbour in boats presumably filled with explosives, it said.
The command ship, the SLNS Edithara, was berthed at the KKS pier when it was holed by an underwater explosion at 1.30am (2000 GMTSaturday), the senior navy officer said. Another underwater blast rocked the ship around 5.30am (2400 GMT) and it had partly sunk in the shallow water. he said.
Sea Tiger frogmen sank a similar ship in the same harbour late last year.
A Tiger radio broadcast conceded that 63 of their fighters died when they launched counter-offensive codenamed "Operation Tiger Jump' on 14 July on government troops digging in after capturing territory from the Tigers in a major week-long offensive. And 17 Sea Tigers, all but one women, were killed in the battle in the KKS harbour.
The military said 33 soldiers were killed, raising the army death toll in the week's offensive to 63. The Tigers also shot down an air force Puccara ground-attack aircraft, killing the pilot.
The army says its four brigades have captured 78 sq.km. (30 sq. miles) of territory from Tiger control and that the rebel counter-attack was successfully repulsed. However, Tigers have asserted that they have regained control over all territory captured by the troops during the week's offensive. Residents listening to Jaffna radio said it reported that Tiger cadres had managed to infiltrate the defence lines and were "carrying out operations' from within 'captured areas'.
The Question
Taking the war into Jaffna, is taking the war into Tiger entrenched territory. The question is whether even if the security forces manage to
Continued on page 33

Page 6
6 TAMIL TIMES
NEWS REVIEW
Mysterious Killers and Mutilated Bodies
On 26 June, 24-year-old Naresh Rajadadurai left his work place, a video shop in Wellawatte, at 8.15 pm and was on his way home at Sri Saranankara Road, Dehiwela within Colombo's city limits. But he never arrived. Naresh was stopped on the way in front of a hotel, forced into a white van and taken away by unidentified persons. Three days later on 29 June, his tortured and disfigured body was one of the six similarly tortured and disfigured dead bodies found floating near Welihinda Thotupola in the Maha Oya in Alawwa in the island's north western province.
Among nearly 31 half-starved, mutilated and disfigured bodies of young males recently found floating in the Bolgoda Lake, Modera and Negombo sea coast, and in the Maha Oya (river) at Alawwa, the only one that has been identified is that of Naresh Rajadurai whose parents presently live in Canada. This is a grisly reminder of the days when headless bodies burnt at roadsides or washed up on beaches and river banks and floating in rivers and lakes were a common sight in the south of the island during the horror-stricken years of 1988-89, again raising the spectre of death squads being back in action.
The appearance of these bodies of persons (all males), aged approximately between 20 and 35, in small batches during the last several weeks coincide with several reported 'disappearances' of Tamil youths after being taken into 'custody' by unidentified persons purportedly in "civvies'. Tamil political circles in Colombo said some Tamil youths travelling to Colombo by train from Vavuniya in the north had been abducted and their whereabouts were still unknown. "The general public opinion is that there is a relationship between the abduction of the Tamil youths and the appearance of recent bodies of tortured youths found in the Bolgoda Lake', they said. In spite of the fact, besides Naresh Rajadurai who is a Tamil, none of the other bodies have been identified. Tamil politicians seem to believe that all the victims are Tamils.
Eleven of the bodies were found floating in the Bolgoda Lake, a popular tourist attaction, and fourteen bodies were found in the coastal area of Modera and Negombo, and six at Alawwa. According to police sources, the victims had been starved, tied up, brutally tortured and their bodies
mutilated and disfig tification.
The Inspector of
Mr. Frank de Silva, ing on 22 June th, decomposed bodies the Bolgoda Lake that of a Tamil adı tattoo marks found der which carried t Tamil word meanin
a COO area It is being suggest could have been victim's lover. Oth identified. The post tions had been pos relatives to identify bodies were found c was evidence that t and then drowned. five persons found t would have been k manner'. the first gr found floating on th and the latter group side of the lake.
According to C Medical Officer, Dr. ) carried out autopsie bodies recovered f Lake, all victims ha he found no trace stomachs, two of strangled to death - stuffed in his mouth. dumped into the la victims' arms and together with rope drowned. He could r them to be a Sinhal “All the bodies are i posed stage. The man's race under t impossible, he said.
Dr. Alwis added the possible age, h distribution of hair, and other charac should make identifi party known to the v forward.
The Observer i (27.6.95) asked, “Wh who was responsible Whatever the ciri these are extra-judic the fashionable jarg have been disposed it can only insult the h' This is why it is im Government should priority to find out v for these incidents interests of human own self-interest'.
It is said that Pre Kumaratunga has turbed by the report rious killings as the

15 JULY 1995
ured beyond iden
General of Police, told a press brief. at one of the five ound on Jue 15 in was identified as ult because of the on the left shoulhe word “Malar”, a g"flower, but also ong Tamil women. !d that the tattoo he name of the ers could not be mortem examinatponed to enable the bodies. Three in 10 June. There hey were starved The dead bodies of hree days ago too illed in a similar oup of bodies were e Piliyandala side on the Panadura
olombo Judicial B.L. de Alwis, who is on eight of the "om the Bolgoda d been starved as s of food in the them had been - one had a cloth - before they were ke. The other six legs were bound
and they were lot identify any of a or a Tamil man. n a highly decomidentification of nese conditions is
hat he identified 2ight, age, build,
teeth formation teristics, which :ation possible ifa ictim should come
n its editorial are the dead and for the killings? :umstances are, ial killings to use in, and the bodies a manner which uman personality. perative that the give the highest tho is responsible ot merely in the ights, but also its
ident Chandrika been highly dis3 of these mystemight have an
adverse impact on her government's human rights record. She has ordered an urgent and thorough investigation into these killings.
Police sources said that a team of 150 police have been searching for clues to solve the mystery of the bodies found over a three-week period in May and June. Senior Superintendent of Police, Herbie Jayasuriya who is in charge of the investigations said that every possible clue had been checked, but they have yet been unable to make a breakthrough in finding evidence as to who was responsible for these brutal killings. It appears that the victims were brought to the locations of their discovery from the capital Colombo and its suburbs or from outstations', he said.
Sri Lankan newspapers ran photographs of five mutilated bodies with police offering a Rs.500,000 (US$10,000) reward for any information leading to the arrest of their killers.
Panadura Magistrate, S.M.S. Samarakoon has directed the Colombo JMO to preserve the bodies found in the Bologoda Lake to be handed over the the CID so that the skulls would be available for further investigations. Senior detectives held discussions with Professor Peter Vaneziz, Head of the Department of Forensic Science of the University of Glasgow who was in Colombo recently in connection with the continuing investigations.
In the meantime, it has been reported that a Tamil Member of Parliament has, in a letter to Frank de Silva, the IGP, volunteered to give information regarding four youths from Mannar who went missing after their arrival in Colombo two months ago, and he is to be interviewed by the police shortly.
Abolition of Executive Presidency
July 15 has come and gone, but the powerful Executive Presidency continues. The opposition parties and the anti-government newspapers, which
are many, are enjoying their newly
found freedom of expression in targetting the government for attack on each and every act of omission or commission, they are engaged in berating Peoples Alliance government of Chandrika Kumaratunga for breaking its pledge to the electorate to abolish the executive presidential system before 15 July 1995.
The main opposition United National Party (UNP), which under J.R. Jayawardene introduced the executive presidential system in 1978 investing

Page 7
15 JULY 1995
the incumbent President with enormous powers, is now charging the government with betraying its election pledge while its leader, Ranil Wickremasinghe is offering his party's support in parliament to abolish the system.
The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) whose candidate in the last presidential election, Mr. Galapathy, withdrew from the contest on a written guarantee given by Chandrika Kumaratunga, is also up in arms that the government has not kept its pledge.
Constituent parties of the PA government itself, like the Democratic United National Party - Lalith Faction (DUNF-L) led by Srimani Athulathmudali, are also unhappy and are making noises about the government's failure to abolish the executive presidency as promised by 15 July.
All these elements and other critics accuse that, because of its wafer-thin majority in parliament, the government wants to retain the executive presidency to keep a firm grip on the reins of power. However the fact of the matter is that the political agenda as contemplated by President Kumaratunga and her senior ministers has been upset by the LTTE pulling out of the peace process and the cessation of hostilities, leading to Eelam War III.
The government's plan was to bring about a comprehensive scheme of constitutional reform which would have provided for the abolition of the executive presidency and extensive devolution of powers for the Northeast. It hoped that such a scheme combining both aspects with the prospect of a lasting peace would have received the support of an overwhelming majority of the people. The resumption of war with the Tigers has put paid to this strategy.
Many Tamil parties believe that the abolition of the executive presidency should at the same time be accompanied by a political package providing for extensive devolution of powers. Otherwise they would prefer the retention of the executive presidency rather than the return of the Westminster system of parliament. They believe that the latter system with an inbuilt and entrenched Sinhala majorrty has been responsible for all those measures which has led to the present ethnic conflict. According to Joseph Pararajasinghe of the TULF, “A presidential candidate has to solicit the vote of the minorities in a presidential election and that gives the minorities a bargaining power. What we would like to see is the executive presidency retained, but its wings clipped to some ertent'.
Despite the fact ment could not kee 15 July, the Presid tutional Affairs Peiris have insiste ment is pledged to executive presiden Peiris says that “ convinced that it is nor beneficial to ta the executive presi measure in a situa little or no agreem parties representec many fundamental
Mr. Peiris argue possible after ‘cor directly related to t. fer of power from parliament are add resolved in a mann acceptance by all across the spectrun
Interim for NO
Political parties r and Muslims will informally share pi of the administrat Northeast through which will be of a Justice and Con Minister G.L. Peir press conference ir
Members of no ties have been urg to set up a repr Council so that th sion-making role where the Provin dissolved since Ju is run by a Pr appointed by the F Peiris told a lunc Foreign Correspon on 23 June that meeting between P Kumaratunga and the Tamil parties decided to cons. arrangement to a participate in pl making.
He said the coul any legislative pow informal mechanis ernor on running t The non-LTTE always doubted the of the talks betwe and the Tamil Tig talks have broken hostilities have aga parties, including sented in parliame carve out for them running of the adr Northeast thereby

AM ES
, that the governp to its deadline of ent and her ConstiMinister Mr. G.L. d that the governthe abolition of the cy. However, Mr. the government is neither practicable ke steps to abolish dency as an ad hoc tion where there is ent among political in parliament on matters'.
!s that abolition is comitant matters he process of transthe president to ressed in depth and er that meets with political parties
.
Counci rtheast
epresenting Tamils pe given a chance to ower in the running tion in Sri Lanka's an Interim Council an advisory nature, stitutional Affairs is said recently at a
Colombo. n-LTTE Tamil paring the government resentative Interim ey can play a deciin the Northeast, cial Council stands ne 1990, and which ovincial Governor President.
heon meeting of the idents's Association
at a preliminary resident Chandrika representatives of held recently it was ider an informal llow the parties to rovincial decision
İncill would not have ers but would be an m to advise the govhe province. Tamil parties have successful outcome en the government ers. Now that the down and armed in flared up, Tamil those not repreint, are seeking to selves a role in the ministration in the seeking to enhance
their own profile and influence among the people of these areas.
Groups like the Tamil Eelam. Liberation Organisation (TELO), the Eelam National Democratic Liberation Front (ENDLF), the Eelam Peoples Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF), and the All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) dormant since 1994 are resurfacing themselves and involving themselves in the political debate about the setting up of an interim council for the Northeast. These formations fared badly in the August 1994 general election, and were considered effectively marginalised.
The three political parties that secured representation in parliament were the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), the Democratic Peoples Liberation Front (DPLF) and the Eelam . Peoples Democratic Party (EPDP). The EPDP has the largest representation with 9 seats, but it is at the moment facing an election petition in regard to the validity of the poll in northern Jaffna, regarded even by foreign observers as gravely flawed - only about 13,500 of the nearly 550,000 potential voters participated in the election. The DPLF, mainly based in the Vannie district, which secured 3 seats in parliament with a voter turnout of about 25 per cent can be regarded as being on a stronger footing than the EPDP.
Despite the obvious lack of much influence of these parties among the people in the Northeast, the PA government with its fragile parliamentary majority had no option but to take the Tamil representation in parliament seriously. Although the Tamil political parties sit in the opposition, they can opt to participate in the government parliamentary group meetings if they choose to do so. So far only the EPDP has done so.
The lack of representation of Tamil political parties in the cabinet places them at a disadvantage vis-a-vis the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) which is able to more directly influence the decision making process. The EPDP and DPLF continuously complain of the lack of influence on the government.
The proposed interim council for the Northeast, is therefore, the direct outcome of representation made by the Tamil parties with a view to enhancing their role in the decision making process affecting the Northeast.
The once-militant Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF) recently told the government that its proposed interim peace plan for the north and east must be part of Continued on page 8

Page 8
8 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 7
a long-term solution to the ethnic conflict and to end a war.
The EPRLF said that the ongoing war with Tamil Tigers was not sufficient reason for delaying the government's long-awaited peace package, offering a form of devolution to the areas of the Northeast. It said that the government's idea of an interim council must not prejudice the long-term peace process.
"In fact, this constitutes one of the basic premises on which the EPRLF would be prepared to accept as legitimate any "interim' arrangement for the Northeast, EPRLF secretary general K. Premachandran said in a statement. The EPRLF backs the People’s Alliance coalition government of President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga but has no seats in parliament.
No doubt the LTTE will view the setting up of the interim council with hostility. The moderate Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) is also opposed to the idea of such a Council saying it wants an overall political settlement to the 12-year ethnic war and not piecemeal solutions. The TULF Members of Parliament, particularly those hailing from eastern Sri Lanka, have always displayed a nervousness to be part of any process which may give provocation to the Tamil Tigers.
Seeking Foreign Support to Contro LTTE
Sri Lanka has entered into an agreement with the European Union for economic cooperation, political dialogue and combating terrorism and drug trafficking, according to Foreign Ministry sources in Colombo.
Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar who recently concluded a tour of European Union countries urged them to cooperate closely with Sri Lanka to combat terrorism. It is understood that Sri Lanka has urged Germany, France, United Kingdom and the Netherlands, which had allowed the establishment of offices of front organisations of the LTTE, to respond positively to Sri Lanka's request. It was for this purpose that Sri Lanka had entered into the agreement with the European Union on combating terrorism, drug trafficking and money laundering.
Welcoming the recent European Parliament's recent resolution blaming the LTTE for the breakdown of the peace process and calling for the halt of arms supplies to the LTTE, the Foreign Minister during his visit
urged the European in Luxembourg to b of the LTTE's office surveillance so tha phenomenon of ter. tearing apart the fa society could be br trol".
The Minister wa have informed the meeting chaired by for European Affail that the LTTE had devious means' six from France for th rying out "suicide m
In response to a French Minister as current developmer the Sri Lankan Fc reported to have sa 'suffered from the could win its war means, and empl ethnic conflict was military solution. "H will have to suffer level of losses in or back to the negot Foreign Minister ha In the meantime, ombo indicate tha' proscribing the LTT ment’s consideratio ference on 30 Ju whether the gove sidering the proscri Mr. Kadirgamar sa that after April 19 withdrew from the t process), we did not lar thought. But w{ because I have bee. tain European gove find it dificult to ac to contemplate clo offices in their coun where we ourselve cribed the LTTE. W this matter close at
The Attorney Ge to a government re. the matter, would given his opinion su of proscribing the promulgating an E tion under the Pul nance which woul time, or by enactin Parliament which siderable time.
Political analysts seem to see the gov having any pract They point to the f was once a banned late 1970s, and if ence, then, what c make now when much stronger posit

15 JULY 1995
Foreign Ministers ring the activities s in Europe under ut “the dangerous rorism which was bric of Sri Lankan ought under con
s also reported to European Council France's Minister 's, Michel Barnier 'secured through microlight aircraft e purpose of carissions'. question from the to how he viewed its in the conflict, reign Minister is id that the LTTE delusion' that it through military hasised that the not amenable to a owever, the LTTE an unacceptable der to bring them iating table', the ld said. | reports from Colt the question of E is under governn. At a press conune, when asked rnment was conption of the LTTE, id, "I must confess (when the LTTE ruce and the peace give it any particu2 are going to now n informed by cerrnments that they cede to our request sing down LTTE tries in a situation es have not pros
e are going to give
tention. neral, in response uest for advice on appear to have ggesting two ways LTTE - either by mergency Regulaolic Security Ordid not take much g a special Act of might take con
in Colombo do not ernment's move as ical significance. act that the LTTE organisation in the it made no differifference would it he LTTE is in a ion militarily, they
ask. They suggest that the proscription would only have the effect of pushing the LTTE further towards the military option, and thwart any chances of resumption of talks with them in the future.
U.S. Wants Peace Talks to Resume
The United States would fully back the Sri Lankan government in its efforts to bring about a negotiated settlement to end the ethnic war there and use all its influence to bring back the LTTE to the negotiating table, the U.S. Ambasssador to India, Mr. Frank G. Wisner said in the southern city of Madras in South India on 21 June.
Answering questions at a "meet the press' programme at the Madras Press Club on why the American government chose to include the LTTE in the international terrorist list, Mr. Wisner said the U.S. was enormously shocked and upset about the way the LTTE had gone back unilaterally from the peace process and resorted to violence. The United States had great hopes when peace talks resumed after President Chandrika Kumaratung a assumed power late last year. But we were enormously shocked and upset when the LTTE resumed violence unilaterally and without any provocation, dashing all hopes of peace', he said.
Blacklisting of the LTTE by the US government meant that from now on the U.S. would carefully watch the LTTE's activities internationally and keep a close vigil on its movements in the U.S. itself, he said, adding 'we will watch their activities and actions and condemn the killing of innocent people. We are watching the activities of the LTTE very, very carefully, both internationally and in the U.S., Mr. Wisner said.
The U.S. Ambassador also said that Washington would support Sri Lanka against Tamil rebels by seeing that no arms reached Tamil Tigers. “We will condemn (LTTE) actions and support the Sri Lankan government's defence measures against it. We will not allow the sale of weapons to it to fight the government'.
The United States wanted peace talks to resume, Wisner said. "We will encourage the two parties to come to the negotiating table', he said.
Bishop Wants an End to the War
The country has bled enough; no longer can we pay the price of another war, Dr. Kingsley Swampillai, Catho

Page 9
15 JULY 1995
hic Bishop of Sri Lanka’s eastern province, said while condemning the recent what he called senseless killings in Sri Lanka's eastern province, especially last month's massacre of 42 men, women and children. Sri Lankan government sources had blamed the LTTE for these killings.
The Bishop said the 'gruesome murders' offishermen and their families at Kallawara in the eastern Trincomalee district should never be repeated. It is time to cry a halt to this senseless killing of human beings, especially innocent humans who have no involvement whatsoever in the on-going conflict, he said in an interview with Reuters.
The theatre of war appears to be the eastern province which has an ethnic mix of Tamils, Moslems and Sinhalese who wish to live in peace and amity, Swampillai added. Pope John Paul has also sent a message conveying his sorrow at the Kallarawa killings, he said.
If racial supremacy of one over the other or an ethnic cleansing is the goal of this war, then it is bound to bring about irreparable disaster', Swampillai said. "It should be borne in mind that the people of the east had overwhelmingly demonstrated their yearning for peace through the recent balkot, he added. Swampilai said the country has bled enough'. No longer can we pay the price of another war, he said.
The eastern province voted along
with the rest of the country to put the People's Alliance into power in August last year, mainly on its pledge to find a political solution to the ethnic war.
Meanwhile, a Batticaloa Jesuit priest, Father Joseph Mary, said that human rights abuses by security forces in the Batticaloa district had escalated since the LTTE broke the Deasefire in April. He said boys had been taken indiscriminately from their parents and innocent civilians had been killed.
Amnesty Condemns Return of Death Penalty
The London-based international human rights organisation, Amnesty Inthernational, has condemned the Sri Lankan government for its decision to re-implement the death penalty. The decision to restore this most cruel and inhuman form of punishment represents a retrogressive step for human rights in Sri Lanka', it said in a statement issued on 23 June.
The government recently said it was looking at re-imposing the death sentance which, although part of the law, has not been implemented since 1976.
Justice Minister G. ters on 22 June that death sentences v commuted. The de given only for h which shock the pu The issue aroses ment passed a priv tion calling for the penalty. The motio cross-party support Amnesty Interna to the government remove the death statute books in stated commitment particularly to the statement said. Am had shown that the not deter violent related offences.
Sri Lanka has qu assure Amnesty Int decision had been m executions even til passed a private me) ing for the return of
I wish to state there has been no reintroduce executid ter G.L. Peiris told A released by the mir He said the purpose reexamine the que release of prisoners ences after the death automatically comm There has been c tion on the part oft years against such Peiris said. This w ment of the ration the private member He said the quest whether, in extreme death penalty shoul However, even in cases, the governm decision to carry ou! ty', he said.
Many human rig within Sri Lanka als the proposal to re punishment which
legalised revengek
Danish E. Found
Former Danish Jus Ninn-Hansen was f ly of violating refit Denmark's first im 85 years.
Ninn-Hansen, 73 what has come to "Tamilgate' refuge brought down Co

L. Peiris told repor, at the moment, all rere automatically ath penalty will be orrendous crimes blic, he said.
hortly after parlia'ate member's moreturn of the death appeared to have
tional is appealing of Sri Lanka to penalty from the affirmation of its to human rights, right to life', the nesty said studies death penalty did crimes or drug
ickly responded to ernational that no ade to reintroduce hough parliament mber's motion callthe death penalty. categorically that firm decision to on', Justice MinisAmnesty in a letter listry on 25 June. of the bill was to stion of the early serving life sentpenalty had been uted. onsiderable agitahe public in recent early releases, ’as the main elleale underpinning 's motion'. ion had arisen of murder cases, the d mean just that. these exceptional
ent has made no , the death penal
hts organisations o have condemned introduce capital they describe as ling”.
-Minister Guilty
ice Minister, Erik und guiltyrecent
gee legislation in eachment trial in
was on trial in be known as the e scandal which
servative Prime
TAMIL TIMES 9
Minister Poul Schlueter in January 1993.
The ruling, sentencing NinnHansen to a conditional four months imprisonment, was announced by a special 20-judge impeachment court, which voted in favour and five against. Ninn-Hansen did not attend the court and was unavailable for comment afterwards. He suffered a stroke in June last year and ill health kept him away from the court's last hearings.
Ninn-Hansen, who pleaded not guilty to all charges, was the only politician impechead in the scandal, which his defence lawyers described as more of a political vendetta than a trial.
The ruling brings to an end a case which has lasted more than five years and been a terrible burden for all involved in it, Conservative Party
leader Hans Engell told the press.
The Danish parliament voted in June 1993 to impeach Ninn-Hansen, grand old man of the Conservative Party and Schlueter's mentor. The trial began in April 1994 and closing statements were completed earlier this month.
Ninn-Hansen was accused of breaking the law when as Justice Minister he ordered a halt to family reunifications for Tamil refugees from Sri Lanka in 1987, but failed to inform the Danish parliament the truth about his action. A judicial report in January 1993 concluded that Prime Minister Schlueter had misled parliament about the affair. This triggered the resignation of his government after a decade in power and ushered in the administration of Social Democrat Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Ras
USS8. سمر
Schlueter and another ex-Justice Minister, Hans Peter Clausen, were later reprimanded by parliament. The Tamilgate' affair also led to legal action against former Labour Minister Grethe Fenger Moeller. Shereceiveda 60-day suspended prison sentence last year for giving false evidence to an inquiry into the scandal.
Who Killed Vijaya? New Facts Emerge as to Cover-up
Ghosts from the past are stirring up Sri Lanka's political cauldron, threatening stormy confrontations between President Chandrika Kumaratunga and the main opposition United National Party (UNP). Seven years after her actor-politician husband, Vijaya Kumaratunga was assassinated, the President has claimed
Continued on page 10

Page 10
10 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 9
that one of her UNP predecessors, Ranasinghe Premadasa, was responsible for the murder.
Former President Premadasa himself was assassinated in May 1993 by a suicide bomber allegedly belonging to the LTTE.
President Kumaratunga has already told the three-member independent Commission appointed to probe Vijaya's murder that she is in possession of vital evidence that has a bearing on the inquiry. I was one of the two eyewitnesses to the assassination', the President said in her letter to the commission.
The proceedings of the investigation are being covered widely in the national press and have revealed that highly placed police officials acted in a highly questionable manner in conducting the inquiry into the murder of Vijaya. The evidence led so far at the inquiry has revealed that the police released key suspects on bail. One Lionel Ranasinghe had confessed to Vijaya's murder and fortymore importantpersonalities on the orders of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna and had been kept in detention without charge for months. Thereafter the investigation was transferred to another department of the police on orders from "above', following which it was claimed that the alleged assailant Lionel Ranasinghe was killed in a shootout while attempting an escape from a place to which he was taken by police officers. The widespread belief is that Ranasinghe was deliberately killed to prevent the truth coming out into the open'.
Premadasa's family has reacted sharply to the revelations at the proceedings of the Commission. His daughter, Dulanjalee Jayakody, has written to the Commission asking that a lawyer be appointed to represent her father's interests. "There are moves to implicate my father in the assassination', she told the Commission. The Commissioners turned down her request saying she was over-reacting.
Mrs. Kumaratunga left the country with her two children after her husband's assassination, because she herself was considered to be a target of JVP assassins at that time. She returned after two years of self-imposed exile to join the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), which she led to victory as part of the People's Alliance Coalition in parliamentary polls in August last year.
Last September, shortly after being sworn-in as Prime Minister, Mrs. Kumaratunga had accused the Sinhala extremist outfit, Janatha Vimukti
Peramuna (JVP), o for her husband's m Rohan Wijeweera kill my husband, bu compensation to hi democratic norms This is the differe and us. We are n had told a public m Sri Lanka.
But the Presiden President Premada tion of her husban a foreign corres Although her critic rent contradicti Kumaratunga's p) and her present observers in Colo contradiction. They the JVP as an or gaged in a violent c lisation against til Premadasa, he alv link to the then J Wijeweera. 'Prema popular Vijaya as E ger to the presidenc Vijaya eliminated b porting the resolu conflict through th Agreement against unleashed a violent Ranasinghe carried tion on the order President Premada directing the elimin assassin”, these obs Amnesty Judicial E
& Missing
Amnesty Internat based internatio organisation, has investigate report civilians were extra by security forces i. in May-June this killings were appa attacks on securit beration Tigers (LTTE) A said.
Other killings w happened during operations when i to killing as an all Amnesty said in a July.
Amnesty listed that of a woman detention of her so) by a drunken pol cyclists shot dead road to answer th the killing in cold lims, including at
Members of the Task Force (a poli

15 JULY 1995
being responsible urder. JVP leader ook a decision to t we decided to pay 3 sister. These are that we practice. nce between them it revengeful, she eeting in southern
; implicated former sa in the asassinawhile speaking to bondent recently. s point to an appaon in President revious statement accusation, some mbo see no such say that, although anisation was enampaign of destabihe government of ways had a direct VP leader Rohana lasa considered the potential challeny. The JVP wanted ecause he was suption of the ethnic he Indo-Sri Lanka which the JVP had t campaign. Lionel out the assassinaof the JVP and sa covered it up by lation of the actual ervers assert.
On Extra Xecutions Persons
ional, the LondonLal human rights urged Sri Lanka to i that at least 19 judicially executed n eastern Sri Lanka year. Some of the rently reprisals for 7 forces by the Liof Tamil Eelam
re reported to have cordon-and-search dividuals resorted ernative to arrest, eport released on 4
he cases, including hquiring about the who was shot dead eman, two motorwhen they left the call of nature and blood of five Musro-year-old toddler. olice, army, Special e commando unit)
as well as Muslim Home Guards are reported to be responsible for the alleged extrajudicial executions', Amnesty said, urging the government to "fulfil its obligations' to protect fundamental human rights.
Killings by the LTTE, however heinous, can never provide justification for government forces to deliberately kill defenceless people', it said. "Amnesty is urging the government to initiate independent investigations into the incidents'.
AI has also cited the cases of four people taken into custody by the security forces in the east of Sri Lanka between May 2 and June 4, 1995 whose whereabouts remain unknown, despite numerous appeals to the relevant authorities.
Around 2.00am on May 2, a group of eight men believed to be from the Air Force camp at China Bay, Trincomalee District, arrived in the nearby village of Karidippuvel, Vellaimanal, in a vehicle thought to belong to the Air Force. The men reportedly took Velayutham Sivalingam, aged 30 and married with four children, and Muthukumar (alias Asirvatham) Mariadas, aged 30 and married with two children, from their homes. No explanation for their detention was given. Relatives lodged complaints at the China Bay police station, the Human Rights Task Force and to a local member of parliament. Appeals were sent to the Commanding Officer, Trin comalee, the Deputy Inspector Geneı all of Trincomalee and the Air Wing Commander, Trincomalee. However, the Air Force denied the arrests.
Kanagaratnam Krishnapillai from Kiran, Batticaloa District was among four people arrested at the ferry crossing at Thuraiyaddi on May 2. All four were missing for several days. Then, on May 8 three of them were found by people gathering firewood in the jungle near the Paper Mill army camp at Valaichenai with their hands tied behind their backs. The whereabouts of Kanagaratnam Krishnapillai remains unknown.
Subramaniam Chitravel, aged 52 from Kaddaiparichchan, Trincomalee District was arrested on June 4 around 6.00pm. He was stopped by members of the security forces (possibly army personnel) in a green jeep as he was walking along Vihara Road, Trincomalee District, on his way to visit his brother. The men reportedly told Sub. ramaniam Chitravel to hand over hij bag to his companion, another farmel from Kaddaiparichchan, and to get into the jeep. A complaint was lodged with the Deputy Inspector General at
Continued on page 24

Page 11
15 JULY 1995
Consensus Needed on P. for Political Solutio
- Dr. Neelan Thiruchelva
in an interview with Ravi John of "The Sunday Leader, TULF and Member of the Parliamentary Select Committee on Cons Dr. Neelan Thiruchelvam agrees with those who say that the for the solution of the ethnic conflict must be made public only has been reached among various parties.
Q: Dr. Thiruchelvam, there seems to be today a fairly strong lobby which says, put constitutional reform on the back burner. The principal task before the government should be to defeat militarily the LTTE. What would be your response?
A: We don't believe there is a military response to the present conflict. The process of constitutional reform is critical, not only in terms of creating a constitutional framework for a multi ethnic society, but also addressing other issues like fundamental rights and democratisation of the political system. This task, I think, needs to be pushed intensely, with a view to ensuring that the constitutional framework is a significant advance in terms of concepts, principles and institutions from the kind of arrangement that we are accustomed to since 1978.
Q: On constitutional reform, given the difficulties on power sharing with the North East because of the armed confrontation, would you favour a piecemeal approach, or would you rather wait till time is ripe for comprehensive constitutional change?
A: Well, what we would like to see is comprehensive constitutional reform which addresses the complex interrelationships between the different kinds of issues and institutional arrangements that you have referred to. I also feel that in terms of the critical aspects of the constitutional reform exercise, it relates to the national question, which is the language provision, to some extent the provision regarding fundamental rights, the provisions that deal with power sharing between the centre and the regional institutions which may be envisaged, are critical to the constitutional reform process. The character and shape of these provisions would also qualitatively affect the future of the national question itself. Therefore, we see these two processes being inter related.
The earlier approach was essentially through negotiations with the LTTE, running parallel to the constitutional reform exercise in the hope that they would converge at some point of time.
But since April 19, t. has to be re-exami one has to see whe the level of concepts. tions - evolve a de with those who are p constitutional refo1 thereby be in a posit ly offer a new set of i to the crisis in the N
Q: What prevent from going over belligerent LTTE an other parties?
A: I see no difficul reassuring the pro initially hoping for agreement which ( basis for further c other politial format course of consultatic the consensus whic that can be the basis an end to the conflic East.
Q: Why can't the out with the packag December while ( LTTE militarily?
A: Clearly there w als and ideas which sented to the LTT made quite clear to all the major politic part of the P.A. ' Constitutional Affai that he has been di leaders of the oppos. ideas, which were i sented to the LTTE their substance be and discussed in m ties. This is an exer to continue in term the arrangements process which, I thir Your point is tha' accelerated.
G: Whose packa it a package of the of Constitutional A
A: It was a pack ment. I can’t say consultations were ment. One must government is an el

TAMIL TIMES 11
ackage
National List MP stitutional Reform, 'political package after a consensus
he whole approach ned and therefore ther you can - at , ideas and institugree of consensus articipating in the rm exercise, and ion to qualitativedeas as a response North and East.
the government the head of the d dealing with the
ity, in that merely cess in terms of a certain kind of :ould serve as a onsultations with ions. I think that ons is now on and h emerges out of 3 of trying to bring t in the North and
government come je it had ready in lealing with the
as a set ofproposwere to be preE that has been leaders of almost al parties who are The Minister for rs has announced scussing with the ition, and so those nitially to be pre
have in terms of en communicated ajor political parcise which needed s of the details of and that is the k, is taking place. t it needs to be
je was this? Was SLFP, the Minister fairs, or the P.A.?
age of the Governwhat the internal within the governassume that the ntity, but we must
recognise that what is necessary at this stage is not merely a symbolic expression of goodwill on the part of the govenment which is able to demonstrate to the international community that it has got a set of ideas with regard to the North East which are in advance of the position in the status quo. But something which can meaningfully and qualitatively alter the political status quo which means that there are proposals which can ultimately - through constitutional amendment, and if necessary a nationall referendum - be incorporated into the constitution. It is only at that point of time that public opinion, particularly in the North and East, would be convinced that the South has in a meaningful way responded to the crisis.
O: There are elements within the P.A. who say that achieving consensus even among the constituent parfles of the P.A. is extremely diffcult. . .
A: Nothing is easy in a situation of this nature; issues are complex. These are emotive issues. I think we have to respond to this challenge. The chal lenge will become much more difficulu in the context of armed confrontation. Have no illusions about the difficulties of the challenge. It has to be faced.
Q: Can you see consensus in the short terrin
A: The constitution can only be amended through a constitutional reform exercise; that requires a 2/3rds majority, and if necessary then it may call for a referendum. What other alternatives do you have? If for example the P.A. Government is in a position to put forward certain proposals, and these proposals are debated in public, and it is clear that there is no consensus which enable these proposals to be taken forward, then, politically, you are informing the people of the North and East that you are unable in a legal and constitutional way, to respond to the crisis in those provinces.
Q: What would be the consequences of the P.A. not delivering on its promises to the people on the abolition of the executive presidency and constitutional reform generally?
A: That's something you may have to ask the P.A. itself. But I don't personally see a shifting of the P.A.'s position on these issues. Certainly I think that the issues are continuing to be committed to comprehensive constitutional reform. Certainly a need to move with a sense of urgency and purpose is also recognised. Therefore we are not necessarily talking about a
Continued on page 13

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12 TAM TIMES
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Page 13
15 JULY 1995
Continued from page 11
very large time frame. The ability to move forward quickly depends on what extent other political parties share this sense of urgency and purpose. That is something all of us need to work towards.
G: isn't it unfair to lay the emphasis on the response of other political parties? Ultimately it is the governent's responsibility to....
A: The government is the principle catalyst, to initiate these processes. It's a question of numbers. The P.A. has 114 members of Parliament; there are 27 Opposition Members of Parliament who continue to support the P.A. and who would probably support the P.A. on issues of constitutional reform. But you are 9-10 members short of the 2/3rds majority. That is the arithmetical reality which we need to respond to. That is not something which can be overcome by mere goodwill and good intentions. It requires a great deal of political strategy and capacity to negotiate between groups who have different agendas and interests.
C: What does the TULF think about a this?
A: The TULF's position is what I have already articulated. They would like to see comprehensive constitutionalreform, they would like the political arrangements for the resolution of the North East question to be part of that constitutional reform exercise. They would like these ideas at some stage to be presented to the LTTE, and giving the LTTE an opportunity of responding to them. Nonetheless, they would like this reform process to proced forward as expeditiously as possible.
Q:ls it the TULFS Stand that Consensus should be achieved behind closed doors and once that is done, you should go public?
A: The TULF believes that and Mr. Sivasithambaram has given an interview in the newspapers which clarifies the position of the TULF; he believes that the process of constitutional reforms must be one which involves consultation between the major politicall parties, That process must be conducted by the government in a manner which can effectively yield results. If the government believes that these consultations should take place initially privately, that's a judgement which the TULF doesn't question.
Q: So the TULFls willing to wait for all thoD "Basic OBoontials', boforo thO packagO lab unvolled?
A: This is the process which is an ongoing exercise. It is being unveiled to political parties,
Q: Not to the public?
A: That is a deci ment when it thin unveil it to the pu ment feels that it tively well at any p judgement that th
make.
Q: Do you feel v Supported the PA
A: There was congruence in the and the TULF in tary and president the elections were there was a need to conflict in the No TULF's approach only be done to de tacts between the tremes and thirdly tional reforms. Th able link between ciliation and con and that is an a government has ta government seems that inter relations is the correct politi
C: There is an in lobbying that "Tar not exist in fact, ar all communities liv areas Controlled would you respond
A: I don't think point of view. The l manifesto acknow were certain underl Tamils and Muslim language, educatio tlement of land, s power which had n addressd and the these grievances h armed secessioni undertook in 1977 convene an All Pa the purposes of add vances. You know saying that no adve some of those area ing language. It h most emotive issue people, when progr made a regional national and officie new constitution w and Sinhala have e
Gei What are the omo Whloh need today?
A: On the lan although there is C nition given, there lems with regard to an official languag lates to a lack of att this society which ensure that legal

TAMIL TIMES 13.
ion for the governks it appropriate to blic. If the governcan be done effecint oftime, that's a government must
ndicated in having
certain degree of pproach of the P.A. the last parliamenal elections, in that on the basis that bring an end to the rth and East. The was that this could velop political contwo adverse exthrough constituere is an inextricpeace, ethnic reconstitutional reform, pproach which the ken. So long as the to be committed to hip, we feel that it cal approach.
creasingly strident mll grievances' do ld that members of e happily except in by the LTTE. How ፵?
that it is a valid JNP, in 1977 in its edged that there ying grievances for s, relating to their l, employment, setharing of political pt been adequately failure to address ad even led to an st movement. It to summon and ty Conference for ressing those griehe history. I'm not nces were made in especially regardis been one of the which divided the ssively Tamil was language and a language. In the hope that Tamil uality of status,
butstanding probto be addroBOOd
uage issue itself Institutional recogre enormous probhe use of Tamil as , Part of this re;udinal changes in are necessary to nd constitutional
changes are being implemented in an effective manner. On the issue of recruitment to the public sector there has been recently in parliament the debate on the Ministry of Ethnic Affairs. I revealed that even the recent statistics with regard to public sector recruitment shows a very serious underrepresentation of both Tamils and Muslims; most particularly estate Tamils. This is not a problem which has been adequately addressed. There is in regard to the political alienation and sense of discontent among the Tamils and Muslims many very serious issues. It relates to their underlying grievances and it relates to the fact that the North-East is of distinct character. For the North East region which is essentially Tamil linguistic in character there must be some political arrangements to enable the people of those regions to share power. They have not been put into place; political and institutional arrangements which respond to the fundamental needs of the people in the North and East. That is critically related to their inability to protect their identity.
Q: Your critics might ask how the problems of employment, language, etc. can be meaningfully addressed through devolution which in some peoples' perception is a step closer to secession. How would you react?
A: That's an issue on which one must disagree. There are so many constitutional arrangements that are federal in character in multi ethnic societies, which is a means of ensuring unity while preserving ethnic groups in a political framework.
Q: Why is it important that the North East be recognised as the homeland of the Tamils? it upsets a lot of people in the south.
A: You have to recognise the fact that whatever the disputes might be with the history of the region, the demographic reality even today in the Northern and Eastern province, Linguistically it has 74% of the people who are Tamil speaking. There is a distinct character, a distinct history to the North East, The poitical aspirations of the people of that region have been from 1949 to ensure that they exercise political power in areas in which they predominate, in a meaningful and effective manner, I don't see how we need to necessarily get into disputes about history, It is a political and demographic reality that needs to be addressed.
Q: Dr. Thirucholvam, what la thO Tannl nation, in Sri Lanka?
A: The concept of nationhood arises
Continued on page 14

Page 14
14 TAM TIMES
Continued from page 13
from the perception of the nationality. Conceptually, if you feel that you are not merely a minority in a numerical aggregation of persons in a country, but you are a nationality, and that therefore you have a collective identity, and certain collective rights that are linked to collective identitity, then those are concepts which result in that group of people perceiving themselves in a manner that is very distinct.
The power sharing arrangement must necessarily respond to that collective perception. This need not be a static one take for example, the Muslims. The Muslims of the Northern and Eastern Province were quite content for many decades to share power with the other groups in the North and Eastern provinces as other minorities would have in the rest of Sri Lanka. The Muslim identity has gone through a qualitative change. Their collective identity today is linked to the territorial factor of the Muslim peasants in the North East; as much as the Tamils of Sri Lanka, because they have a territorial presence, and are a territorial minority; they have articulated political aspirations which are different from the minorities who don't have that territorial character.
Q: What of that large number of Tamils who live outside the North and East?
A: You must not see the constitutional foundations of a multi-ethnic society exclusively in terms of the arrangements of the sharing of power. A multi-ethnic society must essentially be grounded on the concept of equality, non-discrimination, and institutional arrangements in order to protect those arrangements and effective political participation of those even if they are outside the North and East. So we must see the package of arrangements as a whole, and not as an isolated part.
Q: Recently Prof. G.L. Peiris asserted that military ascendency over land, air and sea must first be achieved before the political package can come out. Do you agree?
A: Our approach is that of radical pacifists. We don't believe that violence, or force can be the basis of the resolution of the problem. So it is not a discourse into which one can meaningfully enter. We share the disappointment that most people in the country and abroad have expressed that the political exercise which has commenced after this government came into power with the LTTE was terminated on April 19. We can only hope that this would only be a temporary setback and that both parties would
come to terms wit they cannot milit change the status
Q:ls the LTTE TULF is willing t unveilers of the p A: No, I don't tl factor. We would the LTTE come ba fold. Anyone who achieved in the No like to see the par peace brought ba mainstream. I do would be any seric that approach. W. cess must be purs government feels t point at which it ca public discussion a be followed by co which has the cap majority.
But the questio) devolution issue, devolution on tw the Mangala Mc tee, did achieve a the substance of the substance? subjects that are in the provincial unit. It was agree and with the UN that the ancient l be totally, if not onto the provinc regard to the po override the auth it was also recogn beyond the India those powers. We initio, there is a with regard to di can build up to a package which which is also r issue relates to been significant There is some rec cate boundaries. been a recognitior the North and political unit wł their needs and th again involves a redemarcation ex you need to add whether some are could be exorcised region, to give th living in the No participation witl adjacent to the N elements in which cant disagreemen tical parties. Deta out.
C: Dr. Thiru heard that the T

15 JULY 1995
h the realities that arily, qualitatively 4սՕ.
he reason why the ) give time to the ackage? link that's the only :ertainly like to see ck into the political wants to see peace rth and East would y which can deliver k into the political 't think that there us disagreement on e feel that the proed intensively. The hat it has reacheda n move forward in a nd public discussion nstitutional reform acity to get a 2/3rds
n of consensus on the on the substance of to important issues; Ionesinghe Commitzonsensus: That is on devolution. What is This relates to the going to be devolved unit or the regional d by that committee NP, SLFP consensus ist of subjects should substantially, added ial list. Then with wer of the centre to ority of the province, ised that it had to go h model in regard to are not starting ab body of consensus 2volution which one |chieve a devolution is meaningful, and alistic. The second he unit. There has movement forward. ognition to redemarSecondly, there has that the Muslims of East must have a ich corresponds to eir aspirations. That reform paper for the ercise. Then thirdly ess the question of as in the North East from the North East e Sinhalese who are th East a sense of regions which are orth East. These are there are no signifits in the major polils have to be worked
helvam, we have mil political parties
among themselves have not come to any kind of consensus. is this true? If so, what are the principal sticking points?
A: On the substance. I don't think there is any disagreements within the Tamil political parties.
Q: is there any disagreement between the SLMC and the Tamil political parties?
A: I don't think it is a difficulty, but it needs a fairly detailed amount of discussion. Several rounds of discussions have already taken place and we are confident that relatively in a short period of time that some consensus would arise on that issue.
Q: The SLMC Wants to have SOne kind of council or representative body which will be equal in power, status and stature to the Tamil council. Will this be unacceptable to....?
A: Conceptually. I don't have any
difficulty in that.
Q: Practically?
A: Even practically there is no difficulty in that. It's a question of marking the area which will essentially be a part of that unit. That matter can be resolved. I do not think that at this stage of the conflict we should fear the want of determination, of imagination or sincerity. One has certainly to ensure that there are political solutions. In other parts of the world which have evolved in recent years one can see essentially an imaginative structure - an arrangement in such a way so you can reconcile the competing interests and aspirations of groups. What we are trying to achieve in this whole process is the essence of inter group equity, essence of fairness in the relationships between the three large ethnic groups in this country.
Q: What is your position on interim councils?
A: That is a matter which has not been fully discussed. It was raised during the period of Mr. Premadasa and Mr. Wijetunga by the EPRLF, which had wanted to establish mini council. At that time there were constitutional and legal problems that the law did not provide for it, and there was a kind of scepticism as to whether it could significantly achieve anything.
Q: Would you think that today too?
A: Some of those concerns would remain. I'm not sure whether it would significantly provide an improvement in the status quo. We do have a governor, an administration, which is not functioning particularly effective
Continued on page 29

Page 15
5 JULY 1995
On Understandir Self-Determination -
On Expanding the Sco of Self-Determinatio
by P. lmayavarampan
(Continued from last issue) Self determination is widely inter
preted as the right of a nation to .
choose its mode of existence as a socio-political entity. It implies the right of the nation to statehood and, where applicable, secession. It also enables nations to come together or stay together on a voluntary basis within the framework of a multinational state.
The association of the notion of self-determination with nations has often led to the restriction of the underlying principle to groups of people that can be defined or recognized as nations. It is partly because of this that there is a tendency among popular movements struggling to protect their identity and preserve their existence as a distinct social group to assert that they are a nation and not just an ethnic minority within the structure of a nation state.
The question of ethnicity is widely discussed today. There are those who argue that ethnic groups should be allowed, if not actively encouraged, to preserve their identity as a distinct social group for as long as they wish. There are others who consider such preservation of a distinct identity to be harmful to national unity and advocate the integration of minority ethnic groups into the mainstream, if not their assimilation by the majority. Interestingly, there are right as well as left-wing arguments in support of these opposed views. Despite all good intentions, one should not lose sight of the reasons why a group of people choose to assert their ethnic or any other social identity, and it is not a good thing to deny an ethnic group its right to preserve its identity like in the case of any other social group such as a minority nationality or the majority.
Ethnic minorities are often treated as social groups with less right to preserve their identity as distinct social groups than are nations. This is perhaps the consequence of approaching the right of any group of people to preserve its identity from the point of view of the nation state and the right to nationhood. The concept of the nation state is post-capitalist and European in origin. The national question of today is a little more complex
and needs to be tre more than a mattel nations. More impo) ple that underlies th to choose its mode distinct entity cann people who can som as a nation and need ethnic groups whi strong ethnic identi nation.
Nations are not n but by historical pri be little that is ra about what makes of people a nation.T. ness of a group of vidually and collect and contextual. Any national consciousn the driving force iu people to assert the create a nation sta More often than national oppression strumental in the e nation states.
Oppression by a which uses nationali naturally provokes struggle by the op] safeguard themselv their existence as as ty in its own right. waits for a licence i right to secession, a struggle. In thi determination as son only to nations is m dant. The real determination lies in nations together int ion of equal partner part company when to be a happy relatio Limiting the ci determination to gro can be considered to tion has harmful im interests of many over the world, in so populations exceedir nations. The right American races and been reduced to refu soil are being contin the 'greatest democ the north as much democracies of the

TAMIL TIMES 15
19
Part II
ре
ated as something of co-existence of tantly, the princie right of a nation of existence as a ot be restricted to ehow be identified s to be extended to ch, despite their ty, cannot form a
hade by definitions ocesses. There can tional or sensible a particular group he national awarepeople, both indiively, is historical r form of ethnic or ess is in itself not n the action of a ir nationhood and ate of their own. not, it has been that has been inmergence of new
exploiting class sm as its ideology resistance and pressed people to es and preserve ocio-political entiNo ethnic group in the form of its nd the resolve to s sense, selfhething applicable ore or less redunvalue of selfits ability to bind o a voluntary uns with a right to the union ceases nship. oncept of selfups of people who | constitute a naplications for the thnic groups all me instances with g those of some s of the native tribes who have gees on their own uously eroded in acy on earth' in as in the lesser south. The abor
iginal people of Australia have been made homeless on their own soil. The carving up of Africa by the colonial rulers has complicated the national problems of that continent and has had an adverse effect on the way of life of the nomadic people who have never known national boundaries. The Gypsies and Jews of Europe have been at the receiving end of nationalism for centuries. The problem of the tribal people of India, once highlighted during the Naxalbari uprising and the decade that followed, has returned to haunt Indian politics in more than one way.
Most of the oppressed people listed above cannot constitute nations, in the sense that the establishment of a nation state consisting of any of these people is almost out of the question. Does this mean that they are not entitled to self-determination? If selfdetermination is understood as the right to secession, that right cannot be exercised by these people. If that alone is seen as the criterion for their disqualification, one is perverting the spirit of self-determination. Selfdetermination when applied to nations includes the right to secession because that represents the highest level at which a nation exercises its right to choose its mode of existence. Where such an option is not available a people must have the choice, subject to the socio-political and geographic constraints which rule out secession.
It is the denial of self-determination to the tribal people of India that has prompted the hill tribes of northeastern India to demand the carving out of a 'Jharkhand' for themselves. The tribal people cannot constitute a nation in a strict sense of the word because they comprise a wide range of tribes speaking many different languages, representing different cultural traditions and without a common socio-political heritage. But one may not fail to notice some similarities between the factors that prompted the demand for an Islamic state on the sub-continent early this century and those relating to a tribal homeland today. The viability of a tribal homeland is an issue separate from the issues underlying the demand, which are not likely to go away in a hurry.
There are some ultra-leftists in India who insist on the disintegration of the union and advocate secession even where the nationality concerned is least interested in it. There are, on the other hand, Indian nationalists, and unfortunately this includes a number of Marxists, who are oblivious to the reality that India is a multi-national
Continued on page 16

Page 16
16 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 15
state that is currently unable to meet the aspirations of its minority nations, tribes and other ethnic minorities as a result of the rise of Hindi-Hindu chauvinism and capitalistic greed. One cannot forget the fact that India has the world's most complex mixture of nationalities and ethnic minorities. Carving up the sub-continent into a multitude of nation states is not necessarily a good solution. But the stability and the unity of India, however desirable it may be, is not possible unless the national question is addressed on the basis of equality of national, tribal and other ethnic populations.
There is no need to remind ourselves of the dual nature of nationalism with its liberating and oppressive features. Interestingly, we come across situations where a nation struggling for its self-determination resolutely denies that right to minorities within the national boundaries it lays claim to. This has been true of Sinhala chauvinism from early this century and equally true of Thamil nationalism since its embryonic stages. Thamil nationalism meant Jaffna Vellaala upper class interests until recently and the Federal Party and the TULF attempted to conceal the separate identity of Muslims and Hill Country Thamils under the cloak of Thamil-speaking people, while in reality their politics was essentially Jaffna-centred. None of the major nationalities have cared about the identity of the aboriginal people of the island, the Veddas or Vedar, and their traditional homelands lost to development. Our gypsies, the Rodiya people, have been traditional outcasts in the Sinhala south.
The tribal population of India is rapidly losing control of its traditional lands, partly as a consequence of development as advocated by the elite of India and partly as a result of capitalist greed. They have little say in matters that affect their way of life and livelihood and are certainly not the beneficiaries of any development project carried out at the expense of their traditional grazing, farming and hunting lands, Some see this as development and some others as a process of bringing these people into the modern era. But environmental groups, quite correctly, see it differently, Some feminist groups in India too adopt the same view, In fairness to the Naxalite' movement of the late '60s and early '70s, it should be noted here that they stood by the tribal people in their struggles against urban capitalist greed. But, little has been achieved so far in relation to the right of these ethnic populations to choose both the path and the pace of their transforma
tion into a modern so want to become one.
The plight of the ti many Asian and countries is hardly d of the tribal minorit; is far more awarene today but not enou change. Issues of hul tic rights do not mat unless they can be u that challenge their world, and the opp) depend on themselv emancipation. This reason why the issu national liberation, for equality and env be interlinked and u. possible scale forge tins of imperialist plunder. Extension self-determination to sides those recognize important step towal unity.
The advocates of state power and la) states do not like th tion. Their notions tegration of the worl about science, technc ment, are flawed. M united on the basis the identity of any rejection of different knowledge merely vision of scientific tr knovledge are as ar the patronizing miss centuries ago. The oppressed people of somehow inseparab. devolution and self-d broader sense. It i global democracy SSS
The practicality the extension of the determination is like question by the ad integration as one least for now, under multi-national cor agent, There are tw. ances in recent hist minorities with very have been encoura their identity an although in a somew of their affairs, Chi tion of 600 million billion, has recogniz national minorities v having populations 100,000 or less. Ther regions for many of groups and, in som interests of several served by a single a

15 JULY 1995
ciety, if they ever
ribal population in
Latin-American lifferent from that ies of India. There ss of these issues gh to bring about man and democrater to imperialism sed to bully states domination of the ressed people can es alone for their
is an important les of class, race, women's struggle ironment have to nity on the widest d among the vic
exploitation and of the principle of ethnic groups beld as nations is an rds achieving that
highly centralized rge and powerful he idea of devolu
of economic ind, like their ideas blogy and developankind cannot be of the negation of people and the , forms of human uphold a limited uth. Such views of rogant as those of sionaries of a few
struggle of the the third world is le from that for letermination in a s a struggle for in the ultimate
and feasibility of principle of selfly to be called into vocates of global happy family, at imperialism wi npanies as the ) interesting instory where ethnic small populations ged to preserve d take control, what limited way, na with a popula, now topping a ed some flfy-odd with some of them of the order of e are autonomous the larger ethnic he instances, the ethnic groups are utonomous unit,
What is even more exciting is the case of the relatively small Central American state of Nicaragua. The revolutionary government of the Sandinista alliance consulted the people during 1984-86 on the matter of constitutional reform, and the constitution of 1987 declared Nicaragua as a multi-ethnic nation and enabled the setting up of autonomous regions on the Atlantic Coast which was home to six ethnic minorities, the largest numbering 120,000 and the smallest a mere 800. The Autonomy Law ensured that no ethnic group exercised hegemony over another and Nicaragua became the first country of the entire continent to declare itself to be a multi-ethnic nation. Had not US Imperialism undermined the stability of Nicaragua and forced the overthrow of the Sandinista government in 1991, the Nicaraguan experience would have been a great inspiration for the ethnic minorities of Latin America and an exemplary lesson to many coun. tries of Asia, including Sri Lanka.
These two instances point to how the principle of self-determination can be extended to ethnic minorities that do not constitute nations. They do no represent in any way the extent to which the principle can be applied but are illustrations of its feasibility. The term self-determination has not been used, but the concept of autonomy goes fairly close to the exercise of self-determination by ethnic groups which cannot secede. What is important under such circumstances is the right of an ethnic group to autonomy, and devolution of power leads to greater democratisation and therefore toa fuller exercising of the right of the ethnic group to take decisions relating to its existence as a distinct group.
Self-determination does not exist in isolation from the international situation, and imperialism, while encouraging secession and civil war in the case of some nationalities, turns a blind eye to national oppression in its own backyard and in countries controlled by its stooges. It is therefore hard to separate the national question from the struggle against imperialism. The Third World has to redefine development and democray in its own context and in the interests of its masses, The case for unity and closer collaboration between the peoples of the Third World is strong, Such unity is not possible with national oppression, and the expansion of the scope of selfdetermination to cover ethnic minorities will reinforce democracy, enable devolution of power and strengthen the struggle of the Third World for political and economic freedom,

Page 17
5 JULY 1995
For a NeWSOcial CO
In our time peace has become an illusion and war our permanent condition.
But there have been moments of hope. At the beginning of this year it appeared that, finally, after decades of seemingly interminable strife, the ethnic conflict was getting resolved. For the first time in our history. It looked as if we had a government both willing and able to legislate and implement "maximum devolution'. Then the LTTE unilaterally broke the ceasefire and ended the negotiations. Now, those months before April resemble a dream, a fantasy of peace. Suddenly, it looks as if we are back where we had always been, in the midst of an awful, hopeless, endless war.
If this situation has confused and dispirited those genuinely committed to peace, not so the nationalists. War is a situation they are familiar and comfortable with, even revel in. They were silent, effectively silenced, during the peace negotiations. They had no arguments in the face of the overwhelming mandate Chandrika Kumaratunga received for peace, especially from the rural Sinhala voter. But statements have appeared recently, signed by eminent Sinhala nationalists, arguing that there is no ethnic problem, and therefore no need for devolution. This line has it that if the government militarily eradicates the LTTE, peace would follow. Nothing could be further from the truth.
Eminent Tamil nationalists, too, have joined the fray. They say that the LTTE and the Tamil people are one, that LTTE ambitions and Tamil aspirations coincide, that the only way to solve the ethnic conflict is by appeasing the Tigers at any cost. Again, nothing could be further from the truth.
For, surely, we must know by now that making peace is an incredibly more difficult and complicated exercise than waging war. The logic of war is simple and simplistic: on either side the expectation always is that they will win. Making peace is a different and demanding enterprise. It requires meticulous planning, considerable hard-work, copious energy and infinite patience. Above all, it requires a willingness to be reasonable. Peace is a situation where, because neither side wins, both do. It is to remind the public of all this that we want to make our
own voices, on beh today.
With this in vi ethnic group of Sri renew and rejuver for peace. We beli issues have been deliberately obfu sides in this non-d it to be imperati public be remind issues are. In thi these clarification most abused an terms of the day.
These people be gan because the Tamil organizatio)
T
B Dr. Chanaka Ann Anghie, Natesha Blyan wila, Dr. F asamy, D. Kuma Shva, Mangallka De Alwis, Suna Rohan Fernando, Fara Hanlfa, Upa jan hoole, Ameer Elthquan lsmal Pradeep Jeganat Waruna Karunati lkkalingan, Jehan Perera, Lucien R Pras an tha Ras Palklasothy Sara Seneviratne, Dr. nam, Regi Siri Sritiharan, Udaya gштат Thiruchelv jesinha, Dr. Raje Dr. Sunil Wieslrlu
fought for a separa could be further fr war began becaus post-independence has consistently, i. deliberately discr. the Tamils (an groups). The war the LTTE has cor liberately undermi for a negotiated set obvious, and in m state discriminati does the LTTE's ethnic hatred in S and until both thi dealt with, we can
Sinhala nationa as merely the milit the LTTE. The l ment is manifestl

TAMIL TIMES 17
ntract
alf of peace, heard
ew, we, a multiLankans, want to late the argument ave that the basic
occluded, if not scated, by both ebate. We believe ve now that the 2d of what these at spirit we offer s on some of the d misunderstood
lieve that war beLTTE and other
is demanded and
у aratunga, Antony
Balendra, Janaka Fadhlka CoonarPrage, Dulcile De De Silva, Malath nda Deshapriya, Anberlya Hlanlffa, lil Herath, Dr. Rala Hussalin-Uvals, ", G?adr lsn7nal, han, Flavil John, fleke, Ran Alan| Perera, Sasanka ajakarшпатayake, fina yake, Dr. wannamutiful, Joe N. Shanmugaratwardena, Dr. T.
Tennakoon, Nliram, Dr. Rajiva MVHAndra Wijefunge, vardene.
ate state. Nothing om the truth. The e, for most of our history, the state nstitutionally and iminated against d other ethnic :ontinues because sistently and dened the prospects itlement. In many any subtle ways, on continues, as exacerbation of ri Lanka. Unless ese are decisively not have peace.
lists define peace ary eradication of ogic of this arguy flawed: that, if
you want peace, you must simply wage war. This is not to argue against the state making reasonable military responses to LTTE aggression; but, that a military victory is not possible. In any case, since the attempt would entail untold civilian casualties, it is not even desirable. The main point, however, as many military leaders including Denzil Kobbekaduwa have repeatedly argued, is that the problem we face is primarily political, not merely military. But, even if a military victory were to occur, we would not have peace. For, as long as the root causes of the conflict are not addressed, there will always be resistance to the chauvinistic state. Indeed, even if there was no resistance, we cannot have peace in a situation where a substantial section of the population is unhappy and oppressed.
The LTTE definition of peace, on the other hand, equals Eelam. Though they preach and pretend otherwise, this is quite clear from their practice. Such a definition, too, is unacceptable; but, even if Eelam were to occur, we would not have peace. The LTTE is dictatorial - having killed hundreds of Tamils opposed to its programme; it is against pluralism - having killed hundreds of Tamil Muslims and Sinhala residents of the North East; it is totalitarian ́— only tolerating opinion supportive of it; it has no regard for basic human rights. These policies will continue, albeit in stronger vein, if Eelam were to be established. The LTTE, therefore, cannot deliver peace.
The peace argument of the PA Government, too, is flawed. They say that, having tried and failed to make peace, war is the only available option. They fail to grasp the point, however, that what they actually tried to do was negotiate with the LTTE. Making peace, as we said before, is a more complicated and time-consuming exercise. Its objective must be to devise a comprehensive and viable powersharing alternative to interminable war. It requires, at the very least, making public and enacting a package of maximum devolution, along federal lines. It requires ensuring the security, freedom of movement and freedom from fear and harassment of ordinary Tamil citizens. It requires, among other things, proper implementation of the official languages policy. It requires the
Continued on page 18

Page 18
18 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 17
institutionalisation of policies and practices that would make this country truly multi-ethnic; that would make all its citizens feel that they belong here and are treated equally. It is surely the responsibility of this government to deliver on these and other requirements for peace; to deliver, in short, on its explicit promise to the people.
Peace is not the absence of war. It is, rather, the achievement of conditions under which people of differing persuasions could live without conflict. Therefore, there can only be peace in Sri Lanka if the root causes of the ethnic problem are addressed.
Prefixes
If the current political landscape is littered with large lies masquerading as truth, surely the grandest lie of all is the denial by some of the existence of the ethnic conflict. Nothing, of course, could be further from the truth. We believe that all future debate on how to achieve peace in this country must begin with the acceptance of this fact, that we have and have had an ethnic conflict. All assertions to the contrary are arguments for and contributions toward war, not peace.
However, given these denials by Sinhala nationalists, we believe it necessary to remind and reenlighten the public of what this conflict is and has been about. The literature on this subject is extensive. What follows is a necessarily brief summary.
First, the incontrovertible facts. In 1948/49, the state summarily and without consultation deprived thousands of plantation workers born in this country of their citizenship and their right to vote. In 1956, the state deprived all Tamil speaking Sri Lankans of the right to communicate with their government in their own language; this act also robbed hundreds of Tamil speaking Sri Lankans - both Muslims and Tamils - of employment in the state sector. Throughout this period, nonviolent Tamil protestors against such discrimination were beaten by the police and other servants of the state. It is a fact that, in 1958, 1977, 1981 and most notoriously in 1983, Tamil people all over the country were the victims of pogroms at the hands of Sinhala mobs. From 1977 onwards, and continuing to the present, the Tamil people in the North East, especially, have been the victims of endless harassment, torture
and other gross v rights, disappear ary retaliation - the state.
In short - an possible conclusio evidence - it is a out our post-ind the state has sy minated against other ethnic grc ethnic conflict.
It is true that and other Tamil have demanded control over the basis of the determination of homeland'. While political pressure la chauvinism — demand, we hold today.
Tamil national 'in alienable determination'th "traditional home and indispensabl proposals for the ethnic conflict. further from the archaic and redu
The Tamil dem - the institutions after their own as be seen as a m demand based up to a history of di while it is true th: have historicall Northeast, thoug ly, this fact, or : argument bas irrevelant to the
What is releva of discrimination people as a grou aspiration to g within a united mate, and their c nationalists belie autonomy can on ritorially, and si given certain must be the Nor tory will be exclu this may be the l not a view that Tamil people - Thus we support - on a territori basis, so that all Northeast can de a polity that is democratic.
Therefore wej the Tamil claim federalism - not

15 JULY 1995
iolations of human ances and of militall at the hands of
d this is the only on from the above fact that, through2pendence history, tematically discri
the Tamils and pups. That is the
the LTTE, today, groups in the past, exclusive political North East on the
right of selftheir “traditional we recognize the 3-in a word Sinhathat led to this that it is irrelevant
sts assert that the right of selfe exclusivity of the land' are essential e prefixes for any resolution of the Nothing could be truth. Those are ndant notions.
hand for autonomy and power to look fairs - is and must oral and political on and consequent iscrimination. And at the Tamil people ly inhabited the h never exclusiveany "Traditionalist' ed upon it, is present. nt today is the fact against the Tamil p; this makes their overn themselves Sri Lanka legitiase strong. Sinhala ve that, since such ly be exercised ternce that territory feographical facts th East, this terrisively Tamil. While TTE position, it is is shared by the or endorsed by us. regional autonomy al, not an ethnic, the peoples of the velop a society and safe, humane and
ustify and support or autonomy - for on the grounds of
some inalienable right to selfdetermination over some traditional homeland, but based on the fact and history of discrimination. Indeed, as we have argued above, this demand would never have arisen if not for the said discrimination. We hold that this must be considered axiomatic by anybody genuinely committed to peace and a truly multiethnic Sri Lanka.
It is one of the most salutary features of the present situation that some of those who once called this country Sinhala Buddhist now admit to the fact that it is multiethnic, multi-lingual and multireligious. In other words, a general consensus seems to be developing that this country does not consist of a Sinhala (Buddhist) majority and Tamil, Muslim and other minorities, but of a multitude of ethnic groups; that this country, or any part of it, does not belong to anyone in particular. However, the definition of a truly multi-ethnic country does not lie in the mere recognition of the fact that its citizens hail from different ethnicities; but in the recognition and institutionalisation by the state of the equality of all ethnic groups.
We believe that the characteristics of a truly multi-ethnic State would include the following:
(1) All citizens, of the said polity are equal and have the same rights and privileges. (2) Any citizen, regardless of ethnicity, could aspire to any office, including the highest in the land. (3) No citizen could be discriminated against on the basis of belonging to any ethnic group, whether in the public or private sector; this right must be justiciable. (4) No ethnic group would enjoy any special privileges. It does not and should not follow from the latter that the concept of multi-ethnicity is not compatible with federalism. Nothing could be further from the truth. Indeed, the two are complementary, not contradictory: federalism enables full and equal participation of all citizens at the regional level; multi-ethnicity enables this at the centre. And, as we have been arguing, the two are essential preconditions for peace.
It surely must be evident by now to all reasonable and right-thinking people, that if the nationalist line - whether Sinhala or Tamil - was
Continued on page 29

Page 19
15 JULY 1995
Mayawati's Rise to F Marks Realignment of
T.N. Gopalan
Indian politics seems to be going through a traumatic phase yet again. The latest developments in the largest state, Uttar Pradesh, where Ms. Mayavati, a fire-spouting Dalit leader has become the new Chief Minister, could pave the way for a strange realignment of forces in the country.
For Ms. Mayavati, leading a small but fast-growing and almost exclusively Dalit outfit, the Bahujan Samaj Party, has ridden piggy-back on the BJP to power, breaking out of a coalition with the Samajwadi Party of Mulayam Singh Yadav, a party representing the interests of the intermediate castes.
Now the BJP is essentially an upper caste Hindu revivalist party which is considered to symbolise everything reactionary and retrograde in the Hindu ethos.
For such a party to join hands with the BSP, representing the lowermost stratum in the Hindu hierarchy and helping it form a government even while keeping away from ministerial offices, all in an effort to sabotage the consolidation of the backward castesDalits block marks a cynical turning point.
Even a more cynical move is the support extended by most of the secular parties including the Cong-I and the Janata Dal to the Mayavati government on the floor of the House even though it was supported by the BJP, an anathema for them all, from the outside.
What this means for the configuration elsewhere in the country is difficult to say, but definitely a new kind of realignment of forces seems to be on the anvil.
At the same time it should also be noted here that the BJP which found itself stymied in its march to the Red Fort because of the revulsion caused in some sections of the Hindu society itself over the demolition of the Babri Masjid and the riots that followed, has now broken free of the solitary confinement cells, as it were, to which it had been consigned two years ago, by forging a new coalition of forces.
And this, in turn, has sent alarm bells ringing through the secular parties which are now desperately looking
around for possib the BJP in its tra
And so the sup to the Mayavatig mean they too a with the BJP, but ing the confluer checkmating the Mulayam Singh parties are back because they do n opposing the first the history of the
When the electi UP Assembly two dismissal of the E lowing the demol surprisingly the S Samaj combine trumps, though it lute majority in Assembly, by tot when the BP could the combine was delivered a bodyb forces.
Such parties as Janata Dal, tho commanded arour along with the two CPI and the CP ditional support t tion.
Mr. Mulayan Si broken away from form his SP and su an image of a cru ities and backwar Chief Minister.
Progressive con India went to town ment - the emerg coalition of the ba Dalits and the Mu nalised than most Indian polity, was of a new era in thi
But they failed two important fa cause the destruct one, the fact that intermediate caste their immediate frustrated Dalits, t tween them more than between the castes, and two, tions and the anno,
 

OWer Forces
le ways of stopping cks. port of these parties overnment does not re casting their lot , that notwithstandce of interests in
growing clout of Yadav, the secular ing Mayavati only bt want to be seen as Dalit government in country.
ons were held to the years ago, after the JP government folition of the Masjid, amajvadi - Bahujan
came up almost , had not won absothe 425-member ting up 176 seats bag only 177 seats, believed to have low to the Hindutva
the Cong-I and the ugh badly mauled, d 60 seats and they ) communist parties, M, extended uncono the SP-BSP coali
ngh Yadav who had the Janata Dal to ccessfully cultivated sader for the minord castes became the
hmentators all over n on the new experigence of an all new ackward castes, the uslims, more margiother sections of the hailed as the dawn e Indian politics.
to take into account ictors which could ion of the coalitionit was the emergent is who were seen as oppressors by the he contradiction bereal and more acute Dalits and the upper the vaulting ambiying abrasiveness of
TAMIL TIMES 19
Mulayam Singh.
As it turned out clashes ensued betwen the Yadavs and the Dalits in many parts and the police machinery controlled as it was by the Chief Minister chose to side with the Yadavs. Besides there was large-scale infiltration of the administration by the intermediate castes.
The climax came during the elections to panchayats a couple of months ago when Mulayam Singh went in for wholesale rigging and outright intimidation, shutting out even the coalition partner, BSP.
Mr. Kanshi Ram, the BSP supremo, and his lieutenant Mayavati, both rabble-rousers and extremely sectarian, realised that continuing their association with the likes of Mulayam would prove suicidal for their own type of politics.
At this juncture the BJP, annoyed at having been boxed in despite emerging as the largest single party, but helpless all the same, stepped out with an offer of unconditional support if the BSP parted company with SP.
No doubt Mulayam did criminalise politics in a big way and gave a free run for the intermediate castes, but he had emerged as a great bulwark against the Hindutva forces and so was very popular among certain segments. His SP could win three of the four constituencies which had byelections recently.
And so Prime Minister Narasimha Rao who has been desperately looking for allies who could win seats for him in the next year's General Elections was quietly wooing Mulayam and could not make up his mind on whether he should direct the UP governor to sack the government even after the BSP withdrew from the coalition and the BJP extended support to the latter's efforts to form a government. But finally the anti-Mulayam sections in the UP Cong-I prevailed and out went Yadav - though not before some horrid display of terror tactics by his goons who sought to abduct some BSP MLAs and starve to death Mayawati trapped in a government guest house.
While the Kanshi Ram-Mayavati duo could pat their own backs for outwitting the crafty Mulayam and installing a Dalit government, they are also acutely aware of the sheer enormity of the compromises they have made.
The two had missed no occasion to foul-mouth the BJP in the villest possible terms - Kanshi Ram had once suggested construction of toilets on the
Continued on page 20

Page 20
20 TAMIL TIMES
| TAMIL, NADU
Assault On Democ
Lawyers Against Lawles.
T.S. Subramanian in Madras
An air of feigned indifference notwithstanding, the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) Government in Tamil Nadu is saddled with the sins of its past. Solidarity is swelling up throughout the State for victims of violence perpetrated by the ruling party.
Convinced that the murderous assault on criminal lawyer R. Shanmugasundaram by hired gangsters on May 30 in Madras was plotted at the highest level, the advocates' fraternity has made strident demands to unmask the 'real culprits', among whom they name Chief Minister Jayalalitha, Minister of Animal Husbandry E. Madhusudhanan and Revenue Minister S.D. Somasundaram.
The advocates, provoked by the unwarranted attack, organised a strong and sustained agitation, which also succeeded in awakening the public to the emergence of a goonda raj in the State over the past four years. They view the attempt on Shanmugasundaram's life as a threat to the independence of the legal profession and an assault on human rights and democratic norms.
On a writ petitio ras High Court Adv (MHAA), which Bureau of Investig into the assault an Rs. 50 lakh from ment for Shanmug S. Jagadeesan of directed the State June 20 to transfer the CBI. Coming a grim struggle, the booster to the advo
The spirit of the wilt under the scc boycotted courts all took out procession staged dharnas, strikes, formed hum a poster campaign f 'real culprits. Their government needs lesson and we will t
Forty-two-year-ol daram, a brilliant sional, was attack and knives by five his office. He suffe tures on his limbs finger on his left ha had collected at the their motive, the a
Continued from page 19
Ayodhya in place of a Ram temple.
They were urging their followers to prepare themselves for a no-holdsbarred battle against the upper castes. But now Mr. Kanshi Ram will not even concede that the BJP is communal. Mayavati who had once stirred a hornet's nest by damning Mahatma Gandhi as a casteist is now unwilling to say anything that might upset the BSP's new-found patron, the BJP. "I want to assure people that I do not represent just a caste or a social group, (as a Chief Minister). Everybody will find justice....'. Herzeal for her Dalit brethren is tucked away safely.
It is not still clear whether the present opportunist alliance will hold for long or whether the two will put up a joint front even when they face the elections. While it could help the BJP acquire a progressive veneer, the BSP could stand to lose substantially the Dalit vote bank.
The secular partie aback by this tu apprehend that it co BJP's progress to th at the Centre. Th various options to co understanding to s wean away the BSF It is in this conte: Dal and even the C support the Cong-I ditions. There is als bility that for all h Mulayam Singh col undisputed champio and the minorities ness of BSPs conv d now. All th some day deci him.
With the liberalis ting hard the botton instincts in man con and the electorate g ised to a high degret without a visionary lent times are ahead
 
 

15 JULY 1995
racy
SeSS
n filed by the Madvocates' Association sought a Central gation (CBI) probe la compensation of the State Governasundram, Justice
the High Court e Government on the assault case to fter three weeks of order ws a moralecates.
advocates did not orching sun. They { over Tamil Nadu, hs, blocked traffic, went on hungerhan-chains and ran or the arrest of the refrain was: “This to be taught a (each it a lesson.'
ld Shanmugasunand affable profesed with iron rods men who stormed red multiple fracand lost the little nd. A pool of blood 2 scene. Revealing ssailants shouted,
es have been taken urn around and ould accelerate the he seat of power in ey are exploring ome to an electoral tall the BJP and
xt that the Janata PM could agree to under certain conso a distinct possiis dubious tactics, ld emerge as the n of the underdogs since the hollowictions stands exe secular parties de to rally around
sation process hitn rungs, the worst ming into the open etting communal2 at various levels, leadership, turbu
for India.
“How dare you file a case against amma (Jayalallitha)?”
Shanmugasundaram had drafted a criminal complaint to prosecute Jayalalitha under Section 169 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) because Jaya Publications, in which she is one of the partners, had bought land belonging to the Government-owned Tamil Nadu Small Industries Corporation. The complaint was to be filed by R.S. Bharathi, advocate and joint secretary of the legal wing of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), on May 31. The assault on the night of May 30 is believed to have been a pre-emptive measure (Frontline, June 30, 1995).
Section 169 of the IPC prohibits public servants from buying orbidding for 'certain property', 'either in his own name or in the name of another, or jointly, or in shares with others'. It says any public servant violating this provision can be punished with imprisonment for two years or fined, or both, and the purchased property confiscated.
An anonymous letter full of abuses and threats, signed Nizhal (Shadow), was received by the private hospital where Shanmugasundaram is undergoing treatment. It warned the hospital authorities that if he was not 'sent home' within a week, other patients would be beaten up. Someone calling himself "Godse' threatened Senior Advocate R. Gandhi, a driving force behind the agitation, that he would be killed if he persisted with the protests. An AIADMK advocate also asked Gandhi not to step out of his home as plans were afoot to eliminate him.
Considering the low-key public response to the earlier attacks by AIADMK supporters, on Governor Dr. M. Channa Reddy, Opposition leaders, a Vice-Chancellor, two Indian Administrative Service officers, journalists and others, the expression of righteous anger by the advocates must have surprised the administration.
The day after the assault on Shanmugasundaram, irate lawyers had presented a memorandum to Channa Reddy, alleging that there was 'a conspiracy' behind the crime and that persons acting on behalf of the Chief Minister' had participated in it. They also sought a CBI probe as “the matter will not receive proper attention in the hands of the State police'. They blocked traffic on the road along the Marina beach.
The blockade had signalled the beginning of an offensive by militant advocates determined to teach the Jayalalitha dispensation a lesson. As the agitation gathered momentum, party affiliations disappeared and a

Page 21
15 JULY 1995
m
Welding' Kumar, the mastermind behind the assault on advocate R. Shanmugasundaram, is one of the
world of murders, moonshining, extortion and drug trafficking in Madras. In this world, empires flourish and collapse with the rise and fall of dadas, group loyalties are binding, the spirit of vengeance is strong. Murders take place frequently. The recruiting ground for these groups is often the prison because it is there that goondas of varying degrees meet. The beaches and fishermen's colonies in north and south Madras are the battlegrounds for these groups as they compete for supremacy.
There was no checking these goonda groups once the AIADMK Government led by Jayalalitha came to power in June 1991, and it is open knowledge that some of them flourished under the patronage of an AIADMK Minister. He patronised these groups so much that the police got demoralised.
Welding Kumar came under the glare of press publicity following the attempt on the life of Shanmugasundaram. An alleged professional murderer, he is known to move away to a neighbouring State after each crime and return for the next one. He started his career as a welder in a workshop in Tondiarpet but has since made enough money from his main profession to own a
latest 'stars' in the ruthless under
From the Underwo
big house in north
also been sought a
of "mediation': hel when tenants refu will not vacate a h financiers in gett from recalcitrant
Early in his ( Kumar came un Ezhumalai of Ro Ezhumalai and on over their cut in t trade in the Madr dian was murder persons were con prisonment for against Welding') rated because he was also allegedly murder of Radhak rival of Ezhum Kumar later split and set up shop o malai himself was
Before the adv Kumar on the s called the shot Vadivelu and Vee) came to prominen stormed the offic magazine Tharas, stabbed to death ployees on Augu attack allegedly t instigation of an ter. Vadivelu is a Tharasu murder out on bail. Acc formed source, a
common plan of action bound the fraternity together.
When the High Court reassembled on June 12 after the summer recess, the lawyers marched to the Secretariat, unmindful of the heat, to present a memorandum to the Chief Minister. They carried placards reading, "Democracy dead in Tamil Nadu; violence reigns'; 'Down with police-goonda raj' and "Yesterday it was K.M. Vijayan; today, it is Shanmugasundaram and tomorrow who?"Advocate Vijayan was in the procession limping painfully. He describes himself as a victim of 'statesponsored terrorism’. Vijayan had sustained multiple fractures at the hands of goondas in July 1994. His crime; he had challenged the 69 per cent reaervation in Tamil Nadu through the Courts,
Steel barricades en route did not deter the advocates, Pushing them down, they raced towards the Secretariat with policemen in pursuit. They staged a dharna in front of the Secre
tariat, insisting the ter should meet the officer informed the was not available, sponded with sarca ing the memorant accused, we will as court'. Chief Secre kar also dodged r cates, inviting th thought only the absconding. Now
Minister and the C doing so."
In the eyes of s. observers, the poli the case has been s least, For 10 day they made no seri the bottom of the c taking photograp prints and interro nesses, Police Com jasekharan Nair di scene of the crim hesitation or comp

TAMEL TIMES 21
rld
Madras. He has ter for his skills to houseowners se to pay rent or use, and help to ng back money OTOWETS.
areer of crime, er the fold of rapuram. When Pandian fell out he tractor-trailer as harbour, Paned. While seven ricted to life imthis, the case Sumar was sepa
absconded. He
involved in the rishnan, another alai. “Welding” from Ezhumalai n his own. Ezhulater murdered.
ent of 'Welding cene, those who s were "Boxer' ramani. Vadivelu ce when goondas *e of the Tamil u at Egmore and
two of its emst 14, 1991. The ook place at the AIADMK Minisn accused in the
case' but came ording to an inter being let on
bail, he has retired from his trade and is now concentrating on his mechanised fishing boats. He is now a friend of the police,' said the SOUTCE.
After Vadivelu's eclipse, the rowdies in north Madras 'surrendered themselves to Veeramani, who belonged to south Madras. Veeramani, who also owns mechanised fishing boats, spread terror in both north and south Madras through murder, extortion and the illicit liquor trade. The police could do nothing about it. But Inspector K. Murali, then attached to the Marina police station, arrested Veeramani and he was jailed under the Goondas Act. His "empire' is said to be on its last legs now.
Operating in Saidapet and nearby areas is "Punk' Kumar. As a student in the Government Arts College, Nandanam, Madras, he contested the students' union elections. His aide Ummer who ensured his victory was murdered by Paramasivan, Purushothaman and Sampath. To avenge Ummer's murder, Kumar allegedly murdered Paramasivam the same day. Purushothaman and Sampath who were remanded to judicial custody for murdering Ummer were also killed by Kumar in broad daylight when policemen were escorting the duo to court.
Recently, ration-shops in Saidapet remained closed for a day
to protest against Kumar's extortion 9fmoney from the employees of these shops.
well return to the ary N. HaribhasLeeting the advo
e comment: "We
assailants were even the Chief hief Secretary are
veral independent !e investigation of Lameful, to say the
after the attack, us effort to get to ime. They delayed is, lifting fingerating possible witnissioner K.K. Ranot even visit the . But he had no inction in putting
out a version to the press that there
was no political motive behind the assault. Another senior police officer claimed that the assailants' shout, “How dare you file a case against amma?” was intended to mislead the investigation.
A day before the High Court reassembled, the police made a pretence of action but this only helped expose them further. On June 11, a Sunday, three persons mysteriously surrendered themselves before a holiday magistrate in Madras. Journalists found that the residential addresses given by the three were bogus,
Senior advocate and one of the leaders of the agitation, K.T. Palpandian, appearing for the MHAA before the court on June 16, told Justice Jagadeesan why the advocates insisted on a CBI inquiry. In Tamil Nadu, "where civil servants have become domestic servants and the police machinery is entirely abused, how
ContinuOd on pago 23

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22 TAM TIMES
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Page 23
15 JULY 1995
Continued from page 21
could there be a fair and impartial investigation into the assault, he asked. Will any police officer have the guts to question the Chief Minister? They cannot even go near the street where she lives, he said, as the courtroom burst into laughter.
The writ petition came up for hearing on June 13 as an exceptional case during the boycott. In a show of action, the poice made three arrests the very next day. The names of the arrested were given as Senthil, Arumugam and Naveen alias Navaneethan. The police did not bother to take them into custody for interrogation. Later, two more persons, Dilip and Bhaskaran, were arrested.
G. Krishnamurthy, an advocate, startled a gathering of lawyers when he revealed that hitmen were hired to assault Shanmugasundaram for a fee of Rs. 5 lakhs. Alleging that a gang led by Welding Kumar was set up by Sekar Babu, an AIADMK functionary and a relative of Minister Madhusudhanan, he said the police were treating 'Welding Kumar like a king in a star hotel. Krishnamurthy claimed the assailants, whom he knew because he had been their counsel in several cases, had met him for a few minutes after the assault on May 30 but did not mention the incident.
In the court, Palpandian alleged the police had "fabricated evidence', 'misdirected the investigation' and 'altered Senthil's confessional statement. The burden of his argument was that since Jayalalitha, Madhusudhanan and Somasundaram were 'directly or indirectly involved in the attack, there would be no fair or impartial investigation by the State police. Hence the demand for a CBI probe. Palpandian pointed out that though the assailants had shouted, "How dare you file a case against amma” this was not mentioned in the Government's counter-affidavit. He charged that there was a phone call from the Chief Minister's residence to the police ordering the erasure of references to Madhusudhanan's involvement from Senthil's statement. "I can even name the officer who made the phone call,' Palpandian told the judge. The attack took place, maybe with her knowledge or maybe with her acquiescence. If it was without her knowledge, it may have been done by her followers who fall at her feet, he said, producing more laughter in the courtroom.
According to Palpandian, the motive for the attack was that Shanmugasundaram "was preparing a complaint against amma” and it was to be ensured that “no case will be filed against the Chief Minister'. Therefore, he said,
"there are sufficie police to investigat Minister has know
On Somas und pointed out that denied on June 1 had ever made ‘amma”. “This den when he has kn therefore the polic him,” Palpandian si it was at the instal am that the surren (with fake address
Palpandian arg Senthil had implic nan and his bro Babu, his confessic altered to mislead and attempts were Sekar Babu. Ram advocate, had rece that the blue Maru assailants had esc Sekar Babu. But t Maruti car was use
Besides, the polic mouth of Senthil he had never made The confessional st three different mot that Shanmugasu terfering in the rea "Welding Kumar, t) daram had received appear in the cou cases, and that he the assailants' prof
The investigation confessional staten not recorded prope. sional statement, not implicated. The that the police did n police custody of tho a partisan investi the CBI should tal tigation', Palpandia
Countering his a ment Pleader R. Mu said there were "noj ances to transfert because the State was “timely”, “prope in the right directi tion had started im receipt of the report police had shown Senthil to Shanmu identified him as C Four persons, inclu arrested soon aft Kumar was yet to after his arrest wo hind the crime be no material eviden involvement of Min and the issue was Muthukumaraswan

TAMIL TIMES 23
ht grounds for the whether the Chief ledge of it. aram's role, he the Minister had that the assailants any reference to ial can come only owledge of it and e have to question aid. He alleged that hce of Somasundarder of three persons es) was arranged.
ued that though ated Madhusudhather-in-law Sekar nal statement was the investigation made to extricate ani Natarajan, an lived a phone call ti van in which the aped, belonged to he police claimed a d for the escape.
‘e "had put into the certain statements ',' Palpandian said. atement attributed ives for the attack: undaram was inl estate business of hat Shanmugasunmoney but did not rt to argue some was interfering in ession'.
is distorted. The ment of Senthil is rly. In the confesMadhsudhanan is ! shocking thing is ot even ask for the se arrested. This is gation. Therefore, ke over the invesn concluded.
rguments, Governuthukumaraswamy iustifying circumsthe case to the CBI police investigation er and "proceeding on'. The investigamediately after the t on the crime. The the photograph of ugasundaram who ne of the hitmen. ding Senthil, were er and “Welding”
be arrested. Only uld the motive beknown. There was ce to establish the isters in the crime being politicised, ny claimed. "They
are trying to link the Chief Minister with this,' he said.
On the surrender of three persons, he said that when the police were questioning the hardcore elements, these three had surrendered on their own, fearing that they too "will be harassed'. They had said that they had nothing to do with the offence, the Government Pleader claimed.
The Madras High Court order came after a short period of waiting. Justice Jagadeesan told a packed courtroom why he had directed the Government to hand over the investigation to the CBI. On going through the police diary he did not come across anything about the involvement of Ministers or the relatives of a Minister in the confessional statement, and hence concluded that the 'averments of the petitioner were unfounded'. However, since Palpandian had argued that two more assailants were yet to be arrested, he assumed that details about the involvement of Ministers may emerge after these arrests.
"In such cases, the apprehension that the police may not record the statement properly may be a wellfounded one. When the petitioner expects a proper investigation to get at the culprits, a mere apprehension in his mind that proper justice may not be done to him is itself a ground to transfer the investigation to a third person. The citizen should always have faith in the police officials and the judiciary as well. Then only he will have the satisfaction that his case has been properly dealt with', the Judge said. Therefore, "without any disregard to the State police, he ordered that the investigation be transferred to the CBI.
The Judge directed the CBI to complete the investigation in four months and submit a report to the court. He asked the State Government to extend 'all help and cooperation' to the CBI in completing the investigation. Besides, the State Government was to meet the medical expenses of Shanmugasundaram. On the MHAA's demand for a compensation of Rs. 50 lakhs, he said if the involvement of politicans or Ministers was established, it was open to the trial court to award compensation.
The lawyers' camp was tense in the period preceding the High court order, with some wanting the boycott to be called off and the young, militant members stoutly opposing it. But the order made all jubilant. They decided it was not enough to knock the bottom out of the "arrogance' of the Jayalalitha dispensation. Soon after, they took out processions in the High Court
Continued on page 29

Page 24
24 TAM TIMES
PolitiCS Of Violen
When the affable young DMK lawyer, R. Shanmugasundaram hit upon the idea of embarassing the imperious Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, Ms. J. Jayalalitha, by filing a private complaint to prosecute her on the charge that “Jaya Publications”, a company in which she is a partner, bought stateowned land at a cut price, he little realised that he would be subjected to a murderous attack.
Functionaries of the State's ruling AIADMK party, two Ministers and the Chief Minister herself have been accused of being responsible for masterminding the attack on the lawyer which is the latest incident in a long line of similar attacks on those whom the Chief Minister regarded as her critics or enemies.
Right from the notorious acid attack on Ms. Chandralekha, a senior official belonging to the Indian Administrative Service who was once close to Jayalalitha, but later fell out with her for mysterious reasons, the name of her Minister of Animal Husbandry Mr. E. Madhusudhanan has been cropping up time and again whenever some critic or someone ill-disposed to the State government was bashed up. Madhusudhanan is one of the Ministers implicated in the attack on the lawyer.
In June this year, the State government made yet another abortive and ludicrous move to frame the Chief Minister's béte noire, Dr. Subramaniam Swamy.
This time round the ever faithful DK leader K. Veeramani and his colleagues came in handy, though ultimately all had lots of eggs on their faces.
A former DK man Ravi, wanted under the TADA in connection with a bomb blast case of last year, surrendered to the courts and charged that Dr. Subramaniam Swamy had harboured him while he was at large and the former had instigated him to stage a fake attack on Dr. Swamy himself and then throw the blame on the Chief Minister, However, he had a change of heart and was surrendering, the man claimed. It was some leading DK lawyers who produced him before the Court,
Immediately thereafter DK General Secretary K. Veeramani addressed a press conference saying that he had "unimpeachable' evidence to show that Ravi had indeed been harboured by Dr. Swamy and demanded that he be detained under the TADA.
The designs of the State government
were becoming cle Swamy who left t on the day Rav mained confined t of New Delhi and fume but do little ( ly scared that he custody by hook ol and humiliated.
However the "l dence produced by full of holes. A p Ravi and Swamy to be a fabricate letters allegedly w. to him while he wa residence in Nev found to be fake.
Reluctantly the decided not to proc and brought down another ugly episo
A beaming Swa city amid the blin bulbs and ranted Jayalalitha. There attended public media and the pe him thereafter, ye Jayalalitha on the
There were to be of political vendett popular orator an of the Rajya Sabh Gunaseelan, an nationalist and a cian, found thems ing end.
John had actua Jayalalitha once, turned against he struggle in the Al was on his last leg
When she becau ter, he desperatel ment, but was spurned. He becar floated a Tamil serial which woulc равt.
The copies of t seized and she rest to squelch the ve itself, And now a serial is being ce hitting anti-Jayal keeran,
An AIADMK Tirunevili down st tion case, - Joh defaming the CM is not very infor but provides some gers,
Even before thi

15 JULY 1995
C0
ur. An unnerved Dr. the State post-haste i surrendered, re» the safer environs could only fret and lse. He was mortalnight be taken into crook and tortured
nimpeachable' eviRavi's lawyers was hotograph showing together was found one. A couple of *itten by Ravi's wife is living in Swamy's 7 Delhi were also
state government eed against Swamy the curtains on yet de.
my returned to the ding lights of flash and raved against was even a wellmeeting. But the bple lost interest in it another lesson to art of governance.
yet other instances a. Valampuri John, d a former member La, and Mr. Samuel
eccentric Tamil noted Dalit theoretielves at the receiv
ly been a lackey of but subsequently r during the power ADMK when MGR
S. me the Chief Minisf sought rapprochecontemptuously he even angrier and weekly promising a be an exposé ofher
he first issue were rted to other means ture at that stage ter four years, the rried in the hardTamil weekly Nak
functionary in uth fled a defaman was accused of if course, The serial lative, incidentally, nirth to gossipmon
court served sum
gg
mons on John, the city police took him to custody.
Actually the magistrate before whom the case was first filed was subsequently transferred following some objectionable comments he made in public. As a parting kick he issued a non-bailable warrant against John, but it was cancelled by the man who succeeded him.
John was released on bail thereafter, but now the police are planning to implicate him in an even more sinister plot - he is being charged with seeking to outrage the modesty of his own daughters.
Apparently there is some property dispute between John and his daughters and some complaint of theirs is being distorted in this fashion. John himself is unable to lay his hands on the complaint copy, but the AIADMK media is going to town on the matter, making him feel miserable and almost rue the day he decided to take on Jayalalitha.
Gunaseelan, alias Guna, hailing from Karnataka, who is maintaining that the Telugu-speaking nonBrahmin communities have hijacked the Dravidian movement, spelling doom for the native Tamils was detained under the TADA after his book Dravidathaal Veezhndhom raised a lot of hackles in the DK circles, He reviles even Periyar EVR in that book, and apparently at the behest of Veeramani, Gunaseelan was arrested. After a lot of demonstrations, Guna has been released on bail, the charges against him still remaining vague, something like his books having inspired some terrorist activities.
Continued from page 10
Trincomalee and inquiries were made at various paces of detention in Trincomalee, but without success.
Since the outbreak of hostilities in the northeast of Sri Lanka between the security forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), there have been reports of arbitrary arrests of hundreds of Tamil people, particularly in the east of the country and in the capital, Colombo.
In view of the escalating human rights abuses, particularly after the breakdown of the truce between the government and the LTTE, the government recently re-established the Human-Rights Task Force (HRTF), an independent body to monitor and safeguard the welfare of detainees, President Kumaratunga has issued mandatory directives to the heads of the security forces to safeguard the rights of detainees,

Page 25
15 JULY 1995
READERS
FORUM
RELIGIOUS CONVERSION AMONG THE TAMILS
READ Ratnajeevan Hoole’s article on religious conversion among the Tamils with some anguish (Tamil Times, May 1995). Here is an academic who is treading cavalierly in murky waters. There is nothing wrong in developing cross disciplinary interest to shed some light on the past history of Tamils. If only some caution is taken to accumulate all the relevant data and sift kernels of truth from chaff before jumping to print with an inciting hypothesis, how much our community stands to gain from Hoole's enthusiasm? Within the space bimited in the Readers Forum, I wish to rebut his inflammatory hypothesis on religious conversion that belonging to the "government religion" was the general tendency among Tamils' in the разt.
I question Hoole's selective use of historical sources. He relies on Nilakanta Shastri's History of South India (1958) to highlight the fact that during Saivite revival between AD 600 to 900 forcible conversion of Buddhist shrines into Hindu ones occurred. An equally reputable historian Jawaharlal Nehru does not support this point of view. In his acclaimed work, The Discovery of India (1946), Nehru had written, there was no widespread or violent extermination of Buddhism in India. Occasionally there were local troubles or conflicts between a Hindu ruler and the Buddhist sangha, organization of aonks, which had grown powerful. These had usually a political origin and they did not make any essential difference. It must also be remembered that Hinduism was at no time wholly displaced by Buddhism. Even when Buddhism was at its height in India, Hinduism was widely prevalent. Buddhism died a natural death in hadia, or rather it was a fading out and a transformation into something else'. Hoole also lists some examples of religious conversions among Tamil Nayanmars (especially Appar) and Aalvaars to stress his controversial hypothesis. I believe he is comparing apples and oranges. He has failed to comprehend that Jainism and Buddhin were indigenous Indian "offshoots' of Hinduism and they cannot in anyway be equated with religions such as ristianity and Islam which were introduced into India by foreigners.
Buddhism and Jain reform movements marily to oppose th tem. But with time buted to the origin Nehru wrote in a emphasis of Jainism non-violence led to soil being considere tion, for it often re. truction of animal tion, which had bee! Indo-Aryans, vent di values in some parts spite of its fundam and those who actua descended in the s Buddhism, which wa priest craft and ritu the degradation of a and his deprivation ties of growth and life, unsconsciously l tion of vast number soil'.
Thus, as Huston S fessor of philosophy sachussets) summe The Religions of M around 1000 AD, Bu in India as a di However her differe ism softened - Hiu the need for the championed and Bu more like Hinduism Mahayana — until i ism merged back i stream from whicl Opposed to Nilakan Nehru and Huston lieve that Buddhis death in India.
Another import Nehru had addresse interest to Hoole (w fortable with the pri as a part of worship two streams of life Indian society st Hinduism emphasiz (Nehru's words), its Buddhism and Jai for "life negation'. N "In India we find du when her civilizatic tensejoy in life and in the act of living, t art and music and l: and dancing and theatre, and even cated inquiry int Nehru continues i graph, Buddhism a emphasized the ab and in certain period there was a running a big scale...Perha ciation and life nega emphasized by a fee
 

TAM TIMES 25
ism orginated as of Hinduism, pri2 rigid caste sys
they too contriof low castes. As
nut shell, "The and Buddhism on the tilling of the la lowly occupaulted in the desife. This occupathe pride of the own in the scale of of the country, in ental importance, lly tilled the land ocial scale. Thus s a revolt against alism and against iny human being of the opportunileading a higher 2d to the degradas of tillers of the
Smith (former proat the MIT, Masup in his book, Man (1958), “Upto Iddhism continued stinct movement. 2nces with Hindunduism admitting
reforms Buddha uddhism becoming as it widened into in the end Buddhnto the historical h it had arisen', ta Shastri's view, Smith do not bem died a violent
ant point which d which may be of tho seems uncomeoccupation of 'sex in India) is on the
styles which the upported. While 2d 'life affirmation' reformist offshoots nism campaigned ehru had written, uring every period in bloomed an innature, a pleasure he development of terature and song painting and the a highly sophistio sex relations'. n the next parand Jainism rather tention from life, ls of Indian history away from life on ps ideas of renuntion are caused or ling of frustration
due to political and economic factors'.
Thus, one should look at conversion campaigns which occurred between AD 600 and 1000, among Tamil Nayanmars and Aalvaars as challenge between life affirmation and life negation. This interplay can be appreciated in the recent history of affluent nations as well. USA enjoyed the life affirmation in the 1920s, followed by a life negation period in the 1930s during the Great Depression. Japan also experienced a life negation phase after its defeat in the Second World War, which lasted for two decades (194565). Japan switched to life affirmation phase, during the last 25 years (197095), which was assisted strongly by the Vietnam War fought in a neighbouring land. But citizens of America and Japan did not change their religious affiliations drastically. The debates which occurred during the period of Tạmil Nayanmars (Manickavasagar, Appar and Gnanasambandar) should be understood in this context.
I also do not like the manner in which Hoole has selectively used some figures to support his hypothesis, while leaving out chunks of relevant information which provide a different interpretation to his quoted numbers. Specifically I mention here the following example. Hoole has written, “By 1684, Jaffna had 180,364 Protestants in a population of 278,759 and by 1785 (it had increased to) 200,233 Protestants'. He relies on J.E. Tennent (1850) for the first figure and K.M. de Silva (1981) for the second figure. Since I don't have Tennent's book with me I cannot check on that figure. But I checked K.M. de Silva's book, A History of Sri Lanka. The sentences by de Silva which followed the quoted figure of 200,233 (but omitted by Hoole) make interesting reading. De Silva says, "The bulk of these (relating to 200,233) as the Dutch records admit, were Calvinists and Christians only in name. Calvinism in fact did not develop any strong roots among the people, and its influence did not survive the collapse of Dutch power'.
Furthermore, in the same page, de Silva also had noted (contrary to what Hoole had implied in his article) that, during the Dutch rule, "harassment of Hindus and Muslims continued - though not with the same virulence as under the Portuguese. Buddhist and Hindu worship was prohibited in towns, but it would appear, not in villages. The extensive temple properties confiscated by the Portuguese were not returned to those who originally controlled them'. Shame on Hoole for twisting the history to suit his fancy hypothesis
Continued on page 26

Page 26
26 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 25
For want of space, I just conclude with another questionable strategy adopted by Hoole to support his thesis. He had relied on Father Fernao de Queyroz's 1688 work, The Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon, to identify the number of Catholic converts in Jaffna during the Portuguese period. This is like believing Hitler's version on the history of Jews in 20th century Germany. The name of Queyroz's tract itself reveals how the Portuguese version would have been loaded with bias. Nehru also wrote in his Discovery of India that, "History is almost always written by the victors
and conquerors anc point; or at any
version is given pro the field'. I believe enthusiasm to form sial thesis has also : able sources like
Hoole's portrayal o Jaffna Kingdom, genuine convert to F is humorous indeed. de Silva, Changilik the blood save the his predecessor E ham, and ascended 1615. The legitimat was Ethirimanna
year-old son. But (
BOOK
REVIEWS
A Pan For Peace in Eelam
By Prof. Kopan Mahadeva
Century House, 99-101, Sutton Road, Birmingham B235XA at £5.00 plus p&p (2nd class: 50p for U.K., £1.00 to EEC, and £2.00 elsewhere, by Air).
This Plan was brought out in April 1994 in the form of a 104-page book (Ref: T.T. 15 June 1994). Via his preface, the Author simultaneously presents the Plan to the Government of Sri Lanka and to leaders of all local political parties and liberation groups in conflict, led by the LTTE, to the UN and Commonwealth Secretariats, other national and international agencies working for peace, to friendly nations all over the world, and so on.
Does this Plan offer something which is new? Would it meet the Tamil aspirations without hindering anyone else's real, legitimate progress? Is it fair to all the ethnic groups? Will it help the Island as a whole? Are its provisions practicable? Is the timeframe given for its implementation realistic? Is it factual? Objective? Such questions naturally arise in the minds of the readers, and anyone who reads it fully would answer all these affirmatively. Also, the text has been divided into small chapters, mostly in selfcontained pages.
Since the book is meant also for those who might not know how this war began, it starts with an introduction and historical background, then goes on to make a case why it is vital to strive for peace most urgently, defines the type of peace which will last, decries the futility of militarism, states what the Tamils want, traces the religious kinship between the Tamils and the Sinhalas, and quotes
Sinhalese leaders fr who have spoken during 1977-94, a consequent travails successive governm the case of Muslim Tamils, and presen objectively, from th ments, interviews a Mr. V. Pirabak; Leaders.
It also deals wit Sovereignty, Tami determination, and Rights enjoyed Sinhalese views he before 1948 are de Author's own view followed by the tex Pact, the 1965 DVaddukkoddai Reso 1987 outline plan 1987 Indo-Sri Lan Tamill-Muslim Agre M. Moonesinghe's 1 and also summari Talks of 1985 and Proposal. It is afte: tion with the main the Author unfolds April 1994.
The Main Aspec
1. Brand New Cor of the Role of Presi to Ceremonial, assis dent, 3. The Power ment to pass on Parliaments, autonic Vincial Councils, 4. Senate; 5. Chief Mit cial States to be Vice President, in order trict & Village Cou level, under Provinc Cial States to hav Armed Services, 8 Armed Services, a aged by Committee ing, co-ordination, tions only; 9. A Two
 

15 JULY 1995
gives their view
rate, the victors'
minence and holds that Hoole in his ulate a controverrelied on questionthat of Queyroz. f the last king of Changili as a Roman Catholicism According to K.M. illed all princes of legitimate heir of thirimanna Sing| to the throne in e heir to the throne Singham's threeDhangili, writes de
Silva, "had little popular support in Jaffnapatam, and his position there soon became insecure'. That was the reason why he was toppled easily by the Portuguese in 1619. He would have thought that converting to Christianity could save his head. But he deserved his fate for the sins he committed. So, what merit is there for his purported deathbed remarks that it was better to be a Christian cooly than a Pagan king'. Wasn't he an impostor?
Sach Sri Kantha
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'om all walks of life up for the Tamils nd also of Tamils' in the hands of the ents. It also states ls and Up-country its LTTE's policies he speeches, statend news reports of aran and other
h such matters as ls' right of SelfNational Integrity. by Tamils, and ld on Tamil rights alt with, with the s on referendums, ts of the 1957 B-C C Pact, the 1976 blution of Tamils, a of the Author, the ka Agreement, a ement of 1988, Mr. 992 Option Paper, es of the Thimpu of the 1991 CWC r laying a founda
past events, that 3 his own Plan of
its of the Plan
Istitution, 2. Change dent fron Executive ted by a Vice Presis of Central Parliato eight Provincial my to present ProA Central Advisory isters of the ProvinPresident and then of seniority, 6 Disncils only, at local al States; 7. Provine Own Police and Centrally: Police, rid Ministries mans, to perform trainand advisory funcstage Peace Pact &
Referendum, 10. Stages of Progression to Normality & Peace, set on a timeframe of 2-3 years.
The Plan is written in simple language, devoid of confusing jargon. The model suggested suits Sri Lanka whose Tamil name, Eelam has been highlighted.
This Plan for peace holds good despite the change of government in August 1994, but wherever it is suggested in the Plan for Mr. Wijetunge to take certain actions as the President, it would now be Mrs. Kumaratunga who has to perform them. Also the roles of Mr. Wickremasinghe and Mrs. Bandaranaike have reversed since August 1994.
In fact this Plan has become much more important currently. LTTE has publicly told the Government in recent months that they would now consider a federal-type constitutional answer to the ethnic problem if that would really satisfy the aspirations of Tamils. But, to-date, no such plan is imminent. Public statements by Cabinet Ministers reveal that any such proposal would merely be to delegate a few more powers than at present to the Northeastern Provincial Council, based on the B-C Pact of 1957, which even Mr. Chelvanayakam meant as an interim measure when he signed it, and will not be now acceptable to the Tamils. Hence the best, readily available alternative to either complete separation of the Tamils or the inadequate, potentially unacceptable proposals which the Government seems to presently contemplate, would be a voluntary confederation-type formula based on this Plan - most likely to be acceptable to both the Tamils and the Sinhalas. also, since the President is well committed to abolish the Executive Presidentship by July 1995, and would need a complete plan by that time, this Plan offers the best compromise, which both parties should earnestly consider, at least as a start

Page 27
15 JULY 1995
ing point for negotiations. The Plan's main aspect of decentralisation of power from the central parliament to those of the eight provinces, should satisfy the aspirations of not only Tamils but also the Sinhalese citizens of the other seven provinces.
hoping Against Hope - A Review
Edited and published by Peter Schalk, Professor of History of Religion, University of Uppsala, Sweden. December 1994, Price E25.
Hoping Against Hope is the collection of letters written by the Citizen Committee of Jaffna during the period of 1990 to 1992 during which Northeastern province of Sri Lanka, particularly the people of Jaffna, were devastated by the Eelam War Two.
Professor Scha attached to the U. for several years u programme with versity, has witne the suffering of pec his visits to this w academics of the together with ther other prominent ci in a desperate atte sufferings of the ps day life, formed th editor who had b observer of this C the future, no his can be written w these documents'. This book is the w names I cannot te scribe the value of
A Great Educationist & P
Born: 31 January 1932; Entered glory: 26 July 1985; A 1955 - May 1970; Co-Vice Principal: June 1970 - Vice-Principal: June 1975 - February 1976; Principal: M
1985.
A decade has passed since the day on which Chellaiah Edwin Anandarajan was torn away, cruelly, from the bosom of his family by an assassin's bullets. Jaffna lost one of its most promising sons, one of her brightest luminaries. Vivid memories remain of that traumatic event. One cannot forget the grief of the stricken family, the spontaneous lamentations of the school community, the shocked unbelief of old boys, parents and people from all strata of Jaffna society. The passage of time has dulled the pain of parting and, now, it is possible to look back dispassionately at his life and work.
Anandarajan became the Principal of St. John's College, Jaffna, following in the footsteps of a long line of illustrious and distinguished men. He did have St. John's College in his heritage for his great-grandfather Robert Williams had been a Headmaster and his father Mr. G.S. Chellaiah was a teacher. He chose the teaching profession which was fortunate for St. John's and for Jaffna.
I came to know Anandarajan well as a very good teacher of Zoology, anrious to develop teacher capabilities and student achievement. I was lecturing in Zoology at the University in Colombo and was involved in curricuhum development, syllabus formulation and examinations. Our paths creased, first, at various seminars and
discussions. Later brought our famili able to understan Anandarajan as a social worker. I wo him as he he labour his students, espe years of the infan standardisation. Ha honour in 1983 of Chief Guest at the ing. I remember th his charismatic pr stage. Sitting on th thought of the pro in Jaffna society, h inspire his students contributions he w years that lay ahe, not to be.
He was a born le special qualities of student days at S numerous position scout leader, cadet prefect. When hem positions came to the unanimous ch and when the mal wore it with ease a custom born'. He w Jaffna YMCA, pres a delegate to the Council.
Anandarajan wa confident. The mer circle looked up to

k, who has been niversity of Jaffna nder a collaboration the Uppsala Unised the horror and ple of Jaffna during ar torn region. The Jaffna University bligious leaders and izens of the society, mpt to alleviate the ople in their day to is Committee. The en a participating ommittee says: "in ory of Yalppanam thout referring to Further he says: ork of many whose l'. These alone dethis book.
TAM TIMES 27
The book also tells us about the difficulties and risks faced by the members of the Committee and the courage shown by them. Several letters in this collection provide the statistics of the economic situation, the death and destruction caused by Sri Lankan as well as Indian armies with dates. The information is most valuable for researchers in ethnic studies. Most of these letters were addressed to the then President of Sri Lanka, various diplomatic missions and Heads of states.
As the title of the book suggests the people of Jaffna are still Hoping against Hope for a peaceful, secure life with equal rights. This book may be the first of a series of its kind of this era.
- Vijayan -
ppreciation
rincipal
st. Teacher: May December 1974; arch 1976 - June
on, marriage ties es together. I was ld and appreciate family man and a rked (closely) with ed in the interest of 'cially during the nous medium-wise did me the great inviting me to be College Prize Give occasion vividly, esence on and off e stage with him I ninent role he had ow much he would and the immense ould make in the nd. Alas, that was
ader endowed with leadership. In his t. John's he held including that of leader, and senior oved into teaching, im easily. He was oice for Principal, tle fell on him he nd grace as "to the as president of the dent of Rotary and Colombo Diocesan
s supremely selfbers of his family im with trust and
devotion. His students turned to him with their problems, educational and otherwise. So did their parents and teachers. People in the community came to him with their problems - marriage, bereavements, disputes and disappointments. He helped them all to the extent that he could. So in time his name became a household word in Jaffna society.
His period of stewardship at St. John's was perhaps the most turbulent and difficult that any Principal before him had to face. First there was the matter of medium-wise standardisation and then the '83 riots and the ethnic conflict. The riots brought a large influx of students and he ensured that St. John's would do her utmost to help his people in the hour of their greatest need. During the troubles that developed in Jaffna during the last years of his life he rendered yeoman service. Such was his stature that he could talk to both sides and
Continued from page 29

Page 28
28 TAMIL TIMES
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Page 29
15 JULY 1995
Continued from page 27
therefore was able to help those who got into difficulty. He served tirelessly on the Citizen's Committee. In the end he laid down his life in the course of these endeavours.
His efforts for the school bore ample fruit. Achievements in studies and sports were maintained at high level. St. John's remained at the forefront of education not only in the peninsula but also in the island. He undertook an extensive building programe, includ
ing the Pooranam Ponnudurai Block tham Block. Thes lasting monuments for whom they are the man whose initi made them realities
Much has chang ten years in the lar well. St. John's con the best of her abi realised from the b development of Jaf intertwined with ed
Continued from page 23 premises, demanding the arrest of Madhusudhanan. Advocate V. Suresh said, "The Minister should step down until his name is cleared. It would have been proper if the Chief Minister had intervened and the Minister had resigned. But their silence shows they have something to do with the incident.'
Public support was encouraging. On June 21, the advocates took out a procession from the High Court to Anna Salai (Mount Road) and blocked the traffic. The MHAA, which has been spearheading the agitation, announced a Statewide bandh on June 27, for which it sought the support of all political parties.
But fissures appeared again as the advocates differed on whether they should continue their boycotts of the courts. Palpandian, who consistently opposed the boycott, "withdrew from the joint action committee. In a letter to MHAA President P. Jayaraman, he said, "I am sorry to find that the association has no control over the agitation. . . Continuation of the boycott will be counterproductive and result only in exposing ourselves to public disapproval. I, therefore, withdraw from the committee.'
But a section was adamant that the agitation did not hinge on the court order. Said R. Antony Xavier: "The struggle is to achieve unity in future also. The order handing over the investigation to the CBI does not meet our demand fully'. Endorsing his view, W. Prakash said, "The judgment entrusting the investigation to the CBI certainly changes the situation but does not take away the demand that the breakdown of law and order has to
be set right. The battle has not ended.
Certainly, the advocates will be ensuring a bigger agitation to get the support of the public to maintain democratic norms in Tamil Nadu.'
A key figure in the agitation, Ramani Natarajan, spoke for most of her colleagues when she said, "This is the first agitation where we remained united and achieved victory in a short
time. The verdict ol vindicates our fait system. People h; doubts about what That is not the p lawyers, to get the s should not allow t stymie the investig tion for the restora law must continue.'
Courtesy of Frontli
Continued from pa correct, we would long ago, either i unitary Sri Lanka For, it is precisel policy against the been followed by s ments since 1983; we have never had rarely had hope. also since 1983, th followed a national has failed to deliv this massive and however, nationali continue to askfor We believe it ti chauvinists” bluff. masochistic line W perpetual war, ful the Sri Lankan s indeed, the self-de very ethnic groups pretend to protect.
This, clearly, is : ture. We, therefore has come for a ne for Sri Lanka; on recognition and in of multi-ethnicity. accepting, even e celebrating the fact we can have true country.
What we need, sustained process humanising, aimed way of life that ac difference and div policy that has been in countries as diffe South Africa, Indi

pillai Block. The The Arulanan2 will remain as not only to those named but also to atives and purpose
ld during the last d that he loved so tinues to serve to lity. Anandarajan eginning that the na is inextricably lication. Therefore,
TAMILTIMES 29
he dedicated himself to that field. Whatever lies before us in the future his vision remains true. St. John's must prosper and grow from strength to strength. So too must the entire system of education. That would be a lasting memorial to a great Principal and educationist.
K.D. Arudpragasam, Professor of Zoology, University of Colombo.
President, National Academy of
Sciences, Sri Lanka.
the writ petition h in the judicial ave raised some
the CBI can do. int. It is for us, ystem to work. We he local police to ation. The agitation of the rule of
neJuly 14, 1995.
ge 18
have had peace in the form of a or a Tamil Eelam. y the nationalist Tamils that has uccessive governand, since 1983, peace- and very Conversely, and e LTTE, too, has list policy. It, too, er peace. Despite evident failure, sts on both sides more of the same. me to call the This myopic and fill only produce ther erosions of ocial fabric and, struction of the the nationalists
an untenable fubelieve the time w social contract e based on the stitutionalisation It is only by ncouraging and of diversity that equality in this
therefore, is a of healing and at establishing a cepts devolution, ersity. This is a tried and tested rent as Canada, ia, Nigeria and
Malayasia, among others.
There is no reason why Sri Lanka should shy away from this. It is the only hope for turning peace from an illusion into the permanent condition that governs every day life in this little island.
Continued from page 14
ly But those constraints are structural in character. They reflect the realities of the ground situation.
Q: Do you advise the president on the ethnic issue and the Constitutions a reform?
A: As one who is deeply committed and is deeply involved in the processes of ethnic reconciliation and constitutional reform as I have been, I have relentlesly pressured anyone who can take decisions on these issues to move in a positive and imaginative manner.

Page 30
30 TAMIL TIMES
CLASSIFIED ADS
words 10. Each additional word 60p. Charge for Box No. 3. (wat 17/2% extra) Prepayment essentia
The Advertisement Manager, Tani Times Ltd. PO Box 121
Sutton, Surrey SM13TD
ore 0181-644. O972
MATRMONAL Hindu parents in Sydney seek professionally qualified partner for daughter, 25, Ph.D. scholar, Mars eighth. Apply with horoscope. M 798 c/o Tamil Times. Jaffna Hindu parent seeks partner, 36-40, for doctor daughter employed in USA. M 799 c/o Tamil Times. Jaffna Catholic seeks partners for British Rail engineer brother, 40, and sister employed in Computing in Coombo, 31. Send details. AM 800 C/o Tamil Times.
Jaffna Catholic brother SeekS partner for unmarried educated sister, 41. Divorcees or Widowers considered. M 801 C/o Tamil Times. Jafna Hindu Tamil doctor and wife Sinhala Buddhist, resident UK, seek professional partner for accountant daughter, 52', 27 in good UK employment. Residents from UK, Canada, States preferred. Race, religion immaterial. M 802 C/o Tamil Times.
Jaffna Hindu parents seek kind hearted, dutiful, teetotaller groom in employment for fair, attractive, slim daughter in employnent, 35, 5'4”, innocent divorcee. Send horoscope, details. M 803 C/o Tamil Times.
WEDDING BELLS
We congratulate the following couples on their recent wedding.
Dr. Paramasivam son of the late Mr. & Mrs. Sivapatham of Jaffna and Prabahini daughter of the late Mr. M.T. Nagendram and Mrs. Maheswari Nagendram of Navaly, Jaffna on 5.4.95 at Delhi Palace, 22323 Shermon Way, California, USA.
Dr. Sivasothy (Rasu) son of Dr. & Mrs. S. Pasupathy Rajah of "The Haven, Hook Green, Meopham, Kent and Dr. Shivani daughter of Dr. & Mrs. S. Puvirajasingham of 76 Rating Lane, Barrow in Furness, Cumbria on 25.6.95 at Thurrock Civic Hall, Grays, Essex.
Anandan son of the late Mr. J.D. Arnold and Mrs. Sugirtham Arnold of 5 Eastbury Avenue,
Fax: 0181-244.557
Northwood, Middx., and Meera daughter of Mr. & Mrs. S. Sanmuganathan of 2309 S.E. 2nd Street, Boynton Beach, Florida On 1.795 at The HammerSmith Town Hall, London W6.
Pradeep (Hari) son of Mr. & Mrs. N. Vamadevan of 1 Sterry Drive, Thames Ditton, Surrey and Nishanthi daughter of Dr. & Mrs. E. Kangesu of 30 St. Martins Drive, Walton-onThames, Surrey on 97.95 at Anugraha Hotel & Conference Centre, Egham, Surrey,
OBTUARIES
Mr. Subrannanian Srishanmuganathan, formerly of Royal Air Force, Sri Lanka, Kuwait Airways and McDonald Douglas Corporation, Canada, beloved husband of Priyadharshini (Natini); proud father of Anusuya Sujenthiran (UK) and Rahulan, father-in-law of Sujenthiran; loving grandfather of Arunan and Vidhushan, son of the late Mr. & Mrs. Subramaniamson-in-law of the late Mr. & Mrs. Gopalasingam and brother of Ravi (Germany) and the late Nanmalar Nagalingam passed away on 23.6.95 after a car accident. Funeral Service and cremation took place on 28.6.95 at Glendale Crematorium, Toronto, Canada
The members of the family thank all friends and relatives who attended the funeral, sent messages of sympathy and condoled with them during the time of great sorrow. - 3641 Corliss Crescent, Mississauga, Canada. Tel: (905) 671 1909.
 
 
 

15 JULY 1995
Mr. Saravanamuuttu Rajah, Retired Education Officer, Sri Lanka beloved husband of Sivanesam, loving father of Dr. Ranjitrajah (USA), Jeyadeva (Canada), Rajani, Mahinda and Janapriyanesa (both of UK); brother of Kanagaratnam, Sellamma, Kamalam and late Rukunnani father-in-law of Bharathy, Pooma, Kiritharan and Rathy, grandfather of Niros han, Vibooshan, Shiyamalie, Vaishnavie and Athiyan passed away in Colombo on 3.6.95 and was Cremated at General Cemetery, Kanate on 9th June - 288 Burges Road, East Ham, London E6 2ES. Tel: 0.181 472 1395. Mr. Arumugam Sinnadurai, belo ved husband of late Annammah, loving father of Dr. S.E. Moorthy, Nageswari and Muthulingam, father-in-law of Shanthi, Mathy (all of California), Kanagaratnam (Sri Lanka) passed away on 25.2.95 and funeral took place on 26th February at Lancaster, California. Mrs. Ratnaranee Abraham, beloved wife of late Colonel Willmot Abraham of Sri Lankan Army, loving mother of Shanthi, Neville (California), Adrian (Canada); mother-in-law of Moorthy and Nesa passed away on 5.6.95 and funeral took place on 7th June at Lancaster, California.
Mrs. Manonmani Poopal, beloved wife of Mr. V. Poopal; loving mother of Sivananthan, Dr. Manga and Vasantha; mother-in-law of Carma (all of California) passed away on 19.6.95 and funeral took place on 20th June at Lancaster, California.
Mrs. Sellamuthu Kanapathypillai, beloved wife of late Kanapathypillai; loving mother of Dr. Shun Sunder (California), Kandasamy, Subramaniyam,
Kanthymathy (Canada), Para
meswary (India), Luxmy and Vimala (Sri Lanka) passed away on 3.6.95 and funeral took place at Scarborough, Canada.
IN MEMORAM
ઉર્દૂ
in loving memory of Mrs. Mankay Sivasampu on the fifth anniversary of her passing away on 28.90.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by her two sons. - 15 Wolsey Way, Chessington, Surrey KT91XG.
FORTHCOMING EVENTS
July 29 9.00am J.S.S.A. (UK) Cricket & Netball Festival 1995 at Warren Farm Sports Centre, Windmill Lane, Southall, Middx. Tel 0181 399 7848. Aug. 4 Varalakshmi Viratham. Aug. 6 Feast of The Transfiguration of Lord Jesus. Aug. 7 Eekathasi. Aug. 8 Pirathosam: Feast of St. Dominic. Aug. 10 Full Moon, Aavani Avitam, Feast of St. Lawrence. Aug. 11 Feast of St. Clare. Aug. 15 Feast Day of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Aug. 19 Sri Krishna Jayanthi. Aug. 21 Eekathasi. Aug. 22 Feast of Queenship of Mary,
Aug. 23 Pirathosam. Aug. 25 Amavasai: Feast of St. Louis.
Aug. 28 Feast of St. Augustine: Aug. 28 9.00am Cricket Carnival, Netball & Family Fun Day at Warren Sports Centre, Windmill Lane, Southall, Middx. Tel: 01.9f 381 1342.
Aug. 29 Vinayagar Sathurthi.
Land in Colombo For Sale
7 perches, Alexandra Place, Colombo 7, for sale. Rs. 100,000 per perch. Contact Mayuresa Mahadeva, C/Galeon 11 - 9A, 28042 Madrid, Spain.

Page 31
15 JULY 1995
A Classical Debut
The Mridanga Arengetram of twelve year old Hari Nathan Prakash, son of Mr. & Mrs. Arunagiri Nathan of New Barnet, Herts., at he Commonwealth Institute on 10th June was not one that Could be termed as a student's debut. Seated among a classical set of nature musicians Hari never for a noment disclosed any nervousness. On he contrary he displayed total professional involvement. His superb rhythmic fingerings, pulsating bodily expressions and keen observance of the intricate phrases of the singer revealed Hari's full grasp of percussion technique and the expert tutelage of the Guru Bhavani Shankar. Appropriately for the lead voice a full throated classical trained TVG style Rajkumar Bharati was billed and his brilliant phrasängs and swara prastharas seemed to thrill the young mridangist to keep in step sinchronously.
A full repertoire of cutcheri items including a succinct ragam-thanan-pallavi was gone through and at no time one could see any hesitation in Hari's handling of the indicate time measures. Unusually that evening the audience consisting of most of he well known musicians and musicologists in London were present and one could notice the appreciative response from hem. It reflected the student's mastery of he instrument and the Guru's expert Atelage. The event also provided an expert troupe of accompanists - B.K. Chandrasekar on the violin, R.N. Prakash on the ghatam and Chidambaranathan on the frnorsung. It was a grand cutcheri and a different style of Arangetram in spite of a Last minute visual hiccup!
Talents Unsung
I happened to watch a video recording of a children's drana on the life of KARNAN, he nunificent hero of Mahabharata. It is an unedited, straightforward, amateur Mideo, but clear and sharp enough, faithfull
ly revealing the histric thirty odd boys agec fourteen.
The entire life of Kunthi by the Sun Go with Arjuna, Duryotha subtleties employed hind to end the life ol all portrayed with c Children with remarke narration and dialog interesting feature of bafled me was the á on the stage but every was clearly heard. revealed, was the di ised by promoters be the actors simply mim Was a brilliant achieve and ingenuity of the c Sivanandan of the A Baba mission, who Script as well. Our Co
Si
Three Sist to Aid C
The three sisters, St Guinalogie, daught GunaSekarann of Ed gave a Bharatha N. Acton Assembly Hal July 1995 in aid of t anam Orphans' Trust
ത്ത
Apart from the t Varnam, Patham an formed two dance Leela' and "Pasmas were the highlights o 1af Tre.
The choreography was by their Gu Gunaseelan. The oth were Vocal. Smt Ar Mirdangam: Sri Mut Smit Kalaivani lindra Gnana Varathan an Sithamparanathan.
Global Diversi
in Au
The World's Global was held in Sydney,
last week of April 9 50th Anniversary of
 
 
 
 

onic talent among the it between eight and
Karnan, from birth to d, his archery contest ana's favour and the by Krishna from bef the great hero were ritical detail by the able acting and clear gue in English. An this production which absence of any mike word of the dialogue The secret, it was alogues were vocalhind the Curtain and ticked those words. It ament by the children director and producer Merton Centre of Sai himself Created the ngratulations.
vapatha Sundaram.
ers Dance orphans
ujatha, Ameera and ers of Mr. & Mrs. monton, London N9 atyam recital at the , London W3 on 1st he Dhurga DevasthTellipalai, Sri Lanka.
raditional items like d Thillana they per
dramas - "Skanda uran Vathan' Which if the evening's prog
/ and Nattuvangam Fr St Pathfmiri er supporting artistes mbika hannotherann. hu Sivarajah. Violin: kLinnar. Flute: Sri P. d Morsing: Sri K.
ty Conference stralia
Diversity Conference Australia during the 5. It also marked the the U.N. and was
TAM TIMES 31
hosted by the Government of Australia. The main purpose of the conference was to promote the eradication of racial discrimination in countries with pluralistic social background. 34 countries participated at the conference. Dr. Raj Chandran, Commissioner for Racial Equality, (UK) represented his organisation at the conference.
Picture above shows Dr. Raj Chandran, his wife Dr. Qudsia, Paul Keating Prime Minister of Australia and Boutros BoutrosGhali Secretary General of the United Nations. In Australia Dr. Raj Chandran was the Guest Speaker at the inaugural Meeting of the Medical Institute of Overseas Tamil Doctors in Australia. He was the Chief Guest at a reception held by the Tamil Foundation of Australia.
Before returning to England he visited New Zealand and California where he addressed meetings of Tamil doctors and Tamil expatriates.
M.I.O.T. Entertains and Helps Health Care in Tamil Homelands
Traditional Tanni Folk Dance and DramaThe Naatukoothu - were given a boost by the Medical Institute of Tamils of South East London and Kent when they presented their spring events at Kelsey Park School Hall, Beckenham, Kent. The first was on 20th May when the highlight of the evening was the production of the Naatukoothu Sarithran Samaitha Seharasasekaran" by Dr. M. Chandrakumar, a Medical Consultant from Folkestone, which received a standing ovation from the appreciative art lovers who filled the auditorium. The Chief Guest was Mr. Derek Jenkins, a retired Consultant General Surgeon, who has had many years of close association with Tamil language and

Page 32
32 TAMIL TIMES
Tamils in South India and is well Versed with their culture and traditions, There was a "Kavi Arangu" by Saravanan Jeyanathan and his team Thaboharan, indu, Anuthan, Jehan and Ahalaya, a speech in Tamil by Jeyashanker Jeyanathan, a Carnatic Vocal Recital by Tharaka and Arani Chandrakumar and Bharatha Natyam Recitals by Meera Kamalanathan and Ravina Krishna,
The second musical concert 'Kala Malai” was held on 24th June when Sri Rajkumar Bharathi, great grandson of the famous South Indian Poet and Patriot, presented an all Tamil Carnatic Vocal recital which was applauded by the audience. This was followed by an excellent Bharatha Natyam recital by Smit Thanuja Bhavani Shanker with vocal support by Sri Rajkumar Bharathi and a special and rare combination of Miridangam and Nattuvangam by Sri Bhavani Shankar. Sri Kothandapani accompanied On the Violin.
The Chairman Dr. S. Sivathasan, speaking at both functions outlined the objectives of M.I.O.T. and assured the audience that the valuable funds raised would be used to assist the health care needs and projects in the Tamil homelands,
Yoga Swami Remembered in London
His Holiness Sivaya Supiramuniya Swaml - Gurudeva - to his devotees, visited the Yoga Swami Centre in Manor Park, London E12 on 226.95, as his first public engagement on this visit to the UK, to pay his respects to his Guru, Yoga Swami. His Holiness had as a 20-year-old American youth in spiritual thirst sailed from San Francisco in 1947 to find his Guru, Having wandered all over India, he found his guru in Yoga Swami in Jaffna, Yoga Swami taught to seek within to know the self and see God everywhere and in everyone. His Holiness blessed the devotees at the Centre and inaugurated a Building Fund for the Centre with a donation of $101.
At the end of this function he proceeded to Thamil House, 720 Romford Road, London E12, where he was received by Siva Thondan Nilayam and the Saiva Muneta Sangam. Audio Cassettes of Natchinthanai Hymns composed by Yoga Swami and sung with his blessings by his great devotee Smit Nageswari Bramanandha were then released to his Holiness and others present,
Smit Nageswari Bramanandha then sang some of the Natchinthanai Hymns after which the meeting terminated with a message from His Holiness impressing on parents the need for teaching Hinduism to their children.
MOT Semin Problems fo
The Medical Institute Thames Region is c and Cultural Semina 1995 for the benefit and 30 years of age to or are attending
Course in Medical Ol The seminar will be 29th Floor, Guys T. London Bridge, Lor admission is free ex and MOT members
Small fee. For furth contact Mr. V. Rajay Way, Sidcup, Kent D
Those conducting R. Swaminathan, Mr. Prof. R. Balarajan, D Dr. R. Namasivayan atrann.
Parents, Relatives eligible to take part a encourage attendanc
Appreci Sarawan llankar
it is exactly one year National and Grindlay National Bank, Nuw from this world of ou
lf the purpose of others, then lankan called 'Kuddy Mama' can best ilustrate thi 6ሃገር6.
It was in June, 195 bout of ethnic violen went to Nuwara Elly practice. Kuddy Man with a few other gent they had all sent tha affer the ethnic Viole families returned, ea move into their ow nowhere to go, I beg ing houses.
I recall, standing a wondering where to touch my shoulder at that you are looking f How can you go any here' and took me then, it became a ho Kuddy Mama. He spc sense of humour, na good listener, a tru sincere friend and ab
While living with who lived up to his e, lovely little daughter homeo to be a homa Carme there. As a C rightly said "Kuddy M. open house to relativ friends and complete
l should say, l wa known and lived with
 
 
 

15 JULY 1995
ar. On Health immigrants
of Tamils, South East onducting a Scientific on 30th September of youths between 16 nd others who intend Jr have completed a Allied Health Fields. Meld at Radens Suite, wer, Guys Hospital, don SEf 9RT. The cept for practitioners who will be charged a ar particulars please pgeswaran, 80 Tyron A 146AZ.
he seminar are Prof.
V. Rajayogeswaran, r. S. Thiriloganathan, and Dr. M. Visuvar
and Friends of those re kindly requested to 'e at this seminar,
lation - amuthu hathan
since lankanathan of /s Bank, later Hatton vari Elya, departed S.
living is caring for athan, affectionately lived his life in full. I s by my own experi
8, soon after the first Ice I left Kandy and a to set up in legal na was then staying lemen in a house, as air families to Jaffna nce. Later When the Ch of them began to houses. Left with an looking for board
the post office and go. I felt someone 'd say, "I understand or a boarding house, where when We are o his house. Since me to me, That was ke little, had a good over hurt anyone, a sted companion, a pve all a great host.
im, his wife, Leela, spectations and their Urmila, I found his for everyone who ommon good friend anna's house WaS an s, friends, friends of strangers'.
s fortunate to have him and his family.
it is hard to come by someone like him these days. A few like him, no doubt, can change the world into a happy family.
May his soul rest in eternal peace in the Lord,
A. Sivanandan,
AUSTRALIAN
NEWSLETTER
The Sri Lankan Doctors' Association of New South Wales which was formed in 1976, active till 1983 and dormant for over a decade had its Annual Reunion Dinner Dance on 10,695 at the Sebel Townhouse Hotel, Sydney, the function was organised by Mrs. Irangani Gunatilleke and the Helen Lucas Band (a Sri Lankan Band) provided the music. Over a hundred doctors and their partners had an enjoyable time with the sumptuous dinner served and the dancing which continued late into the night. Many of them met after a long time and delighted in renewing old friendships going back to their days as medical stugents in Sri Lanka.
Sydney Tamil Resource Centre, which runs a library of Tamil books at 4/16A The Boulevarde, Strathfield, Sydney held a well attended exhibition of Tamil books at the Homebush Primary School Hall on 126.95. The exhibition was opened by Ms. Susan Pers, Deputy Commissioner of Community Relations. She congratulated the Centre on its excellent service to the Tamil Community of Sydney, a glowing example of the success of multiCulturalism in Australia and said that the Government would continue its financial support to the centre,
Dr. V.E. Packianathan, the President of the Centre welcomed Ms. Susan Pers and the others present and announced that to mark the occasion the centre had published a Bibliography of selected books and periodicals in the centre. Copies of it were presented to some of those present who had rendered meritorious service to the community. Natanalaya, the School of Dancing run by "Kalasuri" Smit Jayalukshimy Kandiah presented a selection of Classical Bharatha Natya and Folk Dances and 'Skanda Leela,' a Dance Drama on 176.95 at Bankstown Civic Centre, Sydney.
The evening began with Panchamoorthy Anjali performed by six senior students followed by Pinnal Kolattam by some of the junior students, a Padam in Shanmngapriya and a Goubha dance. The Dance Drama Skanda Leela' was presented after the interval, it was a polished performance produced both by the senior and junior students.
CANADAN
NEWS ETTER
Book Release
The book titled "The Fall and Rise of the Tamil Nation, authored by Mr. V. Navaratnam, founder member of the Federal Party and former Member of Parliament of Kayts

Page 33
15 JULY 1995
was released on 14.5.95 at an impressive ceremony held in Scarborough in the presence of the author. The first half of the ceremony was presided over by Mr. Guggan Sri Skandarajah and the latter half by Mr. S.K. Makendran. The guest speakers were Poet Sivananthan, N. Wimal Edwards, Mr. R.N. Logenthralingam, Mr. A. Velupillai, Mr. A. Pathmanathan and Mr. Daniel Woods. Mr. N. Sivalingam, inaugural President of the Tamil Eelam Society bought the first copy. The ceremony ended with an emotional speech in Tamil by the author.
The book priced at is available for sale frO 3300 McNicoll Ave., ough, Ontario M1V5J
Demonstratio
A demonstration in Sup for a "Tamil Homelanc held in Toronto on 17. Tamils took part in t acclaimed as the bigge North America. A van Tiger Emblem led the
A Book of History and Ever AWaits Publication - Needs
Thambimuthu Duraisingham Solicitor, Attorney at Law, and Notary Public is as much a dedicated Marxist as he is a devoted and knowledgeable Hindu, whose presence even at the ripe old age of 83 cannot be missed at any Colombo gathering concerned with radical politics or Hindu religious and cultural affairs.
if one person more than another was responsible for speading scientific socialist Anowledge in this country from the early forties it was Duraisingham through his publishing house - Mohan and Bhatt and
he agency of the Left Book Club.
Nationalist and radical leaders of South Andia like Thiru V. Kalyanasundara Mudayarand P. Jeevanandham madea significant contribution through their speeches, and writings, towards moulding Duraisingham's political philosophy and outlook early in his life.
The notable milestones in Duraisingham's life were his joining the first national anti-imperialist movement, the Suriya Mal, in 1931, his being a founder member of the LSSP in 1935 and later breaking away from the LSSP and founding of the Communist Party in 1945 under the leadership of Dr. S.A. Wickremasinghe, Pieter Keuneman, A. Vaidialingam, M.G. Mendis, Rev. Sarankara Thero etal.
In the course of his 83 year old life Duraisingham has spoken and written an a variety of subjects, social, political, economic, religious and spiritual without wavering from his historical and dialecstical outlook. For the past few years he has collected, compiled and arranged his writings for thirty years with those of others to be published for the benefit and education of the present and future generations under the title Politics and Life in Our Times.
The compilation consist of 60 pieces by him and 120 by others from Juvenal, Arunachalam to Julius Nyerere and Velupilla Pirabhakaran. The manuscript runs into almost 1000 pages and awaits publication for which Duraisingham solicits financial contributions from friends, well-wishers and benefactors.
The articles, speeches, reports and dissertations found in this collection have been published in newspapers, magasines and books as and when they were
written or delivered. history of events and when they were ena dramatis personae iu social and religious ev Some of the writing others are long, butt give a brief, but comy salient events of t. national and internat This is a book tha lished and a part of th printing has already friends and well-wish cannot place the pl liberal assistance wishers and friends l Remittances may pl able to: T. Duraisin
Continued from pa
take most of the p they will be able to h the hostile populatio tile by the violence, tion caused in the co over. For whatever tion of the Jaffna po about the Tigers, t said is a "love-hate may hate the Tiger but would they pe defeated is the ques The last time Jafl wrested from the T the Indian troop d island's northeast, troversial Indo-Sri of July 1987. Barely the peace agreeme neged and provoke Indian Peace Keepin sive action.
Although initially bered in the region at the height of the mated 100,000 Indi ing logistical staff, v Taking Jaffna wa as well. So several c marched under hea the Tigers into Jaffr

TAMIL VIES 33
25 Canadian dollars m Mohan & Mohan, Suite 225, Scarbor5, Canada.
in Toronto
port of the demand d in Sri Lanka' was .95. Around 23,000 is march which is Stever Of Tamils in decorated with the processionists who
carried Tiger flags and placards with moving slogans.
Ontario Elections
The Progressive Conservative Party with only 37% of the votes cast won a landslide victory at the June Provincial elections, capturing 82 out of a total of 130 seats. Their policies are an extension of the U.S. Republican agenda. The average Canadian is already smarting over the proposed reduction of Non-Profit Housing and 20% cut on welfare payments.
htS help
It is a compendious happening as and acted by the chief
all the political, ents of these times. is are short while akentogether they plete picture of the his century, both ional.
tought to be pube estimated costs of been contributed by ers. Duraisingham int order without from other welliving far and wide. aase be made paygham, 31, Wilson
Street, Colombo 12, (Sri Lanka). His telephone number is Colombo 328687.
V. Kanapathiplai, Colombo 3.
The Day Will Come
The day will come When the Winners WOn And the losers win
The day will see What the winners will be What the losers will be
L S S L S S SLLLL SS LE S S L S L S LS S L S L S L S L S L S L Free
The day will come When the Winners lose And the losers Chose
The day will come When the winner will need The losers . . . . . . . . . . . . Freed
Lemn Sissay
ge 5
peninsula whether old it in the face of in, made more hosdeath and destrucurse of such a take reservations a secpulation may have theirs as someone relationship'. They s for many things, ermit them to be tion. na was physically igers was during eployment in the under the conLanka Agreement three months into nt, the Tigers re2d prompting the ng Force into offen
the IPKF numof 40,000 soldiers, offensive an estian troops, includvere in the island.
is on their agenda olumns of soldiers vy resistance from na town and set up
camps all over the peninsula. And tragically several hundred civilians trapped between the parties paid with their lives.
The Indian troops suffered the disadvantage of fighting on alien territory, on unfamiliar terrain. But it is not the unfamiliarity of the terrain
that is going to dictate the outcome of
Eelam War III.
For the Tigers who started off as a guerrilla force, and still are, have now equipped themselves with sophisticated weaponry, and would strike hard at the security forces.
Both sides are well aware that civillians are going to be caught up in the crossfire syndrome. With a figure of over 250 killed and a few hundred more injured in the week's offensive, there is no question that the civilian casualties would be unacceptably high in the process of a military adventure to take over Jaffna.
It is the civilians who are always called upon to bear the tremendous brunt and burden of the war. It is not just their livelihood and their day to day sustenance that they are deprived of, but more importantly the psychological trauma of living in mortal fear of the bombs and the shells.

Page 34
34 TAMIL TIMES
South London Tar
Vaca
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VOLUNTEER
AND PROJE( (Funded by Age ( You will be responsible for successfully implementing the Comm SALARY: pro-rata £12,471/= inc OLW (26.5 hours) The applicants for this demanding position should have -
Y Personal interest in the care of the Older People and th
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女 Experience in working with Older People and volunteers
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r
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For further details and an application form, please write to -
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15 JULY 1995
nii Welfare Group Incy
e Tamil Community in South London has immediate
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Poncern England) unity Care Project for the Older People using volunteers.
e ability to respond sympathetically to the needs of the
bn and translation.
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ation is Friday 4th August 1995. er and operate a No Smoking Policy.
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NA SPPNri பிலுள்ள பாதுகாப்பான சேகரிப்பு நிலையத்திற்கு (Private Warehouse) உங்கள் கையில் ஒப்படைப்பதில் விர்ப்பன்னர்கள்
NA SPPNG லபில் சிகரற்ற சேவைகளை செய்து கொடுப்பதில் முன்னணியில் நிற்பவர்கள்
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Page 35
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*AMIL TIMES 35
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Page 36
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