கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: Tamil Times 1996.03

Page 1
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15 ARCH 1996
do not agree with a word of what you say, but I'll defend to the death your right to say it.
- Voltaire.
ISSN 0266-4488
Vol.XV No.3 15 MARCH 1996
Published by
TAM TIMES LTD
P.O. BOX 121 SUTTON, SURREY SM13TD UNITED KINGDOM
Phone: 0181-644 0972 Fax: 08-24. 4557
ANNUAL SUBSCRIPTION
Kindia/Sri Lanka............... E15/USS25 Australia..................................." AusS45 Canada.... CanS40 USA .............................-.-.-.-.-.-.-.-.-. USS35 All other countries................ £20/USS35
Views expressed by contributors are not necessarily those of the editor or publishers
The publishers assume no
responsibility for return of unsolicited manuscripts, photographs or artwork
CONTENTS
Devolution Package before Select Committee. . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.
Military Stalemate at the Front. . .4
An Encounter with the Defenders
of the Nation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
The World Cup - a Review. . . . . . 8
No Solution for Years if Govt. Proposals Fail. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Will Devolution Lead to Separation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . O
Bullets and Borders. . . . . . . . . . . 14
On Human Rights and the UTHR (J). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Readers' Forum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
The Exodus from Jaffna — Part lll. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
Politicians Running for Cover. . 24
Sub-Continental Cricket. . . . . . . 25
No Light at end of the Tunnel. . .26
Crick
No one will begrud got it. They started the new world Ch acclaim, when the balls to spare. The summed up the pri following its magn. World today.
Sri Lanka, proma an eternal quest fo brother of the two Pakistan, the little de Silva scoring a to a Confident Wint opener, Sanath Ja the tournament.
The tournament opportunity for the Conflict and violenc revelry and sponta and the Wel des champions reflecte
International y S ethnic Conflict and brutalities of vario fascinated by the presenting in rece For the moment, I ance have put th internationally.
On the contrary history, it reveals a powerful positions, of the nation, lang abandoning the ( Comment is free a interest, pandering base prejudices Connission and O State of internal at and its abysmally
A case in point
Buddhist monks abandon its devolt Country, the nation there is an ethnic terrorism' is elini teachings of the E advocate the COnt thousands of lives brought disaster a international image vast areas of proc around in their linc aim of achieving N without realising t COmmentator With ethnic problem an the country. Little package for devo improvement in its ment of its intern evidently obvious what Contribution
goodwill and Supp
On the contrary, recognition of the sport of cricket as retaining and built those responsible destructive War al through a resump,
 
 

TAM TIMES 3
et and Sri Lanka’s image
ge Sri Lanka's victory in the World Cup. They deserved it and the tournament as 33-1 outsiders but have been Crowned as ampions in cricket, a feat achieved with almost universal y convincingly beat the Australians by seven wickets with 22 headline in London's Daily Mail, "World Beaters With a Smile' aise sport commentators showered upon the Sri Lankan team ificent victory over the most accomplished cricket side in the
pted to test status only a few years ago, has been engaged in ir identity among cricketing nations. Always treated like a little neighbouring cricketing giants of South Asia, India and sland has now joined the big league on sheer merit. Aravinda brilliant unbeaten 107 with characteristic flair Steered his team hus claiming the Man of the Match Award. Sri Lanka's prolific yassuriya, received the Award of the Most Valuable Player of
and the superb performance of their team offered a rare Sri Lankans to rejoice in their moment of glory forgetting the e that has characterised the island for over a decade. All night neous celebrations that spread like bush fire across the island arved red-carpet welcome at the airport for their returning ld the feeling of pride and exhilaration among the people.
'ri Lanka's name sadly has, up to now, been linked with the I the resulting almost interminable violence accompanied by us kinds. Despite its attraction for tourists who are no doubt island's natural beauty, the image that the Country has been nt years is one of unremitting violence, death and destruction. however, the island's cricketers by their impressive performe island's image on a different and more attractive level
, if one were to examine the recent period in the island's contemptible commentary on the role played by politicians in prelates on elevated pedestals masquerading as defenders guage and religion, and newspaper editors and columnists, cardinal principle of journalism that facts are sacred but ind abdicating their role as impartial guardians of the public to power hungry politicians and engaged in Catering to the pf the people. Over the years by their collective acts of mission they contributed in no small measure to the present fairs of the country, particularly in relation to ethnic relations, low international Stock.
is the much publicised recent gathering of a large number of which demanded that the government should immediately ution proposals because the proposals would ensure that "the and its principal religion would be destroyed'. They deny that problem and say that the war should be continued until nated. Here is a body of persons who profess to follow the uddha - the original exponent and apostle of ahimsa - who inuation of a violent war which has already claimed literally 1 These priests should realise that their actions have not only no destruction, but also discredit upon themselves and to the 2 of the country. Living in luxury in their temples endowed with suctive cultivable land deriving enormous income and driving usines without adhering to the precept of simple living with the lirvana, they peddle their exclusivist narrow chauvinist bigotry hat their own image in the eyes of every informed foreign put exception is that they have been the primary cause of the d that they continue to be an obstacle to ethnic reconciliation in do they realise that it is the announcement of the political lution by the present government in August last year and human rights record that have contributed to the enhanceational goodwill and support. The answer will become self f only these priests were to ask themselves the question as to they themselves have made by their actions to earn such ort for their 'country, the nation and its principal religion'.
never has so much positive been achieved for the image and country by so few by their dedication and commitment to the he smiling and dazzling cricketers have done. The sure way of fing on what has been achieved by just eleven men is for all to work towards bringing an end to the ongoing debilitating and ld resolving the problems facing the country and its people ion of negotiations among concerned parties.

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4 TAMIL TIMES
IDEVOLUTION PACKIAC BEFORE SELECT COM AMDST OPPOSITION
From Rita Sebastian
Described by political analysts as the last chance for peace in the island wracked by a bitter and bloody ethnic conflict for over a decade, the Parliamentary Select Committee on Constitutional Reform began its deliberations on 7 March on the legal draft of the government's devolution package to reach consensus on power-sharing with the Tamil and Muslim minorities.
The key players in the 23-member committee, besides the government, are the main opposition United National Party (UNP) and the Tamil and Muslim political groupings.
No issue in Sri Lanka's contemporary political history has generated such an acrimonious debate as the devolution package.
The deliberations began against a backdrop of strong opposition from a powerful section of the Buddhist clergy. Around 2,000 monks from across the country gathered at the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall on 5 March, to express their opposition to the devolution proposals.
The Buddhist clergy is split in the centre over the devolution proposals. Those supporting the package, said recently, that those opposing it should suggest an alternative.
An outspoken critic of the government's proposals, the Venerable Madulu- wewa Sobitha who addressed the BMI-CH meeting said that they had come together at a decisive moment in the country's history to protect the motherland.
He echoed the sentiments of former President Dingiri Banda Wijetunge that there was “no Tamil problem, only a terrorist problem.” And it was the government's duty to first restore law and order in the country before it sought to put apolitical package on the table. The government's proposals, warned Rev Sobitha, would only lead to a break-up of the country and destroy communal amity.
The scholar-monk, the Ven Walpola Rahula also expressed his concern over the break-up of the island, which he said was the only Buddhist country in the world.
A key speaker at the meeting the
Ven Chandananda of the Asgiriya chap- -
ter who also holds strong views on the package sees the union of regions as envisagedin the package as federal in con
cept and therefore u At the initial stag mittee discussions tice, Prof G L Peris of the package, wi all contentious issu that consensus mus the political struct to the powers of th Board of Ministers ( Although the m devolution of powe. will be other issues ated by the Select ( clude fundamental the powers of the ji ecutive. Some initia ready taken place o resentation. There h to make adjustmer proportional repres
OW.
According to a n committee, with th in the majority in th support of the Tam ing assured, there i in the proposals be ever, the support of United National Pa whole exercise for w proposals will notb thirds majority in P Although someh opposing the packa ers feel that the UN
More than two captured the Tamil Jaffna, Sri Lanka” locked in a stalem bracing for more gl capital, according lombo. "Defeating to be a long, drawn capture of Jaffna w defence analyst Vi quoted as telling th The military is tal attack aircraft, he craft in a major ar. part of efforts to n Tamil Tigers. Incre the east and last m
 
 
 

15 MARCH 1996
GE
MITTEE
nacceptable to them. es of the Select Comthe Minister of Jus, the main architect ll strive to keep out les. He is on record it first be reached on re, matters relating le Governor and the of the Regional units. ain focus is on the rto the regions, there that will be deliberommittee. They inrights, language and udiciary and the Exl discussions have alin the system of repave been suggestions nts to the system of :entation as it exists
hember of the Select e government being e committee, and the ils and Muslims bewill be no difficulty ing accepted. Howthe main opposition arty is critical to the vithout its support the e able to secure a two 'arliament.
awks in the UNP are ge, political observIP has still not made
months after troops Tiger stronghold of s ethnic war seems late with authorities errilla attacks in the to observers in Cothe Tigers is going -out process and the as only a first step.” nod Moonesinghe is le press. king delivery of more licopters and patrol ms buildup which is militarily contain the :ased rebel attacks in onth's suicide bomb
up its mind about the package. President Chandrika Kumaratunga lashing out at the UNP at every opportunity, for its sins and omission and commission during its unprecedented 17 year rule, has irked most members of the UNP.
The UNP's constitutional expert KNChoksy however has been entrusted with the job of making amendments to the package.
Although the government has told its coalition allies that the People's Alliance Government must speak with one voice on the devolution proposals, it is unlikely that the Democratic United National Font (Lalith faction) led by his widow Srimani Athulathmudali will subscribe to that.
Srimani Athulathmudali has already begun quibbling over various provisions of the package. Her main area of concern, however, is the unitary concept of the constitution which she feels is going to be devalued by the union of regions making it easy for a region to secede.
And the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress President, M Ashraff is demanding his pound of flesh as well. His argument is that if the Tamil demand for a northeast merger is conceded, then the Muslims should be given a separate unit themselves, carved out of the Muslim dominated areas in the eastern province, namely Muttur, Samanturai and Ampara.
What the country needs today, according to Ashraff, is “a new Tamil leadership who have the courage to stand up to the LTTE and negotiate with the government and the Sinhala parties with self-respect.”
The deliberations that have begun, is the first phase in the devolution exercise and no one can predict how long it will take before brought before Parliament.
attack on the Central Bank in Colombo, which killed up to 90people, have belied expectations of an early end to the War.
“People in the south are totally demoralised. The fact the government played up the capture of Jaffna so much led people to believe the war was basically over. The capture of Jaffna was necessary but not sufficient,” Mr.Moon. esinghe said. According to military officials, the bulk of the troops who took part in the capture of the Jaffna town, from where the Tigers ran a virtual mini-state in the Jaffna peninsula, were tied down protecting the area from guerrilla infiltration. “We do not have enough troops for

Page 5
5MARCH 1996
major offensives in other theatres,” said an army officer in charge of operations against the LTTE. Plans to open an overland supply route to Jaffna through Sri Lanka's northern mainland, currently under LTTE control, had been delayed by the need to counter stepped-up rebel attacks in the east, he said.
The other factor is that more troops have been deployed to protect Colombo after the January 31 attack on the Central Bank devastated part of capital's financial core. That attack and the subsequent discovery of another truck bomb raised fears of more Tiger strikes in Colombo. The city is now under a seige mentality with increased checkpoints, roadblocks and armed patrols. Military intelligence officials say they believe the Tigers are now going for economic targets, having failed to resist thearmy in conventional warfare in Jaffna.
Moonesinghe said he believes the military could have freed up more troops from Jaffna if it had immediately followed through with its success and cleared the rest of the peninsula, especially Point Pedro port where the LTTE's navy, the Sea Tigers, have their base. "Once the military holds Point Pedro, the LTTE's naval ability in the Jaffna peninsula will be considerably reduced,” he said. "Similarly, the navy will have another base to operate from and it will be easier to control the flow of rebel supplies to the east.
While the government and the military top brass are contemplating their next move, reliable reports from the northindicate that the LTTE has recruited to its ranks literally thousands from among the student population displaced from Jaffna and who were evacuated to the Kilinochchci and Vanni areas. The new recruits have been put through an intensive training regime with the intention of deploying them in future operations. Strengthened numerically with these additional young men and women, it is said that the LTTE is making preparations to mount major military assaults on the main Sri Lankan military bases - the Pooneryn camp, Elephant Pass and the Palaly airbase.
In the meantime, it was announced by officials that on 8 March security forces detained 35 persons with alleged LTTE links Tamil Tigersuspects in a pre-dawn raid in Colombo and recovered several guns, grenades and ammunition. They also claimed to have found hundreds of identity cards, passports and the official seals of police officers in charge of city police stations in what appeared to be an operation in a forgery operation of a considerable scale. Among the weapons found were three assault rifles, six rocket-propelled grenades (RPGs), 18 hand grenades, about 500 rounds of
ammunition, and Sules.
A large contin killed 23 police, i. dos, on l 1 March of their post in ea the highest death mishes betweenth forces, which cap jor northern stron cember. The polic formation that a had gathered for a of Vellaveli in east After arriving at a two paddy fields, by some 300 Tige spectors and a subthe dead. Twelve serve constabl sub-inspector wer licemen were wou 20 men in the en arrival of military LTTE in a statem don said that on operation against the East, the Sri La planesdropped bo dential areas in a while the Sri La rounded up the su lages. The Sri Lau claimed that LTT were attacked whi civilians abandone in fear.
The police in th sued a warning tha las were posing as asked the public te dio said on 29 Feb ing Corporation q Rajaguru as sayin trained a group of ent in Sinhala, T. operate disguised ing came as police Colombo followin reports that the LT ther attacks in the Meanwhile ne lombo have publis quoting police sou connection that 56Dharamalingam w month had with th ary, nine days af drove a truckload Central Bank, ki wounded 1,400, p lingam Dharmalir eran of the civil s government Labo time of his arrest information given has been in the cu: Police have rele about Dharmaling

twelve cyanide cap
gent of Tamil Tigers ncluding 15 commanafter luring them out tern Sri Lanka. It was toll in weeks of skire rebels and the armed tured the rebels' maghold Jaffna last De:e were acting on inarge group of Tigers in attack in the village ern Batticaloadistrict. n open space between they were ambushed 's. Two commando ininspector were among constables, Seven rees and a reserve e also killed. FourpoInded. The Tigers lost :ounter following the reinforcements. The ent issued from Lon13 March, in a joint the Tamil villages in ankan airforce fighter mbs on the Tamil resiund around Vellaveli nkan military forces rounding farming vilnkan military sources E camps or positions le the innocent Tamil d their homes and fled
he meantime have isut Tamil Tiger guerrilBuddhist monks and o be vigilant, state raruary. The Broadcastuoted police chief W. g that the Tigers had about 20 cadres, fluamil and English, to as monks. His warntightened security in galleged intelligence TE was planning fur
capital. wspapers from Coshed detailed reports, rces, about the alleged year-old Ramalingam who was arrested last e LTTE. On 9 Februer a suicide bomber of explosives into the lling 90 people and solice arrested Ramangam, a 30-year vetrvice working in the ur Department at the which followed from by a Tiger suspect who stody of the police. ased little information ţam's alleged activi
TAMIL MES 5
ties. But the Daily News quoted Bandula Wickremasinghe, a high-ranking investigator, as saying that incriminating documents found in two suitcases in Dharmalingam's room prove that he was involved with the Tigers."Many eyebrows will be raised at the heights from which the Tiger support comes," the state-controlled Daily News wrote in an editorial. "If there is one lesson from the incident, it is that we should report to the authorities any strangers who have come to lodge with us." Such reporting by newspapers are likely to increase the fear among the tens of thousands of Tamils living in the south of the island who are already victims of indiscriminate arrests on the flimsiest of suspicion.
It is said that a Buddhist monk, Shantha Shobana, was the first to grow suspicious of Dharmalingam. The monk recognized a newspaper picture of a Tamil guerrilla who allegedly detonated explosives concealed in a handcart piled high with coconuts in Colombo last August, killing 21 people. According to the monk, the guerrilla had been a frequent visitor to his temple, where Dharmalingam lived. The monk tipped off police, but they showed no interest. Why would Dharmalingam, an assistant labour commissioner, befriend a suicide bomber? Six months later, a Tiger suspect allegedly told stunned police during interrogation about Dharmalingam's connections with and activities on behalf of the LTTE in Colombo. He was also the brother-in-law of the former commanders of the LTTE, Kumarappah, who committed suicide along with 11 others by biting the cyanide capsule when they were taken into custody by the Sri Lankan navy in September 1987. Police said, at first, Dharmalingam denied everything. But a week after his arrest, police dug up two large plastic dolls buried in the Dharmadhutha temple at Narahenpita, where he shared a room with three unsuspecting Sinhalese. Hidden inside the dolls were 16 grenades and the detonators for two rockets that were found close by. Dharamalingam has been living in the room at the temple for over ten years.
Police intelligence believe that they had made a major breakthrough with the arrest of Dharmalingam. They also think that the arrest of two Tigers who escaped death on the mission to attack the Central Bank on 31 January may yield another intelligence bonanza. Rarely have commandos of the Black Tiger unit, trained in suicide attacks, been captured. When threatened with capture, mostconsume cyanide capsules that they wear around their necks. Following confessions by the two, police claim that dozens of other suspects were arrested.

Page 6
6 TAMIL TIMES
t was 5 December 1995. Little did I know that it was a red letter day for Sinhala Buddhist patriotismuntil I found myself surrounded by a mob on Model Farm Road at Borella around 13.15
hours. I was harassed : by these patriotic citizens : of Lanka because they suspected that I might be a threat to the "nation's security." It was from them that I learned that Jaffna had been “liber- : ated' and that the Lion flag had been hoisted in Jaffna town by the victorious Sri Lankan army. This was an occasion not only for celebration but also to watch out for possible attacks in Colombo by Tamil Tigers, and I had aroused the suspicion of the local vigilance group by the mere fact of being a Tamil. On that day and at that moment of nationalist hysteria, it did not seem easy to prevent some people from crossing the border of sanity and rationality into a realm of paranoia and fantasy.
Model Farm Road (MFR) was an unfamiliar territory to me although I am an agricultural economist by profession; and, moreover, my business on this road had nothing to do with model farms either. I had an appointment at 13.00 hours with a person (whom I shall call Kam) living down that road to discuss some ideas I had about a research project. The meeting was arranged by an old friend. I had some difficulty finding Kam's house. This was due to my usual absent-mindedness. I thought I had the address slip in my pocket but I discovered only after reaching MFR that I had, as I usually do with slips with addresses and telephone numbers, left it on the desk in my hotel room. But I remembered my friend mentioning one landmark near Kam's house, a Buddhist temple. So I was quite happy when I saw the temple. I stood in front of it and looked around and decided to knock on the door of the house that was nearest to me just to find out if anyone there knew Kam's house. As I got to the door I was amused by a sticker on it which read: “Jehovah's Witnesses, Don't knock. We are Catholics.” A Catholic home opposite a Buddhist temple and a gentle warning to Jehovah's Witnesses! Is that not peaceful coexistence in practice? I dared to knock as that warning did not apply to me, an atheist. But there was no response. Perhaps there was no-one inside, or did my knock sound like that of Jehovah's Witnesses?
As I turned away from the door, I noticed some people standing in the tem
888
N Shanm
ple’s compound loc a passer by if he kne pointed at one down there and pressed two minutes late a for an apology. But from Kam's house appeared to be a through a side dool had gone out for lun about fifteen minut back to the main ro return to my hotel. drama began to unfo taste of the latestwa otic fervourin a neig workers, unemploye proletariat.
I stood on the sic some fifty metres av took my mobile te shoulder-bag and c doing this, I discovi people were watchir metres away. As I lo more people lookir houses and compou that I had come und of the Civil Defenc whose task, I learn l strangers in the nei port their presence group that was ten m five metres away inc ing hard at me. I kne ble. Some of them ) and asked “Oya k you?). I answered in is Shanmugaratnar sciously switched t back "What's the N by mentioning my I my ethnic identity.
What are you doi asked. I explained th a person and since was trying to call
"There is a taxi here
this?' asked a man to a three-wheele nearby.
 
 

15 MARCH 1996
sking at me. I asked :w Kam's house. He a by-lane and I went he bell. I was only nd that did not call there was no answer either. A man, who housekeeper, came ' and said that Kam ch. After waiting for es, I decided to go ad and call a taxi to And then the whole ld and I had my first ve of fear and patrihbourhood of casual ed youth andlumpen
le of the main road vay from the temple, lephone out of my alled a taxi. While ered that a group of gme from about ten boked around, I saw g at me from their nds. I did not know ler the watchful eye : Committee (CDC) ater, was to look for ghbourhood and re
to the police. The etres away was only w. They were lookw that I was in troumoved closer to me audha?" (Who are 1 Sinhala: My name n but quite unconEnglish and asked Matter?” Of course, ame I had revealed
ng here? Somebody at I had come to see he was not there I a taxi to get back. why don't you take in Sinhala pointing that was parked
"I prefer a car taxi." I replied in English.
"Sinhalakathakaranna baridha?" (Can't you speak Sinhala).
Ireplied in Sinhala that I could speak some Sin3 hala although I am a Tamil. By now the crowd had increased to about twenty around me and į several others had gathered at some distance away. I also noticed some women and children standing in front of their houses and watching the : SCCC. Show us your ID?" asked one man. "No, I will not show my ID to you, only to a policeman or to someone who is authorised to check a person's ID.' I flatly refused but offered them my hand phone and asked them to call the police if they wanted someone to check my identity. None of them would touch my phone. The man who wanted to see my D looked at the phone with grave suspicion. Did he think it might be some other device? Some in the crowd showed signs of agitation while some others in the innermost circle around me kept looking hard at me. The others were passive onlookers. But the situation was getting tense and situational leaders were emerging.
"So you won't show your ID?" said a tall bearded man in a pair of shorts and a T-shirt. I refused again but this time I tried to mention my age and my position in a foreign academic institution and the fact that I was in the country as a consultant to a well known development agency. The leaders became more aggressive and at this point Ibegan to feel that the crowd was turning more hostile. One man said, “We know that so many Tamil academics are Tiger supporters. Don't you think that we don't know about that professor in Jaffna University who designed underground buildings for the Tigers. We have to handyou over to the police. Today is a day we cannot take chances. Jaffna has fallen and the Flag has been hoisted there. We have to be watchfulofelements that may want to create troubles here. The nation'ssecurity...”
“Look, here is my phone, call the police or any other government authority you like.” Again they did not take my offer. Someone proposed that they should bring the hamaduru (the Buddhist priest) to the scene and two persons set out in the direction of the temple. “When the hamaduru comes, he will have to show his ID,' said the tall bearded man whose face was turning stoney. He was actually addressing the little crowd around

Page 7
5 MARCH 1996
him. They nodded in agreement and Stony Face was now emerging as the leader. I was hoping that they would use my phone and call the police as I felt I could deal with the police better than with the lumpen proletariat of Borella masquerading as the local CDC. For once I felt that I might be safer with the state apparatus than with a crowd whose behaviour was becoming unpredictable. Something within me said that once in the hands of the police I could use my contacts and sort matters out quickly. How strange, a man like me who had been writing and speaking against the police state was now wanting to get the police to save me from the "people!" But the point is that I was dealing with men driven by two contradictory impulses, both depriving them of their ability to be rational and reinforcing their hostillity towards me. On the one hand, they had become intoxicated with heavy doses of the chauvinist triumphalism supplied by the media and the demagogues of Sinhalanationalism ever since Operation Riveresa began. On the other, their minds were filled with fear of Tamil terrorism, a fear that was not without justification but made them excessively paranoiac. The result was a temporary paralysis of their human capacities to reason out and analyse. Ifeltinadequate to communicate with them as my ethnic identity disqualified me. To these people, I represented the “Other” which had lately been stereotyped by some local level "defenders of the nation' as terrorists or their aiders and abettors.
Yet I did try to engage in a political dialogue. I got an opening when a boy started talking like a propagandist on Rupavahini about the threat to the nation's security and so on. "Rate arakshawa.” he began. It sounded as though he was about to make a speech on the security situation in the country. I cut him short when I put my hand on his shoulder and said in Sinhala "putha son), you are a Sinhalese, I am a Tamil out both of us are Lankans and you must secognise that I have the same rights as you. If you all want to harass me because I am a Tamil, or suspect that I am a Tiger because I am a Tamil, there is no point in talking about a united country..." The boy chose not to continue with his speech, but Stony Face took one step towards me and stood straight making it clear as to who was in charge. But I did notice a smile on some faces. Perhaps, they were amused by my Sinhala and my valiant attempt to make a little speech, or maybe they saw my point
I thought I should at least let some friends know what was happening to me. Icalled the only number that I could recolkect at that moment and it happened to be that of two friends living in Co
lombo 7. The one phone said that they immediately and a myself-appointed i would like to talk t When Iconveyed th me, Mr Stone Face his mouth, 'we don' friend, all we want you over to the poli the police or given call.'
As I looked awa frustration, I saw steadily walking to temple. He was ac or four persons. He maybe in his twent to gauge the age of: this one looked ri moved closer to me his whole self drape What an unpriestl face, what a misma and the robe, I thou wards me through eyes sharply set or kept waving a pass all the way and hel my eyes as he car stopped. The pictur eyes and I had to ta able to see it prop photo and he turne attestation on its b Bhikku was the lea wanted to see my I my passport and to the police called in offered my phone, want to touch it but which II dialled onl tone. The bhikkus, back to the temple from there.
I was quite upset expression on the not one of compas anger and militancy bhikku would beha' more sensibly. But Orde 1 COMO N that had taken meh thing sensible. I some bhikkus who for peace and devol this one was not ( peared to belong t the Sinhala Buddh. had already been t or so but it was n hour. I realised this time as I saw Kan old friend, Kalu. when he saw me a was a pleasant sur Kalu came out f there any problem' ”Yes, these peo)

who answered the would come to MIFR so asked me to tell nterrogators that she them on the phone. is to the men around was the first to open t want to talk to your to do now is to hand ce," I repeated, "call ke the number, I will
y from the crowd in the Buddhist monk wards me from the companied by three looked quite young, ies. It is not so easy a Buddhist monk but ally young. As he I had a clear view of d in the saffron robe. expression on his toh between the face ght as he walked tothe crowd with his me. The hamaduru port size photograph d it right in front of ne close to me and e was too close to my ke a step back to be erly. Yes it was his d it and showed the ack. Apparently, the der of the CDC. He D and I showed him ld him that I wanted mmediately. When I
the bhikku did not mentioned a number ly to get an engaged aid that he would go and call the police
when I first saw the priest's face. It was sion (karuna) but of '. I had hoped that the ve differently, at least his demeanour had with that of the mob ostage than with any(now that there are are different, who are ution. Unfortunately, one of them. He apo the mainstream of st clergy. I felt that I ormented for an hour ot more than half an when I looked at the driving in with my kam stopped his car nd seeing Kalu there prise tome.
irst asking “Shan, is
ble are harassing me
TAMIL TIMES 7
just because I am a Tamil."
"Don't talk like that. Let me deal with them.'
Kalu told the crowd that he had known me for many years from my student days at Peradeniya and that we had been colleagues at a government institute for several years. They did listen to him but said that they had some doubts about the explanation I have as to why I was at MFR. Kam's presence and Kalu's intervention helped to make the crowd calm down, and now the 'balance of power' appeared to be shifting in my favour! In his good old inimitable style Kalu tried to make me laugh and did succeed when he said "machan, when I saw you in the midst of this crowd, I thought you were addressing them, you know... like in your younger days!"
I saw LJ arrive. He got off his car and presented himself to the crowd holding his ID in his hand. He only mentioned his name, but that was enough to reveal his position too. Again to my pleasant surprise, he was accompanied by my old friend Sisira whom I had not seen in fifteen years. Like Kalu, Sisira told the crowd that he had known me for many years. In a couple of minutes, the Borella police arrived in a jeep and a motorcycle. By this time, the crowd had become much bigger. The scene looked like a public meeting that had been disturbed by some trouble makers. Some women and children, who were watching the happenings from their house compounds, now moved towards me perhaps to take a closer look at this stranger with a greying beard and wearing a dark brown kuruta and who was spotted and cornered by the vigilant men of their CDC as a possible threat to life and property. LJ spoke to the police. He asked me to get into his car and I did. The priest stood there rather quietly for a while, and then went up to the police and spoke to them. A policeman told LJ that I should be brought to the police station to make an entry. LJ told him that I would travel in his (LJ's) car. At Borella police station, a policeman took down my name and address. LJ took them to his home and offered some Scotch saying, "you really need a drink now after all the ordeal you have been through.” Some other friends were also there. We sat down and Irelated the whole episode to my friends. At the end of my story one of them remarked, “you know what would have happened to you if you did not know someone like LJ. You would have probably been locked up in a cell at Borella police station. Is this the way to win the hearts and minds of the Tamil people, and don't we know that self-styled patriots and local thugs have got into the so called Civil Defence Committees?”

Page 8
8 TAMIL TIMES
THE WORLD CUP - A
*An unprecedented wrangle broke out even before the World Cup tournament began when Australia and West Indies refused to go to Colombo to play their matches against Sri Lanka because of "security considerations” for the players in the wake of the suicide bomb attack which left the capital's commercial heartland devastated and resulted in the death of 90 and over 1000 injured. No amount of persuasion, cajoling or outright attacks could change the minds of the Australians or the West Indians who understandably placed a high premium on the personal security of their players. The Sri Lankans were annoyed primarily for three reasons. Firstly, they along with India and Pakistan were joint hosts of the whole tournament, and as one of the hosts there was a feeling of insult inflicted by the Aussies and the Windies. Secondly, the cricket authorities in Colombo had made elaborate and expensive arrangements for the matches to take place in the island, and if the scheduled matches did not take place, they would lose a lot in monetary terms. Thirdly and probably more importantly in political and economic terms, the refusal of the two teams to turn up in Colombo for the very reason they had given would have provided a propaganda coup in political terms to the Tamil Tigers, and confirmed the perception internationally that Sri Lanka is an insecure place for tourists. After all the island depends to a considerable extent on tourism for its hard currency earnings and any act of discouragement of tourists visiting the country would adversely affect it economically. The refusal of the two teams, particularly the Australians, to visit Sri Lanka was subjected to severe criticism not only within the country, but also abroad particularly in the UK press. In a damning editorial, The Times in London said Australia's current crop of cricketers lacked courage and diplomacy and that the West Indies would never have joined the boycott if Australia had not set such a "craven example". "They have upset the organisation of a complex tournament and handed a propaganda victory to the murderous Tamil rebels who hold Sri Lanka to ransom,' the editorial added. Even the weekly Economist and other daily tabloids in the UK joined in the attack on the Australians.
In response to criticism heaped on Australia, Foreign Minister Gareth Evans said, "To be attacked by English tabloids is a badge of honour Iwear with pride." Denying that the decision of the Australian Cricket Board not to go to Sri Lanka had resulted in strained diplo
matic relations with said,"There is an a pointment that the ment has and the p about being deniec match, but about eyes of the cricketcountry in which warded,” and addec relationship with th Minister...I have be the intensity of th Lankans have used the strong feelings
SSLee.
* A positive fallo tion of the matches Windies was the vi joint Indo-Pakistan a friendly match w The coming togeth stan, uneasy neig fought three wars si 1948 and still locks disputed Kashmir by political comme cant political devel demonstration of t darity among three s Pakistani players. in Wasim Akram, pla an Indian captaini considered very sig * The headline w. joyed a field day aft jected to a humilia Lanka. The tabloid five-wicket quarterclaiming "What a adding: "The end of barely a whimper f Mike Atherton's los at Faisalabad.' "It's cording to the "Ne which like the "Sur dered about the pe Atherton and tea Illingworth, who ac was "fearing for his more respectable "Observer" opted grace", reflecting: ". disgrace seems a fit lish cricket today... melling by Sri Lank makeweights of the provided England w passage from Pakis glorious performanc Meanwhile, accord "Independent", the less, Hopeless, Hun added: "England ar. from the World Cup standards of recent p
 

Colombo, Mr. Evans :ute sense of disapSri Lankan governople have, not only access to a cricket eing painted in the ollowing world as a errorism can be re"I have had a good : Sri Lankan Foreign en a bit surprised at 2 language that Sri " but he understood n the country on the
ut from the cancellawith the Aussies and it to Colombo of acricket team to play ith the Sri Lankans. r of India and Pakihbours who have nce independence in d in battle over the ssue, was regarded ntators as a signifiopment besides the he developing soliouth-Asian nations. cluding their captain ying in a team with ng it was in iteself nificant. riters in London ener England was subting defeat by Sri "People" hailed the final defeat by proLoad of Lankans', the world came with rom England when rs were slaughtered Over and Out,” acws of the World", day Express”, ponsitions of captain m manager Ray ording to thelatter, future'. The much roadsheet Sunday or “England's DisFrom W G Grace to ing epitaph to EngA five-wicket puma, until recently the international game, ith their homeward an after another in; in the World Cup." ng to the Sunday players are "Hapiliated." The paper on their way home and judging by the rformances, no one
15 MARCH 1996
will be more relieved than the players themselves.'
* India erupted in joy as Indians danced in the streets, fireworks lit up the night sky and usually packed cinemas were virtually empty as the country celebrated the World Cup quarter-final triumph againstarch-rivals Pakistan. “Victory,” screamed a banner headline in the "Asian Age” newspaper. “India Whips Pakistan,” said the “Pioneer”. “Azhar’s Men Snatch a Dream Victory,” said the "Hindustan Times" making the reference specifically to the Indian team's skipper Mohammed Azharuddin who led India to a 39-run win against Pakistan. “We don't mind if India loses to Timbuktu. But India has to beat Pakistan,” cricket fan Haji Mohammed was quoted as saying by the "Indian Express".
* Pakistani cricket fans smashed television sets and one committed suicide amid national gloom over Pakistan's defeat by arch-rivals India in the quarter-finals match after Pakistan lost to India by 39 runs in the southern Indian city Bangalore on 9 March. Distraught at the defending champions crashing out of the tournament, college student Jaffer Khan fired his AK-47 Klashnikov (one wonders how and why he came to possess it) into his television screen and then turned the gun on himself in the town of Mardan in NorthWest Frontier Province, according to a report in the Urdu-language Jhang. A front-page cartoon in the English-language "Frontier Post" showed a row of freshly-dug graves with a sign reading "A plot for each player” - a reference to incentives of land and cash offered by Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto's husband Asif Ali Zardari to Pakistani cricketers if they retained the Cup. The Urdu-language paper "Nawa-e-Waqt" quoted a Moslem religious cleric, Maulana Naqshbandi, as blaming the débâcle on what he called Pakistan's "obscene'imitation of Indian culture. He also said Pakistan could not expect to win anything as long as it was governed by a woman. "Any nation which made a woman its ruler never prospered,”
said Naqshbandi, apparently ignoring England's quarter-final humiliating defeat by Sri Lanka, whose Prime Minister and President are both women. Wasim Akram, the Pakistan's captain who did not play in the match due to illness came in for much abuse in Pakistan and was even accused of having committed a "war crime' against the country and people of Pakistan by not playing even if was indisposed.
* The Sri Lankan team was awarded the World Cup semi-final against India after crowd trouble prevented play from continuing at Eden Gardens in Calcutta

Page 9
5MARCH 996
on 13 March. Match referee Clive Lloyd took the players off the field when bottles and other missiles were thrown from sections of the 100,000 crowd. A subsequent attempt to restart play was unsuccessful. Security staff battled to restore order and the players reappeared from the pavilion 20 minutes later, but the umpires felt unable to restart the match. After Sri Lanka scored 251-8 in their 50 overs, India had collapsed from 98-1 to 120-8 when the trouble started. Indian captain Mohammed Azharuddin, whose decision to field after winning the toss was to backfire spectacularly on a pitch that took spin to an increasing degree, did not attempt to excuse the home supporters. “You all saw what happened out there,” he said. “None of us are proud of it.”
Sri Lankareverberated with fire crackers and people took to the streets singing and cheering to celebrate their team's victory over India in spite of the abandonment of the match due to crowd trouble somewhat overshadowed the gloss of the victory. People began singing on the streets as Sri Lanka were awarded
In Calcutta city, angry cricket fans burnt the effigy of captain Azharuddin and set afire posters and banners hailing cricket heroes and the World Cup. Outside the stadium, many beat their chest in the Indian habit of mourning. Groups of fans gathered on street corners in Calcutta shouting "Down with Azharuddin' and "Down with India.” The "Asian Age” under front page banner headline "India Fall From Grace at Eden' said "Before the match, Sri Lanka's players had high security. After the match, India's players needed that security...After four days during which the egos of Indian players had been bloated by adulation, India were destroyed by a display of classic team effort rather than individual brilliance. Sri Lanka were supurb. Officially Sri Lanka won by default. The fact was that they pulverised India in every department of the game.”
Amidst all the fuss and bother about cricket, space expert and writer Arthur C. Clarke, who has made Sri Lanka his adopted home, made no secret of his boredom with World Cup cricket but his criticism was with the speed of the game and not its intellectual standing in the order of the universe. A news report datelined 10 March stated that he 78-year-old Sri Lanka resident as dismissing the game as the "slowest form of animal life.” “As one who enjoys watching this elegant game for a maxinum of 10 minutes, I repeated the old and good-natured pun that cricket is the slowest form of animal life',' Clark the author of “2001 - A Space Odyssey” was quoted as saying. The English-born
Clarke told the pres understand why ". men” spent so mu leather ball.
In the meantime, f cricketer Qasim O. Australian televisio he had been involve his career and claim in Pakistan had turne practice. Omar, who Pakistan, said on c Channel Nine's 60 M that he had "thrown 1984 series in Austr fered a bribe. He clail himself to be bowled bowler Geoff Lawso Boxing Day test in M for an undisclosed su ers. Omar told the ashamed of his actio dismissal had not pt ger of losing the má did wrong,” Omar sa I shouldn't have do was doing it thinkin in danger, I was gc money and carry ol the situation today, v ries that lots of mon games, that's where Omar told the progr an agent for bookm him to bribe top A Greg Chappell durir tour of Australia. He
“No Soluti
Sri Lanka’s Justice Affairs Minister rect tion package for the the last chance to fi tion to the country's next 20 years.
Professor G.L. Pe hind many of the pi were bound to be h draft fights its way parliamentary select ment and then a na The package is due constitution that wo lition of the executiv toral reforms and g mental rights."Th blocks of different ki net press conferenc polarised nature of which has been the p a solution has been over the years."But I was wide recognitic need to lift the probl frontational politics of consensus. He s. useful to consider f announce that if thi

TAMIL TIMES 9
that he could not pparently grown h time chasing a
primer Pakistan test nar confessed on
on 10 March that in bribery during ed that authorities da blind eye to the played 26 tests for ommercial station inutes programme ' his wicket in the lia after being of ned he had allowed by Australian pace n during the drawn felbourne in return Im from bookmakrogramme he was ns but claimed his it Pakistan in danitch. "Of course, I id. "But I can't say he it at the time. I g my team wasn't ing to accept the h. "But when I see vhen I hear the stoey is taken to lose think I'm wrong." amme he had been akers who wanted ustralian batsman ng Pakistan's 1984 e said he had been
unable to bring himself to do it because Chappell was his idol. "...I was told by a bookmaker there's a big chance that Greg Chappell is going to smash our bowling and is going to score lots and lots of runs. "(The bookmaker said) so is there any way you can go and tell him that in each innings he fails, or at least in one test match, he's going to be paid SUS25,000. "But I couldn't. When I saw him I just lost the courage to talk to him because he was my idol," Omar said. Omar alleged"four or five" players from India and Pakistan had accepted bribes from him when he acted as an agent for bookmakers and claimed authorities in Pakistan were turning a blind eye to the problem because high profile players were involved. He also alleged that a well known England bowler took 1,000 pounds ($1,500) from his (Omar's) bookmaker for deliberately conceding a boundary in the first over of a test. "Up to 15 test players have taken bribes from me - some of them very big names, who played for Pakistan, Sri Lanka, India, West Indies and England," Omar is quoted as saying. "I was the middleman, the Mr Fixit. I told them what the bookies wanted, they did it and I paid them after the game.”
* For the first time, Sri Lanka will meet Australia in the Cricket World Cup final. In their present form, Sri Lanka should have a fighting chance to win the Cup.
- RASA
n for Years if Govt Proposals Fail”
: and Constitutional 2ntly said a devolu: Tamil people was nd a political soluethnic crisis for the
ris, a key figure beoposals, said there urdles as the legal hrough an all-party committee, parliational referendum. to be part of a new ild also see the aboe presidency, elecarantees of funda're are stumbling nds,” he told a cabie. "The first is the Sri Lankan politics incipal reason why iifficult to arrive at Iow, he added, there n on all sides of the em away from conand find some kind id it would not be ilure. "I am bold to s fails, for the next
20 years there will be no political solution," he said. "Everyone is aware of the need for a political solution... There is a spirit of goodwill. Minorities realise that extravagant demands will be impracticable.'
The peace package offers wide-ranging executive and legislative powers to Tamils. Right-wing Sinhalese and many Buddhist monks criticise the plan for in effect breaking up the country and rewarding the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), who have fought for homeland in the north and east since 1983. The main opposition United National Party, which has 85 seats in the 225-seat parliament, can block the plan, which needs to be passed by a two-thirds majority in parliament. The ruling People's Alliance, which knocked the UNP from 17 years in power in 1994, has 113 seats. The government's proposals were placed before the parliamentary select committee on March 7. The UNP has yet to make its views on the package known but Peiris said UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe had made clear the UNP regarded the ethnic crisis as a national rather than party-political problem.

Page 10
10 TAM TIMES
WILL DIEW0|LUTON LEAD TO SEPARATION
by Dr.S.Narapalasingam
Scare-mongering
The ongoing debate on the legal draft of the devolution proposals in the Sri Lankan newspapers and in the INTERNET has notintroducedany significant new arguments against the package. The same old illusory reasons, which sabotaged previous attempts to devolve powers continue to be advanced. By retaining central control over all the major affairs on which the safety, security, identity and the social, cultural and economic advancement of the minority communities depend, it is presumed that separation could be prevented! In the final analysis, their objections can be pinpointed to the single factor viz; the regional distribution of the population in the country, in which the major part of the North-East region is almost exclusively inhabited by the minority communities-Tamils and Muslims. The present increase in the proportion of Sinhalese living in the Eastern part is largely due to the various colonisation schemes implemented by successive governments after independence. However, it is unrealistic to assume that this demographic change can be ignored in determining the regional structure for the devolution of powers. The apparent ethnic basis of devolution is obviously due to this demographic feature of the North-East region.
There are some "patriots” not directly affected by the civil war in Sri Lanka, for example the members of the Australian Centre for Sri Lankan Unity (ACSLU - the name itself is contradictory), who are spreading reasons against the Government's devolution proposals which are misleading and mischievous. They have their counterparts among the Tamil expatriates. The extremists (more appropriate to call them "unrealistic persons”) on both sides are criticising the proposals from a different historical perspective, ignoring the present realities with regard to the demographic pattern of the North-East region. The only logical conclusion that can be drawn from their unwillingness to accept the present reality is that either side believes that its own historical position can be forced on the other by continuing the war to the finish. The human and economic costs of this course of action seem irrelevant to them. More importantly, they have failed to realise that after incurring the enormous costs this path would only take
them to a dead en nature can neverl The longer the wal Sation of the Sinh be exacerbated fu ACSLU are not di Sinhala Araksh (SAS). (Referenc from the SAS state SLSunday Times ( has laboured a lot and not time relati selectively and cor ing statutes and mented and disto clude that discri Tamils is only am The arguments : full of contradictio over again the sa rhetoric, namely, proposals have Tamils the opport ist Tamil state b means”. They thi are separatists! TI steadfastly holdin guments, they hav ment of trying to c tem through the de the regions identif their chauvinistic : the supremacy of Sri Lanka and the mits other ethnic to live in the is demned not only "certain Church the traditional Tr nist groups, an Sinhalese'. The S the Devolution pi ferred to ori Bandaranaike Sir has been replace Sinhalas'. The Sinhalas” provide the supremacy d verbatim. "Not grown up undertl sociated with the late Mr. Bandarai tantly those who devolution is the ethnic problem ( lines set out ir Chelvanayakam narrow interpret Policy of 1956 as to the exclusion

15 MARCH 1996
p
l, as a conflict of this e resolved militarily. continues, the polarilese and Tamils will ther. The views of the fferent to those of the aka Sanvidhanaya ; is made to excerpts ment published in the fFeb. 25). The former using (a single year's ve or series) statistics siderable rhetoric, citpolicies not implerting events, to conmination against the yth! against devolution are ns, repeating over and me point in different that "the Devolution given the separatist inity of creating a racy relatively peaceful nk all Lankan Tamils he irony is that while g on to their racist are accused the Governreate an apartheid sysevolution of powers to ied on ethnic basis. In arguments to establish Sinhala Buddhists in ir generosity that perand religious groups and, they have conthe Tamils but also and religious groups, otskyite and Commud a section of the inhalese who support oposals have been reginally as "Post halas', and later this d by the term "neodefinition of "neod by the advocates of octrine, is given here merely those who had e education policy asanguage reforms of the aike, but more impor1) share the view that solution to the alleged ven if only along the the BandaranaikePact), and (2) adopt a tion of the Language implying that Sinhala of English and Tamil
should immediately be the major language of communication and education for the country”.
Misinterpretation of facts An illustration of the consternation and contradictions in their arguments can be discerned from the comment: “A curious anomaly of the neo-Sinhala position is that they have completely abandoned the Sinhala Only policy of their founder. What passes as language policy in Sri Lanka is an effective policy of parity of status between Sinhala and Tamil and English ruling the roost in all but official designation. Thus the wheel seems to have turned full circle and the situation which prevailed in British times and in the pre-Bandaranaike era has been established". Some may wish that this claim is true! Being far away from Sri Lanka, they can be excused for being unaware of the feelings of the Tamils in Sri Lanka, many of whom believe that a sort of an apartheid system has prevailed after 1956 not merely in respect of language, education and employment but also in other spheres on which their safety, security and national status depend.
Another curious meaning given by these exponents relates to "Tamil Eelam”. To them this means “Sinhala Land which is taken over by Tamils' Another contradiction lies in their aim to establish Sri Lanka as a unitary state so as to prevent "an end to two millennia of proud history of SL as a non-racist Nation', while advocating a racist policy of starving the Tamils in the North by not supplying food, medicines and fuel. They have stated: "In the light of the proven ability of the LTTE to raise funds to obtain such military hardware there is no justification for the SL Government to feed and supply the so-called "civilian population' of the North, when this should be an obligation of the LTTE. There are plenty of international precedents for such a course of action, e.g. US embargoes against many countries (Cuba, Iraq, etc.)”. Are they accepting that the North is a separate nation like Cuba and Iraq?
They even want the present policy that gives the latitude to "the Western humanitarian groups to conduct their openly biased activity” to be revised They may not be aware that some Tamils also, despite all being branded as
separatists, were shocked and saddened by what they saw on their TV screens of the inferno caused by the bomb blast on January 31 that killed and injured many innocent people and damaged the Central Bank and the surrounding buildings in Colombo. Perhaps seen by those jaundiced eyes from “down under”, such horrible violent acts are not

Page 11
15 WARCH 1996
symptomatic of the gravity of the ongoing civil war in our motherland and the imperative to seek a political solution to the conflict has also not dawned yet.
The Tamils have resisted early attempts to introduce a federal system in Ceylon and even after independence the Tamil electorate initially rejected those politicians who advocated federalism and separation. The discriminatory policies of successive governments of Sri Lanka together with acts of violence unleashed on them forced them to demand autonomy so as to escape from the oppressive majority rule facilitated by the unitary constitution. The Tamils were driven into this position by the indifference of SLGovernments to their welfare, safety and security concerns and any community in similar circumstances would have reacted in the same way. The need for a distinctive (sub-regional) unit in the Eastern Province was felt by the Muslims only after their safety and security were threatened by the actions of the LTTE. Unfortunately lessons have not been learnt, as the actions of SLGovernments have continued to alienate the Tamils more and more against the State.
Ethnic and Regional Factors
The spatial factor which the Sinhalese critics of the devolution proposals want to ignore or reject is relevant to the present discussion for the reason given below. If the different ethnic groups in Sri Lanka were spread evenly right across the whole country, regional discrimination that targets a particular ethnic group (to the point of treating its members as aliens) would be difficult. Further, the tendency for political parties to advocate racially biased policies to win elections will be minimal. It is precisely this regional factor that influenced political parties to function along ethnic lines after independence, including the two major political parties whose names imply that they are not communal
Since the pronouncement of the Sinhala Only Policy in the mid-fifties, the rivalries between the two major political parties in Sri Lanka have been dictated almost exclusively by the strength of their Sinhalachauvinistic and anti-Tamil stance expressed publicly by them. The affirmative actions of past governments in favour of the majority Sinhalese at the expense of the minority Tamils in accordance with such public pronouncements were also a significant part of the strategy to discredit the party in the opposition. Party politics have stood in the way of recognising the rights of the Tamils as equal citizens in a multiethnic society. It sabotaged previous attempts to devolve power and still threatens to wreck the present devolution pro
posals. The need proach to resolve tl has already caused loss to all the peo impededits econom opment has neverb very moment.
The existence of nationalism and re. it is deceptive to pre the ethnic and regic vailed in Sri Lank fore independence. independent gover prominence to ther tion and economic c only to look at the v that seek racial ider language and educi as the developm grammes and proje ter independence ti divisions. After all gest that there is no to the present crisis a whole pumpkin rice! Any viable so problem (regardles ethnic, Tamil, sepa must take into acco related factors.
Democracy in Pl In the name of de tralised polities ha facto authoritarian between the people wide. Attention is the "Leaders" pub. mist of Feb.3rd - 9 is stated;
"...it is hard to parties tend to div ethnic lines. Under tem, an African el expression of natic a prelude to civil w That is something to remember as th constitution. At p1 such a huge major ner-take-all poll So come in effect a c would risk alienati minorities. Thereir much African insta mon to the (admitt African success sto of inclusion. So fa depended on the att like Nelson Mande include as many g government. Thisp tant to be left to le can constitutions a to ensure that mino in government. Th cord, division and
No sophisticated

TAMIL TIMES 11
for a bipartisan aphe national crisis that so much misery and ple in Sri Lanka and nic growth and develeen so great as at this
Sinhalese and Tamil gionalism is real and tend otherwise. Both onal factors have prean politics even beThe successive postments have all given n in civil administralevelopment. One has various official forms ntity and examine the ation policies as well ent policies, proacts implemented afhat emphasised these l these years to sugregional dimension ; is like trying to hide inside a plateful of lution to the national s of the name givenratist, Elelamist, etc.) ount these two inter
luralistic Societies
emocracy, many cenlve maintained a de rule, keeping the gap 2 and the rulers very drawn here to one of lished in the Econoth 1996, in which it
deny that in Africa, ide the voters along a winner-take-all sysection is seldom an nal will and may be a.
South Africans need ey devise their new resent the ANC has ity that after a winuth Africa would beone-party state. That ng several powerful lie the seeds of so
bility. What is com
2dly rare and fragile) bries is the principle r the successes have litude of wise leaders la who have tried to roups as possible in rinciple is too imporaders' whim. If Africe to work, they have rities are represented he alternative is dismay be war.”
analysis is needed to
conclude that the abandonment of this principle by Sri Lankan leaders is the main reason for the catastrophic situation in which we find ourselves today. Adherence to this principle is important even under a decentralised power structure. In the modern world, with rising awareness of the value of democratic principles right across the world and all segments of societies, people are clamouring for greater democratic freedom. Devolution of powers is the means that is available to meet this aspiration with
out sacrificing the territorial integrity of
sovereign nations.
Choosing the Right Option The need to change the constitution, devolving powers to the regions arises from the recognition of the present realities in Sri Lankan society, which the previous governments have ignored. Under the basic premise of retaining the territorial integrity of Sri Lanka as one united country, there are three options with regard to her constitution. These are:
(1) Ignore the present realities of multi-ethnic (speaking two different national languages), multi-cultural and multi-religious groups domiciledin different regions along ethnic lines and impose a centralised system of governance where the will of the majority community prevails throughout the country; (2) Ignore the present realities of multi-ethnic (speaking two different national languages), multi-cultural and multi-religious groups domiciledin different regions along ethnic lines and impose a centralised system of governance, limiting the size of the unit of devolution to a smaller unit than proposed in the original package and the powers of administration to minor matters; and
(3) Recognize the present realities of multi-ethnic (speaking two different national languages), multi-cultural and multi-religious groups domiciled in different regions along ethnic lines and establish a decentralised system of governance with powers and the unit of devolution as agreed mutually by all ethnic groups and the present adversaries through negotiation.
A case has been made out by a few eminent persons for the Devolution Package and the related constitutional arrangements to be confined exclusively to the North-East region on the grounds that there is no felt need for regional autonomy among the mass of the Sinhalese people. (Reference is made to the article of Rev. Dalston Forbes, OMI in the SL Sunday Observer of Feb. 18). This suggestion falls within the ambit of this option. However, the unit of devolution should not be imposed but agreed upon taking cognizance of the wishes of the

Page 12
12 TAMIL TIMES
Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslim communities in the broad contiguous regions (not small units numbering as many as 225 suggested by some!), where they are predominantly domiciled. This is essential for lasting peace in a united Sri Lanka.
The first two options entail imposing a system against the wishes of the minority groups and, therefore, cannot remove the root cause of the problem that has threatened the integrity of the country and caused enormous suffering and loss to all Sri Lankans regardless of their ethnic and religious affiliations. There is no guarantee that through suppression a sizeable disgruntled section of the population can be controlled by the centre and any future threat to the unity of the country avoided. Cohesion of the State cannot be brought about by imposing a unitary constitution without the consent of all ethnic groups. In fact, this very method has endangered the cohesiveness of the Sri Lankan society.
Both the 1972 and the 1978 constitutions of Sri Lanka were imposed without the consent of the Tamil people. Their unitary character meant in practice, that there was only one ethnic group which mattered in enacting laws and in policy making and implementation. Governments acted with impunity in so far as the Tamils were concerned, as they felt they were not accountable to the Tamils. On the other hand the 1948 constitution, which preceded these two was accepted by the Tamils in good faith, despite its unitary nature. But it too failed to safeguard the interests of the Tamils contrary to what was believed initially, as the underlying principles of the constitution based on equal treatment to all ethnic and religious groups were blatantly flouted. The present opposition of all the Tamil groups to a unitary constitution stems from this very conduct of successive governments.
In the light of the above facts (not a figment of any imagination), the third option is the logical one that has the chance of becoming a permanent constitutional frame that will keep the people and the country together. As a matter of fact any meaningful devolution of powers is impossible under a unitary constitution. The inherent contradiction is obvious and needs no elaboration. The framework presented by the present Government recognizes the realities mentioned above and is significant in that it has also considered the growing inter-dependence of the economies of democratic countries and the imperative to be an integral part of the global structures. It is futile to look backwards in the rapidly changing world as those wanting to live in an outdated polity will have to be pre
pared to accept ti internal unrestan
nomic backwardin
The Burni In order to explai why there is only a
answer to the qu title of this article, a the analogy of the ing that keeps a ma in union with a con ethnic nation. The should be the san groups to live harmc for their safety and ing the mutually a individual freedom in turn would en their efforts towards mon goals and to S their endeavours eq affection and trust a of a successful mar The past constit may be said to corr of convenience in th and/or used primar and economic adva community. This is unitary constitution ity, despite all the th of the dogmatists w it,
By actions that gi distrust, any marri This is what appea operandi of those d autonomous state il gion. Undoubtedly, tory actions of the strike at the very fo the partners in unio of extra-judicial kil forces condemned t International ai which at least 24 T brutally murdered jured occurred on 1 village of Kumar Trincomalee dist UTHR (JB), among children under the a est being 3 years o had expressed its s edged the possibilit have been responsi to bring the perpetr dous crime to justice atrocities will linge people. The mediev ing justice by extra and tooth for a toot civilized society can tice.
The vicious cycle ter-attacks by the sides causing treme life and national wi

5MARCH 1996
he consequences of the attendant eco
S
ng Question nvividly the reasons conditional estion raised in the attention is drawn to mutual understandrried couple happily Istitution of a multipurpose of the latter le, assuring all the oniously without fear security by respectgreed collective and s and rights, which able them to direct
s achieving the com--
hare the benefits of suitably. The mutual (re the corner-stones riage.
utions of Sri Lanka espond to marriages latthese were drawn ily for the political ntage of the majority s precisely why the has lost all credibilteoretical arguments ho insist on keeping
verise to hatred and age can be broken, rs to be the modus emanding a separate In the North-East resome of the retaliasecurity forces also undations that keep n.The latestincident lings by the security by both the Amnesty hd UTHR (JB), in amil civilians were and many more in1 February '96 in the apuram, Killivetti, rict. According to those killed were 7 ge of 12, the youngld. The Government hock and acknowly that the army could ble. It had promised ators of this horrenbut the scars of such r in the minds of the al method of dispenscting eye for an eye h has no end and no tolerate such a prac
of attacks and counwarring parties, bendous loss to human ealth that belongs to
all ethnic groups, has eroded the very concept of one people, one nation and a centralised government which has been envisioned by the leaders of all the communities at the time of independence. Since the latter is not as visible as the former, many seem to ignore its relevance to the need for a new contractual arrangement that will prevent the divorce. Those advocating either of the first two options, by virtue of the majority community possessing the controlling powers want a relationship between the communities similar to that between a domineering husband and a docile wife, who is constantly maltreated and deprived of the comforts enjoyed by the husband. The difference between the two options being that in the second case, the husband is willing to grant some concessions, which elevates the status of the wife a little above that of a slave. In the new world even women in remote rural areas want the same rights as men within and outside the home. Movements for women liberation have emerged all over the world.
Likewise in modern polities, chauvinism of any group in a multi-ethnic country has become unacceptable. Minority groups with distinct ethnic, cultural and regional identities are no longer prepared to be under the absolute control of another powerful group with different orientations; they too want liberation. However, enlightened minority groups are aware of the disadvantages of complete separation and the advantages of peaceful co-existence with the majority group, under an arrangement that enables their members to live with the same rights as those in the majority group without any erosion of the above identities. The formation of economic and defence unions even among the developed and powerful countries is due to the recognition of the advantages (if not theimperative) ofjoining forces to face the new challenges of the twenty-first century. A constitutional framework for a union of different ethnic groups in Sri Lanka is provided in the devolution proposals of the present Government. The union of regions is only a corollary to the union of the ethnic groups and is necessary for the purpose of administration and development of the regions and for the retention of the identities mentioned above.
Conclusion
It is time for all to realise the present realities, which have been elaborated in this paper and look forward instead of looking backwards all the time. The third option in which power is devolved to the regions does not necessarily imply eventual separation. All the ethnic groups (Continued on page 29)

Page 13
15 MARCH 1996
Was Vijaya Kumaratunga, the film actor-turned politicianhusband of President Chandrika Kumaratunga, doneaway with because he was a threat to the political leadership at that time?
The Special Presidential Commission, appointed by President Kumaratunga, to probe the assassination has by implication hinted at the involvement of a hidden hand, and that the two suspects charged with the killing, Lionel Ranasinghe and Tarzan Weerasinghe, were mere tools orchestrated by a "higher authority.”
The Commission which began sittings in April 1895 examined 71 witnesses. The report handed over to President Kumar atunga on Thursday, was made public today.
Vijaya Kumaratunga was gunned down by two men on a motor bicycle outside his home in Colombo in 1988, at the height of the left-wing Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) insurgency, It was believed at the time that Vijaya was killed by the JVP for his support for the Indo-Lanka accord of 1987 and the 13th amendment to the Constitution which devolved power on Provincial units.
The three-judge Commission comprising Justice P Ramanathan, Justice Sarath N Silva and High Court Judge D Jaye-wickreme adduce other possible reasons for the assassination.
According to the Commission's report, the political background behind the killing and the manner in which the investigation was stifled create doubts about the actual hand behind the kill1ng.
"It is questionable why hand-picked officers of President Premadasa who were at the helm of affairs at the Criminal Investigation Department did not embark on the obvious line of investigation, when they found the two assassins had no personal motive for the killing. On the contrary they allowed the suspects to disappear.”
The two hand-picked Police officers were Chandra Jayewardene, Director CID and Amarasena Rajapakse DIG, CID. The Commission which analysed the political and the possible motive refers to a meeting Vijaya had with Ranasinghe Premadasa who was the Prime Minister at the time. Premadasa is said to have
told Vijaya to join hi clined and went on t Socialist Alliance (U The USA had decic as their Presidential was assassinated. Ac port Vijaya had obtail some of the youth in constituency, Colom some of his supporters disappeared.
The report also rel former President Jaya Vijaya, where he had Vijaya could find a sol try's ethnic problemba Vijaya could well le Premadasa, says the of the meeting.
The report also que two CID officers wol trated such illegaliti knowledge and suppor who was Premadasa, a ister, Ranjan Wijeratin The Commission ha the appointment of a p judicial independent cc should be empowerec complaints relating ti abuse of authority, sup rial and partiality on tl lice.
At the early stages ol inquiries the daughte Dulanjali Jayakody, w mission saying that at ing made to implicate assassination and ther permission for a lawye
father's interests.
President Premadas sassinated by a suspec
The Commission's Kumaratunga's assass criticised not only by ists, butby well knowr yer Desmond Fernand of the International C rists and the Internatic tion.
According to Mr Fel cerpts of the Commiss into sharp focus the ur proceedings.”
Mr Fernando has du the fact that Sri Lank demned by the Humar
 

h. Vijaya had deform the United A).
2d to field Vijaya ominee when he ording to the reed the support of remadasa's home bo Central, and had mysteriously
ers to a meeting wardene had with indicated that if ution to the counied on devolution, :ad the country. eport, had heard
ries whether the ild have "perpees” without the t of the Minister, nd the state Min
as recommended ermanent quasi - mmission which l to inquiry into such inaction, pression of matee part of the po
the Commission of Premadasa, ote to the Comempts were beher father in the fore she sought to look after her
himself was ased LTTE ......... aport on Vijaya nation has been remadasa loyalSri Lankan lawVice President mmission of jual Bar Associa
ando “press exon Report bring ir nature of the
wn attention to has been conlights Commit
TAMIL TIMES 13
tee of the UN for using Commissions like the SPC.
According to Mr Fernando, the proceedings of the Vijaya Kumaratunga probe were unfair because "the judges hearing evidence were neither independentnor impartial, as they were selected by the Executive, which in this case was the President." This, says Fernando, can be contrasted with the general rule that is followed, for example, in the Supreme Court where judges hearing special cases are nominated by the head of the judiciary, namely the Chief Justice.
What the UNHuman Rights Committee had to say on the Special Presidential Commission's Inquiry Act is that "the Special provisions of the act which accepts the evidence, otherwise inadmissible in a Court of Law and which stipulates that any decision adopted by a Commission established under the Act is final and conclusive and may not be called into question by any court or tribunal, are matters of serious concern in view of the fact that the findings of these commissions can lead to a penalty of civic disability imposed by Parliament on those subject to investigation.”
Fernando has called for the repeal of the Special presidential Commissions Act of Inquiry. Sirisena Cooray, a former United National Party Minister, who was a close confidant of President Pramadasa, in a strong reaction to the Commission Report has put the record straight by refreshing the minds of the Commission Judges that the first probe into the Vijaya assassination got off the ground during the tenure of President J R Jayawardene and that the Minister of National Security at the time was Lalith Athulath-mudali. The Commission judges had said Premadasa was the Minister in charge, and his deputy Ranjan Wijeratne, Minister of State. Besides, says Sirisena Cooray, Premadasa became President only ten and a half months later and in 1988, the year Vijaya was assassinated, it was not decided as to who was going to be the UNP's Presidential nominee for there were two other contenders from the UNP for the Presidential stakes, Lalith Athulathmudali and Gamini Dissanayake besides Premadasa, and also the possibility of Jayawardene amending the Constitution so that he could continue for a further term. Therefore, it is reasonable to assume, says Cooray, that Vijaya's popularity or his candidature did not cause Premadasa any heartburn. "The object of the report is crystal clear. To exonerate the JVP and pin it on Ranasinghe Premadasa and Ranjan Wijeratne. To achieve this aim the report presents a number of arguments which are remarkable for their inanity and naivity", says Cooray.

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14 TAMIL TIMES
tists and their civilian hostages have been pounded to pieces by the Russian army in the village of Pervomayskoye. Some, to the Russians' chagrin, have escaped, many have died, hostages and fighters alike smashed to bloody pulp, and if necessary to see their hostages die - for the sake of something they prize more than life: a country of their own.
Across the other side of Africa, three women sit in the middle of the Algerian desert. They have eyes only for their work. They are sewing a large brightly-coloured carpet: greens andreds and yellows and blues on a black background. In the middle are the Arabic words: Al watan aw al mowt. A homeland or death. These are Sahrawi women, whose people have been fighting a 22-year battle to wrest their piece of desert from Moroccan rule.
And in the rugged mountains of the Pyrenees, Basque separatists gather to discuss a new strategy - one which this time will involve negotiations rather than bombs.
All three groups of people are prepared to risk their lives in order to win a country of their own.
Nationalist struggles have a long history, but the quest for nationhood - often using the tools of violence and, like the Chechens, enduring an even greater violence - is today at flood level. This is hardly surprising. The nation-state has become the main form of human political organisation. Nationalism can and does succeed - though the price can be very high.
More and more new countries are being born. The disappearance of communism alone created 20 new states to add to the existing 165 members of the United Nations. It would seem that our world is becoming increasingly fragmented into smaller and smaller nation-states, built around a common language, religion or creed.
s I write this, Chechen- separa
So the nations who and battling for recog - or sometimes ever some justification foi struggles for a state C Motivations may v characterised by a “cı this resurgence of na surprising. The dem belief-systems, incluc one, has left a feelin and chaos. This mak "national identity' a claim such an identit self in the world.
 
 
 
 

d to die for ir country.
have been hoping gnition for decades centuries - have r intensifying their f their own.
ary, but in a world isis of ideologies', tionalism is hardly lise of traditional ing the communist g of hopelessness es the siren call to Ll the sweeter. To y is to locate one
15 MARCH 996 Imagined Communities
So what is this elusive "national identity'? Is it inherent in each of us, or an artificial creation? Is it true that "a man [sic] must have a nationality as he must have a nose and two ears'?2 Benedict Anderson, in a fascinating study, defined a national community as an "imagined community'. It is "imagined because members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion’.3 Neither language, nor ethnicity nor religion, he argues, are sufficiently held in common to explain what a "nation really is.
Nationalism, then, “is not the awakening of nations to self-consciousness; it invents nations where they do not exist'. Politicians are adept at planting such inventions or imaginings in the minds of their people, especially in times of loss or crisis or change. National liberation movements in Africa during the 1950's and 1960's needed to re-invent themselves as nations in order to shake off the shackles of colonialism. As Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia put it at the time: “Our aim has been to create genuine nations from the sprawling artefacts the colonialists carved out. In 1958 Jacques Rabemananjara, the Malagasy nationalist, made another fine distinction: "One thing's certain, in today's political vocabulary the word nationalism means, generally, the unanimous movement of coloured peoples against Western domination. What does it matter if the word doesn't really describe the phenomenon which we like to apply to it? What fired the activists was never animagined spectacle of the beauties of the nation-state, but the promise that the coming of the nation-state would strike away the chains of foreign rule and all that these had meant in social and moral deprivation.
Another way of helping to create an "imagined community' is to use the past to shore up the present. Rooting the community in former glories - imagined or not-helps foster a spirit of optimism in the present. Thus Simon Bolivar in Colombia, Juan and Evita Peron in Argentina, Jawarharlal Nehru and Mahatma Gandhi in India, are all used as icons on which to hang the emotions of current nationalisms. In former Yugoslavia, Slobodan Milosevic linked old stories about Croat atrocities with promises of Serbian greatness to fill the emotional and economic hole left by Tito's

Page 15
15 MARCH 1996
death. The ultra-right nationalist Vladimir Zhirinovsky continually harks back to Russia’s former greatness to harness current discontent. It is often thus: one ideology of repression replaces another.
tity. The fact that " boundary, or borde that "They' are out tide "Them' - be th or within "our" count 'us' increed, or orig
Banal Nationalism
But the spirit of "nation' is also kept alive by the stuff of everyday life. The sociologist, Michael Billig hasa termfor this, “banal nationalism”. It is the nationalism of flags - waved and unwaved; of national anthems; of rousing language (‘our country” or “our nation”); of processions and celebrations to mark national days or battlefield heroics shrouded in the mists of time. Banal nationalismis the lingua franca that underpins our conscious and unconscious identity with nation. From Washington to Warsaw, it is the fodder on which the media and politicians so eagerly feed.
In times of crisis it can easily be turned into what Billig calls “hot nationalism” - the rallying-cry that sends armies to war, or inspires separatists to struggle against insuperable odds. For the politician, having an enemy on whom to turn be guns diverts atention from domestic pain - as both Margaret Thatcher and George Bush found to their considerable advantage in the Falklands/Malvinas and Gulf Wars.
A victory gives your nation kudos. This is why war and bloodshed, conflict and death always play a special role in nationalist iconography. It is also a reason why women, as non-warriors and thus second-class citizens, are excluded from nationalist thinking - though of course they may support nationalist struggles. "As a woman', wrote Virginia Woolf. "I have no country. As a woman, muy country is the world”.
Nationalism is an ideology which shuts other people out; which defines Us' against "Them'. To call yourself Australian or Chilean or Sri Lankan is to draw a psychological as well as a physical boundary around yourself and those who claim the same national iden
And neither is all ni ethnicity. Despite su less than ten per ce United Nations cor ethnic group. Mos Cameroon, for exan entlanguages and di ligions and over 2 groupings. Many ha nic groups and some Belgium and Canad divided between two Nationalist strugg unity from a commc oppression by a mol powerful state, but essence they still at dress “imagined con munities'. What bind them together a those beliefs that the leaders wish to en phasise as much a any real bonds, ethn or otherwise; “Colle tive memory is usual very selectiv memory, as likely be myth as realit What people choos to remember depen situations and aspiri tity is powerful, but ble nor eternal”. 1
Some categorise “ as purely destruct bloody - nationalism tator putit, with “bru derer and the rapis them - the small ag powerless against th against kings, David usual, the truth lies tween.
Our opinions on again on our categori "Them'. We like to
 

We' are inside that , necessarily means ide it. And woe besy across the water, rybutdifferentfrom in or skin colour - if they seem to threaten our i mag in e d community. We will show no mercy in the defence of "our nation.
Ethnicity
Of course not all conflict is based on national identity. tionalism rooted in ch pre-concep-tions, it of all states in the sist mainly of one it are polyethnic - ple, has 124 differalects,4 different re)0 separate “tribal' ve several large eth- Malaysia, Nigeria, a among them - are main ethnic groups. les may draw their
AMIL TIMES 15
patriotic and "they' are nationalistic. Or we divide nationalisms into Civic virtue and Ethnic vice. Yet the price of civic nationalism can often be the marginalisation of ethnic minorities. Any nationalism may also bring to the fore the best as well as the worst in people: "In an age when it is so common for progressive cosmopolitan intellectuals to insist on the near-pathological character of nationalism, it is useful to remind ourselves that nations inspire love, and often profoundly self-sacrificing love'.
So what then is all this sacrifice for? To what do the separatists, advocates of self-determination, actually aspire? The answer, more often than not, is a new country, with an independent state to crown their nation. And herein lies the supreme irony. For while separatists struggle and fight and die in order to carve out a country of their own, the 185 nation-states that already exist are growing weaker by the day.
A Borderless World
The power of global capital in the form of transnational organisations and institutions has made a nonsense of national economic decision-making. Back in 1974, when Barnet and Muller wrote their classic study: Global Reach; The Power of the Multinational Corporation, they saw the writing on the wall: "The
Γε in il
ds
RᏩ ds on their current tions. Ethnic idenit is neither inevita
ethnic nationalism' ive, atavistic and ns, as One commental face” of the murt. Others eulogise ainst the large, the powerful, peasants against Goliath. As somewhere in be
this depend once sation into 'Us.' and think that 'we' are
Men who run the global corporations are the first in history with the organisation, technology, money and ideology to make a credible try at managing the world as an integrated economic unit...What they are demanding in essence is the right to transcend the nation -state and in the process to transform it'."
Today, this transformation is common wisdom. BusinessWeek in 1990 quoted WMichael Blumental. Chair of Unisys Corporation, to the effect that worldcorporations are becoming 'stateless'. They move factories and labs around the world without particular reference to national borders'.7
Capital too is free to flow in and out

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16 TAMIL TIMES
of the country at the whim of international stock and currency markets. The amount of money that moves around the world in a single day is more than three times what a country like Japan earns through trade in an entire year. We live in what Japanese business guru Kenichi Ohmae calls "a borderless world' where "nation-states have become little more than bit auctors'.7 We talk of goods “made in Britain” or “made in Korea, asse mbled in Malaysia, sewn together in Taiwan and then shipped to the country where they are supposed to have been "made'.
National governments have lost control over another crucial area of “national' life - communications. Improved technology means that it is no longer possible for nation-states to exert strict controls over the information their citizens receive. In former Yugoslavia, for instance, people from Croatia, forbidden to write or telephone their relatives in Serbia, have been using the Internet to pass messages. In India, satellite television has brought soap operas from around the world into the homes of millions of people.
But communications and the media are dominated by a global culture which is increasingly Americanised. American English is the global language and the US sells its own culture as 'global'. A young market trader in Manila aspires to the same kinds of things as a taxi-driver in Moscow or a college stu
own... social or cult position both to the a wider continental
Such networks people try to wrest sponsive governme rect action - covere media - is having ré is halted by those p lives to save hom road-building is st environmentalists . are carved out by t separate national i ties are being imag
Failure of th
The nation-state - failed to provide and health services its citizens, failed e pact on the world zens expect. Perhal is its chronic inabi ple the right to take which are importa ments and those W creasingly seen as just very distant.
In the words of man Developme nation-state now is things, and too big So what of the fut tually grow out o nation-state? T
dent in downtown Los Angeles - Levi jeans, Coca-Cola, Western music.
Yet at the same time other groups - social, political and ethnic - are rebelling against this homogenisation. As Anthony Smith, author of a number of books on nationalism, explains, these groups are using the tools of mass communications to "create and sustain their
challenging both, shape their own liv lems increasingly national solutions: ' flicts, social disin pollution and drug longer be confined ders'.10 The na squeezed from abo
 

15 MARCH 1996
ural networks in opnational state and to or global culture'.' are often formed as : control from unrents. Everywhere, didextensively by the sults. Dam-building prepared to risk their es and livelihoods, ymied by dedicated and new countries hose who demand a dentity. New identiined.
e Nation-State
has failed its people affordable education , failed to look after ven to make the imstage that those citips its greatest failure lity to allow its peopart in the decisions nt to them. Governho run them are inuseless, corrupt - or
the UN’s 1993 Hunt Report: 'The too small for the big for the small'.10 ure? What will evenf the tatters of the he historian Eric Hobsbawm wrote in 1992 that: "the world of the next century will be largely supranational... and will reflect the decine of the old nation-state as an operational entity'. Others believe that the new entities of the twenty-first century will be based on small ethnic and tribal groupings.
There is no doubt that change is in the air. While we now seem to be ruled by an oppressive market - rather than an oppressive state - people are increasingly and finding ways to ves. But global probneed global and not "Famines, ethnic contegration, terrorism, g trafficking can no within national bortion-state is being ve by the forces of in
ternational capital and from below by the demands of its own citizens.
Alternatives
There are options other than a world of global supranational capitalismortotal fragmentation. Decentralization may be an alternative to separatism. And technology can be a tool for positive change - for those who can afford it. Links are being made beyond national boundaries. People in former Yugoslavia who are against Serbian aggression are using the new document which outlines the Constitution fora Scottish Parliament in order to establish the basis for their own kind of multi-ethnic state. Even in the United States: "The greatmajority of Americans increasingly have more in common with their counterparts in other countries than with the putatively American wing of a global ruling class... Americans may begin looking past national boundaries for alliances, especially with those just beyond our borders, physical (Mexico, Canada), or psychic (Western Europe)'.
We are at present, as the poet Matthew Arnold put it, "wandering between two worlds/One dead, the other unable to be born'. We know the old world of nation-states is dying. We have a chance to assist in the birth of the new one, to give it shape beyond the parochialism of nation, ethnicity, race or class. Let us be secure enough in our own imagined communities to recognise the value of other peoples' imaginings. Let us take that chance to create a world that is based on democracy, decentralism and tolerance - a world where a new inter- nationalism is a real possibility.
1. States of disarray: the social effects of globalization (UNRISD 1995).
2. Nations and Nationalism Ernest Gellner (Basil Blackwell 1983).
3. Imagined Communities Benedict Anderson (Verso 1991).
4. The Black Man's Burden: Africa and the curse of the nation-state Basil Davidson (James Currey 1992).
5. Banal Nationalism Michael Billig (Sage 1995).
6. Motherlands: Black women's writing from Africa, the Caribbean and South Asia edited by Susheila Nasta (Women's Press 1991).
7. When Corporations Rule the World David C Korten (Earths- can 1995).
8. The End of the Nation-state: The rise of regional economies Kenichi Ohmae (Harper Collins 1995).
9. Nations and Nationalism in a global era Anthony DSmith (Polity Press 1995).
10. Human Development reports 1993 and 1994 (United Nations Development Programme).
11. Nations and Nationalism since 1780 Eric Hobsbawm (Cambridge University Press 1992). 12. Ellen Willis "The postnational prospect' in Village Voice, Nov 28 1995 p21.
(Courtesy of "New Internationalist"March 1996).

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15 MARCH 1996
On Human Rights and the UTHR()
S. Sivasegaram
"It should be borne in mind that human rights have only an instrumental function in the political culture, serving as a weapon against adversaries and a device to mobilize the domestic public behind the banner of our nobility, as we courageously denounce the real or alleged abuses of official enemies.
“In this regard, human rights concerns are very much like the facts of past and present history: instruments to serve the needs of power, not to enlighten the citizenry."
- Noam Chomsky in Deterring Deтостасу"
The human rights issue is, a political issue and what one sees as human rights and their violation vary with one's political stand point. In recent years, human rights have helped the imperialists to dictate policy to Third World governments which fail to toe the line. I need not go into the double standards and hypocrisy associated with campaigns for human rights nor into details of how the big powers that take a high moral ground on issues of human rights are swayed by other considerations. None of this means that one rejects altogether the notion of human rights, but one needs to view issues of human rights in their social and political context.
There are several human rights organisations operating in Sri Lanka, some more prolific than others in producing reports. Their names hardly tellus what they stand for or whom they represent, but their deeds sometimes do. The name University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna) has a ring of authenticity which can be misleading and has thus tempted many into believing that it is in fact associated with the University in Yaalppaanam. For instance, a writer to the Tamil Times, S. Narapalasingham, chose to place that name alongside that of Amnesty International in his article (p.11, TT, Jan. '96). Its reports have received considerable publicity in the Sri Lankan media, about whose concern for the welfare of the Thamil people we have little doubt. These reports are sometimes quot- edin part by publications from India, and the TT too has found space for their reports.
The legitimacy of the use of the name
UTHR(J) has been q time now, and some ( have argued that, if i small group of people to call itself the All C gress or for the Thamilnaadu to call it Dravida Munnetra equally legitimate f UTHR(J) reports to us is, however, a vast d the use of a name of: an inaccurate manne name which is rathe plies that it belongs particular institutior whereas it really does fore that there is serio use of the name UTH the context of objectio ers from the Universi its use and despite all arguments presentec Some do think that means, but I someh means determine the
There are some w. UTHR(J) reports shi lished in one news p Such arguments are ar dangerous. As far asl things that need to be open and even incorr to be aired. A wron corrected by suppress strong case for a crit censorial approachinc which are not accept greatest majority.
One cannot in one's accuse the UTHR(J) kind to the LTTE. On thesereports, despitet have played an impor ing attention to prol Even if only part of wh that is a matter for seri it will be good if thos LTTE supporters wil about serious charge, within their power tom things can be avoided. with the UTHRO) rep centtimesthey have f draw attention to farm. tions of human rights government. I have come acrossany repor on the plight of innc Colombo, nor have Ih. denounce the bombing north a few months ag The way in which t UTHR(J) Special Rep dus from Jaffna has ha of the LTTE and the S forces reminded me of leased in 1989 by a ganisation' based in L

TAMIL TIMES 17
estioned for some efenders of its use was correct for a living in Colombo eylon Tamil Conruling party in elf All India Anna Kazhagam, it is or the authors of that name. There ifference between general nature in and the use of a specific and imo or represents a or organisation, not. I think thereis deception in the R(J), especially in ns raised by teachty of Jaffna about manner of moral by the faithful. ends justify the low believe that ends. ho argue that the ould not be pubaper or the other. ti-democratic and can see, there are : discussed in the ect views deserve g view cannot be ion and there is a ical rather than a lealing with views able to even the
wildest ofdreams
reports of being the positive side, heir apparent bias, tant role in drawblems that exist. at they say is true, ous concern. And who claim to be verify the truth and do what is lake sure that such But the difficulty orts is that in reiled miserably to ore serious violay the Sri Lankan not, for instance, t by the UTHR(J) cent Thamils in :ar the UTHR(J) of a school in the
O. he recent lengthy Ort 6 on the exoidled its criticism ri Lankan armed another reportrehuman rights orondon, known as
International Alert and authored by Eduardo Marino, which I reviewed briefly in the TT, August '90. That report was written in a way that one would get the impression that the JVP was the real culprit.
Authors of reports on sensitive issues, if they are not acting in the interests of any establishment but that of the people, have a responsibility to ensure that their reports are not misused by governments which publish material from them selectively. I wonder whether the UTHR(J) has ever objected to such abuse by the Sri Lankan government and the mainstream media or taken steps to ensure that their reports are not distorted by partial publication. What has often made me wonder was that why the UTHR(J), with a name suggesting concern with the problems of the Thamil people, produces all its reports in English with rare and generally belated translations in Thamil. Are these reports aimed at the English-educated Thamil elite at home and abroad, on whom the UTHR(J) has always poured scorn, or at some others? The failure to write in Thamil on matters concerning the interests of a predominantly non-Englishspeaking Thamil population seems a bit of an anomaly to me. I may be wrong, and it may only be those who are literate in the language of masters past and present who matter.
Questions also arise in connection with the ability of the authors of these reports to see violations of human rights in the context of the historical reality of national oppression and the struggle against it. There are many who are highly critical of the LTTE on many issues relating to human rights while not losing sight of the fact that it is the failure of successive governments to address the real issues that lies at the root of the tragedy. If the government firmly believes that it is the LTTE that is standing in the way to peace, why does it lack the moral courage and confidence to put forward a proposal for a just solution which the LTTE cannot afford to spurn? The onus is on the government of Sri Lanka to put forward proposals for a just solution to the national question and to take concrete steps towards a negotiated solution, since it was a succession of Sri Lankan governments that have been responsible for the present crisis.
There are other issues which do not exactly relate to human rights raised in the UTHR(J)'s SR 6. Some concern political and military strategy for the LTTE and fall only slightly short of recommending that the LTTE should surrender to the government forces. Again, there are other critics of the LTTE who see many of the lapses of the LTTE to be consequences of the failure to develop

Page 18
18 TAMILTMs
the liberation struggle into a mass movement, a failure that needs to be put right. Such criticism does not fail to recognise that the struggle is one for national liberation and that the LTTE is leading it, despite any reservation one may have about the course of the struggle.
There are nevertheless many who glorify everything about the liberation struggle and will see no mistakes, no failures, no set-backs, even temporary, and will have explanations for everything. Some of them would even go to the extent of comparing the exodus from Yaalppaanam with the Long March led by the Red Army in China or, if they have a distaste for the communists, with the exodus of the Jewish nation some millennia ago. The departure from Yaalppaanam was a shock to the vast majority including those who were supportive of the LTTE. There was room for anger and frustration, and even the most ardent supporter of the LTTE should know that LTTE does not quite comprise saints (although soldiers in the Sri Lankan army seem to be fast approaching sainthood, especially with members of the clergy joining their ranks). Any crisis brings along with it conflicts which need to be handled with care and understanding. Failure to do so will only weaken the struggle and problems will not go away by pretending that they do not exist. Thus it is just as wrong to pretend that all went according to plan as it is to argue that the LTTE always gets it wrong, as the authors of SR 6 seek to do.
The UTHR(J) report does criticise the government, some may argue. Even the naive could see that the way that criticism is made differs from the way the LTTE is criticised. This is not unusual. I had drawn attention to such imbalance in the criticism of the LTTE on the one hand and its then rivals and the IPKF on the other in the “Broken Palmyra”, with which the authors of UTHR(J) reports were closely associated, in my review in the now defunct Panimalar, a Thamil periodical from London.
SR 6 also says that "those who remained found the government troops far better behaved than in previous phases of the war and LTTE propaganda had led them to expect”. It accuses that "the LTTE then, as happened again in 1990, provoked the army from nearby places of civilian refuge and ran away". The failure of the army to prevent the people from vacating Valikaamam is attributed to "confusion in Government thinking", and of course, the government had "excusable delays' besides not-so-excusable ones for not allowing food supplies to go north and, to the authors of the report, it only "appeared (italics mine) that
the government war veloping disaster fr world'. As far as L the report is far less c in more certain term me wonder why the g use these good soldie paanam to police C. Thamils in Colombo could not help thin Marino (the man fro. smarter story-teller UTHR(J) reports.
Some defend the C the basis of good in ers question the inte their intentions may these reports, in their cise the LTTE, seem to help the governme. the need for a just at than to strengthen th the oppressed natio monkey who wielde the fly that disturbe master also had goo nevertheless killed h The report has, lik things to say about 1 LTTE intellectuals "Society had becon very young childrent gooned into serving til Those close to the ch homes. But otherw noise. Bishops, prof gurus had talked and this was the normal was all sanitised'. V merly of the Sinhala World Service and current President of as Chairman of Ri Lankan state televi subsequently forced
OF WTTAND WI
The behaviour, greatness and the w irrespective of his ground, is another ya leadership, his virtu in the field of politi life. One can never w ers by trying to dom them, to instill fear them and murder t succeed by listening for them, their well their social structur
The letter from N written from Japan: "Tamil Times' of 15 reference to the repo
the forced "Exodus

15 MARCH 1996
ed to hide the deom the rest of the TE intentions go, autious and speaks :. All of this made overnment will not rs trained in Yaalplombo so that the will feel safe, but I ting that Eduardo in IA, in 1989) was han the writers of
THR(J) reports on entions while othntions. Whatever be, the authors of enthusiasm to critito have done more nt to delay and deny Id lasting solutions 2 case for justice to n. The proverbial i a sword to smash 'd the sleep of his d intentions which is master. e those in the past, non- (but not anti-) in Yaalppaanam: he apathetic about being tricked or drahe LTTE leadership. ildren cried in their ise there was little essors and religious behaves as though order of things. It asantha-Rajah, forsection of the BBC hand-picked by the Sri Lanka to serve pavahini, the Sri sion network, and to abandon his po
SDOM
he reasoning, the isdom of a person, educational backrdstick to assess his es and his propriety cs or even in social in allegiance of othinate them, enslave in them, to torture lem - but can only to them, by caring are and to enhance
ir Sachi Sri Kantha ind appearing in the February 1996 with rt fromUTHR(J) on from Jaffna' is in
sition because of his view that war was not the way to deal with the national question, has a different view on the way the young join the LTTE. Despite my reservations about some of his arguments in his book "Tamil Exodus and Beyond', I think that it has a lot of fairly objectively written material that counters some of the inaccuracies in SR 6 and other UTHRCJ) reports.
The above "holier than thou” stance of the authors of SR 6 did not stop at moral indignation at the lesser mortals. It went further towards censorship and control of news media. Attempts to curb the editorial freedom of Sarinihar, a Thamil fortnightly published by the Movement for Inter-Racial Justice and Equality was undertaken by individuals identified with the UTHR(J). This effort was thwarted, thanks to good sense prevailing in the MIRJE, but the crusade has not ended. An earlier attempt to undermine the Thamil service of the BBC for its apparently pro-LTTE slant failed, but the UTHR(J) has not given up and continues its campaign against Radio Veritas and the BBC Thamil broadcast. What makes me wonder is that how a news magazine with a small circulation and two Thamil radio programs with short duration of broadcast can change the course of events guided by the entire Sri Lankan media and the overwhelming majority of international news agencies and governments. Does not one suspect a touch of authoritarianism somewhere, the kind of thing that defines the right to free expression as one for the expression of acceptable views alone? Have the writers of the reports strayed a little too far outside the scope of “human rights' this time, or have they done exactly what they always intended to do?
dicative of yet another demonstration of arrogance and pettiness, in that he is interested only in the identity of the writer or writers of the report rather than in the contents to contradict or deny the analytical documentation of the forced Exodus. The Tamils residing outside Sri Lanka did not witness the Episodes that took place during September/December 1995 when the Sri Lankan Army went on the offensive to capture Jaffna. I would, however, wish to point out to Mr Sachi Sri Kantha that the desperate Tamils who are displaced and forced to live in the Vanni under inhuman environment and who wrote letters to their kith and kin in the UK and elsewhere had pictured their sufferings and painful endurance and the arrogant behaviour of the gun trotting boys of the LTTE and their leadership. They narratein different ways how they were threatened

Page 19
15 MARCH 1996
by this move by the LTTE are quite obvious. the Tamils have become mere pawns in the hands of the LTTE. (Perhaps Mr Sachi Sri Kantha would ask for the identities of the people who wrote such letters from the Vanni). Any Tamil person airing his views contrary to the wishes and the actions of the LTTE is portrayed as a traitor and condemned to death. People who fear to identify themselves have to use some methods to voice their grievances. There is no democratic source or platform to air their views.
The welfare of the Tamil people have been totally ignored by the LTTE and its leadership. The people are being used as tools. If, warring with a Nation is the only ultimate aim of this group, irrespective of the results of war, any political wits or wisdom, that organisation is set to be doomed. The people for whom they pretend to fight would perish. The inhuman and barbaric methods used to suppress the voice of the Tamils by the LTTE for the last 15 years cannot and should not continue for ever. The Tamil people are fed up with the LTTE as they have suffered long enough which would take many more years to heal. If, all the resources given by the Tamils from the West to procure arms for the LTTE, could be directed to build the community in the North, it could be paradise.
There are hundr Tamils leading the the Sinhalese peopl sen freedom like th Sri Kantha living i father and mother in India. But it is
these Tamils living
turn they make they security as LTTE s enough there are fe for the LTTE using positions to bring d in Colombo. The se be blamed for arre; order to safeguard til erty.
The LTTE, if it ca and wishes to contir of warfare with th have already missec with the present go peace. There are al tionalist elements community emerg sions of a Holocau would be unimagin not brought emanci of Mankind. Prabah bow as vanquished "To act without ( to form habits with to pursue the way
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2ds of thousands of ir livelihood among e which is their choe father of Mr Sachi n Colombo and the of Prabaharan living very unfortunate for in Colombo, as every are suspected by the upporters. But truly w who are working their knowledge and eath and destruction curity forces cannot sting the suspects in e civilians and prop
nnot end the conflict ue the extremist idea : Government, they another opportunity vernment to achieve ready extremist Nafrom the majority Ing and the dimenst of the Tamil race able. Extremism has pation in the history haran would take his and not as a victor. :lear understanding, out examining them, all his life without
TAMIL TIMES 19
knowing where it leads - such is the way of ignorant men.”.... By Menclus
SSivapalan Tooting, London, SW 17
NO SOLUTION WITHOUT LTTE
As a young reader of your great magazine, I like to say a few mature words to your readers.
In our Eelam Nation’s struggle, it is very clear that no solution can be achieved without LTTE's participation; such solutions will never bring Peach to the Island. So at this critical point, rather than rejecting LTTE's leadership, we have no choice but to accept LTTE as a major representative of our Eelam Nation.
That does not simply mean we have to accept what LTTE is doing. As good "Eelamese', we all have a duty in reforming the LTTE's thinking.
LTTE does need the help of the Superbrains of Eelam in achieving a solution which is acceptable to both Sinhala and Tamil Nations.
Miss Vanu Rajalingam 41 Campfield Road, St Albans, Herts, UK.
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Page 20
20 TAMIL TIMES
THE EXODUS FROM JAFF
October/November 1995
The following is the text of the Special Report No.6 dated 6 D University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna) :
(Continued from last issue)
The Government in Peace and War
Looking at the events over the last year, it would appear that during the peace process the Government was not clear about the nature of the LTTE. Moreover, during war it lacked clarity and consistency in its approach to the Tamil people, whom, it aid, it sought to win over politically. One of its marked achievements is however the peace package announced at the end of July, laying down the outlines of apolitical settlement. During the peace process the Government paid little attention to the complications arising from the nature of the LTTE. Having consulted the Tamil elite in Colombo and those abroad, the Foreign Minister, who had no grass-roots contact, maintained confidently that the Tamil people supported the Government's efforts for peace with the LTTE. These were ultimately noises modulated by the LTTE and kept changing with the LTTE’s strategic considerations. Once the war was precipitated the Government and the foreign office became hostile to NGO and other voices which tried to represent the people who were victims of military measures.
In both these phases there has been a notable lack of conception regarding the place and interests of the ordinary Tamil people. The manner in which the current war is being conducted has shown little respect for the civilians as people whom the Government is trying to win over. With the exception of Jaffna town and suburbs, bombing and shelling in other areas appears to have been untargetted and done in the way of reprisals. It was pointed out earlier that most of the hundred civilian deaths during October occurred as the result of bombing and shelling well outside the combat Zone. Vadamaratchi and Thenmaratchi had been regularly shelled during the month of November and these are areas to which displaced people have moved in large numbers. Shelling of these areas had notably taken place during times when fighting was heavy and the army sustained casualties-i.e., shelling had been frequent from about 10th to 14th November.
Two civilians were killed in the Mattuvil area in Thenmaratchi on the 10th. On 11th November a refugee child was killed when shells fell in Maruvan Pulavu, Thenmaratchi, on the Kerativu road. Two were killed in Kaithadi, Thenmaratchi, on the 12th. On the same day one civilian was killed near Thikkam in Valvettithurai. Many more were injured in all these incidents. During the 13th night a total of about 40 shells were
accounted by civili several parts of Va them on the coast c one shell is known near an LTTE wo Mattuvil-Nunavil a and injuring two oth claimed that they woman spy with a w November the air f in the Mullaitivu ar. persons from three and 15 were injured members of a single Some of the injured ment in Vavuniy kuli-Kaithady area b near a refugee camp alties. Such indiscrim vilian areas helps to of ordinary people taken to ensure good t ing troops.
The same lack of civilian welfare also ning of travel through is done for a short te vilians should be tol threatens to become what happened unde ment. For the lack of sage Tamil civilians Jaffna lagoon for thr from the navy and the a hundred civilian liv incident in early Janu civilians were massac guns by the Sri Lank ded some of the boa their lives included g who were required to transact government
Also unfortunate is of the officers leading of them, Brig. Karunal of the brigade at Vala sponsible for the noto versity disappearance 1990. There are also up against him perta activity during the JV again shows a certa about civilian welfare bilities.
The relative care sh or bombing Jaffna tow operation had been more influential sectio community in Colon agreement was reach fallen within the ICR the surgeon's house Ariyalai East has been

A - Part III
ember 1995 by the
is to have fallen in amaratchi, most of
into the sea. Only ) have fallen on or en's camp in the a killing a female rs. The LTTE later ad apprehended a lkie talkie! On 21st ce dropped bombs a. In Nedunkerni 4 amilies were killed
At Kachilamadu 5 family were killed. are receiving treat. In the Navatombs were dropped
no reports of casuinate shelling of cinegate in the minds the apparent pains ehaviour of advanc
clear conception of applies to the banJaffna lagoon. If it rm purpose, the cid so. As it is, this another fiasco like r the UNP governan alternative pastravelled through ee years under fire air force. Well over es were lost. In one ary 1993, 30 to 60 "ed with knives and un Navy who boars. Those who lost vernment servants go to Colombo to usiness. the choice of some the offensive. One lake, was in charge chenai that was rerious Eastern Uni - during September cases being taken ning to his earlier insurgency. This lack of concern and civilian sensi
wn in not shelling suggests that the scussed with the s of the diplomatic bo and that some d (One shell had
zone, in front of The bombing in 2ferred to already.
15 MARCH 1996
Several shells fired from Mandaitivu fell about the Gurunagar coast). The Government itself fails to have appreciated its strong position in this respect. Having scored a success in influencing the UN Secretary General to make a statement, the LTTE propaganda failed thereafter. There were two main reasons for this.
Foreign journalists covering the war were told by foreign diplomats and some of the international Nogs that the government forces had been careful to avoid civilian casualties, with the exception of about two lapses. The latter seemed to refer to the bombing of Ariyalai East on the 26th October and the two shells in Gurunagar on the 29th, suggesting again that they were looking almost exclusively at the town area. The bombing and shelling elsewhere does not seem to have featured significantly in their thinking. To this extent the army and air force had been careful. On the other hand they seem to have had the license to vent their anger anywhere, but sparing Jaffna town where the refugees were once supposed to gather. This may satisfy foreigners, but it is far from being a satisfactory approach towards the Tamil people who are citizens of this country.
The second reason for the failure of the LTTE's propaganda blitz was that its claims were found wanting in two respects. Although the LTTE under- estimated its own power to force an exodus from Jaffna, the resistance of those who remained had to be overcome by force and terror. (An LTTE functionary later confided privately that they had under-estimated the panic that would result from the announcement of the exodus order.) Despite theuse of terrorittook the LTTE 16 days to throw out those who remained and the truth came out very soon. The figure of 500,000 refugees claimed for the exodus too raised scepticism. It turned out that the Government Agent was quoting Nogs and the Nogs were quoting the government administration that was under the GA. A figure of 300,000 may have been more realistic since a steady exodus had been taking place for 5 years. Moreover, the LTTE's conduct over the years had made the foreign media far less sympathetic. Its spokesmen too cut little ice with the foreign media.
Very damaging to the LTTE and the Tamil people had been the massacre of a hundred Sinhalese civilians in the East. Had the LTTE not done this, the 100 or so Tamil civilians killed during October would have aroused greater concern. As it was, it appeared as collateral damage that was light by the standards of other wars. A veteran correspondent experienced in Vietnam and Cambodia remarked, "I hate to be the father of one of those killed. But look, what is a hundred civilians dead given the heavy fighting involved?' The indications are that the death among combatants was about 1500 over the same period. Our questions are

Page 21
21 MARCH 1996
however not based on numerical considerations, but rather on the politics behind the civilian deaths. The death of even this relatively small number of civilians cannot be attributed to collateral damage. It was mainly callousness. Whether the number killed by the random shelling in Vadamaratchi and Thenmaratchi is 2, 20 or 200 is not the question. The question is about whether the Government should bomb or shell civilians at all in the manner it had done? What is the politics behind such actions? Canit bring peace? Can it reconcile the Tamils to accept living in a united Sri Lanka? These are long term questions that go beyond numbers.
It is in the same vein that we have questioned the LTTE's politics. What it represents is not determined so much by the number of Tamil dissidents tortured and killed, or the numbers of Muslim and Sinhalese civilians massacred, but rather that these killings and massacres are integral to its workings as an institution and have frightening implications. We need to use a different yardstick from foreign observers because these are all our own problems and an indication of the callous attitude towards people in general that is part of the Tamil nationalist legacy.
Looking at events over the weeks, it was remarkable how much the government and the LTTE were playing identical games with the people and actually reinforcing each other's actions. Both parties seemed most at ease in extreme polarised positions, found in a state of confrontation and war. The government through restrictions starved the people of cash. The LTTE did the same by withdrawing its cash deposits from the banks and collecting for the National Defence fund. It then reaped thumping profits by exchanging cash for gold with desperate civilians on highly advantageous terms. When the LTTE wanted to expel the civilians from Jaffna, it looked to the government for some help in the form of shelling civilians. But early November witnessed a lull in SL army shelling. The LTTE had to go through the embarrassment of firing its own shells and getting caught.
Now in Vadamaratchi and Thenna ratchi, the game is more complex. The LTTE wants the people to move to the Vanni, but appears to be hampered both by international opinion and the tougher nature of the people in Vadamaratchi in engineering a second exodus without help from the SL army. The government appears to have no clear policy. The army, it seemed, had acquired a taste for taking over an area without the inconvenience of having civilians around. It would be more convenient for the government if the LTTE could be blamed for chasing the civilians out. Following its capture of Jaffna, the army continued to shell Vadamaratchi and Thenmaratchi, but not heavily. In mid-December, however, the army announced a heavy artillery barrage against LTTE targets in Vadamaratchi,
claiming that it was filtration into Valik experience, one co on what this means made the censorshi more inexcusable.
How does the or see the government experienced bombi Jaffna. But once the and made him a vag against the LTTE. Thenmaratchi, he ag ing. He under-went government was m sible for starving h necessities. He cam ceed to Colombo. humiliation of being to a camp for three ment. He came to C police harassment him people were sa like July 1983. By position would hav LTTE is something essary evil, that is communalism of su
The celebration of Jaffna and the Tamil civilians in lowed the exodus portant question of expect from the go of rising buoyan Sinhalese. If there but a mere continua machinery and po. Tamils will be onl the arms of the Ti prospect of continu destruction and wat The government cynical and do muc involve the Tamils of reconciliation tha help the whole cou. vicious cycle of des
It must be borne government has bee We quote from a re. "Post-Traumatic F Bombing" by a mec "Social Science and addition to detentior ment, bombing [an the major stressors appear that in many are used primarily a ons against civilian accurately hit mil densely populated a seen in the war in sophistication of in the same time, the g ently sought civiliar ing fire on to the ge1 ally sudden, unexp able nature, the blas plosion giving rise "shell-shock' in W massive destruction that follow are di

TAMIL TIMES 21
to prevent LTTE inamam. Based on past uld have no illusions
to the civilians. This then prevailing even
dinary Tamil civilian through all this? He ng and shelling around LTTE drove him out, rant, his anger turned In Vadamaratchi or ain experienced shellprivations because the ade to appear responim of cash and other e to Vavuniya to proHe had to undergo the g herded and confined days by the governolombo to experience and fear. All around ying that it felt rather this time, many in his 'e concluded that the in the nature of a necthe only check on the ccessive governments. »y the state for thefall general treatment of the South which folagain raised the imwhat the Tamils can vernment in the face cy among extreme is no change of heart tion of the same state larised attitudes, the y pushed further into gers leaving only the ing divisive conflict, in the coming years. needs to be far less :h better if it wants to in a political process it in the long term will ntry to get out of this truction. in mind that even this n guilty of war crimes. cent publication titled Responses to Aerial lical don to appear in Medicine'(UK): "In l, torture and displaced shelling) is one of of the war. It would instances, bombings Spsychological weapis, for their ability to itary targets within reas is exceptional, as Sri Lanka where the Istruments is low. At guerillas have consistcover, thereby drawneral public. The usuected and unpredictit and noise of the ex} to what was called orld War I; and the n, injuries and death mensions of stress
...Thus the variety of symptoms and even the cluster of more severe symptoms amounting to a psychiatric disorder in some individuals had been accepted as an inevitable part of the war situation. It could also be true that many of the responses to a traumatic experience are manifestations of an organism's attempt to cope or adapt in an abnormal situation. Obviously what is abnormal is the bombing itself and not the reactions to it. Lifton had stressed that it is important not to delegitimise the suffering of the victims by assigning a psychiatric label. Bombing of civilians should be considered a grave offence - a war crime."
The Elite, the People & Illusions The elite are nearly always atomised individuals whose confidence and reassurance come from their association with institutions, whether the state, commercial institutions, religious and educational institutions or Nogs. In the present world all these have ramifications in the global power structure. It is power that they respect and power relations they understand best. In the event of a phenomenon like the LTTE which jars their complacency, it is natural for them to approach the problem in terms of co-opting it into power structures. But such attempts to deal with a phenomenon such as the LTTE, the total thrust of whose actions is entirely contrary to the well-being of people, further corners the people and inflicts enormous suffering on them.
Thus from an elitist point-of-view, the human rights violations of the Tigers, their eliminations and their virtual conscription of children were largely non-issues. The blood and spirit was taken out of these violations and they were sanitised and explained away in such allegorical terms as painful and curative reactions, necessary side effects to combating state terrorism. There was a persistent refusal to see its ultimate destructiveness towards its own community in the long term.
Among the illusions held by the elite is that of rationality. Morality was of little significance in their world-view as appears the norm in international relations. There was an expectation of being able to deal with the LTTE rationally. This was largely the approach of the various peace missions, both foreign and Southern. A confidence was expressed from within the Government negotiating team that the LTTE leaders now reaching middle age and not far from old age would like to settle down. The 40 year-old LTTE leader's son's being sent to an elite mission school was deemed a healthy sign. In other words they understood each other, or so it seemed.
There was such confidence also among the Tamil elite whose position had become morally compromised. They had a contempt for those who raised questions of human rights and morality and suffered for it. They believed that they were doing the rational thing that was the need of the hour. Whatever compromise they made,

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22 TAM TIMES
they argued, it was to keep institutions going and to preserve the foundations for the future. What was happening to the people for whom these institutions existed was lost sight of. Even sections of some of the churches plummeted to their lowest depths.
Both the elite and the LTTE sustained these illusions and built vested interests around them. The edifices - underground facilities, hospitals, impressive buildings for administrative divisions and public relations, parks, tombs and mausolea - the LTTE built in the Neervely, Urumpirai and Kondavil areas which fell to the government forces within a month are a testimony to the magnitude of the illusion. The breaking of the bubble so irked the LTTE that it decided that if it could not have Jaffna, no one could have it, not even the people to whom it belonged.
The elite who thought they had the LTTE in a relation of partnership discovered overnight that they did not matter a hoot to the LTTE. They were thrown out of Jaffna along with the ordinary people and the institutions which they sought to preserve ceased to exist. The nation was on the roads, rain and all. But they were so cornered that even at this juncture they could not move to represent the concerns of the people. Although privately expressing bitterness against the LTTE, publicly they signed petitions to the international community blaming it all on the Government. Although the relatively low death toll and the recent massacres of Sinhalese diluted their case, expressions were used giving the sense that the Government of Sri Lanka which had killed thousands of Tamil civilians in the past), was now through forcing them out of Jaffna under conditions of inclement weather and utter want), finally destroying them through mental trauma and physical hardship. The constant theme in these statements was the claim that the Government was subjecting the Tamil people to genocide.
Yet the voices of hundreds of thousands of ordinary people that were not heard and are not meant to be heard, carried no sophistry and no illusions. Forced in the night and under heavy rain, on 30th October, to trudge through the flooded moorlands of Chemmani and Kaithady, one clear refrain was readily heard and assented to:
"This is happening to us today because we did it to the Muslims exactly five years ago." Some recalled that they were given 4 hours to vacate, while the Muslims were given two. The common people's sense of justice had remained clear and unambiguous. A recent evacuee from Jaffna asked: "I know even school boys who had got together and told the LTTE recruiters coming to their schools that they would not join, because "those who live by the sword will die by the sword'. If school boys could do that much, why cannot our religious and community leaders do more?'
The Cost of the Exodus The one defence of the enforced exo
dus that is also advd statement quoted eal human lives, in view tary confrontation. F displacement from areas could have be judgement of the pe selves well experien Even if the claim to s it is so only in the col nature of the LTTE's ing Jaffna into a batt ralysis it has brought Having decided on r warfare, if it had con it had no reason to struction on the peop tions by confronting for the second time in national armies avoic vading army in cities people and to protect ure and institutions.)
was moreover a ful ety with teachers, pro gious leaders who cc cerns of the people i demands would have ence. Then pressure brought to bear and th ter ensured with the IC active and positive rol would not have got aw bombing and shelling Instead of credible voi people, we have staten vicars-general and ac one-sided that no one t except expatriate Tam The roots of the exo in the character of th its unchanging agen power, its absence of c ple, and its duplicity r torical inability to ne political process.
It must also be pc physical death toll f high, beginning with died in the same night of conditions in the m actly know how mai from the hospital died many sickly persons conservative estimate at the beginning of th available information thousands of animals agonising death throu Death from disease consequence of the high. Approximately Thenmaratchi and Vadamaratchi were dy sult of malnutrition de diarrhoea that were e displaced children. make the LTTE claim dubious. There was als plosion of an amn Chavakacheri during was then crowded wit ing to medical autho)

15 MARCH 1996
cated by the LTTE ier is that it saved of the looming miliowever, temporary irectly endangered en best left to the ple who are themed in such matters. aving lives is valid, text of the perverse insistence of turne zone and the paon the civil society. :verting to guerilla cern for the people, ring death and dele and their instituan army in the city eight years. (Many confronting an infor the sake of the their cultural treasIf there ctioning civil socifessionals and reliuld voice the conndependently, their had a global audiwould have been eir security far betRC playing a more e. The Government ray with the kind of it has indulged in. ces on behalf of the nents from bishops, ademics that are so akes them seriously lil nationalists. dus must be sought le LTTE's politics, da of totalitarian oncern for the peo2sulting from a hisgotiate as part of a
inted out that the "om the exodus is dozen or two who as the direct result arch. We do not exly patients shifted as a result, or how succumbed (some s have been given is report, based on , Moreover, tens of succumbed to an gh starvation. arising as a direct xodus is certainly ten persons from 5 persons from ing daily as the reility, weakness and idemic among the his alone would of life-saving very the accidental exunition truck in November which refugees. Accordties, thirty six, in
cluding 14 civilians, were killed and many others injured. Such hazards were greatly increased by the exodus.
What is perhaps the key point here is that physical death that is readily recognisable is just one way of ceasing to be. Other forms of death that are at least as serious are far less easily recognised. In this second manner, the community has suffered grievously and, perhaps, permanently. Each man or woman is organically linked by deeply felt bonds to his or her home, the soil, the environment, the domestic animals, educational institutions, and to institutions of culture and religion. It is for this reason that the Muslims forced out of Jaffna five years ago have resisted resettlement elsewhere and still want to come back; it is not merely for a small plot of dry land and the walls of a looted home. These institutions are the lifeblood of the community, built through generations of labour, and represent an extension of the life of those long gone.
This second form of death is evident in various degrees among those forced out of Jaffna. The conditions and rigours of the march made people feel humiliated and robbed them of their self-esteem. They also lost their sense of identity as their homes, schools and the university ceased to be and they became vagrants and beggars on the streets.
Many who were part of the exodus described in dramatic detail the stages by which they were destroyed as persons and members of a community. In the milling crowd each person high or low was a nobody. No one cared about women, children or the sick. It was a struggle to take just one step in several minutes. Each move hurt or toppled someone else. Everyone was a curse to his or her neighbour. Everyone was scarred by the terrible experience. Life in the conditions of Thenmaratchi only reinforced it. At the end of it many felt empty as though they had lost an important part of their self.
It is a cruel irony for LTTE sympathisers abroad to put out statements about the wonderful life in the brave new world of the Vanni, where people are supposed to be rediscovering their authentic Tamil heritage by tilling the soil and living as equals. In the face of such claims, even aid agencies are becoming anxious about finding funds to deal with the impending disaster.
To begin with, the Tamil middle class and most of those who went abroad aspire to give their children the best education and see their entering prestigious professions. Almost all writings on the Tamil militant struggle start with standardization and discrimination in educational opportunities. The struggle was significantly about equal access to educational opportunities. It was never a struggle to dismantle our educational infrastructure and go into the jungles. Even LTTE supporters had talked enthusiastically about the Singapore model. This propaganda about the Vanni is just a

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shoddy attempt to sell and cover up the destruction resulting from the LTTE's precipitate decision and its politics.
Most Tamils continue to condemn the burning of the Jaffna Public Library by the Government in 1981 as cultural genocide. Has not this exodus resulted in unquantified, but large losses of our public and private cultural and educational treasures, including most libraries? Many leading Tamils were aghast at UNP minister Ranjan Wijeratne's proposal, which they described as crazy and inhuman, to shift the Tamil population into Vavuniya and then conduct an operation to take over the peninsula. But now this very same "crazy and inhuman' idea has been accomplished by the so-called protectors of the rights of the people. Has not our case been gravely weakened by recent events?
The Exodus and the Tamil Media An aspect of how Tamil society has become paralysed and locked into this totalitarian politics is the failure the Tamil printed and broadcasting media to come to terms with this historic exodus. Obfuscation has been the general rule. There has been a great reluctance to come near the truth, and give in-depth coverage and analysis.
The BBC Tamil Service (BBC(T)) and Radio Veritas, a Philippines based broadcasting station belonging to the Roman Catholic Church, are regularly listened to by Tamils in the North-East. A regular listener in the Eastern Province spoke for many others: "When an incident takes place, the people caught up in it are most often angry with the Government. But they also become disillusioned with the LTTE and its politics. But when others, even those a short distance from the incident, passively listen to these stations, they blame only the Government. They continue to believe that the LTTE is doing something positive and would achieve something. In this sense the media are a disturbing influence on the people".
The BBC(T) has been very efficient in providing versions of events favourable to the LTTE - mainly through the choices it makes in interviews and in what is said. Thus when about 100 Sinhalese were massacred by the LTTE in October, a Tamil Politician based in Colombo who was interviewed suggested that the massacres could have been done by other Tamil groups to discredit the LTTE. In the case of the recent exodus, there were correspondents' reports translated and broadcast over BBC(T) which spoke of the exodus having been engineered by the LTTE. But in a series of subsequent interviews it was the LTTE version that was prominent - i.e., the Government's military operation was almost exclusively blamed. The producers cannot be accused of being naive. Any Jaffna Tamil living in this country after all has to be stone-deaf not to know the truth.
The producers of BBC(T) in London cannot be accused of inefficiency either, They even scooped the Vanni based Tiger
leader Prabakaran's s ger Radio based in V spent a good 10 min broadcast on 26th N voice of the Leader a nation in connection roes' Day. The prod was lost in a bad rec affirmed the supposed the exodus. The sp broadcast in Vannith coming live from the the nation.
Such an approach which is highly emot not be construed as it ers. Given the delical the people are poise death, such broadcas become undertakers t A Divided Questioning A few weeks ago a widely circulated amo land Europe, Englan the West carried the ( Jaffna covering his ht shame. His shame, he cause none of his st LTTE. The readers America and Australa none of their own st LTTE and certainly d but compensate inst contributions and by at rallies.
One such rally in L. in the same journal. ) ers were well-to-do T Some of them had sp over to London of you been in the LTTE. In however, would sha against unfortunate or who do not want the LTTE.
During the SL Arm eration in 1987, refu ratchi coming into Val dings being celebrate ner and people going run by the LTTE. Th of an impending calal often sustained until the LTTE would not to come in. After the gry Valikamam Vadamaratchi were t many of the Vadamar the LTTE. Again th Tamils in Colombo f governed by a conscic in the South that is ob rience of the people i
The recent exodus atomisation and leac about by the bankrup alism. For most peopl community life and le lapsed or been destroy ordered the people to cide for themselves a
The abandonment

TAMILTIMES 23
peech from the Tianni. The BBC(T) tes of a 30 minute ovember giving the ddressing the Tamil
with National Heucer clarified what ording. The Leader voluntary nature of eech had its local le following day as 2 leader addressing
to broadcasting, ional at times, canforming the listente manner in which d between life and ters may qualify to o the Tamil nation.
Nation: Ourselves n LTTE publication bng Tamils in maind and elsewhere in cartoon of a man in ad in an attitude of explained, was beons had joined the in Europe, North sia are very sure that ons would join the o not want them to, ead with financial tending vocal LTTE
ondon was reported Many of the speakamil professionals. onsored the coming ng relatives who had leed, most of them, ure an indignation dinary folk at home ir sons to join the
hy's Operation Libgees from Vadamaikamam found wedd in the usual manto amusement parks ere was little sense nity. The illusion is the last minute that allow the SL Army recent exodus, anfolk going to aken aback to find atchi folk defending e sympathy many eel for the LTTE is usness of alienation livious to the expen the North- East. brings out again the erlessness brought cy of Tamil natione the focal points of adership had either ed. When the LTTE go, most had to dend their family. of Jaffna hospital is
a historic event where the fate of a community and the fate of a city seemed to rest on the exhausted shoulders of a handful of medical staff tired in body and mind. Having endured much, they failed, and had they resisted then, they would very likely have failed the next time or the time after. The episode, while bringing out human weaknesses, also brought out strengths. It ended very much like many battles of a handful of individuals against a determined totalitarian force. Yet it is an event that we ought to be proud of. It demonstrated human potential and the spirit to organise around a common cause and resist. It showed that the Tamils had notcaved in to totalitarian domination, but could act independently.
It is not these doctors and consultants who are on the dock, but the Tamil community itself, the expatriates, the elite and the more than 4,000 doctors the community has produced since 1960. How did we come to allow a political drift where it fell to a handful of doctors to take some momentous decisions on behalf of the entire community? The catastrophe had after all been in the making for decades. Moreover, of the thousands of doctors the community produced, only a handful were willing to work in Jaffna. They had also spurned the option of leaving Jaffna with dignity some months ago. What have these hundreds of expatriate
Numerous petitions are being signed today by professors and religious leaders. These neither address the people nor reflect their experience. They rather address the LTTE versions and the LTTE's concerns to the international community. They have therefore nothing to offer the people in the way of leadership. Their actions are rather a betrayal of the people.
There is again no leadership being offered to the Tamils whether in journalism, broadcastingorin parliamentary politics. They, the practitioners of these, do not address specific concerns in a convincing manner where the Government would have an interest in listening to them. Their general refrain to stop the war and resume talks with the LTTE makes no practical sense since the LTTE is yet to demonstrate that it seeks political accommodation and permanent peace. This is only a way of playing safe with the LTTE on the one hand, and on the other, in the event of the LTTE being destroyed, to play the same nationalist card saying that it was not they who betrayed the LTTE
All this is troubling particularly because of the absence of a clear policy on the part of the Government on being accountable to the Tamil civilians. Reports of bombing and shelling well outside combat areas are being angrily denied and censored. If this direction is not changed, worse may come and alienate the Government further from the Tamil people.
Meanwhile the LTTE Leader has in his National Heroes' Day address in late No (Continued on page 27)

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24 TAM TIMES
TN Gopalan
JAAeSLYSAALLAAe eLL0ALAAAeeeeLLeLLLLLLeeSLLALA0eLLEELLLeLL0LL0LL0LL0LL0LALA0L0LLL0L0LEEJAALAL0LLL0LLL0LLLL0L0L0L0L0LELLELE0LLeLLLL0LeL0eL0L0LELELELEEELELELALALLAeLALLALELEEEE
"In ancient India, kings and emperors thought it a privilege to sit at the feet of a man of learning. In today's India, MP's and Ministers think it a privilege if they get a chance to sit at the feet of underworld dons and base businessmen toget secret donations from and to get their blessings..."
"Politics seems to have become the most profitable business of the day wherein the individual enjoys the fruits of political power and he becomesholder of several new accounts in Indian and foreign banks and these accounts fatten day in and day out...”
Thus spoke Additional Sessions Judge Shiv Nargin Dhingra of New Delhi while rejecting former Union Minister Kalpanath Rai, detained for allegedly sheltering some associates of the Bombay-blasts-accused Dawood Ibrahim, to attend Lok Sabha, the last session for this Parliament.
Dhingra did not fail to see the irony of it all either - "see, while the Parliament passed the TADS Act to strike at the terrorist and anti-social and criminal ellements, a Member of Parliament and a central minister has been found to be harbouring the terrorist and anti-social and criminal elements. This much for the concern of Mr Kalpanath Rai forhis constituency, society and the nation about which he has spoken at length in his application”.
True the Parliamentarians reacted furiously at the "gratuitous insults' hurled at them and the Delhi High Court came forward to strike off some of Dhingrah's remarks as uncalled for and chided him for exceeding his brief. But, Dhingra's outburst found a sympathetic response in many a heart.
As noted satirist Cho S Ramaswamy commented, "the judge did exceed his brief. He should not have set the stage for a confrontation between the judiciary and the Parliament. Still he was speaking for millions of his fellow Indians when he made those soothing comments. Are we not all so much disillusioned with out politicians?”
While the juggernaut of the hawala case keeps moving steadily, relentlessly, more than two dozen netas (leaders) have so far come to grief, new scandals also keep breaking out - Kalpanath Rai, the highly voluble post-graduate in English Literature who thrives in foul-mouthing his rivals inside and outside the party, and Brij Saran Singh, a BJPMP (both
hailing from the UP by the CHI for alle the underworld dor in the Bombay blas Ibrahim.
In Bihar officials animal husbandry de in cahoots with vari - are believed to hav Rs.500 crores, in t cattle-feed, over th years.
And, down south Jaya Governmentis new scandals, from mation sheds to dist dhotis to the poor. done here withouts. ing his or her pock officials perceiv Poes Garden clidu amassing wealth to crores of rupees anc Politicians across themselvesbeingsv wards some dreadful of hawala and the seem to be deriving faction by turning th and aggressively p corruption cases bef tion is whether Prim self is savouring it
All these exciting ing as they do on th elections, have inde reassess their strate gain their credibilit public. Barring the every other party ha hawala racket, it mí But, easily the Bharatiya Janata P. tenders to the thy tall-talking Lal Kish dent, but a battery c ers including New I Madan Lal Khuran dicted (the latter h; luctantly).
And as mentione own MP's has beer ing with Islamic ter investigations by the that the MP, Sara ory-sheeter, meanir criminal and a fami lice stations of his r Even now the part itself to expel him, h pended. Apparently skills are more imp
 
 

ܝ
15MARCH ggs
ed association with and prime suspect is of 1993, Dawood
of the lowly placed partment-of course ous political parties e siphoned off up to he name of buying le last four or five
in Tamil Nadu, the being rocked by ever laying roofs for creribution of saris and Nothing ever gets pmeone or otherlinets. And senior IAS ed close to the are charged with the tune of several lso on.
the spectrum find virled and tossed toldestiny in the wake courts everywhere some sadistic satise knife in the wound ursuing the various ore them. The queseMinister Rao himall. developments, come eve of the general ed made the parties 'gies in order to rey in the eyes of the CPI and the CPM is been linked to the ay be noted here.
worst hit is the arty (BJP), the pre*one. Not just the en Advani, its presiIf second-level leadDelhi Chief Minister a have also been inad to step down re
'd earlier one of its accused of colludrorists. Independent 2 press have revealed n Singh, is a histng he is a notorious liar figure in the polative gonda district. y is unable to bring ne has only been sushis vote-mobilising ortant in an election
year than the moral norms it used to spout in and out of turn.
In a bid to embarrass Narasimha Rao the BJP lined up an MP who had come over to it from the Jharkhand Mukthi Moroha JAM (a regional party from Bihar) to say that the Prime Minister had bribed him to the tune of Rs.40 lakhs in July 1993 - in order to make him vote against the opposition-sponsored no-confidence motion.
But, how could such a person be accepted as its member? “Well, he was only an innocent tribal", the BJP leaders claimed and said that he had been unfairly lured by the wily Congress.
However, as it turned out, he was not all that innocent. A couple of days later the JAMMP promptly retracted and said the money he had received had nothing to do with him supporting Rao in 1993. He had done so for political reasons, and the BJP leaders are busy searching for the right place to busy their faces!
The CPI and CPM too have their own quote of embarrassment even though they themselves are not tainted by the scam. Their “natural ally", the Janata Dal is also experiencing hawala-related convulsions since quite a few of its leaders including its Lok Sabha leader Sharad Yadav and President ... Bommai figure in the Jain roll call of honour. Though only Yadav has been charge-sheeted so far.
Not that the Congress is in any better shape with as many as Seven Union Ministers having resigned from the cabinet following their implication inhawala and a lot more being linked, all of them facing the ignominy of being charge-sheeted and tried in public, they are all seething with rage. They are angry with Rao for ditching them despite their "unswerving loyalty” in order to buttress his own position and the media constantly holds out the prospect of a revolt but none dares. After all how could one rebel on a corruption platform?
Rao's supporters are claiming that their leader has taken the wind out of the sails of the opposition which has been charging the government with all kinds of corruption by bursting the hawala bombshell. "The morale of the Congress workers is upbeat. Efforts to cleanse the policy is appreciated not only by partymen but by common people,” boasted Ved Pra- kash, joint secretary, ACC.
Rao himself told his Parliamentary Party Executive “Go before the people, holding your heads high. We have let the law take its own course, without interfering in the probe in any way. We have a clean conscience.”
Not many will buy that line. None believes that the CBI has not been selectively targeting Rao's rivals inside and

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15 MARCH 1996
SUB-CONTINENTAL CRI SHARING THE BOUNTYBUTMS NGT
G.Ramesh
ow that the World Cup is getting NS. time has come to reflect on what the game has come to mean in the subcontinent. Is crickethere just a paracolonial hangover, as some Marxist critics would have it? Or is it just agentle reply to colonialism, as exemplified by the wristy strokes of an inventor like Ranjit Singhji, an artist like G R Viswanath, or today, the elegant Harshan Tillekaratne, which baffle bowlers anywhere and the spinning arms of the likes of Bishen Singh Bedi, Abdul Khader or Muthiah Muralitharan which foxed batsmen wherever they bowled?
Alternatively, canthis replybe considered gentle at all, given that the highest number of test wickets have been taken by the fiery Kapil Dev, that 10,000-odd test runs were scored by Sunil Gavaskar, the maximum number of 30-odd World Cup matches were played in well over two decades by Javed Miandad, all belonging to recent subcontinental history. And also because of the huge bounty being mopped up by Sachin Tendulkar and others via advertisements, ranging from Pepsi Cola to VisaCard to Mahindra Armada or Cielo cars in this World Cup.
Is cricket just a game for breaking records set by the White Man, as was thought when Sir Garfield Sobers then and Brian Lara now crossed the highest score in a given test innings? Or is it, going by the expositions of the great
C L R James, a un colonised culture to as was the case w Learie Constantine highest level being sharing its magical is it just big busir forces have come t continent's stars lik on equal financial fo lish, Australian or $ terparts?
Is cricket a gen brought out by quo yesterday's greats Tony Lewis and Aji terspersed live tele ing us to share the m World Cup, cricket is now a game wi about it', a cliched for Pepsi Cola (as : bagged the official ( players like Ashal (apart from Tendul Dominic Cork and eternally efficien Dickie Bird. In the manly; they don't w The Windies too bitten by the ad-b quickie Courtney power by driving a in a Caribbeanshant genial assassins lik Wes Hall and Ande
(Continued from page 24)
outside the party. But, now that every party and leader is seen as corrupt and unscrupulous, the labours of the opposition to single out Rao as heading the most corrupt regime since independence will turn out to be in vain.
All the same there is also a perception that Rao has lost control of the process and it is the courts which are dictating the pace of it all. And, so the monster unleashed by him could ultimately devour him. After all he is in such unenviable company like that of conman Chandraswamy. So goes the reasoning. If that indeed happens the Indian political system will have indeed been thoroughly cleansed. But it will be some time before such a turn of events does come about.
As of now, however, Rao is quietly enjoy ing the drama he has scripted at least in part and is also flaunting his Government's achievements on the eco
nomic front.
As his Finance Lox Sabha, present get. “Our economi than six percent a ye ing rapidly, Agricu strong, Food stock ment growth is buo clining, Inflation is many years, Exports gn investment is al Exchange reserves a the level of saving high”.
No doubt there around. The bottor to be enjoying the fr the fiscal deficit isg eign Exchange rese Mexico-type collap the corner, they wal In a month from I how the Indian ele situation and wil Machiavelli does c

TAM TVES 25
CKET HEMAGIC
ique response of a a colonial culture, ith the genius of a Is cricket at the played for fun and twists and turns? Or less, where market o rule with the sube Tendulkar getting oting with their EngSouth African coun
tlemanly game, as tes from the likes of like Mike Brearly, tWadekar which incasts of games askhagic Going by this sounds very hot. It th “nothing official ad-slogan mouthed against Coke which irink title) by Indian ruddin and Kambli kar), English pacer non-other-than the t English Umpire ad, no one is gentleant the official drink
seem to have been ug. Pepsi-wanting Walsh displays his bulldozer over a car ytown, a far cry from e his team managers rson Roberts who, in
Minister told the ing his interim budy today is growing ar. Industry is growulture production is s are high, Employyant, Poverty is de
at its lowest ebb in are booming. Foreiso buoyant, Foreign recomfortable. And s and investment is
are many sceptics n layers do not seem uits of liberalisation, growing and the Forrves are declining. A pse could be around
T how it will be known ctorate perceive the hether the Indian ome up trumps.
their heydays, managed to extract some life even out of the subcontinent's slow wickets Besides, a whole lot of Windies players drink the beer that sponsors them worldwide, Kingfisher, which is unavailable in India. The beer foam splashes over the screens of Star TO and the Windier may well be overdoing their image-bit, playing up as the happy-go-lucky characters who don't seem to mind losing. Do such add have something to do with the poor performances of a Labra or a Richardson in this World Cup?
Sure, answers are difficult to get at, but these questions kept coming to the fore last month with cricket bombarding the collective consciousness of the subcontinent, from India to Pakistan to Lanka, not to leave out the expatriate/ refugee populations in the Gulf, Europe and North America. The dismantling of apartheid in South Africa brought on view the mystery Black spinner, Paul Adams whose chinamans and straight ones kept deceiving every batsman who played him. He and the Kenyans who humbled the mighty Windier, are the true finds of this World Cup. At least now, South Africa would have realised that it had missed several Paul Adams” all along.
"Share the magic" says the World Cup motto. In the beginning, the event seemed to share out controversies. Firstly, there was a row over telecast rights in India and elsewhere between Doordarshan and WorldTel. This is indicative of the possible advertisement revenues out of the Cup Telecast: a shopping Rs 500 crores (There is even an official chewing gum). Even as top Indian courts besieged with corruption cases found time to settle this dispute, the tragic Colombo blast left the Aussies and Windier numb and they predictably refused to play Lanka there.
With the blast, the LTTE's objective was achieved, though tragic events in earlier years did not prevent matches being held in Bombay, Delhi or Karachi. Now only the Zimbabweans and Kenyans would visit the island to play matches. An Indo-Pak eleven casually lost a goodwill match to the Lankans at Colombo, signalling the nature of things to come. In the last two decades, Lankans have fast emerged as a fully-fledged cricketting force. (Faraway are the decades when Tamil Nadu spinners like leggie V V Kumar and offie S Venkatraghavan used to taunt even aggressive visiting Lankan batsmen during the MJGopalan Trophy matches!). Later in the Cup, the Lankans simply stormed Delhi, beating the formidable Indian team despite exhilarating performances by Tendulkar, Azhar and leg spinner Anil Kumble. Lankans have cer

Page 26
26 TAM TIMES
tainly displaced the fantastic fielding traditions. They have the flashy Romesh Kaluwitarana and Sanath Jayasurya opening the innings with contempt for any bowling, Gurusinha who plays the anchor and Arjuna Ranatunga, who, with his cool-headedness, makes captaincy look so easy a task. They have a thinking fast bowler in Chaminda Vaas, a product of the Madras-based MRF and a capable off-spinner in Muralitharan, who was wrongly called a chucker in Australia. He has now been fully cleared. Muralitharan, along with his Indian counterpart. As his Kapoor and Pakistani sibling Saqlain Mushtaq, typically carries forward the subcontinental fingerspin tradition of Venkatraghavan and Erapalli Prasanna. And it is only right that leg spinners like Kumble, Shane Warne and Mushtaq Ahmed have ruled the slow tracks of this World Cup.
In the subcontinent, cricket is played not just in school grounds or college maidans, but in waysides, street corners and gallis (alleys), on housetops, near courtyards and cattle sheds, on riverbanks, lagoons, beaches, paddy fields, chillie-beds and even refugee camps! Coke, the official World Cup drink, has a nice brownish-red colour - there is colour in this magic'. For once, this much-hated capitalist multi-national symbol is right, making this point tellingly. In the background is a mystic Sufi song, mastkalandar, signifying the subcontinent's plural, popular culture. In the advertisement, stumps are not used; instead sticks, chappals, empty cylinders and cool drink crates are. Some even play makeshift hand-cricket. And it is at once ignored and watched by everyone around. The presence of cricket thus is eternal as televisions switched on everywhere in the subcontinent at 0900 hoursuntillateintothenight demonstrate. The magic of spin strokes, the magic of overs and scores, keeps everyone, players and spectators alike, guessing, even if they are not aware of it. A kind of astrology? No, says psychologist Ashis Nandy. Like its great counterpart, the Indian cinema, cricket is the subcontinent's popular culture of mythos which has stretched itself just to answer the British. Cricket, for us, is as much a game as it is our passionate identity. Huge clapping audiences and pitch invasions by madding crowds, which are the nightmare of any team visiting the subcontinent, prove this point.
Even with all this, the Lankans, as well as the entire subcontinent, have been missing something. And that is Jaffna. Jaffna's cricket culture is very much a part of us all, but alas, Jaffna is destined not to be part of this World Cup hosted by the subcontinent.
Let me recall that when I went to the
peninsula during ap 1987, gun-wielding tants asked me whet able to win the Cup subcontinent. The m question might well the willows Clear subcontinent's best Cup, despite the tens tween the LTTE an forces then stationec A similar instancé across an Indian mot Inzamam-ul-Haq as The hefty Pakistani made his debut by bowling attacks of c England in the last Australia and New Z Pakistan lifted th Imran Khan and com simply forgot the b two countries. It was win, not any one cou
rNn 16 February Of Madras sent leges and instit it directing them to c ting Sri Lankan re: Sri Lankan passport earlier state goverr 8 August last year, Sri Lankan students to study only in schc leges.
This denial of hig much resembles th Policy of the island mented in the early sequences are too quoted here. Lankan aware of the opportu alised higher educa cause of this, higher denied to them for Hence, students 000-strong Lankan re Tamil Nadu have no the country. But wil Abroad? Or would as their profession?
This "higher edu symptomatic of the attitude to the Sri L gees just manage to life in Tamil Nadu, India, in the afte: jiv Gandhi assassin
 

15MARCH 1996
ace interregnum in young LTTE miliher India would be then hosted by the litants who put this have been wilding y, they wanted the team to retain the ion building up bethe Indian armed in the peninsula. was when I came her who celebrated a Bhima-like son. youngster had just bludgeoning the olonial powers like World Cup held in ealand. And when le Cup, Captain mentator Gavaskar orders between the , the subcontinent's Intry's. And cricket
is what binds the subcontinent, like spices and popular films.
It is the strength of Jaffna's cricket culture that it could survive even war. The presence of the game in the peninsula until October last year has been documented by Ms Emma Levine, a Hong Kong-based photographer. One of her pictures in her recent book Cricket: A Kind of Pilgrimage (Local Colour Ltd, Hong Kong, 17.50 pounds sterling) shows a coaching session outside the bombed-out library. However, the recent capture of the peninsula by the Lankan forces has killed the game not only in Jaffna, but also, in a way, at Colombo, and elsewhere in the subcontinent too. Much is expected out of the Lankans, wherewithal to defeat England and other teams and even enter the finals. Yet, tragically all of us have lost Jaffna's cricket and what it could have contributed to the subcontinent's most engrossing and watched game.
f the Tunne
G.Ramesh
last, the University : out a letter to coltutions affiliated to 'ontinue not admitfugee students or holders. It cited an ment order dated which stated that could be permitted pols and not in col
her education very e Standardisation government impleeventies. The conwell known to be Tamils are acutely nities of institutiontion. Precisely beeducation has been he last four years. among the 125, fugee populationin option but to leave nere will they go? they take up crime
|cation" policy is state government's ankan issue. Refueke out a hopeless some elsewhere in 'math of the Raation. The current
tragedy is that none of the political parties which participated in the 30 November statewide bandh to condemn the Lankan military offensive seems to be worried about their plight. Some time ago, the state government attempted to send back refugees forcibly. The move was given up because war resumed in the peninsula last year.
Political parties in Tamil Nadu are also not really bothered that the relief amounts and drugs and blood collected by them meant for the suffering population of the Jaffna peninsula have not been handed over to the Indian Red Cross Office at Egmore here managed by noted social worker and Congresswoman Mrs Saro-jini Varadappan, daughter of the late Chief Minister M Bhaktavatsalam.
Chief Minister J Jayalalitha shoots off letters on every conceivable occasion to Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao who has no time for the hapless fishermen of coastal Nagapattinam and Ramanathapuram districts who bear the brunt of the Lankan naval firings, harassment and abductions. At least one boat is being shot at every week and sometimes the firing proves fatal. The state bureaucracy regularly contacts the Colombo High Commission which has only a minimal programme of action to save the kidnapped fishermen.

Page 27
15 MARCH 1996
Den Of LTTE
Threat to Embass
The LTTE has denied that it has issued any threat against foreign embassies in Colombo or in any other part of the world following news reports to that effect appearedin Colombonewspapers. The Japanese and Malaysian missions in Colombo have received death threats from a group believed to be a front for the Tamil Tigers separatist the Sunday Times newspaper reported on 24 February.
The Japanese embassy was warned not to issue a visa toa Tamil Member of Parliament while the Malaysian mission received threats after reports in the last few days that the Malaysian government had outlawed the LTTE, the paper reported. "... it was clear that the group was now aiming at foreign missions here as international pressure against the LTTE mounts overseas,” the paper added in its lead story. The paper alleged that the threats were made by the "Ellalan Force” which it claimed was front organisation of the Tamil Tigers.
The paper's allegation came in the wake the Malaysian government's decision to ban any activities in support of the LTTE in Malaysia. The Home Ministry in Kuala Lampur had in a statement warned that the government would re
(Continued from page 26)
It seems that Indian officials, and this includes the Red Cross and Refugee Relief Commissioners, have "given up” on Lanka. They must be working on the assumption that the Lankan Tamil issue is no longer going to affect, let alone dominate, the public sphere of Tamil Nadu and are willing to let things “take their own course'.
There seems to be no light at the end of the tunnel for Lankan Tamil refugees living in the state. The DMK led by Muthuvel Karunanidhi was the only party to entertain a resolution in its recent Tiruchirapalli conference highlighting the plight of Tamils in Lanka because of the war. The Marumalarchi DMK's militant postures in favour of the LTTE and the Lan-kan Tamils' plight is constantlybeing muffled by its ally, the CPI(M). MDMK general secretary V Gopalaswamy has been asked by the CPI(M) leaders not to raise this issue because of the ongoing talks with breakaway Congress leader Vazhapadi K Ramamurthy, an ardent camp follower of Ms Sonia Gandhi. The AIADMIK's recent jamboree at Tiruchirapalli had not such time for any issue other than praising Ms Jayalalitha. It is clear that the Tamils' issue will not come up before the elections.
voke the permane) involved in demo the Tamil Tigers of investigating repo ers and Malaysians LTTE demonstrati embassies in Ku: Home Minister Ayob told the pres were also directed ment for not suppo "The governmer demonstration wh activities,” said warned that those the demonstrations causing unrest.
In denying the statementissued f said, "In this co wishes to state th any threat of any embassies based i part of the world a the future too.
“The LTTE wis tunity to state that ested in building f all the countries in context values, re ward to the Forei lombo and in othe develop friendlyre wishes to state tha with the so-called it has no knowlec Force actually iss ing statement to the
(Continued from page vember asserted Jaffna of their ow would not talk to th as the SL Army is time he has perso stark contrast to th He has both corne further distance be people. It also fa like to return to J choices, while th bubbles of illusio longs the sufferi Tamils a great de if the LTTE could cal process of qu cerned Tamils, an well responsive to ple. However bec: Solute command Velupillai Prabak latedfrom these av pressure.
This places a
 

TAMIL TIMES 27
It status of foreigners strations supporting Sri Lanka. Police were ts that some foreignhad taken part in proons in front of several la Lumpur, Deputy Megat Junaid Megat . The demonstrations at the Indian governting the Tamil Tigers. twill not condone any ich supports terrorist Megat Junaid. He taking part in any of : would be arrested for
allegation, an LTTE om its London office nnection, the LTTE at it has never issued form to any Foreign n Colombo or in any nd will never do so in
hes to take this opporit is very much interriendly relations with the world and in that spects and looks forgn Embassies in Corparts of the world to lations. The LTTE also ut it has nothing to do Ellalan Force and also ige that the Ellalan led such an intimidatabove mentioned em
bassies in Colombo.
"The Sinhala owned Colombo news papers collaborating with the Sri Lankan Government on the chauvinist cause of the Government against Tamils have been coming out with false reports in time to time with the aim of tarnishing the image of the LTTE. These Colombo Newspapers are also guilty of carrying on a sinister disinformation campaign consistently against Tamils and the LTTE inorder to undermine their political aspirations. The current article in the Sri Lankan Sunday Times is no different.
"Some Colombo based Sinhala reporters of the much respected International News agencies, are also implicated in this by virtue of the fact that they deliberately file reports taken from the Colombopapers, that are essentially anti Tamil and anti LTTE. These Sinhala propaganda materials are put into the international news media for the consumption of unsuspecting readers. These Colombo based Sinhala reporters of the International News agencies have also deliberately filed reports emanating from Sri Lankan military authorities, that are of a war propaganda nature, without trying to get any independent verification. We wish to state that these all happen while the Government effectively preventing genuine local as well as international news correspondents going to the war-torn North-Eastern Province.'
Meanwhile Malaysia's envoy in Sri Lanka has denied the newspaper report that his mission had received a death threat from a group believed to be a front for Tamil LTTE. "It's not true. We have not got any threat from anyone," Malaysian High Commissioner Kadir Deen told the press in Colombo.
23) that the people left free will, and that he e Government as long in Jaffna. For the first nally made a claim in e people's experience. red himself and put a tween himself and the ces those who would affna with unpleasant e LTTE bllows more in the Vanni and prog. It would save the al of tragedy and loss be brought into a critiestioning by all coni made accountable as the wishes of the peouse of the LTTE's abtructure, the supremo aran may remain isoenues of influence and
great burden on the
Tamils living here and abroad, to recognise that the community, particularly at home, is leaderless and in grave danger, and to act with a sense of responsibility. Even at this late stage we have to question our politics of death -the death of people, with so called martyrs and traitors, and of children used in bearing arms or used as instruments of terror. In the Exodus we have an experience where the truth according to the rulers is in sharp contrast to the testimony of hundreds of thousands of people. The LTTE's claim to protect what those in Jaffna valued most - their education and their infrastructure so painfully built up - has been laid bare after this exodus. We need to ask, what is the politics behind this and what does it mean for us? Is it possible to sustain a society and a civilisation through sheer manipulation without an underpinning moral commitment?
Tamil doctors who support the LTTE done to make the lot of their colleagues who remain easier and more dignified?

Page 28
28 TAM TIMES
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CHUNDKUL-ST. JOHN'S PAST PUPILS UK ASSOCATION
(Chundikuli Trust Fund Registered Charity: No. 1009205)
PRESIDENT SECRETARY
Dr. T. Jesudason Mr. E.J. Vimalanathan
5 Raymer Walk 42A Sutton Lane
Horley Banstead
Surrey RH 9XQ Surrey SM73RB
Tel 01293776459 Tel. 01737 357424
TREASURER
Dr. M. Perinpanayagam 72 Fordwych Road London, NW2 3TH Tel 0181452 3489
A Service of Thanks Giving to Commemorate the Centenary of Chundikuli Girls' College, Jaffna.
The Chundikuli St. John's Past Pupils Association UK wish to invite past pupils their families, friends and well wishers of the school to a service of thanks giving to commemorate the Centenary of Chundikuli Girls College, Jaffna on Saturday 27th April 1996 at 6pm at the St. Nicholas Church, Church Lane, Tooting, London SW17.
Tea and refreshments will be served after the service
 
 

15 MARCH 1996
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Page 29
15 MARCH 1996
Some 2,000 saffron-robed Buddhist monks from all over Sri Lanka gathered in Colombo on 5 March to denounce the government's devolution proposals and demand its immediate abandonment.
“The problem in the north is a problem of terrorism,”Maduluwave Sobitha, an archetypal exponent of Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism, told the gathering of monks from around the island. "There can be no political solution to terrorism. We demand that the government eliminate terrorism.” Sobitha is an outspoken critic of government peace proposals which are designed to give substantial devolved powers to the regions through the establishment of Regional Councils. The fiery monk warned that the plan could lead to the break up of the country. "These proposals are divisive, they will
destroy communal
The much publicis ing Buddhist prelat tion which, in brief * The proposed co ments will pave the of an independents is the sole objective and therefore they s mented.
* Because the gover the constitutional an at solving the Tamil rect the historical inj Tamils, the Maha S the government spe the Tamils have suf and the problems fo a solution.
SOOdierS FOUnCc GUL
A military court appointed by the Sri Lankan authorities have found 14 soldiers guilty of massacring 24 Tamil civilians and has recommended that they be severely punished. The soldiers - privates and lance corporals - were found guilty by the military court of inquiry of killing the civilians on February 11 in the village of Kumarapuram in eastern Trincomalee district.
Tamil politicians and some of the wounded had accused government troops of going on a rampage after Tamil Tiger guerrillas killed two soldiers earlier that
day. Among the dei children. Some 25 pé Following strong di pendent investigatic the government ord tary court to probe t
The army commal on punishmenton the dations made by th military sources said had criticised offic soldiers for not cont not called for discip them.
(Continued from page 12)
must be made to feel that they have a stake in keeping the union together and the paramount duty to ensure this rests definitely on the majority community. The indissolubility of the union must stem from the conviction of all the people and not forced upon by one group on the others. The antagonistic and distrustful attitude clear from the current debate, where some want a guaranteed "mechanism by which the Tamil Region could be disciplined, if it violates the substance of any legislative enactment, or if it makes unilateral declaration of independence on one pretext or the other" is unhelpful to achieve this noble goal. The principle of inclusion currently adopted by the magnanimous and far-sighted leader of multi-racial South Africa, Mr. NelsonMandela must be followed by the
Centre in respect of cial, administrative, forcement of law an matters over which overriding powers.
Mere cessation of whatever means) wi of the war; only whe onciliation begins i will see the dawn o the elected and selfboth sides realise thi the destinies of Sir Muslims are insep shorter will be the proposed constitutic volving powers to th be for the very same vious constitutions sense of belonging t
 

mity,” he declared. 2d gathering of leadis adopted a resolustated: 1stitutional amendway for the creation ate of Eelam which of Tamil separatists, hould not be imple
ment has stated that endments are aimed problem and to corustices caused to the angha demands that cifies in what ways fered any injustices which it is seeking
ilty
ad were women and ople were wounded. amands for an indein into the massacre, ered a special milihe allegations.
hder will now decide 2 basis of recommenhe court of inquiry, . They said the court 'rs in charge of the olling them, but had inary action against
the legislative, judidevelopmental, end order and defence it has exclusive or
hostilities (through ll not signal the end n the process of recearnest the people peace. The sooner ppointed leaders on tforbetter or worse halese, Tamils and arably linked, the healing time. If the nalarrangement de
regions fails, it will reason that the preailed to sustain the one united nation.
TAM TIMES 29 * Sri Lanka is the sole Sinhala Buddhist
country in the world, and hence the Maha
Sangha demands that in solving the problems of the country, the Sinhala Buddhist identity should be safeguarded. *The objective of the violence and propaganda by “Tamil terrorist groups” is to put an end to the two thousand five hundred years existence of the island as one country. It is clear to us that the new constitution proposed by the government under the euphemism of proposals for devolution of power is designed solely to achieve that very objective. * As at the present time there is only one territory comprising a unitary state. What is sought to be done is to divide the land into several countries or territories and then to bring them together loosely in a federal union. * One of the strident arguments for combining Tamil majority areas within a single political region is that if the Tamils did not so coalese the Tamil "nation' will not survive. The government proposes accordingly to bring Tamils together in a region carved out of the combined Northern and Eastern Provinces. It proposes at the same time to divide the Sinhala dominant areas into several sovereign regions. Applying the Tamil argument heeded by the Government the intention can only be to ensure that the Sinhalese do not survive. If the land be constituted in terms of the Government's proposals, the country, the nation and its principal religion will certainly be destroyed.

Page 30
30 TAMIL TIMES
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Wanted Nanny Kingston Area, care of one year old doctors' child in their home, full time, week -days. Attractive salary. Te: O181546 1266 after 20th March.
extra). Prepaymenti ess
Mr. M. Nadarajah of Kalviyank. adu, Jafna, Sri Lanka; beloved husband of Ponnammah, loving father of Dr. Thangarajah (UK), Thuraisingham, Vijeyamalar; father-in-law of Pathma, Ranji, Balasubramaniam, grand father of Asok (UK), Ajith, Ajanth, Arun, Ajive, Danisha and Prasanna expired on 21.2.96 at Meesalai and was Cremated on 22.2.96. - 57B Days Lane, Biddenham, Beds., MK404AE. Tel 01234346O90.
Vallipuram Sellathamby of Vadamarachi, Thunnalai (Attorney-at-Law, J.P., U.M., Point Pedro); beloved husband of Saraswathy, son of late Mr. & Mrs. Vallipuram, loving father of Dr. Man oranjan (USA),
Shiyamala (UK) and Kathirchelvan (UK), father-in-law of Thirugnanasampantha Pillai (UK) and Rukmani (USA); grand father of Vishnu (USA), Gajan,
Ruban, Haran (all of UK); brother of Mrs. Sivanayagam Vanniasingham (Sri Lanka),
 
 
 

15 MARCH 1996
Mrs. Sivas othynayagan Sithamparanathan (Canada) and Mrs. Panchamasothynayagam Sabaratnam (Australia) passed away on 21 st February 1996 and was cremated on 29th February at Croydon Crematorium, Croydon, Surrey.
His wife and members of the family thank all relatives and friends who attended the funeral, sent fioral tributes, messages of sympathy and assisted them in various ways. - 50 Wiltshire Road, Thornton Heath, Surrey. Tel: 0181 689 1450.
IN MEMORAM
Mr. Chandrasegaran Balachandran
In loving memory of a dear brother who passed away on March 5th, 1994. We remember you in silence And make no outward show And what it meant to lose you No One will ever know.
Sadly missed by his brothers and sisters.
In Loving Memory of Our Beloved Daddy Mummy
Ponnampalam Wemalaranee Kanagaratnam Kanagaratnam Bom: 11.10.1908
107.1923
Life is not measured by the years But the love and affection you gave These are precious memories for us to hold No words can comfortus When those we love depart
Days of sadness still loom OVer LS But memories of you both will live for ever.
Remembered with love and affection by sons Sara, Brem and Dubsy, daughters-in-law Lalitha and Shyamala, and grandchildren Janarthan, Mehala, Uthistran, Arani and Anuja. - 19 Huxley Place, Palmers Green, London N135SU. Tel: O181886 5966.
FORTHCOMING EVENTS
March 31 10.00am Tanni Speech Competition conducted by London Tamil Centre at Wembley High School, East Lane, Wembley, Middx., Tel: 0181 904 3937. Mar. 31 5.00pm Cultural Evening presented by Saiva Munetta Sangam (UK) at Town Hall, Eastham, London E6. Tel: Of 708 851 189/0181 470 237f. April 1 Pirathosam. Apr. 2 Pankuni Uthiram. Apr. 3 Full Moon. Apr. 4 Maundy Thurday, Apr. 5 Good Friday.
Apr. 7 Chathurthi, Easter Sunday.
Apr. 8 Easter Monday.
Apr. 13 Thathu Hindu New Year.
Apr. 14 12.30pm S.C.O.T. New Year Lunch & Raffle at Wandsworth Town Hall, Wandsworth High Street, London SW18. For tickets Tel: O181 9527249. Apr. 15 Pirathosam. Apr. 17 Amavasai. Apr. 20 Karthikai; 6.00pm Tamil Association of Brent celebra tes Se ven teenth Anniversary and Tamil New Year with Music, Dance and a Children's Drama "Malaikalai Akattiya Mooda Kilavani” produced by Tamil Performing Arts Society at Brent Town Hall, Forty Lane, Wembley, Middx. Tel 0181 908 6993. Apr. 20 7.00pm Kokuvil Hindu College Old Students' Association (UK) presents Variety Entertainment at Claremont High School Hall, Claremont Avenue, Kenton, Harrow, Middx. Tel 0181 578 3159. Apr. 21 Chathurthi. Apr. 25 Feast of St. Mark.
Apr. 27 6.00pm Service of Thanks Giving to Commemorate the Centenary of Chundikuli Girls' College, Jaffna at St. Nicholas Church, Church Lane, Tooting, London SW17.
Apr. 27 6.30pm Cultural Evening presented by London Tamil

Page 31
15 MARCH 1996
Centre at Logan Hall, 20 Bedford Way. London WC1. Tel: 0181 904 3937/907 6638.
Apr. 27 6.30pm M.I.O.T. South Thames Region presents 'A Feast of Music, Drama and
7285.
Dance' at Kelsey Park School Hall, Manor Way, Beckenham, Kent BR3 3SJ. Tel: 0181 690
Apr. 29 Feast of St. Catherine. At Bhawan Centre, 4A Castle
MMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMNMNMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMNMNMMMM
CANADIAN
Weather: Severe winter continues with blowing snow. Torontonians who normally experience sunshine during winter are disappointed this year with the cloudy and foggy conditions that prevail most of the time. Suresh's Defence: The court hearing of Suresh Manickavasagar, President of the Tamil Movement of Canada, detained under the immigration Act is expected to Come up on 18th March 96. His defence is being co-ordinated by Visvanathan Rudrakumar, a Sri Lankan US lawyer. The renowned international lawyer, Karen Parker, from Los Angeles is expected to be in the defence team.
High Commissioner's Denial: The Canadian High Commissioner in Sri Lanka recently visited Toronto and conferred with a number of Sri Lankan Organisations in Canada. When he met the Board of Directors of the Federation of Associations of Canadian Tamils on 14.2.96, he denied the story attributed to him in "Macleans' magazine that large sums of money were channelled to the LTTE from Canada.
Vettivelu Nadarajah - Born 7.11.1909,
Djed 18, 12. 1995
in the passing away of Mr. V. Nadarajah, the Sri Lankans have lost a truly great man, who lived and worked among them with distinction. His life was an example of dedicated service for the good of the community and for his own fulfilment. He came from a well known family, his forbears being persons of distinction and culture, but family tradition as such sat fightly on "NADA" - as he was known throughout the country.
Fifth Anniversary c The most Outstanc February was the fift tions of the monthly tion." The ceremony in the Council Cha with the Mayor of Tc Honour. A Committe Sivalingam with Mr. Editor as the Secret outstanding ability f different fields of awards. This year held On 112.96 with of 300. The functi invitees only and awards were as folc
Social Service: Mr Tani Drama: Mr. Oriental Dancing: dran, Educational S gasabapathy, Refug Kolpur who is a non
Mr. G.K. Mahendra WOrker and Tamil Suddenly. He was Lankan Attorney-at-l qualifying as a Can, time of his death.
A graduate of the he joined the Co-op 1934 as an inspe Societies, and was tant Commissioner retired fron Governn become General A operative Federal B a Wardedan lQ Fel four of some West study Co-operative E to Sri Lanka in July Recoveries Officer for a year, and later á of the Bank from 19
After his retireme Bank, he served as Co-operative Train years.
Nada was an out. as well as a kind administrator, whos direction were eager in dealing with them, of the Co-operative tower of strength to With him. To his offic grace, and his collea. with much hope and who were privileged loss is indeed irrepa.
His life was clean wronged any person pettiness, dishones plagued the Co-ope
 
 
 
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 3.
town Road, London W14 9HQ. Te: O171-381 3086 4608.
Apr. 13 6.00pm Bharata Natyam Recital by Sandhya & Kiran Subramanyam from India.
Apr. 14 6.00pm Tamil Devotional Music by Janaki Subrannaniann.
Apr. 21 6.OOpm Bharata Natyam Recital by Vena Gheerawo.
MMMMMMMMMMNMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMM
pf Tamil information: iing social event in hanniversary celebraournal "Tanil informais held year after year mber of the City Hall ronto as the Guest of 2e headed by Mr. N. S. Thiruchevan, the ary selects persons of Dr their Contribution in activity for annual he celebrations were a capacity attendance On was restricted to the recipients of the DWS.
. M.J.A. Jeyanathan, S.S. Achuthampilai, Mrs. Geetha YogenService: Mr. P. KanaJee Service: Mr. Ali Sri Lankan.
an of Toronto, social activist passed away 45 and a former Sri law, in the process of adian barrister at the
the beginning. He was too honest to pretend; too sincere to be a sham.
Nada was so friendly, so human and so unsophisticated, and he went about his work so unostentatiously. His was a life of simplicity, humility, honesty and integrity. He was a man of great intellect, of wise and objective judgment, and of enduring charm in his relations with others. He had a happy married life for 59 years and to his great disappointment, his wife predeCeased him on 6.10.95. As he himself noted, "Words cannot convey the agony of the loss of a partner for 59 years of devoted marriage'.
To take a cue from Shakespeare, "His life was meek and gentle, And the elements so mixed in him, That all should stand up and say: This was a man."
Mr. V. Palasundran. Retd ACCD, Dr. K. Paramothayan.
Chundikull Girls' College
Jafna
Centenary 1896-1996
How do we celebrate the Centenary Year of our school? Chundikuli Girls' College today lies empty of its pupils and teachers
in a ghost town - the aftermath of a civil
University of London, erative Department in ctor of Co-operative Oronoted as an Assis(ACCD) in 1948. He ]ent Service in 1960 fO Manager of the Coank and in 1961 was owship to undertake a European countries to Banking. On his return , 1961, he served as at the People's Bank as Personnel Manager 63 to 1970.
The spirit that is Chundikuli lies not in its buildings which have been a proud reminder of the vision and determination of the founders and keepers of its tradition for a hundred years. From humble beginnings, she has grown from under the shadow of a sister organisation, into a territory of her own, nurtured and loved by generations of teachers and pupils who have taught and studied there.
Founded by Mrs. Mary Carter, sustained by the Church Missionary Society, triumphantly marked by the Principalship of Dr.
E.M. Thilliampalam, Chundikuli reached its
nt from the People's Principal of the Jaffna ing School for two
Diamond Jubilee year in 1956-revitalised and extended - its curriculum revised in a national language.
Under Mrs. G.E.S. Chelliah, as it suc
standing Co-operator, t and understanding e wise Counsel and ly availed of by others any inherent problems Movement. He was a all those who worked ze he gave lustre and gues looked upon him di affection. For those to work with him, the rable.
and pure. He never , nor did he indulge in ly or chicanery that rative Movement fronn
cessfully negotiated its passage into the private sector on a non-fee paying basis, Chundikuli prospered, to stand besides St. John's in a partnership' that brought distinction and recognition in the island.
1983 was marked by the intensity of Ethnic violence and the subsequent years of instability and turmoil presented a challenge to our present Principal, Mrs. Padma Jeyaveerasingham. With prudence, vigilance and pastoral care, the changing needs of pupils, teachers and the community were met, while maintaining the academic and creative standards the school had set itself. A task admirably carried out - with courage.

Page 32
32 TAMILMES
The spirit of Chundikuli is not essentially in the achievement of its pupils in the world of music, dance, drama and sport nor in the academic attainments that have produced professionals in many fields, both in Sri Lanka and elsewhere in the World. The spirit that is Chundikuli lies deep within each pupil and past pupil it has enabled us to continue to grow long after we have left her gates - to carry with us the lessons we have learnt of integrity, loyalty, sisterhood, laughter, love and friendship - and the beliefs we have acquired - wisdom, justice, goodness and providence,
In a world gone so wrong - these are the enduring gifts our school has given us. Using these we will go FORWARD to renew and rebuild, to help and sustain the generations to come. Trusting in God's faithfulness and His mercy, we come together to celebrate this Centenary Year with Praise and Thanksgiving.
Padmini (Poppy) Canaga-Retnam - Sebaratnam.
Kingston Celebrates Tenth Anniversary
The Kingston institute of Tamil Culture will celebrate its Tenth Anniversary and the Tamil New Year on Saturday, 13th April '96 from 6.30 to 9.30pm and Sunday, 14th April '96 from 5 to 8pm at Holy Cross Convent School Hall, Sandal Road, New Malden, Surrey. A programme of music and dance will be presented by the students of the institute.
The Institute was with 15 students to to children resident it in student rolls and past ten years and ha one of the leading Borough. The curret the Institute is arou conducted on Satu 1.30pm in Tamil Lan MuSiC, Veena, Viol Bharatha Natyam at School, Sandal Road
Ordi
Rev. Barnabas J.
ordained a Minister Lord Jesus on 11.2S Ezekiel Guti (Asset
Thai Poosam in Seyche
Thai Poosam, a Hindu festival dedicated to Lord Murugan whose al and mountains has been celebrated for the fourth year in success the Murugan Temple in Quincy Street, Seychelles. The Kavadiproc this festival, which was held for the last three years in the inner cc this year wound its way along the roads that form the outer perim
The event provided a cultural contrast for the curious Seychello, number of western tourists. Devotees fulfil their vows carrying a K. frame decorated with peacock feathers. Any devotee carrying a Ka vessel of milk tied to it. The milk brought with such pomp and page the deity of Lord Murugan, thus fulfilling the promised vow. The matter of absolute faith done with sincerity of purpose, strong will,
 
 

15 MARCH 996
formed in April 1986 each Tamil language the UK. It has grown activities during the as established itself as organisations in the nt student strength of nd 120. Classes are tralays from 9am till guage Vocal Carnatic in, Mirudangam and Holy Cross Convent d, New Malden.
ination
Alexander has been
of the Gospel of the 26. The Archbishop Dr. mbly of God Africa -
Illes
pode is usually the hills ion on 4th February at ession associated with ourtyard of the temple, eter of the temple.
is eyes and the large avadi which is a metal vadi has a Small braSS antry is used to anoint whole procession is a and Confidence.
Forward in Faith Ministries international) officiated at the ordination on the last day of Annual Christian Leadership Conference held in Harare, Zimbabwe attended by over 8000 delegates around the world.
Rev. Alexander is the founding-Pastor of the Multi-racial, cross-cultural fellowship Burning Bush - the people's Church - in Croydon, England. He also co-leads intercessor Action Group for Sri Lanka, along With his wife Elizabeth Thulasi. Rev & Mrs. Alexander are producers of a weekly broadcast in Tamil/English on Croydon Christian Radio.
London Tamil Theatre Group Visits Australia
The Tamil Performing Arts Society (TPAS) - Tamil Avaikkaatu Kalai Kalagam - a well-known Tamil Theatre group in London is presenting a Tamil Drama Festival in Australia. The Festival consisting of severall of their plays will be held in three major cities - Sydney, Brisbane and Melbourne on three consecutive days of 26, 27 and 28th April 1996. For an amateur theatre group this is a mammoth task but the TPAS has the experience, dedication and talent to fulfil it. The members of the group travelling to Australia include Kanagasabai Krishnarajah, Anandarani Balendra, Mano Manuelpillai and K. Balendra, the Director of the Group.
TPAS has performed over 165 times in Sri Lanka and the UK and has presented similar festivals in Canada, France, Switzerland and Norway and special performances in Holland and Germany. Their plays have been hailed as professional by Tamil Theatre lovers. It has not been easy to break from the light comedy influence of
*
the South Indian cinema, but they have worked hard to create a serious anni theatre audience by staging plays of quali ty regularly.
TPAS has produced thirty six plays out of which seventeen are adaptations or translations. Tennessee Williams, Bertolt Brecht, Garcia Lorca, Vaclav Havel, Anton Chekov and Harold Pinter are some of the authors whose plays have been adapted
TUTION
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Page 33
15 MARCH 1996
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and performed several times. Playwrights Badai Sircar in Bengali, Girish Karnad in Kannada and Mohan Rakesh in Hindi are some of the authors whose plays have been translated and produced. Tamil plays by Sri Lankan and Indian writers depicting the social intricacies of everyday life in the community have been staged.
TPAS has introduced a new form of Tamil theatre in which modern Sri Lankan Tamil poetry is set to music and used to portray the recent social political history of the Tamils under the title "Our Nation on Fire'. In this production mime, narration, Songs and simple dance gestures are used with paintings projected on a screen at the back of the stage. The group has also produced children's plays, using traditional folk theatre form of "Kuuthu'.
Tamil Theatre lovers in Australia should not miss this golden opportunity. For details please contact Sydney (O2) 8073382, Brisbane (07) 3279 4853, Melbourne (07) 97.94 O639.
NAVALY
So how could it be that the people in the North were forced to hide in their Churches, that orders on the radio and leaflets from the sky said they must all congregate in their places of worship to shelter from the carnage that soon would fall from above?
And how could it be that the same people who had sent out the orders, the government itself, then bombed and strafed them where they took sanctuary, whole families together, killing them in each others' arms tearing them limb from limb?
And how Could it be that even for those who survived there were no proper medicines for wounds or amputations, and all because the government
Rengan N. Devarajan
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And how Could it be that there was also a on the presence of r for the same govern that any press would the Confidence of its and so the only tales Were full Of the Sanne as the papers on the And how could it be, just because the Wes and all because of pr that we in the rest of
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TAMLTIMES 33
ALITY & CRIMINAL SOLICTORS N
ENANT ISSUES USING
ISSUES NADVICE |URY CLAIMS
G 2E
до were kept in ignorance,
asic goods, were told nothing,
sате people while those who fought for freedom 2 to help? were left without friends or supporters,
were isolated and described as monsters and fanatics?
in embargo >porters, SO how then Could it be? ment deCreed How could any of this
undermine make any sense at all? soldiers, And you who keep repeating every day,
We heard This is the world and how it is, di StortionS Always has been, always will, fsland? lask of you, so how then can this be
That we must justify such things
st had plans, simply because there seems ofit and power, no other way?
the World Mark Abraham
பாணப் பாடசாலைகள் விளையாட்டு சங்கம் (ஐ.இ) AFFNASCHOOLS SPORTS ASSOCATION (UK)
4th SOCCER FESTIVAL 1996 (7 ASIDE INCLUDING UNDER 14's)
SUNDAY 21st April 1996 from 9am to 5 pm
? Affiliated
Batticaloa St. Michaels College Chithampara College Hindu Ladics, Jasna
tartley College Holy Family Convent, ilavalai Holy Family Convent, Jaffna Jaffna College Jaffna Central College Јаlina Hindu College Kokuvi Hindu College Mahajana College Manipay Hindu College Mannar St. Xavier's College Skanda Varodaya College St. Henry's College St. Johns Chundikuli Girls
S CENTRE St. Patricks College
Stanley College, Jaffna
Lane Trincomalec Hindu College
Viddlesex Union College
Urumpirai Hindu College Vavuniya Maha Madya Vidiyalayam
with Wembadi Girls High School ISSION E2.00 Wesley College, Colombo
SSLLSSMSSSLLLLLLSLrLCSSSLSSSMSAMMS and cket and Netball Festival Tamil Schools in UK will take place on for under 4's ty Monday 26th August 1996
Parking facilities - £3.00 per car
For further details : Secretary - 0181 399 7848

Page 34
24 TAMIL TIMES
"In ancient India, kings and emperors thought it a privilege to sit at the feet of a man of learning. In today's India, MP's and Ministers think it a privilege if they get a chance to sit at the feet of underworld dons and base businessmen to get secret donations from and to get their blessings...'
"Politics seems to have become the most profitable business of the day wherein the individual enjoys the fruits of political power and he becomes holder of several new accounts in Indian and foreign banks and these accounts fatten day in and day out..."
Thus spoke Additional Sessions Judge Shiv Nargin Dhingra of New Delhi while rejecting former Union Minister Kalpanath Rai, detained for allegedly sheltering some associates of the Bombay-blasts-accused Dawood Ibrahim, to attend Lok Sabha, the last session for this Parliament.
Dhingra did not fail to see the irony of it all either - "see, while the Parliament passed the TADS Act to strike at the terrorist and anti-social and criminal ellements, a Member of Parliament and a central minister has been found to be harbouring the terrorist and anti-social and criminal elements. This much for the concern of Mr Kalpanath Rai for his constituency, society and the nation about which he has spoken at length in his application”.
True the Parliamentarians reacted furiously at the "gratuitous insults' hurled at them and the Delhi High Court came forward to strike off some of Dhingrah's remarks as uncalled for and chided him for exceeding his brief. But, Dhingra's outburst found a sympathetic response in many a heart.
As noted satirist Cho S Ramaswamy commented, "the judge did exceed his brief. He should not have set the stage for a confrontation between the judiciary and the Parliament. Still he was speaking for millions of his fellow Indians when he made those soothing comments. Are we not all so much disillusioned with out politicians?"
While the juggernaut of the hawala casekeeps moving steadily, relentlessly, more than two dozen netas (leaders) have so far come to grief, new scandals also keep breaking out - Kalpanath Rai, the highly voluble post-graduate in English Literature who thrives in foul-mouthing his rivals inside and outside the party, and Brij Saran Singh, a BJPMP (both
hailing from the UP) by the CHI for alleg the underworld don in the Bombay blast Ibrahim.
In Bihar officials animal husbandry de in cahoots with vari - are believed to hav Rs.500 crores, in til cattle-feed, over th years.
And, down south Jaya Governmentis 1 new scandals, from mation sheds to dist dhotis to the poor. done here without sc ing his or her pocke officials perceiv Poes Garden clidue amassing wealth to crores of rupees and Politicians across themselves being sw wards some dreadful of hawala and the seem to be deriving faction by turning th and aggressively p corruption cases bef tion is whether Prim self is savouring it a All these exciting ing as they do on th elections, have inde reassess their strate gain their credibilit public. Barring the every other party ha hawala racket, it ma But, easily the Bharatiya Janata Pi tenders to the thr tal-talking Lal Kish dent, but a battery o ers including New LI Madan Lal Khuran: dicted (the latter ha luctantly).
And as mentione own MP's has been ing with Islamic ter investigations by the that the MP, Sara ory-sheeter, meanir criminal and a fami lice stations of his n Even now the party itself to expel him, h pended. Apparently skills are more imp
 

15 MARCH 1996
have been detained ed association with
and prime suspect is of 1993, Dawood
of the lowly placed partment-of course ous political parties e siphoned off up to he name of buying le last four or five
in Tamil Nadu, the being rocked by ever laying roofs for creribution of saris and Nothing ever gets pmeone or otherlinets. And senior IAS ed close to the 2 are charged with the tune of several
so on. the spectrum find virled and tossed toldestiny in the wake courts everywhere some sadistic satise knife in the wound ursuing the various ore them. The quese Minister Rao him
ll. developments, come eve of the general ed made the parties gies in order to rey in the eyes of the CPI and the CPM is been linked to the ly be noted here.
worst hit is the arty (BJP), the preone. Not just the en Advani, its presif second-level leadDelhi Chief Minister a have also been inad to step down re
d earlier one of its accused of colludrorists. Independent press have revealed n Singh, is a histg he is a notorious liar figure in the poative gonda district. y is unable to bring le has only been sushis vote-mobilising ortant in an election
year than the moral norms it used to spout in and out of turn.
In a bid to embarrass Narasimha Rao the BJP lined up an MP who had come over to it from the Jharkhand Mukthi Moroha JAM (a regional party from Bihar) to say that the Prime Minister had bribed him to the tune of Rs.40 lakhs in July 1993 - in order to make him vote against the opposition-sponsored no-confidence motion.
But, how could such a person be accepted as its member? “Well, he was only an innocent tribal", the BJP leaders claimed and said that he had been unfairly lured by the wily Congress.
However, as it turned out, he was not all that innocent. A couple of days later the JAMMP promptly retracted and said the money he had received had nothing to do with him supporting Rao in 1993. He had done so for political reasons, and the BJP leaders are busy searching for the right place to busy their faces
The CPI and CPM too have their own quote of embarrassment even though they themselves are not tainted by the scam. Their “natural ally", the Janata Dal is also experiencing hawala-related convulsions since quite a few of its leaders including its Lok Sabha leader Sharad Yadav and President ... Bommai figure in the Jain roll call of honour. Though only Yadav has been charge-sheeted so far.
Not that the Congress is in any better shape with as many as Seven Union Ministers having resigned from the cabinet following their implication in hawala and a lot more being linked, all of them facing the ignominy of being charge-sheeted and tried in public, they are all seething with rage. They are angry with Rao for ditching them despite their “unswerving loyalty” in order to buttress his own position and the media constantly holds out the prospect of a revolt but none dares. After all how could one rebel on a corruption platform?
Rao's supporters are claiming that their leader has taken the wind out of the sails of the opposition which has been charging the government with all kinds of corruption by bursting the hawala bombshell. "The morale of the Congress workers is upbeat. Efforts to cleanse the policy is appreciated not only by partymen but by common people,” boasted Ved Pra- kash, joint secretary, AICC.
Rao himself told his Parliamentary Party Executive “Go before the people, holding your heads high. We have let the law take its own course, without interfering in the probe in any way. We have a clean conscience.”
Not many will buy that line. None believes that the CBI has not been selectively targeting Rao's rivals inside and

Page 35
15 MARCH 1996
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