Page 1
S S S S S S S S
Tani
TIME
WolXW No.4 ISSN 0266-4488 15 AP
A
===डलतः
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"Why at a refugee? Do I have a future? - Droso by H.
New Military offensive k Tigers Attack Colombo Harbou
Illing the Nightmare of Hi To Peace
Cose for Referendum in N
 
 
 
 

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The Continuing Conflict
女 ning the Peace
National Human Riigis Commission
in Elections

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2 TAMIL TIMES
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15 APRIL 1996
I do not agree with a word of what you say, but I'll defend to the death your right to say it.
ISSN 0266-4488
Vol.XV NO.4 15 APRIL 1996
Published by
TAMMIES LTD P.O. BOX 121 SUTTON, SURREY SM13TD UNITED KINGOOM
Phone: 0181-644 0972 Fax: 0181-241. 4557
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CONTENTS
Rita Sebastian No More. . . . . . . . 4
News Review. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Winning the Peace: A Costly Endeavour. . . . . . . . . . . 12 Turning the Nightmare of Conflict into a Dream of Peace. . . . . . . . . 14 A National Human Rights Commission. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Case for a Referendum. . . . . . . . 19 UTHR(J) Responds. . . . . . . . . . . 20 indian Elections 1996. . . . . . . . . 22 Tamil Nadu - Congress Splits. . .26 Readers Forum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Book Review. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
Classified. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
Ne
22 April - At leas reported to be wi cross the Jaffna la land as the Sri La ed by navy and ai the second phase codenamed "Opera the north against April, the first a commencement of objective of this ope to bring more area the control of the ment control and 1 route between the northern Jaffna Pe.
As Sri Lankan fo air, artillery and r thousands of troop into LTTE-controlle na Peninsula, a LTI April said that thr mam, Chavakachch had fallen under t military which was the government.
An indefinite curf the north on 19 Apr ities called upon civi ter in safe places : temples and schoolb places near LTTE b:
Independent accol were unavailable be ment has barred jol tering the embattle media reporting on matters is subject t imposed by the go April.
On the second da the army claimed trated eight-km int. areas in Vadamarac Jaffna peninsula. At were killed and 80 w army's advance, the said, adding two so and eight injured in recovered the bodie safe passage had displaced civilians t homes from Vad Thenmarachchi regi
However, the Tige that military helico fire on a crowd o. although the milita] nied killing civilian issued from their L Tigers said helicopt on refugees who ha the Kilaly lagoon in sula to cross over to t dead and the injured ous to count. All family were wiped ou
 
 
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 3
v Military Offensive
30,000 Tamils are ting at Kilaly to pon into the maindan military backsupport launched of their offensive on Riviresa II” in the LTTE on 19 niversary of the elam War II. The 'ation is said to be s presently under igers into govern) open up a land mainland and the insula.
ces pounded with aval strikes with pushing deeper areas in the JaffEstatement on 22 e towns, Kodikaeri and Kachchai he control of the ater confirmed by
aw was imposed in il, and the authorlians to take shelsuch as churches, uildings and avoid
SeS.
ints of the fighting cause the governurnalists from ennorth. The local
military related strict censorship vernment on 19
y of the offensive, hat it had peneLTTE-controlled hchi region in the least 50 militants unded during the defence ministry diers were killed he action. Troops of 14 Tigers. A een created for return to their marachchi and ns, it said. s said on 21 April ters had opened Tamil refugees predictably deIn a statement ndon office, the gunships fired | gathered near he Jaffna Penine mainland. The Were t00 numerembers of one and hundreds of
others had been seriously injured, the statement said.
The military's claim that 15 boats with Tiger cadres were destroyed by helicopter gunships as they tried to cross the Jaffna lagoon was promptly contradicted by the LTTE which said that the boats were carrying civilians who were trying to cross into the mainland.
Those who managed to cross into the mainland are expected to join refugee camps in the Kilinochchi and Vanni areas already housing an estimated 200,000 civilians who fled Jaffna town before it was recaptured by government forces last December.
"The army might seal off the lagoon in a day or two', said a resident who arrived at northcentral Vavuniya. "More than 1,000 families have crossed to the mainland.’ The LTTE said in a statement all roads leading out of the area under attack were choked with civilians fleeing the fighting.
The curfew imposed on the region has prevented trucks carrying vital supplies from reaching the camps. Aid workers in the region are warning of an impending humanitarian disaster.
The army, advancing on four fronts, could be trying to trap Tigers and residents by capturing the lagoon crossing at Kilaly and cutting off the northern peninsula from the mainland in a pincer move.
Residents from Jaffna reported heavy shelling and aerial attacks and said troops advanced from three points into the eastern half of Jaffna while another column of troops thrust north from the Elephant Pass base at the entrance to the peninsula in a pincer move. One axis led from the Palaly airbase through Thondamannar to the Vadamarachchi division, where suspected Sea Tiger naval wing bases were being bombed by air force Kfir jets.
The other two axes led into the Thenmaradchchi division of the peninsula, through Madduvil and along the coast to Tanankilappu, near Chavakachcheri, residents said.
"The resistance from the Tigers was minimal as they started fleeing the area. We advanced 14 km (nine miles) and captured a very important Tiger base,” Army chief Maj. Gen. Daluwatte said in Colombo without giving details. "Enemy resistance has not been heavy. They are harassing us with sm all arms, mort a r s an d machineguns,” said a military spokesman. The advance by tank-led troops was slowed by a maze of mines and boobytraps planted by retreating Tigers, he added. Some 50,000 residents who stayed at home or in safe places like schools and temples were under army control, he said.

Page 4
4 TAM TIMES
Ournalist
eteran Sri Lankan journalist Rita Sebastian died after a brief illness on 26 March. A former editor of the Times of Ceylon newspaper, Sebastian was the correspondent in Colombo for the New Delhi-based Indian Express newspaper, Inter Press Service(IPS) and Kyodo news service at the time of her death. Rita has been a regular columnist for Tamil Times for a number of years. Her funeral took place on 1 April.
A news despatch datelined 31 March from Colombo by the IPS, under the title, "Journalist Rita Sebastian No More” said as follows:
She survived threats, regularly put her life on the line, going beyond the day-to-day of journalism to try to bring people to their senses amidst the carnage all around.
Rita Sebastian was a fearless reporter and editor who lived through the darkest days of Sri Lanka's civil war and violence working to high professional standards that she set for herself through very trying times.
Rita was 61 when she died on March 29 after a brief illness. Hospitalised with broncho-pneumonia a week earlier, she died soon after returning home to recuperate.
As a journalist, Rita had to deal with the violence and terror of Sri Lanka's twin insurgencies: the Tamil separatist war in the north and the JVP insurgency in the south. And her fluency in Sinhala and Tamil made her a versatile reporter, much sought after by international news organisations for coverage of the conflicts.
N
Even as the V and tore at Sri Lanll ric, Rita refused to sides. She used just too much bad violence to be the Her moderate and exposure of at popular with extre was often caught i times literally a dodged bullets fr guerrillas and gc gunships while co "Rita's death is nalism in Sri Lan ber of Parliament Tiruchelvam,in at ticulously researc nic conflict were i ics as well as the
RITA SEBASTIAN - AN APPR
Ajith Samaranayake
ita Sebastian, whose sudden death
on Friday came as a shock to her
colleagues belonged to the second line of women to enter journalism in Sri Lanka at a time when it was still very much a male club. Ranji Handy (later Senanayake), Jeane Pinto, Jean Moonesinghe and Sita Jayawardena (later Parakrama) were among the first brigade at the frontiers who refused to be confined by the gentility of the women’s pages. This was a time when paternalistic notions held it that a woman's true place was the home and even if she dared do anything so scandalous as write to the papers she should confine herself to cook
ery, fashions, chil The fifties and more liberating w larger influx of w and not necessarily either. Rashan Pe andera, Vijitha Fe wardena, Chandr singhe, Eva Ranaw Karel Roberts an longed to this sec English language journalists.
Rita Sebastian at the Times of Cey it was dominate
 
 

15 APRIL 1996
vars polarized society ca's socio-political fabbe drawn into taking to say that there was blood in Sri Lanka for
aSWe. views, quest for truth rocities made Rita unimists on all sides. She in the crossfire - somes the time when she om both Tamil Tiger vernment helicopter vering the frontlines.
a great loss for jourka,” said Tamil memand academic, Neelan ribute today. "Hermehed articles on the ethnvaluable for academgeneral public.”
She covered some of the most appalling massacres, mind numbing bombings and horrificexecutions (very often ofpeople she knew well) with a deep reservoir of personal fortitude and compassion.
"Rita Sebastian was a pioneering woman journalist in Sri Lanka. She had reached the pinnacle of her profession,” said the Foreign Media Association of Sri Lanka of which she was a member.
Even as her editors demanded antiseptic detachment and "objectivity” in reporting the events around her, as a Sri Lankan
Rita Sebastian was always deeply troubled by the bloodshed that engulfed her homeland.
"Inside her fragile exterior, Rita was a toughjournalist who could take extreme mental and physical hardships in her search for the truth. She was ready to get up and go anytime anywhere for a story, She worked best under fire,' said Kund Dixit, regional editor for Inter Press Serv ice in Asia-Pacific.
Despite a bout with cancer three years ago, she remained a warm and generous human being always ready to share all, and lived by a strong code of personal ethics, decency and morality.
After her journalism training in London, Rita started out as a features editor at the Ceylon Daily Mirror in early 1961. She became the first woman to edit the Sunday Times newspaper in Colombo and turned freelance reporter in 1987, serving as Sri Lanka correspondent for Inter Press Service, the Indian Express and Kyodo. O
ECATION
iren and pets.
the sixties with their inds of change saw a omen into journalism to the women's pages iris, Mallika Wanigrnando, Hema GunaSilva, Sybil Wetta'eera, Sriya Ratnakata, d Rita Sebastian beond line among both and Sinhala medium
began her journalism lon in the 1960ʼs when i by such names as
Felician Fernando, Fred de Silva, HER
Abeysekera and Reggie Michael. She was an all rounder who could write as well as sub edit a page. She fetched the highest position available to her when she was appointed the Editor of the 'Sunday Times' although due to no fault of hers this was the twilight of the Times that newspaper having been taken over by the Government in 1977 and been run down by a succession of Competent Authorities. She was thus the first woman to edit a national newspaper although Roshan Peiris had briefly edited the Sunday Observer before the same Government had summarily dismissed her in the reign of terror of 1977. Rita Sebastian, however, flowered after her enforced exile from the Times. As a correspondent for foreign newspapers and news agencies she came into her own in the 1980's and 1990's

Page 5
15 APRIL 1996
uicide cadres belonging to the Sea S Tiger Wing of the LTTE made a daring pre-dawn attack on Sri Lanka's primary Colombo harbour on 12 April arriving in two fishing trawlers laden with explosives and rocket-propelled grenades, according to reports from Colombo.
Both trawlers exploded and sank when the gunboats of the Sri Lankan Navy opened fire on them, and sailors believed at least ten attackers were killed, including two divers carrying explosives. Navy divers recovered the body of one rebel along with diving equipment. Officials claimed that one of the trawlers had entered the harbour when it was fired at and destroyed. The other had not yet entered and was trying to flee. Two suicide divers were blown up as they swam through the northern entrance to the port. However, a statement issued by the LTTE from their London headquarters on 13 April claimed that six vessels were destroyed by their “Black Sea Tigers” in the attack.
Navy sources said sonar detected two divers swimming towards the harbour
around 5.30 a.m. (n suicide frogmen we tries fired shots anc into the water. Radi inside the harbour' security zone. One ( ern entrance after fired on it, the sour (LTTE) craft was c or three miles (thre sea, they claimed.
One Japanese cau Lankan ships were gunfire, port official slightly injured, anc sels anchored in ca were hit by the Tige grenades, said Co Sundaram, Director “I saw the (LTT trols exchanging Sapinas, a Filipino carrier which was the attack. "I ducke looked through the hit the deck.'
The navy later ex in the waters of the searched the port fo rity also was tighte tal.
Colombo port is
(conted. from pagea) which have been so momentous in the country's history. At the time of her untimely death she was Sri Lanka correspondent for the Indian Express and the Inter Press Service (IPS), the Romebased Third World news agency. In the latter capacity she succeeded the late Richard de Zoysa. She was also the local correspondent for Kyodo news agency, Japan. −
As a Tamil, covering the ethnic conflict, Rita Sebastian was particularly vulnerable (perhaps also because she was a woman) and had to make many sacrifices. A particularly vicious example of this was when a campaign was mounted to deprive her of her correspondentship of the German radio Deaf che Welle on the grounds that she was a LTTE supporter! But she took all this in her stride and in her shirt andjeans was one of the few reporters among both sexes to regularly visit the war-torn areas. Her knowledge of the on-going war was considerable. A very calm and gentle person she
was nevertheless fil
Rita Sebastian w; dent of the Foreig organisation which rupture with the For Association which local journalists co publications as bein by foreign journalis It was a tribute to he by then that her col them men) were rea colade on her. Rit marry and she face in her personal life of her sister some ti
Most people in ti know that she had b ness let alone that i two Saturdays ago ephone to me to i President had acce Leader's challenge Thawakkal issue. TI sitting in the sam obituary.
 
 

idnight GMT). The eblown up after sendropped explosives r detected two boats four-mile (6.5-km) xploded at the northi Dvora patrol boat essaid, The second hased and sunk two e or four km) out at
carrier and two Sri slightly damaged by said. One sailor was
three merchant vespital's busy harbour rs rocket-propelled mmodore Terrence of Naval Operations. E) boat and navy pa
fire,” said Pedro sailor aboard a car slightly damaged in d inside the ship and porthole as splinters
loded depth charges harbour entrance and rother rebels. Secuhed around the capi
a leading transship
Tn when necessary. as the founder Presiin Media Journalists was set up after a ign Correspondents' was seen by many ntributing to foreign gdominated unfairly is based in Colombo. rposition in the field leagues (the bulk of dy to confer this acSebastian did not i many unhappiness including the death me agostoically. e profession did not 2en treated foran illwas terminal. Only she was on the telnquire whether the oted the Opposition to a debate on the wo weeks later I am : room writing her
1s
TAM TIMES 5
ment centre in South Asia, and Sri Lanka's main foreign commercial link. Colombo port handled more than a million containers last year, about 70 percent of which was transshipment cargo.
Shipping Minister Mohamed Ashraff told reporters that the Tigers might have been targeting a liquid petroleum gas vessel in the harbour. The vessel, the Gas Tabangao, escaped damage because it was shielded by other ships, two of which were slightly damaged, Ashraff said.
However, according to Navy and port officials the Tigers might have been aiming for a ship that had unloaded aircraft parts for the island's airforce on the night hours before the attack. "The Tigers may have got intelligence about the arms ship which was originally meant to have unloaded the cargo for the airforce on the morning of 13 April,” one official said.
Security at the port was stepped up recently after intelligence reports that the Sea Tigers were planning to attack the harbour, navy officials said. In this context, serious questions have already been raised as to the adequacy of the security measures taken in the face of the known threat, and how at least one LTTE vessel was able to penetrate into the harbour without being confronted earlier.
Nimal Maralande, the Sri Lankan agent for the Lloyd's of London insurance company, said the attack could reduce the number of ships willing to enter the harbour. “There is a immediate need to rebuild confidence," he added.
There was widespread apprehension that ship movements to and from and at the Colombo Port, described as south Asia's transshipment hub, will be af. fected by the Tiger attack. “We may not move ships for a while because of the attack. There may be some delay in the movement of some vessels. But we're working ships inside the port and it's a matter of time before our operations get back to normal. Our gates are open," a port official told the press. “We'll ensure additional security for the harbour,” Minister Ashrafftold reportersin an effort to ally fears that the attack would have an adverse impact on the harbour operations. "I do not think this will lead to a diversion of transshipment traffic. It may be a temporary setback. Insurance premiums may be increased."
Just as the authorities in Colombo were down-playing the extent and scale of the damage inflicted by the Tiger attack, the LTTE claimed in a statement released from its international secretariat in London on 13 April that they had destroyed six naval vessels in Colombo harbour. The statement said that nine of their "Black Sea Tiger" suicide squad were killed in the course of the attack and that three naval fast-attack craft and three

Page 6
6 TAMIL TIMES
supply ships were destroyed at 0130 local (2000 GMT).
“The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam's Black Sea Tigers penetrated the Colombo harbour security zone and set off explosives attached to the hulls” of the six vessels which were destroyed, the Tiger statement said. But officials in Colombo described the LTTE's claim of being "figment of their imagination".
Lawrence Thilakar, the international spokesman for the LTTE speaking from their office in Paris confirmed that their "our target will be supply lines.” “The targets will be supply lines to the government troops in the north and also weapons coming from outside to Colombo." When asked where he thought the weapons were coming from, Thilakar said "various places,” giving Israel and China as examples.
Analysts in Colombo believe that the Tamil Tigers have raised the stakes in their war for independence with a bold suicide attack on Colombo port, heralding probably more strikes on Sri Lanka's economic targets. analysts said on Saturday.
"It is clear they are now going for economic targets to bring the country to its knees, knowing we're in a desperate situation, with the cost of the war already 40 billion rupees ($740 million) a year,” said a former air force chief Air Marshall Harry Goonetilleke.
The Tiger dawn raid by LTTE suicide boats and frogmen, repulsed by navy patrols, could force the already stretched navy to deploy more craft and troops to protect the vital port, Goonetileke said.
By these type of daring and at the same time desperate attacks sacrificing many of their trained specialist cadres in suicide missions, the Tigers are trying to force the military to reduce its commitment in the north particularly in the context of the much publicised planned of fensive in the north against the Tigers.
Ever since the Central Bank attack in late January this year, it has been obvious the Tigers were trying to raise the cost of the war. Attacks in the south particularly directed at high profile economic targets result in devastating consequences for island's economy which had managed to sustain itself in a reasonable shape so long as the war was confined to the northeast.
The pattern of Tiger attacks in Colombo, including one on oil tanks just as the army launched a major offensive to capture Jaffna, and their intensified and frequent attacks on military personnel in the east showed they were timing their attacks with a view to force the government divert its attention and security forces to the aim of protecting the south.
As the LTTE is tacks on the securi Lanka and also oc ern Jaffna penins lombo indicate tha der way fora majo government force tions in the Jaffna
The Sunday Ob ported that defense the forthcoming m largest ever laun forces in the north be to capture mo control of the LT the operation, the massive concent heavy military equi The projected o scribed as much Riviresa which e forces capturing til adjoining areas, is tens of thousands columns and com aerial and naval S cial forces units.
For its part the L ware of the massiv also making intel resist the offensiv Tigers have recruit ally thousands frd placed from Jaffn in the LTTE-contr Vanni areas. There of training activity Mullaitivu distric Nedunkerny, whic the nerve centre of The recent sta Deputy Defence Ratwatte that the ethnic war befor Lankan new year, Sinhala Buddhists April 14, is viewe in political circles statements have b by previous Presid isters, and as usua and pass with the out any apparente lombo said.
The military is ately in anticipatic the Tigers wouldic heavy-lift Anton Colombo airportt copter gunships. A down several pla air force has acq planes equipped tems and laser-gu
 

5APHL 1996
nuing War3
mounting repeated aty forces in eastern Sri asionally in the northla, reports from Cot preparations are unmilitary offensive by ; against LTTE posipeninsula.
erver of 24 March reofficials predicted that ilitary offensive as the hed by the security the aim of which will e territory under the E. In preparation for have acknowledged 'ation of troops and ipment. peration, which is dearger than Operation nded in government he Jaffna town and its expected to involve of troops, armoured bined operations with upport and elite spe
TTE which is not unafe military build-up is nsive preparations to e. It is learnt that the ted to their ranks literpm among those disa and currently living olled Kilinochchi and are reports of a frenzy in the jungles of the :t, especially around h is now described as
the LTTE. tement attributed to Minister Anuruddha forces would end the e the traditional Sri common both to the and Tamil Hindus, on d with much cynicism in Colombo. Similar een made in the past ents and Defence Minthe date would arrive war continuing withnd, an observer in Co
modernizing desperon that the war against ontinue. Huge Russian ovs land regularly at pdisgorge Mi-24helind after the Tigers shot hes with missiles, the lired Israeli Kfir warwith anti-missile sysded bombing capabil
ity.
Police in Colombo claimed that they had found a powerful bomb in the capital on 3 April shortly after the city was put on high security alert for possibl: suicide bombattacksby Tigers, and du:
ing a search for 12 Tamil Tiger suicidis bombers who they claimed had infiltrate the city. In a pre-dawn raid, troops foun. four kilos (8.8 pounds) of plastic explo
sives, ammunition, two hand-grenades a timing device and five cyanide capsules, and a suspect was arrested,the defence ministry said. Identikit pictures c. the 12 suspected bombers, drawn up a ter tip-offs from persons already in cus
tody following the devastating Centre Bank bombing, were released by the pc.
lice. The authorities issued an appealt
the public to come forward immediatel,
with any information and gave conta. telephone numbers for investigators an military units handling security in th capital.
On a previous occasion, thirty kilo
grams of explosives were recovered nea:
Seylan Bank in Old Moor Street in C lombo on 19 March. The explosives wers concealed in a heap of garbage.
Recentreports from Colombo, quoting northern residents arriving in Vavuniy. and Colombo, say that the LTTE we engaged in a frenzied exercise in withdrawing most of their military hardware. arms and ammunition and moving the close civilian supporters from areas presently under their control in the Jaffna peninsula.
“The Tigers are busy removing their weapons and equipment from the eastern half of Jaffna,” said a resident who reached Vavuniya, a town in north-central Sri Lanka south of Jaffna, on 8 April. "Many boats were deployed in the past week to bring their stuff down to the mainland.”
Known leading civilian supporters ol the LTTE and their families were als. Y leaving their homes in Vadamarachch the northeastern part of the peninsula where the LTTE have bases for their See Tiger naval wing, and crossing the Jaff lagoon to the mainland, he said. "Others have not yet joined the exodus of their supporters,” said the resident. "The are unable to decide but are packed and ready to flee as soon as the operation, starts as they fear the lagoon crossingma be sealed,' he added.
A statementissued by the LTTE's London office on 30 March said that, Mr Balakumar, a prominent member of the LTTE political wing addressing a meeting at Kilinochchi Central College while referring to Chandrika Government
announcements, alerted the Tamilpeople to the danger of the Sinhala government's final preparations for a war to be

Page 7
15 APRIL 1996 k - r - గు" 8 : , ...,
launched any time now, to totally destroy the Tamil race in Sri Lanka.
In this military operation, the Sinhala armed forces will destroy large numbers of Tamils and cause wide spread destruction to their property. In addition to attacking the Tamil people living in Vadamaratchi and Thenmaratchi, the Sri Lankan armed forces have also made plans to march into Kilinochchi from Vavuniya. In executing this plan, the Tamil people living in Vanni Tamil mainland will also be severely attacked, the LTTE statement added.
A LTTE statement broadcast on the “Voice of Tigers” radio on 5 April claimed that government forces had postponed a planned major military offensive in the north because of the loss of some 400 men this year and damage to military hardware.”The Tigers destroyed three navy fast-attack craft including an Israeli-built Dvora, damaged an air force MI-24 helicopter gunship and levelled an air force camp,” during the first months of 1996, the radio said.
Meanwhile, the frequent aerial and naval bombardment ostensibly directed at so-called LTTE positions in the north continue to result in civilian casualties. A case in point is the bombing in the fishing village of Nachchikudah in the Mannar district on 16 March by the Airforce in what appeared to be an indiscriminate retaliatory attack following the LTTE attack on naval gunboats on the previous day.
The accuracy of the reported claim by a military spokesman in respect of this incident that at least 30 Tigers were killed by an Airforce helicopter gunship attack on a Sea Tiger base at Nachchikudah in the Mannar district on 16 March is seriously disputed. Kilinochchi Government Agent, S.Thillainadarajah, in a despatch to Colombo stated that ten civilians were killed on the spot and five others died after admission to hospital. Forty seven people were seriously injured and seventeen others sustained minor injuries. The victims belonged to a fishing community displaced by the fighting in the north
The LTTE in a statement released in London stated that it had been established that 16 Tamil civilians were killed and 64 persons seriously injured, in the fifteen minutes attack carried out by two Sri Lankan MI 24 fighter helicopters on the Nachchikuda coast in the early morning darkness at about 4.30 AM on 16 March.
A three month old baby, 9 women and 6 men have been killed in this attack. The injured have a poor chance of recovery as most of them have lost their limbs and
their eye sight which The affected people a the areas of Na Guru nagar, Passiy Valigamam who we the wake of the m Jaffna last Novemb tims vere fast asle morning attack took chance of escape. H sheds were reduced ary bombs, the LTT
Expecting a repe Lankan Airforce, 60 living as refugees Mannar have now f have taken refug Kumulamunai churc helicopter attack. 17 from the army occu the islands off Jaffn tled in Nachchiku whole community is the helicopter attack which the people liv down by rocketfire a to be provided for the statement added.
There have been r dents of clashes be troops and the Tige1 region within the Ja gion which is clai brought under milita that, on the militar that several soldiers are being killed in between the bellige either Tigers are pr bers in the so-called that they are in a p those areas in large of their choosing.
Small bands of TI believed to be hidin trolled by the army, and staging hit-andernment troops, mili recent Weeks, acci sources, navy patro and sunk several reb ern waters believed to guerrillas operatin The military adm killed six govern pre-dawn attack on March at Weli Oya the island. At leaste as the army fought force helicopter gu) claimed.
In a statement rele LTTE said that the Lankan army camp middle of the Manal has been totally des forces at about 12.3

TAMIL TIMES 7
h cannot be restored. reall originally from wanthurai, Kayts, voor and Jaffna in re forced to flee in ilitary offensive in er. Most of the vicbep when the early place. They had no undreds of huts and to ashes by incendiEstatement said.
at attack by the Sri ) families who were in Nachchikuda in led their homes and ge in the nearby h after the 16 March 2 families displaced pied Valigamamand a peninsula are setda in Mannar. The in deep shock after . Most of the huts in ved have been burnt nd new shelters have homeless, the LTTE
eports of many inci:tween government is in the Valigamam ffna peninsula, a remed to have been ary control, The fact y's own admission, and scores of Tigers violent encounters rants indicates that esent in large numrecaptured areas or osition to penetrate numbers at the time
iger infiltrators are g in the areas conplanting landmines run attacks on govtary officials said. In ording to military ls have intercepted el boats in the northobe taking supplies gbehind army lines. itted that the Tigers ment soldiers in a an army post on 16 in the northeast of ight Tigers also died back, calling in air nships, the military
:ased in London, the Salampankulam Sri which is situated in aru (Veli Oya) area troyed by the LTTE 0 AM in the middle
of the night on the 16 March. Ten soldiers and home guards were killed and 10 more military personnel were injured as the camp was destroyed. Arms and ammunition were seized from the Sri Lankanforces. Two LTTE freedom fighters, Capt. Ulakanambi and Lt. Kathirkaman, were killed in this operation.
Tigers killed 14 soldiers in a landmine attack in the northern Jaffna peninsula on 18 March in the first big rebel attacksince the capture of the Jaffna town in November last year. The soldiers were travelling in a tractor that detonated a pressure mine planted by the Tigers in Mallakam - a small town claimed to be under the control of the army - about 10 km (six miles) north of Jaffna town. The mine was believed to have been laid by the Tigers who infiltrated the area.
In regard to the Mallakamincident, the LTTE in a statement issued from its London office said that a 76 year old woman was killed and 4 people including two children were seriously wounded on 18 March when Sri Lankan army stationed in Valigamam (Jaffna district) rained down artillery shells towards Vadamaratchi and Thenmaratchi areas of Jaffna district. It seemed that these indiscriminate artillery shell attacks on civilian targets were carried out by the army in retaliation to the successful land mine attack on an army vehicle by the LTTE forces within the army control Valigamam area of Jaffna district and this attack took place on the morning in Mallakam and 18 Sri Lankan soldiers were killed in this attack.
Tigers attacked a military base on an island off northern Sri Lanka on 20 March killing seven soldiers and injuring five more, military officials said in Colombo. The soldiers repulsed the attack by the Tigers, who arrived in boats on the Kayts Island in their mission. At least 18 Tigers were killed in the encounter said Maj. Tilak Dunuwille, a military spokesman.
The military, expected to launch a new offensive against the Tigers, warned civilians to stay away from rebel camps likely to come under attack. The military was asking civilians in the north and east to stay away from known camps as these were likely to come under artillery or air attack without notice, military spokesman Brigadier SarathMunasinghe told a news conference on 28 March. The warning came a day after the LTTE claimed air force jets and artillery had pounded the Vadamarachchi and Thenmarachchi areas in the northern Jaffna peninsula.”The Sri Lankan armed forces fired barrages of artillery and mor

Page 8
8 TAMILTMES
tar shells over a wide area of the thickly populated Vadamarachchi and Thenmaratchi districts,' an LTTE statement issued in London said.
In continuing their campaign of military attack on Vadamaratchi, the Sri Lankan armed forces fired barrages of artillery shells, into a wide area of Vadamaratchi on 29-03-1996 during the night from 1.30 AM to 3.00 AM. The armed forces also fired lots of Parachute Lights into the night to light up the area. The terrorised people from the villagers of Kerudavil, Thondamanaru and Valvettiturai who received the brunt of this night attack, fled their homes to safety in the middle of the night, the LTTE statement added.
A military spokesman said that soldiers on a search and clearing operation killed 41 Tigers in two separate encounters on 4 April. Five soldiers were killed and two officers and 14 soldiers wounded in the two incidents in two villages, Sangarathai and Sandillipai, in the in the Valikamam region. The army recovered a cache of arms and equipment from the dead Tigers, including and rocket- propelled grenades and radio sets.
A military statement said that in one incident the Tigers attacked the soldiers as they were carrying out clearing operations, but when the troops encircled the attackers, they took refuge in a Hindu temple. The military threw smoke bombs into the temple to flush out the Tigers and opened fire. The Tigers returned fire, killing five soldiers and injuring 16. The military said it recovered the bodies of 41 rebels.
On 2 April, in an encounter between the forces and the Tigers, the army killed 14 Tigers, including eight women, in the village of Manipai, a few kilometres (miles) north of Jaffna town, a Defence Ministry statement said.
Tigers guerrillas attacked a Sri Lankan naval convoy in northern waters on 30 March, killing a sailor and damaging two vessels, defence sources said in Colombo. "Sea Tigers' belonging to the LTTE attacked the convoy between Vettilaikerny and Mullaitivu close to the northern Jaffna peninsula, they said. According to military spokesman Maj.Tilak Dunuwille, 10 sailors, including two officers, were killed and 10 more wounded in the attack and he claimed at least 35 Sea Tigers were also killed. A navy boat was destroyed when it was rammed by an explosive-laden Tiger boat, killing and wounding the sailors. The attack was later repulsed with the help of air force helicopter gunships, said Dunuwille.
Supplies Hampered: Meanwhile it has been reported that food and other essential supplies sent from Colombo to
Tamil refugees in r have been hampere Tamil Tigers and its another Tamil group Liberation Organisati were extorting mone The LTTE said in as that extortion by me PLOTE had disrupte supplies to the north rying food and roofi gees had been held Vavuniya, north of Y territory, after paym res were stopped. Al istry official was qu truck drivers were re plies across as they fe after the governmen vehicles, stopped the adding, "The supply c to a standstill but ha 'Monies were extorte and allegedly by the
The LTTE in a sta its London office on armed Tamil quisling mism for its rival grc the Sri Lankan army sums of money at points and barriers arc Tamil travellers and t food to Vanni areas. lorries are held up Vavuniya without p. checkpoints as the d are finding it diffic. demanded. Complair the Sri Lankan Comu tial Services but it i. he can do anything a A statement issued April said that the re tors from Medicine S; have informed the authorities that t Killinochchi hospita out surgical equipme tients in need of surg to the Vavuniya | Thandikulam Sri Lar point and soldiers má checkpoint do not p of patients that easily said that they do not Killinochchi without erations which are will be a tremendou; people if these MSF Killinochchi. The Ki is already struggling numbers of patients arrival of refugees fr In the meantime, f and NGOs working in among refugees are paring for a fresh infl the Vadamaradchi al

orthern Sri Lanka because both the rivals belonging to , PLOTE (Peoples on of Tamil Eelam), from truck drivers. atement on 3 April mbers belonging to d the flow of food It said trucks carng material to refuup at north-central which is Tiger-held nts to PLOTE cadRehabilitation Minoted as saying that luctant to take supared being harassed , which hires their extortion payments, ffood has not come s slowed,” he said. d by both the LTTE PLOTE.” tement issued from 18 March said that groups - an eupheups - who work for ure demanding large the various check pund Vavuniya from he lorries that carry Convoys of food or several days in assing through the rivers of the lorries ilt to find the sum ht has been made to missioner of Essens doubtful whether bout this.
by the LTTE on 4 sident French docans Frontiers (MSF) Killinochchi health heir stay in the l is pointless with:nts. At present pagical care are taken hospital through kan military check anning this military ermit these transfer . MSF doctors have want to stay idle in performing the opIrgently needed. It s loss to the Tamil doctors are to leave llinochchi hospital to cope with large specially after the om Valigamam. oreign aid agencies northern Sri Lanka reported to be preux of refugees from nd Thenanaradchi
15 APRIL 1996
areas of Jaffna in the wake of reports of a fresh army offensive and the call by the LTTE to the civilians to leave those areas and cross into the mainland Vanni region.
The LTTE also said that people in Kilinochchi areas have started building bunkers in their homes and in public places to protect themselves from aerial bombs and artillery shells which are being directed by Sri Lankan armed forces on the people living in the area. Many business and Public institutions in the area are also giving material and financial help to the people to build bunkers. A statement from the Tigers on 4 April that the Sri Lankan armed forces poured volleys of artillery shells into the residential areas of Vadamaratchi and Thennaratchi for the second week in succession in preparation for their declared new military offensive in the area. The Sri Lankan armed forces stationed at Palali and Vettilaikerni have been shelling the entire civilian areas with their long range artillery guns. The worst hit are the villages of Thondamanaru and Kerudavilin the Vadamaratchi district and Eastern sections of Thenmaratchi and Eluthumadduval in the Thenmaratchi district. This new round of army shelling has accelerated the flow of Tamil refugees out of these districts and into the Vanni Tamil Mainland.
Air raid shelters, bunkers and underground bomb shelters are being built in Vanni Tamil mainland to protect theTamil people from Sri Lankan military attacks With the increasing number of Sri Lankan Military flights over the Vann Tamil mainland and with the Sri Lankan war planes attacking Tamil civilian targets, the people of Vanni are not taking any chances. Air raid shelters and bomb shelters are being built by the people in their homes and all over in public places such as Schools, Markets, Community centres and Street junctions, the LTTE statement added.
In the meantime, the Tigers have intensified their attacks on the security forces in the east of the country. It is in eastern Sri Lanka that government forces have been losing heavily in recent months. "The biggest blow (for the military) has been from the Tigers clans attacking military personnel, posts and patrols in the east over the past couple of months," one analyst said.
The Tigers dealt another blow against government forces on 5 April when they killed 16 police commandos belonging to the Special Task Force on a road-clearing mission near the village of Kohombagastalawa in eastern Amparai district in eastern Sri Lanka.
Human Chain : Tens of thousands of

Page 9
15 APRIL 1996
people in northern Sri Lanka formed a human chain and urged the United Nations to pressure Colombo to cancel a planned offensive against Tamil Tigers in the north, abroadcast from the LTTE's Voice of Tigers radio said.
The demonstration on 10 April in which an estimated 200,000 people linked hands, stretched some 32 km (20 miles) from Chavakachcheri to Point Pedro in the northern tip of the Jaffna peninsula.
Residents said the demonstration was organised by a group of traders' and fishermens' associations backed by the LTTE. The organisation sent a message to U.N. Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghaliurging him to persuade Sri Lanka to find a political solution to the problemand call off an expected offensive, the radio said. The demonstrators chanted slogans demanding the withdrawal of government troops from the peninsula to allow displaced civilians to resettle in their homes and to resume talks with the Tamil Tigers, radio added.
The human chain demonstration was intended "to draw the attention of the world to the colossal loss of life and large scale destruction of property” during any offensive. Pupils, clerics and shopkeepers participated in the protest, said a LTTE statement issued from its London office.
Devolution Proposals: Sources in Colombo say that the discussions relating to draft Devolution Proposals in the All Party Parliamentary Select Committee (SC) are progressing satisfactorily. Studiously, the Committee has put back the discussion of controversialissues like the unit of devolution, the power of the President to dissolve the proposed Regional Councils etc. with the intention of consensus being reached on other general and non-contentious amendments to the Constitution.
Speaking at the presentation of pensions to fishermen on 3 April, President Mrs. Kumaratunga appealed to all political parties not to sabotage the devolution process but to suggest improvements to her government plans. She believed that the majority of the country's people supported the concept of devolution and the need to solve the genuine problems of the Tamils and added that the country needed political leaders who set aside the vote catching mentality in tackling a national crisis.
The president stressed that the government troops were not battling against "our Tamil people” but against the LTTE which had unilaterally declared war against the government. The government had in fact acknowledged that Tamils had genuine grievances which should be redressed without delay, she added.
Energenc
In the runup to til elections to be held the government im state of emergency to now had been cor northeast of the is Colombo and adjoir sible reason given f move is that it wan attacks by the Tig police claim that til received reliable re. “The governmen hold local elections such a manner tha personnel could en all its citizens,” a the Presidential Sec A nationwide sta vests the President ers to promulgate r for the purpose of elections scheduled Some oppositio) that the local electic by June, might bep likely that they war tions unless they ha formation of a pos Colombo,” Chanaka of the Liberal Pa. adding,"They may ation in the country holding of elections The Opposition Wickremasinghe, d for the extension oft and has hinted that t tion reflected an int the outcome of the { extraordinary powe tions being placed c opposition parties t paign.
If the local electi scheduled in June, first acid test of the larity since in came 1994 defeating the U which ruled the cou seventeen years. Th cannot be said to b people at present to the ruling Peoples election. But in cast poned or cancelled will seek to obtail millage it can agains its anti-democratic tion will love this. have to test themse they can criticise the ing out of the demo member of parliam Suspension of

AM TIMES 9
y Extended
he local government shortly in Sri Lanka, posed a nationwide on 8 April which up fined to the war-torn. land and its capital ing areas. The ostenor the government's ts to prevent alleged ers about which the hey have reportedly ports. t is taking action to without delay and in it available security sure full security for statement issued by retariat said. te of emergency inwith enormous powegulations including cancelling the local for Julie this year. n politicians suspect ons, due to be called ut off.”It seems most ht to cancel the eleclve learned some insible rebel attack in Amaratunga, leader rty, told the press, feel the security situdoes not warrant the
Leader, Mr. Ranil oes not see the need he state of emergency he government’s acention to manipulate :lection by the use of ers including limitain the freedom of the o conduct their cam
an is to take place as then it would be the government's popu: to power in August Jnited National Party ntry for the previous he opposition parties a popular among the inflict a defeat upon Alliance at the local : the election is post, then the opposition h as much political t the government for move. "The opposiIt means they don't lves at the polls but government for pullcratic process,” a PA ent lamented.
Radio Broadcasts :
Media groups Sri Lanka criticised a recent government banon news broadcasts by a private radio network after one of its stations announced a non-existentisland-wide curfew.
The Editors' Guild of Sri Lanka said in a statement that the punishment was "far in excess of the crime' and had been imposed despite the station having corrected the item within seven minutes of its incorrect broadcast.
The Information and Media Ministry on 11 April ordered Colombo-based MBC Networks to suspend local and foreign news broadcasts. It did not say how long the ban would last.
The popular radio station Sirasa FM three days earlier announced that the government had declared an island-wide curfew. In fact, the government had extended its emergency laws to cover the whole country. The network admitted that the broadcast had caused confusion and anxiety among the population but that it had been a mistake.
Following the broadcast two journalists from the station were taken into custody and charged with bringing the government into disrepute and broadcasting false news. The two journalists have also been summarily dismissed by the broadcasting company, Maharaja Broadcasting Company.
The Free Media Movement, while recognising that reporting over such a widespread and influential medium such as radio that an island-wide curfew had been declared, when it fact it was the proclamation of the state of emergency islandwide was a gross violation of the basic professional requirements of checking and verifying a story from the properauthorities, expressed grave concern at the decision of the government to suspend the company's broadcasting licence.
Comparing the action to those of the previous government, the FMM said that it could be an indirect threat and intimidation to other media organisations as well. The FMM also condemned the detention of the journalists under emergency regulations and urged the government that any action taken against the journalists should be under normal laws which relate to the wrong reporting of facts and
62WS.
Dissolution Overruled By Courts
President Mrs.Kumaratunga was faced with severe political embarrassment when the Sri Lankan Court of Appeal on 27 March held her action unconstitutional in dissolving two Provincial Councils controlled by the opposition United National Party (UNP).

Page 10
O TAMIL TIMES
The North-Central and Sabaragamuwa Provincial Councils were dissolved on the advice of the Governors of those provinces on January 3 on the basis of allegations of corruption and misuse of funds. Following the dissolution, the government announced it would hold fresh elections for the two dissolved councils in March. However, the Chief Ministers of the dissolved Councils instituted proceedings in the courts challenging the constitutional validity of the dissolution. In late January the Court of Appeal of the island, made an interim order prohibiting the government from calling for nominations or holding fresh elections to the Councils until the case was finally determined by the Court. And its final determination was that the President's action was unconstitutional.
One commentator said that the decision of the Court reflected the new atmosphere in the country unlike under the previous regime when the judiciary was under a great deal of executive pressure and intimidation. “This also proves the independence of the judiciary, which is something this country sadly lacked. It shows ourjudiciary now has the freedom to rule against decisions of even the President,” said a political observer in Colombo.
Besides the mere political embarrassment for the President and the government, at a time when the government has launched its devolution proposals for granting more autonomous powers to the proposed Regional Councils, the action of the Presidentin dissolving the Provincial Councils and the consequent decision of Court the have highlighted the question as to the extent of the power of the President ought to possess in any future constitutional arrangements vis-a-vis the Regional Councils.
Power Cuts Due to Drought
The government is planning new thermal power plants to reduce dependence on hydropower and is considering power cuts after monsoon rains failed to arrive, government officials said on 19 March.
Foreign investors will be invited to build a 300 MW coal power plant estimated to cost $800 million and a 150 MW diesel plant costing $150 million, said Leslie Herath, chairman of the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB), the state power utility. “We're now going in for a more reliable form of power generation.” he told the press.
Sri Lanka has a power-generating capacity of about 1,250 megawatts, 80 percent of which come from hydroelectric plants and the balance from diesel-run
plants, CEB officials plants have been buil past six years despit cent rise in demand 1 year, they said.
The business com edly complained that in building plants co crisis in the event o ously undermine the nomic plan.
Herath said the gov re-advertise for fresh coal power plant to ernport of Trincom investors pulled out power plant being b Sapugaskanda powe on stream early next CEB was in the final German engineering Humbodt-Deutz (KH build a 51 MW plar lion and scheduled to mid-1998, he added. The CEB had also a lic to conserve powe1 cuts, he added.
The country spent (S66 million) on oil i mal plants last year, ti oil import bill, Herat The daily power cu forced factories to sw private power genera land's diesel consum the state-owned Ceyl (CPC) said. Most of ing small private gen to continue with thei The failure of north which resulted in ex levels at Sri Lanka's voirs, forced state-o tricity Board (CEB power cuts from Mai sulted in additional c oil (diesel) in recent v in the island's stocks The higher diesel prompted CPC to mc livery dates of its lat invitation to April 29 3-4. The tender, whi 10, would be awarde ume has also been ra barrels to 165,000 ba from 40,000 barrels t jet fuel.
The tender, which offers, would like MidEast-based BB N for diesel was $1.88 gapore spot quotes an premium on a cost-a Colombo.
With this tender, imports for April a

said. No new power tin Sri Lanka in the te a steady 10 peror electricity every
munity has repeatgovernment delays uld lead to a power f drought and seriexport-driven eco
'ernment would also offers for a 300MW be built in the eastalee after Canadian . A 40 MW diesel uilt at the existing r station will come year, he said. The stage of talks with group KloecknerHD) 

Page 11
15 APRIL 1996
is rectified in an appropriate manner," Peiris said.
Plantation Workers to Strike
Emerging trends point to the government facing renewed labour unrest in the upcountry plantation areas. A 6-day "token strike' of estate workers is to launched from April 22 to 27 by the CWC in association with the Lanka Jathika Estate Workers Union (LJEWU). The CWC, which was in coalition with the previous UNP regime since 1977 of which its President Mr.Thondaman was a cabinet Minister and supported the privatisation of the management of tea estates, seems to have developed an aversion now to the privatisation scheme.
The CWC has written to the Speaker of Parliament requesting an opportunity to debate the privatisation of the management scheme. The CWC vice President, Mr.H.P.Sathasivam, told the press that his organisation was not fully in agreement with the government's privatisation programme adding that the estate managements needed to be strictly controlled so that the plantation industry could be saved from any possible collapse.
“We are averse to the present management of the estates by the companies. We
extended our wholeat the beginning but the companies do n sider certain demanc trade unions. This that the Ministry of has no hold or cont nies,” Mr.Sathasiva
The workers are rupee (15 cent) a da anteed 300 days' wo try's massive tea, plantations, which taken over from thi privatisation exerci The Secretary Ge Planters Associatio said the strike woulc which could signific ment companies” p. will lose an enormo especially at this ti fairly stable,” he sa The 300 days wo has come under fire companies which s way overstaffed wl hit bottom. "Three l workable on some Seneviratne said. move the work for work, then we can a able land-to-labour may provide more w
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hearted co-operation it now appears that Oti eVen Want tO COis put forward by the is a clear indication Plantation Industries rol over the compam added. pushing for an eight y pay rise and guarrk a year in the counrubber and coconut are gradually being 2 state under a huge SC. sneral of the Ceylon n, Mr.S. Seneviratne i result in crop losses :antly erode managerofits. "The country us amount of money me when prices are id. ork per year demand : by the management ay some estates are hile productivity has hundred days may be estates, but not all,' "If unions agree to ce to where there is
Meanwhile President Kumaratunga
has agreed to try to mediate a settlement before some 600,000 plantation workers go on strike. Saumyamoorthy Thondaman said he met Kumaratunga to discuss the issue.” We had a meeting. We discussed whether we can't find a way to solve this dispute," he told the press.
“The government has promised to examine the situation, discuss the matter (with plantation management companies) and come back to me on the 16th,” said Thondaman, who is also Rural Industries Minister. "If there is an understanding and a settlement in light of the discussions we have had, then there is no need for this action,' he said. However, a six-day token strike will begin on April 22 if negotiations do not yield reSults, he added.
Thondaman accused the plantations' management companies of running down the estates by not investing in re-planting and not adhering to proper agricultural practices. As a result, the number of work days has been reduced, Thondaman said.
“This must be the only country in the world where workers are demanding more work and management is saying no,' he added.
Industry analysts say the estates can
chieve a more favour- not afford to grant workers guaranteed ratio, which in turn work or a wage increase due to high proorkfor more people.” duction costs and low yields. O
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Page 12
12 TAMIL TIMES
WINNING THE PEA A COSTLY ENDEAV
By Indra de Soysa (Ph.D. Student in International Relations the University of Alab
ow that the "battle for Jaffna' is won, it might be prudent to put thingsin perspective, beforepeople start getting carried away, becoming myopic to the ultimate realities. History teaches us, as Fred Ikle's (1985) aptbook title suggests: "Every War Must End." The ending of "a battle', however, does not necessarily mean the "War" has been won. If this were the case. Germany would have won both World Wars, Japanwould have defeated the US at Pearl Harbour, and the Southern United States would now be referred to as the Confederate States of America. After all, the oft quoted, yet rarely followed Clausewitzian dic tum, "winning the war but losing the peace,” is historically borne out time and time again, most notably the blundering of the victorious powers at Versailles after WWI. Versailles after all paved the way for WWII twenty years down the road, indeed causing some to correctly treat the two events as one (Carr, 1939). Then there was the blundering by the victorious superpowers that followed the end of WWII which led to a greater calamity known as the"Cold War,'a misnomer, if ever there was one, because it was enormously costly in terms of lives and resources, and it threatened to annihilate all mankind. These lessons should serve as a clear reminder that the "peace” can indeed be very easily lost, rendering the celebrations of a victory by the Sri La nkan government and the population at large rather premature. Remember that the bullhorns sounded in Berlin with the fall of France in 1940.
In two successive articles published in the Lanka Guardian recently, I argued why a political settlement without the Tigers was impossible because they held the balance of power vis-a-vis other Tamil political parties, and that any peace was impossible without their participation and acquiescence. I argued in effect that the only option was Low Intensity Containment, a strategy akin to the global strategy that was followed by the US against the Soviet Union. A “a battle for Jaffna," I predicted would be a rather costly endeavour, a great expenditure in terms of men and material to get back to square one. Hoisting the flag over Jaffna, it is clear now, is not going to demoralise cyanide-capsulecarrying fanatics like the Tigers. They have already vowed to carry on the struggle brother means, means that they are
good at and which the will not be able to co be back to "warfare the Tigers. The Sri periority in firepow a factor any more, going to be lost in n tratingways. Fromt defence lines, the have, at great cost, up from a defensive ing-ducks' once aga been won, and the determined. Peace, the European diplom sailles to make is qu litical act, and let us witz's most famous ( continuation ofpoliti It necessarily follow the continuation of w The soldiers have ost job,” now the politic in theirs. The balance of the Tigers is upse necessitating quick : by all moderate par lasting solution is to What psychologi politicians face? The doubtedly is a catha much of the Sri Lan Joachim Habermas h lence carried out by extension of the will ety that symbolical them. In other words violent desires are sa the violence carriedo tness the way in whi Tamils in Colombo fended by the offensi directed against the there is a psychologi attrition that degen mass violence perpe againsteach other, th ticipates in one way ( phenomenon that init Sinhalese vide the r against the Tamils, Tigers started their lence.
The Sri Lankan exp devoid of this psych are all guilty of secret in terms of body cou mishes between the T forces were reported I knew one wayward

CE: OUR
ama, USA)
2 government forces untereasily. It will : on the cheap" for Lankan army's suer terms will not be and more lives are hore and more frushe relative safety of government forces hoisted themselves position to be “sittin. The war has not eace has yet to be such as that which ats satdown at Verintessentially aponot forget Clausedictum: “war is the cs by other means.” 's thus that peace is var byother means. censibly "done their cians must succeed : of power in favour :t only temporarily, and decisive action ties in politics if a
be reached.
cal factors do the battle for Jaffna unrtic experience for kan population. As as pointed out, vioarmed forces is an l of the entire socily identifies with s, each individual's tisfied by proxy in ut by the forces. Wich many moderate were somehow ofive, despite it being hated Tigers. Thus, cal logic in wars of arate inevitably to trated by grou- ps e entire society paror another. This is a ially satisfied many numerous pogroms until of course the own brand of vio
serience, thus, is not ological factor. We ly tallying the score nts whenever skirigers and the armed in the newspapers. Sinhalese soul who
15 APRIL 1996
deliberately enjoyed reading the mis-information in the Daily News because it was more satisfying to read doctored accounts than having to read that more government soldiers died rather than Tigers. Similarly, despite the loss of hundreds of young Sri Lankan men in the latest fighting, others back in the relative safety of the south can celebrate the capture of Jaffna, all that matters is that more of "them” are dead the capture of Jaffna itself matters little, nor do the political consequences to follow. This psychosis is precisely the way in which the Tigers became "the boys' of almost all Tamils, the way in which the Tigers became "the boys' of almost all Sri Lankans when they were killing Indians (Prabakharan earning the distinction "man of the year” in the LG), not to mention the way in which respectable Sinhalese reluctantly deplored the atrocities committedagainst Tamils in the numerous pogroms as mentioned earlier. We can add also, the shameless way in which "Colomboites” turned a blind eye to the extralegal killings during the JVP insurrection - us against them - until that violence suddenly hit close to home with the abduction and murder of one of their own, Richard de Zoysa. Until we acknowledge this psychological logic, I am afraid, no meaningful steps towards peace can be taken, nor the gargantuan political task of building a lasting peace successfully undertaken.
If there is a psychological logic to the mode of violence, how might we overcome this to bring about peace? First, let me reiterate the point made above - peacemaking is inherently apolitical act, the soldiers can only perpetrate violence to enhance the possibility. Thus, in order to break with the logic that has driven the communities (and fictionalised groups) to this comparative psychosis that secretly finds sustenance in the violence that is carried out by their chosen group of "boys', the political leaders, both Tamil and Sinhalese, and all the other political parties will have to make a conscious and sincere effort to come together with the primary purpose of eradicating violence as a weapon. The government, which has the largest capacity for perpetrating violence as a weapon. The government, which has the largest capacity for perpetrating violence, will have to ensure the safety of every individual, regardless of affiliation, from harm and afford redress fron injustice. This would be the foundation upon which a comprehensive "meeting of minds' can rest. In other words, the time is ripe for rebuilding "civil society.” Current events have come to a head because just such a meeting of minds had already taken place after the tumultuous era of Indian intervention and the JVP


Page 13
15 APRIL 1996
insurrection. What seemed to be the indomitable UNP was defeated primarily as a result of this political realignment that placed a high premium on peace, this despite great fears that the new government would be bad for the pocketbooks, that the PA era would see a reversion to the SLFP era of the 1970's. It is in this context that the election of the People's Alliance and Chandrika Kumaratunga as president must be analysed. There was clearly, in Sri Lanka, a revulsion of violence factor, a revulsion stemming from the bloody period following the JVP insurrection in the late 1980's lasting through the early 1990's and all of this followed very closely by a string of assassinations in the heart of areas where people had felt safe before. The "Colomboites” were jolted out of their complacent participation in the perverse psychological logic that fuelled a war of attrition. Is there any wonder that it was Vietnam Vets that started the peace movement in the US while the vast majority of people tallied the body-counts at home in front of the TV's-living room wars are comfortable
Nevertheless, assuming that the realignment means a "meeting of minds” in terms of ending violence, what can be done politically The PA administration has taken a major step towards addressing the underlying problems of this conflict by offering significant devolution of power to the North and East - the so called "Union of Regions." This is a good start and its time to look a bit further - What is required for reconstructing a society that accepts these changes responsibly? And what will prevent a break-down of "normalcy" in the future? I suggest that the current crisis stems from the breakdown of democracy - in Robert Dahl's terms a gradual shift away
from "polyarchy." According to Dahl,
most of the advanced democracies of the world where violence is minimal and normal politics prevail are polyarchies, A polyarchy is a form of democracy where competition and inclusiveness are high, but a system that will not survive (especially in a multinational state) if there is no sense of legitimacy for the forms and processes of the system and if political activists are unable to co-operate. This is the essence of harmony in Holland according to Arendt Lijphart who argues that the Dutch place a highpremium on "accommodation," and many others have argued similar patterns for Sweden and even India where the notion of "synthesis” is actively practised. The crucial variable for accommodation, however, is the realisation by all parties that they have more to gain from co-operation than by confrontation. The problem may be framed in a "prisoners dilemma' framework.
In a prisoner's prisoners (A & B crime and are inter they own up, they thanifthey were pro for the prisoners ar the other and get o blames B, B gets off. If B blames A authorities have as and ostensibly bot termin prison. Thu both A & B is to c. up and getting a lig ing up, however, i That is, A and B wi trust one anothern because if A owns by B then A will ment. What I have ( retic terms is the among political act ing polyarchy in S be feasible. Winnin nka is going to be f peace in Sri Lank upon the building disparate political politics, and I argue in which the state
Despite the polit reflected the desire nka, the peace in wholly state-led. large problem of cı ultimate miscreant business is the stat by many. The reasc sive exodus from hensions of many C mainly as a resulto Thus, is it possible initiative to be con The Zeitgeist ar. ently is certainly tion that the state n tics' minimised. Y ensure the construc The cardinal virtue lar on which ʻcivi] rule of law. Thus, r. of law in Sri Lank pressing task.
As many have ar. tices a form of "de fairness in legal ter cessive legislature system is highly proved to be, to abused by the dem The "will of the m ples on the “right often the driving fo ess being democrat Indeed, SWRD Bal only' policy was a electoral exigency c ony Downs (1956) ate majority." SW

TAMIL TIMES 13
dilemma game, two ) have committed a rogated separately. If get a lighter sentence osecuted. The options e to own up or blame ff lightly. Thus, if A punished and A gets at the same time, the olid case against both h get the maximum is, the best option for o-operate by owning ghter sentence. Owns a factor of "trust'. ll both own up if they ot to blame the other, up and is also blamed take the full punishilemonstrated in theoimportance of trust ivists if indeed buildSri Lanka is going to g the peace in Sri Lafeasible. Winning the a crucially depends of "trust” among the activists involved in below effective ways can rebuild trust. ical realignment that : for peace in Sri Laitiative seems to be This causes a rather redibility because the in this whole nasty e, or viewed as such on, partly, of the massaffna and the appreolombo Tamils is due f this credibility gap. for a state-led peace vincing? ound the globe presbased on the realisahust recede and“poliet, how can the state :tion of civil society? , indeed the very pilsociety" rests is the sconstructing the rule a is perhaps the most
gued, Sri Lanka pracmocracy,” where unms was left up to sucs to decide. Such a conducive, as it has be manipulated and ocratic process itself. ajority' easily trams of the minorities,' frce behind this procic party competition. hdaranaike's "Sinhala manifestation of the foreating what Anthhas called a "passionRD paid the ultimate
w
price unfortunately when he tried to rectify what he had done. In any case, a system that tries to control law through legislation will inevitably be highly coercive, terribly inefficient (such as what the Soviets tried to do with their economy), and would lead to disaster. Thus, it is time for Sri Lanka to take the path of adopting laws based on universal norms, rather than that determined by the popular will which is often pernicious. It is time to adopt laws that would apply equally to all, following Immanual Kant's universal rules of just conduct. It is time that all parties realise that preferential treatment (in this case the preferred are the majority, unlike in the USA where it is a minority that has been discriminated against in the past), is a recipe for disaster and counterproductive for everybody in the long run. Today, it must be recognised that the legislative path, as FA Hayek has argued, is “The Road to Serfdom" - Sri Lankans especially could attest to this fact. Thus, the legislative path will not provide the comfort that distrusting minorities or other political opponents seek, making it imperative that the state begin addressing the need for universal norms and for building trust - this is what will win the peace and ensure polyarchy in Sri Lanka. In conclusion, peace does not automatically follow winning on the military front. If a stable peace is to be achieved in Sri Lanka, the underlying problems that caused the conflict in the first place have to be resolved. It is argued here that those problems will only be solved by reconstructing polyarchy - a highly inclusive and competitive system of democracy. Yet, because of the system and the resultant history of violence, polyarchy will be difficult to construct without a high degree of trust among political activists belonging to all the disparate groups. Trustis especially hard to build because of the inherently comfortable psychological factor that governs individual psyches in wars of attrition. It has also been argued above that the problem can be framed in a "prisoners' dilemma" game where it is now beneficial for all contesting groups to co-operate rather than confront, but cooperation is dependent on trust. Hopefully, the devolution of power proposed by this government is going to be the foundation upon which this mutual trust and security can be re-built - the most crucial aspect for rebuilding polyarchy and a lasting peace in Sri Lanka. Only this achievement will justify the needless expense of life and resources our nation has incurred in the past years.
This is a plea to all Sri Lankans to accept accommodation-it benefits us all. Let us bring some"riviresa'to the entire is
land so that "sudu-nelu" may bloom. O


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14 TAMIL TIMES
espite the rising casu- || alty figures, since the resumption of the current phase of the civil war in April 1995 the only “statistic" quoted repeatedly by the foreign and local news agencies in their bulletins is the vague static number "more than 50,000 have died in the 13-year ethnic war'. An alternative figure of "more than 40,000” is also cited by some foreign news agencies. It is too vague and hence useless to grasp fully the mounting human losses and miseries endured by the Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslim communities since 1980s. The casualty figures provided by the military establishment after any violent clashes do not also reveal the cumulative effect of the war on the ordinary people, who are the ones paying the price for the numerous blunders committedin the past by their leaders for narrow political gains. Those who have not learnt anything from the costly mistakes of the past continue to obstruct the political action needed to preventfurther escalation of the losses already incurred by all communities.
The people on whose behalf the war is claimed to be waged are unaware of the long-term implications of the losses incurred separately by each community to their own future well-being. The fact that the cost of reconstruction must be borne by the people themselves, regardless of who has been responsible for the destruction, by greater sacrifices than before on many fronts has also not been effectively driven home. As the losses are the result of internal war, there is no possibility of receiving war reparation from any source.
A recent report on the 1994 human tragedy in Rwanda gives a candid reminder that humanitarian assistance is not a substitute for political action. Internal unrest and economic development are incompatible phenomena and the horrible feature of persistent unrest and the lack of development is that either one tends to fuel the other. The lower growth rate and higher inflation observed in Sri Lanka are in sharp contrast to the optimistic forecasts of economists made at the end of 1994, on the assumption that a peaceful settlement of the ethnic conflict would release funds used hitherto to finance military expenditures for productive investment (the peace dividend) and further the serene environment would attract foreign direct investment. In addition to the human miseries (not reflected in available statistics) resulting from the war, the brunt of the economic hardships are intolerably on the poor, displaced, sick or infirm persons
in Sri Lanka. None o economic and Social a vivid picture of the which the affected Lanka.
Persons for whom its members live b line, provides for th some cases much mol are least affected by and sufferings and it surprising that they all craving for war by sp fears and communal as the protectors of til They can only retain fastly continuing to c tutional reform that W ers to minority group The nationalism tha moted after independ productive to the two keeping the country its economy strong had a very narrow ai the support of the ele only be achieved, unc tem of government, gia, introducing div. please the majority yielding to the press portraying themselve of Sinhala-Buddhists. war in Sri Lanka is n dinary Sinhalese and governments have cl between the State an either. However, the are the people, eithe recruits/conscripts in from poor families. A exists now in Sri Lank of the democratic gov the voters in all the extreme groups amon dhists and the Tamils the protector of their nity. The former expe to rule by proxy, ado Dr. Amarasiri Wee day Observer (SL) c has quite forthrightly ernment has to be I Members of Parlial room in the constituti sure tactics of react have to respect the they teach us the Dha are experts and autho. rightly pointed out experts in political
 

ARE OF CONFLICT ALISABLE PEACE
balasingam.
f the conventional indicators can give : conditions under people live in Sri
he society, half of low the poverty eir livelihood (in ethan sustenance) such deprivations is, therefore, not e the ones who are reading imaginary hatred to be seen heir race and faith. this role by steadbstruct the constiould devolve pows in Sri Lanka. It was actively proence WaS COuntermain objectives of united and making and prosperous. It m, namely, to win ctorate. This could der the unitary sysby rousing nostalisive policies that community and ure tactics of those 's as the guardians Certainly, the civil ot between the orTamil people. All aimed that it is not d the Tamil people victims of the war as civilians or as nost of whom are peculiar situation ca, in which instead ernment elected by communities, two g the Sinhala-Budclaim that each is espective commucts the government pting its policies. raratna in the Sunf March 17, 1996 stated "The Govun by the elected ment. There is no on to give into presonary monks. We Sangha only when mma in which they ities". He has quite hat “They are not science and their
15 APRIL 1996
knowledge of international political problems and constitutions is poor. Their opinions on the ethnic problemand democratic ways and means of settling it cannot be taken seriously.” It is astonishing that even the bulk of the intelligentsia in Sri Lanka has condoned the Maha Sangha's practice of compelling governments to adopt divisive policies that obstruct peace, communal harmony and social and economic development of all the communities in the country. The exercise of overriding powers by the Sangha in adopting national policies has subverted the democratic process and the constitutions of Sri Lanka. Importantly, it is a divisive force in a multi-ethnic and multireligious society. By succumbing to the (un)holy dictates of the prelates, governments have been inviting national disaSter.
Tamil nationalism that evolved as a countervailing force to Sinhala nationalism, following the adoption of the divisive policies and discriminatory practices had the same destructive effect on national unity and the economy. When it became violent, the self-destruction of even the wealth of the Tamil community accumulated over a period of several decades through hard work and great sacrifice was thoughtlessly considered to be of no consequence. The consequences of some of their actions in the long run are detrimental to their own (declared) goal.
“What Discrimination?'
The few learned propagandists within and outside the clergy, who cannot recognize the grievances of the minority Tamil community and even reject the existence of the ethnic problem in Sri Lanka should unlock their minds first and then examine objectively some of the policies implemented and practices followed by the various governments after independence that impinged on the rights of Tamils as equal citizens of Sri Lanka. Additionally, they should also consider the official policies declared to alleviate those grievances of the Tamils accepted by the governments as genuine, but not implemented in full.
It is mind boggling that they are more interested in drawing conclusions from the less uncertain events of thousand to two thousand years ago than those known with certainty during the life-time of many of us living now. Perhaps the more recent history of Sri Lanka has not been given prominence, that many positive contributions of the Tamils to promote unity and harmony are ignored. The most significant step taken by the Tamils


Page 15
15 APRIL 1996
on their own free will towards this goal was to teach Sinhalese language to the students in all the schools in the Tamil heartland. The teachers were none other than the Buddhist priests. This move was sabotaged by the adoption of the chauvinistic "Sinhala Only' policy, ignoring the opposition of the minority communities and the progressive Sinhalese politicians.
The change from the use of English letters to the Sinhalese letter "Sri' in motor vehicle number plates served only to antagonize the minority communities, while displaying Sinhala chauvinism. It did not improve one bit the quality of life of the Sinhalese people and instead resulted in economic loss following protests and disturbances. The system was changed after several years by replacing the Sinhalese letter with the hyphen. There was not even a whimper from those who were misled to believe that the use of the Sinhalese letter would change their lives for the better! Such political gimmicks, whether intended or not, helped to divert the attention of the people from the real economic problems. To those who are “unaware” of any racial discrimination, a sample of the policies and practices that contributed to the Tamil perception that they are no longer treated as equal citizens of one united country having the same rights as the majority Sinhalese is listed below:
* The first move to exert the ethnic majoritarian authority in governing Sri Lanka after independence was the enactment of the Ceylon Citizenship Act in 1948 and the Ceylon Parliamentary Elections (Amendment) Act in 1949, both of which respectively made over a million up-country plantation Tamils stateless and disenfranchised them.
* On the national flag issue, one would have anticipated that following independence from foreign rule under the Union Jack, the newly independent Sri Lanka would adopt a flag that commainded the acceptance, respect and allegiance of all the people of the island. But that was not to be. The Lion Flag was imposed, precisely for the expressed reason that it was the traditional flag of the majority Sinhalese, with two green and yellow stripes at the margin to represent the Tamils and Muslims as if to symbolically underline the emerging trend to marginalise the ethnic minorities.
* The passage of the Sinhala Only (Official Language) Act in 1956 contrary to the spirit of the first constitution of independent Ceylon, placed the Tamils and other non-Sinhala minorities in disadvantaged positions with regard to employment, promotions and all official dealings with the State organs. Immediate political milleage was, however, obtained in successive parliamentary elec
tions by implementin natory policies, forge of separatist demand at the same time.
* The State-aided mes in the predomina ing areas of the Nor Provinces witnessed til erally tens of thousan nging to the Sinhala ing in the gradual di formation of these re. ground of the implem and measures whic ceived as designed to the State-aided colc were viewed by them to turn them into a m which they were a mi * Despite switchin the native languages. mil — as the media ofiI ls, colleges and univ. em of the disproporti of Tamil students to t 'solved' in the 1970s tation of an openly d dia-wise standardisa cured in the qualifyi admission to universi ly, the scheme enable ing to the Sinhala com mission to a universit than his counterpart Tamil community.
* The non-violent II by the Tamils agains vated policies were State directly and ind to violence, as evide anti-Tamil riots that 1958 in which many Tamil properties des sponsible for the arsol famous Jaffna public able collections in 19 dinary Sinhalese hoo patronage of the Stati
* In drafting and and 1978 Republican only the voice of the ignored, but also mal natory legislative me; viously were elevate of the Constitution.
Exclusion and E.
Having contributed of the Sinhalese and T the division was sus ing the principle of from seniorandpolit sitions in Governmen ons and race were im new appointments an public service. Merit ary factor at the cost ciency. It was far mo seen by the Sinhale

TAMIL TIMES b
g related discrimitting that the seeds were being sown
colonisation scheantly Tamil speakthern and Eastern he settlement of lit
nds of people belo- "
community resultemographic transgions. In the backentation of policies n the Tamils permarginalise them, nisation schemes as a deliberateploy hinority in areas in ajority.
g from English to - Sinhalese and Tastruction in schooersities, the problonately high intake he universities was by the implemenliscriminatory metion of marks seng examination for ties. To put it briefda studentbelonghmunity to gain ady with lower marks belonging to the
methods of protests t the racially motiresponded by the irectly by recourse int from the Several took place since lives were lost and stroyed. Those ren that destroyed the library anditsvalu81 were not just orligans, but had the
c. enacting the 1972 Constitutions, not Tamil minority was ny of the discrimiasures enacted precd to be provisions
xpediency i to the polarisation amil communities, tained by continuexcluding Tamils ically sensitive pot. Political affiliatiportant criteria for d promotions in the became a secondof foregoing effibre important to be se electorate that
Tamils were not in charge of matters on which their well-being and security depended. This is not to deny the fact that a few Tamils have served, during the period when the politics of exclusion was in full swing, in very senior administrative positions and even as ministers but their presence could not make any dent in the onward march of the practice and politics of exclusion.
Similar restrictive policies stifled competition in the national economy resulting in economic stagnation, high unemployment and low living standards. Had the national “cake” been expanding, distributing the increase differently without denying any particular group some share of it would have been less repulsive. But what happened was totally revolting, since there was no expansion the then government policies were aimed at redistributing the existing wealth by taking away some from a section of the people. The worst hit by such policies were the then politically powerless up-country Tamils. The fact that their status improved after they were able to wield political power supports the case for power-sharing with the minority communities.
National economic benefits were often ignored for the sake of hitting hard at the Tamils. Before the removal of import and foreign exchange controls, approvals for starting new industrial ventures and allocation of funds for raw material imports to existing small industries were all not based on economic criteria. The racial/regional factor influenced the implementation of these systems penalising the Tamil entrepreneurs and the Tamil regions. Later, under the pretext of implementing free market policies, cheap chillies and onions were imported at the height of the harvesting season in the North so as to hit at the Tamil farmers.
There has been a yawning gap between the declared principles/policies of governments claiming impartial treatment to all citizens and the manner they are actually observed/implemented by their establishments. This persistent gap has given rise to the perception among the Tamils that they do not count in national politics. Thus, the idea of separation has been forced on the Tamils by the very Sinhala “patriots”, who do not wish to see the division of the country. There are many explanations for this contradictory position of the Sinhala nationalists. One is their attitude that they own the whole country and the minority ethnic groups can live in their country on terms dictated by them. Flowing from this arrogance is the perception that the minorities can be subdued by deceit and deception. With this attitude, the need for lateral sharing of power at the apex with the minority Tamils essential for preserving


Page 16
16 TAMIL TIMES
communal harmony and the unitary system of government disappeared. The politics of exclusion was not only contrary to this system in a multi-ethnic country but was also dangerously destructive as to encourage secession by force.
Delayed Solutions
The above policies and practices were later abandoned or reversed after causing much harm to the very concept of a unitary multi-ethnic state and motivating the demand for the division of the country. The subsequent changes introduced appear quite significant from the standpoint of the conditions that prevailed when the divisive policies were popular among the Sinhalese electorate but their effect much later on restoring unity and harmony, in what was acclaimed as "paradise on earth", can be succinctly stated as "too little because too late". The cost of postponing rational political decisions is also apparent from the extent of devolution currently being offered from the limited autonomous powers agreed but not implemented since the abrogation of the B-C and D-C Pacts by the then Sri Lankan governments, following the opposition of the Buddhist clergy and Sinhala nationalists.
Equally relevant to the present discussion is the hostile and sometimes punishing attitude towards the Tamils bypast governments and various organs of State, particularly those responsible for security and the enforcement of law and order. How the Tamils are treated scornfully and humiliatingly by them in contrast to the Sinhalese citizens may obviously appear untrue or imaginary to those who are not interested in knowing the experiences the many Tamils have endured during the periods of emergency rule. Some think that such inhuman measures have also been taken to put down the JVP uprising in the South and hence there is no racial discrimination They need to ask themselves whether all the Sinhalese in the South were suspected of being members or supporters of JVP and whether collective punishment by way of economic embargo and the like were meted out to the Sinhalese in the South. All Tamils residing outside the North-East have also now become vulnerable to "special treatment" following the recent bomb attacks in Colombo attributed the LTTE. Prof.N.Shanmugaratnam's encounter with the "Defenders of the Nation” (pp.6 & 7 of the T.T. of March'96) reflects a reality that Tamils face and the account must be read, especially by those unable to understand the plight of other Tamils who are less known, less educated and not fluent in Sinhalese.
What Choice Now? The present situation reminds me of a
parable narrated b very long time ago. tween a farmer an surviving from the ing from selling the nana plantation. A a climax, the farm trolled temper grab went straight to the ing the trees one b he had no time to th wife saw this and that she too was cap a lesson. She pick tucked up her sare executing the same orously. Both were tasks, they did not sequences of their alone talk and settl a rational manner. happened to watch fervently proceedir of land and shouted to halt their actio asked them "don't of you are doing?' your own livelihoc when both of youb sons? Suddenly bc of their actions and throwing up their h nately, the neighbc tion early before t was destroyed and each other and prol and even harder th: their lot.
There are many that are relevant to continuing in Sri I sands of lives hav vain on both sides, ple have been dis live in appalling c and extent of dest structures neededf mous. Even if the c by some miraculou and its people, bot are not in a position the cost of reconst tation. On the othe pening is that the and Tamil - within oad - are being forced, to pay for th self-destructive ari The stark fact is more intense the st the more difficult have trust in the in let alone reach an
Instead of talking to settle the intern tagonists have allo positions to deterr separate actions. C ing neighbour in t

15 APRIL 1998
r my school teacher A quarrel started behis wife who were only income accruproduce in their bathe quarrel reached 2r in a fit of unconbed the garden knife farm and started felly one in such a fury ink of his action. The wanted to show him able of teaching him d up another knife, e tightly and began destructive job vigso engrossed in their nave realise the concommon action, let e their differences in Cheir neighbour who this self-destruction grushed to their plot at the top of his voice is for a minute. He you realise what both "You are destroying d. What will you do ecome destitute perth realised the folly teach began to weep ands in the air. Fortuour saw the destruche whole plantation the couple consoled mised to work jointly an before to improve
lessons in this story the internal conflict anka. Tens of thoue been sacrificed in Over amillion peoblaced and forced to onditions. The scale ruction of the infraor normal life is enoronflict is to stop now s reason, the country n Sinhala and Tamil, on their own to meet ruction and rehabilir hand, what is happeople, both Sinhala the country and abralled upon, indeed e continuation of this ned conflict.
that the longer and te of belligerency is, it is for each side to tentions of the other, lmicable settlement. calmly with the view l differences, the anwed their entrenched line and justify their nlike the well-wishhe parable, there are
the agitators in both the communities who are interested in intensifying the feud for different reasons. The price of the very extreme solution sought by the Tamil rebels analogous to dividing the banana plantation, which has already been partially destroyed, must also be considered rationally. The partitioned plot, on the presumption that the other joint owner is agreeable to any form of partition, cannot be physically moved elsewhere away from the rest of the land. Even if and when divided, the two plots will have to remain side by side where they have been for ages. Apart from the economic loss resulting from fragmenting the productive land, both parties will have to divert sizeable amount of their limited resources towards security as the belligerent situation will continue even more intensely. This will have to be at the cost of forgoing faster economic development and higher living standards of the people in both plots.
The root cause of the conflict can also be removed by a mutually acceptable and foolproof arrangement, where the power to govern and develop the economy is shared in a just manner by the different ethnic groups. Therefore, the underlying issue basically boils down to that of sharing power and not dividing the land. If both parties in the genuine spirit of reconciliation can come to a constitutional settlement, where the land is developed jointly and the income generated is shared in a just and equitable manner. all communities stand to benefit in many ways. This should be the key issue that must be addressed at the present time. The majority of the Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim people living permanently in Sri Lanka expect nothing less from those who wield whatever power acquired through democratic or other means, because it is the people who are paying the price for the destructive actions of their so-called leaders.
The crucial question whether the present nightmare of conflict can be turned into a realisable dream of peace. At this testing time the present generation of leaders on both sides must hav the courage to resist the pressures of the extremists, the prime wreckers of the peace and tranquility the people of all communities yearn for. Will those lead erships in the South who claim to represent the majority Sinhala people and those in the North claiming to represent the Tamil people have the courage to move away from entrenched positions te seek a mutually acceptable accommoda. tion to effect a change to the presen unitary constitution so as to achieve meaningful devolution of powers to enable the different communities in Sr. Lanka to co-exist as equal partners within a union of regions without being


Page 17
15 APRIL 1996
By Suriya Wickremasinghe Secretary, Civil Rights Movement ofSI
he protection and promotion of hu
man rights in Sri Lanka needs
strengthening; of this there is no doubt. The Civil Rights Movement nevertheless has certain queries and reservations about the proposed National Human Rights Commission as envisaged in the measure currently before Parliament. These relate both to the general concept and context of the proposal, and to particular provisions of the Bill. General concept and context
The idea of setting up the Commission appears to have originated from the United Nations which in 1992 by resolution reaffirmed the importance of effective national institutions for the promotion and protection of human rights, and recommended principles that should govern their establishment. The previous government took this matter up, discussions were held at the All Party Conference, and a draft prepared. The present Bill is a continuation of and implementation of this policy of the previous government. It did not arise from any special demand voiced by local or international human rights organisations. Existing Institutions
A number of existing state or
state-sponsored institutions the function of which include matters relevant to the protection or promotion of human rights already exist. These include: 1. The Supreme Court 2. The "Ombudsman"(Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration) 3.he Human Rights Task Force 4.The Human Rights Task Force 5.The Human Rights Centre of the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute 6.The Commission for the Elimination of Discrimination and Monitoring of Fundamental RightsThe Law Commis
(Continued from page16)
deprived of their identity and aspirations to a secure and better future? If they fail and continue to commit the same costly mistakes of their predecessors highlighted in this discourse, there will be little hope of any better living conditions in the foreseeable future for the vast majority of the population in all parts of Sri Lanka. The present nightmare will continue making a return to the peaceful times of old an unrealisable dream.O
sion
In addition, there on Involuntary Rel 11 January 1991 t pearances that took and the three Cor investigating “dis
Before creatingy one would have ex vey and evaluatior existing ones, to se each other, to exami is complementary, overlapping, and if whether this is des institutions are no tively one shoulds and see whether it measures such asp structure, increase would also expecta ommendations mad appropriate followmission on the Elin nation and Monito: Rights, for instanci gained considerabl ticular field of acti' ommendations. It unable to fulfill its spects, due to lack additional staff anc is important that w ing expertise and li riences. Otherwise creating new institu only coverpart oft perhaps make recc are not acted upon go through the sar find again they are infrastructure etc. that such a process nesses and strength tures has already be instance of the of where an amending A natural result c however, is to lesse man Rights Com aged. The example oftl the Elimination o and Monitoringo Rights
It is worth dwell
 

i Lanka
was the Commission novals appointed on ) investigate disapplace after that date, missions currently appearances” from
et another institution, pected a careful surof the work of the -e how they relate to nehow far their work whether there is any there is overlapping, irable. If any of the t functioning effectudy the reason why, can be remedied by roviding better infrad powers, etc. One n examination of rece by such bodies, and up action. The Comnination of Discrimiring of Fundamental e, has over the years e expertise in its parvity. It has made rechas also found itself role in important reof infrastructure and I support facilities. It e make use of existbarn from past expethere is a danger of tions which may not he same ground, and immendations which , but which will also he growing pains, to hampered by lack of We welcome the fact of identifying weakening existing strucencommenced in the ice of Ombudsman, Act has been passed. f this development, n the need for the Humission now envis
le Commission on f Discrimination fFundamental
ing further on the ex
m
۔۔۔۔۔
TAM TIMES 17
ample of the Commission on the Elimination of Discrimination and Monitoring of Fundamental Rights to which we have already referred, as it illustrates well the problem we have in mind. This Commission was not renewed when the term of its members lapsed at the end of 1995. Presumably this was in view of the intention to create a national Human Rights Commission. The undesirability of proliferation of official bodies dealing with human rights, a concern which has been voiced by many and which CRM shares, possibly influenced this decision. CRM remains concerned, however, that a proper examination of the work of and problems faced by this Commission and the other bodies mentioned by us earlier should precede any decision about a National Human Rights Commission.
The Commission on the Elimination of Discrimination and Monitoring of Fundamental Rights was established in 1986 and its members, appointed by the President in consultation with the Chief Justice, have included persons of competence and dedication who have given a great deal of their time and abilities to their work. It has made several important recommendations based on its experience over the years. Public officials have at times sought to resile from undertakings given to the Commission to settle a complaint, it has therefore asked for legislation to make such settlements enforceable through the civil courts.
The time limit for entertaining complaints has been found "harsh, impractical and unduly restrictive,” therefore the Commission has requested discretion to hear complaints made within "a reasonable time.' The Commission's powers of mediation where complaints are made to it direct are limited to issues involving discrimination, whereas when the Supreme Court refers matters to it these can relate to other violations of human rights; the Commission has asked that this anomaly be rectified. It has called for review of the policy of issue of visas to non nationals married to Sri Lankans, which it found discriminatory and based on "Victorian notions.” The Commission studied areas where complaints have been frequent, and as a result decided to issue guidelines to eliminate discrimination in appointments, promotions and transfers, and to hold training courses for public officials to promote awareness of how to avoid unreasonable exercise of discretionary power. Neither of these projects, however, could be implemented, due to lack of staff and support facilities. Time and time again, from its very first annual report, the Commission has underlined the lack of infrastructure, support staff and other amenities necessary to enable it to


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18 TAMIL TIMES
fully perform its role including its research functions. Strengthening the Normal Legal System
It is crucial that attention be given to strengthening the normal legal system. On this CRM wholeheartedly endorses the position of Amnesty International when it says that:
"The creation of a national human rights commission can be an important mechanism for strengthening human rights protection but can never replace, nor should it in any way diminish, the safeguards inherent in comprehensive and effective legal structures enforced by an independentimpartial and adequately resourced and accessible judiciary. The creation of such a human rights commission should go hand in hand with a thorough review of existing legal and other human rights institutions in order to make these more effective instruments of human rights protection. These initiatives should be accompanied by a determined government policy aimed at holding the perpetrators of human rights violations fully accountable, thus ensuring that those who violate human rights cannot do so with impunity.”
Our existing legal system needs to be strengthened in two important ways. One is to remedy defects and omissions in the existing laws and procedures. The other is to see that such laws and procedures are in fact implemented. These are specific needs to which the attention of successive governments has been drawn frequentlyby non governmental human rights organisations both in Sri Lanka and internationally. Unless this is done, with determination, seriously and without delay, the creation of a National Human Rights Commission risks appearing little more than a cosmetic operation which, moreover, may divert attention from the real task.
To mention just a few examples - the need for independent machinery to examine complaints against the police, to replace the present system of having to complain to the police itself, was stressed by the Basnayake Commission Report of 1970, which even prepared the draft legislation for this purpose. This need has been stressed repeatedly by human rights organisations (including by CRM since its inception in 1971). The inaccessibility of emergency regulations is another matter to which attention has been drawn again and again; CRM has often asked that the law be amended to require these to be published in the national press. The need for a law creating basic minimum standards governing persons detained under special legislation has likewise been repeatedly called for by human rights organisations (again including by CRM since its inception in
1971). Constant criti regulations relating tion led to a series of cent years which pr guards. Places of dete to be authorised by t Ministry of Defence in the Gazette, Magis to visit detainees, " quired to be issued o tions in unauthorise( Magistrates did not tention, the issue of" ternative procedure in the police station { could not be done) di place. Failure to obse is an offence, yet th single instance, so fa of an official bein non compliance. Rules about Custod Point
CRM's point may expanding on one of above. When persi prison, specific laws namely the Prisons Prison Rules made nance. These gover matters in consider visitors, corresponde clothing, medical att ercise and so forth. prisons are neverthe factory, but there are standards which one forced and improve spection of a prisol under the PrisonVisit for by the Ordinan yardstick to go by.
Persons held und regulations or the Pr ism Act, however, ca held in placed other no such laws apply.) ing the Human Right new National Huma sion the task of mon of detainees or visiti tion is clearly insuf sense to put the cart it is not possible to a all the rights spelt ol law, at least the bas: ards to which they a laid down by law. T question of inspecti mentation and super rules created, must b fective body. Further impunity which has for so long would inc tion of the creation independent Public man rights violatio high priority. Particular observat

to PRIL 1996
cism of emergency o arrest and detenamendments in reovided some safention were required he Secretary of the and lists published trates were required receipts” were ren arrest. Yet deteni places continued. visit places of dereceipts” (or the alof making an entry xplaining why this oes not always take rve such provisions ere has not been a r as CRM is aware, g prosecuted for
ly-A Case in
I be illustrated by the examples given ons are held in a govern their rights, Ordinance and the
under that Ordi1 a wide variety of ble detail such as ince, diet, bedding, ention, bathing, exConditions in our less far from satisat least these legal can try to have end. Any official inn, including visits tor system provided ce, thus has some
er the emergency evention of Terrorin be, and often are, han prisons, where nthis context, givis Task Force or the n Rights Commisitoring the welfare ng places of detenficient, and is in a before the horse, If ccord all detainees it under the normal c minimum standre entitled must be hen, certainly, the on and the implevision of the legal entrusted to an efmore, the climate of affected Sri Lanka licate that the quesof the office of an Prosecutor for huns should receive
ions on the Bill be
fore Parliament
It is in the context of, and subject to, the issues of general principle set out above, that CRM offers some observations on the Bill. Appointment and removal provisions - Clause 3(2) and 4(b)
These need to be revised to ensure that the Commission is independent and is manifestly seen to be so. The Bill provides that as an interim measure, pending establishment of the Constitutional Council, members of the Commission shall be appointed by the President on the recommendation of the Prime Minister in consultation with the Speaker. There is here a preponderance of politicians, all of whom are likely to be of one party. (Contrast the Commission for the Elimination and Discrimination and Monitoring of Fundamental Rights created under the Sri Lanka Foundation Act, under which appointment is in consultation with the Chief Justice). Provision should be made for participation in the appointments process of not only judicial authorities but also of political parties and independent non political persons and bodies concerned with human rights outside the government. Likewise the removal provision should not make the opinion of the president the deciding factor in whether there is a conflict of duty. Fundamental Rights - a Broader Interpretation Needed
The Bill empowers the Commission to enquire into allegations of violations of the fundamental rights declared and recognised by the Constitution of Sri Lanka (Clause 10 and 13 read with Clause 32 of the Bill). However, the present Constitution does not embody all the rights enshrined in the international Covenant on Civil and Political Rights which we are by international law bound to observe. The latest draft of the revised constitutional provisions are a considerable improvement but there are still deficiencies. The functions of the Commission should not be restricted to those rights recognised by the Constitution, but should encompass all those rights guaranteed by the international Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and other accepted UN norms and standards. Special Inquiries and Investigations
The powers of the Commission should not be limited to investigating individual allegations of infringements of fundamental rights. It should, of its own volition, or on representations made by non governmental human rights organisations, be able to investigate a situation or incident in any part of the country where it has reason to believe human rights violations may have taken place. It should also inquire into and review particular administrative practices and


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5 APRIL 1996
policies. Investigative Unit
The Commission is empowered to carry out investigations but it is unclear as to how, in practice, this can be done. The part of the Bill which deals with staff (Part III) should specifically provide for the creation of an independent and effective investigating unit. Public Statements and Appeals
The Bill envisages the Commission reporting annually to Parliament (Clause 29) with no requirement that the report be published. This is insufficient. The Commission should publish its own reports. It should also be empowered to make interim or special reports, public statements and appeals from time to time as the need arises. Regional Offices
Provision should be made for the establishment of regional offices as human rights violations often take place far from the capital city, and people in such areas tend to be less able to seek remedies. Independent Funding
It is good that the salaries of the members of the Commission are to be charged to the Consolidated Fund and cannot be reduced while they are in office. It is also encouraging that there is a provision that "the State shall provide the Commission with adequate funds to discharge the functions assigned to it by this Act Clause 28)1)). This, however, may not be sufficient to ensure the effective and independent functioning of the Commission. For this, it is necessary that a means be devised to ensure that the Commission should "not be subject to financial control which might affect its independence” (Principles relating to the status of national institutions adopted by the UN in March 1992). Investigation of Terrorist Acts
This is the responsibility of the law enforcement authorities of the country and not an appropriate task for a National Human Rights Commission. The provision that the Commission may investigate "an allegation of the infringement or imminent infringement of a fundamental right... as a result of an act which constitutes an offence under the Prevention of Terrorism Act...”
Clause 13(b) should be deleted Arrested Persons
In the drafting, a protection accorded to arrested persons under the emergency regulations has inadvertently been weakened. The emergency regulations require an arrest to be notified to the Human Rights Task Force “forthwith" but goes on to specify that this must in any case be not later than 48 hours from the time of arrest or detention.” The Bill merely requires reporting to the National Human Rights Commission “forthwith” Clause 27(1)). O
rs Kumara ment has S tion Packa of Regions in Sri La tary Select Commit 1996, in the form of an action was long ognisable even at t is most unlikely to tions for the reason event a copy shoulc to the LTTE with w manifesto-wise bou lution to the Tamil
This article highli between what is e. planned, and to pc time, trouble and averted if timely a NE-Referendum to would in fact satisf. fore the PSC finali tions to Parliament Tamills of Sri Lar Tamils who form t try Tamils, and Ta Though they reside the greater proporti Northeast and foll religions of the is major world NER
The fact that the forms the tradition Tamils was the ba Pact, the 1965 Indo-Sri Lanka Ag majority of even th the other regions of like Mr Laxman author have our Cl roots in the NE and land within the la Sri Lanka. Hence i democratic to const NE-Province as a Region and welcor their spiritual and space, to live in Sinhalese in the isl then be happy to c nant position of the of the island.
Form of C Itwas out offrust ken promises and d ing the post-indepe the horrors impo
 

AM MES 19
OR A REFERENDUM THE NORTHEAST
Professor Kopan Mahadeva
tunga's PA Governubmitted its Devoluge for a new Union nka to the Parliamentee (PSC) in January its Legal Draft. Such overdue, but is rechis stage although it meet Tamil expectas given below. In any be sent at least now hom the President is ind, to negotiate a soethnic problem. ghts the yawning gap xpected and what is bint out that a lot of expense could be ction is taken via a first find out what y Tamil demands, beses its recommendafor further action. ka consist of Ceylon he majority, Upcounmil-speaking Moors. e all over the island, on of them live in the ow three of the four land which are also egion present NE-Province hal homeland of the sis for the 1957 B-C D-C Pact and the reement of 1987. The le Tamils who live in Sri Lanka or abroad, Kadirgamar and this ultural and ancestral consider it our Hearturger motherland of it is only logical and itutionally accept the predominantly Tamil me the Tamils in this, cultural home and equality with the and. The Tamils will oncede the predomiSinhalese in the rest
Government
ration created by broishonoured pacts durcndence decades, and sed on them by the
inter-ethnic war of recent years that the Tamils desperately feel they could survive and be happy only in an entirely independent state of their own. But it appears that the Sinhalese want to live with Tamils in a reconstituted Union of Regions.
The LTTE, leading the struggle for Tamil rights, have confirmed that Tamils would consider a federal-type governmental structure in the NE-Region, but what is offered in the Legal Draft is a set of regions with devolved powers, still under a central presidential government retaining tight control over the regions. Such a weak and nominal council-system, even if acceptable to the other regions, will not satisfy the Tamils of the NIE.
In fact, except for the provision of Sinhala and Tamil as Official Languages and English as a national Link Language, the Legal Draft does not anywhere specifically mention Tamil or Tamils, nor make any special efforts in order to console or reassure them, admit of past unfairness or guarantee their rights. The region where Tamils have lived predominantly for centuries is also treated just like any other region, ignoring the very reason why the ‘new order” is being proposed. Even if the Government believes that through its Draft it is in fact legislating for equal rights to all ethnic groups including Tamils, that belief and position is unclear and invisible. The overwhelming impression of the Draft is that the ills of centralisation have been further reinforced, and it has been made more difficult for the Tamils to ever again fight for their rights, with or without arms.
Regional Boundaries
In the Draft, the units of devolution are undefined. The intention may be for the PSC to make recommendations. The Tamil wish is that the present NE-Province should form their separate or federal state, possibly with give-and-take adjustments where ethnic clusters exist in boundary villages. Is it not pettiness indeed to disallow the regions even so choose or change their names as they wish? Not that a change of name itself would make other rights automatically possible, but Sri Lankan Tamils would naturally wish to continue to call their region officially as Tamil EELAM, in the


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20 TAMIL TIMES
number of inquiries as to the auAho of the reports of the UTHR(J)
have been received. The main persons who are involved in these reports are H R Hoole and S Sriharan, both former teachers of the University of Jaffna. In reply to a recent statement by 27 academics (See TT Feb 96) from the now displaced University of Jaffna, the UTHR(J) has issued a lengthy response, extracts of which are reproduced withOlt COmment:-
"...We have the statement questioning the activities of the UTHR(J) which ap
(conted. from page19)
same way that the Tamils of India call their state "Tamil Nadu', officially.
The Referendum The main facts to be ascertained by the proposed referendum are:
1. As an alternative to a separate state, what type of government would the NE-residents choose?
(a) A federal Autonomous State; or (bAs in the Legal Draft,a devolved Regional Council, with as-yet-uncertain boundaries of the unit;
2.Which do they prefer as the unit for their regional government?
(a)The present NE-Province as a single merged unit,
(b)Redefined Northern and Eastern Provinces with two Councils to function under a larger NE-regional structure; or (c)Demerged and redefined Northern and Eastern Provinces to function separately under the form of government chosen above.
Essential Pre-requisites
Before the suggested referendum, the following actions have to be taken by the Government urgently:
1. Making arrangements for all the refugees from the NE region to return to their homes. Arrangements must be made for Tamils abroad who cannot return home to vote in the referendum, for voting to take place in the countries where they have taken temporary refuge or residence. This step would be possible only after:
2. The return of all the armed service personnel to their bases in Colombo
peared in the press bers Of the Staff frc Jaffna. This is abou of statements over tended to discreditt ers for Human Rigi has now risen to a and resentment” alo us phrased in sever the quantitative ris has been no specific or analyses. The ri mainly personal. T our recent report,
or at least to theirba 1995, after handing ity for lawand orde ure, until the first take place under th NE) to the LTTE, to national Monitorin have to be obviousl
3. A fullyAgreement between LTTE, to be moni Team, which will al. observe the NE-Rei
What the Tamils : ernment to rule them in their traditional rate state of their o by the LTTE, in a fe guarantee equivaler to provide and law-and-order and ments, collect their ternational aid to de resources as they de educational and adr largely in Tamil, an treat their own regic and want the Tamil I states to be similar Draft now before ti able to the Tamils the failure to rec NE-region as their of the central holdo and order, and the e: mocracy for good ge ernment doubts whi as the wishes of th of the Northeast, course of action to ascertain the real f endum as suggestec
 

5 APRIL 1996
, signed by 27 memom the University of it the sixth in a series the last four years inhe University Teachhts (Jaffna). The tone shrill cry of Anger ng with claims about e adjectives. Despite e of excoriation there ; criticism of out facts 2cent attack again is he facts presented in
The Exodus from
irracks as before July
over the responsibilr (as an interim measdemocratic elections e 'new order' in the work with an Interg Team. This would y preceded by:
fledged Cease-fire the Government and tored by the above solater supervise and ferendum itself. seek is a form of govselves independently homeland in a sepawn or, as confirmed deral state which will trights. Tamils want protect their own il security arrangeown taxes, obtain invelop their lands and xem fit, perform their ministrative activities d so on. They would onal minorities fairly, minorities in the other y treated. The Legal he PSC is unacceptas regards, inter alia, ognise the merged homeland, retention h land, education, law xtent of devolved devernance. If the Govat the LTTE presents e majority of Tamils the best democratic
follow, is to firstly acts in a NE-Refer
here.
Jaffna, October - November 1995' are very specific. This is now available in print along with other bulletins and statements pertaining to military operations in Jaffna. We have tried to present a fairly comprehensive picture of the suffering and the evacuation of civilians caught between the LTTE and the government forces. We said very specifically that the people who had moved into refugee centres in and around Jaffna were forcibly evacuated causing them and their animals enormous pain and suffering. To this end the LTTE used rumours, terror, shelling, and the forced closure of Jaffna Teaching Hospital.
This is not disputed in the statement in question. We have been very clear in our reports that people had been displaced from outlying areas by bombing and shelling that was callous and inexcusable. The point of the statement and of the "anger and resentment' are not at all clear. It is quite apparent from the context of the statement that none of the signatories had actually read our report, but are rather responding to the commentary based on it, broadcast by BBC Tamil Osai, and the effect it was likely to have on people. The commentary was a translation of the original written by the BBC correspondentin Colombo.
The LTTE for their part had been very clear about the reasons for the forced exodus. For one, they did not want to lose their grip on the future generations.” Refugees at St John's were told that they must leave because once the army enters they would let loose poison gas all over the city area. They have always maintained that they would never allow a rival Tamil group to run the civil administration in Jaffna. Our assertions are based on wider ranging testimony from those who went through the exodus experience, and also from facts collected by those in Jaffna who with all the odds against them value our work as a means to counter the politics of suicide imposed on them. They also include persons from the University. In doing this, they risk their life.
Rationalisation of the LTTE's behaviour are invariably the work of "intellectuals. To the ordinary people, however, it was as though fate had decreed that they too should suffer the indignity and tragedy of this exodus, which was very similar to what had been inflicted by the LTTE on the Muslims, 5 years ago, on the identical date of the same month, while others remained silent.
Spurious Legality A questionable argument that has been trotted out repeatedly to assert the non-existence of the UTHR(J) is based on spurious legality. The reports are said


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15 APRIL 1996
to be the work of two staff members who ceased to be members of the University five years ago, who therefore use the name of the University of Jaffna in vain. They (the signatories to the statement) are understandably silent on why the two academics ceased to be on the staff of the University of Jaffna. Several of those who expressed their "anger and resentment” in the statement under reference were members of the University Council that made the decision to discontinue them. It is not an event that they could be proud of and they certainly did not do it because the LTTE pointed the gun at them. While the authorities in the University of Jaffna were going through the motions of discontinuing them, senior officials visiting Colombo kept on telling Professor Aluvihare, who was then UGC Chairman, that owing to their association with human rights work, it was dangerous for them to report at the University. A former Chairman of the Jaffna University Council was questioned about their dismissal in Colombo in the presence of Professor Aluvihare. The Chairman of the Council in Jaffna maintained that the dismissal was wrong, and had indeed reminded the Council that one of the two had to flee Jaffna (he had narrowly escaped arrest by the LTTE and had first to go underground). But he had failed to record his dissent on the final decision. When pressed further, he said, "A Councillor said at the meeting that they (those openly active in the UTHR(J) cannot come here because they will be killed. Another Councillor shouted that they must be sacked. In the sequel the decision to dismiss was taken. As for me, I go with the majority, I believe in consensus.” he then asked Professor Aluvihare to give him a letter requesting the Jaffna University Council to reconsider the decision, and went away. After the next meeting the Council replied. "The former decision stands.” The reasons were not given and remain as mysterious as those for the original dismissal.
Professor Aluvihare urged the two of us concerned to write appeals to the University Council and in turn wanted the Council to allow the UGC to handle the issue. The Council did no more than repeat. "The decision...stands." Such abuse of academic power in a supposedly autonomous' institution surely belongs to one of the darkest chapters. Legally, our case is still being contested by the Federation of University Teachers' Associations (FUTA) which agrees with outposition. Although University Teachers Association (Jaffna) is also a constituent member ofFUTA, it never contested the FUTA's stand. Without going into details, we would like to point out
that a large number ( and some staff mer University had not they were forced t son with the unde them. Our treatm ungenerous and utt.
Like some of us the statement's sigt in a position where out of Jaffna has n are effectively deb from returning to premises in Thinna
Even if the gover dictive and deprive ing, they would still themselves the Uni the world would rec if they determined) voice of academics i munity. That has lit ous legality. It is in We continue to r (Jaffna), by keeping and principles whic foundations nearly was when Dr Rajar of our moving spiri sassinated, was wit
Again no one has untrue to the aims flected in our early have published 131 ports and 9 bulletin ports and 3 special lished when the two to be openly ident were “legally attach What the signatories the UTHR(J) is mor cealment. The same about their stateme Exodus.
Respor While attackin UTHR(J) as one-si assert that few, if ar had readour reports one on the Exodus. to our reports amon demic colleagues touching them wou. the LTTE. Our repc dealt mainly with t We have had proble into the local press. our recent report or trict. Two earlier Jaffna were largely 1 ernment censor. We these difficulties by the foreign media eral hundred print leading human right valued our reports members of the Uni

of teachers in schools nbers of the Eastern been vacated when ) leave. In comparirstanding shown to ent was extremely erly anomalous. were five years ago, natories too are now 2 their (forced) shift o legal standing and arred by the LTTE the main University vely.
ment were to be vinthem of legal standearn the right to call versity of Jaffna, and ognise them as such, ly remain a credible in service of the comtle to do with spurithis very sense that 'emain the UTHR g to the original aims :h we adopted at our eight years ago. That ni Thiranagama, one ts who was since ash us.
accused us of being and principles rereports. So far we "eports, 6 special res. The first seven re| reports were pub) of us who continue ified with UTHR(J) ned to the University. have revealed about e anexercisein concould be said at best nt's allusions to the
nsibility
g the work of the ded we could safely ly, of the signatories , not even the recent The general attitude g our erstwhile acais a fear that even ld be taken amiss by frts on the East have he role of the State. ms with getting these Only one paper used i the Batticaloa Disones dealing with nutilated by the govhave tried to offset going to sections of and by posting seved copies. Several s organisations have not because we are versity of Jaffna, but
TAMIL TIMES 2f
owing to their contents and analyses. We have a continual dialogue with such organisations that includes sympathetic criticism.
Some Realities "There is a level at which the authors of the statement deserve understanding, if not sympathy. Hardly any of those who have signed are genuine sympathisers of the LTTE. The LTTE know that. Like with other institutions, the University too is run by influential individuals, several of whom used the LTTE for personal ends.
We must understand the utter hopelessness and despair resulting to a person living in Jaffna if he is to look at the situation straight in the eye. Hence he has to avoid seeing it straight and has to repress the truth. Such has been the conditioning that people at a meeting would automatically perform the ritual of praising the LTTE and delivering a scathing attack on the government. Today, they are all effectively trapped. The majority would be happy to get out if the whole family is given a pass to Colombo or to go back to their homes in Valikamam if there is a semblance of normalcy.
If those who signed the statement believe that our work does not serve the cause of the Tamils, do they believe that the LTTE's politics serves the Tamil cause? If so would they take responsibility for the resumption of hostilities in April last year and its consequence? Would they wholeheartedly support the present exodus? Would it not be more worthwhile for the Tamil 'cause' for them to explore the ways and means out of the present predicament rather than issuing statements and venting their anger on scapegoats? Can they not help the people to go back to their homes by talking to the opposing parties and creating a climate conducive to that end?
“We may make the point here that our criticism has never been directed against ordinary LTTE cadre or their families, whom we have always regarded as victims. But much, if not most, of our criticism has been directed against intellectuals and religious leaders whose opportunism and failings of character did much to cast the entire Tamil community into the grip of a terrible fate.
Again, Helmut Thielicke, reflecting on the Nazi regime that brought so much tragedy both within and outside his country, had this to say:
"As bitter folk humour expressed it at that time, of the three qualities, namely, being a Nazi, being intelligent and having character, one can have only two. Either one can be a Nazi and be intelligent, in which case one has character; or one can be a Nazi and have character,


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22 TAMIL TIMES
须
貓
须
须 貓
Z 後 後貓
貓 T N Gopalan 227α
t is indeed remarkable that India should be smoothly cruising into its 11th General Elections - despite the innumerable centrifugal forces working overtime and many regions being on the boil.
While in the Third World, democracy has generally been considered a luxury and notional, rather functional, democracy has been the norm, that India could provide a vibrant and technically correct Westminster model has indeed proved a bit of a puzzle to the observers, given the disastrous failures and tragedies which have overtaken the nation since Independence.
In such a context the 1991 general elections could prove a watershed in its history. The country could be in for a prolonged period of instability and the Congress will have lost its dominant position when the results are out, with no other all-India party to step into the breach.
Despite the all round forecast of a hung parliament, no one seems to be unduly alarmed - the nation will somehow meander on, everyone seems to hope.
Whetherthe incorrigibly fractious par
(contd. from page 21)
in which case one is not intelligent; or one can be intelligent and have character, in which case one is not a Nazi.”
We believe that by being true to ourselves, we could influence the international community and even the ordinary Sinhalese people. Only thus could we make the Government and the security forces accountable to the Tamil civilians and bring sanity into the drift.
We in the UTHROJ), which includes those who share our ideals and help us, but cannot and indeed need not, associate themselves with us publicly, felt that this was the minimum we could do. With this aim, and the change in our situation which followed the murder of our colleague Rajani Thiranagama, we have gone along as events carried us, with no lack of help from friends. We had no illusions of being popular. Obviously, we have stirred too many emotions, both favourably and unfavourably, for there to be an objective consensus about our work. That will come in retrospect." O
ties could really rec some long-standin ment or the country other round of midlong, returning eith BJP to power as the remains to be seen pened when the mu experiment came c than two years.
Of course Kashr source of anxiety. have been ordere scheduled at nearl polling is complet country.
Narasimha Rao's sembly elections months ago had f inability to offer a to fulfill the aspirati - not even a most like Farooq Abdull Indira-Sheikh acco impasse. But now Court's pressure, th sion and the Cen half-heartedly, wit in their minds, goir the Lok Sabha in J The cost involved b and human lives is tive.
But then that is i is of interest right of facing the natic halo" behind him, an-and-Mr Effectiv cost of ruining the close associates, al ance with such a c like Jayalalitha in t the polls in her sta will all click and hc watched.
Rao has indeed feat - that of remain dle for the last five ing off as a minor ough some deft op able to convert the jority and conso both inside and out Though he is bi whatsoever and cal for his party on his Some areas in his ni - and he would ni
 

須
oncile themselves to g coalition arrangewill witness yet anterm elections before rthe Congressor the only feasible option, - just as it had hapch-looked for Janata rashing down in less
hir continues to be a Lok Sabha elections il there too and are y a month after the ed in the rest of the
gambit to have As
there a couple of ailed because of his ny sensible package ions of the Kashmiris pro-Indian politician lah would accept the rd as a way out of the under the Supreme ne Election Commistre are reluctantly, n a lot of misgivings g for the elections to ammu and Kashmir. oth in terms of money bound to be prohibi
nto the future. What now is Rao's gambit on with the “hawala projecting a Mr Cleve image, even at the career of many of his nd entering into alliliscredited politician he hope of sweeping te at least whether it ow far, will be keenly
achieved an amazing ing firmly in the sadyears. Though startity government, threrations, he has been ; minority into a malidate his position side the government. areft of any charism nnot win a single seat own steam-barring ative Andhra Pradesh ot think twice about
15 APRIL. 996
doing in even the closest of his colleagues or toadies in his cynical pursuit of power, Rao still remains the most wanted man in the Congress.
A man who was preparing himself for retirement and was drafted in at the last moment by a quirk of fate to lead a very shaky regime - how eminently he has done the job could be seen from the fact that virtually no opposition is left in the Congress now. The once-northernersdominated party is eating off the hands of a southerner who does not have any dynastic credential to speak of nor exactly is he a vote-catcher.
While Arjun Singh and company walked out two years ago, still groping for their way around and resorting to all kinds of stratagems to remain politically relevant, the last remaining voice of dissent was also suppressed when Mr G Karunankaran considered close to Moopanar, preferred to fall in line after some muted protests.
After all in the case of hawala, many a minister had to leave the cabinet under some very unpleasant circumstances, their reputation in question, if not in tatters, not even a man like Madhavarao Scindia was spared. Finally, Rao also decided not to give party ticket to any of the hawala-tainted leaders, dealing a body blow to their ambitions. Still none dared protest.
According to psephologists, the Congress would not be able to mop up more than 150 seats in the Lok Sabha. It is close to being wiped out in states like the UP and Bihar, slightly better in Rajasthan holding its own in Madhya Pradesh, gaining to some extent in Maharashtra and Gujarat thanks to Shiv Sena-BJP combine's discomfitures.
The south presents a very confused picture. One never knows what is in store for the Cong-I-AIADMK alliance, what with the revolt of Moopanar and downward trend in Jayalalitha's popularity charts, though right now what with Rajni's backing, the DMK-Moopanar combination seems to enjoy an edge. In Karnataka also Congress is in tatters. It may not be able to tot up even adouble digit figure. In Andhra of course with the death of NTR and the split in the Telugu Desam, the situation is wide open. Whether Lakshmi Sivaparvathi does a Jayalalitha remains to be seen, but generally it is believed that the Congress will gain enormously. Orissa is another state where it could do decently though in West Bengal the Left Bengal Front is poised very comfortably as in Kerala. Not many seats are at stake in the North-East.
Such then is the scenario for Congress - not too bad given the equal precariousness of the opposition and Raos “nego(Continued on next page)


Page 23
15 APRIL 1996
hen prime Minister
P V Narasi mha
Rao took the decision to forge an electoral alliance with the AIADMK supremo and Tamil Nadu Chief Minister J Jayalalitha last week, he hadn’t bargained for this. True, no-one had any inkling of what was about to follow. Jayalalitha was ha ppy, the DMK of M Karunanidhi took an "I told you so" stand and Congressmen in Tamil Nadu were sulking. The Tamil Nadu Congress leaders, who had been camping in Delhi to drive home the point that an alliance with the AIADMK would cost dearly for the party, were taking the flights back to Madras in a dejected mood.
All of a sudden on Thursday last, the pagan rituals of death, defilement and desecration came to the fore at the Tamil Nadu Congress Committee Headquarters. Its pathetic name of a Bhavan, kept after Sathyamurthy, a moderate and suave Tamil Brahmin leader of the late colonial era, lost all significance as cadres ran amuck. Death, because Narasi mha Rao was pronounced dead and his makeshifteffigy, puttogether withgunny bags and waste cloth brought from near by automobile shops, was burnt down.
Defilement and desecration, because Narasimha Rao's cutouts were subjected to extraordinary slopping with cow-dung
AN AIR OF COM
smeared chappals, la be true and faithful dreds of Congressm there had dropped th were clad in pants a chiefs wrapped on th in hands. The mobh to the Tamil media, been using the decen bommai (doll figure) kodumpavi (sinful de ing burning of effigie lic sphere.
Even as some leac lessly, Congressme Narasimha Rao's 60la Jayalalitha style) : destroyed them. In th tion, Narasimha Rac been the gory Narah ally consigned to fla with Sri Krishna dul year. In the Tamil folk have been an immi whose limbs are ann His mistake was havi forging the pavak ko
(Continued from page 22)
tiating skills". Many believe that he would be able to forma governmenteven if he manages to score in the region of 160 seats. Anyway with the Janata Dal and the left parties firmly setting their face against the BJP, by default, Rao could still become the Prime Minister again.
The BJP is in dire straits. By pulling off the hawalaracket Rao has pushed the Advani and his cohorts off their lofty moral pedestal. The arrest of a BJP MP in UP for arranging shelter to those involved in the Bombay blasts and the waghela episode in Gujarat fill the cup of woe for the party. The tall-talking Advani is out of the picture now and the moderate, pleasant Vajpayee is now its only hope. Still apart from the Hindi heartland and in the west one does not see BJP making much of an inroad elsewhere. The projected tally is hardly 120. The third force, the Left Front-Janata Dalcombine is not taking off at all. One
does not see JD faring well anywhere in
the North except in Bihar thanks to the charisma of Chief Minister Lalloo Prasad Yadav and to some extent in UP thanks to the support from the Mulayam
Singh Yadav's Samaj to bring the SP and Party(BSP)-represen most backward castes the secular forces hea local unit of the Dal protesting the JD's de self with the SP only BSP Of course in K come up trumps, but Orissa and Maharash do no more than maki The major left party fined to West Bengal In fine, with no pa absolute majority wheeling-dealing of th dalous order in store, dia is entering a ve Whetherit will emerg ble under conflicting | ᏚᏫcᏋIl.
A telling instance polity is that no-one the major election iss corruption, develop these? No-one seems Still at least 40-50 p crore-strong elector jockeying for power is Indian democracy 1
 

his and stones. To D the act, the hunin who assembled e purist khadi and d shirts, with ker'ir heads and lathis ld a point to prove which has recently parlance of uruva instead of the usual mon) while reports in the Tamil pub
ers watched helpin brought down feet tall cutouts (a und systematically 2 epic Indian tradicould well have asura, who is ritulmes in the battle ing Diwali every tradition, he could nent village God ally torn asunder. ing gone astray in ottani (sinful alli
vadi Party, Failure - Bahujan Samaj ting the Dalits and - again could cost ily in the UP. The has actually split cision to align itand spurning the rnataka it should in such states as tra, the JD could : its presence felt. the CPM, is conund Kerala. rty mustering an of its own and WOrSt OSt SCanndemocracy in Iny crucial phase. stronger or crumulls remains to be
f the state of the able to identify le, liberalisation, hent or none of o know or care. r cent of the 59 e will vote and ill resume. That r you. O
FALSET RUTH
TAMIL TIMES 23
ance) with the ruling AIADMK. Congressmen and women who rained blows on the Prime Minister's cutouts, prepared for the party's last August Madurairally, were only washing away their sins in having gone along with their tormentor so far.
The destruction was, a terrible act of profanation, with Congressmen urinating on the Prime Minister's smashed cutouts in full view of the video cameras of private channels. Presspersons including some women were shocked by this act. Some of them later started terming the Congressmen as lumpens (who, of course, could not be genuine Congressmen etc.). The crew of Doordarshan, the official electronic media which makes a daily or even hourly darsanam out of the Prime Minister's face, didn't know how to react to the pissing act.
However, more was to follow. The last effigy was decorated with an angavastram as would the Prime Minister do whenever he visits Tamil Nadu. They drew a face on it, stuck a poster of Narasimha Rao with a half-burnt cigarette on hismouth. After the effigy was burnt down, the last cutout was brought out. A handicapped Congressman used his crutch as a vel to pierce Narasimha Rao's cardboard torso as if he was going through an act of black magic. Others, after continuing to pierce it with iron rods, ran away with the head and limbs as souvenirs.
The funeral procession was taken out, with Congresswomen wailed and heaped musical abuse, known in Tamil as oppari, on Narasimha Rao. The procession was taken out to the rhythm of a tandava dance performed by Congressmen. After a bonfire, they rejoiced: Drohi ozhindan (The betrayer has been annihilated). The remains, in true Congress style, were collected and a Congressmen told the video eye that he would be carrying them for immersion at the sangam of the three seas at Kanyakumari.
Such was the force of the above exorcist rituals under international media glare that Congress leaders of Tamil Nadu quickly realised the need to politically get rid of Narasimha Rao. Leaders like Union Ministers P Chidambaram and M Arunachalam soon decided that Narasimha Rao had become a liability in the state's violent public sphere. They were soon to quit and file their election papers as Moopanar candidates.
All this was because of the following


Page 24
24 TAM TIMES
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Page 25
15 APRIL 1996
logic. Narasimha Rao in Tamil Nadu, first, was an icon assiduously built by Congressmen who felt the loss of such great narrative icons like Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi, when Narasimha Rao decided to join hands with the all pervasive hate-icon Jayalalitha, he metamorphosed into an asura icon to be exorcised; thus, his cutouts lost their signification and became cardboards, caricatures, first for his part-ymen and later for the people of the state; now, he can no longer exist even as a cutout in Tamil Nadu's public sphere, let alone carry political weight, he is unbearably light, a buffoon.
With this, the emotional ties between the Tamil Nadu Congressmen and the party High Command were snapped. The word High Command lost its militaristic significance and became a sound, or worse, just noise, for Congressmen. In stepped journalist Cho S Ramaswamy and GK Moopanar who executed a clean political manoeuvre to set the stage for a new alliance with the DMK.
Govindasamy Karuppiah Moopanar would seem to be the unlikeliest of rebels in Congress(I), a party, according to which, the word rebellion implies disgruntled action of some leader who has fallen out of favour of the presiding deity, who is usually a member of the Nehru-Gandhi family. Moopanar has been too close to the Congress(I) deities until Narasimha Rao, doing troubleshooting acts in various states. Why did he rebel and form his new party and align with the DMK to defeat hisparent party's alliance with the AIADMK?
To know the answer, Moopanar's background is important. He hails from a landed gentry family of Kabisthalam in the prosperous Cauvery delta. His family has been charged with practising extreme forms of feudalism and blocking the land reforms programme in favour of landless labourers. Moopanar had joined the Congress four decades ago and stuck it out with the late K Kamaraj who went on to oppose Mrs Indira Gandhi and her infamous Emergency in his last days. After the latter's death, Moopanar led his cadres to Mrs Indira Gandhi, knowing fully well that the Emergency had created problems for her party and government in the North. Moopanar stuck it out again, for the next twenty years, with the Congress(I) and his cadre base has survived the Indira and Rajiv eras. His renunciation of direct power in the government puts him ahead of other partymen. Only Narasimha Rao has been better than him in keeping a stance of calculated silence: Moopanar has never spoken in the Rajya
Sabha of which he Clad in simple k
chews betel leaves
ploys only spokeI Hindi or English i
For the cultural pu demonstrated penc connoisseur of Carl ing the efforts take lore Nagaratnamma publisher-turned sa Saint Thyagaraja A1 family sorted out : started holding the tive event at Tiruvai heads the Thyagar, mittee and makes it nual event at Tiruva He took effort in set Zonal Cultural Cen
Moopanar is ver known to be dange in inner political ci lies are old Congres cial workers, Write whom he presented faithful businessme Kamarajclone from elite. Obviously he emergence of Jayala tress who is adept at him, but, unlike hin activities in the pu Jayalalitha's cutout rendered the Tamil N into a veritable postsublimeness. It is als palace intrigues, Ja aged to strike deals Gandhi and now Nar Moopanar’s preferer whose history of ac sphere has been relat Rajnikanth, who i sphere but is poor in trigues. Another rea revolt against th Jayalalitha could be gence of Thevars, a hopelessly backwarc were once chieftains in the southern distri and political force i ing Jayalalitha’s clc Nata- rajan, who a Cauvery delta area, all possible means kinsmen get establis sie within one gene that former AI S Thirunavukkarasu leader with a mass Sasikala's hegemon nity and left Jayala rejoined the AIADM
It is to be noted tha nor Karunanidhi are

S a member. hadi dhoti-shirt, he ll the time and emdialects of Tamil, the public sphere. lic, he is a man of ance for art and a atic music. Followby the late Bangaa devadasi-turnedint, in reviving the dhana, Moopanar's ome problems and nnual commemoraaru. Moopanar still ja Aradhana Comregularly to the anyaru every January. ing up the Southern re at Tiruvaiyaru.
quiet, shrewd and ously manipulative cles. His closest als friends-turned-soD Jayakanthan, to purse last year, and n. In short, he is a the traditional Tamil cannot stomach the litha, the former acpalace intrigues like l, also garish in her blic sphere. True, extravaganza had adu's public sphere modern hell sans all so true that, through yalalitha has manwith MGR, Rajiv asimha Rao. Hence, ce for Karunanidhi, tivity in the public ively less garish, or garish in public enacting palace inion for Moopanar's e alliance with found in the emerconglomeration of communities (who and robbers) mostly cts, as an economic n Tamil Nadu dursest aide, Sasikala so belongs to the nas been deploying o help her Thevar hed as a bourgeoiation. So much so DMK minister a powerful Thevar base had resented over the commutha six years ago, Klast month.
neither Moopanar against Thevars or
TAM TIMES 25
anyone aspiring to become bourgeiosie, but he would prefer the task to be done in an orderly manner, not by breaking set rules and procedures. The two leaders would rather let it be known that the bourgeiosie of all castes and kinship groups including the Thevars have a stake in ensuring that the rules are not furiously broken; and that the Thevar hegemonic groups cannot invite lawlessness and collapse of the current public sphere of Tamil Nadu.
It would be interesting, at this juncture, to ask some questions for the sake of intellectuals; what contemporary Tamil Nadu's terms of public sphere and culture are all about? It is an extremely complicated question, but the answer could begin by stating that medieval Tamil Alwars and Nayanmars had sacrilised the public sphere of the state with their enormously powerful Tamil bhakti poetry. What they have written down is a sacred geography of Tamil countryside, drawing, on the one hand, from the conventions of the classical sangam poetry, and on the other, from the polymorphously perverse folk ritualistic practices. (See an exhaustive historical work by Dr Indira Viswanathan Peterson including translations of the Thevaram in this connection. Poems to Siva: the Hymns of the Tamil Saints, Princeton University Press, 1989).
This sacred tradition continued well into the 19th Century, when poetsaint-alchemist Vallalar mediated successfully between monotheistic religions from the West and polytheistic practices in Tamil Nadu. With the arrival of Periyar E V Ramaswamy, desacrilisat- . ion of the public sphere began in right earnest. He completed the delinking of the classical and the sacred in Tamil and Indian culture. Henceforth, the classical was to be only historicised. Thus the way was paved for the loss of classical creativity. Folk forms, which are still popular and also sacred in the sense of being creative, are fast getting evacuated as they occupy the public sphere.
With no creative space to draw upon from, the state's public sphere is fast becoming a veritable circus of real-life statues. It's crashing icons are proliferating all the time. An icon of Narasimha Rao tries the bar act and miserably fails. And an unlikely rebellion from a suave figure like Moopanar has an air of comic false truth. (For a good account of palace intrigues as interiors and circus-like public spheres, read the following contemporary Tamil novel by Tamilavian, the pseudonym of Dr S Carlos, a Bangalore-based structuralist academic: Sarithirathil Padintha Nizhalgal). O


Page 26
26 TAML TIMES
s the count-down for the 11th genA. elections begins, Tamil Nadu seems to present a most confused
picture - multi-cornered contests on an
The man who w retary of the all Ind tee in 1980 by Mrs of the most senior
unprecedented scale, a plethora of new parties and caste outfits, loyalties shifting at a dramatic pace from one end to another and so on.
However, easily the most sensational development is Congress veteran G Karuppiah Moopanar’s revolt against the high command and floating his own party, now calledThamizh Maanila Congress (Moopanar).
This landlord-politician from the Thanjavur district has indeed done the unthinkable and the reverberations are bound to be felt in the State for a pretty longtime to come.
He decided to revolt, walk out and launch a party after the failure of his pleas with Prime Minister Narasimha Rao against the reviving of the alliance with the discredited AIADMK fell on deaf
aS.
Apart from the perceived general discontent with the Jayalalitha regime, the fact remains the monstrous corruption and the terror tactics adopted by her minions against the opposition have shocked even the most cynical sections out of their wits.
As Moopanar was to make a ringing declaration during the course of the revolt, some persons are debating the winning changes of this alliance. But my point is winning or losing, it will be unethical, against all canons of justice, to join hands with a party such as this.”
The revolt is unthinkable in that Moopanar has always been considered a loyal foot-soldier of the party - though he had been humiliated a number of times by the high command in the past, he had always swallowed the insults, survived and managed to retain his clout.
Not a man with any great mass base to speak of but only reputed for his cunning manoeuvres and expertise in back-stage operations, Mr Moopanar, has been eminently successful in retaining a large flock of the faithful inside the party through a judicious distribution of the fishes and loaves of office. Whatever the ups and downs he himself might have suffered, he has taken care to see that his toadies sycophants are kept in good humour.
His general reticence " he seldom shoots off his mouth - and silent and effective execution of the assignments before him have generally tended to endear him to the successive regimes in new Delhi and that way he has also been able to cleverly establish a firm clout among many leaders of the party across the nation.
but unfortunately f able to make much Rao, himself a w has cut the groun of many a regio strengthen his ow mering tension be climax in March th gress had to decic to be its ally in T. or the AIADMK. Ms Jayalalitha, had been alienatin ers and local Con ing Moopanar thr tures and stateme
Unlike MGR wh to cross swords w much as he had a cupboard and wou their being expose certainty over his grudging respect ing Karunanidhi, t cent Jayalalitha about running am in a rare moment ( himself confided ists, “Her arrogan This is nothing bu not seem to be ab flaw in her charac any business with way..." That was before he launch self-respect for co protesting the h meted out by the allies.
With the ever il on, either helples signs in his minc sentiments in the mentum. Sticks w her with anyway. With another C padi Ramamurt) against her and Ra bramaniam Swamr fray, the anti-Ja shriller and shrill Jayalalitha sever
 
 

15 APRIL 1996
as made general seca Congress CommitGandhi is indeed one leaders of the party,
Meantime as film actor Rajnikanth came on the scene and a couple of opinion polls clearly revealed that her popularity was reaching an all-time low, Jaya
or him he has not been of an impression over ly operator and who from under the feet nal boss in order to n position. The simween them reached a is year when the Conle on who was going amil Nadu, the DMK
rrogance personified, g the Congress workgress leaders includough her acerbic geshts time and again. ho had the wisdom not 'ith the Centre - inaslot of skeletons in his ld not run the risk of d – a modicum of unown future and some for his rivals includhe supremely complanever thought twice )k on any issue. Once of candour, Moopanar Io a group of journalce knows no bounds. thubris, but she does le to realise this fatal er. Anyway I can't do such a character, no n 1992 July, a month ed his campaign for ngressmen, indirectly miliating treatment chief Minister to her
decisive Rao looking sly or with some de, the anti-Jayalalitha Congress gained mo're not wanting to beat
ngress leader, Vazhay suddenly turning y's hatchetman Dr SuI also pitching into the a campaign became by the day. A piqued i ties with Congress.
lalitha started quietly mending fences with the centre, with the very man whom she had almost called names - Rao's son, known for his weakness for women and other good things of life, Prabhakar Rao, came in handy and so did a Madras-based astrologer who worked on the father's weakness for gods, godmen and their plans for the lesser mortals.
Unusually this time round Moopanar decided to fight it out. Rao had been using him on trouble-shooting missions all along, but giving him a short shrift otherwise. Moopanar said, "Thus far and no farther." "If you want her, you will lose me,” he warned the PM in no uncertain terms.
Though Rao did seem to be a bit unnerved and did everything to reassure Moopanar of his respect for him, he, however was determined to clinch the deal for two reasons - one he still believed that her charisma could deliver a minimum of 25 Lok Sabha seats on a platter; secondly Jayalalitha would come forward to foot most of the election expenditure without bothering him too much.
He was also much hooked on her that Rao even sabotaged the chances of Rajnikanth's possible entry into politics and campaigning for the Congress, by deliberately dithering on the issue and driving the impatient actor up the wall. When the actor called it quits he turned round and asked Moopanar “what now?' But the latter was not deterred. He was able to rope in Karunanidhi, the leader of the DMK. Abandoning his known or professed anti-Congressism the DMK leader, itching to have one last go at the Fort St George, expressed his willingness for talks with Congress.
But Rao had already made up his mind. Alliance with the AIADMK was the only feasible option, he argued and Went ahead.
The Moopanar loyalists erupted in anger. They ran amok right inside the premises of the Sathyamurthi Bhavan, the Tamil Nadu Congress Committee headquarters, defiling Rao's cut-outs and burning them. Moopanar returned from New Delhi and initiated talks with Karunanidhi. Rajni Kanth, away in the US intervened on his behalf and noted satirist Cho Ramsaswamy carried his message to the DMK leader. Finally Karunanidhi agreed to part with 40 Assembly and 20 Lok Sabha seats to the Moopanar faction.
(Continued on page 32)


Page 27
15 APRIL 1996
READERS FORUM
BULLETS & BORDERS
I refer to the article "Bullets and Borders” by Nikki van der Gaag, reproduced from the NI. While correctly recognising the undermining of the sovereignty of the state by the multi-nationals and cartels, the writer has failed to note the importance of the national liberation struggle in combating imperialism, i.e. monopoly capitalism. I agree that nationalism is no end in itself and the nation-state is no panacea for the ills of oppressed nations and people and that nationalism is used in the most cynical way byright-wing governments to preserve their power at home. Interestingly, politicians who exploited nationalism to the full in serving their political needs, notably Thatcher and Reagan, also undermined the nation-state, especially the aspect of the welfare state that served to protect the weakest sections of the population against the greed of the invisible few.
The writer's description of "imagined nationalism' fails to discriminate between the positive role of nationalism during the struggles for independence and the cynical manipulation of national sentiment to justify oppression of national minorities and other ethnic groups. Cuban 'nationalism' has been a positive force in history for the past several decades and the "nationalist' struggle of the Zapatistas of Chiapas helped to weaken the corrupt regime in Mexico. The struggle for the liberation of Eritrea was instrumental in the overthrow of the oppressive regime in Ethiopia and has enabled the Eritrean nation to venture along a path for economic reconstruction, in defiance of the IMF, and it is not those who are fighting for the liberation of the Kurdish nation, with its territory divided between Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria, who are propping up the oppressive regimes in Iraq and Turkey.
The 'Third World' has not really enjoyed full sovereignty despite winning "political independence' from the colonial masters. Economic freedom has been slow to come and whenever a third world country dares to reach out for that goal, the multinationals and the western governments that serve their interests, irrespectively of the party in power, and international bodies under their control are quick to intervene.
The writer makes rather disparaging comments about 'separatists' with scant attention to issues that lead to stru-ggles for secession. What is involved in most instances is the struggle of a people to
preserve its ident good thing, and th monolithic global goods advocated What oppressed groups want is the nation, not necess deny that right is
The writer's alt of the nation-state tion in place of se] technology for po der who is standi not see how the pressed nations an are against these ic on democracy, de ance” has a num which the writer about and include preserve their ethn mine the pace at change their way (
The writer has ugly consequence nation-state in th emergence of raci Sadly, oppressive dead, but is chan and political style an elite.
47 Camberley Ave London SW20,
PEOPLE Untold suffering the peopleby both t ernment by pursuin barrel of the GUN, that they are doing terest of the people the suffering they at ple and that every o an equal and oppo appeal to the Gove LTTE to stop all m to find a peaceful lem. Unless the Go' the devolution pac weapon only, the devolution package so that the bickerin Can COme to an enc the country can be too should stop mi a solution to the su and even put up the lution package in C cable solution to th
Canberra, Pearce Australia
POLICE D
Thank you for pl the University T Rights (Jaffna) in
 

y, which I think is a t is in defiance of the ulture of disposables y the multinationals. nations and ethnic right to self-determirily secession, and to ) support oppression. rnatives to the tatters include decentralisaaration and the use of itive change. I wong in the way and do ust struggles of opsocio-ethnic groups eals. “A world based :entralism and tolerer of preconditions has avoided talking he right of people to ic identity and deterhich they choose to f life.
overlooked another f the withering of the e west, namely the sm and neo-fascism. nationalism is not ging its composition to serve the needs of
S. Sivasegaram IUC
'S PLIGHT
has been brought to he LTTE and the Govgapolicy through the while both are saying everything in the in. They do not realise ecreating for the peohe of their actions has ite reaction. I would nment as well as the ilitary action and try solution to the probennent Wants to use age as a propaganda should pursue the to a final conclusion, for the last 40 years and the economy of mproved. The LTTE tary means and find fering of the people rviews on the devoder to bring anamiproblem.
K Mailvaganam ΟΤ 2607
ETENTION
lishing my letter on chers for Human our February 1996
TAMIL TIMES 27
issue. After I mailed that letter, my father had informed me that he was released only after our good Sinhalese neighbours Ekanayake went to the police station and vigorously defended my father against false allegations made by the law enforcement officials. Through your columns, permit me to openly thank our Sinhalese neighbour of 25 years for helping my father out of such a precarious situation.
This incident raises another serious question about the safety of Tamils in Colombo. Can every Tamil residing in Colombo be so fortunate to have such a kind Sinhalese neighbour like my father has? Suppose if Tamils in Colombo do not have such civic-conscious Sinhalese neighbours, then one can imagine what is in store for them in the so-called democratic Sri Lanka.
Sachi Sri Kantha
5-16-305 Tsukimicho, Fukuroi City Shizuoka 437-01, Japan
FORGVENESS AND PRAYER
Finding out that David Thiagarajah had died in a terrorist attack in Colombo was like having a knife stuck in me and having it twisted. We were best mates from when we were five to when we were sixteen: his being a Tamil and my being a Sinhalese did not enter our conscious
CSS.
The first communal riots in the 1950's were significant for both of us. His father offloaded goods and precious jewellery to my father and to our household and departed with his family to seek safe refuge. Even then David and I could not understand why this was happening. We were just two friends who cared for each other and did not understand politics. In 1993 we discussed the possibility of hostilities ceasing within our lifetime. Unfortunately this was not meant to be, certainly not for him.
My concern now is who will care for the widow and children. Does politics allow for this, does the Government pay compensation to victims of terrorists? How about the balance of payments being affected since no more trade is coming in via David's expertise?
Sad and subdued as I am, the only solution I can think of is forgiving the terrorists unconditionally and praying together with existing Christians for a nation under God. Jesus Christ, the One who gives us access to God, is the Supreme Head over all, above politics and ethnic differences. I see no other way, no other hope.
Nick Bandaratileke
Oak Hill Theological College Chase Side, Southgate London N144PS


Page 28
28 TAMILTIMES
BOOK REVIEW
THE SECRET FILES
BRITAN WORLD WAR II THE SAMA SAMAJISTS
(Edited by Wesley S Muttiah and Sydney Wanasinghe, A Young Socialist Publication, Colombo - 6 January 19
Review by Professor Bertram Bastial
in the mid 1940's when expectations were high and it became clear to the people of Ceylon (Sri Lanka since 1972) that independence was nigh, the eve of the General Elections of 1947 was a time of hectic political activity. Foremost among the contestants who loomed large in the political horizon were the Lanka Sama Samaja Party and the Communist Party.
But the greater focus was rivetted on the Sama Samajists because many of their leading personalities had been associated with anti-imperialism and the struggle for freedom during the Second World War and in the years immediately thereafter.
The present attractively assembled collection of documents, most of which were not earlier made available to the reader by the Public Record Office (PRO) London, shed valuable light on the contribution made by the Sama Samajists in awakening public awareness of and in galvanising relentless activity among labour so that there could be much needed popular contribution toward Ceylon achieving freedom from Colonial Servitude.
The documents are afforded titles and in most instances the authorship of the contributions is indicated. As a result the work of the researcher on this critical period in Sri Lanka's march toward independence is rendered easier. The collection comprises an assorted variety of documents and a fuller story of the left movement in the Island, and especially the role of the Sama Samaja party during the later years of the thirties and in the first years of forties, is lucidly and elaborately unravelled. The reader gains a vivid and salient insight into the aims and objectives of the Sama Samaja movement. The bold and adventurous Suriyamal movement, the stand of the Sama Samajists on national issues and the divergence of the Sama Samajists from other left movements get illustrated in the first six documents authored by Doreen Young, Covin R de Silva and Leslie Goonawardena. The criticism of the British Administration, the plight of the plantation workers and the demands of labour are shown explicitly through
documents 7 to 9.
The critical attit Samajists toward the ism and the panicky : lonial administrators plices in the Island a from documents 10 The collection contai ceedings of the State ject but also the comI Colonial Office (Lor nor, the detailed resp nor, the "man on the correspondence amo lonial Office and art of the war on the Isla the Sama Samajists An interesting accol and anti-imperialists current among the le readers' eyes.
The consequences the later documents, 20, could have been Similar sort of event the neighbouring su these times.The lea Samaja party were tak der new regulations Governor but, still a as 19, 20, 21 and 22s nst the British were forcefully. An outcry of the Governor and mentis emphatically unced according to di Sama Samajaya wc from time to time b Samaja Party (LSSP used in it is vitriolic Many of the docu deal with the detenti the LSSP and belong are urged to unite u the party. Similar ap members of the Ceyl lege and undergradu to join the protest ral The leaders of the L. cated elite and were ing the support of thi groups
The LSSP protes of Rupees. Two Lak of the Colombo Muni
 

AND
)6)
mpillai
ude of the Sama : war and imperialreactions of the coand their accomre best understood to 20 in particular. ns not only the proCouncil on the subnuniqué sent by the don) to the Goveronse of the Gover
spot,” the internal ng those at the Coicles on the impact nd in the Journal of
(Samadharman). int on the anti-war entiments that were ftists unfold before
that get detailed in especially 19 and easily anticipated. s could be traced in b-continent during ders of the Sama keninto custody unannounced by the as documents such how, protests agaiwidely articulated against the actions the British Governraised. It was annoocument 23 that the ould be published y the Lanka Sama ), and the language ally strong. lments that follow on of the leaders of to 1940. Students nder the banner of peals are made to on University Collates are beckoned lly in August 1940. SSP were an eduparticular in rallye Island's educated
ted against the use hs of public funds cipal Council in the
15 APRIL 1996
cause of "the unjust imperialist war.”
Document 40 launches a scathing attack against the Mayor Goonasinghe, and he is condemned for having failed to provide essentials for the people while frittering away public funds on someone else's war fought for defending the English Empire. Down with the Empires! May the Revolution to victorious (or successful). Similarly the next document alleges that "Galle's honour" is sullied. Once again the Municipal Councillors get denounced for contributing the People's money toward preserving the British Empire.
The Urban Councils of Pana- dura, Moratuwa and Kotte are also accused of donating “money for murder” the diatribes ends with the usual cry that the Empire should perish and the revolution should end victoriously.
The contribution of public funds toward the pursuit of the war was indeed contentious. Mr S W R D Bandaranaike, the Minister for Local Administration too exhibited a reluctance to donate such funds much to the chagrin of the Governor. The Governor indeed pondered at one time whether he could dismiss the Minister forhis unco-operative atti-tude. The different stages of the detention, protests againstit, and the Colonial Government's justification of its action are revealed to the reader through documents 45 to 49. The Colonial Office assesses the support for and opposition to the war as it was profoundly disturbed by the popular level agitation organised by the LSSP. Since one of the aspects of principal focus in these documents is World War II they give to the reader a sharp and clear understanding of varied reactions in Ceylon toward it.
Document 50 presents a lively indictment of the conduct of the Police in these years. The Governor's preference in accepting the version of the Police Chief instead of that of the Board of Ministers and in a like manner the rejection by the Governor of the finding of Coomaraswamy on the shooting of Govindhan are quoted as examples of the Governor's partiality. Most of the documents that follow deal with the high handed repressive Police activities, the Government and the Colonial Office's reactions to them, and the LSSP's condemnation of the later. There are interesting details on Ceylon during the war secretly submitted by the Governor to the Colonial Office. Added useful information on the thinking and stances of the Colonial authorities could be glanced from the documents that embody comments of the of ficial in the Colonial Office. Document No. 65 gives details in regard to civil defence measures adopted in Ceylon. The penalties for offences are modelled to a larger extent on those inforce in the


Page 29
15 APRIL 1996
United Kingdom which were harsh and/ or strictly severe.
The final three documents in this highly informative collection which is indispensable reading for anyone wanting to know the history of these eventful years deal with the famous jail break' of the Sama Samaja detenus fromprison. The scene portrayed provides sensational and real life drama of an incident which is not only important but also has become an integral part of legendary love. It is good material for a film
The Succinct and illuminating preface by Bernard Soysa with a comprehensible touch of nostalgia who commands an intimate understanding and close
knowledge of the events dealt with in task easier for the vicissitudes of the ceaseless and coura struggle ofa dedica followers to endpo and to institute dem human values.'
The thorough and troduction by Mutt enable the reader to tal role that the LSS tional life during drama of stirring til
It also may be of
On 2 April, ARTICLE 19, The International Centre Against Censorship, publishes 'Silent War', a report on the operation of censorship during the military offensive in northern Sri Lanka in late 1995, and other freedom of expression concerns. Just over a year after coming to power on a platform pledging an end to the culture of censorship that plagued Sri Lanka, President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga herselfimposed formal censorship under emergency regulations for three months, while the military denied journalists access to the northern war zone. The censorship denied the public access to information on major humanitarian and human rights issues resulting from the war and extended way beyond any legitimate concern for protecting national security.
Formal censorship was imposed in September 1995. It was lifted three months later, but only after the military had successfully gained control of the northern city of Jaffna in a major offensive. Today, journalists continue to be denied access to the north, including areas where hundreds of thousands of civilians displaced by the fighting now live.
Inconsistencies abounded in the manner in which the formal censorship was applied. Comment on censorship itself was cut: stories readily available in the international media were barred from domestic publication; the censors even at times introduced their own figures into reports of casualties. Of even greater consequence, however, was the fact thatjournalists were unable to observe the war and its effects on civilians themselves, increasing their dependence on official information in their war reporting.
According to Frances D'Souza, Executive Director of ARTICLE 19, “The government appeared intent on projecting an image of a clean war' with minimal
impact on civilians. placed may have fle orders of the rebell Tamil Eelam, whi Jaffna, rather than : military action. But to see the governme reporting of the numl hardshipsthey endur verbal attacks on h sations which report alties resulting from of humanitarian law concern.'
In 1995, the UN H mittee again urged outstanding human ing introducing pro
The election of til governmenton a “pe ticket' in August 1 expression of hop 15 years of violent would finally be r government and th the LTTE in the no the human rights Sri Lanka would be
“Sri Lanka: A Bit the background to t highly readable acco lights the sources of Sinhalese majority population, yet also the other Tamil co Country Tamils - w impoverished on the lims - who are incr the war.
In the context of thor Elizabeth Nissa
 
 

personalities and this book makes the reader to follow the story. Behind all the geous activity lay the edlot of leaders and ferty and oppression xcracy, socialism and
carefully crafted Iniah and Wanasinghe follow better the vilPplayed in our Nahose years and the TCS,
Some interest to the
TAM TIMES 29
reader of this eminently valuable collection of documents to glance through this Reviewer's "British Reaction to the Left and Labour unrest in Sri Lanka during the early years of the second World War" based on documentary sources in the Public Record Office, London, published in the University of Colombo Review Volume INo. 4, December 1984 (pages 65-78).
Finally we have to express our appreciation and gratitude to the editors of this collection for the immense service they had done to help understand more clearly and in the correct context an important phase in the history of our country.
Many of those disd their homes on the Liberation Tigers of ch then controlled as a direct result of it was also alarming nt attempt to control pers involved and the ed; the government's umanitarian organied on civilian casupossible violations were also of serious
Human Rights ComSri Lanka to address right issues, includoper safeguards on
he People's Alliance ace and human rights 994 was seen as an e - hope that after conflict a settlement eached between the e Tamil militants of th and east, and that of all people in protected.
er Harvest” explains he war, in a clear and unt. The report highconflict between the and minority Tamil features the plight of immunity - the Up ho remain the most island, and the Museasingly drawn into
the conflict, the aun, details the minor
LANKA: A BITTER HARVEST
freedom of expression. Frances D'Souza comments: "It is precisely in times of crisis that governments most need to be held accountable for their actions, something which is impossible without protecting the public's right of access to independent sources of information."
The government has said that it intends to introduce its media reforms in 1996. ARTICLE 19 urges it to do so without delay, and to ensure that any barriers to the flow of information on human rights and humanitarian concerns are lifted, including by ensuring journalists access to the north.
For further information, please contact: Catherine Drucker or Malcolm Smart (ARTICLE 19, Tel:01717131357, Fax: 0171713 1356)
ARTICLE 19, the International Centre Against Censorship, promotes freedom of expression worldwide, and defends the victims of censorship.
ity grievances over development within Sri Lanka - maintaining that far from benefiting the minority communities, minorities have either been ignored, or been adversely affected by certain projects. The report also studies the island's education system, demonstrating how education can foster prejudice.
'Sri Lanka: Abitter Harvest' ends with a series of recommendations. It is MRG's hope, that if these were acted upon, they could assist towards building the peace which the people of Sri Lanka so desperately need.
An indispensable resource, which will prove of great value to academics, lawyers, journalists, development agencies, governments, minorities and all those interested in minority rights.
Minority Rights Group 379 Brixton Road London SW97DE, UK


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30 TAMIL TIMES
Famil Times Ltd.
| PO Box 12
Sutton, Surrey SM13TD
181-644 o972
MATRMONIAL Jaffna Hindu seeks partner for his nephew, 27, British citizen holding British degree and accountancy qualifications preSently working as an expatriate abroad. M843 C/O Tamil Tinnes.
Jaffna Hindu uncle Seeks attractive educated bride under 30, resident UK for British qualified computer engineer nephew, 34, in UK employment. Send details, horoscope, photo. M 844 C/o Tamil Times.
Tamil Hindu sister seeks partner for unmarried lady doctor, 40, employed in South Africa, Singapore citizen. Send details. M 845 C/o Tamil Times.
WEDDING BELLS
We congratulate the following couples on their recent wedding. Balaskanthan son of late Mr. Kanagasabai and Mrs. B. Kanagasabai of 'Kokulam', Kadduvan Junction, Tellipalai, Jaffna and Subashinidaughter of Mr. & Mrs. M. SanthiraSekara of 61 Station Road, KokuVil On 20.3.96 at Miami Reception Hall", Alexandra Road, ColOmbO 6. Daniel son of Professor and Mr.S. R. B. BrOMVr? Of 2250 Bryden Road, Columbus, Ohio, USA and Nalini daughter of Mr. & Mrs. V.S. Balendran of 82 The Glade, Shirley, Croydon, Surrey, UK on 23.3.96 at The Langham Hilton Hotel, London WiN.
Dr. Thiagalingam son of Mr. & Mrs. P. Namasivayam of 5 Courthope Road, Greenford, Middx., U.K. and Sumita daughter of Mr. & Mrs. A. Gnanarajah of 99 Jalan Terasek Satu, Bangsar Baru, Kuala Lumpur on 24.3.96 at the Dewan Jubili Perak Sultan Abdul Aziz, Jalan Persiarun Sultan, Shah Alam, Malaysia. Raveendran Son Of Mr. & MrS. Kathira velu and A n usha daughter of Mr. & Mrs. Satkunanathan of 9A Revel Road, Kingston, Surrey on 24.3.96 at Tolworth Recreation Centre, Tolworth, Surrey. Gugathasalingam son of Mr. Vaithilingam and late Mrs. Vaithilingam of Kuppilan, Jafna
Faxi
and Swarneswari daughter of late Mr. Poopathy and Mrs. Poopathy of Kurumpasiddy, Jaffna on 6.4.96 at Shree Ghanapathy Temple, Wimbledon, London SW19. Haleem son of the late Mr. M.S. Ossman and Mrs. S.Z. Ossman of 45 Fleming Mead, Mitcham, Surrey and Manjula daughter of Mr. Vythilingam and Dr. Vathsala Paramanathan of 28 Avonmore Gardens, Avonmore Road, London W14 8RU On 20.4.96 at The Gloucester, Harrington Gardens, South Kensington, London SW7. Aravinthan son of Mr. & Mrs. S. Rajaratnam of 65 Thorncliffe Park Drive, Apt. 1512, Toronto, Ontario M4H 1L2, Canada and Niranjani daughter of Mr. & Mrs. M. Muthulingam of 4301 Kingston Road, Apt 1119, Scarborough, Ontario M1E 2N1, Canada on 21.4.96 at Sky Dome Banquet Hall, DownSView, Canada.
OBITUARIES
Dr. Sinnathurai Arunachalam, Consultant Eye Surgeon, Jaffna, beloved husband of Amirthavally, loving father of Thiruketheeswaran (Accountant, London), Dr. Thirunavukarasu (Ophthalmic Surgeon, Wales, UK), Shiyama la (P. N.G.) and Anushiya (Engineer, Singapore); father-inlaw of Malathy (Solicitor, London), Deirdra (UK) and Thilla iam palam (Accountant, P.N.G.) expired in Wales on 26th February 1996 and the funeral took place on 29th February. The Anthiesty was held in Reigate on 27th March
 
 
 
 

and the Thanksgiving Prayers and Lunch took place at the London Sri Murugan Temple, ESİ Harr? Or 30th MarCh.
The members of the family thank all relatives and friends who attended the funeral, sent floral tributes, expressed their sympathy in person, sent messages of sympathy and attended the thanksgiving prayers and lunch. They regret their inability to thank individually – 114 Runnymede, Colliers Wood, London SW19 2PH. Tel 0181 5423358.
Miss Gnanaledchuni Kanthia of 51 Waite Davies Road, Lee, London SE12; born in Alaveddi, Sri Lanka on 23.3. 1934, beloved sister of late Nagammah (Alaveddi), Arunugam (Paranthan), Packiyaluxumy (Canada), Kulasingam (Australia), Thanaluxumy (Colombo) and Gunasingam (Australia); sisterin-law of Sivasubramanian (Alaveddi), late Rasamalar Arasaratnam (Canada), Siwanayaki (Australia), Mahendralingam (Colombo) and Ranjini (Australia) passed away on 25th March 96 and was crenated at the Lewisham Crennatorium on 4th April 96. The family wish to thank Patricia Mohonaraj for looking after their beloved until her final days. Telephone Mohan 0181
942 3993.
Mrs. Arunthathy Kandah Cof Alvai, resident of Wellawatte, Sri Lanka, beloved wife of late
15 APRIL 1996
Chellapah Kandiah, retired Supt. Telecommunication Engineer; precious mother of Pushparatnam (Baba), London UK; Satchithananthan (Kannan) Wellawatte, Sri Lanka; Sharvanandhan (Appan), Birmingham, UK; Punitharatnam (Archi), New Zealand, Ranjitharatnam (Ranji) Brighton, UK, Kailasananthan (Kyle) California, USA and Saravanabavananthan (Sara), California, USA, loving mother-in-law of Moorthy, London, UK; Gnana, Colombo, Aruntha, Birmingham, UK; Perinpanayagam, New Zealand, Ramadas, Brighton, UK; Kala, California, USA, and Vasanthi, California, USA, loving grandmother of Shankari, Nimo, Shantha, Vigne Sh, Jan anni, Brindha, Myuran and Briana passed away on 25th March 1996 at Wella Watte, Sri Lanka.
We thank all friends and relatives who attended the funeral and sent messages of sympathy - K. Sharvanandhan, "Katperham, 39 Fitzroy Avenue, Harborne, Birmingham B78RL Teli O121 42O 4786.
Dr. K. Siva loga nathan. formerly of the Cement Factory, KKS and Water Board, Sri Lanka, Lecturer, Ahannadu Bello University, Nigeria and University of Coventry, eldest son of the late Mr. & Mrs. Kathiritham by of Uyarap ulam, Anaicoddai, beloved husband of Maheswary; loving father of Dr. Sivapal (Canada), Dr. Jeyabal and Leela, father-inlaw of Sumathi and Andrew; grandfather of Dharshan, Myra, Serena and Arjun, brother of Saraswathy, Sivasothinathan, Jegatheeswary, Jeyaledchumy, late Jegasothinathan, Balachandran and Chandrajothy, brother-in-law of Puvaneswary, Pathmavathy, Manga ya tkarasi, Dr. Rajasooriyar, Dr. Puvirajasingham, the late Dr. Nadarajah


Page 31
15 APRIL 1996
and Naguleswary passed away On 15.4.96 and was cremated at the Putney Crematorium on 20.4.96.
His wife and the members of the family thank all friends and relatives who attended the funeral, sent mesages of sympathy and floral tributes and assisted them in various ways during the period of great sorrow. - 18 Eton Avenue, New Malden, Surrey KT35AZ. Tel: Of 81 949 O22O.
Mr. C. Rajasekaram (Retired Police Sergeant) of Kalviyankadu, Jafna, Sri Lanka; beloved husband of Amuthamany; loving father of Vimalarani Kulasekaran (Canada), Pushparani Nagendran (Colombo), Pavala rani Bhuvanendran (Canada), Jeyarani Sivabalasubramaniam (Pandatheruppu), Lailarani Selvackadunco (UK), Chandrasekaram (Beba) Jeyamalar (UK) and Lalitharani expired on 17.3.96 at Nunavil, Chavakachcheri and was Cre- mated On 18.3.96. - 74 LanSbury Crescent, Dartford, UK. Tel 01322293053.
Dr. Thomas Chelvarajah (Retired Consultant Dermatologist. General Hospital, Colombo), beloved husband of Grace, son of the late Rev. & Mrs. G.D. Thomas and son-in-law of the late Dr. & Mrs. J. V. Thambar, brother of the late Rajadurai, late Rasamany, late Thavamany, Dharmarajah, Thevarajah and Soundramany and brother-in-law of Dr. Sam Jonathan, Paul and Dr. Isaac Thambar and the late Caroline, late J. P. Thurairatnam, Daisy,
Rasamany and the late J. Rajasingham, expired on 15th DeCember, 1995. His remains
were cremated privately according to his wishes on 16th December. - 40 School Avenue, Nawala, Rajagiriya, Sri Lanka.
IN MEMORAM
後
in everloving memory of Mr. Velupillai Nadarajah, formerly Director, Ceylon School of SoCial Work, son of the late Mr. & Mrs. Velupillai of Chetty Street, Nallur, Sri Lanka; son-in-law of the late Mr. K. Muthulingam and Mrs. Muthulingam of Tellipalai, Sri Lanka on the fifth anniversary of his passing away от 4,4.91.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by his beloved wife Muthu Ambikai; daughter Sakunthala; son Ravindran; son-in-law Suresh Thayalan; daughter-in-law Meera, grandchildren Arjun, Nisha and Sathiya. — 1 1 Baronia Croft, Highwoods, Colchester, Essex CO4 5EF.
R&
In cherished memory of Mr. Chinnathampy RASIAH on the second anniversary of his passing away on 24.4,94. This day dawns with sad regret Of the one we loved and cannot forget Just as he was, he will always be
A beautiful thought in our memory Resting where no shadows fall Fondly remembered by us all.
Greatly loved, deeply missed and always remembered by his
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

TAM TIMES 31
sorrowing wife Gunamany, Sister Arianayagam, beloved children Ranjan and Rajini, loving daughter-in-law Janaki, son-inlaw Lakshman, grandchildren Thabojan, Prashanth and Sulakshan, sisters-in-law, nephews and nieces. - 14 Greenbriar Avenue, Wheelers Hill, Vic. 3150, Melbourne, Australia/3818 Campolindo Drive, Moraga 94556, California, U.S.A.
FORTHCOMING EVENTS May 1 Pirathosam. May 2 to 5th: Border Crossings presents an English play "Bravely Fought the Queen' at Waterman's Art Centre, 40 High Street, Brentford, Middx. Tel Box Office O1815681176. May 3 Full Moon.
May 5 6.00pm Bharatha Natyam Arangetram by Jane Tharani, daughter of Mr. & Mrs. Rasaiyah of 18 The Spinneys, Bickley, Kent at Ashcroft Theatre, Fairfield Halls, Park Lane, Croydon. All Welcome. Tel 0181467 1479. May 6 9.00am Tamil Rehabilitation Organisation presents Football & Netball Tournament at Douglas Eyre Sports Centre, Copper Mill Lane, Walthamstow, London E17. Tel: O181 52O 5876. May 11 Thirunavukkarasar Guru Pooja.
May 13 Eekathasi.
May 14 Feast of St. Mathias.
May 15 Pirathosam.
May 16 Feast of the Ascension of the Lord Jesus Christ. May 17 Amavasai. May 18 Feast of St. John. May 21 Chathurthi. May 23 Shashti. May 26 Pentecost Sunday. May 27 Feast of St. Augustine of Canterbury. May 27 9.00am Festival of Cricket organised by Sri Lankan O.B.A.s in UK at Norman Park, Bromley, Kent. Tel: 0181 949 8883. May 279.00am United Tamils Organisation presents Tami Cricket & Netball Festival at Wadham Lodge Sports Centre, Wadham Road, London E17. Tel 0181 503 4294. May 29 Ekathasi. May 30 Pirathosam. May 31 Waikasi Visakam; Feast of the Visitation of the Virgin Mary, At Bhawan Centre, 4A Castletown Road, London W14 9HQ. Te: O171 381 3086 4608. May 126.30pm Bharatanatyam — Ritushringara by Padmaja Suresh from lindia. May 18 7.00pm Banshia dance ballet by Anjana Banerjee and troupe from India. May 19 6.00pm Carnatic Vocal by Students of Mrs. Sivasakthi Sivanesan. May 27 7.45pm Kuchipudi Dance by Shobha Naidu and troupe from India.
幾徽
A comprehensive directory of Tamil Co. mercial and Social organisations in the UK was ceremoniously released on 24.3.96 at the Merton Hall, South Wimbledon, London SW19 at a function at which Dr. T. Raj Chandran, Commissioner for Racial Equality, UK was the Chief Guest. The hall was filled to capacity.
Several prominent members of the Tamil community were present along with editors of Tamil newspapers and magazines and extolled the editors of he directory for their services and the free issue of the pub
TAMI PAGES 1996
lication. They wished that next year's edition would carry details of similar organisations in the rest of Europe. Dr. & Dr. (Mrs.) Raj Chandran congratulated the editors for their efforts and presented a cheque as a token of their appreciation.
Tamil Pages 1996 is a free publication available from the British Tamil Directories, 52 Kingsley Road, Wimbledon, London SW19 8HF. Tel: 0181 543 2126 on the sending of a cheque for £1 in its favour for each copy to be sent to the addresses in UK to cover postage and packing.


Page 32
32 TAM TIMES
CANADAN
Weather: Snow continues into April. The annual sales of Vancouver daffodils reminds us that Spring is on the wayl SACEM: The Society for the Aid of Ceylon Minorities elected the following office bearers at their Annual General Meeting held recently. President: Gladys Hoole, Vice Presidents: Padmini Dharmarajah and George Coomaraswamy, Secretary: Naga Ramalingam, Treasurer: M. Velauthapillai, Editor: Kumar Ratnam, Committee: M.A. Jesudasan, K. Balakrishnan and C. K. Ketheeswaran, Chairpersons: Dr. Pushpa Seevaratnam (Family Support), Dr. T. Vasanthakumar (Fund Raising) and V. Sivasubramaniam (Rehabilitation of Law Offenders).
The Society also hosted a forum on 17.3.96 at the Mid Scarborough Community Centre to provide a two way communication between the Judicial Police and other service providers. Hon. Judge David Cole, Dr. T. Sooriyapalan and Suda Coomaraswamy representing the service providers participated in the forum presided over by Dr. Pushpa Seevaratnam with Jayanthy Reynold as the co-ordinator.
Suresh Manickvasagam Trial: The trial of Suresh, President of The Tamil Movement of Canada detained under the inmigration Act from 18.10.95 for allegedly being a member of the LTTE which limmigration Canada believes is engaged in terrorism was taken up for hearing on 19.3.96 before Mr. Justice Max Teitelbaum and continued for six days before being adjourned for 9th April 96.
On the opening day of the trial, Professor Jordan Paust of the University of Houstan testified that an organisation purportedly promoting a peaceful resolution of the conflict between the Sinhala and Tamil nations of Sri Lanka is not a terrorist
organisation. He reite have a common et religion and under th entitled to the right c which is also recogn tional community.
Professor Francis E ty of Illinois, the sec Court that the British states to unite and government was a r tion. He said that the to take up arms to defe expel the enemy. He a the right to receive weapons from outsid testified are Karen Pa a specialist in Interna man Rights; Dagn janayagam of the Ger tute in Kuala Lumpura Professor in Asian His of Kiel, Germany al Schalk of Sweden. AM President Of the armi testified it would ap proceedings that the Shifted from Sri Lank Crete Court Houses i Canadian Barristers B, Lorne Waldman toget Visu Vanathan Rudrak Suresh.
An International C ethnic Conflict in Sri
Toronto during the w Court trial. Besides D Rajanayagam, Profes Peter Schalk and Att Who te Stified in the tria sor Bruce Mathews C Nova Scotia; Professi of Nebraska Wesleyat fessor Chelvadurai M. versity of Wisconsi echoed the same sen the trial. The panelis
(Continued from page 26)
It is indeed a stunning blow to Rao who would not have expected a man like Moopanar to revolt nor cadres desert the party en masse the way they have now.
The official group was thus hard put to find enough candidates for the 30 Lok Sabha and 66 Assembly seats. The only solace was TNCC president Kumari Ananthan crossed over from the rebel faction, though union ministers P Chidambaram and M Arunachalam decided to stay put.
At the time of going to the press, it was clear that the Congress AIADMK alliance was going to have a tough time at the hustings and the DMK Moopanar CPI combine enjoyed a clear edge.
Karunanidhi does not seem to be too very much bothered by the desertion of the Pattali Makkal Katchi or the Tiwari Congress led by Vazhapadi Ramamurthy. He is exuding confidence through his every pore.
The PMK and Tiwari group are left
out in the cold, faili any of the two majol in the MDMK-CP Vazhapadi cooked playing the role ofth a bit too strongly an mating its own str hard-to-get. The two front of their own Swamy the man w started it all finds inc groupings and has with joining hands of Devendrakula Ve (DVF), a Dalit fron
The fact remains the battle is betweer Congress and the Dl gress. Whether the ; votes would enable and how far the revo ld cut into the tradi matters to be watch eSt.
 

ated that the Tamils nicity, culture and e U.N. Charter are f self determination sed by the interna
oyle of the Universiind witness told the orced two separate when they left, the mnant Of Colonisaamils have the right ind their territory and dated that they have support including 2. Others who have ker, attorney who is tional Lawy and Huar Wellman Ranan-Malaysian instind former ASSOCiate 'ory at the University id ProfeSSOr Peter * Sam Duraiswany, Eelam Society also bear from the Court Eelam issue has an Soil to the Conn Canada. Eminent 3rbara Jackman and mer with US attorney umar appeared for
onference On the Lanka was held in /eek of the Suresh r. Dagmar Hellman sors Francis Boyle, orney Karen Parker l, there were Profesif Acadia University, pr Robert C. Oberst University and Proanogaran of the Uni1. The Conference 'iments expressed in ts however empha
ng to find a place in groupings not even M alliance. While his own goose by : irrepressible leader d PMKby overestiength and playing have now forged a Dr Subramaniam ho claims to have takers in any of the to content himself with the federation Ilalalr Associations
though that mainly the AIADMK-Rao MK-Moopanar Conplit in the anti-Jaya er to returntopower tof Moopanar wouional Congress are ed with keen inter
O
15 APRIL 1996
sised the need for the LTTE to improve its international image, by strict adherence to the Geneva Convention.
The World Cup Cricket Victory of Sri Lanka was received with mixed feelings. There was no doubt that the result had given the much needed boost to Sri Lanka. It was felt that the end to the horrible war there would give a still better image.
AUSTRALIAN
NEWSLETTER
The Sydney University Tamil Society (SUTS) was established in 1991 under the auspices of the university. Since then it has rapidly expanded in its membership and its activities. Its main ainn is to foster Tamil language and culture, by organising activities among its members and the Tamil community at large. The other activities include the Unifund Project to provide assistance to the universities in the North and East of Sri Lanka and the publication of "Kalappai, a quarterly Tamil magazine. To promote the study of the language and culture, SUTS conducts competitions in poetry, oral communication skills, speech, literary writing and debates which it is hoped would result in greater awareness and understanding. This year's competition which was held on 30th March drew an audience of over 500 and raised over 3600 dollars. All participants in the competition were presented with a 'Certificate of Participation'. The best individual performers and teams were awarded "Memorial Shields' donated by Tamil Organisations and public spirited individuals.


Page 33
15 APRIL 1996
IMMIGRATION, ASYLUM, NATION
CAL US FOR FRIENDLY
Rengan N. Devarajan
SOLOTORS
UNDERSLANDING LEGA. ADVICE
O8-478 5797
EMERGENCIESMOBLE O336 54.429
1ST FLOOR, 128 ILFORD LANE, ILFORD, ESSEX
ALSO;
O LANDLORD - e WELFARE / HC O MARIMONIA
• POUCESTATIC e PERSONAL IN
Kalappai, the Tamil quarterly is published by a group mainly of students. lts target readership is Tamils of all ages, while its principal goals are to promote the Tamil language and to give an opportunity to budding Tamil writers to express themselves along with the more experienced writers in the community. The annual subscription is 15 Australian dollars.
The Unifund Project was launched in response to requests for assistance from the Jaffna and Eastern Universities. The aim of the project is to (a) Supply books and journals to the libraries of these universities. (b) Provide financial aid to the students through bursaries etc through the Vice Chancellor's Welfare Funds. (c) Supply equipment (computers, audiovisual aids, laboratory equipment etc). (d) Encourage overseas academics, medical, scientific and technical professionals to take up honorary teaching positions and to exchange ideas with their colleagues. The society communicates directly with the Vice Chancellors of these universities and remits funds by bank transfer to their Welfare Fund Accounts. The following has been achieved (a) 93/94 Shipment of donated books (approx $26500), 94/95 Medical books to the value of $620, 95/96 Direct funding of $15000 to the Jaffna and Eastern Universities. (b) Computer (486 DX66) & printer, value $3500 to the University of Jaffna. (c) Contribution to the Jaffna Science Association $1500. (d) Contribution to the Dept of Psychiatry, University of Jaffna $1000.
The Society would appreciate generous contributions and would like to know how other overseas similar organisations function and aid these universities in North East Sri Lanka.
Please contact Vasuki Tel: (O2) 642 3639. Fax. (O2) 736 1803.
The Tamil Senior Citizens' Association of Sydney made an appeal to the Australian Government to intervene and bring about an immediate cease-fire in North and East Sri Lanka, and ensure the safety of the people rendered homeless. A request was also made for urgent action to alleviate the sufferings of the refugees. The Prime Minister and other ministers acknowledged the Association's letters and briefly stated that a sum of $500,000 has been approved as aid and also that the government is prepared to bring about a
negotiated settlemet has made a contributi the TRO Emergency the refugees in North
British Churc For Help t
A petition of over 300 Christians across the by Dr. Julian Pedley, to The Hon. Mr. J Foreign Minister, thro, for Sri-Lanka at the A Commonwealth Offic 7/12/95, urging the B. do all it can to brin, peaceful settlement to War in Sri-Lanka. Ti memberS Of fhe HOM mittee expressed their Cost of human lives innocent CivilianS ha climate of uncertainty was a severe shortag medicines, imploring ment to encourage fra dent information and a North of Sri-Lanka.
The delegation fron with the Sri-Lanka Hig Excellency Mr. S. K. W offices in London on grave apprehensions regarding the refuge the speeding up of f ãዘገC69.
HOMSA - Hope C South Asia is a Brit Charity that has bee reconciliation and meaningful ways, thro Sri-Lanka & South ln years. Amongst its ma are FRural Medical CI Programme, Clergy and Vocational Tra working across the eth of Sri-Lanka amongs Sinhalese, bringing disadvantaged and m, Dr. Julian Pedley - Sultant and former He Keynes together with ary, Dr. Sam Muthuve, the rounds of several C encouraging prayer a for the several hundre refugees who have be ing the recent Sri-Lan,
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 3.3
ALITY & CRIMINAL SOLICTORS N
ENANT ISSUES USING
ISSUES )NI ADVICE URY CLAIMS
G 2LE
rt. The association on of $1250 towards Relief Fund in aid of Sri Lanka.
ches Appeal O Tamils
signatures of British
UK was presented hairman of HOMSA eremy Hanley the ugh his Desk Officer finistry of Foreign & eS in Whitehall On ritish Government to g about a just and the 13 years of civil he delegation of 5 SA Executive Comdeep concern at the
and suffering the ld to endure in a and fear where there e of food, water and the British Govern2e access, independequate relief in the
in HOMSA alSO met h Commissioner His ckremesinghe in his 8/2/96 voicing their as to the situation as and beseeching umanitarian aSSist
lutreach Ministries ish based Christian in seeking to bring relief in se veral Lugh the nationals of fia over the last ten ny practical projects nics, Foster Parent Retirement Homes ning Programmes, nic divide in all parts t both Tamils and ope and relief to rginalised people. Public Health Conalth Chief of Milton he General Secretpe have been doing hurches and groups ld material support ds of thousands of 2n displaced followa Military offensive
ironically code-named Operation SunShinel
The HOMSA Rural Medical Clinic in the North of Sri-Lanka has been Overrun with refugees fleeing the military theatres of conflict, now taking shelter in the adjoining church, with the HOMSA workers on the ground needing to care for several hundreds of displaced persons, providing them with food, clothing, and basic medicines. The human suffering, emotional pains and physical needs are immensely great considering the meagre resources of both personnel and material that is available on the ground.
Dr. Pedley and Dr. Muthuveloe were interviewed on two occasions by BBC Eastern Counties Radio on prime listener time, discussing the refugee crisis and making an appeal on behalf of the displaced persons, for a reconciliation of the conflict and relief for the refugees.
Kingston institute Celebrates Tenth Anniversary
The Kingston Institute of Tamil Culture celebrated its 10th Anniversary and the Tamil New Year with two entertaining evenings of Cultural shows in The Holy Cross Convent School Hall in New Malden. The Mayoress of Kingston, Iris Grin der, the local Member of Parliament, Rt. Hon. Richard Tracey M.P., Anita Pollock M.E.P. and Sister Elizabeth of Holy Cross were the Chief Guests.
Children between the ages of 4 and 17 took part and produced some excellent dance, drama and musical items. Mr. Tracey, paying a glowing tribute to the Institute, said it was enriching the Kingston Borough with its wonderful culture.
The Kingston Institute of Tamil Culture was inaugurated on the 19th April 1986. It now has over 120 pupils, 15 staff and several volunteers. Lessons are held at Holy Cross Convent School, Sandal Road, New Malden, Surrey on Saturdays from 9 am to 1 pm. Classes are open to all.


Page 34
34 TAM TIMES
J. KULENDRAN
Beddington insurance Services (Wimbledon) Ltd
157A Hartfield Road, 96 Sudbury Avenue, Wimbledon, North Wembley,
London SW 19 3TU Middlesex HAO 3BG Te: O181-543 5181 Te: O181-9049686
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O Business Insurance O Liability O indemnity, etc.
Fully Computerised Guaranteed Quotes and instant Cover For Motor Vehicles Payment by instalments Available
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LONDON - MADRAS is TRICHY-TRWANDRAM
ARLANIKA 375 AIRLANKA
AIR INDIA 410 MALAYSIA
GULF AIR 410
நீங்கள் தொடர்புகொள்ளவேண்டியவர்கள்: Harry Mah
Woodgreen Bussiness Centre, 235 High Road, Woodgreen, Llo
0181-889 8486 MOBILE: O9565
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

15 APRIL 1995
Solicitors and Administrators of Oaths We offer friendly legal service on O Conveyancing (Sale and O immigration
Purchase-houses, Flats O Divorce and Matrimonial
Commercial property) O Civil and Criminal Litigation O Partnership agreement, O Landlord and Tenant
Power of attorney, O Employment
last wills etc.
Legal Aid also available Please Ring B. Balaraman
Address: 101 Wakefield Street, East Ham, London E61NR Telephone: 0181-548 8808
MMGRATION SOLICTOR
Asylum Applications/Asylum Appeals
Extended Stay/Permanent Residence Visas for Elderly Parents, Wives,
Visitors, Students k Citizenship . Also Other Appeals
Nearly 700 Tamil clients acted for up to now Legal Aid Available
Phone/Fax: Tony Paterson 2TERSON On 0181-748 8532
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TRA VEL LTD *Šo
ளுக்கு கிரமமான, நம்பிக்கையான சேவை. 5 தினங்கள்)
ப்பட்ட பொருள்கள் வரை.
க்கு விசேட கட்டணம்.
னங்கள். ப்பாவனை மின்சார உபகரணங்களுக்கு வரிவிலக்கு.
ல்தர துரித விடுவிப்பு வசதிகள் அளிக்கப்படுகின்றன.
LONDON -
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endran Asoka Fernando or Nagabalan(Nags) Suite 412, Ashley House, ဗွိုမျို။ con N22 4HF. DAYS
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Page 35
15 APRIL 1996
GLEN EXPRES
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Twice a
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Return possibl
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Major Credit C
Fares tO AuS
 
 

TAMIL TIMES 35
STRAVELLTD
ate, London W113LF )8 Fax: O171243 8277
a Week
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ure Saturday O.m.
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sal
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ards accepted
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r


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